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86th Congress, 1st Session 

Union Calendar No, 51 

House Report No. 187 



March 8, 1959 
(Original Release Date) 

March 9, 1959. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House 
on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed. 

Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities 
U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. 






United States House of Representatives 

FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 


CLYDE DOYLE, California DONALD L. JACKSON, California 



Richard Aeens, Staff Director 

i Congressmen William E. Miller of New York and August E. Johansen of Michigan were appointed 
members of the committee by the 86th Congress, replacing Mr. Kearney and Mr. Mcintosh. 

Union Calendar No. 51 

86th Congress ) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ( Report 

1st Session J ( No. 187 


March 9, 1959. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the 
State of the Union and ordered to be printed 

Mr. Walter, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on Un-American 

Activities, submitted the following 


[Pursuant to H. Res. 7, S6th Cong., 1st sess.] 



Chapter I. Foreword 1 

Chapter II. Hearings: 

Gary, Ind 19 

Xew England 22 

New York City Area (Entertainment) __. 27 

The South 31 

Newark, N.J 35 

Communist Propaganda 38 

Communist Subversion in Government 42 

Chapter III. Reports: 

Chronicle of Treason 43 

The Erica Wallach Story 45 

Organized Communism in the United States 47 

Who Are They?: 

Vicente Lombardo Toledano (Mexico) 48 

Luis Carlos Prestes (Brazil) 50 

Enver Hoxha (Albania) 51 

Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (Rumania) 52 

The House Committee on Un-American Activities, What It Is — What 

It Does 53 

Patterns of Communist Espionage 54 

Chapter IV. Consultations: 

The Communist Program for World Conquest 57 

Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer 
Communist Psychological Warfare (Brainwashing) 59 

Edward Hunter 
Communist Propaganda Activities in Canada 62 

Milan Jakubec 
Communist Psychological Warfare (Thought Control) 65 

Constantin W. Boldyreff 
Communist Encroachment in the Far East 67 

Maj. Gen. Claire Lee Chennault 
What is Behind the Soviet Proposal for a Summit Conference? 69 

Dr. David J. Dallin 

Dr. Anthony T. Bouscaren 

Dr. James D. Atkinson 

Francis J. McNamara 
Communist Strategy of Protracted Conflict 71 

Dr. Robert Strausz-Hupe 

Alvin J. Cottrell 

James E. Dougherty 
The Ideology of Freedom v. The Ideology of Communism 74 

Dr. Charles Wesley Lowry 
The Irrationality of Communism 75 

Dr. Gerhart Niemeyer 
The Myth of "Titoism" 78 

Dr. Alex N. Dragnich 

Chapter V. Publications 80 

Chapter VI. Reference Service 82 

Chapter VII. Contempt Proceedings 83 

Chapter VIII. Legislative Recommendations 88 

Index 97 


Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of A merica in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 


18. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


Rule XII 


Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the jurisdic- 
tion of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent reports 
and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch of 
the Government. 


House Resolution 5, January 3, 1957 


Rule X 


1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 


(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 


26. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the law T s and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by 
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 




How serious is the Communist menace within the United States 

Although the Communist Party as a formal, visible entity does not 
now loom large on the American scene, it is the studied judgment of 
this committee that the Communist apparatus in the United States is 
more treacherous and, in some respects, a greater menace than ever 

It can reasonably be asked: "How can this be true when Communist 
Party membership, compared with that of a number of years ago, is 
admittedly low? What about the statements which have appeared 
in the press claiming that the Communist Party is finished, that it 
has suffered so many reverses that there is no longer any need to 
worry about it?" 

The answer is that these claims are not based on thorough knowledge 
of the Communist conspiracy and its operations. In some cases there 
is good reason to believe that assertions that the Communist move- 
ment in the United States is dead are part of a deliberate effort, in 
the interest of the conspiracy, to deceive the American public. 

In attempting an objective estimate of the danger the Communist 
movement poses to this country at any particular time, the following 
factors must all be taken into consideration: 


The Strength and Danger of Communism Must Not Be Judged 
Merely by the Number of Communist Party Members 

The primary aim of Communists is to seize — or maintain— power. 

This means that quality, discipline, complete dedication to the 
party's cause, and complete subservience to its will are more important 
to them than mere numbers. 

The Communists consider themselves an elite, the "vanguard of 
the working class," the select few who will lead and guide the unin- 
formed masses to the earthly paradise of "Socialism." For this reason, 
they have never made huge Communist parties their major goal. 
They are satisfied with the minimum number required to win — and 
then maintain — control of any country. Even in the Soviet Union, 
where they have ruled for over 40 years, the membership of the 
Communist Party in this slave state of over 200 million people has 
never reached the 8 million mark. (The Communists currently 
claim 7,495,000 party members in the U.S.S.R. — more than they have 
over claimed before.) In mainland China, which has been under 
the control of Red Fascism for 10 years, the claimed membership 
of the Chinese Communist Party is only 12 million in a population 


that numbers somewhere between 500 and 600 million people. This 
is only \% to 2 percent of the population. 

In recent months, Communist Partv officials in the Soviet Union 
and other Red nations have boasted that there are over 33 million 
Communist Party members in the world and that 900 million people 
live under Communist rule. On the basis of these figures, Communist 
parties average less than 4 percent of the populations of all Communist 

Twenty years ago, Earl Browder, then leader of the U.S. Com- 
munist Party, when testifying before the Special Committee on 
Un-American Activities, was asked if it was not true that the Com- 
munist Party never sought large numbers. The following colloquy 
then took place between Browder and members of the committee: 1 

Browder. * * * we like numbers too; but not at the ex- 
pense of quality. 

Q. But quality is the prime consideration? 
Browder. Quality is number 1; numbers is number 2. 
Q. But quantity is not your objective? 
Browder. Not if quality has to be sacrificed. 

Quality is obviously what makes any organization successful. All 
too often people of some non-Communist nations have judged the 
danger of communism only by the number of Communists within 
their borders, forgetting that a small, tightly knit, dedicated band of 
conspirators is a much greater menace than a group many times larger 
which is loosely knit, undisciplined, and lacking in complete dedica- 
tion. The result has been that, before they woke up to their error of 
judging the Communist danger by numbers alone, they found them- 
selves ground under the heel of a Communist tyranny. 

According to Lenin himself, the Bolshevik Party had only 240,000 
members in 1917 when it overthrew the only representative govern- 
ment the Russian people ever had and seized power for itself. 

In 1921, when the Communist Party of China held its first congress 
in Shanghai there were only about a dozen members present. Within 
30 years, the Communists had succeeded in expanding their influence 
and numbers so that they could take over a nation of 500 million 
people. In 1945, when Juan Jose Arevalo was elected President of 
Guatemala, there were not more than a dozen Communists in that 
country of about 3 million people. Within 3 or 4 years, the Communists 
had the country completely within their grip. 

These facts reveal clearly that the present relatively small mem- 
bership of the U.S. Communist Party as a formal entity is not the 
measure of its danger to the country. 

As the chairman of this committee wrote in "Chronicle of Treason," 
a committee document published in March 1958: 

It is essential to remember * * * that the effectiveness of 
the Communist operation has nothing whatever to do with 
the size of the party. A compact, hard-core elite can be and 
is of greater value to the Kremlin than would be an unwieldy 
mass of undisciplined and various adherents. 

' "Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States," Hearings before a Special 
Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, September 1939, Vol. 7, p. 4490. 



Communist Strength Is Determined By The Causes — And Effects — 
Of Its Losses (Or Gains) In Party Membership 

Several factors are responsible for the drop in Communist Party- 
membership in recent years. Some of them, to a certain extent, are 
indications of a weakening of the party. Others actually represent 
a gain to the party in certain respects. For this reason, it is a mis- 
take to assume that a drop in Communist Party membership, irre- 
spective of the reasons for it, automatically represents a great loss of 
Communist power and influence. 

The following are the principal reasons for the decrease in members 
the Communist Party has suffered during the last 10 years: 

(a) Disaffection 

A number of those who have left the Communist Party in the past 
decade have made a complete break with communism. 

The true nature of the international Communist conspiracy has 
been clearly spotlighted in the past decade b}^ a number of widely 
publicized events — the 1949 trial of the top Communist Party leaders; 
the Korean war, during which the Communist Party openly and 
treasonously sided with the enemies of the United States who in- 
flicted over 150,000 casualties on this country; the East Berlin up- 
rising; Khrushchev's revelation of Stalin's crimes; and the brutal 
doublecross and slaughter of the Hungarian people by Soviet military 

These events, singly and/or collectively, have thoroughly disil- 
lusioned an unknown number of former Communist Party members 
who have left the conspiracy and are perhaps permanently cured of 
any infection with the Communist virus. From the purely quanti- 
tative viewpoint, the loss of these members has meant a weakening 
of the Communist Party and its influence. Qualitatively, however — 
for reasons that will be covered in following pages — it has been some- 
thing of a mixed blessing to the party. 

(b) Fear 

Many persons who have severed all association with the Communist 
Party in the past 10 years have done so only out of fear. They have 
not done it because of disillusionment with the party itself or loss of 
their belief in communism. 

Some of these people held government jobs — on the Federal, 
State, county, or municipal level. Because of Federal and local 
government security programs, congressional investigations, and also 
private exposures of Communist activity, these people were afraid to 
risk losing their positions b}^ remaining in the party. 

Others, though not emplo3 r ed by government, feared loss of their 
jobs if party affiliation on their part was ever revealed because they 
were employed by private businesses — broadcasting companies, film 
studios, newspapers, and similar private enterprises — which cannot 
afford to retain Communists on their payrolls because their successful 
operation depends to a great extent on public confidence and good will. 

Still others who have left the party because of fear were inde- 
pendent, self-employed professional people and businessmen — doctors, 
lawyers, dentists, owners of small businesses — who feared both eco- 


nomic injury (through loss of patients or customers) and social stigma 
or ostracism in their community if it should ever be discovered that 
they were Communists. 

These people remained ideological Communists; they were not dis- 
illusioned with the movement; they had not lost their Communist 
faith. While they lacked the complete dedication required to remain 
in the party during a period of adversity, they were still strongly 
sympathetic to it and to Moscow. 

Many of these people still do all they can to help the party. With 
their previous Communist Party training and by posing as "liberals" 
while they promote the Communist viewpoint on major national and 
international issues, they can do much in their professions and 
businesses and among their friends and acquaintances to promote 
the Communist Party line. 

Overall, it is difficult to claim that the "loss" of these people has 
seriously hurt the party. Many of them are still working for it and 
their departure has strengthened the conspiracy's internal security. 
Moreover, if the day ever comes when communism will again be fairly 
acceptable in this country, they will be much more openly pro- 
Communist. Some will be willing to rejoin the party and, if the party 
decides at the time that the largest possible membership is tactically 
desirable, they will be taken back in. 

(c) Security purges by the Communist Party itself 

There is much greater "security" for the Communist conspiracy 
in small than in large numbers. This is true of both ideological 
security and security against penetration, exposure, and prosecution 
by law-enforcement agencies. 

In the ideological field: 

The larger the Communist party, the more difficult it is to 
thoroughly indoctrinate all its members and the greater the danger of 
dissension or deviation from what is currently determined to be true 
communism. Any splitting in a party, or failure of a member or 
faction to unhesitatingly obey the commands of its leaders, weakens 
the party's monolithic unity and thus impedes its drive to attain its 

For this reason all Communist parties have their own secret police 
(in the U.S. party, it is called the Control Commission), who are 
continually checking on the ideological purity of all members, and 
eliminating the deviationists, the rebellious, or the weak and wavering. 
Continuing purges among the rank and file to maintain ideological 
unity are a characteristic of all Communist parties. In addition, all 
Communist parties have had to resort to periodic purges even among 
their leaders to weed out the independent minded, the dissidents, 
and deviationists. 

Inasmueh as all actions stem basically from beliefs, a party that has 
come through ideological purges, even though it may be smaller in 
numbers than it was before 4 , is actually stronger from the viewpoint of 
unity and its ability to intensely and unerringly drive toward its 

Security against law-enforcement agencies: 

Years ago, in his work "What Is To Be Done," Lenin made the 
following statement: 

* * * the more narrow we make the membership of this 
organization, allowing only such persons to be members who 


are engaged in revolution as a profession and who have been 
professionally trained in the art of combatting the political 
police, the more difficult it will be to "catch" the organization. 

Communists in non-Communist nations, particularly when they are 
operating illegally and the "political police" are therefore out to 
"catch" them, have always followed Lenin's teaching on this score. 

United States Communists have been particularly careful in this 
respect during the past 10 years. After it was revealed in the trial 
of the party's top leaders in 1949 that undercover operatives of the 
FBI had penetrated even the leadership circles of the conspiracy, the 
party instituted a strict and comprehensive security check of all its 
members. This has been continued up to the present time and has 
led to the elimination of a considerable number of former party mem- 
bers for security reasons. This action on the part of the party is 
another reason for its drop in membership. 

Unquestionably, the party's own security purge has caused disaffec- 
tion on the part of former members who were actually completely 
loyal and were expelled against their will. At the same time, how- 
ever, it is also true that many of these expelled members, though no 
longer technically in the party, are still ideological Communists and, 
as such, are doing all they can to promote the party's and Moscow's 
interests from outside its ranks. 

As a result of these security purges and the purging of some high- 
ranking ideological deviationists, the U.S. Communist Part}' today is 
much stronger in some respects than it was before. Its membership 
has been boiled down to hard-core, seasoned revolutionists, who have 
not only survived the party's own purges but who have been unshaken 
in their devotion to the conspiracy by major international develop- 
ments which have led to disillusionment on the part of thousands of 
Communists in many areas of the world. 

Armando Penha testified before this committee in its New England 
and Atlanta hearings, held, respectively, in March and July 1958. 
Penha had served as an FBI undercover operative in the Communist 
Party from 1950 until the time of his first appearance before the 
committee during its Boston hearings. He had held important party 
posts in the New England area and had also served on the party's 
National Textile Commission. During the Atlanta hearings, the 
following exchange took place between Mr. Penha and the committee 

Q. According to press reports, which we have seen from 
time to time in the Communist press, the actual size of the 
entity known as the Communist Party has been reduced, 
Mr. Penha. Does this mean, in your judgment, that the 
effectiveness or strength or menace of the Communist Party 
has been proportionately reduced? 

Mr. Pexha. Absolutely not, sir. 

Q. Why? 

Mr. Pexha. The reason for that is very basic. The party 
is not interested in numbers. It is interested in quality. In 
fact, as a result of the comrades that either have resigned or 
have been expelled or have been detected by the party, they, 
as a result of that, have strengthened themselves in removing 
these weak links. The party consists of a hard-core, well- 
organized, efficient group of Communists. 


This committee does not know just how many of the former Com- 
munists who left the party in the last 10 years did so because they 
were completely disillusioned with communism; what proportion was 
purged by the party itself, or the number who have left only for fear 
of exposure. It does, however, propose to those who claim that the 
party is finished because the great majority of these former members 
are now strongly anti-Communist, completely dedicated to American 
principles and ideals and no danger to the country, that they ask 
themselves these questions: 

How many of the thousands of these former party members have 
volunteered to pass on to duly authorized congressional investigating 
committees, for the benefit of the American people, their knowledge 
of the conspiracy, its operations and agents? 

How many of them, unwilling to testify because of the mistaken 
notion that it isn't quite cricket to identify conspirators, have by 
speech or writing — and without naming names — made any effort to 
alert the American public to the strategy, tactics, propaganda devices, 
and other techniques the Communist Party is using in its efforts to 
destroy freedom here? 

How many of them, in any way, are doing anything to fight com- 

The committee believes that unless many dozens of examples can 
be cited in response to each one of these questions (and few can be 
cited), it is completely misleading to claim that the Communist Party 
has been deeply hurt by the "loss" of thousands of members. 


Communist Party Organization 

The organizational structure of any group has much to do with its 
strength and its ability to weather adverse conditions, particularly 
detection and prosecution by law-enforcement agencies. Lenin, in 
his "Thesis on Fundamental Tasks of the Second Congress" (of the 
Communist International), wrote: 

In all countries * * * it is absolutely necessary for every 
Communist Party systematically to combine legal with 
illegal work, legal with illegal organizations * * * it is 
necessary, immediate^, for all legal Communist Parties to 
form illegal organizations for the purpose of systematically 
carrying on illegal work, and of fully preparing for the 
moment when the bourgeoisie resorts to persecution. 

Communist parties everywhere have followed Lenin's order, estab- 
lishing illegal, underground organizations as adjuncts to their "legal" 
organizations. Because so much of Communist activity, including 
that of so-called "legal" or aboveground organizations, is secret, it 
has always been difficult to make a clear-cut distinction between the 
underground or illegal apparatus of the Communist movement and 
the aboveground, "legal" organizations. 

Today, as in the past, there is an almost complete separation 
between the two, with only a few key people in the legal apparatus 
having any contact with the illegal or strictly underground organiza- 
tion. However, because most of the so-called aboveground or "legal" 
Communist apparatus in the United States has gone underground in 


varying degrees it is particularly difficult for the average person to 
make a decisive distinction between the two groups or to detect Com- 
munist activity where it exists. 

Normally the distinction between the two sections is this: 

The underground or illegal apparatus has traditionally included those 
Communists who serve as members of, and couriers for, espionage 
rings which are directed by Soviet agents. It has also included, 
among others, international Communist agents who supervise and 
direct domestic subversive activity; specially trained saboteurs, and 
those Communists who succeeded in obtaining sensitive positions 
in government or in powerful policy-influencing institutions. All of 
these, in order to protect their positions, must completely cut them- 
selves off from open party members and activities, receiving orders 
and giving information only to specially designated underground 

The underground is made up of the most hardened, dedicated, and 
trustworthy Communists. For this reason, and because of its ex- 
tremely tight security, it is much less likely to be affected by purges 
and disaffection than the above-ground apparatus. There is no reason 
to believe that the Communist underground has suffered membership 
losses comparable to those of the aboveground organization. 

The aboveground or "legal'' party apparatus is that section of the 
conspiracy which operates more or less openly. The expression "more 
or less" is used because much of its activity, too, is secret and designed 
to avoid detection. 

The aboveground is usually made up of the party's national and 
state officials who work overtly in then- respective headquarters; the 
smaller unit officers and rank-and-file members who openly belong 
to Communist Party shop units or neighborhood clubs and just as 
openly attend party meetings, rallies, parades, and generally take 
part in public Communist Party functions, making no effort to conceal 
their affiliation with the conspiracy. 

This open, aboveground section of the U.S. Communist Party — 
particularly on the rank-and-file level — has practically disappeared 
from the American scene in the last ten } 7 ears. This fact has led 
many people to the mistaken conclusion that there is no longer any 
serious Communist danger to the country. 

Following the indictment of the top leaders of the U.S. Communist 
Party in 1948, the "aboveground" section of the party reorganized 
thousands of its rank-and-file members on a semiunderground basis. 
Membership cards were no longer issued. Open neighborhood clubs 
and open shop units were disbanded and their members divided into 
small cells of three to five persons, which met secretly, usually late at 
night, in the homes of the cell members. 

Many party leaders also went into hiding at this time, as the party 
sought to build deep within the underground a corps which could 
replace open officials who might be arrested in the course of the 
Government's prosecutions under the Smith Act. Special tasks in 
the enlarged underground were given to a considerable number of 
trusted party members. They served as couriers in the underground ; 
their homes were used as mail drops, hide-outs and meeting places 
for party functionaries. 

All this was done according to plan and longstanding Communist 
doctrine. As far back as 1931, B. Vassiliev, a high-ranking Comintern 


official, writing in "The Communist International" on "Organizational 
Problems in Underground Revolutionar}^ Work," 2 warned Commu- 
nists that — 

the increasing artfulness of the police apparatus of the 
bourgeoisie governments in the struggle against the Com- 
munist movement makes it essential for the latter to have 
a more complicated, flexible and accurately functioning 

"This organization," he said, "will inevitably have to rely on a 
strong conspirative apparatus." 

But how could the Communists carry out their task of winning over 
the people of any country when they were being "persecuted" by the 
police and therefore had to go underground? Vassiliev, repeating 
Lenin's teaching, said this could be done by — 

the formation of an illegal apparatus alongside the still 
functioning legal Party apparatus, to take over the functions 
of the legal apparatus as this is liquidated as the result of 
police repression, and also to carry out specific functions 
which arise from the fact of the sharpening of the class 
struggle, such as the protection of speakers, of Party build- 
ings, etc., and to prepare the Party for higher forms of 
struggle in the future. In proportion as the legal apparatus 
of the Party is liquidated, the directing functions will inevi- 
tably pass more and more to the illegal apparatus. 

Vassiliev then gave detailed information on just how the Com- 
munists were to set up their illegal or underground apparatus — out- 
lining the preparation of secret headquarters, storage places for party 
records, the concealment of printing presses, the establishment of a 
courier and communications system, and all the other procedures 
necessary for underground existence. 

No Communist Party, however, likes — or can afford — to go com- 
pletely underground for any length of time. If it does so, it will tend 
to die on the vine. It will find it extremely difficult to recruit new 
members. Older rank-and-file members will die off or, unable to 
stand the strain of a completely underground life for long periods, 
will become disillusioned and leave the conspiracy. 

Most important of all, from Moscow's view, the party will lose its 
ability to influence the non-Communist masses along Communist lines. 
Vassiliev, at the same time that he stressed the importance of thorough- 
going preparation for underground life whenever it became necessary, 
warned Communists against the danger of going too far underground: 

We can imagine a Party organization so well hidden that 
the police do not even suspect its existence, but if this Party 
organization, while hiding from the police, has become invis- 
ible to the toiling masses also, such a Party organization by 
this fact alone loses its most important feature as the organ- 
ization of the vanguard of the working class and is converted 
from an organization of the Communist Party into a helpless 
group of conspirators. 

2 "The Communist International," Sept. 1, 1931, pp. 442-44*1. 


The aboveground section of the U.S. conspiracy, well schooled in 
Communist tactics, did not make the mistake, as it moved under- 
ground, of completely severing its channels of communication to the 
American people. It took two major steps, one open and one covert, 
to avoid this error. 

The open step: It maintained an open national headquarters and, 
while it closed down some of its district (which corresponded roughly to 
State) headquarters, it also kept a fair number of them open. In addi- 
tion, it continued to operate many of its old fronts, set up some new 
ones, and continued to publish its major party and front periodicals. 

The covert step: While the party went largely underground and 
almost disappeared from view as an organization or entity, its members 
were told that they, as individuals, were to continue — and even step 
up — their aboveground (though concealed) Communist agitation and 
propaganda activity. 

By 1956, sensing a less hostile attitude toward communism in this 
country, the party began a move toward more aboveground activity 
again. Some of its leaders who had jumped bail after Smith Act 
convictions and gone into hiding, reappeared and surrendered to 
authorities. Other functionaries emerged from the underground. 
The party held a national convention in February 1957 — the first 
since 1950. There was an increase in Communist front activity 
although lower level party clubs and units continued to meet in secret. 

The Communist organizational structure today is therefore made 
up of the following elements: 

The traditional underground or "illegal" apparatus which, as always, 
remains completely hidden from view and engages only in clandestine 

The traditional ''legal" section which normally operates above- 
ground now operates on three levels: 

(a) An open surface organization (much smaller than in the past). 

(b) A semiunderground organization, made up of the bulk of its 
rank-and-file members who meet secretly but operate above ground 
individually and as ostensible non-Communists. 

(c) A group composed, for the most part, of key functionaries and 
leaders who have gone, and remain, deeply underground. 

Just a partial listing of the activities the "aboveground" Communist 
Party is carrying on openly today is sufficient to disprove the claim 
that the conspiracy is on its last legs and no longer constitutes a danger 
to the country. 

In the publishing field alone, it is regularly putting out the following 

The Worker — weekly newspaper published in New York. 
People's World — weekly newspaper published in San Francisco. 
Political Affairs — monthly political and agitational directive 

published in New York. 
Mainstream — monthly cultural and literary organ published in 

New York. 
Science and Society — quarterly theoretical organ on Marxism- 
Leninism published in New York. 
New World Review — monthly propaganda organ on the Soviet 
Union, Red China, and the Communist satellites, published in 
New York. 


Party Affairs — an occasionally issued internal publication. 
Party Voice — an internal publication of the New York State 

Communist Party, published monthly in New York. 
Some of the Communist front publications which are issued at 
varying intervals are: 

American-Soviet Facts — published irregularly in New York by 

the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship. 
Rights — published monthly in New York by the Emergency Civil 

Liberties Committee. 
The Lamp — published monthly in New York by the American 

Committee for Protection of Foreign Born. 
Lawyers Guild Review — published quarterly in New York by the 

National Lawyers Guild. 
Facts jor Farmers — published monthly in New York by Farm 

Research, Inc. 
Economic Notes — published monthly in New York by the Labor 

Research Association. 
Southern Newsletter— published monthly in Chicago. 
In the foreign language field a number of organs which consistently 
expound the Communist Party line are being published. Among 
them are: 

Russky Golos — Russian daily published in New York City. 

Nok Vilaga (Women's World) — Hungarian monthly published 

in New York City. 
Hungarian Word — a weekly published in New York City. 
Vilnis — Lithuanian labor daily published in Chicago. 
Glos Ludowy — Polish-American weekly published in Detroit. 
Narodni Glasnik — Croatian daily newspaper published in Pitts- 
Ukrainian Daily News — Ukrainian daily published in New York 

Cit y- 

Morning Freiheit — Yiddish daily published in New York City. 
Five unions which have been officially cited as Communist con- 
trolled publish papers that carry the party line to about 300,000 of 
their members. These publications are: 

UE News — publication of the United Electrical, Radio and 
Machine Workers of America, published fortnightly in New 
York City. 
The Dispatcher — publication of the International Longshoremen's 
and Warehousemen's LTnion, published fortnightly in San 
Mine-Mill Union — publication of the International Union of 
Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, published monthly in Denver, 
AC A Neivs — publication of the American Communications Asso- 
ciation, published monthly except August in New York City. 
Teacher News — weekly publication of New York Teachers Union. 
The Communist Party operates two publishing houses in New York 
City — International Publishers and New Century Publishers. Its 
agents control printing shops in cities such as Chicago, Detroit, 
Philadelphia, and Los Angeles, as well as in New York City, where 
Communist publications and propaganda literature of various kinds 
are turned out in quantity. A chain of Communist bookstores 
scattered throughout the country also serve as propaganda-distribut- 
ing arms of the party. 


