Skip to main content

Full text of "Annual report for the year ..."

See other formats

r  V I 

1 .-iV .', 

Union Calendar No. 534 

85th Congress, 2d Session 

House Repon No. 1360 



FEBRUARY 3, 1958 

(Original Release Date) 

Februarv 19, 1958. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House 
on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed 

Prepared and released by the 

Committee on Un-American Activities, U. S. House of Representatives 

Washington, D. C. 

United States House of Representatives 

FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 


CLYDE DOYLE, California DONALD L. JACKSON, California 


EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana ROBERT J. McINTOSH, Michigan 

Richard Arens, Staff Director 

1 Mr. Frazier resigned from the committee and was replaced by Hon, William M. Tuck of Virginia on 
January 16, 1958. 


Union Calendar No. 534 

85th Congress ) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES j Report 
2d Session j t No. 1360 


February 19, 1958. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the 
State of the Union and ordered to be printed 

Mr. Walter, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, submitted the following 


[Pursuant to H. Res. 5, 85th Cong.] 



Section I: Page 

Summary 1 

Omnibus Security Bill , 4 

Publications 6 

Reference Service 8 

Contempt Proceedings 8 

Section II. Communist Political Subversion 13 

Section III. Communism in Local Areas 21 

N ew Orleans, La 21 

New Haven, Conn 23 

Baltimore, Md 24 

San Francisco, Calif 27 

Buffalo, N. Y 30 

Section IV. Communist Propaganda 33 

Foreign Language Press 34 

Communist Press in Chicago 36 

Buffalo Distribution Center 37 

Metropolitan Music School, Inc 37 

Section V. Communist Penetration of Communications Facilities 41 

Section VI. International Communism: 

The Ideological Fallacies of Communism 45 

Rabbi S. Andhil Fineberg 45 

Bishop Fulton J. Sheen 46 

Dr. Daniel A. Poling 48 

The Communist Mind 48 

Communist Penetration of Malaya and Singapore 49 

Red China and the Far East 50 

Red Terror in Hungary 51 

Communist Conquest of the Baltic States 52 

The Communist Trade Offensive 53 

The Present Posture of the Free World 54 

Section VII. Who Are They?: 

Nikita Khrushchev 57 

Nikolai Bulganin 58 

Mao Tse-tung 59 

Chou En-lai 59 

Marshals Zhukov and Konev 60 

Walter LUbricht and Janos Kadar 60 

Marshal Tito and Wladyslaw Gomulka 61 

Kim II Sung and Ho Chi Minh 62 

Maurice Thorez and Palmiro Togliatti 62 

Appendix 65 

Index i 


Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 


17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 



(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa^ 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places 'within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or hjus adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the productioTi of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


Rule XII 


Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris- 
diction of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent re- 
ports and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch 
of the Government. 


House Resolution 5, January 3, 1957 
* ****** 

Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 


(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 


powers and duties of committees 


17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


26. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by 
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 




Nineteen hundred and fifty-seven has been one of the greatest years 
of triumph for the Kremhn and its confederates throughout the free 

The hearings and investigations of the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities during the past year have brought to light various 
aspects of these successes. Together they lead to the inescapable 
conclusion that the menace of the international Communist apparatus 
increases each day. 

The Soviet satellite in outer space has presented fresh evidence of 
Soviet Russia's technological progress — a progress made possible to a 
large degree by the penetration of our internal defenses by Soviet 
conspirators and their theft of some of our most vital military and 
scientific secrets. 

The circumference of the free world in the past months has shrunk 
further; the epic propaganda setback dealt the Soviet Union by the 
Hungarian revolution has been largely overcome; the struggle for 
power within the Kremlin has brought new strength to Khrushchev; 
America's allies and the so-called neutral nations of the world confront 
the Communist challenge irresolute and divided. 

Within the United States, the Communist apparatus has evolved 
new implements of political conquest. These have found root in, 
and have in turn contributed to, a dangerous climate of complacency 
which itself presents an acute threat to the very foundations of our 
security system. 

Communist political subversion, as disclosed by the Committee on 
Un-American Activities, presents a danger to the American people 
equaling that of Soviet satellites and long-range missiles. The Soviet 
Union would prefer to achieve its program of success without the 
physical destruction of its enemies; if the gates can be opened from 
within by dupes and Conmiunist agents, overt aggression by the Soviet 
Union will obviously be unnecessary. This would be a fulfillment of 
Lenin's prophecy made at the inception of the international Com- 
munist empire: 

First we will take Eastern Europe, then the masses of Asia, 
then we will encircle the United States, which will be the last 
bastion of capitalism. We will not have to attack. It will 
fall like an overripe fruit into our hands. 

The Communist Party, since the upheaval which ensued after 
Stalin's death, has lost considerable numerical membership. Many 
former party stalwarts have been expelled or have resigned. Never- 
theless, the Communist leadership in the United States has proved 


itself equal to its assigned task. In a fundamental shift of tactics, 
their former cries for revolution and forcible overthrow of the Gov- 
ernment have been muted and replaced by more subtle calls for "peace- 
ful coexistence," "universal disarmament," and the like. 

It is essential to remember, however, that the effectiveness of the 
Communist operation bears no relationship to the size of the party 
as a formal entity. A compact, hard-core elite can be and is of 
greater value to the Kremlin than would be an unwieldly mass of 
undisciplined and vagarious adherents. 

The fallacy of trying to appraise the Communist threat in terms of 
numbers, declared Dr. Frederick C. Schwarz,' is like — 

trying to determine the validity of the hull of the boat by re- 
lating the area of the holes to the area which is sound. One 
hole can sink the ship. Communism is the theory of the dis- 
ciplined few controlling and directing the rest. One person 
in a sensitive position can control, manipulate, and, if neces- 
sary, destroy thousands of others. 

Notwithstanding the eruptions which have occurred in the Com- 
munist Party in the United States and the resignation of several key 
officials of the party, the Communist operation today presents a 
menace more serious than ever before. 

Reasonably, it may be asked, "How is this possible?" There are 
three principal explanations: 

1. The Communist apparatus is employing new applications of its 
historic united-front program in which Communists penetrate and 
obtain positions of influence in nominally non-Communist organiza- 
tions whose programs they can exploit in pursuance of objectives 
desired by the Kremlin. These tactics accord with classic Communist 
doctrine. They were concisely formulated by the former Secretary 
General of the Communist International, Georgi Dimitrov, at the 
Lenin School of revolutionary leadership in Moscow in the following 
words : 

As Soviet power grows, there will be a greater aversion 
to Communist parties everywhere. So we must practice the 
techniques of withdrawal. Never appear in the foreground; 
let our friends do the work. We must always remember that 
one sjTnpathizer is generally worth more than a dozen mili- 
tant Communists. A university professor, who without 
being a party member lends himself to the interests of the 
Soviet Union, is worth more than a hundred men with party 
cards. A writer of reputation, or a retired general, are worth 
more than 500 poor devils who don't know any better than to 
get themselves beaten up by the police. Every man has 
his value, his merit. The writer who, without being a party 
member, defends the Soviet Union, the union leader who is 
outside our ranks but defends Soviet international policy, is 
worth more than a thousand party members. * * * 

Those who are not party members or marked as Commu- 
nists enjoy greater freedom of action. This dissimulated 
activity which awakes no resistance is much more effective 
than a frontal attack by the Communists. Our friends must 

• See International Communism (The Communist Mind), staflf consultation with Frederick Charles 
Schwarz, May 29. 1957. 


confuse the adversary for us, cany out our main directives, 
mobUize in favor of our campaign people who do not think as 
we do, and whom we could never reach. In this tactic we 
must use everyone who comes near us; and the number 
grows every day. 

The current operation of the Communist apparatus in the United 
States can be traced directly to the epochal restatement of Soviet 
policy by Nikita Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Com- 
munist Party, at which time he promulgated a united-front program 
as a substitute? for the Stalinist program that had alienated party 
members and potential converts throughout the world. 

In "The Great Pretense," a S3'-mposium on the 20th Party Congress 
published by the Committee on Un-American Activities, a group of 
experts warned that — 

the leaders of the Soviet Union have launched a new tactical 
maneuver which is fraught with dangers for the United 
States. As a result of the February 1956 meeting of the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the forces of inter- 
national communism haAC adopted new tactics to accomplish 
three objectives: (1) Appeasement of discontent within the 
Soviet sphere; (2) extension of neutralism abroad through 
a united front with socialism; (3) weaken and discredit 
anti-Communists within the United States.^ 

2. As the formal party structure recedes from view, it is being re- 
placed by a widespread underground apparatus, duplicating beneath 
the surface all of the mechanisms of Communist Party activities: 
printing and publication of Communist Party propaganda, formula- 
tion of Communist strategy, leadership of the Communist apparatus. 

3. The Coimnunist operation, above and below the surface, is part 
of a worldwide conspiracy backed by all of the material, financial, 
and educational resources of the 900 million people of the Soviet 
Empire. At the very time that the Communist Daily Worker sus- 
pends pubUcation because of "lack of funds," the Kremhn is reaching 
1,000 times the circulation of the Daily Worker through pohtical 
propaganda which floods this country every day, as part of a multi- 
billion dollar operation exceeding by many times the cost entailed in 
the publication of the Dailv Worker. 

During the past 3'ear the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities was able to uncover new areas of Communist infiltration 
of industry and the arts. It brought to light Communist penetra- 
tion of the communications systems of key Governrnent agencies 
and the deluge of Communist propaganda through various pipelines 
to minority and nationality groups in the United States. 

Acting on connective links supplied by United States counterspy 
Boris Morros, the committee found further ramifications of the Com- 
munist underground apparatus — including the penetration of Com- 
munists into the councils of the United States Congi-ess itself.^ 

The story of Boris Morros has a significance far beyond the valuable 
and patriotic exploits through which he was able to unmask agents 
of the international Soviet apparatus. It demonstrates, with new 

' A detailed analysis of this Communist Party operation can be found in The Great Pretense, A Sym- 
posium on Antl-Stalhilsm and the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, and in Soviet Total 
War, "Historic Mission" of Violence and Deceit, vols. I and II. 

> See testimony of Wilfred Lumer appearing in Investigation of Soviet Kspionage, released February 

20006 O -58 -2 


emphasis, the constant, secret warfare of the Communist empire 
against the United States and its free world alhes. As Mr. Morros 
himself has stated in his consultations with the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, tlie people of the United States must be made 
conscious of the "great danger that looks us straight in the eye. It 
is much more dangerous, and much more serious, than any of us can 
ev(]i imagine." The danger is heightened by the fact that it lies 
hidden from our ^'ie^\' and stems in many cases from persons who 
would not ordinarily be suspect as agents of the Kremlin. It is 
instructive that Morros himself, regarded by the Soviets as u key 
instrument of espioiiage in the West, had no affiliation with the Com- 
munist Party or any Communist fronts. This explains how anyone 
in such a capacity can swear under oath that he is not a Communist 
and never has l^een a Commimist and yet can be an important part of 
the Soviet apparatus. 



The work of the conuuittee over the ])ast years has revealed exten- 
sive inadequacies in anti-Communist legislation. During the last 
session of the Congress the chairman of the committee introduced a 
com])rehensive omnibus security bill, H. R. 9532, to strengthen the 
hand of tlie Government in dealing with a wide range of Communist 

This onmibus securitv bill was refined and revised bv a new bill, 
H. R. 9937, introduced ))y the Chairman on January 13, 1958. It is 
entitled "The Internal Security Amendments Act of 1958" and amends 
the Internal Security Act of 1950 b}^ — 

(1) Precluding a])atement of proceedings before the Subversive 
Activities Control Board by reason of the dissolution, reorganization, 
or change of name of a respondent organization. The purpose of this 
amendment is to counter the Communist technique of changing the 
name or formal, technical structure of an organization in order to 
avoid the consequences of an adverse finding by the Subversive 
Activities Control Board. 

(2) Making it a misdemeanor for any person to misbehave before 
congressional committees. 

(3) Prohibiting Communist lawyers from practicing before execu- 
tive departments and congressional committees. 

(4) Redefining the term "organize" (as used in the Smith Act). 
The purpose of this amendment is to overcome the effect of the 
decision of the Supreme Court in the Yates case which construed the 
term "organize" to mean only the original formation of a group. 

(5) Permitting the enforcement in State courts of State sedition 
statutes. The purpose of this amendment is to overcome the effect 
of the decision of the Supreme Court in the Nelson case nullifying 
State sedition statutes. 

(6) Protecting the security of confidential Government files. 
During the 1st session of the 85th Congress, Public Law 85-269, was 
enacted in an attempt to overcome the effect of the decision of the 
Supreme Court in the Jenck's case and the Court of Appeals decision 
on the Subversive Activities Control Board's opinion in the case of the 
Communist Party. Public Law 85-269 is applicable only to criminal 


cases, whereas the amendment in the omnibus security bill is applicable 
to any proceeding (i. e., income tax, claims cases) as well as criminal 
proceedings in which confidential Government files may be subject 
to disclosure. Under Public Law 85-269, moreover, the test of admis- 
sibility is relevancy, while under the omnibus security bill the test of 
admissibility in the first instance is whether or not the security of the 
United States would be jeopardized. 

(7) Permitting, under safeguards, disclosure of certain intercepted 
security information. 

(8) Prohibiting the unauthorized disclosure of certain defense 

(9) Making it an offense to use a false name for the purpose of 
procuring employment in defense facilities. 

(10) Extending the statute of limitations for certain seditious and 
subversive activities. 

(11) Ex-panding the provisions of the Foreign. Agents Registration 
Act by — 

(a) Bringing within the coverage of the definition of "foreign 
principal" an organization which is "supervised, directed, con- 
trolled, or financed, in whole or in part, by any foreign govern- 
ment or foreign political party," regardless of whether the organ- 
ization is supervised by a foreign government. 

(6) Including within the registration requirements of the 
Foreign Agents Registration Act persons who have used the 
existing exemption for certain commercial activities to disseminate 

(c) Eliminating cumbersome criteria pertaining to the form of 
political propaganda subject to the provisions of the act. 

(d) Establishing in the Bureau of Customs an office of a 
comptroller of foreign propaganda and fixing responsibility for 
the control of foreign political propaganda. 

(12) Permitting immigration officers to be detailed for duty in 
foreign countries and empowering such officers to exercise certain 
functions with respect to issuance of visas. 

(13) Permitting the detention and supervision of certain aliens 
under order of deportation. 

(14) Requiring the Attorne}' General to report to the Congress 
certain waivers in the administration of the immigration laws. 

(15) Canceling natm-alization procured illegally, by concealment 
of a material fact or by willful misrepresentation. 

(16) Revoking citizenship to one who becomes a part of the official 
apparatus of a Communist country without the consent of the United 
States Government. 

(17) Strengthening passport security and travel control by — 

(a) Prohibiting travel in violation of passport regulations even 
though there may be no technical state of war. 

(6) Precluding the issuance of passports to persons concerning 
whom there is reasonable ground to believe that they are going 
abroad for the purpose of engaging in activities which will further 
the aims and objectives of the Communist Party, or other 
subversive groups. 

(c) Authorizing the withholding of passports to persons whose 
activities abroad would violate the laws of the United States, 
be prejudicial to the orderly conduct of foreign relations or be 
prejudicial to the interests of the United States. 


During the coming year it will be the purpose of the committee to 
call a number of witnesses who are known to have in their possession 
information and documentation relating to one or another of the 
sections of the proposed omnibus bill. 


During the past year the committee made an important contribution 
toward clearer understanding of the nature of the Communist con- 
spiracy through a series of pubhcations. These included reports on 
Communist political subversion, the campaign to destroy the secm-ity 
programs of the United States Government; Operation Abolition, 
dealing with the current program to cripple the FBI, the Subversive 
Activities Control Board, and the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities; analysis of Communist activities in critical areas_ abroad, 
and biographies of Communist leaders in the Soviet Union, the 
satelKte states, and the Free World. 

The committee printed approximately 376,000 copies of its hearings 
and reports during 1957. Of the above number of publications, ap- 
proximately 285,000 were distributed to the public. In many 
instances, tlic demands for the committee's pubhcations far exceed 
the number of copies allotted under present printing regulations. 

In order to comply with requests, it was necessary for the com- 
mittee to have reprinted approximately 125,000 copies of its publi- 
cations of previous years. 

It is gratifying to note that students and faculty members of schools 
and colleges have requested information for use in classes being 
conducted on the Communist menace; and, according to their re- 
quests, a great many of the committee's publications are used for 
reference purposes in these studies. 

Following is a complete list of committee liearings and reports for 
the 1st session of the 85th Congress: 


International Communist Propaganda Activities, January 30, 1957 
International Communism (Red China and the Far East) — Chiu- 

Yuan Hu— February 1, 1957 
Investigation of Communist Propaganda in the United States — 

Part 4 — New Orleans, La., Area, February 14, 1957 
Investigation of Communist Propaganda in the United States — 

Part 5— New York City Area, March 12 and 13, 1957 
Investigation of Communist Propaganda in the United States — 

Part 6— Now York City Area, March 14 and 15, 1957 
Investigation of Communist Propaganda in the United States — 

Part 7— Chicago, III, Area, March 26 and 27, 1957 
Investigation of Communist Propaganda in the United States — 

Part 8— Buffalo, N. Y., October 1, 1957 
Investigation of Communist Activities in the New Orleans, La., Ai-ea, 

February 15, 1957 
Investigation of Communist Activities in the New Haven, Conn., 

Area— Part 3— February 26 and 27, 1957 
Investigation of Communism in the Metropolitan Music School, Inc., 

and Related Fields— Part 1— April 9 and 10, 1957 


Investigation of Communism in the Metropolitan Music School, Inc., 
and Related Fields — Part 2 — February 7 and 8; April 11 and 12, 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Baltimore, Md., Area — 
Part 1— Maj- 7 and 8, 1957 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Baltimore, Md., Area — 
Part 2— May 9, 1957 

Hearings Held in San Francisco, Calif. — Part 1 — June 18 and 19, 1957 

Hearings Held in San Francisco, Calif. — Part 2 — ^June 20 and 21, 1957 

Investigation of the Unauthorized Use of United States Passports — 
Part 5— July 26, 1957 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Newark, N. J., Area 
(supplemental) July 24, 1957 

Investigation of Communist Penetration of Communications Facil- 
ities—Part 1— July 17, 18, 19; August 2 and 9.. 1957 

Investigation of Communist Penetration of Communications Facil- 
ities—Part 2— October 9, 1957 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Buffalo, N. Y., Area — 
Part 1— October 2, 1957 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Buffalo, N. Y., Area — 
Part 2— October 3 and 4, 1957 

International Communism (Revolt in the Satellites) — 1956 ' — Dr. Jan 
Karski, Mihail Farcasanu, Joseph Lipski, Monsignor Bela V&,rga, 
Bela Fabian, Stevan Barankovics, Stanislaw Mikolajczyk, Ferenc 
Nagy— October 29, 30; November 1, 17, 20, 1956 

International Conmiunism (Revolt in the Satellites) — 1957 — Janos 
Horvath & Sandor Kiss— March 20, 1957 

International Communism (Communist Control of Estonia) — August 
Rei— May 10, 1957 

International Communism (The Communist Mind) — Frederick 
Charles Schwarz— May 29, 1957 

International Communism (Communist Penetration of Malaya and 
Singapore) — Kuo-Shuen Chang — May 29, 1957 

International Communism (The Communist Trade Offensive) — 
Joseph Anthony Marcus, Christopher Emmet, Nicolas de Roche- 
fort— June 26, 1957 

International Communism (The Present Posture of the Free World) — 
Constantine Bro"\^Ti — October 21, 1957 

International Communism (Espionage) (Excerpts of Consultation 
With Counterspy Boris Morros) — August 16, 1957 

The Ideological Fallacies of Communism — Rabbi S. Andhil Fineberg, 
Bishop Fulton J. Sheen, Dr. Daniel A. Poling — September 4, 25; 
October 18, 1957 


Report on Communist Pohtical Subversion — (The Campaign To 
Destroy the Security Programs of the United States Govern- 
ment) — House Report 1182 — August 16, 1957 

"Operation Abolition" (The Campaign Against the House Coni- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, The Federal Bureau of Investi- 
gation, The Government Security Program by the Emergency 
Civil Liberties Committee and Its Affiliates) — November 8, 1957 

> This consultation held in 1956; not printed until 1957. 


Who Are They?— Khrushchev and Bulganin (U. S. S. R.)— Part 1— 

July 12, 1957 
Who Are They? — Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai (Communist 

China)— Part 2— August 23, 1957 
Who Are They?— Georgi Zhukov and Ivan Konev (U. S. S. R.)— 

Part 3— August 30, 1957 
Who Are They? — Walter Ulbricht and Janos Kadar (East Germany 

and Hungary)— Part 4 — September 1957 
Who Are They? — Josip Broz Tito and Wladyslaw Gomulka (Yugo- 
slavia and Poland) — Part 5 — October 11, 1957 
Who Are They? — Kim II Sung and Ho Chi Minh (North Korea and 

North Viet-Nam)— Part 6— October 25, 1957 
Who Are They? — Maurice Thorez and Palmiro Togliatti (France and 

Italy)— Part 7— November 22, 1957 
Annual Report for the Year 1957 


Based upon extensive hearings, reports, and an ever-expanding 
collection of source material, a specialized reference service is main- 
tained by the Committee for Members of the Congress, executive 
agencies of the Government, and the committee's staff. 

In 1957, there were 1,105 requests from Members of the Congress 
for information on 3,562 individuals and on 721 organizations, peri- 
odicals, and general subjects. 

In addition there were 1,104 staff requests for information on 6,178 
individuals, and on 665 organizations, periodicals, and general subjects. 
All of these were answered with written reports. 


The House of Representatives, in 1957, voted contempt citations 
against Louis Earl Hartman, Frank Grumman, and Bernard Silber, 
who, as witnesses before the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
refused to answer pertinent questions. These citations have been 
certified to the proper United States district courts for prosecutive 
action. All three citations occurred subsequent to the decision in the 
Watkins case. 

The decision in the case of Watkins v. United States (354 U. S. 178) 
was handed down by the Supreme Court of the United States on 
June 17, 1957. Prior to this decision, it was well recognized that a 
witness before a congressional committee must decide the question of 
pertinency at his peril. The Watkins decision adds the new concept 
that "fundamental fairness" requires that the subject of the inquiry 
and the pertinency of the questions be "undisputably clear" to a 
witness compelled to decide at his peril whether to answer committee 
questions. This new concept is couched in the following language: 

Unless the subject matter has been made to appear with 
undisputed clarity, it is the duty of the investigative body, 
upon objection of the witness on grounds of pertinency, to 
state for the record the subject under inquiry at that time and 
the manner in which the propounded questions are pertinent 
thereto. To be meaningful, the explanation must describe 


what the topic under inquiiy is, and the connective reasoning 
whereby the precise questions asked relate to it. 

The Court pointed out that there are several sources that can 
outline the "question under inquiry" in such a way that the rules 
against vagueness are satisfied. It was asserted that — 

The authorizing resolution, the remarks of the chairman 
or members of the committee, or even the nature of the pro- 
ceedings themselves might sometimes make the topic clear. 