A Communist educational institution operates openly in New York 

In addition to those already named, the Communist Party 
controls many other front organizations, some national in scope, some 
local; some permanent in character, some "fly-by-night" organizations 
set up and operated briefly to exploit a temporary issue. 

In the 1958 elections, the Communist Party ran candidates for 
public office in a number of selected areas, in nearly all cases on the 
ticket of some "political party" which claimed to be non-Communist. 

These items by no means comprise a complete rundown of present 
open Communist Party operations in the United States, but they are 
sufficient to prove conclusively that the U.S. Communist Party is still 
a going organization; that it is not dead or even dormant. 


Communist Tactics 

Not only the structure of an organization but its flexibility, its 
readiness to adopt varying tactics to meet changing conditions, is an 
important factor in weighing its staying power, its relative strength 
and weakness, and, in the case of a conspiratorial apparatus, the 
danger it presents. 

Lenin warned all Communists that — 

The strictest loyalty to the ideas of Communism must be 
combined with the ability to make all the necessary practical 
compromises, to "tack," to make agreements, zigzags, re- 
treats, and so on, in order to accelerate the coming into 

He also cautioned them that, in varying their tactics, in retreating 
when necessary, they must never lose sight of their final goal but always 
work toward it: 

In order not to get lost in these zigzags and twists * * * in 
the periods of retreat, retirement or temporary defeat, or 
when history, or the enemy, throws us back * * * the impor- 
tant and the only theoretically correct thing is not to cast 
out the old basic program. 

During the latter part of the 1930's and the immediate post- World 
War II period, the U.S. Communist Party's tactics were those of 
mass, open agitation and propaganda. The party was much larger 
than it is now and it tried to make itself appear even larger and more 
powerful than it was. It had big turnouts for its May Day parades 
and rallies. Its fronts achieved mass memberships; its clubs and 
units agitated openly and aggressively in their local areas. Propa- 
ganda literature under the name of the party itself was distributed 

During the late 1940's many developments contributed to a changed 
attitude on the part of the American public toward the Communist 
Party — Moscow's takeover of nations in Eastern Europe, Soviet bel- 
ligerence and instigation of the cold war, the Communist conquest 
of China, the testimony of Elizabeth Bentley, Whittaker Chambers 
and others before this committee, the revelations contained in the 
Hiss, Remington, and similar cases. 

37633—59 2 


The institution of a Federal security program, the 1949 trial and 
conviction of the party's top leaders, the expulsion of a dozen Com- 
munist-controlled unions from the CIO, the passage of the Internal 
Security Act and other anti-Communist legislation on Federal, State, 
and local levels were some of the milestones marking this new view- 

The Korean war, with American troops engaged in actual combat 
with the Chinese and North Korean Communists, who were openly 
supported by the U.S. Communist Party, climaxed these develop- 
ments. Anti-Communist feeling in the United States rose to an all- 
time high. Many Communists were afraid to appear at any openly 
Communist affair. Communist fronts lost much of their influence 
and could neither get large turnouts for their meetings nor sell the 
party line with the same degree of success they had in the past. 

The party (and Moscow) realized then that there would have to be 
a change in tactics. The old ones would no longer do. 

A change in the party's organizational structure had already been 
made. The usual aboveground section of the party had gone almost 
completely underground to protect, as far as possible, its leaders and 
members from the Smith Act prosecutions which had been instituted 
in late 1948. 

This set the stage for the tactical change. 

The key problem was this: How could the party, while largely 
underground to protect its members, avoid losing its ability to per- 
form its most vital function — that of reaching the American public 
with pro-Communist propaganda? 

The party solved it in simple fashion. It continued its largely 
underground existence only in an organizational or administrative 
sense — for planning, instruction, meetings, communication of direc- 
tives, and similar functions. Its individual members, as previously 
mentioned, were ordered to continue and step up their propaganda 
and agitation work. 

They were to do this by joining mass non-Communist organiza- 
tions — civic groups such as parent-teacher associations, church groups, 
foreign-policy organizations, and the like. Posing as non-Communist 
liberals in these organizations, party members were to promote the 
party line by stressing "peace" and "civil liberties" propaganda. 

There was a twofold objective in the new tactics of relying more on 
individual infiltrators than on mass activity for promotion of the party 
line. The party hoped that, even while it was largely underground 
organizationally and thus enjoying the greatest possible security, it 
would still be able to assist greatly the foreign -policy objectives of the 
Soviet Union ("peace") and, at the same time, create a climate of 
opinion ("civil liberties") that would eventually permit the normally 
aboveground section of the conspiracy to emerge from the underground 
to a great extent and resume its open activities on a much larger scale. 

Years ago, Georgi Dimitrov, secretary general of the Communist 
International, made the following statement: 

As Soviet power grows [as it has tremendously since World 
War II], there will be a greater aversion to Communist parties 
everywhere. So we must practice the techniques of with- 
drawal. Never appear in the foreground; let our friends do 
the work. * * * 


The Communist Party is following this tactic today. More and 
more, it is endeavoring — and frequently succeeding — in getting non- 
Communist "friends," independently and not through front groups, 
to serve as the major exponents of its propaganda line and thus endow 
this line with a respectability and acceptance it would never attain 
under open Communist auspices. 

The party's and Moscow's current propaganda emphasis on broad 
international issues which are matters of deep concern to many 
non-Communists — the problems of peace, disarmament, radiation from 
atomic weapons tests — rather than on intense and open agitation on 
obviously Communist internal questions, helps the party greatly 
in this work. 

It is also using the device of appealing to the selfish interests and 
special fears— and even moral principles — of various sectors of Ameri- 
can society to secure support for its line (alleged huge profits from trade 
with Red China to promote its recognition by the United States; 
exaggerated fear of "fallout" to bring an end to U.S. atomic defense 
preparation; the opposition to violence of any kind that characterizes 
certain religious and pacifist organizations to promote appeasement). 
In this way it finds supporters for its positions among many people 
who have no sympathy for communism as such. 

This committee's continuing investigation and study also reveal 
that the U.S. branch of the world Communist conspiracy is making 
a deliberate effort to create the impression that it is weak and dying. 

The present open offices it maintains, compared in size and number 
with those of a clecade or more ago, are almost insignificant — and mis- 
lead many non-Communists into believing that the party is shattered 
and ineffective. The party's decision to close down the Daily 
Worker — even though it actually had the funds to continue publishing 
it — was also intended to have the same effect. 

It is using the device of temporary resignations from the party to 
protect its members and to promote the idea that the party has lost 
many members and that all the congressional investigating committees 
can therefore do today is find some people who were Communists in 
the past. 

It has been the repeated experience of this committee in recent 
years, for example, that persons who have been identified as Com- 
munist Party members by responsible witnesses under oath, will deny 
current membership in the Communist Party when called before the 
committee and interrogated under oath. These same people, how- 
ever, invoke the fifth amendment when asked about party member- 
ship in the immediate past and, more important, often refuse to say if 
they intend to reaffiliate with the party after the completion of the 
committee hearing. 

Press accounts of such hearings frequently report only that the 
witness denied membership in the Communist Party. The public is 
thus given the impression that there are very few Communists to be 
found anywhere. 

The Communist Part}' did not just sit back and wait for a change 
in the strongly anti-Communist "climate of opinion" created in this 
country by the testimony of Louis Budenz, Elizabeth Bentley, 
Whittaker Chambers, and other witnesses before this committee, by 
the Hiss, Remington, and Harry Dexter White cases, and by the 
Korean war and other developments. It is doing all it can to promote 


such a change, not only by concentrating on "civil liberties" and 
"constitutional rights" propaganda and creating an impression of 
Communist weakness, but also by promoting attacks on the agencies 
and laws of this country which hamper or expose its conspiratorial and 
subversive activities. With the help of a number of its fronts, some 
prominent fellow travelers, secret party members and sympathetic 
publications, it has launched a continuing propaganda and agitation 
campaign against the Smith Act, Internal Security Act, and the Immi- 
gration and Nationality Act. More recently, it has stimulated attacks 
on the Federal Bureau of Investigation and promoted a drive to abolish 
the House Committee on Un-American Activities. This drive is spear- 
headed by the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (a "civil liberties' ' 
front formed in 1951 after the party went largely underground), with 
the support of the National Lawyers Guild, Citizens Committee To 
Preserve American Freedoms, the Chicago Committee To Preserve 
Freedom of Speech and the Press, and the Southern California chapter 
of the American Civil Liberties Union. 

The few open offices the Communist Party has maintained have 
served to create a misleading impression of "openness" and legitimacy 
on its part. 

Hearings held|by the committee during the past year revealed that 
the Communist conspiracy is also carrying on very active (though 
secret) colonization of key industries. It is dispatching to areas 
where these industries are concentrated highly educated Communist 
agents who conceal the fact that they hold one or several college 
degrees and obtain jobs as mill hands. 

The aim of these agents is to gain the confidence of, and sell them- 
selves to, the workers in these industries, to discredit anti-Communist 
union officials, and to win positions of leadership for themselves so that 
they will be able to reestablish strong Communist influence in the labor 
movement. These Communist colonizers also have the mission — if 
and when the time comes — of impeding the U.S. defense effort by 
fomenting strikes or by actual sabotage of vital machinery. 

If the tactical shifts made by the Communist Party during the last 
ten years indicate anything, it is strength rather than weakness. Any 
organization that can so readily and cleverly adjust itself to changed, 
adverse conditions is a force to be reckoned with. 


The U.S. Party— Part of Powerful World Movement 

There is obviously a great difference between the power of a rela- 
tively small national organization which is a completely independent, 
lone entity and one which is an integral part of an international 
organization of tremendous strength. 

If the U.S. Communist Party stood alone, it would represent no 
more than a fraction of the danger it presents to this country at all 
times because of the fact that it is a part of the worldwide Communist 
movement. As such, the U.S. Communist Party not only takes 
orders from the Kremlin, but also derives strength and receives 
assistance in various forms from the Soviet Union, Red China, the 


satellite nations, and the Communist parties of other non-Communist 

The flood of foreign propaganda that inundates the United States 
each year is just one example of how the U.S. Communist Party is 
helped by Moscow and other Communist capitals. Scores of publi- 
cations in many different languages flow into the United States day 
after day to bolster the line and the claims of the U.S. Communist 
Party and to help it attain its objectives. 

The latest available statistics indicate that during the year 1958 
alone, an estimated 10 million separate pieces of Communist propa- 
ganda material arrived in this country from Soviet-bloc nations and 
were distributed through the U.S. mails, in part at the expense of 
American taxpayers. None of this material was labeled as Communist 
political propaganda, as required by the Foreign Agents Registration 
Act. During recent years, too, an increasing quantity of Communist 
propaganda material has been entering this country, not directly 
from the Soviet bloc but from Communist agencies in friendly coun- 
tries such as Canada. 

In addition, a very large amount of such material is sent to this 
country each year as first-class mail (there is no way of determining 
the exact quantity because mail of this type cannot be checked). 

In the most important of all phases of Communist Party activity — 
propaganda warfare — the U.S. Communist Party also receives regular 
assistance from Soviet and other Iron Curtain diplomats who are 
stationed here and from high-ranking Communist officials who are 
permitted to visit this country. 

The U.S. Communist Party owes much to Ambassador Menshikov 
for the slick, Communist-serving propaganda speeches he has made 
before various American organizations and on radio and TV programs. 
Deputy Premier Anastas Mikoyan, who recently visited the United 
States, contributed yeoman propaganda service to the U.S. Com- 
munist Party, as well as to the Kremlin. 

The committee recently published a report, "Patterns of Communist 
Espionage," which reveals how Communist diplomats stationed in 
this country help local Communist operations in another way — by 
recruiting spies for the Communist espionage apparatus here and by 
using blackmail and terror to silence some anti-Communist voices. 

In the committee's view, the U.S. Communist Party's tieup with 
the world Communist movement dominated by the masters of the 
Kremlin has always been one of the chief sources of its strength. 


Attitude of Non-Communists Toward the Party 

A final and important consideration in analyzing Communist 
strength — and therefore the danger of communism — is the attitude 
of the non-Communist population toward the conspiracy and the 
Soviet Union which controls it. 

If the Communist organization is a small minority and the great 
non-Communist majority of any nation is well informed about its 
nature, strategy, and tactics, the Communist Party just cannot 
flourish. It is then like a plant that needs rich soil to grow in, but is 


placed in dry, sandy soil that provides it little nourishment. It will 
never be strong. It will often wither and die. 

Just the opposite is true, however — even when the party is very 
small — if the non-Communist population is not well informed about 
it and, most important of all, if it is apathetic, indifferent, and weak 
in its opposition to the part} 7 and its bosses in the Kremlin. The con- 
spiracy then has favorable soil in which to grow — and many Com- 
munist parties (including that of the United States) have demon- 
strated remarkable ability to expand rapidly in numbers and influence 
under such conditions. They then become a serious threat. 

The committee is concerned about the apathy, indifference, and 
softened attitude toward the Communist Party on the part of the 
American public which has become apparent in the last few years. 
This attitude has attained such proportions that a number of high 
Government and security officials, who know the danger facing the 
Nation and see the need for continuing strong opposition to commu- 
nism in all walks of life, have felt compelled to speak out and try to 
reverse an obviously dangerous trend. 

The committee firmly believes that there is no justification for 
apathy today and that its continuation or increase poses a serious 
threat to our defense against communism, both at home and abroad. 
It provides opportunities for internal Communist Party expansion 
and for further successful Soviet aggression against the free world. 
J. Edgar Hoover has recently pointed out how dangerous such indiffer- 
ence can be in view of Communist power and aims : 

Public apathy is the sure way to national suicide — to 
death of individual freedom. It allowed the Communists 
to penetrate and make satellites of once-free countries, and 
it is presently enabling them to honeycomb and weaken the 
structures of the remaining countries, and there is today a 
terrifying apathy on the part of Americans toward the 
deadliest danger which this country has ever faced. Some 
of that apathy is deliberately induced. Those who try to 
minimize its danger are either uninformed or they have a 
deadly ax to grind. 


The committee believes that the Communist Party is still a serious 
danger to this country for the following reasons: 

(1) Communist strength and influence — and therefore the dan- 
ger it poses to any country at a given time — cannot be judged 
only by the membership of the party. For this reason, the U.S. 
Communist Party's relatively small numbers today do not mean 
that is it not a serious threat. 

(2) The U.S. Communist Party, though smaller than in the 
past, is made up of hard-core revolutionaries who have been tested 
by time and adversity. As such it has greater discipline, unity of 
purpose, and drive than a large, loosely knit organization. It 
also has much greater internal security and better protection 
against exposure and prosecution than it had in the past. 

(3) The Communist system of organization — its division into 
underground and aboveground sections, with many members of 
the underground apparatus engaging in secret infiltration activity 


while the aboveground carries on a certain amount of open agita- 
tion and propaganda — permits it to make the most effective use 
of its power and achieve much more in the way of positive results 
than a legitimate organization of similar size. 

(4) The Communist Party has demonstrated great ability from 
a tactical standpoint to adapt itself to changed conditions so 
as to suffer the least possible damage and, even while largely 
underground, to wield considerable influence on great numbers of 
non-Communist Americans. 

(5) The U.S. Communist Party has behind it the power and 
influence of the world Communist conspiracy. It does not stand 

(6) The attitude of the American people of late has tended to be 
one of apathy, rather than of aggressive opposition to the Com- 
munist Party. This provides the conspiracy with favorable 
conditions for regaining the power it formerly possessed. 

The eight years that Armando Penha spent in the Communist Party 
as an informant for the FBI (1950-58) covered the period that saw a 
large drop in technical Communist Part}' membership. During these 
years, Penha held key leadership posts on the State and regional level 
and served on one of the conspiracy's national commissions. Because 
of this, he had excellent opportunit} 7- to observe Communist morale, 
strategy, tactics, and effectiveness on all levels. He saw how the 
party reacted to the most unfavorable conditions it has had to oper- 
ate under in the last 35 years or so. In his appearance before this 
committee in Atlanta in July 1958, the following exchange took 
place between Mr. Penha and the committee: 

Q. * * * Mr. Penha, on the basis of your extensive back- 
ground and experience, please tell this committee how serious 
is the Communist operation in the United States right now. 

Mr. Pexha. Based upon my experiences, it is rather un- 
fortunate for me to report — but fortunate in order to alert 
the people of the United States — that the Communist Party 
in this country is by and large a greater menace today than 
it has ever been in the past. 

Q. Would you kindly explain why you have reached that 
conclusion after your 8 years in the Communist Party as an 
undercover agent of the FBI. 

Mr. Penha. Well, sir, shortly after I entered the Com- 
munist Party, the Communist Party reevaluated its entire 
policy; and, in order to carry out its aims, it realized that the 
most important thing for it to do was to go completely under- 
ground, with only a small group that would exist in the upper 
level for propaganda purposes. 

In connection with this, the party, by going underground, 
has been a party of hard-core, zealous, dedicated Commu- 
nists, who have been trained for the ultimate purpose of the 
overthrow of this Government. Its techniques have adopted 
both legal and illegal methods of operations, both open and 
concealed methods, and above all, at all times, to go in accord- 
ance with the wishes of the Kremlin. 


During the year 1958, 108 witnesses testified before this committee 
in public session and more than one-half that number in executive ses- 
sion. On the basis of the testimony of these people and the committee's 
own continuing investigation and research into current Communist 
operations, it is the committee's conviction that Mr. Penha made a 
far more realistic judgment concerning the danger presented to this 
country by the Communist Party than have those persons who, 
without his firsthand experience and without deep study of the 
question, have claimed that the Communist Party is finished and is 
no longer a serious danger to the United States. 



"It is necessary * * * to agree to any and every sacrifice, and even — if need be — 
to resort to all sorts of devices, manoeuvres, and illegal methods, to evasion and sub- 
terfuge, in order to penetrate into the trade unions, to remain in them, and to carry 
on Communist work in them at all costs." 

This Leninist policy is being followed by Communists today in their 
effort to infiltrate and control labor unions, according to the testimony 
of Mr. John Lautner during hearings held in Gary, Ind., on February 
10 and 11, 1958, by the Committee on Un-American Activities. 1 

The committee, continuing its investigation of Communist tech- 
niques and tactics of infiltration and the extent, character, and ob- 
jects of Communist Party propaganda activities in basic industry, 
obtained significant information from Mr. Lautner, an active Com- 
munist Party member for more than 20 years before his expulsion from 
the party in 1950. He held many important positions of leadership, 
including section organizer of the Communist Party in New York City 
for a number of years, district organizer of the Communist Party in 
West Virginia for 5 years, member of the Nationality Commission of 
the Communist Party, member of the National Review Commission 
of the Communist Party (its disciplinary body), and chairman of the 
Review Commission for the State of New York. 

Mr. Lautner testified that employees in basic industry constitute 
the "decisive sections of the working class without which the Com- 
munist Party cannot realize its fundamental objective" of bringing 
about a complete change in our society. 

Mr. Lautner's testimony further revealed a formula used by the 
Communist Party in its efforts to gain control of the American labor 
movement and win the workers to its side. The plan, he said, began 
as far back as 1932 when it was decided to concentrate first on basic 
industry, such a steel. Key factories and shops were the next step, 
and from there the plan evolved to key departments within the fac- 
tories and key people within the departments. By 1948 between 400 
and 500 industrial branches were established throughout the country 
by the Communist Party. 

In the late 1940's, when the CIO was in the process of expelling 
Communist-controlled unions from its ranks, and many unions were 
ridding themselves of Communist officers, the power of the Communist 
Party to exert influence over large masses of American laborers as 
well as over industry itself was threatened. 

In a frantic effort to build its power within the American labor 
movement, the Communist Party at this time adopted a policy of 
"colonization" whereby the party instructed its members, including 
intellectuals and white-collar workers, to migrate to certain industrial 
areas and obtain employment in specific industries for the purpose of 
building party units within that industry. 

1 See "Investigation of Communist Infiltration and Propaganda Activities in Basic Industry (Gary, Ind. 
Area)," hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, Feb. 10 and 11, 1958. 



Describing this renewed and concentrated effort by the Com- 
munists, Mr. Lautner testified that a number of classes for "colonizer" 
members of the Communist Party were organized by J. Peters, for 
many years top leader of the underground apparatus of the Com- 
munist Party. 

The classes were composed of young men from colleges and universi- 
ties who were convinced — 

that a so-called bourgeois education and diploma have no 
future; that there is a better future for a bright and alert 
and, at the same time, loyal and devoted young party person 
to go into basic industry and come up with the grassroots and, 
in the course of a few years, become the leader of a large seg- 
ment of workers in basic industries. 

Mr. Lautner's close association with Peters afforded him the 
opportunity to discuss the party plans for colonization and to observe 
how Peters prepared his curriculum and material for presentation in 
the colonization classes. The witness testified that the boys in these 
classes "after graduation uprooted themselves, and they became pro- 
fessional revolutionaries." They were loyal and devoted to the Com- 
munist cause and to the Communist Party, and would leave their 
homes at any time to go anywhere the party assigned them. 

The Communists are still pursuing their colonization program. 
Since a college education would be a liability to a man working in a 
mill, or on an assembly line, it is necessary for the "colonizer" to 
conceal the fact that he has a college background. The committee 
produced documentary evidence in several instances to show how this 
has become a common practice in the Communist attempt to infiltrate 
basic industry. 

The danger this situation presents is by no means minimal, for in 
the event of a national emergency these colonizers, because of their 
key positions and concealed capacities, would be able to commit 
sabotage. A trained Communist, by a flip of a switch or the pull of a 
lever, could disrupt the work of thousands. 

Communists also seek to enhance the party's position in labor by 
discrediting anti-Communist union leadership and creating dissension 
within non-Communist unions so that, at the very least, individuals 
who will tolerate Communist activities in the labor movement will 
again be selected for union leadership. 


Another witness whose testimony provided the committee with 
valuable information on the work of the Communist Party in estab- 
lishing Communist units within the steel industry was Joseph E. 
LaFleur. Mr. LaFleur, a former undercover agent for the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation, was active in the Communist Party for 10 
years, but left it in 1952 when he realized that he was suspected of 
being a Government agent by the party leadership. 

Mr. LaFleur testified that Howard Lawrence, at one time section 
organizer of the Communist Party in Gary, repeatedly emphasized 
the importance of organizing the men within the steel union. To 
"make these members Communists" was the primary objective and 
every effort was to be directed toward its achievement. 

In the late 1940's a group of young Communists "from colleges in 
the East" migrated to the Gary area. According to the testimony 


of Mr. LaFleur, these men immediately identified themselves to local 
party leaders and were instructed to work on the mill units. 

Concealing the fact that they had college backgrounds and that they 
were militant Communists, these men applied for and received em- 
ployment in the steel industry. 

A Communist functionary known by the witness to have aided 
substantially in the steel units is Katherine Hyndman. Committee 
records reveal that Mrs. Hyndman was arrested on a deportation 
charge on January 5, 1949, and that a final order of deportation to 
Yugoslavia was issued on January 29, 1953. Yugoslavia, however, 
refused to accept her, and she is still a resident of this country. 
LaFleur testified that she was actively engaged in Communist activi- 
ties even after her arrest and that she was still an active organizer in 
Gary when he left the party in 1952. 

In the course of his testimony LaFleur identified 32 persons known 
to him as members of the Communist Party in Gary. Twelve of 
these were called as witnesses during the hearings. Of these, eight 
refused to answer material questions relating to Communist Party 
activities within the steel industry. Two of these witnesses admitted 
being former members of the Communist Party. Witnesses Willard 
Malis and Lazo Kebraca denied that they had ever been Communist 
Party members. 

Edward Yellin, whom Mr. LaFleur identified as a member of the 
Communist Party, was confronted with his application for employment 
in a steel plant which concealed information that he had attended the 
City College of New York and the University of Michigan. 

Air. Yellin was asked if he was following Communist Party instruc- 
tions when he applied for employment. He refused to answer. The 
witness also refused to answer any questions concerning the Com- 
munist plan to colonize basic industry with young men who were loyal 
and devoted to the Communist cause. He further refused to answer 
questions relating to his place of residence prior to August 1957, his 
formal education, his record of employment, or his membership in the 
Communist Party at the time he applied for employment. In refus- 
ing to answer, Mr. Yellin did not rely on the self-incrimination clause 
of the fifth amendment, but asserted a claim that he was not required 
to answer by reason of the provisions of the first amendment. 2 

Robert Lehrer, a graduate of Rutgers University and an employee 
in the steel industry in Gary, was also identified as a member of the 
Communist Party by Mr. LaFleur. Mr. Lehrer was summoned by 
the Committee on Un-American Activities to appear at the hearings 
in Gary during the investigation of Communist infiltration in basic 
industry, but refused to answer any questions asked of him by the 
committee concerning his education and his record of employment, 
Communist Party activities within basic industry, or his own Com- 
munist Party membership. 

Lehrer was confronted with photostatic copies of his college records, 
and of his application for employment to a steel plant which omitted 
any reference to his college background or the fact that he held an 
A.B. degree. He refused to testify concerning either of them. 2 

2 Contempt proceedings have been instituted against Edward Yellin and Robert Lehrer, both of whom 
refused to answer material questions on the basis of the first amendment and the decisions of the Supreme 
Court of the United States in the Watkins and Sweezey cases. 

Two other witnesses at the Gary hearings who were identified as Communists have also been cited for 
contempt of Congress: Alfred James Samter, who based his refusal to answer on substantially the same 
grounds as those relied upon by Yellin and Lehrer, and Victor Malis, who relied upon the first amendment 
in refusing to answer. 



The techniques being employed at this very moment by American 
agents of the Kremlin in the New England area, were revealed in 
grim detail durins; hearings of the committee held in Boston, Mass., 
March 18-21, 1958. 3 

At the time Armando Penha took the witness stand in the course 
of these committee hearings, he was still a trusted officer of the Com- 
munist Party on both a national and New England area level. The 
copious facts which this witness then proceeded to put into the public 
record regarding the present organizational structure, strategy, and 
membership of the Communist conspiracy — from the party's top 
national councils down to its underground apparatus — abruptly 
ended his career in the Communist Party. But for the first time the 
public could appreciate the outstanding service which this witness 
had rendered his country by serving as a Federal Bureau of Investiga- 
tion undercover agent within the Communist Party for 8 years. 

Mr. Penha discussed with authority the inner workings of the higher 
echelon of the Communist conspiracy as a result of holding such party 
offices as member of the National Textile Commission of the Com- 
munist Party of the United States; member of the New England 
District Committee and attendant at meetings of the New England 
District Metals Commission; section organizer for the party in the 
New Bedford, Mass., area; chairman of the Bristol County, Mass., 
Communist Party; and chairman of a Regional Section Organizers 

Assessing the seriousness of the Communist Party threat today, Mr. 
Penha declared: 

Based on my experiences, I feel — and I am sure that I am 
absolutel} 7 correct — that the Communist conspiracy, by and 
large today, is much stronger than it has ever been. * * * 
The party has strengthened itself every time that it weeds out 
weaklings, those that they suspect, those who do not accept 
the party discipline, and as such it becomes stronger. 

During the 8 years that he was in the Communist Party, Mr. Penha 
had known approximately 400 members of the party. Of this number, 
between 285 and 315 operated in the New England area. In the course 
of his testimony, Penha identified by name over 200 Communist Party 
members he had personally known, including top-flight functionaries 
of the National Committee of the Communist Party. 


In connection with the current organizational structure of the party, 
he testified: 

The Communist apparatus is established with the National 
Committee as being the top functionary body. 

In the National Committee level, there are also various 
types of national groups. You have your National Executive 
Committee, you have National Commissions, various depart- 
ments. In all I would say there are about eight or nine. 

8 See "Investigation of Communist Activities in the New England Area," pts. 1-3, hearings before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, Mar. 14, 18-21, 1958. 


From there it drops down to the district level, New England 
being the District No. 1. New England encompasses the 
areas of Vermont, Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts. 
From the district level, it drops down to county level if 
they exist. At times they do not. From there it drops down 
to section levels, known as cities and its suburban areas. 
From there it drops down to clubs or cells. These are small 
groups. They comprise membership in specific areas, par- 
ticularly in organizations. From that it drops down to 
neighborhood groups or neighborhood clubs. From that it 
goes into individuals who, for one reason or another, should 
not be placed in clubs and/or cells. 

The National Textile Commission of the Communist Party, of 
which Mr. Penha was a member, was established by the National 
Committee of the Communist Party in 1955. The purpose of the 
Textile Commission was to direct further colonization and infiltration 
by the Communist Party into the textile industry, particularly in the 
South. The North was to contribute experienced colonizers and 
money. In connection with this endeavor, Mr. Penha took a trip to 
the South where he was in contact with top Communist Party leaders 
and colonizers, particularly in North Carolina, a center of the textile 
industry in the South. The technique of colonization, according to 
Mr. Penha, is being applied by the party in all types of major industry. 

Mr. Penha, who was in active contact with the Communist under- 
ground, described the stringent security measures exercised in the 
underground operation. Some members completely divorced them- 
selves from the open apparatus of the party and, in most instances, 
completely separated themselves from their families. They assumed 
false identities and used various devices to alter their physical appear- 
ance. They lived in the homes of trusted party members and all 
contact with the open apparatus was handled through couriers. 


A detailed summary of current or recent Communist-front opera- 
tions in the New England area was also obtained by the committee in 
the course of the hearings. 

In New England, as in other parts of the country, front organiza- 
tions, which are either set up by the Communist Party or infiltrated 
and eventually controlled by it, sought to lure non-Communists into 
propaganda activities and fund collection campaigns on behalf of the 
Communist cause. The names of these organizations were deliberately 
selected to conceal their true Communist nature. 

Typical of front organizations active in the New England area 
were the New England Citizens Concerned for Peace, the Massachu- 
setts Committee for the Bill of Rights, the New Bedford Peace Com- 
mittee, and the New Bedford Committee To Fight Unemployment. 

The chief aim of the New England Citizens Concerned for Peace 
was to assist in a Communist campaign to build up pressures on Con- 
gress against universal military training legislation, according to the 
undercover observations of Armando Penha. In its efforts to weaken 
American resistance to Communist aggression in Korea, the organiza- 
tion took advantage of every opportunity to "undermine and harass 
our public officials in the Government at large," Mr. Penha testified. 


The witness identified as Communists active in the organization 
Florence Tamsky, Mary Figueirido, Frances Hood, and Jean Belle- 
feuille, among others. 

Mrs. Muriel Gravelle McAvoy, wno was a top functionary of the 
Communist Party of New Hampshire according to another Federal 
Bureau of Investigation undercover agent, Carol Foster, has served 
as executive secretary of the New England Citizens Concerned for 
Peace. Mrs. McAvoy was called as a witness in the course of the 
New England hearings but refused to answer questions regarding her 
activities in either the Communist Party or the front organization. 

The Massachusetts Committee for the Bill of Rights, Mr. Penha 
testified — • 

was established for only one purpose, and that was to put all 
the pressure within its command, of the Communist con- 
spiracy, to do away with the State Sedition Law, which I be- 
lieve was passed in 1919 in Massachusetts, the 1951 law 
which outlawed the party in Massachusetts, the Smith Act, 
the McCarran Act, and Immigration Acts * * * everything, 
in other words, that was anti-Communist, in order to pre- 
serve the legal status of the party. 

Mr. Penha named Nathaniel Mills and Florence Luscomb as among 
Communists instrumental in the management of this front organiza- 

Mr. Penha himself was assigned by the Communist Party to the 
task of supervising the New Bedford Peace Committee. "My job 
was to see that the New Bedford Peace Committee did promote war, 
not peace," he said, and identified Rozlyn Fishman as a key Commu- 
nist member of the organization. 

He was also present at conferences held by Communist officials for 
the purpose of setting up the New Bedford Committee To Fight Un- 
employment. "Ironically," Mr. Penha testified, "it started off as 
such a committee for unemployment, but where the party saw it was 
not getting too effective, we switched it over to the New Bedford 
Surplus Committee * * * sort of a subcommittee." Communists 
responsible for supervising the front organization, according to the 
witness, were Douglas Perry, Roy Rogerson, and Olga Garczynski. 

The former undercover agent also described the activities of local 
chapters of a number of national front organizations w^hich have been 
the subject of extensive investigation and hearings by this committee 
in previous years. For example, New England residents were sub- 
ject to Communist pressures from local units of the American Com- 
mittee for Protection of Foreign Born, the Save Our Sons Committee, 
and the Progressive Party. 


Mr. Penha testified that the revenue of the Communist Party is 
derived from many and varied sources, including: 
(a) Dues based on earnings. 
(6) Assessments, also based on earnings. 

(c) Financial "angels" who may or may not be actual party 
members, but who contribute to the party causes. Penha cited 
as an example one Maud D'haze, deceased, who left an estate of 


approximately $20,000. This estate was not left to the Com- 
munist Party per se, but to the leaders of the Communist Party in 
the New England area, with the understanding that the money 
would be directed ultimately into the coffers of the Communist 
Party. Penha identified D'haze and all of the beneficiaries as 
members of the Communist Party. Two of the beneficiaries, 
Anne Burlak Timpson and Otis Archer Hood, both leaders of the 
Communist Party in New England, were called as witnesses and 
interrogated concerning the distribution of the D'haze estate. 
Both invoked their constitutional privileges against self-incrimina- 

(d) Sale of various items. Penha cited as an example the 
sale of pen and pencil sets, 1,000 of which were sold by comrades 
within the New England district, with the proceeds directed into 
the party treasury. 

(e) Solicitation of funds through front groups which are cre- 
ated or infiltrated and controlled by the party, but which bear 
no open association with the party. Such funds ultimately are 
lodged in the party treasury. 

(/) Labor organizations controlled by the Communist 
Party. Cited as an example was the United Electrical, Radio & 
Machine Workers in the New Bedford area. 
In 1952, while accompanying the New England district Communist 
organizer, Mike Russo, who was then operating in the background, 
Mr. Penha was present in a secret meeting with Jonathan and David 
Lubell, then students at Harvard University. The Lubells were Com- 
munist organizers among the students at various institutions of higher 
education in the Boston area. They turned over $150 which they had 
collected in dues from the students at these institutions, 


Another person who contributed materially to the committee's work 
in Boston was Mrs. Carol Foster of Nashua, N.H. Like Mr. Penha, 
Mrs. Foster had been an undercover operative for the FBI. She had 
been active in the party since 1947. Her principal area of activity was 
in the State of New Hampshire. She had held the office of secretary 
of the Nashua group of the Communist Party and was a member of 
the New Hampshire State Committee, which was a part of District 
1 of the Communist Party, and encompassed most of New England. 

Mrs. Foster confirmed Mr. Penha's testimony that the Communist 
Party posed a serious threat to our country today. She identified 
several score individuals as Communist Party members in the New 
England area. 

Two of the persons she identified as members of the Communist 
Party were Rev. Albert D 'Orlando and his wife, Polly. Mr. D'Or- 
lando had been a minister of a church in Wilton, N.H., from approxi- 
mately 1946 to 1950. Mrs. Foster testified that she was introduced 
to Mr. D 'Orlando by the Communist Party chairman of New Hamp- 
shire, Mrs. Elba Chase Nelson. For a period of several 3 T ears she 
collected the Communist Party dues of Mr. D 'Orlando and his wife. 

The Reverend Mr. D 'Orlando, who now resides in New Orleans, La., 
appeared before the committee in executive session on March 14, 1958. 
When asked about his previous Communist Party membership, he 


invoked his constitutional privileges concerning the period prior to 
1946. He denied membership subsequent to that date, but admitted 
that he had contributed money to the Communist Party during the 
time he was a minister in Wilton, N.H. 

Mrs. Foster also furnished valuable information concerning the op- 
eration of Communist-front groups, particularly the Progressive Party 
which, during its period of operation in New Hampshire, was com- 
pletely controlled by the Communist Party. 

Hon. Louis C. Wyman, attorney general of the State of New Hamp- 
shire, testified extensively concerning various sections of H.R. 9937, 
the omnibus security bill pending before the committee. 


In addition to the persons indicated above who cooperated with the 
committee, 29 other persons were called as witnesses. These persons 
had been identified under oath as members of the Communist Party 
and, in most instances, were leaders of the Communist Party in the 
New England area. Their employment covered a variety of occupa- 
tions and professions. Two of the witnesses, David M. Fein and Elias 
Snitzer, were professors at the Lowell Technological Institute. Mr. 
Fein denied current Communist Party membership, but invoked the 
privileges of the fifth amendment concerning prior membership. Mr. 
Snitzer likewise denied current Communist Party membership, but 
refused to give the committee any information when questioned 
concerning prior membership and activities in the Communist Party. 

Douglas Perry, UE organizer in the New England area, who had 
been identified by Mr. Penha as a hard-core^Communist^ Party mem- 
ber, invoked constitutional privileges against self-incrimination when 
questioned concerning the validity of Penha's testimony. 

Joseph Sherman and Benning Maskiewicz testified that they were 
not citizens of the United States and refused to state whether or not 
they were members of the Communist Party. Mr. Maskiewicz has 
been a resident of the United States for 46 years; Mr. Sherman for 36 
years. The subcommittee recommended that both cases be referred to 
the Immigration and Naturalization Service for possible deportation. 

Of the remaining witnesses, all invoked the fifth amendment, with 
the exception of three. Two of these admitted Communist Party 
membership, while the third invoked the first amendment and refused 
to answer questions. 

In concluding the hearings, Hon. Morgan M. Moulder of Missouri, 
chairman of the subcommittee, stated in part as follows: 

In the few days that we have been here, we believe we have 
had a fair sampling of several phases of Communist subver- 
sive operations, especially in this area. * * * 

In the first place, we have seen repetition here in the Bos- 
ton, New England area, of a pattern of Communist activities 
and techniques which verifies and confirms the very same pat- 
tern of secret and habitually deceitful and subversive activi- 
ties and tactics throughout our Nation. 

We also have brought forth reliable evidence proving that 
there is in this highly sensitive and important industrial area 
a Communist Party activity which should be paid more atten- 


tion by the public officials, both municipal and statewide, 
in cooperation with the Federal officials. * * * 

And we wish to emphasize that this Communist subversive 
activity right here in the New England area and throughout 
our Nation is part of the cold war — it is not just merely prop- 
aganda — it is part of the cold war. There are no bullets 
being fired, but it is war nevertheless. 

There has also been revealed further reliable factual Com- 
munist underground strategy and tactics penetrating entirely 
legitimate and loyal organizations, church groups, labor 
groups, youth groups, schools, lodges, and public offices. 

There has also been revealed further definite information 
respecting efforts of the Communist conspiracy to penetrate 
certain vital industries by way of colonizing by Communists, 
many of whom hold high degrees in education, bachelors of 
science and engineers; and yet, fulfilling their Communist 
Party dedication, they take menial jobs, at far less salaries in 
sensitive industry in order to carry out Communist Party di- 
rectives, than they could earn at the profession for which 
they are especially equipped and trained. 

We will take back to Washington for consideration by the 
Congress all the factual material here gained in connection 
with our study and consideration for the enactment of 

There is, however, a collateral result, which is very valuable 
and continuing, as a result of these hearings, which I believe 
will have a salutary and important effect on this entire geo- 
graphical area. This should be a daily reminder for you 
folks who have the pleasure, privilege, and inspiration of 
living in this area, of the continuous Communist Party sub- 
versive threat, both day and night, not merely as a philo- 
sophical concept, but as a menacing dynamic force of intrigue 
and subversion, operating as part of the Soviet cold war 
against the American way of life, which was, in fact, born 
right here within a mile of this building. 


Communist infiltration of cultural and entertainment media in 
America has resulted in tremendous propaganda and financial benefits 
to the Communist conspiracy, hearings by the committee have 

The Communist Party for many years has relentlessly, through its 
membership, waged a campaign of penetration aimed at exploitation 
of the entertainment industry. How this has been accomplished and 
to what extent has been the subject of a continuing series of hearings 
by the committee. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities has repeatedly pointed 
out that its investigations and hearings are not directed against any 
particular occupation as such, but rather are concerned with the 
activities of individual Communists delegated by the Communist 
Party to infiltrate a given field. During hearings in New York on 

37633 — 59 3 


June 18 and 19, 1958, 4 the committee reiterated its policy in this con- 
nection and clearly outlined the scope of the inquiry as follows: 

One of the phases of the work of the Committee on Un- 
American Activities deals with Communists who have pene- 
trated the entertainment industry and who have used people 
in the entertainment industry for the purpose of promoting 
Communist fronts in the furtherance of the foreign policy 
not of the United States but of the Soviet Union, who have 
collected money from prominent persons in the entertain- 
ment industry to be used to finance Communist operations 
in the United States. 

The hearings were the latest in a series of four hearings conducted 
by the committee in New York City with a view to determining the 
extent to which the Communist Party has succeeded in its objective 
of subverting the entertainment industry. As in earlier hearings, the 
committee sought to elicit information from witnesses who were in a 
position to testify on Communist influence and activities in the enter- 
tainment field. Such information would greatly aid the committee 
in its consideration of legislation pending before it. 


The committee called as a witness John Lautner, a former^Com- 
munist who was expelled by the party in 1950 after serving as a 
Communist Party functionary since 1929. From his knowledge of 
the Communist Party structure and organization, Mr. Lautner stated 
that there existed within the New York State organization a sub- 
organization called the Cultural Division, whose purpose it was "to 
carry out the general policies of the party in the field of culture * * * 
to raise finances for the party." He described the Cultural Division 
as a highly secret group, and said that security measures were taken 
to keep it so. He stated further — 

First of all, members of the Cultural Division are members 
of the Communist Party as such. The only special consid- 
eration that they do receive is one of security, one of con- 
cealing their identity as party members and the reason for 
that is a very simple one. 

If a party member in any of the cultural activities, whether 
it be theater or television or radio or movie or whatever it is, 
if his identity would be known as a party member, his effec- 
tiveness to do Communist work would be practically nil. 
Therefore, concealing party membership adds so much more 
to the effectiveness of that individual in carrying out Com- 
munist Party work. 

But he is a party member and he must carry out the 
policies of the party. The party policies— tactical policies 
today — are very closely linked with that of the tactical 
policies of all Communist Parties, whether it be in the 
United States or wherever else. 

A total of 18 individuals, presently or recently employed in the 
cultural and entertainment field in the New York area, were sum- 

4 See "Communism in the New York Area (Entertainment)," hearings before the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, June 18 and 19, 1958; May 8, 1958; and Apr. 1, 1957. 


moned as witnesses but refused to respond to committee questions 
regarding Communist activities with which they had been identified. 
Sixteen of these invoked the fifth amendment to the Constitution, one 
invoked the first amendment, and one declined to reply to questions, 
basing his refusal on the recent Watkins decision of the Supreme 


As the committee questioned these uncooperative witnesses it was 
struck by the agility with which they protected the Communist 
conspiracy and the identity of its members. They were more con- 
cerned with vilifying the committee than with providing the Congress 
with the sort of information which would be of help in enacting legisla- 
tion vital to the security of the Nation. They injected into the hear- 
ings statements designed to arouse sympathy for themselves as 
persecuted martyrs, attempted to becloud the real issues, and made 
unfounded statements in their efforts to discredit this committee. By 
indirection, however, they unwittingly supplied the committee with 
valuable information. 

Among the witnesses called was William Lazar, who was given an 
opportunity to affirm or deny testimony identifying him as a leader 
in the Communist efforts to exploit American cultural and enter- 
tainment media. While testifying under oath, Mr. Lautner identi- 
fied Lazar as William Lawrence who, to his knowledge, held several 
positions of leadership in the New York State Communist Party 
organization, who served as general manager of the Communist 
Daily Worker for a period, and who was assigned to work in Com- 
munist front organizations. Lazar was questioned concerning the 
truth of Lautner's testimony, but refused to answer, basing his refusal 
on the fifth amendment. He also invoked the fifth amendment in 
declining to state whether he was officially connected with the Cultural 
Division of the Communist Party, and if he had been active in the 
development of the National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Pro- 
fessions, an organization cited as a Communist front. Furthermore, 
he refused to enlighten the committee on Communist activities within 
the entertainment industry. 

A typical example of the contemptuous attitude of many of the 
witnesses was provided in the testimony of Paul Mann (Yisrol Paul 
Mann Libman). He managed to read in a loud and violent voice a 
lengthy statement in which he distorted the true purposes of the com- 
mittee's investigation and hearings and berated the committee in 
general. Here are some of his remarks: 

* * * You want your standards to determine who shall be 
permitted to act, direct, sing, dance, and play music in the 
American theater — even to dictate policy on plays and 

Whoever disagrees with you or does not conform to your 
way of thinking is blacklisted, deprived of his livelihood, 
smeared and publicly inquisitioned, or threatened. * * * 

* . * * As a member of the American theater I need no 
seal of approval from this committee. * * * 

I refuse to permit the standards and political views of this 
committee (composed of politicians elected for a temporary 
term) to supplant the Constitution of the United States and 


its Bill of Rights, and to hack away at the culture of my 

The Honorable Gordon H. Scherer, a member of the committee, in 
reply to Mann's remarks stated: 

I think the printed record will not disclose the attitude 
of the witness during the time that he made this tirade 
against the committee. I would like the record to show he 
was highly contemptuous of the committee in his manner, 
in his voice at the time he made that statement, reaching the 
point where he frothed at the mouth. 

Paul Mann, by his own testimony, is an actor, director, and teacher 
of acting by occupation and, according to committee information, an 
identified Communist Party member. He was in a position to testify 
regarding Communist infiltration of the entertainment industry. 
However, even when the committee questioned him about his present 
employment, he refused to answer. He was asked if he was a member 
of the Communist Party and if he was the owner of the Actors Work- 
shop in New York. In each instance he invoked the fifth amendment 
and declined to answer. Similar answers were made to questions as 
to whether he was a Communist when naturalized in 1945 or when he 
made application for a passport in 1950. 


Among the witnesses who invoked the fifth amendment and refused 
to testify concerning Communist Party affiliations were: 

Bernard Gersten, who stated he was stage manager for the past year 
at the American Shakespeare Festival in Stratford, Conn. However, 
he refused to say where he was employed immediately prior to his 
present employment. 

Earl Jones, actor, who also refused to name plays in which he had 
appeared. He also declined to state if he had in the last several years 
knowingly and consciously lent his name, influence, and prestige as 
an actor to Communist causes. 

Will Lee (William Lubovsky), an actor, director, and teacher of 
acting, who stated he had been employed as a teacher of acting "on 
and off for over 5 years" with the American Theater Wing school. 

Carroll Hollister, a musician who teaches and coaches singers, stated 
he was on the faculty of the Metropolitan Music School, which the 
committee cited in 1957 as a Communist front organization. 

Adelaide Klein (Annenberg), an actress who is listed in committee 
records as having been a member of the board of directors and advisory 
council of the Peoples Radio Foundation. The foundation has been 
cited by the Attorney General as a Communist front. 

Arthur Lief, a musician who was the American conductor for the 
Russian Moiseyev Ballet dance group when it toured the United 
States recently. He has also been guest conductor for the Royale 
Ballet of England. 

Richard Sasuly, a writer, would not state where he was presently 
employed. According to committee records, he is writing under the 
name of Alex Furth as a propagandist for the Communist Party. He 
refused to discuss his association with Nathan Gregory Silvermaster, 
identified by Elizabeth Bentley as an espionage agent. 


Leon Portnoy, self-employed music teacher who declined to say if 
he has been known by any other name, or if he is director of the 
Parkway Music School Institute. 

Ben Steinberg, a musician, stated he had participated in the selection 
of musicians for a number of Broadway shows. He described himself 
as an "outside contractor." Unlike other witnesses, Steinberg cited 
the Watkins decision, and not the fifth amendment, as the reason for 
refusing to discuss Communist Party affiliation. 

Paul Villard, a musician and singer, declined to say where or when 
he was last employed, and if he had signed a petition for the New 
York Communist Party. 

Horace Grenell refused to state what his occupation was. How* 
ever, committee records indicate that he had been president of Young 
People's Records and is currently associated with Abbey Record 
Manufacturing Co., Inc. 

Irwin Silber, who described himself as a writer, editor, and publicist. 
It was brought out during the hearings that he contributes a con- 
siderable amount of propaganda to Communist publications. Silber 
was the only witness who invoked solely the first amendment in re- 
fusing to answer committee questions with respect to Communist 
Party membership. 

It should be noted that, in most instances, the groups which em- 
ployed witnesses appearing at the hearings were unaware of their 
subversive backgrounds. This does not imply that employers are 
unconcerned with the problem of Communist infiltration, nor does it 
imply that they made no effort to check on the background of em- 
ployees. Obviously, private industry is not equipped to uncover the 
operations of the Communist underground. 


Since the exodus of a number of industries from the Xorth to the 
South, the Communist Party, recognizing the potentials in this shift, 
has been making a concerted effort to infiltrate this fast-growing 
industrial area of our country. The textile industry has become a 
special target of the Communists, who are assigning "colonizers," 
propagandists, and agitators to the area in order to further the party's 
aim to build its membership in the South. 

Hearings held in Atlanta, Ga,, on July 29, 30, and 31, 1958, 5 very 
clearly revealed methods used and the extent to which the party's 
plans for the South are being carried out. Armando Penha, a former 
undercover agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, was par- 
ticularly qualified to furnish the committee with the Communist 
conspiracy's plans and tactics in the South and other areas by virtue 
of his very recent work within the Communist Party. 


During the period from early 1950 until the spring of 1958, Mr. 
Penha attained important positions of party leadership both in his 
native New England and on the national level. One of the most im- 
portant of these was his membership on the National Textile Com- 
mission which the party set up in 1955, and on which he served until 

* See "Communist Infiltration and Activities in the South," hearings before the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, July 29, 30, and 31, 1958. 


he completed his FBI assignment in 1958. Mr. Penha described the 
Commission as follows: 

The National Textile Commission is a leading body, na- 
tionally, that is set up for the purpose of controlling, coordi- 
nating, and supervising the infiltration and colonization with- 
in the textile industry, particularly in the South. 

During the Atlanta hearings and in otlier hearings at w r hich he 
testified, Mr. Penha also pointed out the following with respect to 
the National Textile Commission: 

(1) It is composed of five members. Through one of its members 
it has direct contact with, and operates by the order of, the party's 
National Committee in New r York. Two of its members w r ere "col- 
onizers" within the textile industry, although they w r ere not genuine 
textile workers. 

(2) It is a highly secret group. Its members have code names, 
and their true identity is not supposed to be known, even to one 
another. Extreme security precautions are exercised in conducting 
its meetings. 