On the 18th of June, 1957, the day following the decision in the 
Watkins case, committee hearings were begun in San Francisco. Of 
the witnesses appearing, 29, in reliance upon the decision in the 
Watkins case, objected to questions on the grounds of pertinency. 
The attention of each witness was called to the detailed statement 
made by the chairman at the opening of the hearing regarding the 
subject and purpose of the inquiry and the fact that the questions 
for the most part were pertinent on their face. In addition, full 
explanation was made by counsel for the committee of the subject 
under inquiry and the connective reasoning whereby the precise 
questions asked related to the subject. All but one of the witnesses 
abandoned sole reliance upon the decision in the Watkins case and 
assigned as a further ground for refusal to answer, privilege under the 
self-incrimination clause of the fifth amendment to the Constitution. 


The one exception to the use of the fifth amendment was the witness 
Louis Earl Hartman. Hartman, at the time he was subpenaed before 
the committee, was engaged as a radio broadcaster in Berkeley, Calif. 
Among other things, he was asked to advise the committee of the 

? resent propaganda activities of a professional cell of the Communist 
'arty in Berkeley, and his own membership in that cell. Hartman 
was cited for contempt by the House of Representatives for his 
refusal to answer pertment questions, and the case was referred to 
the United States attorney in San Francisco for prosecutive action. 


An investigation of Communist penetration of communications 
facilities was instituted by the committee in the summer of 1957. 
Frank Grumman, then employed as a radio operator by RCA Com- 
munications, Inc., but temporarily on leave of absence, as secretary- 
treasurer of Local 10 of the American Communications Association, 
was subpenaed to appear as a witness on July 17, 1957; and Bernard 
Silber, service writer for Western Union Telegraph Co., was sub- 
penaed as a witness on August 2, 1957. Both witnesses, in the 
performance of their duties, had access to Government security coded 
messages. In reliance upon the Watkins and Sweezy cases, and not 
upon the self-incrimination clause of the fifth amendment, the wit- 
nesses refused to answer pertinent questions relating to the subject 
under inquiry, for which they were cited for contempt by the House of 
Representatives, and certifications of the citations were transmitted 
to the United States attorney for the District of Columbia for prose- 
cutive action. 



The conviction of Marcus Singer, a witness before this committee 
on May 26, 1953, was reversed by an order of the United States Court 
of Appeals for the District of Columbia. Although the order of dis- 
missal was entered on June 28, 1957, it was not disclosed publicly until 
July 10, 1957. The order was summarily entered and was not accom- 
panied by an opinion. This action was based on the holding of the 
Supreme Court in the Waikins case. 


On January 16, 1958, the United States Court of Appeals for the 
District of Columbia, by a divided opinion,^ upheld for the second time 
the conviction of Lloyd Barenblatt, who had been cited for contempt 
arising from his appearance before the committee on June 28, 1954. 
The case had been remanded to the Court of Appeals by the United 
States Supreme Court which, on June 24, 1957, had vacated Baren- 
blatt's conviction in the light of its decision in the Watkins case. 

The appellant relied mainly on two points in the Court of Appeals: 
first, that the opinion of the Supreme Court in the Wafkins case struck 
down the resolution creating the standing Committee on Un-American 
Activities; and second, assuming that was not the case, that part of 
the opinion in the Watkins case relating to pertinency required a dis- 
missal. In holding against the appellant's contention on the first issue, 
the Court, in its majority opinion, demonstrated that the Supreme 
Court, by its Watkins decision, did not strike down the committee 
resolution. As to the second issue, the Court described the length to 
which the committee went in indicating to the appellant the pertinency 
of the questions, even though the question of pertinency was not 
raised by Kim, and concluded, under the standards laid down by the 
Supreme Court, that Barenblatt was made fully aware of the subject 
under inquiry, and was in a position to judge the pertinency of the 

The decision reached in this case was given after careful considera- 
tion of the Supreme Court's decisions in the Watkins and Sweezy 


ArthuT- Miller, a playwright, was convicted of contempt of Congress 
prior to the decision in the Watkins case, for refusing to answer material 
questions before the Committee on Un-American Activities. After 
the decision was handed down by the Supreme Court in the Watkins 
case, a motion was made to acquit notwithstanding the finding of 
guilty by the court. This motion was granted as to a count in the 
indictment involving a question as to which Miller had raised the 
point of pertinency at the time of questioning. The motion was 
denied as to the remaining count and from this action of the court, 
Miller appealed. A motion for summary reversal based on the 
court's action in the Singer case was then made in the United States 
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. On January 23, 1958, 
the appellate court denied this motion for summary reversal and 
Miller is now required to prosecute his appeal in the normal way. 

I The majority opinion of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia in the case of 
Barenblatt v. United States, is set forth in full as an appendix, see p. 65. 



Otto Nathan, a naturalized citizen of the United States, was ques- 
tioned by the committee on the 12th day of June 1956, in the course 
of a hearing relating to passports. He was convicted under the con- 
tempt statute for having refused to answer pertinent questions. After 
the decision in the Watkins case, a motion was made by Nathan to 
acquit notwithstanding the previous finding of guilty by the court. 
la view of the objection on the grounds of pertinency made by Nathan 
during the committee hearing, the court, in applying the decision in 
the Watkins case, granted the motion. 


Horace Chandler Davis, a member of the faculty of the University 
of Michigan, was tried in 1956 under an indictment charging him 
with contempt of CongrCvSs by reason of his refusal to answer certain 
questions propounded by the Committee on Un-American Activities. 
On June 25, 1957, the court found Davis guilty and imposed a sen- 
tence of 6 months in prison and a fine of $250. In a written opinion, 
the court held that the Watkins decision was not applicable or con- 
trolling as to the issues before the court. An appeal was taken by 
the defendant. 


Bolza Baxter, a witness before this committee on the 5th day of 
May 1954, in Detroit, Mich., was cited for contempt as a result of 
his refusal to answer certain pertinent questions. After the decision 
in the Watkins case, a motion for acquittal was made in which it 
was contended that Baxter raised the issue of pertinency at the 
committee hearing. The motion was granted, the court basing its 
decision on the Watkins case. 


Anne Yasgur Kling, an employee in the State Headquarters of the 
Communist Party for the State of Missouri, and the acting head of 
that office in the absence of the State organizer for the Communist 
Party, was a witness before the committee at its hearing in St. Louis 
on June 6, 1956. She was indicted under the contempt statute for 
refusal to answer pertinent questions propounded by the committee. 
The court dismissed the indictment by an order entered on the 15th 
day of October 1957, basing its decision upon the Watkins case. 
Notice -of appeal was given in behalf of the Government. 

20006 O -58 -3 


A nationwide campaign of political subversion, directed by the 
Communist Party and aided by numerous aflSliate organizations, has 
spread throughout the United States during the past year as part of 
what may emerge as the most successful technique thus far devised 
by the Soviet apparatus in the United States. 

The KremUn has succeeded in enlisting, at a conservative estimate, 
more than a million Americans into this campaign. Their participa- 
tion has ranged from membership in the farflung network of Com- 
mimist-front organizations to the signing of Communist-sponsored 
petitions, and has included substantial financial contributions. It is 
fair to say that many of these people would be aghast if they under- 
stood the full import of their activities and the extent to which they 
benefit the Communist conspiracy. 

The clear objective of this campaign is the destruction of the entire 
security system of the United States. More immediately, it seeks to 
cripple the antisubversive programs of the executive department and 
the Congress, to shackle or abolish the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, and to discredit the FBI and its director, J. Edgar Hoover. 

The essence of the Communist campaign is a perversion of our dem- 
ocratic processes of government by the surreptitious stimulation of 
"grass roots" pressure against anti-Communist governmental action, 
and for pro-Communist legislative objectives. 

These facts were established by the Committee on Un-American 
Activities by extensive investigations and hearings held in principal 
cities throughout the United States.^ The committee identified more 
than 200 organizations charged with carrying on the Communist pro- 
gram. Chief among these was the American Committee for Protec- 
tion of Foreign Born and its various affiliates. The testimony of 
scores of witnesses who appeared before the committee, and the 
evidence contained in thousands of documents obtained by the com- 
mittee, confirm these conclusions: 

1. Political subversion has become a paramount instrument of the 
Communist Party's program for conquest of the United States. 

2. The Communist Party, through the American Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Born and the affiliate organizations of the Ameri- 
can Committee for Protection of Foreign Born, has mobihzed all of its 
resources to render ineffective the Immigration and Nationality Act 
and other legislation bearing upon the security of the United States. 

3. By disguising its real purposes in fraudulently humane language, 
the Communist Party, through its affiliate organizations, succeeded 

• See Communist Political Subversion— hearings and appendix, November and December 1956 (pts. 1 and 
2), and H. Kept. No. 1182, August 16, 1957, The Campaign to Destroy the Security Programs of the United 
States Government. 



in duping a great number of well-intentioned citizens into collaborat- 
ing with the Communist Party in ignorance of its real objective. 

4. Although various non- Communist organizations have advocated 
amendments to the Immigration and Nationality Act and other legis- 
lation concerning the security of the United States, the overwhelming 
mass of testimony and exhibits obtnined by the Committee on Un- 
American Activities demonstrates that the spearhead of the overall 
drive for mutilation of this legislation is the Communist Party and its 

5. The Communist Party, through its camouflaged instruments of 
transmission, has subjected the platform committees of both major 
parties. State legislatures, and the Congress to letters, petitions, and 
personal appeals designed to fabricate the impression that a broad, 
popular sentiment exists for debilitating the Nation's immigration and 
security systems. 

6. Many of the proposals made in the United States Congress for 
major changes in the Immigration and Nationality Act and other 
security measures coincide with the expressed objectives of the 
Communist Party. 


Dovetailing with this program of political subversion is the nation- 
wide campaign of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, which 
scheduled more than two dozen meetings in key cities across the 
country to stimulate a barrage of letters and petitions to Members of 
the Congress and public officials calling for support of the Emergency 
Civil Liberties Committee's program. This, if successful, could un- 
dermine the secmity programs of the Government and weaken the 
Government security agencies. 

The Emergency Civil Liberties Committee's campaign was inaugu- 
rated at a rally in New York City in Carnegie Hall on September 20, 
1957. The speakers included Harvey O'Connor; Louis L. Redding, 
an attorney; Dal ton Trumbo, one of the notorious Hollywood Ten; 
Prof. Hugh H. Wilson of Princeton Universit}'- ; and Frank Wilkinson 
of Los Angeles. 

Harvey O'Connor, who has been identified in sworn public testi- 
mony as a member of the Communist Party, declared that the meet- 
ing "is historical because it opens the abolition campaign against the 
House Committee on Un-American Activities." 

Dalton Trumbo, who also has been identified in sworn public testi- 
mony as a member of the Communist Party, and who was convicted 
and sentenced for contempt of Congress for his refusal to answer 
questions before the Committee on Un-American Activities, vilified 
the committee, J. Edgar Hoover, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 
and derided a group of Hungarian patriots who were picketing the 

The objectives of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee emerged 
clearly from the Carnegie Hall program. They may be summarized 
as — 

1. Destruction of the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities ; 

2. Extinction of the investigative powers of the Congress in 
the field of subversive activities; 


3. Restriction of important functions of the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation in the investigation of subversive activities; and 

4. Creation of a general climate of opinion against the exposure 
and punishment of subversion. 

The Emergency Civil Liberties Committee was originally established 
in 1951, and attempted to represent itself as a bona fide non-Communist 
organization. In a letter of December 14, 1951, soliciting support for 
the new organization, Clark Foreman, now director of the organiza- 
tion, declared, "The new group, in case you haven't heard of it, is to 
be limited to a couple of hundred non-CP's, with an executive com- 
mittee of about nine and a director." The truth of the statement can 
be best gaged by referral to the records of the key individuals in the 

The officers ^ of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee are Harvey 
O'Connor, chairman; Corliss Lamont, vice chairman; Andrew D. 
Weinberger, treasurer; Elinor Ferry Kirstein, secretary; Clark 
Foreman, director; and Leonard B. Boudin, general counsel. 

Clark Foreman, the director of the Emergency Civil Liberties Com- 
mittee, has for the past decade been a leader in a number of pro- 
Communist organizations. His positions have included that of 
founder and president of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare; 
director of the National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions; 
vice chairman of the Washington Committee To Win the Peace; and 
vice president of the Progressive Citizens of America. 

Harvey O'Connor was identilied as a member of the Communist 
Party by Benjamin Gitlow, the Communist Party's former secretary 
general, in sworn testimony before the Committee on Un-American 
Activities on September 11 and October 17, 1939. In addition, 
O'Connor has had the following connections with Communist enter- 
prises: Contributor, March of Labor; instructor, Abraham Lincoln 
School; speaker, All-.American Anti-Imperialist League; delegate. 
League of American Writers; member, American Congress for Peace 
and Democracy; member, national committee, American League for 
Peace and Democracy; contributor, Fight Magazine; member, 
National Council, American Peace Mobilization; chairman, Chicago 
Peace Federation; delegate, Emergency Peace Mobilization; sponsor, 
China Aid Council; sponsor, National Federation for Constitutional 
Liberties; member, Citizens Committee to Free Earl Browder; speaker. 
Friends of the Soviet Union ; sponsor, Citizens Victory Committee for 
Harry Bridges; signer of open letter for closer cooperation with the 
Soviet Union, Soviet Russia Today; endorser, National Council of 
American-Soviet Friendship; member, speakers bureau. Chicago 
Council of American-Soviet Friendship; signer of call for a writers 
congress. League of American Writers; sponsor, Joint Anti-Fascist 
Refugee Committee; sponsor. League for Alutual Aid; member. Inter- 
national Labor Defense; author, International Publishers; contributor, 
New Masses. 

Leonard B. Boudin has been: Signer of statement to President 
Roosevelt defending the Communist Party; signer of statement on 
labor legislation. Federated Press; member of the National Lawyers 
Guild; guest speaker at a meeting of the Philadelphia Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Born, American Comnuttuc for Protection of 
Foreign Born. 

' See Operation Abolition — The Campaign Against the House Committer on Un American Activities, 
The Federal Bureau of Investigation, The Government Securlt: Program, Issi^ec! N'ovember 8, 1957. 
' Letterhead dated February 11, 1957. 


Corliss Lamont has been one of the foremost apologists for the 
Soviet Union in the United States. His background includes the 
following activities on behalf of the Communist conspiracy in America: 
Signer of statement in defense of the r2 leaders of the Communist 
Party, 11 of whom were convicted October 15, 1949, of conspiracy 
to teach and advocate the violent overthrow of the United States 
Government, Daily Worker, February: 28, 1949; sponsor of the 
Mother Bloor banquet; signer of statement of American Progressives 
on the Moscow purge trials; celebration of the 27th anniversary of 
the Soviet Union; contributor of numerous articles to Soviet Russia 
Today; signer of open letter for closer cooperation with the Soviet 
Union; signer of open letter in defense of Harry Bridges; member of 
the League of American Writers; member of the editorial board of the 
Book Union; author, Workers Library Publishers; author, Interna- 
tional Publishers; author. New Century Publishers; contributor of 
articles in New Masses; member of the Friends of the Soviet Union; 
member of the American Friends of Spanish Democracy; chairman 
of rally given by American Council on Soviet Relations; member, 
executive committee of American League Against War and Fascism; 
member of the Student Congress Against War; sponsor of dinner, 
American Committee To Save Refugees; signer of letter, National 
Federation for Constitutional Liberties; director of the People's Radio 
Foundation; member, sponsoring committee of the National Council 
of American-Soviet Friendship ; chairman of the Congress of American- 
Soviet Friendship; speaker, American Russian Institute; member, 
sponsoring committee, Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee; sponsor, 
Cultural and Scientific Conference for World Peace; signer of state- 
ment issued by xlmerican Committee for Protection of Foreign Born; 
nominated for L'nited States Senator, American Labor Party. 


The major adjunct of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee in 
the California area is an organization designating itself as the Citizens 
Committee To Preserve American Freedoms. Its headquarters are 
in Los Angeles. Chairman of the organization is Rev. Aaron Alan 
Heist. Executive secretaiy and coordinator of the Abolition Cam- 
paign is Frank Wilkinson. 

The Reverend Heist was a signer of the statement to the President 
of the United States defending the Communist Party, Daily Worker, 
March 5, 1941; speaker. Trade Union Committee for the Repeal of 
the Smith Act, Daily People's World, February 14, 1952; sponsor of 
banquet in honor of defense attornevs in Smith Act trial of current 
defendants. Daily People's World, ^Iay 21, 1952. 

Frank Wilkinson was identified as a member of the Communist 
Party by Anita Schneider, former undercover agent for the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation, in an appearance before the Committee on 
Un-American Activities on December 7, 1956. Wilkinson appeared 
before the subcommittee on the same day, and when confronted with 
the sworn testimony identifying him as a Communist refused to 
answer an}' questions pertaining to Communist activity. 

Wilkinson originally became a subject of investigation on October 3, 
1952, when the City Council of the city of Los Angeles asked that 
Wilkinson be called before the Committee on L^n-American Activities 


because he had invoked the fifth amendment in a superior court 
hearing in Los Angeles. At the time Wilkinson was director of public 
information for the Los Angeles Housing Authority. The West 
Coast Communist newspaper (the Daily People's World) reflected on 
October 30, 1952, that Wilkinson had been fired from his post as in- 
formation director, Los Angeles Housing Authority, because he had 
refused to answer questions pertaining to the Communist Party 
before the State senate committee investigating the city housing 
authority in Los Angeles. In addition to his identification as a 
member of the Communist Party, W^ilkinson has been associated with 
the Los Angeles Committee for Protection of Foreign Born and the 
Civil Rights Congress.^ 


The confederate organizations of the Communist Party, by con- 
cealing their true aims, their origin, and the allegiance of their 
leadership, have been able to achieve considerable success. They 
have raised millions of dollars to finance the Ivremlin's apparatus in 
the United States. They have been able to persuade great numbers 
of people that the campaign against the immigration and security 
programs is not a Communist program at all; and they have been able 
to create a climate of opinion in which attacks upon our immigration 
and security systems are made to seem an enlightened course of action. 
Within this climate, the ideas implanted by the Communist Party 
and its confederate organizations have been able to come to full 
flower. Pretending to champion the traditional concepts of decency 
and fair play, the Kremlin's conspirators in the United States have 
been able to entice and convert a host of well-mshers to whom com- 
munism itself, uncamouflaged, would be abhorrent. 

The leadership of the conspiracy' has been quick to recognize this 
accomplislmient. At the National Conference to Defend the Rights 
of Foreign Born Americans in New York, December 11 and 12, 1954, 
Abner Green, executive secretary of the American Committee for 
Protection of Foreign Born and a leading Com.niunist agent, exulted 
that — 

* * * we gather to consider the defense of the rights of 
foreign-born Americans in an atmosphere that offers excellent 
opportunities to rally and stimulate to action new and ever 
more important forces in the fight to repeal the Walter- 
McCarran law. We gather in an atmosphere that provides 
unprecedented possibilities to win many more allies, and 
stimulate parallel movements, in the fight to preserve the 
civil and human rights of 14 million foreign-born Americans. 

The operations of the Communist Party conducted by the American 
Committee for Protection of Foreign Born have reached an amazing 
magnitude. The Committee on Un-American Activities found that 
the party has succeeded in establishing over 200 organizations to 
execute its campaign of political subversion. The committee found 
further that while these various organizations claimed to be inde- 
pendent and autonomous, they are in fact controlled in every instance 

' Cited as subversive by the Attorney General of the United States and the House Committee on 
Un-American Activities. 


by the Communist Party through its agents who occupy positions of 
leadership in the affiliated groups. 

In the course of its investigation into the Communist pohtical sub- 
version campaign, the Committee on Un-American Activities called 
before it a number of officers and sponsors of the American Committee 
for Protection of Foreign Born and its various local affiliates. The 
former were ordered to produce records of the organizations for the 
committee's examination. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities was particularly struck 
with the fact that although these persons had spoken at great length 
outside the hearing room about the program of their organizations, 
all refused to provide any information when under oath. 

When questioned about the origins and objectives of the American 
Committee for Protection of Foreign Born and affiliate groups — in 
particular about their relationship with the Communist Party — they 
declined to answer because of possible self-incrimination; and they 
sought to withhold from the committee all documents and records 
bearing upon Communist control and direction of their organizations. 


One of the witnesses before the Committee on Un-American Activi- 
ties was Archibald Roosevelt, son of former President Theodore 
Roosevelt. The committee was keenly interested in the testimony of 
Mr. Roosevelt, because of the knowledge_ which he has gained from 
long study of the Communist conspiracy in the United States. Mr. 
Roosevelt summarized the reasons for the current Communist program 
against the Immigration and Nationality Act: 

* * * Firstly, they need an assurance that their foreign- 
born operators (the "regulars" of their invading political 
army) in this country will not be deported or denaturalized. 
This will insure the maintenance of those forces which the 
Red strategists have filtered in through our weak immigration 
barriers throughout the years. 

The second requirement for .the conquest of America is to 
make certain that the security checks against immigrants 
are weak and ineffective and that there must exist loopholes 
through which swarms of Red agents can enter this country 
to swell the size of the subversive forces. Such a growing 
arm}' of Kremlin forces in this country accompanied by 
swarms of well-meaning, but ignorant, native-born dupes 
would inevitably result in the seizure of power from the hands 
of a careless and unconcerned American people * * * (p. 
"Most people," Mr. Roosevelt warned, "don't realize that the 
Kremlin lias already invaded America." He continued: 

The reason that most Americans are not conscious of this 
invasion is due to the fact that it has been going on graduallv 
for 39 years. The Soviet leaders have moved entire divi- 
sions of their political army into our rountry unnoticed by 
all except a few security-minded citizens. These Red forces 
are a political army which is civilian in appearance and walk 

' See Communist Political Subversion, Part 1— Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activi- 
ties in Washington, D. C. Xov. 12. 19.'6. 


the streets of America indistinguishable from the rest of the 
population. Their weapons of war consist of infiltration 
into government, education, finance, and communications 
by subversion, disruption, poisonous propaganda, and 
espionage. The,y are largelj" an invisible enemy acting 
behind fronis and, therefore, difficult to pinpoint. Operat- 
ing as a disciplined and dedicated force, they insinuate 
themselves into various sensitive and key areas of our 
societj^ (p. 0144).^ 

Testifying before a Senate committee in 1949, Louis Budenz, a 
former leader of the American Communist Party, amplified this 
explanation of why the Kremlin seeks to maintain a constant flow 
of aliens into the United States. 

The Communist Party, he declared — 

is shot through in its various organizational subdivisions, 
throughout the country, with alien personnel. These 
political tourists * * * have been ordered here by Moscow 
in order to steel the party here for complete service to the 
Soviet dictatorship. 

He continued: 

This, then, is a general world pattern pursued by the 
Kremlin: That the direct responsibility shall be in the hands 
of aliens in any respective country in which operations are 
carried on. It is the fixed design of Moscow to employ 
aliens in the most responsible positions in every country. 
This assures that nostalgia and patriotism msbj be reduced to 
the minimiun in the steeled ranks of Stalin's servants. The 
native Communist leader therefore, is alwaj^s under the con- 
trol of a superior who is an alien, or an ex-alien, the latter 
having received his citizenship merely in order to serve 
the KJrendin more effectively. 

* * * the percentage of aliens increases and the power 
of aliens rises as we get nearer to the roots. That is, nearer to 
the contact with Moscow, nearer to the place from which 
policy issues. The Communist Party leadership functions 
on directives received from Moscow. These directives are 
channelized to the party leadership by the Communist 
international representative and the apparatus around him. 
Until recently, this representative was Gerhart Eisler, alias 
Edwards, alias Hans Berger. With him was associated 
J. V. Peters, who was responsible for the espionage of the 
Communist International, in cooperation with the Soviet 
secret police in this country. 

How do I know that? Because Mr. Peters told that to 
me himself when, after he had directed man}- questions to me 
which indicated that he had a background knowledge of 
things, I asked him was I privileged to know why he 
directed these inquiries at me. 

"Yes; you have justified that confidence," he said. He 
told me that he was the liaison officer or link between the 

' See Communist Political Subversion, Part 1 — Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activl* 
ties in Washington, D. C, Nov. 12, 1956. 

20006 O - 58 -4 


Communist International apparatus and the Soviet secret 
police in this country. 

Budenz emphasized that the influx of Communists into the United 
States is not a fortuitous condition but a process initiated by the 
Kremlin as an integral part of its conspiratorial operation here. 

* 'There is a complete and extensive apparatus existing in this 
country for the purpose of directing native Communists through alien 
personnel," Budenz declared — 

This apparatus begins with the connection of the political 
committee of the Communist Party with Moscow through 
the alien agents of the Communist International. It then 
proceeds to branch out into many ramifications, with its 
driving force in the political tourists sent in here to function 
in various departments of American life. If you cut that 
lifeline between here and Moscow, you will have thrown 
the Communist Party off base, because people like Earl 
Browder were never anything but front men. The real 
men who made the decisions and who carried out the orders 
were aliens sent to this country by Moscow. That even 
was carried to a point where in the party organizations and 
the party press you had aliens controlling it. 



Hearings by the Committee on Un-American Activities in key cities 
of the United States in 1957 estabhshed that the Communist Party 
apparatus, despite setbacks to its finances and nominal membership, 
nevertheless has been able to further its infiltration of vital industries. 

Indeed, the committee found that the degree of success which the 
Communist Party achieves has no direct relationship to the size of 
the party itself. Hard core, zealous participants in the Kremlin's 
conspiracy are able to maintain a threat to the internal security of 
the United States equal, if not greater, in every way to that which 
the party represented at the height of its popularity. Covert, con- 
cealed, hidden from the public view, the operations of the Communist 
organizations are far more difficult to detect and therefore have the 
opportunity of sinking deeper roots into the life of the Nation. 

The committee hearings highlighted the growing use of the Com- 
munist techniques of colonization of industry by small cadres of 
highly trained, disciplined party members. 

Through concealment of educational and employment backgrounds, 
the colonizers seek unskilled jobs. Some with master's degrees have 
concealed this fact in order to be classified on a factory payroll in 
menial jobs. As employees, they can then carry out the assignments 
of the Communist Party, which include penetration of the union; 
indoctrination of the union membership and fellow employees; recruit- 
ment of these persons either into membership in the party or its 
fronts; promotion of friction between management and other em- 
ployees where it serves the interest of the party; and supplying 
industrial information or committing espionage. 


In New Orleans on February 15, 1957, there appeared before the 
committee a seaman, Arthur Eugene, Jr., who testified extensively 
about Communist efforts to control the vital New Orleans seaport by 
infiltration and domination of waterfront and maritime unions. 
Eugene was a member of the Communist Party from 1948 to 1956 
and during part of this time served as an undercover agent for the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation. 

Eugene told the committee that he had been instructed by the 
Communist Party to join the National Union of Marine Cooks and 
Stewards, which the party already controlled. Eugene said that he 
met with the Seamen's Branch of the Communist Party while a mem- 
ber of the Marine Cooks and Stewards Union. 

In 1949, he told the committee, the party issued directions on 
methods of circumventing the non-Communist affidavit requirement 
of the Taft-Hartley labor law. Communist union officials, he said, 
were to comply with the Taft-Hartley law and were simply to lie 
about the fact that they were members of the Communist Party. At 



the same time they were ordered not to take part in open Communist 
Party activities so that the fact of their Communist Party affihations 
would not be apparent. 

These instructions were given to Eugene at a meeting of the Sea- 
men's Branch, which was also attended by Andrew Steve Nelson, now 
deceased, who was president of Local No. 207 of the ILWU, and Lee 
Brown, then vice president of Local No. 207. Brown appeared before 
the committee and refused to answer questions relating to Communist 
Party membership and activities. 

Late in 1949, after a strike of the National Marine Cooks and 
Stewards, Eugene was transferred to San Francisco, where he was 
assigned to the Seamen's Branch of the party and ultimately was 
assigned as a security aid to Harry Bridges, president of the Inter- 
national Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union. Later, Eugene 
said, he shipped out on the Matson luxury liner Lurline and served as 
educational director of the Communist Party cell aboard. 

While in San Francisco, Eugene attended the California Labor 
School, which, he said, functioned as an educational adjunct of the 
Communist Party. Ninety percent of the men who attended the 
school, he testified, were from the ILWU and the rest were from other 

Despite Coast Guard measures for banning Communists from 
American ships, Mr. Eugene said. Communists, in New Orleans at 
least, continued to have free access to them. Mr. Eugene himself 
was "screened out" by the Coast Guard in Providence, R. I. In 1951 
he returned to New Orleans. 

Communist Party meetings, he said, were held at the International 
Longshoremen's hall and much of the Communist propaganda in the 
area originated at the ILWU hall, where the party used the union's 
printing equipment and mimeograph and addressograph machines. 
This equipment, he said, was "open to the Communist Party at aU 
times" and was also used by Communist Party front organizations, 
such as the Civil Rights Congress. 

Another witness before the committee in its hearing on Februaiy 15 
was a prominent New Orleans physician. Dr. William Sorum, who was 
a member of the Communist Party from 1945 until 1952. Shortly 
after joining the party he was assigned to work with the New Orleans 
Youth Council, a civic organization, which the party was attempting 
to infiltrate. He was chairman of the Youth Council for about a year. 
One of his responsibilities was the instruction of new members of the 
organization in Communist doctrine. At the same time. Dr. Sorum 
was a member of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare which 
he had been ordered to join by the Communist Party. Dr. Sorum said 
the Southern Conference was "controlled by the Communists." 
Alost of the membership was not Communist, he stated, but Com- 
munists occupied the top leadership positions. Dr. Sorum provided 
one illuminating sidelight on the extent to which the party attempts 
to regulate every aspect of its members' lives. Dr. Sorum was plan- 
ning to specialize in psychiatry but the party opposed this. Instead, 
John Gates, the functionary with whom Dr. Sorum discussed the 
matter, recommended that Dr. Sorum undertake an itinerant rural 
practice in the course of which Dr. Sorum and a party organizer who 
was to accompany him could undertake recruiting in the impoverished 
communities which they visited. 


During the last period of his Communist Party membership, Dr. 
Sorum was assigned to a professional branch in New Orleans. Other 
members of this group, he told the committee, were Dr. Robert Hodes, 
and his wife, Jane Hodes; and Dr. William Obrinsky and his wife, 
Dr. Jane Allen Obrinsky. Dr. Sorum told the committee that during 
his period of membership he was able to recruit a number of students 
into the party as a result of the "direct" and the "indirect" influence 
which he was able to exercise in his classes. 


In New Haven, Conn., on February 26 and 27, 1957, the committee 
called before it a number of persons regarding involvement in Com- 
munist infiltration of labor unions and civic groups. These persons 

Mattie Sykes, Verne Weed, Harold L. Rogers, Elsie Willcox, 
Samuel Richter, Louise Zito, Stanley Michalowski, and Ladislaus 
Joseph Michalowski. 

All of these witnesses, except Harold Rogers, refused to answer any 
questions concerning Communist Party membership or Communist 
Party activities. Rogers denied that he had ever been a member of 
the Communist Party or that he had ever attended closed meetings 
of the Communist Party, 

Mattie Sykes, a member of the United Electrical Workers * from 1943 
to 1950, relied upon the fifth amendment and refused to answer 
numerous questions relating to Communist Party activities within 
that period. She also refused to discuss Communist Party decisions 
made on a national level and allegedly transmitted to the rank-and-file 
members for their guidance in union activities at the Bridgeport plant 
of General Electric Co. She denied Communist Party membership 
on and after February 13, 1957, but refused to answer all questions 
relating to prior membership in the Communist Party and the making 
of substantial donations to it. 

Verne Weed, assistant executive director with the Children's 
Services of Connecticut, 1940-56, was responsible for the foster home 
and adoption part of the agency services. In this capacity, she made 
the decision as to what homes should receive the children and what 
was the best plan for the cliild. Miss Weed invoked the fifth amend- 
ment when queried about Communist Party activities while employed 
by the Children's Services of Connecticut. She also invoked the 
fiifth amendment when asked as to present Communist Party member- 
ship and activities. 

Under the protection of the fifth amendment, Elsie Willcox, execu- 
tive secretary of the Connecticut Peace Council, refused to testify 
about its organization, chapters, and activities. Mrs. Willcox also 
refused to say whether certain individuals, identified as members of 
the Communist Party, were the heads of various chapters of the 
Connecticut Peace Council. She also refused to answer questions 
relating to the attendance of Henry and Anita Willcox at the Asian- 
Pacific Conference of the World Peace Council at Peking, China, and 
their participation in the activities of the Connecticut Peace Council on 
their return to the United States. Mrs. Willcox refused to answer 
questions regarding her present or past membership in the Communist 
Party on the ground that to do so might tend to incriminate her. 

' This refers to United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America. 


Considerable testimony was taken at the hearing regarding the 
Connecticut Vohinteers for Civil Rights. Application for Post Office 
Box No. 347, New Haven, Conn., was introduced in evidence showing 
that Bert MacLeech, previously identified as a member of the Com- 
munist Party, was chairman of the Connecticut Volunteers for Civil 
Rights. The testimony disclosed that this post-office box was used 
in connection with the dissemination of propaganda designed to influ- 
ence the administration of justice in the Smith Act trials, which took 
place in New Haven in 1956. 

Samuel Richter and Louise Zito were questioned regarding their 
activities in this organization and the distribution of propaganda 
emanating from this organization. Committee investigation is con- 
tinuing regarding the Connecticut Volunteers for Civil Rights and the 
Connecticut Peace Council. 

Stanley Michalowski and Ladislaus J. Michalowski, employed in 
industry in New Britain, Conn., refused to inform the committee as to 
what took place at an alleged meeting of the Trade Union Commission 
of the Communist Party, held in 1953 and attended by delegates from 
the Communist Party groups in the New Haven area. Stanley 
Michalowski refused to affirm or deny that he was at one time head of 
the Communist Party at Hartford. Although he denied Conmiunist 
Party membership at the time of his appearance before the committee, 
he refused to answer whether or not he was a member of the Com- 
munist Party on the day prior to his appearance as a witness. 
Ladislaus J. Michalowski refused to state whether or not he was at the 
time of the hearings a member of the Communist Party. 


In Baltimore, Md., in hearings on May 7, 8, and 9, 1957, the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities received further information of 
Communist penetration of key industrial areas. 

The most dramatic testimony came from Clifford C. Ivliller, Jr., an 
employee of the Bethlehem Steel mill at Sparrows Point. 

Mr. Miller, a graduate of the University of West Virginia, was an 
active member of the Communist conspiracy until the time he took 
the stand to testify before the committee. In fact, he had met with 
his superior in the Communist Party only a couple of weeks prior to 
his appearance. 

Mr. Miller joined the Communist Party in 1948, and remained a 
member during 1948 and 1949, when, he testified: 

* * * as a result of my continued study of Marxism- 
Leninism, I decided that, instead of Marxism-Leninism being 
an ideology that should have my support, it was a diabolical 
ideology that should be fought * * *. 

In 1953, he rejoined the Communist Party at the request of the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation. He retained this role in the party 
until the time he appeared before the committee. 

In his testimony, Mr. Miller emphasized these two points: (1) The 
Communist conspiracy is more menacing today than it has ever been, 
and (2) the Communist Party today is almost entirely underground. 

Discussing the 16th National Convention of the Communist Party 
held in New York City in February of 1957, Mr. Miller labeled as utter 
nonsense the avowed claim of the convention that the Communist 


Party in the United States has no direct connection with the Commu- 
nist international organization directed from Moscow, or that the 
Communist Party does not stand for obtaining its objectives through 
force and violence. Mr. Miller added that such assertions "will be 
believed only by those who have a predilection to believe such non- 

Mr. Miller declared that the Bethlehem Steel plant at Sparrows 
Point is the focal point of Communist Party concentration in the 
Baltimore area; tliat the main duties of members of the Steel Club of 
the Communist Part}' in Baltimore were to diligently attend union 
meetings, to obtain positions of importance in the union, and to in- 
fluence fellow steelworkers and recruit them into the Communist Party. 

As an employee of Bethlehem Steel at Sparrows Point, and a mem- 
ber of the Steel Club of the Communist Party, Mr. Miller had learned 
the identity of approximately eight other Communist Party members 
who were also employees of Bethlehem Steel. Also, while a member 
of the Communist Party in 1948 and 1949, Mr. Miller had learned 
the identity of numerous other persons who were, likewise, party 


One of the individuals identified by Mr. Miller as a Communist 
Party member was Aaron Ostrofsky, Miller's immediate superior in 
the party just prior to Miller's appearance and testimony. Ostrofsky, 
he said, was chairman of the Steel Section of the Communist Party. 
Called as a witness and given an opportunity to affirm or deny Mr. 
Miller's charges, Mr. Ostrofsky chose to invoke the privileges of the 
fifth amendment. 

Other Bethlehem Steel employees identified by Mr. Miller as mem- 
bers of the Steel Club of the Communist Party were Irving Spector, 
William Wood, Levy Williamson, and Benjamin M. Fino. All of 
these invoked the privileges of the fifth amendment when asked to 
affirm or deny Mr. Miller's testimony about them. 

Miss Irene Barkaga, an undercover operative for the Federal Bu- 
reau of Investigation from April 1952 to July 1954, testified at length 
concerning her activities in the Communist Party. During that 

{)eriod, she said, she met with several different groups. The size was 
imited for security reasons to no more than 3 or 4 members at any 
one time. She also met on several occasions with a group operating 
in the Communist Party underground and with the Youth Commission 
of the Communist Party in Baltimore. One of the highlights of her 
testimony was the disclosure that the Communist Party was attempt- 
ing the penetration of non-Communist and/or anti-Communist groups 
in Baltimore. She cited instances of Communist Party members 
active in groups like the Parent Teachers Association, League of 
Women Voters, and others. In Miss Barkaga's endeavor to obtain 
information for the FBI, she was also active in several recognized 
Communist Party fronts, including the Labor Youth League and the 
Baltimore Youth for Peace. 

Three of the persons identified as members of the Communist Party 
by Miss Barkaga were subpenaed as witnesses before the committee. 
Thev were Miss Sirkka Tuomi Lee, a secretarv; Claire Friedman 
Round, a former school teacher; and Fred Hallengren, an airline 
mechanic. All three relied on the privilege of the fifth amendment, 


refusing- to answer questions concerning Communist Party member- 
ship or activities. 

During the course of the hearings, the committee endeavored to 
obtain information on the Communist Party organizational structure 
of District 4, which encompasses Maryland and the District of Co- 
Kimbia. George A. Meyers, who was convicted under the Smith Act 
and released from a Federal prison during 1957. w^as subpenaed as a 
witness. He refused, however, to state whether or not he had resumed 
his duties as head of District 4. 

Irving Kandel, w'ho was identified by Miller as head of District 4 
in Meyers' absence, also invoked the fifth amendment concerning his 
present or past leadership of District 4. 

William S. Johnson, who has been identified as a member of the 
Communist Party in sworn testimony by several individuals before 
the committee, also invoked the fifth amendment w^hen asked whether 
or not he was at the time of the hearings head of the Communist 
Party in the District of Columbia. 

Mrs. Jeanette Fino, identified as a Communist Party member by 
Mr. Miller, refused to state whether she was a member of the Com- 
munist Party or whether she was at the time of the hearings the dis- 
tributor of tiie Daily Worker in the Baltimore area. She persistently 
invoked the fifth amendment when the committee displayed to her 
canceled checks drawn by her and payable to the F & D Printing Co., 
which printed the Daily Worker. Some of these checks were dated as 
recently as March 1957. 

Charles M. Craig, Sr., who, like Clifford Miller and Irene Barkaga, 
had been a member of the Communist Party at the behest of the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation, testified concerning his knowledge 
and experiences in the Communist Party. He was a member of the 
Communist Party from 1943 until 1951 and was assigned to three 
separate clubs of the Communist Party. In them he held the offices 
of financial secretary and literary director. 

Mr. Craig identified a number of persons who were known to him 
to be Communist Party members. Among these were Milton Self and 
Otto Yerrell, both of whom were employed at the Bethlehem ship- 
yard in the Baltimore area. Seif had appeared before a general exec- 
utive board of his union, the Industrial Union of Marine and Ship- 
building Workers of America, in March 1956, and had denied that he 
was, or had ever been, a member of the Communist Part}'. How^ever, 
at the time, he was not placed under oath; and when questioned during 
the committee hearings as to the truth of his statements to the general 
executive board of his union, he invoked the fifth amendment. 

Yerrell likewise invoked the fifth amendment w^ien asked to affirm 
or deny Mr. Craig's identification of him as a member of the Commu- 
nist Party. Both Seif and Yerrell had previously been candidates 
for the State legislature on the Progressive Party ticket in the State of 

Another person identified as a Communist by Mr. Craig was 
Abraham Kotelchuck, a former physicist at the Aberdeen Proving 
Ground who was dismissed by the Government in 1946 for security 
reasons. He subsequently obtained employment in industry in Balti- 
more. Kotelchuck invoked the fifth amendment in response to ques- 
tions concerning Communist activities. 


During the 3-day hearings in Baltimore, six other witnesses ap- 
peared: Mary Roberts, chairman of the Baltimore Committee To 
Defeat tlie Smith Act, who has been previously identified as a Com- 
munist Party member under oath before the Committee on Un- 
American Activities; Elsie Winter, an office worker who was active 
in the Parent Teachers Association and was identified as a Communist 
Party member by Mr. Craig; Milton Bates, a salesman who holds an 
LL.I3. degree and was also identified as a Communist by Craig; 
Herbert Nichol, a teacher at a private school in Baltimore, who has been 
identified under oath as a Communist Party member; Marcella Halper 
Avnet, a former schoolteacher, active in Parent Teachers Association 
and otlier organizations in tlie Baltimore area and who was identified 
by Craig and, previously, by another witness before this committee 
as a member of the Communist Party; and Harold Buchman, prac- 
ticing attorney in Baltimore, who was cochairman of the Progressive 
Party for the State of Maryland. 

All of them invoked the fifth amendment in refusing to furnish the 

committee any information concerning Communist Party activities in 

the Baltimore area. 


For the third time since 1953, a subcommittee of the Committee on 
Un-American Activities held hearings in the city of San Francisco. 
The first hearing was held December 1-5, 1953, at which data of a 
geneial nature concerning the internal workings of the Communist 
Part3^ in the San Francisco Bay area were gathered.^ The hearings of 
December 10 and 11, 1956, concentrated on Communist propaganda of 
a foreign source entering the port of San Francisco and its local dis- 
semination. - 

The December 1956 hearing also dem.onstrated that Com.munist or- 
ganizations and individuals representing said organizations in the 
San Francisco area were participating in a nationwide program es- 
poused by the Communist Party to formulate mass public opinion 
against legislation to curb the activities of the Com.m.unist Party, and 
thus neutralize internal security. Legislation under bitter attack was 
the Smith Act, the Internal Security Act of 1950, and the Imm.igration 
and Nationality Act.^ 

The hearings of June 18-21, 1957, concentrated on an entirely new 
field in the San Francisco area. Broadly speaking, the main subject 
of investigation was the extent, character, and objects of Communist 
Party activities within the professions. The legislative purpose was 
to secure facts which would assist this committee and the Congress in 
the consideration of legislation designed to strengthen the provisions 
of the Internal Security Act of 1950, and to protect our form of govern- 
ment and our country from the threat of international communism. 

The Professional Section of the Communist Party was shown by 
the testimony to consist of tightly organized secret groups of the Com- 
munist Party, composed of members of the various professions. The 
identity of those who were members of the professional groups of the 
Communist Party was kept secret from the rank-and-file members 
and for the most part the same secrecy was maintained within the 

' See Investi'?ation of Communist Activities in the San Francisco Area, pts. 1 to 5, inclusive, pp. 3055-3499 
» See Investieation of Communist Propaganda in the United States— pt. 3, pp. 6039-6139, inclusive. 
» See Communist Political Subversion, pt. 1, pp. 6861-6934, mclusive. 

20006 O -58 -5 


Professional Section of the Communist Party as to the identity of 
members of the respective groups. 

The evidence disclosed that the lawyers and doctors had their re- 
spective organizational units. Those engaged in the newspaper field 
were at one time members of a separate unit of a Professional Sec- 
tion of the Communist Party, but later became members, along with 
teachers, artists, musicians, and other professionals, in a miscellaneous 
unit of the Professional Section of the Communist Party. 

The committee interrogated 31 witnesses in open session, and 4 in 
closed session. Two witnesses testified at length regarding their Com- 
munist Party membership. Jack Patten, a professor at a leading 
university, laid before the subcommittee a pattern of Communist 
intrigue from the date of his membership in 1936, to his leaving the 
Communist Party in 1948, ^\'ith the exception of 26 months when he 
served in the United States Army. He gave a detailed account of his 
experiences while a member of the Communist Party in the Profes- 
sional Section in San Francisco dinging the years 1941 through 1943, 
and again from 1946 through 1947. 


Dorothy Jeffers, a former schoolteacher and social worker, who 
joined the Communist Party at the request of the Federal Bureau of 
Investigation, testified as to her membership from 1943 to 1952. Her 
entire experience in the Communist Party was within the Professional 
Section in San Francisco. Her testimony illuminated the objectives of 
the Professional Section and outlined the assignments of individual 
Professional Section members. Members of the Professional Section, 
according to Mrs. Jeffers, were assigned to join and work in mass 
organizations, to gain positions of importance, to further the Com- 
munist Party line on given subjects, and to neutralize anti-Communist 
opposition. The end result of this program was to attempt to create 
a pro-Communist atmosphere in San Francisco. 

Of the remaining 29 witnesses who were heard in open session, 28 
refused to answer pertinent questions relating to their knowledge of 
Communist Party activities of the Professional Section of the Com- 
munist Party and its members, in reliance upon the decision of the 
Supreme Court in the case of Watkins v. United States, decided June 
17, 1957, the day before the hearings began. However, upon explana- 
tion of the subject under inquiry and the pertinency of the respective 
questions to the subject, each finally resorted to the self-incrimination 
clause of the fifth amendment as a reason for refusal to answer. 

Louis Earl Hartman, a radio broadcaster, refused to state whether 
or not he was at the time of the hearing a member of a professional 
group of the Comm.unist Party at Berkeley, Calif.; whether or not he 
was elected chairman of the professional group of the Communist 
Party at Berkeley in January 1957; and the nature of propaganda 
activity in which the professional group of the Communist Party at 
Berkeley was engaged. This witness did not rely upon the self- 
incriminating clause of the fifth amendment in his refusal to answer, 
but based his refusal to answer on the decision of the Supreme Court 
in Watkins v. United States. 

To evaluate the success of the Communist program and the damage 
done to the United States Government is extremely difficult; how- 


ever, it can be said that an analysis made of evidence pertaining to 
the membership of some 120 past and present members of the Pro- 
fessional Section shows that onh' three members of the section, ex- 
cluding Dorothy JefFers, an FBI operative, were willing to admit 
their Communist Party membership and relate their experiences while 


Attorneys Charles R. Garry, Benjamin Dreyfuss, and Hugh B. 
Miller, all identified during the hearing as members of the lawyers' cell 
(Haymarket Club) of the Professional Section, were called as wit- 
nesses but invoked the fifth amendment when questioned concerning 
testimony by witnesses Jeffers and Patten. 