(3) The Commission provides "colonizers" from the North to infil- 
t rate the comparatively virgin industrial territor}' of the South. These 
colonizers secure low-level jobs in order to come in contact with the 
rank-and-file w r orker. Many conceal the fact that they are highly 
educated, often holding a bachelor's, master's, or even a doctor's 
degree. (It is significant that they are willing to sacrifice years of 
formal education in order to serve the party.) 

(4) The Commission provides the necessary funds to carry out the 
party's plans for the South. 


Mr. Penha described a "colonizer" as — 

* * * one that is directed by the Communist Party to teach 
and spread propaganda in order to cultivate the mass workers 
within a plant or industry or legitimate organization. He 
must use, in his tactics, methods of spreading confusion, 
agitation. Such attacks are to be made both legally and 
illegally. He lias to be able to cope with existing situations- 
one moment being on the offensive and the other on the 
defensive — participating in open activities of mass agitation 
and propaganda while, at the same time, being capable of 
undertaking concealed activities which will obstruct and 
undermine public confidence in our foreign policy. 

However, the clear-cut danger of a colonizer is that he is 
a part of a vasl network of secret party members, of potential 
saboteurs and espionage agents. The placement of these 
colonizers in key and basic industries is vital to the party from 
the standpoint of placing such colonizers in the position of 
promoting strikes, slowdowns, and so forth. In such 
concealed positions a colonizer, in the event of an emergency, 
becomes very effective to commit sabotage. 

As a member of the National Textile Commission of the Communist 
Party, Penha was sent into the South in 1955 to offer guidance to 
party members engaged in infiltration-colonization activities in that 


area. He was instructed to attend party meetings and to meet with 
party leaders to discuss their problems, map plans, and to pass on to 
them the organizational aims, party policy, and the party line. 


Mr. Penha testified he traveled throughout the area under extreme 
security measures, even to the extent that code names were used in his 
contacts. In spite of this, through the use of investigative techniques, 
lie later learned the true identity of many of the individuals he met. 

He was able to identify the following three members of the National 
Textile Commission: Robert Handman, chairman and coordinator; 
George Sheldrick, who represented the State of New Jersey; and 
William Evans, who represented the State of North Carolina. 

In addition, Mr. Penha identified Fanny Licht, a northerner living 
in New York City, as being regional organizer for the Communist 
Party in the South. As such, Mr. Penha explained, she had the 
responsibility under the Communist Party's National Committee for 
supervising all Communist activities in the South. Mr. Penha 
identified 10 individuals he knew as colonizers — a considerable number 
of whom were also from the North. 

Several of those he identified as Communist Party members were 
called as witnesses during the hearings held in Atlanta. Among 
them was Madge Spurny Cole, a resident of Greensboro, N.C., 
employed in a textile mill as a "spare hand in the spinning depart- 
ment." She admitted to being a native of New York State and hold- 
ing a master's degree from Syracuse University. In her application 
for employment, a photostatic copy of which was introduced during 
the hearing, she stated that her education was limited to high school, 
and completely concealed the fact that she was a university graduate. 
Mrs. Cole invoked the fifth amendment when asked if she was a 
Communist Party colonizer. 

William J. Robertson III was another witness identified as a party 
colonizer who, like Mrs. Cole, had concealed the fact that he was a 
college graduate when he applied for a menial job with a southern 
textile mill. Like Mrs. Cole, he also invoked the fifth amendment 
when asked to affirm or deny Penha's testimony concerning his 
participation in the Communist plan for penetration of the South. 

Karl Korstad, who also held a master's degree from Syracuse 
University, was identified by Mr. Penha as a member of the Industrial 
Commission of the Communist Party at High Point, N.C., and as a 
colonizer. When confronted with this allegation, Korstad invoked 
the fifth amendment and refused to testify. 

A number of other witnesses who were identified by Penha as party 
members also refused on the grounds of the fifth amendment to furnish 
the committee with any information concerning party activities in 
the South, and their own part in such activities. 


During the hearings, the committee also brought to light Communist 
propaganda activities carried on in the South. The committee has 
found that a periodical known as the Southern Newsletter has been 
carrying the Communist Party line and propaganda into the South 


since its inception in June 1956. Eugene Feldman was summoned 
for questioning because of his connection with the periodical as editor, 
and the fact that Armando Penha had identified him as a party 
member who served on the party's Industrial Commission at High 
Point, N.C., and as a former colonizer. Committee files and records 
reveal that Feldman was also identified as a party member by two 
other FBI undercover agents in 1956. 

Feldman, who lives in Chicago, invoked the fifth amendment and 
refused to answer practically every question propounded to him by 
the committee. He refused to acknowledge the fact that he is the 
editor of the Southern Newsletter and invoked the fifth amendment 
when asked if he was a member of the Communist Partv, or if he knew 
Mr. Penha. He also refused to state whether certain individuals iden- 
tified as Communists were in any way associated with the publication. 

During Feldman's appearance a photostatic copy of an application 
for a post office box filed by him in Louisville, Ky., for the Southern 
Newsletter was introduced. The publication is edited and published 
in Chicago. However, it uses as its mailing address Post Office Box 
1307 in Louisville, Ky., to create the impression that it is a native 
product of the South. The aforementioned application carried the 
name of Oakley C. Johnson as a reference. 

The committee is in possession of a copy of a letter mailed out by the 
New York Committee for the Southern Newsletter, announcing a 
meeting on December 19, 1958, in New York to "help the growth of 
the Southern Newsletter to continue its fine work." Oakley C. John- 
son is also named as chairman of this obviously pro-Communist com- 
mittee. Johnson was a member of the National Organizing Commit- 
tee which initiated the Communist Party in 1919, and is currently 
writing for The Worker, official Communist Party organ. 

During the hearings, Feldman declined to answer questions con- 
cerning Charles J. Coe (also known as Bob Coe), Donald L. (Don) 
West, and Carl Braden who have contributed articles to the Southern 
Newsletter. All have been identified as Communist Party members. 

Braden appeared as a Witness and refused to state whether he was a 
party member, and also refused to state whether he had any connec- 
tion with the Southern Newsletter and the Emergency Civil Liberties 
Committee. Braden has since been convicted of contempt of Congress 
and sentenced to a year in jail as a result of his testimony. 


The Emergency Civil Liberties Committee is an organization with 
headquarters in New York, whose avowed purpose is to abolish the 
House Committee on Un-American Activities and discredit the FBI. 
The Committee on Un-American Activities prepared a report on the 
organization in 1957 which described the activities of the ECLC and 
its campaign to cripple the antisubversive programs of Congress and 
Government agencies. The committee finds that the Emergency 
Civil Liberties Committee, established in 1951, although representing 
itself as a non-Communist group, actually operates as a front for the 
Communist Party. It has repeatedly assisted, by means of funds 
and legal aid, Communists involved in Smith Act violations and 
similar legal proceedings. One of its chief activities has been and still 
is the dissemination of voluminous Communist propaganda material. 


Frank Wilkinson was called as a witness when he appeared in 
Atlanta as a representative of the Emergency Civil Liberties Com- 
mittee to propagandize against the Committee on Un-American 
Activities and to protest its hearings. In 1956 Wilkinson was iden- 
tified as a Communist Party member by a former FBI undercover 
agent within the party. Summoned at that time to answer the allega- 
tion, his reply to all questions was, "I am answering no questions of 
this committee." This also became his stock reply to questions when 
he appeared during the Atlanta hearings. He absolutely refused to 
discuss his official connection with the ECLC, his past role as executive 
secretary of the ECLC adjunct, the Citizens Committee To Preserve 
American Freedoms, or whether he was a member of the Communist 
Party. Wilkinson has since been convicted of contempt of Congress 
and sentenced to one year in jail. 

Disputing the non-Communist claim of the organization, the com- 
mittee finds that a number of other individuals connected with the 
ECLC also have been identified under oath as Communists. Among 
those are: Harvey O'Connor, chairman of the ECLC; Corliss Lamont, 
vice chairman, who was identified by four former Communists during 
hearings held by the Subversive Activities Control Board on the 
National Council of American-Soviet Friendship ; Russ Nixon, a mem- 
ber of the executive board of the National Council of the ECLC; 
Muriel Gravelle McAvoy, formerly employed as a secretary; Dorothy 
W. Douglas; Benjamin Dreyfus; Victor Rabinowitz (identified before 
a Senate investigating committee) ; Carey McWilliams; Anne Braden, 
and David Rein. The six last named are members of the National 
Council of the ECLC. A substantial number of those listed on a 
recent letterhead of the ECLC have lengthy Communist front records. 

One of the most illuminating aspects of the hearings in Atlanta was 

the testimony of a Hungarian refugee, who, from 1945 to 1956, was a 

prisoner of the Soviet Union, but is now a resident of the South. 

Due to the fact that the witness has relatives now behind the Iron 

Curtain, his true identity could not be revealed. However, his account 

of the tortures and indignities suffered by himself and his father at the 

hands of his Communist captors portrays a vivid and horrifying picture 

of communism in action. 


Communist infiltration of strategic manufacturing plants 'in the 
highly industrialized Newark, N.J., area was described by witnesses 
who testified before this committee in the course of 3-day hearings in 
Newark during 1958. 

The committee received testimony from a total of 16 witnesses at 
its Newark hearings, held September 3-5, 1958, 6 including a number 
of individuals in the Newark area who have been identified as being 
active in the Communist Party's underground apparatus in this 
country. Three of the witnesses presented valuable information 
based on their past membership in the Communist Party, either as 
dedicated Communists or undercover operatives for the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation. The remaining witnesses defiantly invoked 
the fifth amendment rather than answer questions regarding the 
conspiratorial Communist operations with which they have been 

9 See "Communist Infiltration and Activities in Newark, N.J.," hearings before the Committee on 
Un-American Activities, Sept. 3, 4, and 5, 1958. 


Robert J. Dixon, Jr., a member of the Communist Party from 1945 
until he broke with the organization in disgust in 1950, gave the 
committee the benefit of the insight into Communist purposes he had 
obtained as a leader in a Communist club designed to infiltrate basic 
industry in the area. Dixon, as an employee of a General Electric 
plant in Bloomfield, X.J., had been enrolled in an industrial club of 
the Communist Party. This Communist club was composed of em- 
ployees of GE and other electrical plants in the Newark area, whose 
work for the party was described as follows by Dixon: 

* * * those who belong to those clubs can always pass on 
information that the party could pick up and use. It is a 
means of organization within that plant which that member 
may belong to. He is always a contact point, or there may be 
others whom he could contact or try to contact. 


The Communist Party also sought to exert its subversive influence 
in the vital electrical industry through the organizational framework 
of the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, 
according to the testimony of Dixon and another witness at the Newark 
hearings, Bernard Zick. Dixon, while a member of the Communist 
Parts", was president of the UE local which held bargaining rights in 
his electrical plant. 

Zick, an employee of the Tung Sol electrical plant in Bloomfield, 
N.J., was a member of the same Communist Party industrial club to 
which Dixon belonged, until he, too, became disillusioned with the 
party in 1950. Zick described maneuvers which the Communist Party 
ordered its industrial club members to engage in for the purpose of 
maintaining Communist control over local UE unions strategically 
placed in the Tung Sol and GE plants. 

Dennis James, who had served as an FBI undercover operative in 
the Labor Youth League in the Newark area for several years, de- 
scribed before the committee the activites of this youth organization 
of the Communist Party. He also testified that it was the practice 
of the Labor Youth League to intermesh its operations and member- 
ship with such Communist front organizations as the Civil Rights 
Congress and the Progressive Party. 

The witnesses observed from their personal experiences that the 
Communist Party operations were increasingly underground by 1950. 
In view of the trend away from open party activity, Dixon testified 
that he believed the Communist threat to be more serious today 
than ever before. 


The Communist Party's concentration on an expanded and stronger 
underground apparatus during the 1950's was designed to thwart the 
exposure and prosecution of Communist agents operating in this 
country. Party members sent into the underground were in many 
cases required to assume new residences and identities. For greater 
protection against exposure, these underground agents were known 
to very few in the regular party organization and their contacts with 
the aboveground apparatus were usually handled by trusted Com- 
munist couriers. 


The committee succeeded in locating and subpenaing three indi- 
viduals in the Newark area who have been identified as members of 
the strategic underground arm of the Communist Party: Kate Heck, 
Louis Malinow, and Emanuel Cantor. 

Kate Heck's activities, committee investigations and hearings 
reveal, offer an illustration of the Communist Party's aforementioned 
massive shift to underground activity. In the late 1940's, Kate 
Heck was observed to be operating as a county organizer for the 
Communist Party in the Newark area, where she was also openly 
employed by the Communist-controlled United Electrical, Radio 
and Machine Workers union. In the 1950's, she had moved to Bos- 
ton, where, under the alias of B. Brosser, she was assigned as courier 
and disciplinarian in the party underground. She participated in 
these conspiratorial activities in New England until 1957, when she 
resumed residence in Newark. 

Miss Heck was questioned extensively regarding her role in the Com- 
munist underground operations. She persistently invoked the fifth 
amendment, however, and indicated that even a grant of immunity 
from criminal prosecution would not persuade her to divulge informa- 
tion regarding the important party work with which she has been 

Similarly adamant in their refusal to discuss recent underground 
assignments for the Communist Party were Louis Malinow and 
Emanuel Cantor. Their repeated invocation of the fifth amendment 
also applied to any discussion of their previous open party activity. 
Both Malinow and Cantor, before the Communist Party strategy 
shift toward increased underground operation, had run for public 
office in New Jersev on the Communist Party ticket. Malinow also 
had been identified as organizer for the Essex County organization of 
the New Jersey Communist Party, while Cantor served in a similar 
capacity for the party in Mercer County, N.J. 


The committee questioned a number of other Newark area resi- 
dents identified as being active in either industrial or professional 
groupings of the Communist Party. Also summoned as a witness 
was John F. Norman, once publicly acknowledged by the Communist 
Party as a representative of its New Jersey State Committee but today 
reportedly active in a dissident "right wing" faction of the organiza- 
tion. In every instance these witnesses invoked their constitutional 
privileges against self-incrimination in response to committee question- 

Harvey O'Connor, a writer who is chairman of the Emergency Civil 
Liberties Committee, was subpenaed to testify before the committee 
when he appeared in Newark to speak at a rally staged by that 
organization's local chapter. The rally was held to arouse opposition 
to this committee's appearance in Newark. The Emergency Civil 
Liberties Committee, which has been cited as a Communist front, has 
for its stated objective the abolition of this committee and the curbing 
of security work by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Mr. O'Con- 
nor refused to appear in answer to his subpena. He sent a letter to 
the committee and issued a statement to the press challenging the 
right of the committee to hold hearings and to subpena him, or anyone 


else, as a witness. The committee thereafter instituted proceedings 
against Mr. O'Connor for contempt of Congress. 


The international Communist conspiracy is bombarding student 
groups and nationality groups in the United States and throughout 
the free world with multilingual propaganda aimed at enticing them 
to the Communist side in the current life-and-death struggle between 
totalitarianism and democracy. 

This was brought out at the 1958 hearings of the Committee on 
Un-American Activities concerned with the increasing flood of Com- 
munist propaganda in the United States emanating from domestic 
and foreign sources. 

The committee obtained significant information on the subject of 
domestically produced propaganda — particularly that directed toward 
America's foreign-born population — from John Lautner, an active 
Communist Party member for more than 20 years before his expul- 
sion from the party in 1950. He discussed, for example, the volumi- 
nous material emanating from Communist-dominated foreign-language 
presses in this country. Testifying at committee hearings held in 
Gary, Ind., on February 10, 1958, 7 Mr. Lautner stated: 

The party paid a lot of attention to nationality-group work 
because it is a fact that in basic industries you have a lot of 
nationality groups. You have Hungarians, Polish, Ukrain- 
ians, Rumanians, and what-have-you, that work in basic 
industries. They don't read the Daily Worker. Even the 
party groups in these nationality groups don't read the 
Daily Worker because they have difficulties in reading 
English. So the language bureaus of the Communist Party 
have newspapers like the Hungarians had the Hungarian 
Daily Journal, and various other nationality group papers. 

Now, these papers get into a lot of places where the Daily 
Worker or Sunday Worker could not get in; and these papers 
also reflect the party line, the party tactical line, and the 
party thinking and help the party in penetrating these 
various national groups who are employed in big industrial 
areas and basic industries. 

Mr. Irving Fishman, Deputy Collector of Customs in New York 
City, appeared as a witness at a number of hearings and analyzed the 
nature of Communist propaganda from foreign sources, which he 
predicted would reach the staggering total of 10 million individual 
pieces for the year 1958. 


Mr. Fishman and his administrative assistant, Miss Eleanor Suske, 
testified at the New England area hearings, which were held on March 
14, 18, 19, 20, and 21, 1958, regarding the influx of foreign Communist 
propaganda into the New England area. 8 A survey conducted by Mr. 
Fishman's office revealed that approximately 80,000 pieces of foreign 

7 See "Investigation of Communist Infiltration and Propaganda Activities in Basic Industry (Gary, 
Ind., Area)," hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, Feb. 10 and 11, 1958, p. 1972. 

8 See "Investigation of Communist Activities in the New England Area," pt. 2, hearings before the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, Mar. 19, 1958, p. 2178. 


Communist propaganda passed through the port of New York destined 
for the New England area within a recent 2-month period. 

As in hearings held in previous years, Mr. Fishman reiterated the 
need for amendments to the Foreign Agents Registration Act to require 
the labeling of foreign Communist propaganda prior to its importation. 
Mr. Fishman stated further that much of this material is sent to the 
United States via non-Communist countries and that — 

Confining it to France, for example, we found that in Paris 
airyone could buy an}^ quantity of this material and send it 
into the United States without any control at all. The book- 
shops run b}^ the Soviet Government in Paris had complete 
collections of all of this material and to some extent even a 
finer selection than was available through the Soviet Union. 


On June 11 and 12, 1958, hearings based exclusively on Com- 
munist propaganda and its dissemination were resumed in Washing- 
ton, D.C. 9 Particular attention was given by the committee to the 
dissemination of international Communist propaganda to student and 
youth groups in the United States and throughout the free world. 
Mr. Irving Fishman testified that two of the principal Communist 
channels for capturing the minds of youth were revealed to be the 
International Union of Students, founded in 1946, with headquarters 
in Prague, Czechoslovakia, which has branches in most countries, 
and the World Federation of Democratic Youth, founded in 1945, 
and claiming over 85 million members in 97 countries of the world. 
Although over one-half million pieces of Communist propaganda 
destined for student and youth groups enter the United States 
monthly, none of this material is labeled as Communist or registered 
as required under the Foreign Agents Registration Act, because the 
Soviet apparatus has adopted the devious tactic of channeling it into 
the United States through non-Communist countries, Mr. Fishman 
pointed out. 

During this hearing the committee heard testimony from Dr. 
Annette Rubinstein and Sam Pevzner, writers and propagandists for 
numerous Communist publications. Also heard was Boris Cohen, 
owner of Prompt Press, Inc., printers of the bulk of Communist 
literature in this countrv. All three witnesses invoked constitutional 
privileges in response to questions relating to Communist Party 

Relative to the problem of controlling, within the framework of 
the Foreign Agents Registration Act, distributors of foreign films and 
literature who contract with agents of a foreign principal, the com- 
mittee received testimony from Nathan Lenvin, Chief, Foreign 
Agents Registration Division, and Thomas J. Brandon, owner of 
Brandon Films, Inc. Mr. Brandon detailed his contractual relation- 
ship with Artkino, a Soviet film distribution firm in New York. 
Under existing law, Artkino is required to register as an agent of a 
foreign principal, whereas Brandon is not. Mr. Lenvin noted the 
difficulties involved in drafting legislation that would cover the 
Brandon-Artkino type of relationship. 

'See "Communist Propnganda— Student Groups, Distributors, and Propagandists," pt. 9, hearings 
before the Committee on Un-American Activities, June 11 and 12, 1958. 



At the area hearing held in Atlanta, Georgia, on July 29, 30, and 31, 
1958, 10 in furtherance of the committee's directive to gather informa- 
tion concerning the extent, character, and objects of Communist 
propaganda and its dissemination within the United States, additional 
testimony was obtained concerning propaganda of both a foreign and 
domestic origin. 

Mr. Irving Fishman, Deputy Collector of Customs, New York City, 
testified that residents of the South, like those of other parts of the 
United States, were targets for Communist propaganda from abroad. 
To secure an appraisal of the nature of this propaganda material, a 
spot check was made over a 2-week period in the area of Georgia, 
Alabama, and Mississippi. In his testimony, Mr. Fishman described 
the type of Communist propaganda coming through the port of New 
York, destined for a number of these Southern States: 

* * * Areas like the State of Georgia and other southern 
states get a much more selected type of material. Here the 
volume is much less. The percentage of material sent here is 
far less than it is in some of the northern states. But it is 
selected more carefully. It is sent to people who probably 
will disseminate and redistribute it in domestic and local 
publications. The propaganda program currently is directed, 
first of all, to the general type of Communist material; 
then, too, a good deal of effort has recently been directed 
to the students at the secondary schools in the United 
States, the colleges, and universities. * * * 

Samplings of the material showed that it was also carefully selected 
for those who have their origin in foreign countries. This material is 
referred to by the committee as "redefection material" since its pur- 
pose is to entice the "return of the native" to his homeland, now a 
captive state of the Communists. It portrays his homeland as a land 
of plenty — far superior to his adopted country, the United States. 
The recipients are requested to return and give the benefit of their 
acquired knowledge of the United States to their native lands' 
dictators. The Communists appeal to the recipients' emotions by 
claiming that this is their duty — allegiance to their place of birth. 
This individually addressed material has alarmed the recipients to 
such a degree that they have, in many cases, pleaded with authorities 
to stop the flow of this propaganda. 


Communist propaganda and its dissemination were again a focal 
point at the committee hearings which were held in Newark, N.J., 
during September 1958. 11 According to the testimony given the com- 
mittee by Mr. Irving Fishman, the State of New Jersey ranks fifth in 
the volume of foreign propaganda received from overseas. This was 
based on a survey which Mr. Fishman conducted over a 1-month 
period for the particular purpose of evaluating the flow of Communist 

10 See "Communist Infiltration and Activities in the South," hearings before the Committee on Un- 
American Activities, July 29, 30, and 31, 1958, p. 2G38. 

11 See "Communist Infiltration and Activities in Newark, N.J.," hearings before the Committee on 
Un-American Activities, Sept. 3, 4, and 5, 1958, pp. 2796 and 2797. 


propaganda into that State. It was also noted that the volume of 
foreign Communist propaganda which is flowing into the New Jersey 
area has been steadily increasing since 1955. 

While testifying in the New Jersey hearings, Air. Fishman produced 
samples of typical propaganda material directed to this area. He 
stated that — 

* * * Right at this moment, of course, great stress is 
being placed on our so-called interference in the [Middle East]. 
New Times, August 31, 1958, asks for quick, vigorous, and 
resolute action and discusses "What Next in the Middle 
East," and strongly attacks the United States and Great 
Britain for interference in the Middle East. Capitalistic 
aggressors are accused of being ready to start a war in order 
to protect their strategic positions in the Middle East. 

Mr. Fishman gave the following as an example of the type of material 
that appears in some of the publications disseminated in this country. 
It is entitled "Data on Atrocities of United States Army in South 

The atrocities of the U.S. Army in South Korea have been 
steadily increasing since the armistice. 

The cases of atrocities committed by the U.S. Army during 
the period from the signing of the Armistice Agreement on 
July 27, 1953, to April 1958, amount to more than 200, even 
according to reports of the South Korean press. 

The atrocities of the U.S. Army in South Korea have be- 
come more cruel and frequent since last year, especially since 
the moving of the "U.N. Command" to Seoul. 


Mr. Fishman stated that in order to achieve the dissemination of 
all such foreign propaganda material within the United States it is 
absolutely necessary for the people in foreign countries who are putting 
out this material to have the cooperation of individuals within the 
United States. 

Evelyn Skoloff* Goldberg is such an individual. She was identified 
as a Communist Party member in the New Jersey hearings but, when 
called as a witness, invoked the first and fifth amendments in response 
to questions about her activities as a disseminator of Communist 
propaganda in the area. Mrs. Goldberg also invoked the first and 
fifth amendments when questioned about her present Communist 
Party membership and activities. 

Mr. Fishman then proceeded to give the committee an overall pic- 
ture, based on the first 6 months of 1958, of the total amount of foreign 
propaganda material emanating from behind the Iron Curtain and 
directed specifically to the United States. He stated that individual 
pieces of propaganda material coming into the country have vastly 
increased over the past few years. Mr. Fishman noted that a total 
of almost 5 million items of Communist propaganda entered the 
United States in the first 6 months of 1958. Mr. Fishman stated that 
if it continued at the same ratio for the last 6 months of 1958 the total 
amount of individual pieces of propaganda could very easily reach the 
10 million mark for the year. This would be an increase of over 


1 million from the previous year. From 1955 to 1958 a total of over 
27 million individual pieces of this Communist propaganda have 
entered ports of the United States destined for dissemination through- 
out the country. 


Communist infiltration of the U.S. Government has presented one 
of the gravest threats to the security of our Nation. 

Ever since the exposure of Communist subversion in Government by 
Whit taker Chambers and Elizabeth Bentley a decade ago, this com- 
mittee has continuously sought to uncover further information on the 
degree to which Communists succeeded in penetrating our govern- 
mental institutions and the nature of their service to the party while 
in the Federal employ. 

From time to time, the committee has called in as witnesses former 
Government employees who were identified as having been members 
of Communist underground cells and interrogated them in an effort 
to develop the interlocking elements of the Communist underground 
apparatus in Government. 