Heard as witnesses from the medical cell were Dr. Solomon Bineman, 
Dr. ^lorton Garfield, Dr. Asher Gordon, Dr. Rose Payne (research 
associate), and Dr. Evelyn Siris (Mrs. Lawrence Levitan), all of 
whom relied on the self-incrimination clause of the fifth amendment 
and refused to aflfirm or deny Communist Party membership. 

From the miscellaneous or multiprofessions cell of the Professional 
Section, the following testified, all availing themselves of the provi- 
sions of the fifth amendment : Sydney H. Brisker, architect; John M. 
(Jack) Eshleman, newspaperman; Morton L. Elkins, Thomas D. 
Hard^\'ick, John Horowitz, Jane Scribner, Sidney Rubin, former 
schoolteachers; Rebecca L. (Bea) Melner, Jane Robinson Castellanos, 
and Edward L. (Ned) Hanchett, present educators. 

David Sarvis and George Hitchcock, part-time actors and dnectors 
of the now defunct California Labor School, were called as witnesses 
to ascertain the degree of influence of the Communist Party in San 
Francisco acting groups. Both persons are connected with The Inter- 
players, theatre group in San Francisco and both declined to respond 
to questions using the self-incrimination clause of the fifth amendrr ent 
as refuge. 


Another subject under inquiry by the committee was the dissemi- 
nation of Communist Party literatme within the San Francisco area 
received from both foreign and domestic sources. The committee is 
considering legislative means of strengthening the Foreign Agents 
Registration Act so as to afford a more effective means of counteract 
ing the schemes and devices used in avoiding the prohibitions of the 
act with regard to the tremendous flow of political propaganda of a 
Communist origin entering this country. A dissemination point of 
such Communist Party propaganda in San Francisco is the Interna- 
tional Book Store, Inc., located at 1408 Market Street. Mr. Ellis Col- 
ton, manager of the store, was subpenaed to appear before the sub- 
committee. He refused to affirm or deny Communist Party member- 
ship, although previously identified as a member of the Communist 
Party, and further declined to discuss the sources from which he 
received Communist Party publications which had been purchased 
at the International Book Store. He was also questioned on mat,eiial 
in the possession of the subcommittee purchased at the bookstore in 
recent months, none of which was labeled as required by the Foreign 
Agents Registration Act. 


The committee, in endeavoring to ascertain the current strength and 
activities of the Professional Section, subpenaed Angela Ward, former 
organizer for the Professional Section who resigned the latter part 
of December 1956; Peggy Sarasohn, current active organizer of the 
Professional Section; and Irving Kermish, a social worker, who had 
resigned from the Professional Section during the first quarter of 
1957. These three refused to respond to questions, relying on the 
self-incrimination clause of the fifth amendment. 

In line with the committee's investigation concerning the limitations 
on the issuance of passports to members of the Communist Party, testi- 
mony was heard from Harvey Richards, a Communist Party propa- 
gandist specializing in South American countries. He had jast re- 
turned from South America and recently had engaged in a lecture tour 
in the United States criticizing American foreign policy in the South 
American countries. His travels are considered inimical to the best 
interests of the United States. Although passports are not required 
for travel to South American countries, the attention of the Secretary 
of State was called to the problems arising from travel-free restrictions 
of Communist Party members in that area. 


Hearings in Buffalo on October 2, 3, and 4, 1957, fm-nished additional 
evidence of Communist tactics in penetrating industry. This evi- 
dence showed clearly the need for additional security legislation, 
particularly provisions dealing with the falsification of social-security 
cards by Communist Party members. 

The need for enactment of legislation of this type was illustrated 
on several occasions during the couree of the hearings in Buffalo. One 
of the witnesses, David Martin Brownstone, had been emplo3^ed as a 
laborer at the Bethlehem Steel plant in Lackawanna, a suburb of 
Buffalo, as part of the Communist program of colonization, the method 
whereby Communists, at the behest of the Communist Party, obtain 
employment in industry for the purposes of recruiting and/or in- 
fluencing coworkers. Generally, these individuals apply for a posi- 
tion requiring less training and education than they actually possess. 
Many are college graduates holding one or more degrees. 

Brownstone, a college graduate with 3 years of law study at Cornell 
University, had applied for a position as a laborer at Bethlehem 
Steel. When he moved to the Buffalo area, he assumed a completely 
new identity for himself and his family. Under the name of Frederick 
J. Werner, he obtained employment at Bethlehem Steel. In his 
application he falsified his place and date of bu'th, previous addresses, 
previous employment, his education (indicating only high school), 
and gave pseudonjins for all the members of his family. To complete 
that sham, he used a false social-security card. 

In previous hearings of the committee, Brownstone had been identi- 
fied as a member of the Communist Party by four individuals. In 
1954, the committee held hearings in Albany, N. Y. At the time, 
efforts were made to locate and subpena Brownstone as a witness. 
However, an extensive investigation failed to reveal his whereabouts. 
It came to light during the Buffalo investigation that at the very 
time the committee sought Brownstone he was operating in the under- 
ground under the name of Werner and was employed at Bethlehem 


When interrogated in the Buffalo hearings, Brownstone refused, on 
the basis of the fifth amendment, to give the committee any informa- 
tion concerning colonization or the Communist Party. 

Charles V. Regan, who had been an undercover operative in the 
ranks of the (Communist Party for the FBI, showed the reasons for 
Brownstone's deception. Mr. Regan identified a document which 
came into his possession while a member of the Communist Part}^. 
The document was in the form of a directive to other party members. 
The first paragraph reads as follows: 

Three basic industries, steel, railroad, and mining. These 
are basic to the national economy: that is, if any one or all 
three are shut down by strike our economy is paralyzed. It 
is necessary for a Marxist Revolutionary Party to be rooted 
in these industries. 

Mr. Regan further described the importance to the Communist 
Party, of its infiltration into industry in general and particularly the 
steel industry, in the Buffalo area. He cited numerous meetings he 
had attended at which the importance of infiltration and the tactics 
to be employed in such infiltration were discussed. 

During the course of his testimony, Mr. Regan identified approxi- 
mately 75 persons he had known to be members of the Communist 

The extent to which the Communist Party has gone to penetrate 
industry was brought out in evidence produced before the committee 
in interrogating other witnesses. Thirty-four persons were subpenaed 
as witnesses. Of these, more than one-half were, or had recently been, 
employed in basic industry in the Buffalo area. Many w^ere college 
graduates primarily from New York City, who had moved to Buffalo 
to work in industry, particularly in steel plants. Of the 8 or 10 college 
graduates, some holding master's degrees, all had failed to indicate 
more than a high-school education in their applications for employ- 
ment. Many of these persons had been successful in obtaining posi- 
tions of relative importance in their unions. 

Two individuals who appeared as witnesses and who were employed 
in industry were Sam Brook and James Annaccone. Both held offices 
in their respective unions which required their signing non-CommAinist 
affidavits under the provisions of the Taft-Hartley law. However, 
both refused, on the basis of the fifth amendment, to state whether 
or not they told the truth when the}^ indicated that they were not 
members of the Communist Party in executing this affidavit. 


Joseph A. Chatley, who, like Mr. Regan, served within the ranks of 
the Communist Party for the FBI, from 1949 to approximately 1952, 
provided the committee with valuable information concerning the 
Communist misuse of passports. Mr. Chatley testified that he was 
contacted by Irving Charles Velson, an identified Communist Party 
member, and was told that he had been selected as a delegate of the 
American Committee To Survey Trade Union Conditions in Europe. 
Mr. Chatley testified that the true purpose of this trip was for Com- 
m.unist propaganda. He also identified numerous persons he had 
known as Communist Party members, in manj^ instances corroborat- 
ing the testimony of Mr. Regan. 


The committee has received testimony recently to the effect that 
the Communist Party is reviving its tactic of infiltration of "legiti- 
mate" organizations; that is, non-Communist and/or anti-Communist 
groups. Mr. Regan gave corroborative testimony of this. 

Four witnesses were called before the committee in its inquiry into 
this aspect of the party's work: Beverly Levine, Ruth Bolton, Nancy 
Hull Salmin, and Betty Thorner. All were active in the local YWCA 
in Buffalo. However, all refused, claiming their privilege under the 
fifth amendment, to state whether they were or had been members of 
the Communist Party. 

Various other persons active in other civic and social organizations 
were called before the committee. They all invoked the fifth amend- 
ment rather than answer questions of the committee. 

Another witness who cooperated with the committee was Mr. Loyd 
E. Kinsey, who had been a functionary of the Communist Party in the 
Buffalo area until approximately 1948. He furnished corroborative 
information to the effect that one of the primary aims of the Com- 
munist Party in that area was to penetrate basic industry, particu- 
larly the steel industry. Mr. Kinsey was also able to furnish the 
names of persons who had been known to him to be members of the 
Communist Party. 

One of the individuals named by Mr. Kinsey was Miss Helen 
Mintz, an attorney employed by the city of Buffalo. When interro- 
gated by the committee, Miss Mintz denied that she was or had been 
a member of the Communist Party. 

Many persons who appeared before the committee stated under 
oath that they were not members of the Communist Party at that 
moment but invoked the fifth amendment as to membership immedi- 
ately preceding their appearance. Several even invoked the fifth 
amendment on anticipated membership in the future, the obvious 
conclusion being that they had resigned technical membership in the 
Communist Party for the purpose of being able to appear before the 
conmiittee and state that they were not then members of the Com- 
munist Party. 


Hearings by the Committee on Un-American Activities in Wash- 
ington, D. C, New York, New Orleans, Chicago, and Buffalo dm-ing 
the past year produced proof that Communist propaganda directed 
to nationality groups in the United States and the Communist- 
dominated foreign language press together constitute one of the 
Kremlin's chief propaganda operations in the United States. 

This propaganda, in turn, is part of a global program which ranks as 
one of the Kremlin's most important instruments of conquest. In- 
deed, Communist expansion cannot proceed without effective distri- 
bution of its propaganda. 

Henry Loomis, then Director of the Office of Research and Intel- 
ligence of the United States Information Agency, estimated that as 
many as 25 million persons throughout the world are directly engaged 
in disseminating Communist propaganda. Mr. Loomis also declared 

Every person who has any contacts outside his immediate 
family or tribe, is subjected to Communist propaganda in 
one form or another. 

In command of this propaganda operation, Mr. Loomis reported, is 
the Agitprop section of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 
which has 14 departments, the most important of which are those for 
press, publishing, film, radio, literature, art, cultural enlightenment, 
schools, and science. Emphasizing the role of propaganda in the 
International Communist program, Mr. lioomis quoted a maxim of 
Lenin : 

Without a Communist press, the preparation for the 
dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible. 

In the hearings in New York, Chicago, New Orleans, and Buffalo, 
the committee received information about the quantity of Communist 
propaganda entering the United States. In New Orleans, the wit- 
nesses were Milton L. LeBlanc, Assistant Collector of Customs, New 
Orleans, La.; Irving Fishman, Deputy Collector of Customs, New 
York City; Margaret M. Rosano, United States Customs Service, 
New York City; Saul J. Mindel, Post Office Department, Washing- 
ton, D. C; and Sgt. Hubert J. Badeaux, New Orleans Police De- 

Mr. Fishman testified on the efforts of the L^nited States Govern- 
ment to control the flow of Communist propaganda into the United 
States. He stated that the customs service has control units at three 
ports of entry: in San Francisco, Chicago, and New York. However, 
he noted that there are approximatel}!- 45 ports of entry through 
which material may be sent into the United States. 



Commenting on the labeling of Communist propaganda as required 
by the Foreign Agents Registration Act, Mr. Fishman stated that 
during his entire period of service with the United States Customs, he 
had never seen a piece of Communist propaganda from abroad 
labeled in compliance with the act. 


Mr. Fishman testified further that during 1956 customs officers 
had examined some 6,900,000 pieces of individual Communist propa- 
ganda coming into this country from foreign sources. Most of these, 
he said, were weekly, monthly, or special issue publications. About 
40 percent were printed in foreign languages. 

In a 30-day spot check of material transshipped from New Orleans 
to points outside the United States, he said, customs officers examined 
1,246 sacks of mail and found that these contained some 11,000 indi- 
vidual pieces of Communist propaganda. This proportion, he said, 
would indicate that some 130,000 invididual items of Communist 
propaganda passed through the port of New Orleans each year. 

During the hearings, several sacks of mail were opened and inspected 
for the first time. In them the committee found a number of copies of 
a Bulletin of Information from the Soviet Embassy in Mexico, along 
with other propaganda material. 

Most of this material, the committee was told, was destined for 
schools, colleges, libraries, and church groups. Mr. Fishman testified 
that many of the officials of these organizations receiving this propa- 
ganda had asked the Bureau of Customs to withhold any future 
material of this type so addressed because they did not want it and 
would rather have it destroyed before they receive it. 

Mr. Fishman stated further that not all of the Communist propa- 
ganda he had examined during his service with the Bureau of Custonis 
originated from the Soviet Union or the satellite countries; much of it 
came from France and England. 


The hearings in New York and Chicago were concerned with an in- 
quiry into Communist penetration of the foreign-language press. Ap- 
pearing before the committee in New York were 28 witnesses from 
foreign-language publications, Communist periodicals, publishing 
firms, and bookstores. They were Zoltan Deak, editor of Hungarian 
Word; Catherine Gyarmaty, editor of Nok Vilaga, a Hungarian 
monthly periodical; Alex Rosner, business manager of Hungarian 
Word; Louis Dattler, secretary of Hungarian Word; Arpad Fodor 
Nagy, treasurer of Hungarian Word; Clara Reich, secretary of Nok 
Vilaga; Michael Savides, business manager of Greek-American Trib- 
une; James Lee, editor of China Daily News, a Chinese-language 
daily; Michael Tkach, editor of Ukrainian Daily News; Frank Ilchuk, 
secretary-treasurer of Ukrainian Daily News; Anthony Bimba, editor 
of Sviesa, a Lithuanian quarterly; Roy Mizara, editor of Laisve, a 
Lithuanian-language weekly ; David Z. Krinkin, editor of Russky Golos, 
a Russian-language daily ; Theodore Bayer, former president of Russky 
Golos Publishing Corp., publisher of Russky Golos ; Samuel J. Nikolauk, 
secretary of the Russky Golos Publishing Corp.; Paul Novick, editor 
of the Morning Freiheit, a Yiddish daily; Irving Freed, managing 


editor of the ^Morning; Freiheit; Gerhard Hagelberg, editor of the 
German-AiDerican; John Gates, then editor of the Daily Worker; 
Angus Cameron, of the piibhshing firm of Cameron & Kahn and presi- 
dent of the Liberty Boole Club; Rose Baron, owner and manager of the 
"Workers Book Shop, the "official" Communist Party bookstore in 
New York; Margaret Cowl Krumbein, presently associated with Im- 
ported Publications & Products, Inc., a registered agent for many 
Communist publishing firms in the Soviet Union; Sol Auerbach (James 
S. Allen), an official of International Publishers; Joseph Felshin, an 
official of New Century Publishers and associated with the publica- 
tion, Political Affairs; Jessica Smith (Abt), presently associated with 
New World Review; and Milton Howard, an official of Mainstream. 


John Lautner, a former member of the Nationahty Groups Commis- 
sion of the Communist Party, named 18 of these persons whom he had 
known as Communists. These 18 were Zoltan Deak, Catherine 
Gyarmaty, Alex Rosner, Louis Dattler, Arpad Fodor Nagy, Clara 
Reich, Alichael Tkach, Theodore Bayer, Samuel Nikolauk, Paul 
Novick, Irving Freed, John Gates, Rose Baron, Margaret Cowl 
Krumbein, Sol Auerbach, Joseph Felshin, Jessica Smith (Abt), and 
Milton Howard. Mr. Lautner also identified as Communists two 
persons not summoned before the committee : Margaret Adler, business 
manager of the German-American, and Boris Cohen, head of Prompt 

All of the witnesses appearing before the committee who had been 
identified as Communists invoked the fifth amendment in response 
to questions relating to Communist Party affiliation and the activi- 
ties of the newspapers and publishing concerns for which they work. 

Moreover, 13 of them invoked the fifth amendment on whether 
or not they were members of the Communist Part}^ on the date of 
their naturalization. They were Michael Savides, Michael Tkach, 
Anthony Bimba, Roy Mizara, David Krinkin, Theodore Bayer, 
Zoltan Deak, Catherine Gyarmaty, Louis Dattler, Clara Reich, 
Samuel Nikolauk, Paul Novick, Gerhard Hagelberg. 

Michael Tkach, editor of the Uki"ainian Daily News, and Gerhard 
Hagelberg, editor of the German-American Tribune, refused to answer 
questions respecting Soviet espionage. Mr. Tkach had been identified 
by Elizabeth T. Bentley in sworn testimony as an important member of 
a Soviet espionage ring operating in the United States. 

Mr. Hagelberg, also known as Charles Wisley, writer for New 
Masses, and Jerry Kramer, a member of the Communist Party in 
Brookl^'n, invoked the fifth amendment when asked, "What contacts 
have you had in the course of last year with persons who are represent- 
atives in the United States of foreign governments?" 


Mr. Lautner testified that the Communist press exerts a "terrific 
impact" on foreign-language groups in the United States, particularly 
on the large industrial areas. Lautner said 10 of the editors and 
oflBcers of publications held important posts in Communist Party 
nationality groups or bureaus in the United States. 

20006 O -58 -6 


Mr. Lautner stated that the now defunct International Workers 
Order was a primary source of financial assistance to both the English- 
and foreign-language segments of the Communist press. Mr. Lautner 
concluded his testimony by exposing the fraudulent "new look" of 
the Communist Party in the United States which the 16th National 
Convention of the Communist Party tried to perpetrate by disavowing 
any conspiratorial connection with Moscow. According to Mr. Laut- 
ner, evidence of this fraud is best demonstrated by the fact that the 
Communist Party in the United States in convention refused to 
repudiate Leninism and failed utterly to denounce Soviet barbarism 
in Hungary. 

Exhibits introduced at the hearings confirmed that certain segments 
of the foreign-language press in this country are propaganda pipeUnes 
for Moscow. 

The committee also questioned Joseph Starobin, formerly the for- 
eign editor for the Daily Worker. Starobin admitted his own party 
membership and connections with various propaganda outlets for the 
Communist Party, but refused to cooperate with the committee in 
disclosing the identity of others associated with him in the Communist 


In Chicago, the committee heard nine witnesses associated with 
foreign-language newspapers in Chicago, Detroit, and Superior, Wis., 
areas. These witnesses, all of whom invoked the fifth amendment on 
questions relating to Communist associations and Communist Party 
membership, were: 

Nellie DeSchaaf, former English section editor and current 
contributor to Vilnis, Lithuanian daily, printed in Chicago. 
Jacob Pauliukas, business manager of Vilnis. 
Leon Pruseika, an editor of Vilnis. 

Anthony Minerich, business manager of Narodni Glasnik, 
published in Cliicago. 

John Zuskar, pubhsher and editor of Ludova Noviny, published 
in Cliicago. 

George Wastila, editor of Tyomies-Eteenpain, Finnish language 
daily published in Superior, Wis. 

Wladislaw Kucharski, editor of Glos Ludowy, Polish language 
paper published in Detroit. 

Bocho Mircheff , managing editor of Narodna Volya, Bulgarian 
language paper published in Detroit. 

Nicholas Markofi", treasurer of Narodna Volya. 
The testimony established that Chicago is the headquarters for the 
largest of all the Communist papers, the Lithuanian daily, VLlnis, 
whose circulation of 32,000 daily exceeds that of the Communist 
Daily Worker. All of its principal officers have been identified as 
Communists. Several of its former editors are subjects of deportation 

Two witnesses were interrogated about the dissemination of Com- 
munist propaganda in the Chicago area. Both refused on the grounds 
of possible self-incrimination to answer questions concerning propa- 
ganda activities of the Communist Party. The two witnesses were: 
Otto Wangerin, operator of the Modern Book Store, a party 
outlet for the Chicago area, who invoked the fifth amendment 


when questioned concerning his Communist Party affihations 
and the type of material disseminated by his bookstore. 

John A. Rossen, who also invoked the fifth amendment when 
questioned about any Communist Party affiliations. In testi- 
mony, Mr. Rossen was identified as executive director of the 
Chicago Council of American-Soviet Friendship and the owner 
of L. M. S. Amusement Co., Inc., which operates the Cinema 
Annex Theater in Chicago. 
The evidence in the record of the committee hearings is clear, and 
the committee so finds, that the Hungarian Word, Nok Vilaga, 
Russky Golos, German-American Tribune, and Vilnis are Communist- 
controlled publications and that the Modern Book Store, Chicago, 
is the party outlet for Communist Party propaganda and literature 
in that area. 


In Buffalo, N. Y., in a public hearing on October 1, 1957, the com- 
mittee interrogated at length two identified Communists, Mortimer 
Scheer and Sidney Turoff about the distribution of Communist 
propaganda in the Buffalo area. 

Mortimer Scheer invoked the fifth amendment in response to all 
questions relating to Communist Party membership and activity, 
Mr. Turoff readih^ admitted his own membership and activity in the 
Communist Party. However, he refused to give the committee the 
identity of any individuals known to him to have been members of 
the Communist Party. Mr. Turoff also admitted purchasing printing 
presses to be used by the Communist Party and its members in the 
Buffalo area. 

Also appearing at this hearing were Irving Fishman, deputy collector 
of customs in New York, and Miss Eleanor Suske and Serge Buteneff, 
administrative assistants in the Restricted Alerchandise Division of 
the United States Customs Service in New York. They testified that 
approximately 3,000 pieces of Communist propaganda were being 
sent to the Buffalo area for distribution per month. 


Closely allied to the Communist propaganda program are the 
Kremlin's efforts to infiltrate and control important cultural activi- 
ties in the United States. In the past, the committee has received 
considerable evidence of Communist activities in the motion-picture, 
radio, and television industries. In hearings in New York on April 
9-12, 1957, the committee uncovered further Communist efforts to 
penetrate the field of arts. These hearings were concerned with the 
Metropolitan Music School, Inc., of New York, and they showed 
clearly that the Metropolitan Music School is controlled by Com- 

The committee was able to determine that: 

(1) Considerable service has been, and continues to be, given to 
the Communist cause by Communist artists and musicians. Even a 
hostile witness, Earl Robinson, composer, conductor, and performing 
artist, admitted that the use of an artist's name and his prestige c^n 
promote a "cause" and that certain music is "revolutionary." 


(2) Some of the witnesses identified as Commimists in the Metro- 
poHtan Music School hearings enjoy great influence and prestige as 
composers, conductors, agents, and members of world-renowned 
symphonic and concert groups. Many work in the most lucrative 
fields of music: Television, radio, theater pits, and record companies. 
One witness was chairman of the board of the Symphony of the Air; 
another was a member of its personnel committee; still another en- 
gages musicians for orchestras to accompany productions and artists 
presented by an internationally famous impresario. 

(3) The importance of many of the witnesses who were identified as 
Communists is further evidenced by the fact that they have performed, 
and their works have been performed, in soro.e of the most important 
ro.usical centers and theaters throughout the world, som.etimes under 
the sponsorship of cultural agencies of the United States Governm.ent. 
One such witness entertained at the White House; another worked for 
the Adjutant General of the United States as a translator for the 
United Nations, first in the Russian Translation Section and later for 
its International Telecommunications Union. He refused to say 
whether or not he had been a Communist or whether he had been in 
com.munication with any Soviet agent. At the time of the hearings he 
held the position of music librarian for an important music publishing 


In the hearings and investigation by the com.mittee Miss Lilly 
Popper, the director and founder of the Metropolitan Music School; 
Wallingford Riegger, president emeritus; John Kenneth Ackley, the 
registrar; Sidney Finkelstein, Thelma Pyle, and Harry M. Smyles, 
members of the board of directors; and Mildred Hagler, a former 
secretary, all of the Metropolitan Music vSchool, Inc., were identified 
as members of the Communist Party or invoked the fifth amendment 
when interrogated on the question of Communist Party membership. 

Wallingford Riegger was identified by John Lautner, not only as a 
Communist Party member, but as a branch organizer, treasurer, and 
general functionary of the Communist Party. Lucy Brown, Max 
Hollander, Sam Morgenstern, Max Pollikoff, Vivian Rivkin, and Earl 
Robinson, all sponsors of the Metropolitan Music School, invoked 
the fifth amendment when questioned about Communist Party mem- 
bership. Carroll Hollister, another sponsor, had been identified as a 
party member in a prior hearing. 

Twenty-four identified Communists have been on the faculty of the 
school. Some of the instructors have also taught at the Jefferson 
School of Social Science, a Communist school. One of them, Sidney 
Finkelstein, cultural spokesman for the Communist Party, described 
one of his courses at the Jefferson School of Social Science in the school 
catalog as "the role of culture in the class struggle today." 

Such Communists as Paul Robeson, Robert Claiborne, and Oakley 
C. Johnson were on the Citizens Committee when the 20th anniversary 
of the Metropolitan Music School was commemorated in 1954; 
Robert Claiborne was publicity director and Oakley C. Johnson was 
editor of the 20th Anniversary Golden Almanac. 

The music school has an annual registration of between 375 and 400 
children and adults. 


That the school does not impart musical instruction objectively is 
evidenced from an article which appeared in the Daily Worker of 
September 21, 1938, introduced into the committee record as an ex- 
hibit, in which Dr. Joachim Schumacher, faculty member, announced 
the introduction of a new course as a study of "the bourgeois music 
culture in the period of monopoly capitalism." When Lilly Popper, 
du-ector of the school, was asked if the foregoing accurately described 
the theme of teaching at the Metropolitan Music School, she invoked 
the fifth amendment. An article in People's Songs, February-March 
1947 issue, entitled "People's Songs — First Year," states, "Among the 
first year's most successful projects were the classes in the use of music 
for political action." In his testimony before the committee Earl 
Robinson, faculty member, stated that music had been used "a lot" 
for political action. 

The danger the Communist musician and teacher presents is summed 
up in a letter addressed to Lilly Popper, director of the Metropolitan 
Music School, in answer to her appeal that the school be supported 
in the investigation and hearing. The writer of the letter is Dr. 
Abram Chasins, music director of radio station WQXR owned by the 
New York Times and director of the annual musical educational 
activities of the New York Times. 

Miss Popper had stated in her appeal, "The very idea that there is 
an 'un-American' way of teaching music is ridiculous." Dr. Chasins 
answered : 

I think this is eminently correct, but there is more to the 
question. There are those who think that teaching involves 
only techniques. However, a teacher worthy of the name 
exerts a powerful intellectual and spiritual influence on the 
pupils. In my opinion, any teacher who abuses this great 
pedagogical privilege to impose irrelevant political ideas 
upon an esthetic relationship is unfit to teach, no matter what 
his nationality or ideology. 




An immediate danger to national security lies in the continuing 
penetration of the Nation's communications facilities by potential 
Communist spies and saboteurs. 

This was established clearly in hearings by the Committee on 
Un-American Activities on July 17, 18, 19, August 2, and October 9, 
1957. Continuing investigation by the committee has disclosed further 
that the Communist apparatus has been able to infiltrate key seg- 
ments of the Conelrad enemy warning system, established to alert 
the civilian population in a target area. 

In the course of the hearings, the committee ascertained that the 
National Labor Relations Board continues to recognize the American 
Communications Association as the representative of communica- 
tions workers servicing key communication lines of a number of vital 
United States Government agencies, including the Department of 
Defense. The American Communications Association was expelled 
from the CIO on June 15, 1950, because of its domination by Com- 
munists. Officers of the union who have been identified as members 
of the Communist Party include Joseph P. Selly, president; Joseph 
Kehoe, secretary and treasurer; Dominick Panza, international vice 
president; and Charles L. Silberman, editor of ACA News. 

J. L. Wilcox, a vice president of the Western Union Telegraph Co., 
testified that approximately 4,200 of the employees of Western Union 
were represented by the American Communications Association. 

During the course of the October 9 hearings, the committee inter- 
rogated William Bender, vice president in charge of the broadcast 
division of the Communist-controlled American Communications 
Association. Mr. Bender testified that the broadcast division of the 
American Communications Association had about 100 members and 
that thev had representation in 7 radio stations — WLIB and WBXX, 
in New^York City, WPEN, WIP, W^DAS, WIBG, and WHAT, 
located in Philadelphia, Pa. 

Mr. Bender, when asked whether or not he was a member of the 
Communist Party, denied membership at the time of the hearings but 
invoked the fifth amendment when asked whether he had been a 
member of the Communist Party in the course of the past year. Mr. 
Bender did testify, however, that some of the radio stations repre- 
sented by the American Communications Association participate in 
the so-caUed Conelrad S^^stem of air raid defense which, in time of 
national emergency, will become an integral part of our defense 
operations. Mr. Bender refused to divulge the names of persons 
employed in any of these radio stations who, to his certain knowledge, 
are or have been members of the Communist Party. 



The danger inherent in Communist access to communications 
faciUties was described by Adm. Ellery W. Stone, president of Ameri- 
can Cable & Radio Corp., in these words: 

* * * If an operator were subversively inchned he could 
make copies of such messages in the normal course of his 
work, if unobserved, and deliver them to outsiders who could 
well be expert in decoding and thus bring about a breaking of 



There exists, too, actual danger of sabotage on a wide 
basis, where trained saboteurs are planted throughout any 
communications company facilities at the outbreak of any 
hostihties. It would be a simple matter for such employees 
to cripple communications by damaging deHcate and complex 
equipment, pouring acid on lead-covered cables, for example, 
which are used in modern methods of message transmission. 

Admiral Stone declared further that this threat would be present 
even if only a handful of Communists were employed in vital com- 
munications centers. Regarding ship-to-shore radio installations, 
Admiral Stone commented in effect that Communists having access 
to communication facilities pertaining to defense transportation of the 
United States and our allies, could transmit information to an enemy, 
thereby creating a danger to the security of the United States. 


A. Tyler Port, Director of the Office of Personnel Security Policy, 
Office of the Secretary of Defense, stated in his testimony that the 
Department of Defense has actively supported legislation that would 
permit the removal of dangerous persons from facilities vital to our 
Nation's security. He warned, however, that the Department of De- 
fense cannot assure the Congress or the American people that all 
reasonable measures have been taken to safeguard our national security 
inasmuch as Communists are still permitted to work in vital communi- 
cations facilities. 

Mr. Port further stated in his testimony that the Defense Depart- 
ment is continuously aware that regardless of what specific inter- 
national development occurs, infiltration of the defense effort by 
agents of the Soviet Union is a continuing objective. 

(The following is an excerpt from the hearing:) 

Mr. Arens. Is the record clear, gentlemen, that the De- 
fense Establishment is of the judgment that present law is 
inadequate to cope with the problem of Communists and 
their access to the vital communications facilities of the 
Defense Department? 

Mr. Port. That is correct, Mr. Arens. I might say, if I 
may, that as the speed, range, and complexity of our modern 
weapons systems advance, our communications systems on a 
global basis become increasingly vital to modern military 

Supplementing our own communications facilities inter- 
national communications industries of this country play a 
vital role in our national defense effort. 


Paul Goldsboroiigh, staff director, Communications Division, Office 
of the Assistant Secretar}- of Defense (Supply and Logistics), also 
appeared before the committee and testified that there is a potential 
possibility of sabotage of communications facilities which process 
defense messages by any "subvereive element that might be so 


Michael Mignon. a representative of the Communications Workers 
of America, AFLr-CIO, testified that he had formerly been a member 
of the Communist Party of the United States. Mr. Mignon pointed 
out the importance that the Communist Party places upon control of 
the communications industry in tinu^s of emergency. He stated: 

To the best of my recollection, sir, it was always pointed 
out to me that the importance of obtaining control of the com- 
munications industry in times of stress or in revolutionary 
times was a primary factor, and therefore the efforts of the 
Communist Party in subsidizing the union and offering 
whatever assistance they could in building the union in the 
communications industry was primarily the main objective. 

Mark Anthony Solga, employed as a radio operator by the Radio 
Corporation of America, testified before the committee that he had 
also been a member of the Communist Party. When asked whether 
he believed that the employment of Communists in the communica- 
tions industry- constituted a serious menace to the security of the 
United States, Mr. Solga stated: 

Potentially, I honestly believe that it does. In the event 
of any further conflict between the East and West, as that 
tension increases during the so-called cold war, if it should 
ultimately develop to a stage where it becomes rather hot, 
then I do honestly believe they are in a potentially dangerous 
position to inflict harm on our national security. 

Samuel Rothbaum, who is employed as an assistant repeater chief 
by the Western Union Telegraph Co., testified that he had been a 
member of the Comm.unist Party and that, in his opinion, based upon 
22 years of experience in the communications industry, a saboteur 
could inflict "an awful lot of damage" in time of crisis. 

Sirs. Concetta Padovani Greenberg, who has been employed by the 
Western Union Telegraph Co. since 1927, also appeared as a friendly 
witness during the course of the hearings. She testified that she had 
been a member of the Communist Party for a period of years. When 
questioned regarding the possibility of access to confidential and 
coded messages by members of the Communist Party, Mrs. Greenberg 
testified that persons known to her as having been members of the 
Communist Party do have access to confidential messages transmitted 
over facilities of certain segments of the communications industry. 
She stated that she had seen confidential messages relating to the 
tests made upon the atomic and hydrogen bombs. 


The inherent conspiratorial character of international communism 
emerged with greater clarity during the past year through a series of 
consultations of the Committee on Un-American Activities with vari- 
ous American and foreign experts. 

The consultations were part of a series inaugurated by the com- 
mittee to present to the American people the complete picture of the 
many ramifications of the international Communist conspiracy, of 
which the Communist apparatus hi the United States comprises only 
one segment. 

Current appraisals of Communist strategy and tactics in Hungary, 
the Baltic States, Red Chma, and the Far East were obtained from 
former citizens of these countries. In addition, the committee re- 
ceived valuable analyses of the Communist mind and the ideological 
fallacies of communism. 


The ideological fallacies of communism w^ere tellingly exposed by 
three prominent clergj-men of the Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant 


Rabbi S. Andhil Fineberg, community-relations consultant of the 
American Jewish Committee, characterized communism as follows: 

Communism is a totalitarian scheme for regimenting 
human existence. It subjects every aspect of life to the 
wishes and whims of a bureaucratic oligarchy. It is as 
different from our outlook on life as atheism is different 
from faith in God. The political and economic aspects of 
communism are derivatives of a philosophy whose ultimates 
cannot resemble ours. 

Communists base their view of life on materialism and 
on a collective society. Our way of life is based on Judaeo- 
Christian concepts and on the importance of even the most 
humble individual. They think of people as creatures w^hose 
destiny is determined solely by their material well-being. 
We think of people as creatures with souls, who prize spiritual 

He discussed the ideological fallacies of communism concerning 
God, man, private property, and power. Regarding the fallacy of 
communism with respect to the existence of God, Dr. Fineberg stated: 

Ruling out, as they do, the existence of a deity and man's 
responsibility to that Higher Power, they revere only human 
beings. They have no hope of the hereafter; thev have no 
concept such as the Jews have— which, incidentally, is the 



theme of our high holy days — that everyone is accountable 
to the Divine Judge. They, therefore, do not have what 
religious people consider higher moral laws, the immutable 
demands that God makes upon human beings and which 
are at the base not only of our aspirations but of our con- 
cepts of moral conduct. 

His comments with reference to the Communist fallacy in regard 
to man included these observations: 

Lacking a spiritual basis for existence, Communist 
ideologists conceive of people as having no other worthy 
objective but material prosperity and military might. All 
other human ideals, hopes, and aspirations are sacrificed for 
these. And, in pursuit of these goals for the nation as a whole, 
Communist rulers assume the right to deal with all human 
beings as though they were the property and chattel of the 
state. Democratic leaders would never set up one-party 
government. You will recall that, when the great emanci- 
pator Moses was told that several people were speaking 
against him in the camp, he welcomed that dissent and said, 
"Would that all the people were prophets and that God would 
put His Spirit in all of them." 


Bishop Fulton J. Sheen, national director of the Society for the 
Propagation of the Faith, auxiliary bishop of New York, and titular 
bishop of Cesariana, stated that : 

* * * communism is not an economic system; com- 
munism is basically a philosophical system, which was born 
of the marriage of two unmarriageable and unproductive 
units * * * not based on reality. 

He pointed out that — 

* * * the existence of God and private property are both 
denied simultaneously by communism. If a man has no soul, 
he cannot allege that he has any relationships with anyone 
outside of the state. If he has no property, he is dependent 
upon the state even for his physical existence. Therefore 
the denial of God and the denial of freedom are both condi- 
tions of slavery. 

He continued: , 

The goal of communism is the complete subjection of 
mankind to a totalitarian system which would deny both 
.internal and external freedom. 

With reference to the relationship between the philosophy of com- 
munism and communism in action, Bishop Sheen observed that — 

* * * as in Christianity the word became flesh, or truth 
became incarnate; in communism the ideolog}^ has become 
action. There is no gTeat diversity between any principles 
of communism and communism in action. And that is why 
many people go wrong in judging communism, because they. 


'tiot knowing its ideology, do not understand the present 

We of the Western World judge Russia by its foreign 
policy. Whenever there are smiles at Geneva and Russia 
apparently begins to be lenient with the Western World, we 
think communism is good. Whereas if you judge it from its 
ideology, it is a tactic, but not a change of system. 

In regard to the tremendous inroads made by communism in the 
course of the last 50 years, Bishop Sheen stated: 

There are manj^ reasons for that. One reason is the 
spiritual vacuum that has been created in the world. The 
modern vv^orld has lost its faith, it has lost its goal and its 
purpose. And the world became sick and tired of m.ilk- 
aud- water systems where there was nothing so sacred that 
you could dedicate your life to it, and nothing so evil that 
you should risk yoiu- life to destroy it. And communism 
comes into a world that is sick with relativism., and offers an 
absolute, and men find a loyalty and a dedication and a con- 
secration which gives them great faith in a political S3^stem, 
without imposing any individual morality. 

As to why certain persons become Comm.unists, Bishop Sheen noted 
that communism — 

* * * legislates for the mass, but it does not impose any 
individual morality. That is one of the reasons, 1 think, 
why some people^ — not all, God forbid — have an exaggerated 
interest in social justice, because it dispenses them from 
individual justice; they begin taking care of everyone else's 
problems in order to cover up their own dark and rotten 
conscience. Whenever I hear people talk about social jus- 
tice I always want to find out how much they pay their 

He continued: 

It is always well to investigate the moral background of 
those who become Communists, as it is always a good prin- 
ciple in talking to people not to be so interested in what they 
say as in why they say it. Why do certain people say cer- 
tain things? For example, if you ask me a question, and I 
immediately begin insulting you or the committee, you 
shouldn't pay any attention to what I am saying, but to 
why do I say it, to what is wrong with me. 

A young man one day knocked Lincoln down in a hospital 
in Virginia. He didn't recognize Lincoln, and he said to 
Lincoln, "Why didn't you get out of the way, you big, long- 
legged spider?" And Lincoln said, "Young man, what's 
troubling you on the inside?" 

Very often skepticism is a moral position; that is to say, 
it has been determined by behavior. So the intelligentsia 
will sometimes follow communism because of their behavior. 

Among the courses of action which he suggested in undertaking to 
cope with the international Communist menace was the expulsion of 
Russia from the United Nations, and the insistence by the West on 
the liberation of certain suppressed peoples. 



Dr. Daniel A. Poling, editor of the Christian Herald, stated that — " 

Communism is a driving dynamic faith. It has all of the 
passion that we associate with the early Christian church. 
But its basic tenet, its first principle, is atheism. It not only 
disregards, but it refutes and denies, the Christian ethic. It 
has absolutely no concern for the individual. We believe 
that government is made for man, and not man for govern- 
ment. Communism teaches and practices that the individ- 
ual is not only the servant of, but the slave of, the state. He 
exists for the state. His personal well-being is of no consider- 
ation at all if the strength of the state is in any way miti- 
gated or jeopardized by this individual. * * * communism 
is a total and comprehensive philosophy. It is a way of life. 
It is a coverall, body, mind, and soul. It is the universal 

Dr. Poling pointed out that so-called peaceful coexistence with the 
Kremlin is both incredible and impossible, that so far as the Kremlin 
is concerned peaceful coexistence means peaceful submission. 

"Communism," Dr. Poling continued, "has made, in the opinion 
of some of us, a moral debacle of the United Nations." He asserted 
that "there was every reason for us to withdraw recognition of Russia." 
He urged that individual citizens join in the efforts of the several 
patriotic organizations of the Nation which are dedicated to resisting 

In regard to the manner in which the forces of freedom can compete 
in the world market place of ideas with Communist ideology, he 

* * * We need to emphasize not what material things 
we have here, but the realities of freedom and the fact that 
communism is slavery. It is the destruction of the very aspir- 
ations of the soul. It is enslavement of the body, and you 
can prove that by pointing to Communist slave camps all over 
the world, and not only the enslavement of the body, but the 
enslavement of the mind and the soul. And remember 
one thing; there are more than 1 billion human beings who 
believe in one God — the Moslem, the Buddhist, the Roman 
Catholic, the Protestant, and the Jew. 

We should lay emphasis upon the fact that communism 
in its hrst tenet is atheism. We have obscured that idea too 
often. We need to point to what we have on our coins, "In 
God We Trust." We need to get that across, if j^ou please. 
We are getting the dollar across, but we need to get across the 
thing that we reaUy finally live by in this country. 


A prediction that the international Communist conspiracy will 
achieve its goal of world domination in about 16 years, if its present 
rate of expansion continues unabated, was made by Dr. Frederick 
Charles Schwarz, executive director of the Christian Anti-Communist 
Crusade, an international organization dedicated to exposure of the 
Communist campaign of spiritual conquest. 


Dr. Schwarz, an Australian physician, surgeon, and psychiatrist, 
has spent man}'^ years in study and research into the basic philosophy 
of communism. In furtherance of his work, he has traveled ex- 
tensively in many areas of the world, and is regarded as an authority 
in the field. 

The Kremlin, he said, has set the year 1973 as its deadline for 
accomplishing world domination. During the next 10 years it expects 
to see consolidation of its program in Asia and the isolation of the 
United States. Soviet leadership, he emphasized, is confident that 
it can achieve its goals without recourse to a third world war. 

"I regret to sav that, b^^ everj^ standard test, the Communists have 
been making terrifying progress, and they are winning and we are 
losing," Dr. Schwarz stated. 

Current Communist disarmament discussions, he continued, are 
"an act of war," not a prelude to peace. 

Military stalemate, he added, would free the resources of the Soviet 
Union for further advances in its program of global conquest. 

"Negotiation with the Soviet Union," Dr. Schwarz warned, "is 
impossible. To think we can do it is to indicate a failure to under- 
stand communism so completeh' that it approaches mental illness." 

Dr. Schwarz declared that the brutality of communism is not a 
departure from its classic ideology, but is the very basis of the Com- 
munist program. 

"Inherent within the theory of communism," he said, "is the great- 
est program of murder, slaughter, and insanity conceivable. To the 
Communists, murder, treachery, and torture are moral acts." 

Dr. Schwarz characterized communism as a pseudoscience that 
bases its doctrine on three points: First, that there is no God, a denial 
of moral law and all that it implies; second, that man is a material 
machine, completely describable in terms of chemistry and physics, 
with no value and no continuity of life; third, that communism is 
economic determinism. 

"Every act that contributes to the Communist conquest is a peaceful 
act, in their eyes," Dr. Schwarz continued. "If they take a gun, 
they take a peaceful gun, containing a peaceful buUet, kill you peace- 
fully, and put you in a peaceful grave." Thus, he explained, Khru- 
shchev could call the Russian butchery in Budapest "glorious peace." 

The Communist movement, Dr. Schwarz declared, draws its strength 
from two principal sources. First, "their recruitment of the student 
intellectual, who is susceptible to the appeals of communism by reason 
of his educational conditioning; second, the superb organization of the 

The intellectual, he explained, "is recruited in terms of his ideo- 
logical pride. He is more intelligent than the average man, and he 
sees the opportunity to mold man and create history." 


Kuo-Shuen Chang, a prominent former Singapore newspaper 
editor, warned in his consultation that Communist labor-union and 
student organizations, supported by a combat-trained network of 
jungle guerrillas, are preparing to seize control of Singapore and 
Malaya. The fall of Singapore and Malaya would have a far-reach- 
ing, strategic impact upon the security of the West, Mr. Chang em- 


phasized. It would imperil the other key southeast Asian nations of 
India, Burma, Thailand, and Indochina and deprive the West of a 
major naval base and source of vital supplies of rubber and tin. 

The Chinese population of Singapore, numbering 80 percent of the 
city's 1,200,000 inhabitants, has a "pronounced affinity" for Red 
China and will do nothing to oppose the Kremlin's advance, he 

Mr. Chang, now on the staff of the Colorado Springs Free Press, 
was a member of the southeast Asia bureau of the New York Times 
before coming to the United States in August 1955. At the time the 
Communists came to power in China, he was managing editor of the 
Shanghai China Press. He fled from Shanghai in 1949, after refusing 
to submit to Communist indoctrination and control of his newspaper. 

The Communists in Singapore and on the mainland of Malaya, he 
continued, have been able to infiltrate the Chinese school systems by 
means of professional students whose sole purpose is agitation and 
organizational work among their colleagues and the teachers. As a 
result, he said, today some 10 percent of the students are actively 
working for the Communists. Although some of the teachers have 
attempted to oppose the activities of the Communists in the schools, 
the majority, he said, are "indifferent." 

Mr. Chang pointed out that further Communist strength is drawn 
from the labor movement and from the two major newspapers in 
Singapore. The largest union is Communist controlled, he said, and 
asserts a decisive influence in much of the country's industry. 

The students and the Communist-controlled iniions have joined 
forces in fomenting strikes and creating disorders, Mr. Chang said. 
One of the most serious of the incidents which they perpetrated was the 
riot in May 1955, in which United States Correspondent Gene Symonds 
was killed. 

The newspapers, although not Communist controlled, slant their 
editorials and news reports in favor of the Chinese Communist regime 
and against the West. 

The overseas Chinese population, Mr. Chang explained, has had no 
direct contact with the oppression of the Peiping government, and 
actually regards with "pride" the power that their homeland has 

Mr. Chang said that approximately 2,500 guerrillas still operate 
in Malaya despite the efforts of nearly 50,000 British troops to ex- 
terminate them. 