The testimony of 13 such witnesses who were questioned in execu- 
tive session regarding their possible knowledge of a number of indi- 
viduals, some of whom have been identified as members of the Com- 
munist underground in Government and some of whom were known 
to have connections with the party's espionage apparatus, was re- 
leased and printed in 1958. 12 

11 See "Investigation of Soviet Espionage," hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities. 
Oct. 7, 8, and 9 and Nov. 20, 1957; pt. 2, Feb. 28, 1956, Feb. 25, 1958. 



Chairman Francis E. Walter declared in this document 1 that al- 
though the technical membership of the Communist Party in the 
United States has decreased, "the power of the Soviet forces operating 
within the United States is unimpaired." He also stated: 

The past year has been one of the greatest periods of 
triumph for the Kremlin and its confederates throughout 
the free world. Within the United States, the Communist 
apparatus has evolved new implements of political conquest. 
These have found roots in, and have in turn contributed to, a 
dangerous climate of complacency which itself represents an 
acute threat to the very foundation of our security system. 

The danger of communism is mounting — not receding. 
The United States remains the major target of Soviet 
aggression. Indifference to the Kremlin's avowed program 
of global conquest can lead only to the inevitable destruction 
of our free institutions and ourselves as a people. 

The chairman reviewed the major acts of treason committed by 
Communists in the United States, a considerable number of whom, 
although they had served as agents of the international Communist 
movement, were never technically members of the Communist Party. 
The cases summarized were those of — 

Harry Gold, the Philadelphia chemist who began his spy activity for 
the Soviet Union in 1936 by turning over to its agents U.S. industrial 
secrets. Gold capped his career in espionage on the first Sunday of 
June 1945, on the Castillo Street Bridge in Santa Fe, N. Alex., when 
he turned over to a man he had frequently contacted in New York City 
on previous occasions, a packet containing secret information about 
the U.S. atomic bomb. In a few days this information was on its way 
to Moscow. 

Klaus Fuchs, the man Gold met on the Santa Fe bridge. Fuchs, a 
German-born physicist and naturalized British subject, came to the 
United States during World War II with the clearance of British 
security officials to work with the Manhattan Engineering District. 
Fuchs served as a Soviet spy while in this country. As a result of 
FBI investigation and their subsequent conviction on espionage 
charges, both Gold and Fuchs were sentenced to 30 years in prison. 

Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, key figures in the spy network that 
included Fuchs and Gold. J. Edgar Hoover said Gold and Fuchs had 
committed "the crime of the century." Judge Kaufman, in sentencing 
the Rosenbergs after their conviction for transmitting U.S. A-bomb 
secrets to the Soviet Union, said: "Plain, deliberate murder is dwarfed 
in magnitude by comparison with the crime you have committed." 

i See "Chronicle of Treason," Representative Francis E. Walter, Committee on Un-American Activities, 
Mar. 3-9, 1958. 


37633—59 4 


Julius Rosenberg, campus radical and Communist during his col- 
lege days in New York City, met Ethel Greenglass — who had also 
joined the Communist Party in the 1930's — at various party func- 
tions and married her a few years later. The two indoctrinated her 
brother, David, to the extent that when they married in 1939, he 
joined the Young Communist League as a wedding present to them. 

Julius Rosenberg began spying for Moscow in 1944 when David 
Greenglass entered the Army and was assigned to the U.S. A-bomb 
project in New Mexico. The Rosenbergs exerted pressure on him to 
turn information over to them. He resisted at first, but eventuallv 
gave in. After the arrest of Gold and Fuchs, Greenglass refused to 
flee to Mexico with money Rosenberg gave him. Instead he con- 
fessed to the FBI, implicating his sister and brother-in-law in the 
theft of U.S. nuclear secrets. He also testified against them in their 
trial, which ended in their being convicted and sentenced to death in 
the electric chair. 

The worldwide Communist agitation and propaganda campaign 
which followed the trial and conviction of the Rosenbergs was stated 
by the committee chairman to have the following objectives: 

(1) To vilify the United States and to spread the lie that its Gov- 
vernment persecutes minorities and political dissenters. 

(2) To raise funds for overall Communist programs of subversion 
and propaganda. 

(3) To recruit new members and sympathizers for communism. 

(4) To restore the badly tarnished reputation of the party. 

(5) To create and exploit divisive anti-Semitism. 

(6) To bolster the campaign to infiltrate American churches. 

(7) To divert attention from anti-Semitism in Russia and its 

(8) To discredit American courts and to cast doubt on the investiga- 
tion and conviction of all Communists. 

He also stated that: 

Viewed in its entirety, the Communist Rosenberg cam- 
paign stands forth as a design of monumental cruelty and 
deceit. There is no way to measure the damage it inflicted 
upon American prestige but it was extensive and lasting. 

The story of Judith Coplon, whose name is now Airs. Albert H. 
Socolov, was also told in this document. Miss Coplon, an employee 
of the Department of Justice, was arrested by the FBI on a New York 
City street in March 1949 with her Soviet spy accomplice, Valentin 
Gubitchev, an engineer employed by the United Nations. Both she 
and Gubitchev had been under FBI surveillance for some time. 
At the time of her arrest, Miss Coplon had in her purse secret docu- 
ments taken from Department of Justice files. Both were tried and 
convicted of stealing U.S. secrets, and of conspiracy to commit 
espionage. Gubitchev's 15-year sentence was suspended on con- 
dition that he leave this country and return to the U.S.S.R., which he 

Mrs. Socolov, though convicted twice in as many trials, is still free 
today, in spite of the fact that one of the courts that upset her con- 
viction on a technicality found that "her guilt is plain." 

Three important and specialized types of Communist propaganda 
activity in the United States which had been the subject of investiga- 
tion by the committee were also summarized in "Chronicle of Treason." 


They were: 

(1) A drive to lure refugees and defectors, who have found asylum 
in America, back to the slave-camp homelands from which they had 

(2) Propagandizing by Americans who penetrate the Iron Curtain 
through the fraudulent use of passports. 

(3) Treasonable activities of American Communists in spreading 
propaganda among American prisoners of war in Korea. 

The document also exposed the manner in which American Com- 
munists evaded U.S. passport laws to defame the United States while 
attending international "peace" conferences and other Communist 
affairs behind the Iron Curtain. Soviet bloc officials would not 
stamp entry visas in the passport books of American Communists, 
but gave them a separate paper with an entry visa on it so there 
would be no official record that they had entered Iron Curtain areas 
in violation of passport laws. 

The story of Col. Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, highest ranking Soviet 
spy captured in the United States, was also recounted. Abel had 
entered this country from Canada in 1948 on a false passport and 
posed as a photographer and artist while he headed a Soviet spy ring 
up to the very moment he was arrested in 1957. Reino Hayhanen, 
one of Abel's accomplices in the spy ring, defected to the United 
States. This led to Abel's exposure. He was tried, convicted, and 
sentenced to 30 years in prison. 


One of the great mysteries of the cold war — for a period of years — 
was the case of the missing members of the Field family and Erica 
Wallach, who was widely reported to be (but actually was not) the 
adopted daughter of Noel Field. In "The Erica Wallach Story" 2 the 
committee revealed many elements in this mystery that had never 
previously been made public. 

Noel Field, who had been employed successively by the U.S. State 
Department, the League of Nations, and the Unitarian Service Com- 
mittee as director of its relief work in Europe during World War II, 
had been identified as a member of Communist espionage rings while 
working for the State Department and League of Nations. In the 
summer of 1949, Field disappeared while in Prague, Czechoslovakia. 
His wife, Herta, and his brother, Hermann, disappeared behind the 
Iron Curtain later that year while searching for him. In August 1950, 
Erica Wallach disappeared while on the same mission in Berlin. 

The name of Noel Field cropped up in some of the treason trials held 
in Communist satellite nations in the early 1950's, during which it was 
claimed that he was a U.S. spy. Nothing was actually known about 
his case, however, until he was released by the Communists late in 
1954. Even then little was learned because, upon his release, Field 
chose to remain behind the Iron Curtain. He sought and was granted 
political asylum in Communist Hungary where he is still living and 
serving, from time to time, as a mouthpiece of Communist propaganda 
directed to the West. 

Erica Wallach was released in Moscow in the fall of 1955. After 
returning to Berlin, she visited her mother in England and then began 
her efforts to gain entry into the United States to rejoin her husband, 

2 See "The Erica Wallach Story," Committee on Un-American Activities, Mar. 21, 1958. 


a former U.S. Arm} r captain whom she had married in England in the 
spring of 1948, and their children. They had returned to this country 
about a year after her disappearance. 

Because Mrs. Wallach had been closely associated with the Fields 
for a number of years and also with many European Communists 
during World War II — and because she had been a member of the 
Communist Party of West Germany from January 1946 until she 
resigned in early 1948 — she was denied entry to this country. 

In the early fall of 1957, she was interviewed by a member of the 
committee's staff in Europe and, on the basis of investigation and 
testimony taken from her at that time in executive session, the chair- 
man of the committee recommended her admittance to this country 
as a defector from communism. 

After her arrival hi the United States in October 1957, Mrs. Wallach 
testified before the committee in executive session, giving considerable 
information about Noel Field and his activities during the years she 
knew him in Europe and also the complete story of her own life and 
experiences during the 5 years she was held prisoner by the Com- 

Mrs. Wallach revealed that for a period of more than 2 years after 
being seized by the Communist secret police in East Berlin, she was 
shifted from one prison to another in East Germany, where she was 
brutally treated by her captors in an effort to make her confess falsely 
that she was a spy for the United States. She was then tried, sen- 
tenced to death, and sent to Moscow for execution. After 6 months' 
confinement in a death cell there — and after Stalin's death — she 
was suddenly informed ' that her sentence had been changed to 15 
years at hard labor. jUe was then sent to the notorious slave labor 
camps at Vorkuta and Abes, where she worked at laying railroad track 
and similar tasks until L^r release in the early fall of 1955. 

On the basis of Mrs. Wallach's testimony, which was supported in 
part by affidavits from persons held in Communist prisons with her, 
"The Erica WYillach Story" contained an account of Communist 
methods of extracting confessions. This revealed not only the various 
tortures she had been subjected to by the Communists in their un- 
successful attempts to break her will and force a false confession 
from her, but also analyzed the basic psychological principles under- 
lying the Communist confession-extracting technique. 

In addition, on the basis of Mrs. Wallach's testimon}^, it was 
possible for the committee to make a telling comparison between the 
system of justice existing in Communist nations and that of the 
United States by contrasting her experience with the treatment given 
Col. Rudolf Ivanovich Abel, the highest ranking Soviet espionage 
agent apprehended in this country. 

While Colonel Abel received an eminently fair trial in this country, 
with all the safeguards that would be granted to any American, 
Mrs. Wallach had been given none of these by the Communists. She 
was never brought before a judge and formally accused of any crime. 
She was not permitted the services of a lawyer. She was held in 
prison for 2 years before she even learned the charges against her and, 
when she was finally tried before a Soviet court, the prosecutor did 
not even appear to make his case and not a single witness against her 
was produced. 

When her captors accused Mrs. Wallach of crimes against the Soviet 
Union, she pointed out that she had never been on Soviet soil, had 


never spied against it, and that the Government therefore had no 
right to hold, interrogate, try, or convict her. She was told in reply 
to this claim that the Soviet Union enjo} 7 ed worldwide criminal 
jurisdiction, that anyone who had done anything for the international 
bourgeoisie or against any Communist in any part of the world had 
committed a crime over which the Kremlin had jurisdiction and could 
be tried for it the moment he set foot on Communist soil. 

Hitherto unpublicized facts about pro-Communist activities on the 
part of Alger Hiss and his connections with Noel Field were brought 
out in this report. On the basis of documents in its files, the committee 
revealed for the first time that in 1940, after Field had lost his job 
with the League of Nations, Alger Hiss had tried to get him a posi- 
tion in the State Department again, as executive assistant to the U.S. 
High Commissioner to the Philippines. The report summarized the 
significance of Hiss' actions in this incident as follows: 

The significance of Hiss' actions in this incident is most 
obvious: Five years after he had tried to recruit Noel Field 
into his Communist espionage apparatus in the U.S. Gov- 
ernment, only to have lost him (on the orders of J. Peters) 
to Hede Massing's apparatus, Hiss was trying to get Field 
back into the State Department. Also, he was using 
Laurence Duggan in this effort — even though, 5 years earlier 
again, he had also apparently lost Duggan to the Massing 


The Communist Party in the United States is like a chameleon. 
It has operated under a variety of names an 1 with an even greater 
variety of purported programs without once altering its intrinsic 
character as a conspiracy dedicated to uwing every means at its 
command to create a Soviet America. 

A 153-page document issued by the committee during 1958 under 
the title "Organized Communism in the United States" 3 traced the 
so-called reorganizations staged by the Communist Party from its 
founding in frankly revolutionary fervor in 1919 up to the present 
ostensibly "peaceful" and "democratic" Communist operation. 

This document, which brings up to date a similar chronology issued 
by the committee in 1953, contains facts which are essential to a 
proper perspective on the Communist Party's maneuvers since the 
death of Stalin. 

With false optimism generated by the success of the Bolshevik 
revolution in Russia, Communists in the United States had first 
organized into two competing units in 1919 — the Communist Party 
of America and the Communist Labor Party of America. Blatantly 
calling for violent overthrow of the U.S. Government, these Com- 
munists eventually formed a single organization upon orders from 
Moscow. As spelled out in detail in the aforementioned committee 
document, the party thereafter paraded under a series of other titles, 
with increasingly deceptive programs as, under guidance from the 
Kremlin, it sought to increase its effectiveness among a population 
generally hostile to foreign-directed revolutionary activities. 

Since 1957 the Communist Party in the United States has again 
been in the throes of a reorganization as a result of developments in its 

3 See "Organized Communism in the United States," Committee on Un-American Activities, revised 
May 1958. 


home office, the Soviet Union. The exposure of Stalin's crimes, 
following the death of that dictator, and the power struggle in the 
Kremlin, finally won by Khrushchev, resulted in confusion and 
dissension within the Communist Party in this country. A proposal 
to alter once more the very name of the Communist Party of the 
United States was debated but defeated in the course of this internal 
controversy. The party's program, however, was cleverly revamped 
in order to conform with the line now issued for world Communists 
by Khrushchev rather than Stalin. 

As the Communist Party in the United States today echoes Khru- 
shchev's alluring slogans regarding communism's desire for peaceful 
coexistence and friendly competition with the non-Communist world, 
the actual record of organized communism in this country exposes 
such protestations as simply another maneuver in the unchanging 
Communist quest for world domination. 


Missiles, rockets, and the Mechta 4 are significant achievements of 
the 1958 Geophysical Year. They are becoming familiar terms to 
man, woman, and child, and signify the race between the free world 
and the Communist world for the control of outer space. 

The masters of international communism, by unscrupulously ex- 
ploiting men and materials, have obtained a significant measure of 
scientific success. They cite such accomplishments as evidence of 
the superiority of their system over a free society. Combined with 
their claims to desire only "peaceful coexistence" and friendly com- 
petition with other nations, their propaganda has proved tempting 
to some fearful and wishful thinkers in the free world. 

Those tempted to succumb to the allure of Communist propaganda 
would do well to remember the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson in his 
"Essay on Social Aims": 

Don't Say Things. What You Are Stands Over You the While, and 
Thunders So That I Cannot Hear What You Say to the Contrary. 

This maxim has been the keynote of the Committee on Un-American 
Activities in its biographical series on the leaders of the Communist 
world, which the committee has published in order to expose the con- 
tradiction between the words and deeds of the Communist dictators. 
In previous years the committee has published biographies on the 
following: Nikita Khrushchev, Nikolai Bulganin, Mao Tse-tung, 
Chou En-lai, Marshals Zhukov and Konev, Walter Ulbricht, Janos 
Kadar, Marshal Tito, Wladyslaw Gomulka, Kim II Sung, Ho Chi 
M i 1 1 1 1 , Maurice Thorez, and Palmiro Togliatti. During 1958, as in the 
past, additional biographical sketches were prepared for the com- 
mittee by the Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress: 


The biographies of Vicente Lombardo Toledano, secretary general 
of the Popular Party of Mexico; and Luis Carlos Prestes, general 
secretary of the Communist Party of Brazil, constituted one publica- 
tion 5 in last year's series. Lombardo and Prestes rank as two of the 
Kremlin's key agents in the Western Hemisphere. They command 

4 The latest Russian satellite, commonly referred to as the Lunik. 

4 See "Who Are They?— Vicente Lombardo Toledano and Luis Carlos Prestes (Mexico— Brazil)," Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, Part 8, Feb. 21, 1958. 


enormous influence in two nations whose resources and geographical 
location are vital to the defense of the United States and the Western 

At present Lombardo is president of the Communist-dominated 
CTAL (Confederation of Latin American Workers), secretary general 
of the pro-Communist Popular Party in Mexico, and one of the vice 
presidents of the Communist WFTU (World Federation of Trade 
Unions) . 

The CTAL which Lombardo founded in 1937 currently has affiliated 
unions in Brazil, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Panama, Uruguay, and 
Venezuela, and also claims to have affiliates in Argentina, Chile, Colom- 
bia, and Cuba. Its propaganda, reeking of its origins, is strongly anti- 
United States. There is little doubt that Lombardo uses his position 
as president of CTAL and vice president of WFTU to meddle in the 
affairs of neighboring countries in the interest of international com- 

In 1948 Lombardo, with the help of Marxist intellectuals and others, 
succeeded in luring leftwing elements in Mexico into a new political 
association, the Popular Party (Partido Popular). The party's pro- 
gram was anti-United States, opposed to "North American imperial- 
ism," and called for the political and economic liberty of Puerto Rico. 

Lombardo achieved his greatest renown and power through his work 
in organizing Mexican labor. From 1923 to 1932 he served as a mem- 
ber of the executive committee of the Regional Confederation of 
Mexican Workers (CROM), the most powerful labor organization in 
Mexico at the time. In 1932 he broke with Luis Morones, the leader 
of CROM, on tactical and ideological grounds. 

Lombardo performed his most successful work as a labor organizer 
under the Cardenas administration (1934-40). After defecting from 
CROM, he helped organize the General Confederation of Workers and 
Peasants of Mexico. In 1936, with the blessings of President Cardenas, 
he transformed his new union into the Confederation of Mexican Work- 
ers (CTM), which soon became the most powerful labor union in 
Mexico. Lombardo remained the secretary general of CTM until 1940. 

In 1937 Lombardo branched out by founding the Confederation of 
Latin American Workers (CTAL), with the idea of achieving unity 
among the laboring classes of all Latin America and, incidentally, en- 
hancing his own power. Lombardo's control of the CTM and the 
CTAL made him a very influential figure indeed. Shortly after Pearl 
Harbor a Latin American diplomat characterized Lombardo as "the 
only man in the Western Hemisphere who could sabotage the war 
effort in 24 hours." 

In 1937-38 Lombardo figured prominently in President Cardenas' 
reorganization of the National Revolutionary Party, which in 1938 
was transformed into the Party of the Mexican Revolution (Partido 
de la Revolucion Mexicana — PRM). 

When his influence in the PRM began to wane in 1944, Lombardo 
formed the Mexican Socialist League (Liga Socialista Mexicana) in an 
endeavor to regain political power. In the early postwar period 
Lombardo Toledano was the outstanding political leader outside the 
Government and one of the most powerful figures in Mexico. Lom- 
bardo's influence declined, however, under the administration of 
President Miguel Aleman, who lined himself up solidly with the West 
in the emerging cold war. 


As a result of Lombardo's differences with the Government party, 
the other leaders of the CTM ousted him from the federation which 
he had founded. Luis Morones, Lombardo's former mentor in 
CROM, stated flatly that Lombardo's every move was financed by 
Moscow and he was widely labeled as a "Kremlin agent." 

It is certainly true that Lombardo Toledano has descended far from 
his peak of power in Mexico in the 1940's. But though numerically 
and electorally weak, the Popular Party, under Lombardo's leadership, 
has been successful in arousing nationalist feeling against the United 
States. Lombardo's hatred of this country and his devotion to the 
Soviet Union, coupled with his vast experience in political intrigues, 
propagandizing, and labor organization, keeps him, as before, in the 
forefront of those persons who are most dangerous to the peace and 
security of the Western Hemisphere. 


For more than a quarter of a century Luis Carlos Prestes has been 
engaged in Communist Party activities in Brazil and he is still direct- 
ing these activities. After taking part in a number of revolts in 
Brazil prior to 1927, Prestes left that country and spent the next 4 
years in Bolivia, Uruguay, and Argentina. In exile he began to study 
communism and, by 1930, his conversion was complete. 

The following year Prestes went to the Soviet Union where he 
worked as an engineer and continued his studies of communism. In 
1935 he was made a member of the executive committee of the Com- 
munist International and is reported to have earned the confidence of 

The same year Prestes returned to Brazil, where he shortly became 
the principal leader of the Brazilian Communist Party. The party 
adopted the popular-front techniques and, capitalizing on Prestes' 
personal prestige, was able to draw into its National Liberation 
Alliance various student groups, army and navy units, intellectuals, 
reformist groups, and others opposed to the Vargas regime. 

In November 1935, led by Prestes, the National Liberation Alliance 
gave the signal for revolt. After the revolt failed, the leaders were 
tried for sedition in 1937. Prestes, arrested a year earlier, was sen- 
tenced to 16 years in prison. In 1943, while still in prison, Prestes 
was elected general secretary of the Communist Party of Brazil. 

Luis Carlos Prestes was released from prison in May 1945 in an 
amnesty for political prisoners. Once more he plunged into the po- 
litical arena. With about 6 months in which to work before the 
presidential elections, Prestes set about reorganizing the Communist 
Party, which numbered only 4,000 members. The Communists 
showed unprecedented strength in the ensuing elections, polling some 
700,000 votes, or about 15 percent of the total. Prestes himself was 
elected senator from the Federal District in this election. His elec- 
tion coincided with the beginning of the cold war. With his usual 
devotion to the Communist line, Prestes opened a violent campaign 
against the United States. 

In May 1947 the Brazilian Government outlawed the Communist 
Party, and Congress followed suit by ousting its Communist mem- 
bers. Prestes immediately went into hiding and operated under- 


ground for the next 10 years. The Communist Party, though illegal, 
also did not cease its activities. 

In 1958, after the publication of this biography, Luis Carlos Prestes 
emerged from the underground and assumed a public role in the 
political life of Brazil. 

Despite a number of defections from the Brazilian Communist 
Party by top leaders, and a drop in the party's membership, Prestes 
is still in full control of the organization of 50,000 Communists and 
represents a danger to his own country as well as to the United States. 

Prestes' record shows that he was, and remains today, the master- 
mind behind the Communist plots to deliver Brazil to his leaders in 


Enver Hoxha, first secretary of the Albanian Workers' (Commu- 
nist) Party and the Kremlin's puppet ruler of Albania, was the subject 
of another publication 6 in the committee's "Who Are Thev?" series. 

During the Italian occupation of Albania, which began in April 1939, 
Hoxha organized a Communist-led underground movement. In 1941, 
with Yugoslav assistance, he played a prominent part in the founding 
of the Albanian Communist Party and was elected secretar} 7 general 
of the provisional Central Committee of the party. Two years later, 
he was again assigned to the same post, but on a permanent basis. 

During World War II, Hoxha led the Anti-Fascist National Libera- 
tion Movement. The shifting political and military events in Albania 
paralleled closely the course of affairs in Yugoslavia which led to 
Tito's success. As a result of the political alinements which developed 
in 1943-44, Hoxha succeeded in securing a distinct advantage over 
other groups contesting for power. On May 24, 1944, Hoxha was 
made political and military chief of the National Liberation Forces 
and, in October of the same year, became premier of the provisional 
anti-Fascist government. At the end of 1944 the German military 
forces withdrew from Albania under attack from Allied forces and 
troops of the Albanian resistance movements. For a variety of com- 
plex reasons Hoxha and his Communist partners were left in undis- 
puted control of Albania. 

In a manner consistent with Communist postwar practices in other 
parts of Eastern Europe, Hoxha called for "elections" to the Con- 
stituent Assembly in the fall of 1945. Only a single list of candidates 
was allowed and all forms of opposition were suppressed and outlawed, 
with the result that the Communist-led "Democratic Front" achieved 
an "overwhelming" victory. When the People's Republic of Albania 
was proclaimed in January 1946, Hoxha became its President, Premier, 
and Commander in Chief of the armed forces. 

Since his rise to power, Hoxha has accomplished his main task of 
making Albania completely subservient to the men behind the walls 
of the Kremlin. So faithfully has Hoxha adhered to Moscow that it 
would be difficult to distinguish between prevailing attitudes in the 
leadership of Albania and any Soviet Republic in matters of domestic 
and foreign policy. Forced to submit to the greatest tyrannical 
power in history, the Albanian people have been reduced to the 
lowest living standard in Europe. 

8 See "Who Are They?— Enver Hoxha (Albania) and Qheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (Rumania)," Commit- 
tee on Un-American Activities, Part 9, Aug. 5, 1958. 



Also included in this same publication was a biographical sketch 
of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, first secretary of the Rumanian Workers, 
(Communist) Party. 

Gheorghiu-Dej joined the illegal Rumanian Communist Party in 
1929 while working for the Rumanian State Railroads in Galatz. 
He served as secretary general of the Communist-dominated railway 
workers' union in the early 1930's. In 1932, he was dismissed, pre- 
sumably because of illegal activities among the workers. In Feb- 
ruary of the following year, he achieved fame in Communist Ruma- 
nian annals when he organized and led the violent, massive strike of 
7,000 railway workers at the Grivitza Works in Bucharest. Moscow 
and the Third International had ordered this strike because they 
saw the railroad workers as their most promising instrument for 
terrorizing Rumania. Intentionally, the Communists placed women 
and children at the gates of the railroad shops to lend pathos to the 
uprising and render more difficult any action to restore law and order. 
In subsequent clashes between the Communists and Government 
forces many innocent women and children were injured. For this 
outrage Gheorghiu-Dej, as the strike leader, bears the responsibility. 
He was arrested and imprisoned for 12 years for his part in the strike 
of 1933. 

For Gheorghiu-Dej the great moment of "deliverance" came in the 
summer of 1944 when the Red army crossed into Rumania. On 
August 13, 1944, 10 days before the coup d'etat which brought 
Rumania on the Allied side of the war, Gheorghiu-Dej was released 
from prison, a gesture, it was said, to placate the Soviet Union. A 
few months later, Gheorghiu-Dej, who was one of the leaders of some 
1,000 Communists in the nation and who was wholly reliable as far as 
Moscow was concerned, was taken into the Government as Minister of 

From this period until early 1948, Rumania was gradually reduced 
from the status of an independent nation to a full-fledged satellite of 
the Soviet Union. In bringing about this forced transition Gheorghiu- 
Dej played a role of major importance. In fact, as secretary general 
of the Rumanian Communist Party and by holding such posts in the 
Government as President of the Supreme Economic Council, Minister 
of National Economy, President of the State Planning Commission, 
and First Vice Premier, Gheorghiu-Dej was a prime mover in imposing 
communism on Rumania. 

By the end of 1947 the Communists had taken Rumania well along 
the way to complete sovietization. Economic, political, and religious 
freedoms were vanishing fast; and the only barrier left for the estab- 
lishment of a People's Republic along the Soviet pattern was the pres- 
ence of King Michael. This last obstacle was removed on December 
30, 1947. 

After the forced abdication of the King, Gheorghiu-Dej and his 
Communist colleagues imposed upon Rumanians greater demands for 
adherence to the Soviet modol so that before long Rumania was trans- 
formed into a full-fledged Soviet satellite. 

As a key Government leader, First Vice Premier (April 1948-June 
1952), and Premier (June 1952-October 1955), Gheorghiu-Dej was an 
effective agent in doing the bidding of Moscow. 


Gheorghiu-Dej has fulfilled his role as an obedient and unquestion- 
ing - agent for Moscow with uncommon skill, effectiveness, and loyalty. 
Regarded as a "Moscow favorite," he has received the award coveted 
among world Communists, the Soviet "Hammer and Sickle" medal. 

Gheorghiu-Dej is well aware of the extent to which his rule depends 
upon the attitude of the Kremlin. Despite the promised removal 
of Soviet troops from Rumanian soil, the presence; of Soviet armed 
forces on the Soviet-Rumanian border will continue to shape domestic 
developments inside Communist Rumania. On the other hand, the 
interests of the Kremlin and of Communist leadership in Rumania 
are so interwoven that Moscow need not fear the loyalty of its agent 
in Bucharest. 


In July 1958, the committee issued a 21 -page booklet entitled "The 
House Committee on Un-American Activities: What It Is — What It 
Does." 7 In a series of 73 questions and answers, this booklet sets 
forth the basic facts concerning the committee and its operations 
which are most frequently the subject of inquiries on the part of the 

After explaining the makeup of the committee and its duties and 
listing the House committees which preceded it in the field of investi- 
gating subversion, this booklet points out that —  

Bills have been introduced in the House of Representatives relating 
to 80 recommendations made by the committee. All but 2 of these 
bills have been offered since 1949; 

Congress has adopted legislation embracing 35 recommendations 
made by the committee; 

Twenty-six bills relating to matters covered by recommendations 
of the committee were pending in the 85th Congress at the time the 
booklet was published. 

In addition to explaining the committee's day-to-day activities — 
how it obtains evidence and witnesses for hearings, how it accumulates 
and uses material contained in its files, and the manner in which it 
keeps hearing records — the booklet describes the procedures by which 
contempt of Congress is and can be punished, the rights and duties of 
witnesses before the committee, and the privileges accorded those 
named by witnesses. It points out the importance of the com- 
mittee's watchdog duties, that is, its obligation to oversee the admin- 
istration and operation of the Internal Security Act of 1950, the 
Communist Control Act of 1954, the Foreign Agents Registration 
Act, and similar laws closely related to the problem of subversion and 

The foreword to the booklet quotes from "Congressional Govern- 
ment," a book by President Woodrow Wilson, on this point : 

It is the proper duty of a representative body to look dili- 
gently into every affair of government and to talk much about 
what it sees. It is meant to be the eyes and the voice, and 
to embody the wisdom and will of its constituents. Unless 
Congress have and use every means of acquainting itself with 

7 See "The House Committee on Un-American Activities— What It Is— What It Does," July 1958. 


the acts and the disposition of the administrative agents of 
the government, the country must be helpless to learn how 
it is being served; and unless Congress both scrutinize these 
things and sift them b}^ every form of discussion, the country 
must remain in embarrassing, crippling ignorance of the very 
affairs which it is most important that it should understand 
and direct. The informing function of Congress should be 
preferred even to its legislative function. 

The concluding questions and answers of the booklet contain 
information on such basic subjects as the nature and function of 
Communist fronts and fellow travelers; explains the Communist 
Party line, the basic strategy of the Communist Party today, the 
dangers presented by it, and the objectives of the Communist attack 
in the field of national security. On this point, it says: 

The objective is the creation of a general climate of opinion 
against the disclosure and punishment of subversion. To 
attain that objective, the Communists work for the abolition 
of congressional committees which investigate subversive 
activities, and for the restriction of the FBI in the same area. 
They also work for the elimination of all loyalty programs 
designed to protect the security of the United States. 


In this analytical study 8 of Communist espionage as carried on 
under diplomatic cover, the committee revealed 12 cases of very 
recent spy activity never before made public in this country. Eight 
of them involved Communist diplomats stationed in the United 
States. The remaining cases revealed how Communist govern- 
ments are taking advantage of trips made to Iron Curtain countries 
by U.S. citizens with relatives behind the Iron Curtain, to try to in- 
duce or blackmail these people into serving in their espionage network. 

In none of these cases was any American induced to serve Moscow 
by simple persuasion. It was only by blackmail, by threatening to 
take reprisals against the mothers, fathers, and other close relatives 
of American citizens stdl living behind the Iron Curtain, that Soviet 
agents succeeded in extracting information from any of the persons 
they contacted. 

The study contained a review of the testimony of former Iron 
Curtain diplomats and agents and officers of the Communists secret 
police who have defected and chosen freedom. This review disclosed 
that all have sworn, on the basis of firsthand knowledge of Com- 
munist espionage operations, that Soviet embassies, consulates, trade 
and similar missions are used as legal covers for Communist spy rings. 
It also revealed that Communist diplomats and members of Com- 
munist missions sent to the free world are often trained MVD or 
military intelligence agents whose primary function here is not 
diplomatic but spy activity. 

The report also reviewed the actual record of Iron Curtain diplomats 
in the United States. It named 28 Communist diplomatic and U.N. 
representatives who had been expelled from the United States for 
espionage, had engaged in spying while in this country although not 

8 See "Patterns of Communist Espionage," Committee on Un-American Activities, January 1959. 


expelled for doing so, or who had been identified as MVD or military 
intelligence agents by former members of the Communist secret police. 

The report further revealed how Moscow frames U.S. diplomats on 
trumped-up charges of espionage and declares them persona non grata 
in retaliation for U.S. expulsion of Iron Curtain diplomats stationed 
in this country who have actually been caught in spy activity. Also 
highlighted in the report was the serious security problem faced by 
U.S. diplomatic establishments in Iron Curtain countries because of 
Moscow's widespread use of wiretapping, hidden microphones, and 
similar devices to record even the private conversations of U.S. dip- 
lomatic personnel within their own embassies. It also pointed out 
that large numbers of Soviet citizens, all under the control of the 
Communist secret police, are employed in U.S. embassies and legations 
behind the Iron Curtain and have the duty of reporting to the MVD 
everything they can learn about the character, habits, conversations, 
and personal lives of American embassy personnel. The extent to 
which the Kremlin uses sex and physical attraction in its attempts 
to blackmail free world diplomats stationed behind the Iron Curtain 
was also brought out in the report. 

In pointing up another vital element affecting the security of the 
United States, the report brought out the following facts: 

There are 442 adult Soviet citizens stationed in the United States 
with official cover of one kind or another who can be used for espionage 
purposes. This is more than five times the number of U.S. citizens 
serving in the U.S. Embassy in Moscow; 

While the United States had only 258 American citizens attached 
to its embassies or legations in six Communist-bloc nations in 1958, 
those nations had 468 of their own citizens attached to their embassies 
or legations in this country ; 

In addition, these same Communist nations had 364 of their na- 
tionals employed by U.S. diplomatic missions behind the Iron Curtain, 
while their embassies and legations in the United States employed 
only 10 U.S. nationals. 

This condition, the report stated, compromised this Nation's 
defense against Communist espionage both at home and abroad. 

The possibility of this country gaining greatly increased knowledge 
of Communist spy operations and of breaking up Soviet espionage 
rings within its borders was indicated by the testimony of former 
MVD agents. These one-time spies for Moscow described the great 
fear of returning to the Soviet Union which exists in the ranks of the 
MVD and the desire of many of its agents to make a break for free- 
dom. They expressed almost unanimous opinion that many Com- 
munist spies would defect if encouraged, and given the opportunity, 
to do so. 

On the basis of the facts contained in the report, the committee 
made the following recommendations : 

If the Communist onslaught against our free institutions 
and wslj of life is to be successfully repelled, it is urgently 
necessary that this country make an immediate and exhaus- 
tive study and review of all U.S. laws, regulations, and 
policies pertaining to the following matters: 

(1) Prerequisites to admission into the United States of 
persons of diplomatic and semidiplomatic status. 


(2) Acts which constitute grounds for revocation of dip- 
lomatic and residence status of foreign embassy, consular, 
U.N., and similar personnel. 

(3) The development and constant use by the United 
States and its allies (with whom we exchange secrets) of 
techniques for learning, through all possible sources of infor- 
mation, the identity of known operatives of the MVD and 
Communist military intelligence services. 

(4) The employment of nationals of Communist nations 
in U.S. diplomatic establishments abroad. 


In October 1956, a committee staff consultation was held with eight 
persons who had specialized knowledge of the Red satellite nations of 
Eastern Europe and the potentiality of revolt in them. Since that time 
19 consultations, including the testimony of 36 recognized authorities 
on various phases of communism, have been published by the com- 
mittee. Ten of these consultations, in which fifteen expert witnesses 
took part, were published by the committee in 1958. 

These consultations have been most favorably received by the 
American public and by the people of other nations as well. Demand 
for a number of them was so great that the committee's supply was 
quickly exhausted and thousands of requests for additional copies 
had to go unfilled. 

Outstanding in this respect was the May 1957 consultation with 
Dr. Frederick Charles Schwarz entitled, "The Communist Mind." 

The Allen-Bradley Co. of Milwaukee, Wis., reproduced this con- 
sultation in a full 2-page advertisement which was published in 30 
U.S. newspapers with a total circulation of over 7% million in all parts 
of the country. To date, the company has also filled requests from 
persons and groups in foreign nations, as well as in this country, for 
over 500,000 reprints of the ad, sending up to 25 copies free to individ- 
uals and unlimited quantities to schools and churches. It has also 
given permission to church, patriotic, and educational organizations 
to reproduce the ad and a considerable number of them have done so. 
A number of other corporations have reproduced the consultation in 
booklet form for distribution to their employees. State units of the 
American Legion have placed the ad in additional newspapers and 
distributed thousands of copies to then- members. The consultation 
has been translated into Chinese and dropped onto the Red China 
mainland by the Chinese Nationalist Air Force. It has also been 
translated into Spanish, Malayan, and the language of the Com- 
munist-controlled State of Kerala in India. 

During the year 1958 the committee published the following con- 


Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer 

January 21, 1958 

The United States is losing the cold war. Communism is steadily 
gaining strength, not only in the military field, but also in the field of 
scientific development, General Wedemeyer told the committee. 1 

i See "The Communist Program for World Conquest," Consultation with Gen. Albert C Wedemeyer, 
U.S. Armv, Committee on Un-American Activities, Jan. 21, 1958. 

Gen. Albert C Wedemeyer is a graduate of West Point, the Army Staff School at Fort Leavenworth 
and was for 2 years (1936-38) a student at the German War College in Berlin, where he met many Nazi 
leaders. Jodl, who later became Hitler's strategic adviser, was one of General Wedemeyer's instructors, 
and other top-ranking Nazi military officers were his classmates. It was his contact with these people that 
impelled him to begin his study of various "isms"— communism, nazism, and fascism— which were 
influencing many of the world's people at the time. 

General Wedeinever served with the War Plans Division of the U.S. General Staff in Washington where 
he helped prepare Allied strategy for World War II. He attended the major wartime conferences— London, 
Washington, Casablanca, Cairo, and Quebec. In September 1943, he was assigned to the Southeast Asia 
Command. In 1944, he relieved Gen. Joseph W. Stilwell as commander of the China-Burma-India 
Theater. In 1946, General Wedemeyer, after agreeing to serve as U.S. Ambassador to China, returned to the 
United States in preparation for assuming his post there. His appointment was dropped, however, when 
word of it leaked to the Chinese Reds and they objected to it. The general is the author of the recently 
published book, "Wedemeyer Reportsl" 


The Soviet Union, he said, does not want a shooting war because 
it is achieving its objectives without open warfare. The United States 
is losing the cold war because of a lack of adequate objectives and of 
complete devotion to such objectives as it has. 

Sound strategy is the use of all of a nation's resources to obtain its 
objectives. These resources fall into four general types — political, 
economic, psychological, and military. If the first three are used 
intelligently, a nation will never have to resort to the fourth. 

The Soviet Union, General Wedemeyer said, is making most effec- 
tive use of its economic and psychological resources, while the free 
world is not. As an example, he cited the cases of United States and 
Soviet aid to Egypt. A number of years ago Egypt tried to buy 
wheat, which it needed badly for its people, from the United States. 
It could not get a definite answer from the United States as to whether 
or not the wheat would be made available for purchase. Although 
the negotiations were secret, the Soviet Union learned about them. 
It then offered wheat to Egypt with no strings attached. Egypt 
naturally took the wheat. 

The Soviet Union then saw to it that the story of its assistance to 
Egypt — and the failure of the United States to make wheat available — 
was made known to the people of Egypt. In this way, Moscow built 
up, and the United States lost, much good will in that country. 

General Wedemeyer warned that the Soviet Union has the initiative 
in all fields today and that it will continue to enjoy success until 
the United States takes intelligent, coordinated action against it on 
all fronts. It is now very late, but the situation is not hopeless if this 
country gets direction from responsible leaders. 

The strategy of the Soviet Union, General Wedemeyer said, is the 
same as that used by all good military commanders from time im- 
memorial. It bypasses the West's strong points and probes for and 
exploits its weak points, relying primarily on its nonmilitary resources. 

The U.S.S.R. cannot depend on its satellites in the event of war. 
For this reason the free world should use two means to encourage 
defection from communism and win people on both sides of the Iron 
Curtain to its side. First, it should make clear to the world its sincere 
desire for peace and its determination to protect the freedom of, and 
to promote opportunity for, all people. Second, it should make clear 
that it is determined to use all its resources to destroy communism or 
any other "ism" that threatens world peace. 

It may well be that the free world's best hope is the enslaved 
peoples, and that encouraging revolutions against communism on their 
part may be the answer to its problems. He pointed out, however, 
that the failure of the free world to go to the aid of the Hungarian 
people in their fight for freedom has done much to discourage rebellion 
against Communist rule. The general said: 

* * * And as this revolutionary movement in Hungary 
progressed, I asked myself, where are the Kosciuskos, the 
Pulaskis, and the Lafayettes of this or of any other free 
country? Wlien we were fighting for our freedom here in 
America, those patriots came to our shores, endured hard- 
ships, and experienced dangers to help us attain our liberty. 
Why didn't some American general, or a military leader from 
England or France, go to the Hungarians and offer his serv- 
ices? There was not one professional military man like 


myself who made himself available. Why am I not willing 
to take risks and to experience hardships as did the men who 
fought so gallantly and selflessly shoulder to shoulder with 
our forefathers in this country? I am serious. I have given 
considerable thought to this situation. Are we real patriots? 
Are we dedicated to liberty? Are we getting soft? 

General Wedemeyer said that U.S. aid should not be used as 
charity. He opposed U.S. assistance to Yugoslavia or any other 
nation that opposes the basic aims of the United States. 

In order to win the total war in which we are engaged with the 
Soviet Union we must have more education on the "simple truths" 
about communism so the people will know the danger they face. 

"Guts, courage, integrity, intelligence must characterize our defense 
of liberty or we'll lose it," General Wedemeyer said. 


Edward Hunter 
March 13, 1958 

Total war between the Communist and free worlds is now under- 
way, Mr. Hunter warned. 2 The United States is the main battlefield 
in this war, but it is not the only one. The battle is being fought 
wherever there is no Red "peace"; that is, acceptance of the inevi- 
tability of a Communist world. 

The weapons in this total war "range from a smile and a 'discussion 
meeting' to a leaflet and a bullet." 

U.S. alertness to the danger of a Communist guided-missile attack, 
Hunter said, does not mean that the country is truly alert to the real 
danger that threatens it: 

I wish we had alertness. We have everything except 
alertness to the way the Kremlin is fighting this war. We 
are being tremendousl}' alert to the ways it is not fighting 
this war. 

*j* *^* yfi ^pi *j» 

In Korea, we had atomic weapons, but lost the war and were 
unable to use those weapons because of a political and psycho- 
logical climate created by the Communists. The Kremlin 
today is fighting total war, and this means total, not with 
weapons of physical destruction alone, but mental destruc- 
tion, too. The new weapons are for conquest intact, of 
peoples and cities. The future Pearl Harbor sputnik will 
be used if the situation demands it. But not unless the 
Kremlin has first succeeded in conquering the character and 

2 See "Communist Psychological Warfare (Brainwashing)," Consultation with Edward Hunter, Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities Mar. 13, 1958. 

Edward Hunter, journalist, editor, specialist in propaganda warfare, and authority on Communist 
brainwashing techniques, is the author of " Brainwashing in Red China," "Brainwashing— the Story of 
Men Who Defied It," "The Story of Mary Liu," and "The Black Book on Red China." During the last 
30 years, he has served as an editor and reporter for various newspapers in the United States, Europe, Japan, 
and China. He accompanied the League of Xations mission in Manchuria and saw the coronation of 
Emperor Pu-yi as ruler of the Japanese puppet state of Manchukuo. During the 1930's, he also observed 
the Reichstag Fire trial, two civil wars in Spain, and covered the conquest of Ethiopia. Returning to the 
United States, he plaved a leading role in the ouster of Communists from control of the American News- 
paper Guild. During World War II, he served with the OSS in the China-Burma-India Theater as a 
propaganda specialist. Since World War II, he has served as a roving correspondent in Asia, covering 
Communist struggles in Malaya and Indochina, and has also worked in Japan, Indonesia, and Burma. 
He has recently completed a year of travel and observation in Afghanistan. 

37633—59 5 


minds of a large enough element of the American people so 
that it will be fitting itself into the desires and needs of the 
Communist apparatus, no matter whether they think of 
themselves as Red or anti-Communist. 

After stating that the first battles in communism's total war have 
already been won by its forces in the United States and that these 
victories have been identical to those they have previously won in all 
countries they have taken over, Air. Hunter added: 

I spent 30 years, a little bit more perhaps, in countries 
under various forms of Communist pressure and attack. 
What I am witnessing in America is no different from what I 
saw in those other countries. I am often referred to as some- 
one who has made phenomenal predictions that proved 
correct on things to come. Actually, I have never made a 
prediction as such in my life. I have only predicted in the 
manner that one predicts the total of 4 after seeing the figures 
2 plus 2. 

I have been watching developments under communism in 
other parts of the world, and now I see exactly the same 
developments here in America. 

These developments, he continued — 

include, first of all, the penetration of our leadership circles 
by a softening up and creating a defeatist state of mind. 
This includes penetration of our educational circles by a 
similar state of mind, in addition to one other thing — the 
long-range perspective of the professor who is above any- 
thing that is happening here and now, and considers himself 
as an objective spectator in a long, long vista of history. 

* * * They have succeeded in making the United States 
think and talk of a coexistence period as if that were an end 
itself; while in other parts of the world, as in India, the Reds 
frankly explain that this coexistence is merely intended to 
give the Americans an easy way to choose their road toward 

This is strategy. The Kremlin is merely giving the United 
States a choice of surrendering by voluntary change of 
attitude, to avoid more destructive ways of surrender. Un- 
fortunately, in the United States, large elements, mainly 
among our non-Communist population, have been softened 
up into believing that if we can just stall on this situation, it 
will take care of itself. The Reds have succeeded in inducing 
business communities to look to Soviet trade as a means of 
restoring prosperity. Large business elements, with all their 
financial and other resources, are now being used to help the 
Communist objective of softening up America for recognition 
and acceptance of Red China, for instance. 

The reason for the Soviet Union's emphasis on the psychological 
and other nonmilitary forms of warfare was given by Mr. Hunter 
in these words: 

War has changed its form. The Communists have dis- 
covered that a man killed by a bullet is useless. He can dig 
no coal. They have discovered that a demolished city is 


useless. Its mills produce no cloth. The objective of Com- 
munist warfare is to capture intact the minds of the people 
and their possessions, so they can be put to use. This is the 
modern conception of slavery, that puts all others in the 
kindergarten age. 

As an example of what he called the manner in which the American 
people have been softened up for an eventual acceptance of slavery, 
Mr. Hunter cited official statistics on the conduct of American 
prisoners of war in Korea: 

A total of 7,190 Americans were captured. Of these, 
6,656 were Army troops, 263 were airmen, 231 marines, 40 
Navy men. 

In every war in American history some men have man- 
aged to escape. Korea was the exception. 

Roughly one of every three American prisoners collabo- 
rated with the Communists in some way, either as informers 
or as propagandists. 

In the 20 prison camps, 2,730 of the 7,190 Americans died, 
the highest mortality rate among prisoners in U.S. history. 
Many of them died unnecessarily. They either did not 
know how to take care of themselves or they just lay down 
and quit. Some sick or wounded died of malnutrition, 
abandoned bv their comrades. 

Discipline among Americans was almost nonexistent. It 
was a case of dog eat dog for food, cigarettes, blankets, 

For the first time in history Americans — 21 of them — 
swallowed the enemy's propaganda line and declined to 
return to their own people. 

A part of Mr. Hunter's statement before this committee indicated 
not only his opinion, but also that of many other authorities on com- 
munism, in regard to the present cultural exchange program now 
being carried out between this country and the Soviet Union: 

American students, professors, and businessmen who 
wander through Red countries, in the eyes of the people 
there, confirm the Communist propaganda line that there 
is no hope; that the free world, especially America, the 
symbol of the free world, has given in to the Reds. That 
was the Communist purpose at the much-publicized Ban- 
dung Conference, when the Asian and African countries 
met. The broadcasts to the people of China by the Peking 
regime stressed that all this proved that the outside world 
had recognized that Red China is here to stay. Any time 
an American student walks down a street in Red China, he 
is conveying one message to the silenced people who see him, 
and that is, "Don't look to the outside world, don't look to 
America, for help in your hour of need. We have let you 
down. We are betraying you." There is no hate so fierce 
as the hate of a friend who feels he has been betrayed, and 
that is the theme of the whole world Communist propaganda 
program today; to convince the people inside communism, 
who hate it, that we have betrayed them, while convincing 


the people outside of the Communist world, principally in 
America, that there is a future for what they call, in their 
doubletalk, coexistence. 

In his consultation with the committee, Mr. Hunter outlined the 
various techniques used by Communists in brainwashing individuals, 
groups, and captive populations. He also told what must be done 
to counteract these techniques: 

The world situation has created the need for a conscious 
extension of the sort of training we give Boy Scouts, for 
example. They are taught what to do when lost in the 
woods. Our pilots are taught the same survival methods, so 
they know what berries can poison them or keep them alive. 
We simply have to extend that nowadays to teaching a man 
what to do when lost in an ideological jungle, giving him what 
I call "mental survival stamina." No longer is it sufficient 
for him to just enjoy the privileges of a free societ^y. He 
must learn what constitutes freedom, and the pitfalls that 
destroy it. * * * 

The most important elements of mental survival stamina 
are faith and convictions. I never expected this to be ques- 
tioned. After all, my information came out of the experi- 
ences of the brainwashed themselves. Yet there has been a 
most peculiar resentment of that finding. I believe this is 
the most significant of my discoveries for Americans, for it 
reveals a national vulnerability that has crept into our 
character, which it is the responsibility of every one of our 
citizens to help remove. 


Milan Jakubec 
April 3, 1958 

The Soviet Union makes an annual profit of about $100 million 
from the free world on the sale of parcels for delivery behind the Iron 
Curtain, Mr. Jakubec asserted. 3 

He pointed out that in Canada the customs duties and fees on these 
parcels average 150 to 175 percent of their actual cost. These fees 
are collected in Canada and retained there to finance Communist 
activity in that country. The rather unusual arrangement whereby 
fees for the packages are collected in Canada is due to Soviet insistence. 
When the U.S.S.R. made it possible for packages to be sent into its 
territory from the free world, it insisted upon such an arrangement as 
the price of delivery. Mr. Jakubec pointed out that there is no 

3 See "International Communism (Communist Propaganda Activities in Canada)," Consultation with 
Milan Jakubec, Committee on Un-American Activities, Apr. 3, 1958. 

Milan Jakubec is president of the Mutual Co-operation League of Canada, an association of 18 ethnic 
groups representing the enslaved nations of Europe, and also head of the Slovak Legion, a veterans' organiza. 
tion representing persons from the same nations who fought with the French, British, and other Allied 
armies duiing World War II. 