Dr. Chiu-Yuan Hu, adviser to the Chinese mission of the General 
Assembly of the United Nations, reported to the committee that the 
Chinese Communists have physically exterminated 20 million human 
beings since they took over the mamland of China in 1948; that some 
25 million more Chinese are in prison, brainwashing schools or in 
slave-labor camps; that Chinese youth from kindergarten to the uni- 
versity are being taught to hate America by what is known as the 
three-look movement — look to America with hatred; look to America 
with contempt; look to America with superiority. 

Dr. Hu is a professor of modern history at the National University 
in Formosa, and his testimony is based on an extensive system of 
contacts which he has been able to maintain with sources of informa- 
tion inside Red China. 


Dr. Hu ridiculed the claim, often advanced by advocates of recog- 
nition of Red China, that the Communists had established "effective 
control" over the mainland. He said that the Chinese Reds them- 
selves in their radio broadcasts, as well as printed material, quote 
statistics on hundreds of thousands of "counterrevolutionary bandits" 
having been exterminated. Dr. Hu testified that this could only 
mean that there are military operations, guerrilla warfare, and wide- 
spread resistance in extensive areas throughout China. 

Dr. Hu also testified that the annual export of narcotics from Red 
China is steadily increasing and is estimated at 1,500 tons for 1956. 
This tremendous amount of narcotics is sold all over the world, and 
the money realized is immediately converted within the same country 
into subversive channels, thus effectively removing from police detec- 
tion the sources of funds used by local Communists. 

Dr. Hu described as wishful thinking the notion that the Chinese 
Red leadership might, at some time in the future, become independent 
of Moscow. He stated that all the leading Chinese Conamunists had 
been trained in Moscow and that the Chinese Communist Party is 
the only Communist Party which has never had a schism, split, or 
any serious deviation from the line as laid down by the Kremlin. 

Dr. Hu estimated that there were some 50,000 Soviet advisers, 
technicians, and experts in Communist China today helping the Reds 
develop their industrialization and militarization programs. He also 
said that the Soviets had an iron grip on strategic resources, including 
oil and uranium in the provinces of Sinkiang, Mongolia, and Man- 
churia and that Manchuria is being developed by Russia and Red 
China into a gigantic military buildup area for future use against 
South Korea and Japan. 


Two leaders of the Hungarian revolution who are now in the 
United States, declared that Hungary today is in the grip of a "reign 
of terror" imposed by the Red Army and Hungarian security troops. 

The witnesses, Sandor Kiss and Janos Horvath, fled from Hungary 
to escape arrest after Red Army reinforcements crushed the uprising in 
November 1956. Mr. Kiss is secretary general, and Mr. Horvath a 
member, of the executive committee of the newly formed Hungarian 
Revolutionary Council, comprised mainly of Hungarian freedom 

"The present situation in Hungary is one of terror, of people 
being taken to prison and torture chambers and being executed 
virtually without a hearing," Mr. Horvath declared. 

In addition, he said, the number of unemployed has risen to around 
350,000 and many of these are actually starving. Mr. Horvath 
estimated "conservatively" that between 40,000 and 50,000 Hungar- 
ians had been deported to the Soviet Union after the suppression of 
the revolution. 

Mr. Kiss estimated that between 15,000 and 20,000 people were 
killed in the uprising, in contrast to the official report of only r,800 
deaths. "Most of these," Mr. Kiss added, "were people who gave 
themselves up with the understanding that they might be pardoned 
and then were ruthlessly murdered by the Hungarian Government and 
the Soviets." 


"In the town of Miskolc in the northwestern part of Hungary", he 
said, "56 people were summarily executed for participation in the revo- 
lution. In nearby Eger, 23 were executed." The toll in some other 
towns, he said, included 17 in Salgotarjan; 19 in Pesterzsebet; 20 in the 
Bakony Forest, one of the resistance centers; and 11 in the mining 
district of Komlo. Similar executions were carried out in almost 
every town and village throughout the country by the Red Army, he 

Most of the casualties of the fighting, Mr. Horvath declared, were 
"peaceful bystanders." Between 500 and 600 people, he said, were 
killed in a period of a half hour as they watched a battle before the 
Parliament building in Budapest. Among them were a number of 

"Actually," Mr. Kiss stated, "it is an error to consider the uprising 
and subsequent Soviet intervention an internal affair. In reality it 
was a 'Soviet-Hungarian war'." He continued: 

On the 23d of October in a matter of 3 hours Hungary won 
its freedom. Ninety-nine percent of the people agreed that 
communism and Soviet domination must be ended * * *. 
The heroism of the youth worked a modern miracle. The 
Hungarian people took up the fight and in 5 days from 
October 24 to 29, they conquered the Soviet Army that was 
arra^^ed against them. 

Mr. Kiss and Mr. Horvath stated that the Soviets were originally 
prepared to recognize the regime established by Imre Nagy and 
decided to invade Hungary only when the "vacillation and inactivity 
ol the U. N." indicated that they could do so without risking reprisal 
from the rest of the world. 

"If the U. N. had succeeded in sending an observer team into 
Hungary and had championed the cause of the Hungarians, this would 
have been of great benefit because it would have meant that the U. N. 
and the Western World recognized Hungary's right to self-govern- 
ment, freedom, and independence," Mr. Kiss declared. 

"The Hungarians today feel that the free countries of the world 
betrayed them," Mr. Horvath declared. "This is the feeling of the 
Hungarian people. That I want to emphasize." 


Dr. August Rei, former President of Estonia, testified that the 
Kremlin has converted the conquered Baltic States into a vast staging 
area for a future world war. 

There are approximately 100,000 Soviet soldiers stationed in 
Estonia toda}'. Dr. Rei stated, and about an equal number in Latvia 
and Lithuania. In addition, he said, the Soviets have established a 
network of guided-missile-launching stations in the area. The 
Kremlin, he said, considers the Baltic countries "the starting point for 
an aggi'ession against the Western W^orld." 

Dr. Rei held the posts of President, Prime Minister, and Foreign 
Minister of the Estonian Republic at various times between 1918 and 
the Second World War. He escaped to Sweden from the Soviet 
Union in 1940, at the time the Krem.lin occupied his countr}" during 
its collaboration with Nazi Germany. Dr. Rei is head of the Estonian 
Government in Exile and chairman of the Estonian National Council, 


composed of representatives of various Estonian political groups who 
were forced to flee when Estonian statehood was extinguished by the 
Red Army. 

The militarization of the three former independent nations of 
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, Dr. Rei declared, has been accom- 
panied by wholesale liquidations of the native popidation. More than 
170,000 of the total Estonian population of 1,200,000 fell victim to 
the Soviet program of mass murder and deportations after the seizure 
of the country by the Kremlin. 

Before the outbreak of war between Germany and the Soviet 
Union, he said, 59,900 were deported, some 33,000 were conscripted 
into an Estonian Red Ai'm}' Corps, and another 1,715 were executed. 

After World War II, when the Russians returned to Estonia, 
another 80,000 farmers and J^oung men were deported. Altogether, 
he said, the Soviets conducted fom- waves of deportations. 

Estonia today. Dr. Rei declared, has been reduced to a Soviet 
colony. All of the national resources are being exploited for the 
benefit of the Soviet LTnion and the satelhte bloc. Transmission 
lines, for example, carry natural gas and electric current from Estonia 
to the Soviet Union, but almost no power at all is available for Estonian 

Dr. Rei cited the Soviet seizure of Estonia as an example of the 
real value of Kremlin treaties of peace and nonaggression. In 1933, he 
recounted, Estonia and the Soviet Union had signed an ironclad 
agreement renouncing the employment of force against one another. 
In 1939, following the pact between Hitler and Stalin, the Soviet 
Government, with the threat of armed invasion, forced Estonia to 
accept a new treaty which provided for stationing Red Army "protec- 
tive forces" at various bases inside its Baltic ally. The following year 
the Soviets, on the pretext of "suppressing anti-Soviet activities," 
inaugurated a complete occupation of Estonia, together with Latvia 
and Lithuania, and set up a puppet government backed by the Red 

The progi-am of arrests and terror, Dr. Rei noted, was carried out 
under the service of Gen. Ivan Serov, today the chief of the Soviet 
Union Secret Police. 


Three economic experts testified that trade with the Soviet Union 
and other Communist nations is a one-way street that can lead only to 
the ultimate destruction of the United States economy. 

The witnesses were Anthony J. Marcus, president of the Institute 
of Foreign Trade in New York; Christopher Emmet, author and radio 
commentator; and Dr. Nicolas de Rochefort, formerly a lecturer at 
the American University in Washington. All three were unanimous 
in their view that international trade is merel}' another weapon in the 
Communist arsenal. 

"Trade with the Red bloc would be ruinous to the United States 
and all free nations," Mr. Marcus testified. 

"From the very beginning the .Soviet Union started to use trade as 
a weapon to harm their non-Communist adversaries. They will buy 
and sell to people where they can get the greatest advantage — not in 
money, but in infiltration, subversion, and the stealing of technological 


"If they can cripple American foreign trade, which now amounts to 
$26 biUion a year, they will have accomplished their goal without a 
shooting war," he declared. 

Mr. Marcus pointed out that it is impossible to differentiate between 
strategic trade and nonstrategic trade. "Because of the Communist 
mind (and economy), everything from a pin to a jet bomber is strategic, 
because it means a saving in materials and labor which can be diverted 
to more necessary or strategic use in the country." 


Constantine Brown, one of America's most authoritative news 
analysts, warned that "Communist influence and Communist prestige 
is increasing beyond the fondest hopes of the men of the Kremlin." 

Mr. Brown, who conferred with the committee after completing a 
global visit to key sources of conflict between East and West, declared 
that the threat to the Free World from communism is "increasing 

Mr. Brown, foreign news analyst and syndicated columnist in many 
leading American newspapers, gave this summary of his interpretation 
of current developments in the countries of his itinerary: 


Spain is extremely friendly to the United States and the 
only country in Europe willing to risk everything in its fight 
against communism. 


France is a frustrated country of complete political chaos, 
but communism is definitely on the decline. The French 
people have concluded that they cannot be dictated to by 
Moscow Communists. In France there is a marked trend 
toward nationalism. 

Western Europe, in my opinion, is indefensible. We have 
in Europe hundreds of thousands of American dependents 
and employees who would have to be evacuated in case of 
war. The presence of these thousands of women and children 
will create chaos worse than any commander has ever 


Western influence in the Middle East has never been lower. 
The Arabs have one hatred, the hatred not necessarily of any 
man of the Hebrew faith, but of Zionism and of the Isiael 
Republic. Since we are committed to uphold that sovereign 
state, it will be difficult for us to reconcile the Arabs who 
admire the Soviet anti-Israeli attitude. 

International commimism is winning (in the Middle East) 
unless we can stop it. 



We have performed diplomatic miracles by keeping Com- 
munist China out of the United Nations. The Red Chinese 
leaders know, from listening to some United States Senators 
or reading some American press articles, that tlio present 
status quo cannot continue for long. If Red China is ad- 
mitted or recognized (by the United States of America), it 
will have a devastating effect on the whole Far East. 


* * * if America continues to give indication of weakness in 
international affairs, it is in the cards that you will have in 
Japan a government which will resume complete diplomatic, 
economic, and cultural relations with Communist China. 


Present-day leaders of the international Communist empire, in the 
course of their careers of murder and terror, have deliberately de- 
stroyed more men, women, and children than comprise the total 
population of the Eastern United States. The records of these men 
were published by the committee during the past year in a series 
entitled "Who Are They?" 

The keynote of the committee's publications was a maxim of the 
American philosopher, Ralph W^aldo Emerson: 

Don't Say Things. What You Are Stands Over You the 
While, and Thunders So That I Cannot Hear What You Say 
to the Contrary. 

Since the death of Stalin and the ascent of the current leadership of 
the Kremlin, Emerson's words, the committee found, seem to have lost 
their pertinence. The sweet reasonableness of Khrushchev and his 
colleagues, coupled with an eager willingness of many quarters of the 
free world to believe them, appear to have rebutted both Emerson's 
commonsense and our own experience. 

Even some leaders of the United States have demonstrated re- 
peatedly their receptivity to the Kremlin's persuasion and their 
heedlessness of the lessons which international communism has 
dispensed with barbarous cruelty. 

What the Kremlin stands for thunders throughout the free world, 
but the words of international communism's rulers have been able to 
dim the sound. 

Despite the savage suppression of the Hungarian revolution; despite 
the slave camps and secret-police terror in the Soviet Union and 
throughout its satellites; despite the collapse of the recent disarma- 
ment talks: the rulers of communism can still find an audience for 
their hypocritical avowals of peace. 


Nikita Khrushchev and Nikolai Bulganin, whose careers were 
portrayed in the first of the committee's publications, have partici- 
pated in the Communist program of aggression from its very beginning. 
Although they rebutted the crimes of Stalin, the fact emerges that 
they served as Stalin's willing instruments. 

Because of his insistent attempts to subdue Ukrainian national con- 
sciousness and desire for self-determination, Khrushchev is among the 
men most hated in the Soviet Ukraine. He had been chosen twice — 
before and after World War II — to implement the sovietization of the 
Ukraine. In carrying out this assignment, he was as systematic as he 
was ruthless. His first target was the Ukrainian intelligentsia, whose 
members were accused by the Communists of trying to separate the 
Ukraine from the Soviet Union and to preserve the traditional Ukrain- 



ian culture. "We have destroyed," he declared in 1938, "a con- 
siderable number of enemies, though not all." Toward the end of the 
war, Khrushchev resumed his repressive policies in the Ukraine, 
exercising for 3 years a virtual one-man dictatorship subject only to 
the control of Stalin. 

Khrushchev is a sworn enemy of the democratic form of government 
and the American way of life. He reviles this country as being devoid 
of political freedom and economic stability and ruled by a handful of 
greedy capitalists who enslave the working people. He and his fellow 
Communists are driven by the desire to outdistance the United States, 
the most advanced and powerful capitalist country. His fanatical 
belief in the superiority of the Communist system leaves no doubt in 
his mind that, whether there be peace or war, the ultimate communi- 
zation of the world is certain to arrive. 


Bulganin began his political career as an efficient officer of the 
infamous Cheka, the initial version of the dreaded Soviet Secret Police. 
The Cheka was the main instrument of the Red terror waged by the 
newly established Bolshevik rulers against real and imaginary oppo- 
nents of the Communist regime. In this capacity, he showed great 
zeal in jailing and sending to death the so-called "enemies of the 
people" and in suppressing a revolt of workers in his own hometown. 
Later, Bulganin was sent to central Asia, where he rounded out his 
ignominious career in the Soviet Secret Police with the assignment of 
destroying the spirit of independence and the religious beliefs of the 
Moslems in the U. S. S. R. 

Twenty years later, Bulganin played a conspicuous role in plotting 
against freedom, this time in Poland and Czechoslovakia. He was 
the moving spirit behind the so-called Polish Lublin Committee of 
National Liberation — "the faceless, renegade Polish Communists and 
Russian citizens" — serving as a tool of the Kremlin's plans for the 
communization of Poland and as a medium of counteracting the Free 
Polish Government in exile in London. In the summer of 1944, during 
the march of the Red Army on the Polish capital, Bulganin was instru- 
mental in the decision to refuse military assistance to the Polish 
patriots in Warsaw, who had risen in arms against the Nazis. As a 
result, the Red Army was made to stand by idle while the brave Polish 
underground army, under Bor-Komorowski, was hopelessly outnum- 
bered and decimated by the Nazi military forces. 

At the end of the war, Bulganin vigorously promoted the Sovietiza- 
tion and Russification of Poland and of other parts of east-central 
Europe. On several occasions, he paid personal visits to Prague, 
serving as an important link in the Soviet conspiracy which forced 
Czechoslovakia to become another Soviet satellite. 

Bulganin has a record of ruthlessness in achieving his goals. Rude 
to his subordinates, he tolerates neither criticism nor opposition. 
Like the otiier Kremlin chiefs, Bulganin is bent on the disruption of 
the Western alliance as the initial step toward the destruction of the 
American way of life. 



Mao Tse-tung, Chairman of tlie People's Republic of China, began 
his service to the Kremlin with the organization of peace associations 
in Hunan and Kiangsi Provinces of China in 1927. Step by step he 
built up his military strength behind the facade of a program of 
moderation, supposedly representing a reasonable program of the 
progressive, social, and political action. 

He formed "spear corps" of farmworkers armed with home-made 
weapons to capture the arsenals of the landlords' private armies. 
With the weapons he obtauied he built up his own army and expanded 
into other provinces. The landlords and local gentry were imprisoned, 
banished, and, finally, shot. And, as time went on, the range of people 
subject to execution constantly widened in scope. 

In th-^ long struggle that developed between the Communist forces 
and the Chinese Nationalist Government, Mao's role was predomi- 
nantly that of planning political strateg}^, of drafting blueprints for 
the future state, and of warping the minds of the masses; of no less 
importance was his role in designing Communist guerrilla tactics. 

He missed no opportunity to strengthen his power. Thus, in 1936, 
when Chiang Kai-shek was kidnaped at Sian Fu. Mao intervened to 
secure Chiang's release. But Mao obtained his price: the penetration 
of Communists into the Central Government, the opportunity to 
expand into North China, and the strengthening of his armed forces 
and the weakening of Chiang's. 

After the defeat of Japan m 1945. Mao, w^hile pretending to dis- 
associate himself from the Soviet Union and maintaining the ap- 
pearance of cooperation with Chiang Kai-shek, built up his armies in 
Manchuria with captured Japanese arms turned over to him by the 
Soviets. As his soldiers marched southward in 1949, masses of the 
Central Government's troops defected in response to Mao's propa- 
ganda, which promised new freedom, representative government, 
land and bullocks for the peasants, and high salaries for the intellec- 

At last, on October 1, 1949, Mao proclaimed the People's Republic 
of China in Peking. Since then the w^orld has witnessed the con- 
tradiction between Mao's words and the horrors of his deeds. The 
Chinese who looked to Maoism as the gateway to a "New China" 
were now crushed by the reality of China in the merciless grip of 


Chou En-lai, who shares power with Mao, has long proved himself 
a fanatical and dedicated Communist. His reliance on force is clearly 
shown in his early career as a Communist leader. Made a member 
of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in 1926, 
he organized and led a revolt of 600,000 workers in Shanghai the next 
year, and seized the city after bloody fighting. He headed riots and 
fighting in Nanchang and in Canton, and organized underground 
movements in an attempt to overthrow the legal authorities in Hong 
Kong, Canton, and Shanghai. 

Chou's techniques of deceit are illustrated by his activities just 
after the war with Japan. At this time, Chiang Kai-shek's armies 
were much stronger than those of the Communists; although possessing 
captured Japanese weapons that the Soviets had turned over to them, 


the Communists desperately needed time to build up their forces. 
Chou En-lai, who had conducted such negotiations before, was assigned 
to obtain an armistice and thus provide a breathing spell; through 
delays under various pretexts and through false promises he managed 
to have hostilities suspended just long enough for the Communists to 
prepare their attack. 

After the Communist armies had overrun most of China, the Chinese 
"People's Republic" was proclaimed in 1949, and Chou En-Lai was 
given the high posts of Premier and Foreign Minister. 

His internal policy was characterized by close cooperation in Mao 
Tse-tung's policy of ruthlessly exterminating millions of real and 
imagined opponents. With his usual efficiency, Chou effected thought 
control, suppressed liberties, and undermined Chinese culture and 



In the biographies of Marshals Georgi Zhukov and Ivan Konev, the 
committee forecast the struggle for power within the Kremlin that 
culminated only a few weeks later in the abrupt demotion of Marshal 
Zhukov as Minister of Defense and membership in the Presidium of 
the Soviet Communist Party. The information obtained by the 
committee indicated that the struggle within the Soviet Union had to 
be interpreted basically in terms of the shift in importance in the mili- 
tary leadership and their widening conflict with the political leadership 
of the Kremlin. 

The military contributed to Malenkov's fall in 1954, when strong 
differences inside the Soviet Supreme Council over heavy industry 
versus consumer production aroused the wrath of the top military 
commanders. Thereafter, the Zhukov group backed Khrushchev 
in his removal of Molotov, Malenkov, and Kaganovich, the "old 
Bosheviks." Later, however, Zhukov himself was demoted as 
Khrushchev moved to brake the growth of the Army as a political 



The first of sketches of Communist leaders outside the Soviet 
Union dealt with Walter Ulbricht, first secretary of the Socialist Party 
of Soviet-occupied East Germany, and Janos Kadar, Premier of 
Communist Hungary. 

Ulbricht has been a protagonist of Soviet terror almost since the 
day that the Kremlin embarked upon its program of world conquest. 
A free, unified Germany is impossible as long as he holds power. 
Kadar has proved himself as another loyal servitor of the Communist 
conspiracy. Tens of thousands of butchered and enslaved Hungarians 
owe their fate directly to his eager collaboration with the Red columns 
that ground out his country's brief flame of freedom last fall. 

"The careers of Ulbricht and Kadar prove that there is no hope of 
dealing lionorably with men for whom honor has no meaning," the 
committee noted. 

Equipped with an indefatigable capacity for work and an uncanny 
ability to sense coming policy changes, Ulbricht represents a dangerous 
and relentless enemy of America and all that America stands for. 
He has an amazing record of survival through the years, coming out 
alive from Hitler's persecution of the Communists, the purges under 
Stalin, the vicissitudes of World War II, the postwar executions of 


East European Communist leaders, and Khrushchev's drive against 
Stahn and "StaHnists," as well as outliving revolt and mass dis- 
content among the people he rules. This record bespeaks a remark- 
able ability to adjust cynically his thinking and behavior to the needs 
of the moment. Almost alone among European Communist dictators, 
Ulbriclit has maintained his position since World War II. 

There are few fields in East Germany in which Ulbricht has not 
imposed subservience to the Soviet Union. He has ordered servile 
imitation of the Soviet Union in the fields of science, linguistics, and 
education, in the theater, art, architecture, and in sports. He has 
made the entire organization of the East German state a miniature 
replica of the Soviet Union. The magnitude of the popular discon- 
tent with the Ulbricht regime became evident when the revolt of the 
people of East Berlin in June 1953 spread like wildfire to the Soviet 
Zone. This first major insurrection against a Soviet-sponsored puppet 
government was ruthlessly suppressed by Soviet armed power, after 
the local "people's" police proved incapable of coping with the situ- 

Kadar is a compelling example of a Communist quisling and the 
master of the double cross. It was Kadar who almost alone can claim 
credit for having betrayed his countrymen in the suppression of the 
Hungarian revolution last year. Sometime durmg the early morning 
of November 4 Kadar established a new pro-Soviet Government at 
Szolnok. At daybreak Soviet troops poured into the Hungarian 
capital, and in a war of suppression remarkable for its ruthlessness and 
barbarity, 32,000 persons were killed and parts of the once-beautiful 
city of Budapest were reduced to rubble. The Hungarian movement 
for freedom was broken. 

In the spring of 1957 Kadar strengthened the ties binding his coun- 
try to the Kremlin on a visit to the Soviet capital. Upon returning 
from his 10-day "consolidation conference" in NIoscow, he proclaimed 
that the Soviet Army would remain in Hungary indefinitely; that the 
"proletarian dictatorship" would be strengthened; that "counter- 
revolutionary" forces would be exterminated; and that the battle 
against "class enemies" would be intensified. In Moscow Kadar also 
entered an economic agreement witli the Soviet Government for finan- 
cial aid and supplies of raw materials. This, together with the politi- 
cal understanding, bound the Hungarian nation even closer to the 
j Soviet masters. 

j| "A tiger cannot be tamed by bait," he said in an allegorical reference 
' to the Hungarian people at the height of the suppression. "It can be 
tamed and forced to peace only b}- beating it to death." 


ij The biograpliical information as presented by the committee on 
Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia and Wladyslaw Gomulka, Premier of 
Poland, took on particular significance in view of the action of the 
White House and the State Department in designating Poland and 
Yugoslavia as potential allies of the United States and approving the 
extension of considerable aid to those nations. 

Before, during, and after World War II, Josip Broz Tito has invari- 
ably shown himself to be a dedicated Communist. A powerful ideo- 
logical affinity binds him firmly to his Communist brethren. During 


the last few years, in fact, he has clearly moved closer to a political 
alinement with Moscow. Tito's general philosophy of life, the nature 
of his own regime, and his inflexible commitment to communism all 
militate against a lasting rift with the Kremlin. 

Gomulka has consistently affirmed his solidarity with the Soviet 
Union. Tito has been serving, and serves today, as a traveling sales- 
man for Moscow whose mission it is to lure neutral nations into the 
Soviet orbit. Both nations are instruments of Soviet aggression; 
their leaders have consistently declared that they will remain so. 
Besides these facts, squabbles about so-called divergent approaches to 
"world socialism" are of only academic importance, and at most offer 
a snare for the gullible. 

Gomulka's ties to communism have been demonstrated throughout 
his life. During the interwar period, he was a professional organizer 
and agitator for the Communist Party and was arrested several times. 
During the Nazi occupation of Poland, he did not oppose the Nazi- 
Soviet Pact which divided Poland in two; and only later, after the 
U. S. S. R. was attacked, did he become active in the Communist under- 
ground. Up to 1948, Gomulka was one of Communist Poland's most 
powerful men. He helped thwart the wartime agreements made to 
ensure free elections in Poland, and thus was a principal instrument in 
imposing Communist rule. He was also one of the organizers of the 
notorious Cominform. All this time, he supported and praised Stalin 
and faithfully carried out his orders. 


Two other instruments of international communism in Asia are 
Kim II Sung, Premier of Communist North Korea, and Ho Chi Minh, 
President of North Viet-Nam. Both Kim II Sung and Ho Chi Minh 
have demonstrated the real nature of communism through the aggres- 
sion that they launched in Indochina and Korea. Through their acts 
the peaceful blandishments of the Kremlin can be translated into 
specific facts: 35,000 American lives lost in Korea and another 140,000 
wounded; hundreds of thousands of French casualties in Indochina. 

Both Kim II Sung and Ho Chi Minh have served as Moscow's 
vanguard of mihtary conquest. Both participated in endless dis- 
cussions looking toward a negotiation of their political programs with 
the free world, and finally plunged into war to achieve their ends. 


Outside the present boundaries of Communist power, eager to lead 
their nations inside that orbit, are a group of Communist leaders in 
the West. The committee presented biographies of two of these, 
Maurice Thorez, head of the Communist Party of France, and Palmiro 
Togliatti, leader of Italy's Communists. 

Both Thorez and Togliatti have been in the service of the Kremlin 
from their earliest youth. They have survived the many shifts and 
turns of Communist policy and sacrificed friends, associates, and prin- 
ciple whenever necessary. Above all, they have willingly betrayed 
their own country when this was found necessary to carry out the 
Kremlin's foreign policy. For anyone who believes that communism 
can compound itself of genuine patriotism, the records of Thorez and 


Togliatti serve as convenient references. Both Thorez and Togliatti 
stand forth as agents of Soviet imperiahsm, not representatives of a 
true poHtical movement dedicated to the interests of their country- 
men. In the event of war, France and Italy, two of our alhes, would 
find themselves sorely beset by the army of Communist agents and 
saboteurs commanded by these two men. 


luttF& BUttB (tnurt of Appmls 


No. 13,327 
Lloyd Barenblatt, appellant 


United States of America, appellee 

On reargument of appeal from the United States District 
Court for the District of Columbia pursuant to re- 
mand by the Supreme Court of the United States. 

Decided January 16, 1958 

Mr. David Scrihner, of the bar of the Court of Appeals 
of New York, ]pro hac vice, by special leave of Court, 
with w^hom Mr. David Rein was on the brief, for ap- 

Mr. William Ritz, Assistant United States Attorney, 
with whom Messrs. Oliver Gasch, United States Attorney, 
Lewis Carroll, John D. Lane and Harold D. Rhynedance, 
Jr., Assistant United States Attorneys, were on the brief, 
for appellee. 

Before Edgerton, Chief Judge, and Prettyman, Wilbur 
K. Miller, Bazleon, Fahy, Washington, Danaher, Bas- 
TiAN and Burger, Circuit Judges. 

Bastian, Circuit Judge: On January 3, 1957, this court 
affirmed the conviction of Barenblatt on the charge of 
contempt of Congress.^ Petition for certiorari was duly 

1100 U.S.App.D.C. 13, 240 F.2d 875 (1957) 


filed in the Supreme Court and on June 24, 1957, the 
following per curiam order was entered : ^ 

"The petition for writ of certiorari in this case is 
granted. The judgment of the Court of Appeals for 
the District of Columbia Circuit is vacated and the 
case is remanded for consideration in light of Wat 
kins v.. United States, 354 U.S. 178." 

The present opinion is written in obedience to the above 

The facts concerning this case are sufficiently stated 
in the opinion of this court dated January 3 and need not 
be repeated here. Also, w^e limit ourselves to the direc- 
tions of the Supreme Court and consider only the impact 
of Watkins on the instant case, except that we have also 
weighed the applicability of Sweezy v. Neiv Hampshire, 

The Supreme Court in Watkins held that the witness 
there was not accorded a fair opportunity to determine 
whether he was within his rights in refusing to answer 
the questions involved and therefore his conviction was 
invalid under the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amend- 
ment; and that no clear understanding of the question 
under inquiry could be gathered from the resolution set- 
ting up the Standing Committee on Un-American Activi- 
ties, from the action of that Committee in authorizing 
the creation of the Subcommittee before which Watkins 
appeared, from the statement of the chairman at the 
opening of the hearings at which Watkins appeared, or 
from the statement of the chairman in response to Wat- 
kins' protest. 

At the hearing before us on remand two points are 
mainly relied upon by appellant: First, it is claimed that 

2354 U.S. 930 (1957). 

3 Although Barenblatt v. United States, supra note 1, was 
heard in this court before a division of three judges, we 
suu sponte determined to hear the case on remand en banc. 


the opinion of the Supreme Court in Watkins struck 
down the resolution creating the Standing Committee on 
Un-American Activities (hereinafter referred to as the 
Committee), and that prosecution based on refusal to 
answer (juestions asked by the Committee or a Subcom- 
mittee questioning thereunder must necessarily fall in 
that the resolution on which the indictment is based fails 
to meet the requirements of due process; and second, 
assuming this Avas not the case^ that part of the opinion 
in Watkins relating to pertinency is dispositive of the 
present case. 

As to the first point, such infirmity of the resolution 
as may be said to exist does not affect the indictment 
and, ill any event, is a matter of affirmative defense. It 
is quite true that the Supreme Court in no uncertain 
terms criticised the resolution creating the Committee for 
lack of specificity, for uncertainty, for vagueness, and the 
scope of the construction accorded to the resolution as 
acted upon by the members of the Committee and its 
Subcommittees. It would serve no useful purpose to 
review in detail all the criticisms directed by the Supreme 
Court to the resolution and the construction placed there- 
on by the Committee and its Subcommittees as they were 
constituted over the fifteen years of their existence; but 
in the margin are contained certain of the comments 
thereon by the Supreme Court."* 

"* "It would be difficult to imagine a less explicit author- 
izing resolution." 354 U.S. 178, at 202. 

". . . . An excessively broad charter, like that of the 
House Un-American Activities Committee, places the courts 
in an untenable position if they are to strike a balance 
between the public need for a particular interrogation and 
the right of citizens to carry on their affairs free from un- 
necessary governmental interference. It is impossible in 
such a situation to ascertain whether any legislative purpose 
justified the disclosures sought and, if so, the importance 
of that information to the Congress in furtherance of its 


Against the background of its views so voiced, the 
Court considered, in terms presently relevant, the rela- 
tionship of congressional investigating committees and 
the witnesses who appear before them. The opinion in 
Watkins clearly describes five criteria by which the per- 
tinence of a question can be made clear to a witness (354 
U.S. 178, 209, 211, 212, 213, 214): (1) the authorizing 

legislative function. The reason no court can make this 
critical judgment is that the House of Representatives itself 
has never made it. Only the legislative assembly initiating 
an investigation can assay the relative necessity of specific 
disclosures." Id. at 205-206. 
But the Court added: 

" ". . . . Applied to persons prosecuted under § 192 [2 
U.S.C], this raises a special problem in that the statute 
defines the crime as refusal to answer 'any question 
pertinent to the question under inquiry.' Part of the 
standard of criminality, therefore, is the pertinency of 
the questions propounded to the witness." Id. at 208. 
". . . . It is obvious that a person compelled to make 
this choice is entitled to have knowledge of the subject 
to which the interrogation is deemed pertinent. That 
knowledge must be available with the same degree of 
explicitness and clarity that the Due Process Clause 
requires in the expression of any element of a criminal 
offense. The 'vice of vagueness' must be avoided here 
as in all other crimes. There are several sources that 
can outline the 'question under inquiry* in such a way 
that the rules against vagueness are satisfied. The 
authorizing resolution, the remarks of the chairman or 
members of the committee, or even the nature of the 
proceedings themselves, might som,etimes make the topic 
clear. This case demonstrates, however, that these 
sources often leave the matter in grave doubt." Id. at 
208-209. (Emphasis added.) 

This indicates to us that it is possible for the Committee 
itself or the nature of the proceedings themselves "to make 
the topic clear," i.e., so to outline the question under in- 
quiry as to satisfy the rules against vagueness. The Court 
found that Watkins had no such guide. 


resolution, (2) opening remarks of the chairman, mem- 
bers, or counsel of the Committee, (3) the nature of the 
proceedings, (4) the questions themselves, and (5) the 
chairman's response to an objection on pertinency. 

There are several reasons which we believe militate 
against the conclusion urged by appellant in this case 
that the resolution itself was struck down and that, con- 
sequently, the prosecution based on failure to answer 
questions propounded by the Subcommittee was fatally 

In the first place, we believe that if the Court had 
intended to strike down the resolution, it would have 
said so in so many words. It would not have left so 
vital an issue to inference or interpretation. The far- 
reaching result of such a holding would be that the Com- 
mittee, established by action of the entire House of Rep- 
resentatives, would be rendered helpless and would not 
even be able to summon a witness, much less have him 
testify. Nothing less would be an immediate consequence. 
Certainly nowhere in the Watkins opinion does the Court 
use language essential to effectuate the result contended 
for by appellant and, on remand, there is no such direc- 
tion to us to strike down the resolution or to hold in- 
valid the indictment brought for failure to answer ques- 
tions pertinent to the subject under inquiry. In the ab- 
sence of a clear expression from the Court we do not 
take this position. 

In the second place, had the Supreme Court struck 
down the resolution creating the Committee the mat- 
ter would have been ended, without the further, extended 
discussion found in Watkins. We cannot assume the rest 
of the opinion to be, nor do we read it as, mere dictum. 
On the contrary, it is clear the Court was famdliar with 
the present case as it is specifically referred to in note 
34 of the opinion in Watkins. The Court certainly knew, 
therefore, that Barenblatt's conviction grew out of testi- 
mony taken under the same resolution. Moreover, it is 


reasonable to assume that, had the resolution under which 
both Watkins and Barenblatt were questioned been 
stricken in its entirety, this case would have been re- 
versed on authority of Watkifis rather than remanded 
for consideration "in light of" that opinion. We read 
Wiathins as demonstrating the necessity of more than 
ordinary caution in upholding First Amendment rights 
of individuals who are summoned before committees or 
subcommittees which operate under resolutions infected 
with the vagueness criticized in Wathms. 

We do believe that the Supreme Court was of the 
opinion that the vagueness of the resolution made it 
necessary, and only fair, that the witness be apprised of 
the particular matter under inquiry by the Committee or 
Subcommittee holding the hearings, and, on objection, of 
the pertinency of (the questions involved in the inquiry. 

Thirdly, the Supreme Court cited in Watkins a number 
of cases, both in that Court and in Courts of Appeals, 
bearing on convictions sustained under the same resolu- 
tion.^ There is no suggestion that those decisions were 
repudiated or tha/t th( ^r reasoning was erroneous. One 
finds no intimation that tiie cases should have been de- 
cided b\' the simple proi^ess of voiding the resolution 
establishing the Coinmittee. "'Ve are of clear ox-)inion that 
Watki^ns did not void H.Ile&. 282, 75th Cong., 3d Sess., 
or H. Res. 5, 79th Co^g , • 

Apart from our prebeiit review in light oi Watkms, we 
have reconsidered the case also h. light of Sweezy v. NeAv 

^ See, among others, Quinn V. United States, 349 U.S 155 
(1955); United States Y. Bryan, 339 U.S. 323 (1950); 
Barsky v. United States, 83 U.S.App.D.C. 127, 167 F.2d 241, 
cert, denied, 334 U.S. 843 (1948), rehearing denied, 339 
U.S. 899 (1950) ; United States v. Josephson, 165 F.2d 82 
(2d Cir. 1947), cert, denied, 333 U.S. 838, rehearing denied, 
333 U.S. 858, motion for leave to file second petition for 
rehearing denied, 335 U.S. 899 (1948). 

« Watkins, notes 35, 36. 


Hampshire, 354 U.S. 234 (1957). Appellant argues that 
there the Court emphasizes by analogy the fallibility of 
the resolution creating the Committee. Sweezy refused to 
answer questions in tlie course of an investigation by the 
State Attorney General acting under a resolution of the 
State Legislature relating to subversive activities. The 
Supreme Court there held that the investigation had de- 
prived Sweezy of due process of law under the Four- 
teenth Amendment, and concluded that the record did not 
sustain the power of the State of New Hampshire to 
compel the disclosures that the witness refused to make. 
At the outset of the hearing, Sweezy had raised the ques- 
tion of pertinency as well as the question of violation of 
First Amendment rights. The Court further pointed out 
that there was no assurance that the legislature wanted 
answers to certain questions asked by the Attorney Gen- 
eral, to whom the legislature had delegated the duty of 
making the investigation. 

We think that Sweezy does not compel us to hold, under 
the circumstances of the instant case, that any of appel- 
lant's constitutional rights were violated. 

In the Watkins case, having held that the resolution 
was not sufficiently specific, standing alone, to advise the 
witness of the question under inquiry, or at least having 
expressed doubt, the Supreme 'Court considered whether 
the statement of the chairman of the Subcommittee was 
sufficient to apprise Watkins of the matter under inquiry 
and whether, when Watkins objected to the questions on 
the ground of pertinency, the chairman's response was 
adequate to convey sufficient information on this point. 
The Court observed that that statement was nothing more 
than a paraphrase of the resolution itself and gave Wat- 
kins insufficient information concerning the subject under 
inquiry. The investigation there was in connection with 
communist infiltration in labor and the Court found that 
a majority of the witnesses were not connected with labor 
at all, and that seven of the thirty persons whose names 


were propounded to Watkins had no such connections. 
The Court wrote that the "inference becomes strong that 
the subject 'before the 'Subcommittee was not defined in 
terms of communism in labor," and concluded that the 
question under inquiry was not adequately revealed to 
Watkins when he had to decide, at his iperil, whether or 
not to answer. The Court declared that "fundamental 
fairness demands that no witness be compelled to make 
such a determination with so little guidance." 

The Watkins situation ds a far cry from that of Baren- 
blatt. The record here discloses that at the opening of 
the hearings before the Subcommittee on February 25, 
1953, the chairman made a statement of the purpose of 
the inquiry, the concluding part of which reads as follows : 

''[T]he objective of this investigation is to ascertain 
the character, extent and objects of Commwnist Party 
activities when such activities are carried on by mem- 
bers of the teaching profession who are subject to the 
directives and discipline of the Communist Party." "^ 
(Emphasis added.) 

Comparison of this statement with the initial statement 
of the chairman discussed in the Watkins case, found by 
the Court to be insufficient, suggests a like infirmity. So 
regarded, we put aside the chairman's statement as a 
factor even though the fact that Barenblatt had prepared 
his statement as to his objections to the jurisdiction of 
the Committee (infra, pp. 10, et seq) indicates that he 
quite well knew the nature of the hearing. 

We examine the record then from other approaches. 
It appears that Barenblatt was summoned to appear be- 
fore the Subcommittee at 10:30 A.M. on June 28, 1954, 
and ithat the session was called to order at 10:37 A.M. It 
may be presumed that Barenblatt was then present since 
there is no suggestion that he failed to obey the subpoena. 

^ The entire statement is quoted as an appendix to the 
opinion of this court dated January 3, 1957. 


At no time during the present hearing, or in the District 
Court, was it claimed that Barenblatt was not present 
when committee counsel, that day, made his statement as 
to the purpose of the hearing. As a matter of fact, it is 
not denied even at this time that Barenhlatt was then 
present. In addition also is the fact that Barenblatt 
testified that he had heard the testimony of Crowley, the 
first witness called. 

'Included in the statement of committee counsel at the 
June 28, 1954, hearing was the following : 

"The field covered will be in the main communism in 
education and the experiences and background in the 
party hy Francis X. T. 'Crowley. It will deal with 
activities in Michigan, Boston, and in some small de- 
gree. New York." ® 

'The question under inquiry was clearly indicated to the 
witnesses that day. From what we have said, as well as 
from what follows in his own testimony, it may fairly be 
inferred that Barenblatt was present and received the 
same information. 

The next standard discussed 'by the Supreme Court is 
the nature of the proceedings. Barenblatt testified the 
same day as did Crowley, who identified him (Barenblatt) 
as a member of the Haldane Club of the Communist Party 
at the University of Michigan. Some of the other wit- 
nesses who testified were members of the Communist 
Party and others, including Barenblatt, were charged with 
being members of the 'Communist Party while at the Uni- 
versity of Michigan several years before the hearings. 
All questions related to communist activity at the uni- 
versity, and it is clear that Barenblatt had knowledge 
that this was the subject matter heing inquired into. We 
are of opinion that the nature of the proceedings, which 
Barenblatt personally observed, clearly indicated to him 
the question under inquiry. 

« 240 F.2d at 881, note 8. 


The next standard discussed by the Supreme Court was 
the nature of the questions as put.^ Here, Barenblatt was 
asked specifieally about his membership in the Haldane 
Club of the Community Party while he attended the Uni- 
versity of Michigan and was a student of the University 
of Michigan Council of Arts^ Sciences, and Professions. 
These questions, and the balance of the questions form- 
ing the basis of the indictment, viewed in the light of 
what the committee counsel had said and Crowley's pre- 
ceding testimony, all in Barenblatt's presence, made indu- 
bitably clear to Barenblatt the nature of the subject under 
inquiry to which the questions were directed. 

The record of the hearing, at which Barenblatt appeared 
and during which the questions in controversy were asked, 
is devoid of any objection interposed on the ground of 
pertinency. Indeed, every indication is that he came pre- 
pared to refuse to ansvv^er any questions of moment — 
pertinent or not. He appeared before the Subcommittee 
accompanied by counsel and armed with an eleven-page 
prepared, written statement entitled "Objections to Juris- 
diction of the Committee on Un-American Activities and 
to Questions Propounded by It," objecting "not only to 
the jurisdiction of the committee, but also to the ques- 
tions propounded by it. This objection [the statement 
continues] is made upon advice of counsel as to my 
rights as provided for in rule VII of the rules of pro- 
cedure of IJiis committee. Counsel who appear for me 
are Pliilip AVittenberg and Irving Like of 70 West 40th 
Street, Borough of Manhattan, New York City." 

The statement can best be described as a lengthy 
legal ;)ricf attacking the jurisdiction of the committee 

» The Supreme Court in Watkins said (p. 213) : "The 
most serious doubts as to the Subcommittee's 'question under 
inquiry,' however, stem from the precise questions that pe- 
titioner has been charged with refusing to answer. Under 
the terms of the statute, after all, it is these which must be 
proved pertinent." 


to ask appellant any questions or to conduct any inquiry 
at all, based on the First, Ninth and Tenth Amendments, 
the prohibition against bills of attainder, and the doc- 
trine of separation of powers. This brief cited more 
than twenty Supreme Court decisions, some of which 
do not concern the congressional power of investigation; 
and, in several instances, dissenting opinions were cited. 
Included in this statement are the following: 

"1. I, Lloyd Barenblatt, having been subpenaed 
before the Committee on Un-American Activities, by 
subpena dated the 28th day of May 1954, returnable 
on the 28th day of June 1954, hereby respectfully 
object to the power and jurisdiction of this com- 
mittee to inquire into — 

(a) My political beliefs; 

(b) My religious beliefs; 

(c) Any other personal and private affairs; 

(d) My associational activities. 

"2. I am a private citizen engaged in work in the 
fields of education and research, and in writing and 
speaking in connection therewith. I hold no office of 
public honor or trust. I am not employed by any 
governmental department. I am not under salary 
or grant from any governmental department. 

"3. The grounds of my objection are as follows: 
"A. Any investigation into my political beliefs, 
my religious beliefs, any other personal and private 
affairs, and my associational activities, is an in- 
quiry into personal and private affairs which is be- 
yond the powers of this committee. 

* • • • 

"D. Under our Constitution our Government is 
a government of limited powers, tripartite in form, 
consisting of the legislative, the judicial, and the ex- 
ecutive. This separation is fundamental to the pres- 
ervation of the rights of the people in order that 
no one department may, through its power, rise to 
become a despotic arbiter. This committee through 
this investigation into my political, associational, re- 


ligious, and private affairs trespassed upon the ju- 
dicial department and has caused a lack of balance 
of power which constitutes a threat to my liberty 
as an American citizen and is an unconstitutional 


* * * « 

"This committee, by compelling me to leave my 
ordinary pursuits and to attend before it for thei 
purpose of testifying with regard to my political' 
beliefs, my religious beliefs, other personal and pri- 
vate affairs, and my associational activities, is acting 
as a judicial indicting and accusatory power. It is I 
intruding into the judicial sphere and is following a 
practice which closely parallels the practices which j 
resulted in bills of attainder being prohibited by our i 
Constitution (art. I, sec. 10). 

* « * * 

"Upon all the grounds aforesaid I object not only 
to the jurisdiction of this committee, but also to the 
questions propounded by it. This objection is made 
upon the advice of counsel as to my rights as pro- 
vided for in rule VII of the rules of procedure of 
this committee." 

To indicate the length to which the Subcommittee went 
to indicate to Barenblatt the pertinency of the questions, 
even though the question of pertinency was not raised by 
him, we quote from the record of Hearings before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Repre- 
sentatives, 83rd Congress, 2d Session, Communist Methods 
of Infiltration (Education — Part 9, pp. 5813-14): 

"Mr. Doyle [Representative Doyle]. Mr. Chair- 
man, I think the record should show that at this 
time there are pending before the United States 
Congress several active bills dealing with the question 
of subversive activities, dealing with the question of 
the Communist Party, dealing with the question of 
the responsibility that we have as a congressional 
committee under Public Law 601. 