A Czech by birth, Mr. Jakubec joined that nation's army at the time of Munich when he was 16 years 
old. In 1940, lie left Czechoslovakia and made his way to France where he joined the Czech forces fighting 
there. Taken prisoner by the Nazis in June of that year, he escaped 4 months later, went to England and 
joined the RAF. When the war ended in 1945, he was repatriated to Czechoslovakia. After 3 years of 
military air training there and service as a radio navigator for private airlines, he escaped to Britain where 
he rejoined the RAF. In 1949, he left the military service to take up his fight against communism. He was 
one of the founders of the Slovak Legion in England in 1950. In 1953, he left England for Canada. 


guarantee that the packages are actually delivered to those for whom 
they are intended, although there is evidence that many of them do 
reach their destination. The Kremlin makes about $20 to $30 million 
annually, Mr. Jakubec estimated, through its package business from 
the V/2 million people in Canada who come from Soviet-bloc 

The Soviet Embassy in Canada publishes a "Soviet News Bulletin" 
which is sent to all members of Parliament and the Senate and to 
leading persons throughout Canada, including business executives, 
professors, and Government officials, as well as to many organizations. 
The Soviet Embassy also provides money to finance the publication 
and distribution of "Northern Neighbors," a strongly anti-United 
States propaganda publication which is being sent into the United 
States in considerable quantity. 

Communist strength in Canada, including both party members and 
members of front organizations, is estimated at approximately 100,000 
persons by Mr. Jakubec. The Communist Party publishes about 23 
newspapers in various languages in Canada and, as a result of lack of 
restrictions, operates more freely there than in the United States. 
The organizations which Air. Jakubec heads have advocated stronger 
control measures against Communist activity and the prohibition of 
the Communist Party in Canada, which is camouflaged under the 
name of the Labor Progressive Party. 

Communist agents have infiltrated Canada from the satellite coun- 
tries of Eastern Europe as displaced persons and refugees. Their 
purpose is not so much to commit espionage as to destroy various 
anti-Communist refugee and exile groups whose members, on the basis 
of firsthand experience, are in a position to tell the truth about 
communism and are doing so. 

The West is losing the cold war today, in the opinion of Air. Jakubec, 
and, unless a reversal takes place, it will eventually lose to the Soviet 
Union without a military showdown: 

I am not pleased to say that the free world and its leaders 
are not aware of the serious situation that is facing them 
today. They are taking a mistaken approach to communism 
in general by considering it, first of all, as a military danger. 

In the opinion of all those who have lived under com- 
munism, who have known its organization and operation and 
its plans, the} 7 are well aware that the greatest danger of 
communism is its ideology, devotion to its goals, and deter- 
mination to reach these goals. 

Western losses and Soviet gains in the cold war are due to the fact 
that the Communists have a definite goal, an ideology, discipline, and 
driving power. The free world, on the other hand, has none of these 
things. It not only lacks a definite goal, but appears to be merely 
sitting and waiting for the final blow. It is also lacking in a coor- 
dinated and disciplined movement to achieve victory. 

Air. Jakubec stated that coexistence with communism was impos- 
sible and that the Western World cannot negotiate itself out of the 
dilemma it is now in. He insisted that it was not spaceships or guided 
missiles that would decide the issues between the free and Communist 
worlds, but the spirit of the people of the West and their devotion to 
Christian moral principles. 


Summit conferences, Mr. Jakubec said, are unwise: 

As far as the Geneva Conference is concerned, this personi- 
fies the summit of a lack of faith of free-world leaders in the 
question of liberty throughout the world, and any conference 
which may follow the one held in Geneva in 1955, in our 
opinion, will be a "submit" conference for the West to the 
Communists who are following a twin line in every branch of 
their activity. 

He also pointed out how Communist leaders in the Kremlin are 
using their new soft approach for a double purpose: 

During the Geneva Conference, great pictures of a smiling 
President Eisenhower and Anthony Eden were enlarged on 
the front pages of various Communist papers, shaking hands 
with Bulganin and Khrushchev, showing how friendly the 
Western nations are with the Soviet leaders. 

This was a double-edged offensive. For the Western 
nations it showed the willingness of the Soviet leaders for 
peace and friendship with the West. For the terrific major- 
ity of the people behind the Iron Curtain, it meant a death 
blow to their hopes in the sense of Western justice and 

As far as the Menshikov [Soviet Ambassador to the United 
States] tactics are concerned, these are also directed in a 
twin manner, first of all to show the American people that 
the Communist leaders are down-to-earth, good fellows, who 
could be trusted and with whom we can get along. For the 
people behind the Iron Curtain, it only means a post mortem 
to any of their hopes that they might have as to the survival 
of freedom in the free world. 

In other words, these pictures show to the leaders of our 
nationality groups that the Western leaders, who may not 
notice these realities behind such Soviet tactics, were, them- 
selves, taken in by this Soviet propaganda and actually lent 
themselves in furtherance of the propaganda designs of inter- 
national communism. 



Constant ix W. Boldyreff 
April 7, 1958 

The Soviet Union is engaged in a gigantic campaign to win the cold 
war by mobilizing public opinion in Western nations against the gov- 
ernments of those nations, Mr. Boldyreff, authority on psychological 
warfare, asserted. 4 This Soviet propaganda campaign, "a totally new 
phenomenon" in international conflict, attempts to reach the citizens 
of the free world by circumventing and going over the heads of their 
governments. It accomplishes this by such devices as summit meet- 
ings, peace campaigns, and the like. 

Mr. Boldyreff pointed out that the proclaimed goal of the free world 
is to preserve peace, but he questioned that this can be said to be its 
goal in a true sense when the West is making no real effort to eliminate 
the cause of today's conflicts in many parts of the world, namely 

The Communists' goal is to extend their control over the whole 
world, if possible, without resorting to wslt. 

Because both sides do not want war there is a feeling that a settle- 
ment between the free and Communist worlds may be reached by 
negotiation and the outcome of the battle left to "peaceful competi- 

The fallacy in this concept is that by "peace" the free world means 
security, law, and order. On the other hand, to the Communists 
peaceful competition means no bombs, but continual warfare against 
free nations by other means — subversion, intrigue, espionage, treason, 
and shooting in some cases; the dumping of products on the world 
market to adversely affect free world economy; the fomenting of 
internal revolts and then interference in them on the side of pro- 
Communist elements — until victory is theirs. 

Communism must be engaged and defeated in Russia proper, if 
possible by nonmilitary means. The West, to further this objective, 
should capitalize on the resentment of the enslaved people of Russia, 
which is particularly apparent today in its intellectual classes. Rebel- 
lion behind the Iron Curtain will open the eyes of Asians to the true 
nature of communism and turn them against it. The Hungarian 
revolt had great impact on the Asian people, and an adverse effect on 
Soviet advances in that area. 

As a result of the Hungarian revolt, the quiet Polish revolution, and 
similar incidents, communism is finished as an ideology, and its pres- 
tige is falling at home. For this reason, Moscow is anxious to make 

4 See "Communist Psychological Warfare (Thought Control)," Consultation with Constantin W. 
Boldyreff, Committee on t'n-American Activities, Apr. 7, 1958. 

Constantin W. Boldyreff, a representative of the National Alliance of Russian Solidarists (NTS), was 
born in Russia, educated in the Russian Military Cadet Corps, and later, after escaping his home country, 
the University of Belgrade. His father, a lieutenant general in the Czarist Army, was shot by the Bolsheviks 
for organizing resistance to communism. 

When the Nazis invaded Yugoslavia in 1941, Mr. Boldyreff volunteered for army service and was captured 
by the Germans when that country fell. He managed to escape while being transported to an internment 
camp in Germany and went to Poland and Russia, where he fought underground against both the Germans 
and the Communists. In 1945, he was again captured by the Nazis, placed in a concentration camp, and 
again escaped. He then joined the American forces and was placed in charge of displaced persons in Thur- 
ingia, Germany, by the U.S. Military Government. 

Mr. Boldyreff came to the United States in 1947 and 2 years later joined the faculty of Georgetown Uni- 
versity. After teaching there for 6 years, he resigned to concentrate on anti-Communist research and 
activity. He joined NTS in 1930, the year it was formed in Yugoslavia. NTS is an organization dedicated 
to the overthrow of communism in the Soviet Union ani the establishment of a democratic regime there. 


deals on the outside in order to bolster its prestige. Mr. Boldyreff 
cited as an example the recent agreement between the Soviet Union 
and Egypt, whose ruler, Nasser, is an anti-Communist. Nasser's anti- 
communism, he said, is not known to the people of the U.S.S.R. but 
his deal with the Soviet Government lias been well publicized there. 
In addition, because Nasser is a nationalist, his friendship with the 
U.S.S.R. is very helpful to the Soviet Union in the anticolonial nations 
of Asia and Africa. 

The United States should not go to a summit meeting with the rulers 
of the Soviet Union or negotiate with them at all, unless it is sure that 
in doing so it will be able to inflict a crushing defeat on communism. 

The cultural exchange program, as it is presently operated, is 
working to the advantage of the Soviet Union and injuring the free 

The failure of the West to help the Hungarian freedom fighters has 
alienated the Western World from its true, reliable allies behind the 
Iron Curtain. A great and, if necessary, "unconventional" effort 
should be made to reach these people and win back their confidence. 
This would have a threefold effect: 

(a) Relieved from the fear of foreign invasion, assured that 
no deal could ever be made by the United States and its 
tyrants behind its back, the Russian people will intensify 
its pressure on the Kremlin gang. 

(b) A greater feeling of security will develop in Europe and 
its resistance will strengthen as a result of growing unrest 
behind the Iron Curtain. 

(c) These signs of obvious rejection of communism by 
those who live under its yoke will cause the people of Asia 
to recoil from the false Red champions of Asia's independence. 

It is particularly important that the free world make it clear to the 
Russian people that it is out to destroy communism and not Russia as 
a nation, Mr. Boldyreff said : 

* * * Russia is a great nation. Her people are conscious 
of their country's might and wealth. They also know that 
might and wealth provoke fear and jealousy. So in addition 
to the two opposing factors — "we" (the people) and "they" 
(the Communist tyrants) — there is another element — the 
fearful great unknown — the Western World. The Russian 
people realize that through its aggressive policies the Soviet 
Government has antagonized the entire world. Instinctively 
they feel that the free world's hatred of communism has 
gradually waxed into hatred of Russia and everything Rus- 
sian. This feeling of suspicion, of apprehension of the free 
world's ultimate designs, I have found to be common in vary- 
ing degrees to practically every single Soviet citizen with 
whom I recently had a chance to talk. This misconception 
must be removed at all cost. This should become one of the 
foremost objectives of the free world. 


Maj. Gen. Claire Lee Chennault 

April 28, 1958 

The Communist world throat is so critical and the hour so late that 
"only a reversal of today's passive policies toward the Rods by the 
remaining non-Communist nations can save freedom/ ' the late 
General Chennault told the committee in his last public statement on 
world affairs: 5 

We could never win by the defensive or negotiating, or 
compromising or appeasing. We have to take the offensive 
to win. 

Communism is making great gains in the Far East and could take 
over certain areas of Asia today. It is not doing so only because it 
first wants to bleed the United States financiallv through the aid this 
country is now giving certain Asian nations in its efforts to keep them 
from falling to communism: 

The Communists much prefer to avoid war * * * they 
want to get the small minority of the population of the coun- 
try to set up a Communist government, and then they move 
in to set up a strong government. 

"Communist infiltrators are seating themselves in places of power 
in every level of our society and every organization we have," General 
Chennault declared. 

He said the Soviet Union will never start a shooting war unless it 
is actually invaded or the destruction of the Communist ideology is 

Like many others who have appeared before the committee, General 
Chennault expressed concern over the apathy of the people of this 
country in the face of the Communist threat. When asked if he 
believed that the American people realized the seriousness of the 
present situation, he replied: 

No, they certainly do not. I have talked to many groups 
all over the United States — the West, the North, East, and 
South — and they do not realize the serious threat to our way 
of life and our way of government. They do not realize that 
communism means destruction of everything we hold dear. 

5 See "International Communism (Communist Encroachment in the Far East)/' Consultation with 
Maj. Gen. Claire Lee Chennault, U.S.A., Committee on Un-American Activities, Apr. 23, 1958. 

Maj. Gen. Claire Lee Chennault was originally commissioned in the Infantry Reserve in 1917. He 
served in the Signal Corps aviation section for a time and was commissioned in the Army Air Corps when 
it was established in 1920. He served there for 17 years until retired for deafness. 

In May 1937, as an adviser to Mme. Chiang Kai-shek, General Chennault went to China to make a survey 
of the combat effectiveness of the Chinese Air Force. When Japan attacked China, he volunteered to 
stay for as long as he was needed and was requested to remain as a military adviser to the Government. 

In 1940, he returned to the United States, bought 100 planes here and organized his famous Flying Tigers, 
which was known technically as the American Volunteer Group of the Chinese Air Force and which played 
a major role in the China war. In 1942, General Chennault was recalled to active duty with the U.S. Air 
Force and commanded successively the American Volunteer Group, the China Air Task Force, and the 14th 
Air Force. 

In 1945, he returned to the United States to retire again from active military service. At the end of that 
year, he went back to China to assist that country's rehabilitation and recovery effort. He formed a civil 
airline which carried relief goods into the interior and served as the air arm of the Chinese Nationalist Relief 
and Rehabilitation Administration, evacuating thousands of people from Communist-threatened territory 
in the north. When UNRRA's work in China was completed, he changed the name of his company to the 
Civil Air Transport and operated it as a commercial airline. After the Communist takeover of China in 
1949, General Chennault continued to operate his airline around the perimeter of the Bamboo Curtain, 
from Japan to Seoul, Okinawa, Formosa, the Philippines, Hong Kong, and Bangkok. 


You cannot convince them. People don't want to know. 
They don't want to be worried about it. 

One element in the treachery of the Chinese Communists during 
World War II was revealed by General Chennault in his consultation: 

When the provincial governors of China met in Nanking in 1937 and 
demanded that Chiang Kai-shek go to war against Japan, Chiang 
said he was not yet prepared to do so and asked for a year's grace. 
The governors then threatened to withdraw from the Government, 
and Chiang agreed to go to war immediately if they would all pledge 
allegiance to the Nationalist Government. This they did. The 
Communists, however, observed their pledge for just a year or two 
and then turned their guns on Government troops which were fighting 
the Japanese. 

General Chennault also revealed how the Chinese Communists 
created the false impression that U.S. military aid to the Nationalist 
Government was wasted because the weapons ended up in the hands 
of the Reds. 

Actually, the "Russians had turned over to the Communists in 
Manchuria a stockpile of munitions estimated to be sufficient to last 
a million soldiers for 10 years. It was with these weapons that the 
Communists started their drive from Manchuria to take over all of 

* * * As they came south, they continued to use that 
stuff but they used captured stuff also. In that way, they got 
hold of a lot of U.S. munitions, and when they took a city, 
they took the leading elements armed with U.S. weapons 
into the city first. It was thus propagandized throughout 
the world that the Nationalist troops sold out to them. 
Actually, a small percentage of their total arms was of 
American manufacture. 

As one of his suggestions for turning the tide of the cold war, 
General Chennault proposed the division of the free world into several 
areas, with a U.S. representative in each one who would work with 
the native leader or leaders, would have complete charge of the entire 
U.S. aid program (military, economic, and other) in the region, and 
thus would be able to keep the program in balance and avoid the 
allocation of too much money or effort to any one phase of it. 

He also said that, in administering the aid program, much greater 
effort must be made on the part of U.S. representatives to make real 
contact with the people of the countries receiving our assistance: 

* * * Our people stop at the level of colonel or general or 
minister in that country. 

When the Communists send in aid, they start down at the 
grassroots. They contact people and make friends, doing it 
on all the levels. It is an entirely different approach. 

General Chennault expressed doubt that the United States and the 
free world could ever negotiate themselves out of conflict with inter- 
national communism. Another summit conference would only 
deepen the despair of people already enslaved by communism. 


Even worse consequences would follow, he declared, if the free 
world were to admit Red China into the United Nations: 

It would mean taking over of all of the Far East by the 
Communists. We would pull back our efforts to Hawaii 
and the west coast. The people in the Far East are sitting 
on a fence watching; and whenever we show signs of weak- 
ness, many of them immediately fall off on the Communist 
side. If we recognize Red China, there will just be an 
avalanche. Thev would all go Red. They could not resist 



Dr. David J. Dallin 
Dr. Anthony T. Bouscaren 
Dr. James D. Atkinson 
Francis J. McNamara 

April 30, 1958 

Four eminent authorities on international communism 6 warned 
against another summit conference with the leaders of the Soviet 
Union. They listed the following motivations for the Kremlin 
demand that another such conference be held: 

(1) To avoid attempts to settle major differences between the 
Communist and free worlds in the U.N. because (a) the U.S.S.R. has 
recently been losing propaganda debates in that organization, and (b) 
the U.N. today is "old hat" and does not have the publicity value it 
once had as a propaganda forum. 

(2) To avoid normal diplomatic channels because it wants to make 
a propaganda splurge and there is no opportunity to do so through 
such channels, although they are actually the best means for obtaining 
positive results if there is sincerity on both sides. 

(3) To play the role of the most dynamic force in the world today, 
the initiator of far-reaching moves for peace. 

(4) To disarm the West psychologically by convincing it that the 
Soviet Union truly wants peace and disarmament, that Soviet power 
is no cause for alarm, that everything can be settled by talk, and that 
peaceful coexistence is truly possible (i.e., there are no irreconcilable 

« See "What Is Behind the Soviet Proposal for a Summit Conference?" Consultation with Dr. David J. 
Dallin, Dr. Anthony T. Bouscaren, Dr. James D. Atkinson, Francis J. McNamara, Committee on Un- 
American Activities, Apr. 30, 1958. 

Dr. Dallin, author and lecturer, is one of the outstanding authorities on the Soviet Union in the United 
States. He was born in Russia and educated at St. Petersburg University. A resident of the United 
States for 18 years and now a U.S. citizen, he is the author of "The Changing World of Soviet Russia," 
"Soviet Espionage," "Soviet Russia's Foreign Policy," "Russia and Postwar Europe," "The Big Three- — 
The United States, Britain, and Russia," "The Real Soviet Russia," "Soviet Russia and the Far East," 
"The Rise of Russia in Asia," and "The New Soviet Empire." 

Dr. Bouscaren, associate professor of political science at Marquette University, is the author of "Soviet 
Expansion and the West," "Imperial Communism," "America Faces World Communism," and "A Guide 
to Anti-Communist Action." He has lectured at the National War College and leading U.S. universities. 
A major in the Marine Corps Reserve, he received a Christopher Award in 1952 and the Freedom Founda- 
tion Award in 1958. 

Dr. Atkinson, a member of the faculty of Georgetown University since 1946, was director of a special 
course in psychological warfare at that university's graduate school from 1950 to 1954. He has served as a 
consultant to the Psychological Strategy Board, the Operations Research Office and the U.S. Army and 
has lectured at Army, Navy, and Marine Corps service schools. During World War II, he served in the 
European Theater in military intelligence. He is a trustee of the American Military Institute. 

Mr. McNamara, former editor of the anti-Communist newsletter "Counterattack," writer, and lecturer, 
has also served as national director of anti-Communist activities for the Veterans of Foreign Wars and 
edited its newsletter on communism, "The Guardpost for Freedom." For the past 5 years, he has been 
vice chairman of the Ail-American Conference to Combat Communism. During World War II, he was 
an intelligence officer in the China-Burma-India Theater. 


elements between the free and Communist worlds. All differences 
can be negotiated. By implication, this means that Moscow does 
not believe in forcible overthrow of free governments). 

(5) To convince the world that the Kremlin's leaders are "reason- 
able" men, that they can be trusted, and that lasting, amicable agree- 
ment with them is possible. 

(6) To achieve an aura of legitimacy and respectability in the eyes 
of the world. A summit conference tends to give this to them and to 
add to the stability of their regime. 

(7) To create the impression among the enslaved peoples that the 
free world recognizes the legitimacy of Soviet control of its entire 
empire, including the satellites; to convince these people that the free 
world has abandoned them and thus crush their spirit of resistance 
and hope of winning freedom. 

(8) To give encouragement to their followers in all parts of the 
world. The first summit conference was actually held in response 
to an intense and prolonged Communist agitation and propaganda 
drive. It was a victory for communism. A second summit meeting, 
demanded by Communists in all parts of the world, would be another 
victory for them and a symbol of their great power and influence. 

The four specialists on international communism also quoted official 
reports to the effect that the first summit conference of 1955 had 
disastrous results for the United States and the free world because it 
promoted apathy and neutralism in Europe and Asia and thereby 
weakened NATO, SEATO, and the whole free world defense effort. 
They also warned of the danger inherent in any U.S. agreement to 
halt the testing of nuclear weapons and to giving in to Communist 
proposals for "disengagement," that is, the withdrawal of the U.S. 
and Soviet forces from certain areas in Europe. 

The following major steps were proposed to change the course of 
the cold war and bring victory to the free world: 

(1) The United States must increase its military power until it has 
a force second to none in the entire world. 

(2) The people should stop talking about reductions in taxes and 
make up their minds to tighten their belts and put even greater effort 
into the fight against communism on all levels. 

(3) A much more effective and hard-hitting propaganda program 
must be devised. 

(4) The will to resist communism must be strengthened. The 
American people must stop being escapists and face the fact that there 
can be no real peace while Communist power remains in the world. 

(5) The free world must switch from the defensive to the offensive. 

(6) It must place all possible pressure on the Soviet empire, feed 
the discontent that exists within it, and aid anti-Communist under- 
ground movements, thus weakening Communist power. 

(7) An effective education program designed to give the people of 
the free world an understanding of the true nature of communism and 
the hard facts of life in today's world must be undertaken. 

(8) There should be no further concessions to the Soviet Union. 

(9) The United States should reward its allies and stop giving as 
much help to neutralists and appeasers as it does to those who stand 
firmly against Communist aggression. 

(10) The United States must make it clear to the entire world that 
it is on the side of the peoples enslaved by communism and that it will 
do what it can to help them. 



Dr. Robert Strausz-Hupe 


James E. Dougherty 

May 20, 1958 

This country faces many years of tension and conflict with the 
Soviet Union, with the possibility of all-out war steadily increasing 
if the Kremlin continues to make territorial and power gains, three 
political scientists 7 told the House Committee on Un-American 

The three political scientists flatly rejected the frequently advanced 
theory that Communists are following a 'limited war" strategy in 
their efforts to seize control of the world. 

Dr. Robert Strausz-Hupe stated: 

The Communist strategy never has been, and is not now, 
a strategy of limited war such as that which has preoccupied 
many Western writers in recent years. 

Rather, it is a strategy of "protracted conflict." He continued: 

The strategy of protracted conflict prescribes the annihila- 
tion of the opponent by a long series of carefully calibrated 
operations, b}~ feints and maneuvers, by psychological and 
economic warfare, and by diverse forms of violence * * *. 
It encompasses all known forms of violent and nonviolent 
conflict techniques, and fuses them into a weapons spectrum 
which begins on the left with the seemingly most innocuous 
political activities, such as the clandestine distribution of 
leaflets, and terminates on the right end of the spectrum 
with the megaton bomb. 

The stead} r gains made by the forces of communism over the free 
world in the last 12 years were attributed by Dr. Strausz-Hupe and 
his two institute associates to the fact that the Communists have a 
distinct advantage in their protracted conflict strategy, which is an 
"organic scheme of conflict," integrating all phases of their activity, 
political, economic, military, etc., toward the one major goal they 
seek. As far as the Communists are concerned, Dr. Strausz-Hupe 
said : 

There is no difference between cold and hot war. There is 
no essential difference between military and political means. 
They are all instruments of conflict, leading to the same 
objective of power accumulation. 

Mr. Doughertv said that study had convinced those at the institute 
that Communist psychological warfare was based on very careful 
analysis of Western psycholog3 T . This analysis, he said, was based 

7 See "Communist Strategy of Protracted Conflict," Consultation with Dr. Robert Strausz-Hupe, Alvin 
J. Cottrell, James E. Dougherty, Committee on Un-American Activities, May 20, 1958. 

Dr. Strausz-Hupe is director of the Foreign Policy Research Institute of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, editor of "Orbis," the institute's quarterly on world affairs, and also professor of political science 
at the university. A lieutenant colonel in the U.S. Army Reserve, he is the author of "The Russian- 
German Riddle," "Axis-America," "Geopolitics," "The Balance of Tomorrow," "International Rela- 
tions," and "The Zone of Indifference." 

Mr. Cottrell is an instructor in political science at the University of Pennsylvania, a research fellow at 
its Foreign Policy Research Institute, and a member of the editorial staff of "Orbis." 

Mr. Dougherty is an assistant professor of political science at St. Joseph's College, Philadelphia, and 
a research fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, University of Pennsylvania. 


in turn on the studies of Pavlov, the Russian physiologist who found 
that the behavior of animals could be conditioned by the application 
of certain stimuli and that the same is true, to some extent, of human 

The major aim of the Communists in their psychological warfare, 
Mr. Dougherty said, is to engage in numerous conflicts of all kinds 
with the West, but never to give the West the kind of stimulus that 
would rouse it to vigorous counteraction. He stated that this is a 
lesson the Communists learned in Korea. Today, instead of engag- 
ing in direct and overt aggression, they resort to indirect attacks, 
using others as their pawns, and to other offenses and insults which, 
while irritating, will only arouse the West to action that "will always 
be inadequate in the immediate point of the conflict." 

In this way, the Communists hope to make small, steady gains 
and yet avoid the all-out conflict they do not want. "They will be 
careful not to put the West into such a determined position that the 
Communists can then neither advance another step without plunging 
into general war nor retreat without a serious loss of prestige.' 5 

At the same time the Soviets will not shrink from threatening gen- 
eral war as part of their psychological warfare against the West, Mr. 
Dougherty continued, because "this helps to condition the mind of 
the West further." 