"I am sure that is the record, and I would like 


the record of this hearing of this committee to es- 
pecially show it — 

"Mr. Velde [Representative Velde]. Yes, I think — 

"Mr. Doyle (continuing). And that this witness 
and these other witnesses could help us in line with 
our Public Law 601 responsibility to have hearings 
with reference to recommendations for legislation in 
this area under Public Law 601 in accordance there- 

"Mr. Velde. I concur with you, Mr. Doyle, and I 
wish to further state that the record should show 
that the evidence or information contained in the 
files of this committee, some of them in the nature 
of evidence, shows clearly that the witness has in- 
formation about Communist activities in the United 
States of America, particularly while he attended 
the University of Michigan. 

"That information which the witness has would 
be very valuable to this committee and its work. 

"It is the opinion of the committee, at least the 
Chair, that the committee has a constitutional legal 
right in all ways and forms and means to get the 
information which has been requested from the 

Whenever appellant was asked a question which he 
refused to answer, he asked permission, or attempted 
without permission, to read the prepared statement. That 
statement, which was inserted in the record of the hear- 
ing at which Barenblatt testified, in no way indicates 
that he had any doubt as to the subject under inquiry or 
as to the pertinency of the questions asked. On the con- 
trary, everything points to Barenblatt's knowledge of the 
subject and his knowledge of the pertinency of the ques- 
tions asked. Refusal to answer was based on the broad 
grounds above set forth. He specifically disclaimed in- 
voking the Fifth Amendment. 

Applying the Watkim-s ruling to this case, it will be 
seen that there is decisive distinction between the two. 
In the present case the subject of the investigation was 
stated to be Communist Party activities within the field 


of education. There was no attempt made to proceed 
with the hearing under a mere re-hash of the resolution 
creating the Committee. Here was far more than "a very 
general sketch of the past efforts of the Committee," as 
the Supreme Court said in Watkms. 

While Watkins testified freely as to his own activities, 
he simply declined to identify members who he believed 
had perhaps innocently become members of or were close- 
ly connected with the Communist Party and who had 
subsequently withdrawn therefrom. Barenblatt, however, 
declined to answer either as to his own activities or the 
activities in general of the Haldane Club. He was repre- 
sented by counsel, and presented written objections based 
generally on the jurisdiction of the Committee. His ob- 
jections went to questions about his own activities and 
acts and were on specific grounds. Those objections are 
sufficiently described in our previous opinion. 

We have considered the other questions raised by ap- 
pellant on remand and which he says are material here 
in the light of Watkins. We think such other matters are 
sufficiently answered by the original opinion of this court, 
which by reference, for present purposes, is incorporated 


We are of opinion that, under the standards laid down 
for us by the Supreme Court, Barenblatt was made 
fully aware of the subject under inquiry and wa? in a 
position to judge the pertinency of the questions relating 
to that subject. We are further of the opinion that the 
questions were in fact relevant and pertinent to that 


In accordance with tlie direction of the Supreme Court, 
we have carefully considered Watkins and its impact on 
Barenblatt. Taking account of all circumstances as noted, 
and believing the cases are distinguishable as indicated, 
we affirm the judgment of conviction. 



Edgerton, Chief Judge, whom Bazelon, Circuit Judge, 
joins, dissenting: A unanimous panel of this court de- 
cided that "the opinion of the Supreme Court in Watkins 
V. United States . . . requires reversal" of the conviction 
of Singer/ Barenblatt, like Singer, was convicted of re- 
fusing to answer questions of a subcommittee of the Un- 
American Activities Committee investigating Communists 
in the field of education. There is no difference pertinent 
to Watkins between Singer's case and Barenblatt's. I 
think this court errs in overruling our Singer decision. 

I understand Watkins to hold that the Committee on 
Un-American Activities had no authority to compel testi- 
mony because it had no definite assignment from Congress. 
The Supreme Court said: "[W]hen First Amendment 
rights are threatened, the delegation of power to the 
Committee must be clearly revealed in its charter. [354 
U.S. at p. 198] . . . An essential premise in this situa- 
tion is that the House or Senate shall have instructed the 
Committee members on what they are to do with the 
power delegated to them. . . . [T]he responsibility of the 
Congress ... to insure that compulsory process is used 
only in furtherance of a legislative purpose . . . requires 
that the instructions to an investigating committee spell 
out that group's jurisdiction and purpose with sufficient 
particularity, [p. 201] ... It would be difficult to imagine 
a less explicit authorizing resolution, [p. 202] . . . Com- 
bining the language of the resolution with the construction 
it has been given, it is evident that the preliminary con- 
trol of the Committee exercised by the House of Repre- 
sentatives is slight or non-existent. No one could reason- 
ably deduce from the charter the kind of investigation 
that the Committee was directed to make. [pp. 203-4] 

1 Singer v. United States, — U.S.App.D.C. — , 247 F. 2d 
585; reversing Singer v. United States, 100 U.S.App.D.C. 
260, 244 F. 2d 349, which had affirmed Singer V. United 
States, 139 F. Supp. 847 (D.C.D.C). 


. . . The Committee is allowed, in essence, to define its 
own authority . . . [This] can lead to ruthless exposure 
of private lives in order to gather data that is neither 
desired by the Congress nor useful to it. . . . Protected 
freedoms should not be placed in danger in the absence 
of a clear determination by the House or the Senate that 
a particular inquiry is justified by a specific legislative 
need. ... An excessively broad charter, like that of the 
House Un-American Activities Committee, places the 
courts in an untenable position .... [p. 205] It is 
impossible in such a situation to ascertain whether any 
legislative purpose justifies the disclosures sought .... 
The reason no court can make this critical judgment is 
that the House of Representatives itself has never made 
it. ... Plainly these committees are restricted to the 
missions delegated to them, i.e., to acquire certain data 
to be used by the House or the Senate in coping with a 
problem that falls within its legislative sphere. No wit- 
ness can be compelled to make disclosures on matters \ 
outside that area." [p. 206] . 

In summary: (1) The "instructions to an investigating 
committee [must] spell out that group's jurisdiction and 
purpose with sufficient particularity." (2) "It would be 
difficult to imagine a less explicit authorizing resolution j 
.... No one could reasonably deduce from the charter 
the kind of investigation that the Committee was directed 
to make." (3) "No witness can be compelled to make 
disclosures on matters outside that area." Since Congress 
did not define that area, there can be no proof that the 
Committee's questions were within it. It follows that the 
defendant must be acquitted. 

Even if, contrary to my clear understanding of Wat- 
kins, Congress did "with sufficient particularity" author- 
ize the 'Committee to investigate something, it by no 
means follows that Congress authorized the Committee 
to investigate Communists in the field of education. Four 
Justices of the Supreme 'Court recently said: "It is par- 


ticularly important that the exercise of the power of com- 
pulsory process be carefully circumscribed when the in- 
vestigative process tends to impinge upon such highly 
sensitive areas as freedom of speech or press, freedom of 
political association, and freedom of communication of 
ideas, particularly in the academic community. . . . [T]he 
areas of academic freedom and political expression" are 
"areas in which government should be extremely reticent 
to tread." Two other Justices said in the same case: 
"These pages need not be burdened with proof, based 
on the testimony of a cloud of impressive witnesses, of 
the dependence of a free society on free universities. This 
means the exclusion of governmental intervention in the 
intellectual life of a university." Sweezy v. New Hamp- 
shire, 354 U.S. 234, 245, 250, 262. The Court there held 
that Sweezy, a university teacher, could not constitution- 
ally be required to answer certain questions about his 
political activities and connections. Barenblatt was a 
university teacher. He was convicted because he would 
not answ^er certain questions about his political activities 
and connections. Though the two cases are not identical 
and Sweezy does not prove that Barenblatt's conviction 
violates his constitutional rights, it does show that this 
conviction raises serious constitutional questions. Dele- 
gation of power to a congressional committee must be 
construed narrowly when a narrow construction avoids 
serious constitutional questions. Umited States v. Rumely, 
345 U.S. 41. The words of the Committee's charter, "in- 
vestigations of . . . un-American propaganda activities", 
need not and therefore should not be interpreted to au- 
thorize the Committee to select for investigation political 
activities and connections of university teachers. We 
must suppose that if Congress had intended to authorize 
such an investigation it would have done so explicitly. 

We need not consider whether the Committee's ques- 
tions to Barenblatt were pertinent to an investigation of 
Communists in the field of education. The force of the 


Court's decision in Watkins that the Committee had no 
definite assignment, and therefore no authority to compel 
testimony, is not destroyed by the Court's decision that! 
the questions Watkins refused to answer were not clearly | 
pertinent to the investigation in which the Committee was 
then engaged. "[W]here there are two grounds, upon! 
either of which an appellate court may rest its decision, 
and it adopts both, 'the ruling on neither is obiter, but 
each is the judgment of the court and of equal validity 
with the other.'" United States v. Title Ins. & Tr. Co., 
265 U.S. 472, 486. And even if the Supreme Court's 
demonstration that the Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities had no authority to compel testimony were obiter, 
this court should defer to it. 

Although, on examination, the answer to a question is 
plain, higher courts commonly require lower courts to 
make the examination and decide the question in the 
first instance. The Supreme Court followed the usual 
practice in this case. u 

Fahy, Circuit Judge, with whom Washington, Circuit 
Judge, joins, dissenting: Reading Sweezy in the light of 
Rumely and Watkins, I think the Committee could not 
proceed to investigate the field of education — at least with 
the use of compulsory process, under the sanction of con- 
tempt — without a more specific authorization than it had 
been given, and that therefore the conviction must be 
reversed. It is unnecessary here to go into the question 
whether Watkins holds the Committee to be without au- 
thority to compel testimony on any subject of inquir>-. 



Abt, Jessica Smith. {See Smith, Jessica.) Page 

Ackley, John Kenneth 38 

Adler, Margaret 35 

Allen, Janaes (born Sol Auerbach) 35 

Annaccone, James 31 

A'-erbach, Sol. (See Allen, James.) 

Avnet, Marcella Halper 27 


Badea'ix, Hubert J 33 

Barenblatt, Lloyd 10, 65 

Barkaga, Irene 25, 26 

Baron, Rose 35 

Bates, Milton 27 

Baxter, Bolza 11 

Bayer, Theodore 34, 35 

Bender, William 41 

Bentley, Elizabeth T 35 

Bimba, Anthony 34, 35 

Bineman, Solomon 29 

Bolton, Ruth 32 

Bor-Komorowski (Tadeusz) 58 

Bondin, Leonard B 15 

Bridges, Harrv 22 

Brisker, Sydney H 29 

Brook, Sam 31 

Browder, Earl 20 

Brown, Constantine 54 

Brown, Lee 22 

Brown, Lucy 38 

Brownstone, David Martin (alias Frederick Jonathan Werner) 30, 31 

Buchman, Harold 27 

Budenz, Louis 19, 20 

B'llganin, Nikolai 57, 58 

Bu teneff , Serge 37 


Cameron, Angus 35 

Castellanos, Jane Robinson 29 

Chang, Kuo-Shuen 49 

Chasins, Abram 39 

Chatley, Joseph A 31 

Chiang Kai-shek 59 

Chou E'1-lai 59, 60 

Cl-iborne, Robert 38 

Cohen, Boris 35 

Colton, Ellis 29 

Craig, Ch-^rles M., Sr 26, 27 



Individuals — Continued 

D Page 

Dattler, Louis 34, 3 ' 

Davis, Howard Chandler 11 

Deak, Zoltan 34, 3^ 

de Rochef ort, Nicolas 5; 

DeSchaaf, Nellie 3( 

Dimitrov, Georgi ^ 

Dreyfuss, Benjamin 2£ 


Eisler, Gerhart (alias Edwards, Hans Berger) ISl 

Elkins, Morton L 2?! 

Emmet, Christopher 53| 

Eshleman, John M. (Jack) 29| 

Eugene, Arthur, Jr 21, 22| 


Felshin, Joseph 3S| 

Fineberg, S. Andhil 45; 

Finkelstein, Sidney 38 

Fino, Benjamin M 25 

Fino, Jeanette ( Mrs. Benjamin Fino) 26 

Fishman, Irving 33, 34, 37 

Foreman, Clark 15 

Freed, Irving 34, 35 


Garfield, Morton 29 

Garry, Charles R 29 

Gates, John . 22,35 

Gitlow, Benj amin 15 

Goldsborough, Paul 43 

Gomulka, Wladyslaw 61, 62 

Gordon, Asher 29 

Green, Abner 17 

Greenberg, Concetta Padovani 43 

Grumman, Frank 8, 9 

Gyarmaty, Catherine , 34, 35 


Hagelberg, Gerhard (also known as Charles Wisley and Jerry Kramer) ___ 351 

H«gler, Mildred 38 

Hallengren, Fred 25 

Hanchett, Edward L. (Ned) 29 

Hardwick, John M 29 

Hartman, Louis Earl 8, 9, 28 

Heist, Aaron Alan 16 

Hitchcock, George 29 

Ho Chi Minh. 62 

Hodes, Jane (Mrs. Robert Hodes) 23 

Hodes, Robert 23 j 

Hollander, Max 38 j 

Hollister, C'^ rroU 38l 

Hoover. J. Edgar 13, 14i 

Horowitz, John 29 j 

Horvath, Janos 51, 52, 

Howard, Milton 35 ' 

Hu, Chiu-Yuan 50, 51 


Ilchuk, Frank 34 


INDEX iii 

Individuals — Continued 

»^ J Page 

^ Jeffers, Dorothy 28, 29 

Johnson, Oakley C • 38 

;, Johnson, William S 26 

i K 

Kadar, Janos 60, 61 

Kaganovich (Lazar) 60 

Kandel, Irving 26 

Kehoe, Joseph 41 

Kermish, Irving 30 

; Khrushchev, Nikita 1, 3, 57, 58, 60 

j Kim II Sung 62 

V Kinsey, Loyd E 32 

i Kirstein, Elinor Ferry 15 

Kiss, Sandor 51, 52 

Kling, Anne Yasgur 11 

Konev, Ivan 60 

i: Kotelchuck, Abraham 26 

j, Kramer, Jerry. {See Hagelberg, Gerhard.) 

i': Krinkin, David Z 34, 35 

i; Krumbein, Margaret Cowl 35 

'■ Kucharski, Wladislaw ^ 36 


Lamont, Corliss 15, 16 

Lautner, John 35, 36, 38 

V LeBlanc, Milton L 33 

Lee, James 34 

; Lee, Sirkka Tuomi 25 

':' Levine, Beverly 32 

/ Levitan, Mrs. Lawrence. (See Siris, Evelyn.) 

! Loomis, Henry 33 

Lumer, Wilfred 3 


MacLeech, Bert 24 

 Malenkov (Georgi) 60 

Mao Tse-tung 59, 60 

Marcus, Anthony J 53, 54 

Markoff , Nicholas 36 

): Melner, Rebecca L. (Bea) 29 

'yi Meyers, George A 26 

Michalowski, Ladislaus Joseph 23, 24 

Michalowski, Stanley 23, 24 

, Mignon, Michael 43 

': Miller, Arthur 10, 11 

Miller, Clifford C, Jr 24-26 

Miller, Hugh B 29 

Mindel, Saul J 33 

Minerich, Anthony 36 

Mintz, Helen 32 

i MircheflF, Bocho 36 

. Mizara, Roy 34, 35 

Molotov (V. N.) 60 

Morgenstern, Sam 38 

Morros, Boris 3, 4 


Nagy, Arpad Fodor 34, 35 

Nagv, Imre 52 

Nathan, Otto 11 

Nelson, Andrew Steve 22 

Nichol, Herbert 27 

Nikolauk, Samuel J 34, 35 

Novick, Paul 34,35 


Individuals — Continued 



Obrinskv, Jane Allen ( Mrs. William Obrinsky) 23 

Obrinsky, Williani 23 

O'Connor, Harvey 14, 15 

Ostrofsky, Aaron 25 


Panza, Dominick 41 

Patten, Jack 28,29 

Pauliukas, Jacob 36 

Pavne, Rose 29 

Peters, J. V 19 

Poling, Daniel A 48 

PoUikoff, Max 38 

Popper, Lilly 38, 39 

Pruseika, Leon 36 

Port, A. Tvler 42 

Pyle, Thelma 38 


Redding, Louis L 14 

Regan, Charles V 31, 32 

Rei, August 52, 53 

Reich, Clara 34, 35 

Richards, Harvev 30 

Richter, Samuel 23, 24 

Riegger, Wallingford 38 

Rivkin, Vivian 38 

Roberts, Mary 27 

Robeson, Paul 38 

Robinson, Earl 37-39 

Rogers, Harold L 23 

Roosevelt, Archibald 18 

Roosevelt, Theodore 18 

Rosano, Margaret M 33 

Rosner, Alex 34, 35 

Rossen, John A 37 

Rothbaum, Samuel 43 

Round, Claire Friedman 25 

Rubin, Sidney 29 



Salmin, Nancy Hull 32 

Sarasohn, Peggy 30 

Sarvis, David 29 

Savides, Michael 34, 35 

Scheer, Mortimer 37 

Schneider, Anita 16 

Schumacher, Joachim 39 

Schwarz, Fredeiick Charles 2, 48, 49 

Scribner, Jane 29 

Self, Milton 26 

Selly, Joseph P 41 

Serov, Ivan 53 

Sheen, Fulton J 45, 47 

Silber, Bernard 8, 9 

Silberman, Charles L 41 

Singer, Marcus 10 

Siris, Evelyn (Mrs. Lawrence Levitan) 29 

Smith, Jessica (Mrs. John Abt) 35 

Smyles, Harry M 38 

Solga, Mark Anthony 43 

Sorum, William 22, 23 

Spector, Irving 25 

Starobin, John 36 


Individtjals — Continued 


?!tone, Ellery W 42 

Suske, Eleanor 37 

Sykes, xMattie 23 

Synionds, Gene 50 


Thorez, Maurice 62, 63 

Thorner, Bettv 32 

Tito, Josip Broz 61, 62 

Tkach, Michael . 34, 35 

Togliatti, Palmiro 62, 63 

Trumbo, Dalton 14 

Turoff , Sidney 37 

Ulbricht, Walter 60, 61 

Velson, Irving Charles 31 


'Wangerin, Otto 36 

Ward, Angela 30 

Wastila, George 36 

Weed, Verne 23 

Weinberger, Andrew D 15 

Werner, Frederick Jonathan. {See Brownstone, David Martin.) 

Wilcox, J. L 41 

Wilkinson, Frank 14, 16, 17 

Willcox, Anita 23 

Willcox, Elsie (Mrs. Roger Willcox) 23 

Willcox, Henry 23 

Williamson, Levy 25 

Wilson, Hugh W 14 

Winter, Elsie 27 

Wislev, Charles. (See Hagelberg, Gerhard.) 

Wood, William 25 

Yerrell, Otto_. 26 


Zhukov, Georgi 60 

Zito, Louise 23, 24 

Zuskar, John 36 



Aberdeen Proving Ground 26 

American Cable & Radio Corp 42 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 13, 17, 18 

National Conference to Defend the Rights of Foreign Born Americans, 

December 11 and 12, 1954, New York City 17 

American Committee To Survey Trade Union Conditions in Europe 31 

American Communications Association 41 

Local 10 9 

American Jewish Committee 45 


Baltimore Youth for Peace ^ 25 

Bethlehem Steel Corp.: 

Lackawanna, N. Y 30 

Sparrows Point 24, 25 


Organizations — Continued 

C Paw 

California Labor School 22, 29 

Chicago Council of American-Soviet Friendship 37 

Children's Services of Connecticut 23 

Christian Anti-Communist Crusade 48 

Cinema Annex Theater (Chicago) 37 

Citizens Committee to Preserve American Freedoms 16 

Committee to Defeat the Smith Act, Baltimore 27 

Communications Workers of America, AFL-CIO 43 

Communist International. {See International, III.) 
Communist Party: 

China 51 

Central Committee 59 

France 62 

Italy 62 

Soviet Union: 

Agitprop Section 33 

20th Congress 3 

U. S. A.: 

National Structure: 

District 4 26 

Nationality Groups Commission 35 

IGth National Convention, February 1957, New York City_ 24 

San Francisco: 

Professional Section 27-30 

Haymarket Club 29 


Hartford 24, 

New Haven 23i 

Trade Union Commission 24j 

District of Columbia 26 


New Orleans: 

Seamen's Branch 21, 22 


Baltimore 24 

Steel Club 25 

Steel Section . 25 

Missouri 11 

New York: 

Buffalo 30-32 

Conelrad System 41 

Connecticut Peace Council 23 

Connecticut Volunteers for Civil Rights 24; 

E I 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 14-161 

Estonian Government in Exile 52' 

Estonian National Council 52 


F. & D. Printing Co 26 


General Electric Co 23 


Hungarian Revolutionary Council 51 


Imported Publications & Products, Inc 35| 

Institute of Foreign Trade 53' 

International, III (Communist) (also known as Comintern) 2, 20 

International Book Store, Inc. (San Francisco) 29 

International Publishers 35| 

International Telecommunications Union. (See United Nations.) 

International Workers Order 36 

Interplayers, The 29 

INDEX vii 

Organizations — Continued 

L Page 

L. M. S. Amusement Co., Inc 37 

League of Women Voters 25 

Liberty Book Club 35 

Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, International 22 

Local 207 22 

Los Angeles Housing Authority 17 

Liirline (steamship) 22 


Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America. Industrial Union of 26 

Marine Cooks and Stewards, National Union of 21, 22 

Metropolitan Music School, Inc 37-39 

Modern Book Store (Chicago) 36, 37 


National Conference to Defend the Rights of Foreign Born Americans. 
(See American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born.) 

New Century Publishers 35 

New Orleans Youth Council 22 


Parent Teachers Association 25, 27 

Polish Lublin Committee of National Liberation 58 

Princeton University 14 

Progressive Party, Maryland 27 

Prom pt Press 35 


RCA Communications, Inc 9 

Radio Corporation of America 43 

Radio stations: 

New York Citv: 

WBNX..: 41 

WLIB 41 

WQXR 39 


WDAS 41 

WHAT 41 

WIBG 41 

WIP 41 

WPEN 41 

Russky Golos Publishing Corp 34 

I s 

Society for the Propagation of the Faith 46 

Southern Conference for Human Welfare 22 

Symphony of the Air 38 


Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of: 

Secret Police 53 

Cheka 58 

Supreme Soviet Council 60 

United Nations 38 

International Telecommunications Union 38 

L'^nited States Government: 

Defense Department 41, 42 

National Labor Relations Board 41 

Subversive Activities Control Board 4 

Treasury Department: Customs, Bureau of 5, 33 

University of Michigan 11 

viii INDEX 

Organizations — Continued 

W Page 

Western Union Telegraph Co 9, 41, 43 

Workers Book Shop (New York) 35 

YWCA, Buffalo 32 


ACA News (American Communications Association News) 41 

China Daily News 34 

Christian Herald 48 

Colorado Springs Free Press 50 

Daily Worker 3, 26, 35, 36 

German-American (Tribune) 35, 37 

Glos Ludowy 36 

Greek- American Tribune 34 

Hungarian Word 34, 37 

Laisve 34 

Ludova Noviny 36 

Mainstream 35 

Morning Freiheit 34, 35 

Narodna Volya 36 

Narodni Glasnik 36 

New World Review 35 

New York Times 39 

Nok Vilaga 34, 37 

Political Affairs Zl 

Russky Golos 34, 37 

Shanghai China Press 5C 

Sviesa S4\ 

Tyomies-Eteenpain 3f 

Ukrainian Daily News 34, St 

Vilnis 36, 3'