Mr. Cottrell mentioned that Stalin had once told a Western am- 
bassador, "Russia and the West both fear war, but we fear it slightly 
less than you do." Mr. Cottrell added that as long as we let fear 
rule our actions, we will always be at a disadvantage and will never 
be able to deal from a position of strength, no matter how powerful 
our weapons may be. 

Dr. Strausz-Hupe asserted that the Communists "undoubtedly" 
would prefer to achieve their goal without war and would certainly 
not want one when they are enjoying such great success with their 
indirect methods of expansion. At the same time, however, he pointed 
out that —  

a general war has never been ruled out by any of the impor- 
tant Communist thinkers * * * we are * * * compelled to 
assume that, if they ever think they can annihilate us with 
relative impunity, they will do so * * *. As far as the 
Communists are concerned, the intensity of all modes of 
warfare is purely a matter of tactical convenience. 

Summing up the views of the three political scientists on this point, 
Dr. Strausz-Hupe said that if the United States were ever isolated 
and surrounded in a hostile world, "then the Communists would not 
hesitate to deliver a final knockout blow." 

Mr. Dougherty said the Communists recognize that the "global 
balance of terror operates to their advantage." As a result of cleverly 
manipulated Soviet psychological warfare which evokes weak, in- 
adequate response from the West — 

with each passing year, it becomes psychologically more 
difficult for the West to contemplate taking a decisive stand 
in any particular conflict situation. 

In replying to a question concerning a summit conference, Mr. 
Dougherty said that it would be "unrealistic" to think that Moscow 
would negotiate an end to world tensions unless it feared it had 


pushed the West so far that the West was ready to "offer effective 
resistance to communism at the level of global strategy * * *. They 
have to keep expanding the conflict and building up revolutionary 
tension * * *." 

Referring to the current developments in the Middle East and else- 
where, the political scientists said that the world today is witnessing 
the results of 40 years of Communist anti-Western "agitation and con- 
flict propaganda." The Communists "work to upset the status quo 
wherever it favors the West." 

The political scientists stressed the fact that — 

the Communists * * * are not really revolutionaries, but 
counterrevolutionaries * * *. Not a single major revolution 
during the last two generations has been sparked by the 

Rather, by various techniques of deceit and subversion, Communists 
have made a practice of capturing revolutions actually made by others. 
They have "refined and developed this process to a point which sur- 
passes our ability to imagine." 

Explaining current feelings and developments among the peoples in 
the colonial areas of the world, Mr. Dougherty said: 

Lenin and his successors converted Marxist communism 
from a doctrine of social class conflict within nations into a 
doctrine of international conflict between regions of the world, 
with the West as the principal target region. 

Turning to methods b}^ which the free world could counteract 
Communist protracted conflict and psychological warfare strategy, 
the political scientists made a strong plea for more responsibility and 
hardheadedness on the part of news analysts and others who are in 
positions to mold public opinion. 

All too often, Mr. Cottrell said, U.S. news and information media 
give significant assistance to the Kremlin. He cited as one example 
the highly exaggerated assertions in the U.S. press at the time the 
Soviet Union launched the first sputnik. Numerous writers and com- 
mentators at that time fully accepted every claim made by the 
Moscow-controlled Tass News Agency and fed the American people 
"news" to the effect that the Kremlin was so far ahead of us that we 
hardly had a chance. Subsequent developments proved these claims 
to be completely wrong, but, by that time, they had had Communist- 
serving effect not only on the American people, but the people and 
leaders of many uncommitted nations. 

American newscasters, Mr. Cottrell said, sometimes "vie with one 
another in playing the psychological warfare game with the Kremlin's 

Mr. Dougherty referred to the "planned misinformation" campaign 
that the Communists have carried on for many years to mislead the 
West about their industrial and technological progress, and warned 
the public against accepting the "Barnumized" deeds of Communist 

While asserting that the Soviet Union and the Communists were 
"vastly superior" in waging psychological warfare, the political scien- 
tists said that there was no need for this condition to continue and 
that the roles could be reversed if the American public in general and 
particularly those in the communications field displayed more maturity 
and responsibility. 





Dr. Charles Wesley Lowry 
June 5, 1958 

The churches of the free world have, in their spiritual doctrine, 
the key to effective opposition to communism but "I don't think the 
churches by and large * * * have inserted this key in the lock * * *. 
I do not feel as yet that the churches have really faced up to evaluating 
communism realistically," Dr. Lowry said in his consultation. 8 

He also expressed concern because, although there can be found in 
the religions of the free world an ideology that could stand up to the 
Communist ideology which is appealing to the "minds and souls and 
needs of man," no real, concerted effort is being made to take advan- 
tage of this fact: 

This is where I think the free world is falling down lament- 
ably, our own country is falling down lamentably, and the 
churches are falling down lamentably. 

Dr. Lowry enumerated the beliefs which sustain the free world and 
can be used to win the ideological struggle with communism: 

The dignity, innate value, and inalienable rights of man; 
* * * the providence of God; * * * the integrity and ulti- 
mate sovereignty of the people; * * * the limitation and 
the division of governmental power; * * * and the dream 
and the vision of a new and fairer age of liberty and democ- 
racy for all people, * * *. 

While Dr. Lowry emphasized the spiritual and ideological aspects; 
of the struggle between the free and Communist worlds, he carefully 
pointed out that this struggle was not limited to those areas but 
included many other elements— military, economic, diplomatic, 
technological — and that the United States cannot neglect any one 
of these in its fight for freedom. 

" Communism," Dr. Lowry said — 

is essentially a secularized, a materialized, religion or a view 
of life and the world that lays hold of the mind and soul. 

We might say that it is atheism and idolatry carried to 
the extreme limit, but enclosed — I believe this to be verv 
important — in a case or framework of scientism. Marxism 
comes before the world, Marxism-Leninism does, as scientific. 
It is able, in a sense, to get the best of two worlds. It appeals 
to the mind of modern man that has been conditioned bv 
science to be scientific, which it claims to be in its under- 
standing. It never admits it is a religion at all. It says it 
is science, says it is rational. * * * 

8 See "The Ideology of Freedom v. The Ideology of Communism," Consultation with Dr. Charles 
Wesley Lowry, Committee on Un-American Activities, June 5, 1958. 

Dr. Charles Wesley Lowry,! author of "Communism and Christ," was educated at Washington and 
Lee, Harvard and Oxford Universities, and the Episcopal Theological School. He has served as a professor 
of theology at the Virginia Theological Seminary and rector of All Saints' Church in Washington, D.C. 
Dr. Lowry is presently the chairman and executive director of FRASCO, the Foundation for Religious 
Action in the Social and Civil Order, an all-faith organization which numbers leading clergymen of all 
major religions among its members. It is dedicated to opposing communism and all forms of total- 
itarianism by spiritual means and to renewing the religious and moral foundations of democracy in this 
and other countries. 


This is the heart of religion, to believe that there is mean- 
ing in existence. A great many people in our Western 
culture have lost the ability to find this in traditional 
religions. * * * 

Man can't be completely irreligious. He will find new 
religions. If he rejects true religion, he will find a new 
religion, a false one. Communism, in 1113' judgment — this 
is very, very important — has been able to turn our world 
upside down. Literally, it has done that, because it caught 
hold of the mind and soul of a lot of very able people. It has 
inspired them or given them determination to utilize every 
element in societv that would enable them to bring about a 
revolution of the masses. 

Dr. Lowry expressed the belief that communism has had no direct 
impact on the churches of the free world, but that 19th century 
Socialist ferment had affected the churches, especially at the highest 
educational levels — through seminaries and universities — and that — 

this has had a conditioning effect upon the churches which 
has deflected them from evaluating * * * realistically the 
full nature of communism. 

Dr. Lowry called for a united front of all believers in God — of all 
religions — to counter the menace of communism: 

Firstly, then, the church must realize it has an ideology. 
Secondly, it must take this ideology seriously. It must 
realize that the thing that has come down in the Judaic- 
Christian tradition is not a platitude, not a pill to be 
swallowed so it will give us a lot of comfort. It is a fighting 
faith. I feel this is one of the things that churchmen quite 
generally have not yet faced up to, that what they have is 
really a fighting faith. If it means anything, it has applica- 
tion to the deepest and toughest problems of our age. 


Dr. Gerhart Niemeyer 

August 8, 1958 

There is "a very deep-rooted irrationality" in communism, just as 
there was in nazism, according to Dr. Niemeyer. 9 

There were both rational and irrational elements in the thinking of 
Karl Marx, Dr. Niemeyer pointed out. Marx's analysis of society, 
though mistaken, was the rational element. It is also the element 
which has been dropped by the Communists. The irrational element 
in his thinking was his claim that man could know "scientifically" 
the course of future events on the basis of certain immutable laws of 
history which determine just how human society will develop. This 
irrational belief is retained by present-day Communists. 

8 See "The Irrationality of Communism," Consultation with Dr. Gerhart Niemeyer, Committee on Un- 
American Activities, Aug. 8, 1958. 

Dr. Gerhart Xiemeyer, professor of political science at the University of Xotre Dame, is the author of 
"An Inquiry into Soviet Mentality." Born in Germany and educated both there and in England, he holds 
a doctor of laws degree from Kiel University. 

Dr. X~iemeyer left Germany in 1933 when Hitler came to power, went to Spain, and later came to the 
United States. He has taught at Princeton, Oglethorpe, Yale, and Columbia Universities; served as plan- 
ning adviser in the Department of State from 1950 to 1953; and was research analyst for the Council of Foreign 
Relations from 1953 to 1955, when he joined the faculty of the University of Xotre Dame. 

37633 — 59 6 


Communism is "the twin" of nazism in one respect which, in the 
case of the Nazi leaders, led to their being classified as "insane," 
Dr. Niemeyer asserted. The Nazis accepted a racial ideology that 
had no basis "in fact or logic" and which led them to convert "public 
authority into an instrument dedicated to crime," that is, to the 
extermination of those their ideology taught were unfit to live. 

Communists have done the same thing. They consider themselves 
"servants of the 'Goddess of History'." According to their phi- 
losophy of "scientific" materialism, the proletarian class will usher in 
the last of the five stages of human society — communism — and the 
Communists, as the "vanguard" of the proletarian class, have the 
role of forcefully helping this ordained course of events. 

This they do by dividing people into two classes — those who "look 
backward," who oppose communism and therefore the course of his- 
tory. These people are "reactionaries" and therefore evil. The 
second class is the! "forward-looking" or "progressive" people — the 
Communists and their collaborators who are in tune with the laws of 
history and are therefore good — 

So they, like the Nazis, divide people into those who deserve 
to exist and others who don't. And, just like the Nazis, 
they proceed to exterminate, break, suppress all those who 
do not fit the image of the ruling class * * * just like the 
Nazi state, the Communist state is one in which murder has 
been elevated to the dignity of government policy. 

On the basis of his far-reaching study of the Communist ideology 
and mind, Dr. Niemeyer told the committee that it would be a mis- 
take to attribute to the Soviet Government the same motives and 
interests usually attributed to other governments. Generally speak- 
ing, governments function for the common good of their citizens, for 
peace, law, and order. The Government of the Soviet Union, however, 
considers itself to be an instrument for carrying out the ideological 
will of the Communist Party and for using the resources and the people 
of the Soviet Union for that purpose. 

Contrary to popular belief, Dr. Niemeyer said, the Communists' 
objective is not an ideal society but rather the triumph of those forces 
which conform to the will of history, that is, the Communist Part} r . 
Their philosophy being what it is, there can be no freedom and no 
individual rights in a Communist state, individuals are regarded as 
mere products of their classes and as tools to be used by the Com- 
munist Party in helping to fulfill history's laws. 

Dr. Niemeyer branded as mistaken the frequently expressed view 
of some Westerners that Communist leaders do not actually believe 
in the Communist ideology. There is much evidence to the contrary, 
he said, and gave several examples, including Khrushchev's sincere 
and friendly advice to Austrian Chancellor Raab that he should 
become a Communist because communism is "the wave of the future." 

Some Westerners find it difficult to believe that a man like Khru- 
shchev, who wields such enormous power, "could be subject to any such 
restraint as an ideology," Dr. Niemeyer commented, but this is only 
because they themselves suffer from "a weakening of the insights and 
convictions" that form the mainspring of our own civilization. Ac- 
tually, he said, the sincere belief of the Communist leaders in their 


1 'comprehensive and total world view" is the source of communism's 

Negotiating a solution to the present conflict between the Com- 
munist and free worlds is "out of the question," Dr. Niemeyer said, 
because of the Communist belief that "the basic reality in all histor- 
ical societies is class war, and that class war is in its very nature 
irreconcilable." For the same reason, "peaceful coexistence" is pos- 
sible only as a breathing spell for Communist leaders until they have 
accumulated enough power to crush other societies. Because of their 
fundamental beliefs, a "genuine will to peace" or an acceptance of 
non-Communists' right to exist is impossible on the part of Com- 

The battle between the Communist and the free world, Dr. Nie- 
meyer said, has often been described as a battle of ideas. He granted 
that this is true to a certain extent, but pointed out that the "ideas" 
of communism have become a "mortal danger" to us by the accumu- 
lation of great power on the part of the Soviet Union. Therefore, our 
only hope of escaping subjection to this power lies in building superior 
military might. There is "no substitute" for this. 

If the free world is to cope successfully with the forces of inter- 
national communism, Dr. Niemeyer said, it must next strengthen its 
will to resist and then divest itself of the following false notions: 

the idea that we live in a peaceful world; 

the idea that peace with communism can be had for a reasonable 

the idea that communism is a rational force or that its leaders 

are merely cynical power seekers ; 
the idea that we can't be defeated because "we are right"; 
the idea that Communists would come over to our side "if they 

only knew us"; 
the concept that we can afford "less than a supreme effort" 

in the battle against communism because "truth will prevail 

"Above all," he said 

in this period of "soft" Kremlin polic}", we are tempted to 
fall into the error of believing that when Communists appear 
to be doing the same as other people, it actually is the same 
thing. The truth is that when Communists appear to be 
doing the same thing as other people, (in art, education, 
science, etc.), they are mostly doing just the opposite — 
actually pursuing their own destructive objectives through 
seemingly nonpolitical means. When engaged in apparent 
cooperation with others, they are actually fighting the 
struggle which to them is "the law of laws." 




Dr. Alex N. Dragnich 

September 15, 1958 

Tito cannot be expected to move any farther from the Soviet orbit, 
Dr. Dragnich 10 asserted. 

Politically, ideologically, psychologically, morally — in all 
of these ways — Tito and his comrades feel that they are on the 
side of the Soviet Union. * * * They believe that the future 
lies with them, that the future means the destruction of liberal 
democratic countries, and the victory of communism. 

Dr. Dragnich stated that events of the last year or two "point to 
the fact that Tito has constantly tried to come as close as he can to sup- 
porting Moscow's positions, even though he has been criticized [by 
Moscow]." From a practical standpoint, Dr. Dragnich pointed out, 
Tito could not hope to have Yugoslavia stand alone as the only Com- 
munist nation in the world. For this reason, he wants communism 
preserved in the Soviet Union and its satellites because its overthrow 
there would eventually mean his own downfall. 

Dr. Dragnich rejected the popular conception that a kind of 
"national" communism exists in Yugoslavia. "Tito," he said, "has 
always maintained that he is not a nationalist, that they do not have 
national communism in Yugoslavia." He also asserted that even if a 
national form of communism were possible, existed in Yugoslavia, or 
if other Red nations went "Titoist," it would be nothing to cheer 
about. Even under a real "national" communism the "basic policies 
would be contrary to everything that we hold dear * * * basic free- 
doms — free choice of political leaders, free speech and free press, 
respect for the individual, freedom of religion — all these would be 
trampled in the dust by Communist tyranny." 

Dr. Dragnich emphasized the fact that Tito did not leave the 
Cominform voluntarily, but was expelled from it against his wishes 
and that, since his so-called break with the Kremlin, there have been 
"no fundamental changes in Communist goals, or in the dominant 
position of the Communist Party" in the Yugoslav dictatorship. 
While there have been some superficial relaxations in Yugoslavia 
since Tito's troubles with Moscow — relaxations brought about in part 
by the resistance of the people to communism — there "certainly is 
not" any growth of freedom or democracy in Titoland. 

Tito is "a most valuable ally and agent of communism," Dr. Drag- 
nich stated, because he "helped international communism when it 
needed it the most." This was when communism was at its lowest 
ebb — after Stalin's death and the exposures that followed it. Tito 
then, by his statements and by his travels, succeeded in convincing 
many people in the Near, Middle, and Far East that "there could be 
a different type of communism, a good kind of communism," and 
that Moscow had really changed under Khrushchev's leadership. 
This, Dr. Dragnich said, was "a tremendous service" to the Kremlin. 

10 See "International Communism in Yugoslavia— The Myth of 'Titoism,' " Consultation with Dr. 
Alex N. Dragnich, Committee on Un-American Activities, Sept. 15, 1958. 

Dr. Alex N. Dragnich, author of "Tito's Promised Land" and professor of political science at Vanderbilt 
University, has also taught at Western Reserve University. He served for 2 1 / $ years — from November 
1947 to May 1950— as a Foreign Service Reserve officer in the American Embassy in Belgrade where he had 
charge of the U.S. Information Service and its library. 


On the subject of U.S. aid to Tito, the Vanderbilt University 
political scientist said that there never was a good case for U.S. 
military assistance because Tito's army is unreliable. Dr. Dragnich 
said that while in Yugoslavia he had asked many people there if the 
army would fight in case of a Soviet or satellite attack, and the 
general reaction was: "Fight for what? Fight to help retain this 
tyrant?" or "Yes, we will fight if you assure us that when it is all 
over with, we, too, can be free." 

Economic aid might have been justifiable for a year or two after 
Tito's expulsion, "until we could see the trend of developments." 
Because Tito had killed off all opposition, there was no chance of a 
democratic government emerging. However, Western defenses in 
Europe were weak at the time; Yugoslavia's ouster from the Comin- 
form was the first significant break in the Soviet empire; and there 
was a possibility that it might lead to a real split in the Communist 
camp. For these reasons, "some limited aid was justifiable" at the 

The question of aid to Tito must be examined from two angles, Dr. 
Dragnich said — its international effects and its internal effects in 
Yugoslavia . 

As far as the international results are concerned, the United States 
has succeeded in embarrassing the Soviet Union. Dr. Dragnich ques- 
tioned, however, the validity of this as a goal of U.S. foreign policy 
when it also involved other, and perhaps more important, injurious 
effects. He pointed out that, on the international level again, U.S. 
aid has helped Tito make communism more palatable to many people 
by creating the illusion that a "respectable" type of communism is 

Internally, U.S. aid to Tito has had a negative effect. It has 
"tended to kill off any hopes for the realization of freedom for the 
people." "What hope is there," Yugoslavs said to Dr. Dragnich, 
"when even you people are helping this tyrant?" 

Ninety percent of the Yugoslavian people are opposed to Tito and 
communism and, if a revolution like that of the Hungarian revolt were 
to take place, communism would disappear within a few days, Dr. 
Dragnich believes. The failure of the United States to help the Hun- 
garian freedom fighters when they revolted, however, was "a sad blow" 
to the people of Yugoslavia and other Eastern European countries. 
For years this country had held out hope to these people and had 
indicated, at least indirectly, that they would receive assistance if they 
ever made a break for freedom. When the Hungarians did so, how- 
ever, the United States did nothing. This has had a "devastating 
effect" on the morale of the people of Eastern Europe. 


During the year 1958, the committee printed 424,000 copies of its 
hearings, consultations, and reports. In response to requests, it dis- 
tributed 136,000 copies of hearings and reports of previous years. 

Following is a list of committee hearings, consultations, and reports 
for the 2d session of the 85th Congress: 


Investigation of Soviet Espionage. Part 1, October 7, 8, 9, and 
November 20, 1957 (printed and released in 1958) ; Part 2, February 
28, 1956, February 25, 1958. 

Investigation of Communist Infiltration and Propaganda Activities 
in Basic Industry (Gary, Ind., Area). February 10 and 11, 1958. 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New England Area. 
Part 1, March 18, 1958. 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New England Area. 
Part 2, March 19, 1958. 

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New England Area. 
Part 3, March 14, 20, and 21, 1958. 

Communist Propaganda — Student Groups, Distributors, and Propa- 
gandists. Part 9, June 11 and 12, 1958. 

Communism in the New York Area (Entertainment). June 18 and 
19, 1958, May 8, 1958, and April 1, 1957. 

Communist Infiltration and Activities in the South. July 29, 30, and 
31, 1958. 

Communist Infiltration and Activities in Newark, N.J. September 

3, 4, and 5, 1958. 


The Communist Program for World Conquest. Gen. Albert C. 
Wedemeyer, U.S.A., January 21, 1958. 

Communist Psychological Warfare (Brainwashing). Edward Hun- 
ter, March 13, 1958. 

International Communism (Communist Propaganda Activities in 
Canada). Milan Jakubec, April 3, 1958. 

Communist Psychological Warfare (Thought Control). Constantin 
W. Boldyreff, April 7, 1958. 

International Communism (Communist Encroachment in the Far 
East). Maj. Gen. Claire Lee Chennault, U.S.A., April 23, 1958. 

What Is Behind the Soviet Proposal for a Summit Conference? Dr. 
David J. Dallin, Dr. Anthony T. Bouscaren, Dr. James D. Atkin- 
son, Francis J. McNamara, April 30, 1958. 

Communist Strategy of Protracted Conflict. Dr. Robert Strausz- 
Hupe, Alvin J. Cottrell, James E. Dougherty, May 20, 1958. 

The Ideology of Freedom vs. The Ideology of Communism. Dr. 
Charles Wesley Lowry, June 5, 1958. 



The Irrationality of Communism. Dr. Gerhart Memeyer, August 8, 

International Communism in Yugoslavia — The Myth of "Titoism." 

Dr. Alex N. Dragnich, September 15, 1958. 


Chronicle of Treason. Representative Francis E. Walter, March 3-9, 

The Erica Wallach Story. March 21, 1958. 
Legislative Recommendations by House Committee on Un-American 

Activities. June 1958. 
The House Committee on Un-American Activities — What It Is — 

What It Does. July 1958. 
Organized Communism in the United States. Revised May 1958. 
Patterns of Communist Espionage. January 1959. 
Who Are They? Vicente Lombardo Toledano and Luis Carlos Prestes 

(Mexico-Brazil). Part 8, February 21, 1958. 
Who Are They? — Enver Hoxha (Albania) and Gheorghe Gheorghiu- 

Dej (Rumania). Part 9, August 5, 1958. 
Supplement to Cumulative Index to Publications of the Committee 

on Un-American Activities, 1955 and 1956. December 1958. 
Annual Report for the Year 1958. 


The committee, in the course of its work over a period of many 
years, has assembled much valuable public source material on com- 
munism. This collection is maintained as a unit and its wealth of 
information is available to all Members of Congress, the committee 
staff, and the executive agencies of our Government through the 
committee's reference service. 

This reference service, upon request, provides for Members of 
Congress written reports on individuals, organizations, and publica- 
tions which include the sources of information and indicate official 
citations by Federal agencies of the organizations and publications. 

Increased use of the reference service is reflected in* the 1,373 requests 
for information which were handled for Members of Congress in 1958, 
covering 2,316 individuals and 902 organizations and periodicals. 
Records were found on 881 of the persons and 348 of the organizations 
and publications, requiring a total of 1,229 written reports. 

The number of reference requests from staff members also increased 
in 1958, totaling 1,188. These involved checks for information on 
4,605 individuals, 655 organizations and periodicals, and on about 90 
general subjects. They required the writing of reports on 1,588 
persons and 125 organizations, and the duplication of 1,690 exhibits 
for use in conducting hearings. 

The daily register showed that representatives from 15 depart- 
ments of the executive branch made 2,180 visits to check committee 
filos and that about 75 percent of the visits required a full day's service. 

The reference collection used as the basis for these services is com- 
posed of a vast number of newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets, leaflets, 
letterheads, programs and other printed material issued by subversive 
organizations, domestic and foreign. It also contains millions of 
clippings from daily newspapers, as well as periodicals, reference books, 
and hearings and reports published by this committee, its predecessors, 
and many other agencies in the field. 

Within itself, this collection is valuable not only because of the 
tremendous amount of information it contains but also because of 
the many old and rare items included in it. Furthermore, the com- 
mittee's collection of the material is classified and indexed so that the 
information is readily accessible. New material, continually being 
added, keeps the information up to date. 



The House of Representatives in 1958 voted contempt citations 
against Edward Yellin, Robert Lehrer, Victor Mails, Alfred James 
Samter, Sidney Turoff, Sidney Herbert Ingerman, Paul Rosenkrantz, 
Frank Wilkinson, and Carl Braden, who, as witnesses before the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, refused to answer pertinent ques- 
tions. House contempt resolutions have been certified by the Speaker 
to the proper United States Attorneys for prosecutive action against 
each of these individuals. All have been indicted by grand juries 
with the exception of Paul Rosenkrantz, Sidney Turojj, and Sidney 
Herbert Ingerman. Indictments have not as yet been presented in 
these three cases. 

Frank Wilkinson and Carl Braden were convicted of contempt of 
Congress on January 22, 1959, and each was sentenced to serve 12 
months in jail. 

In addition, reports and statements of facts relating to the refusal 
of Harvey O'Connor and Donald Wheeldin to answer questions pro- 
pounded by the committee have been made to the Speaker of the 
House — the House not being in session— in order that certification 
may be made to the proper United States Attorneys as a basis for the 
institution of proceedings against them for contempt of the House of 



The Committee on Un-American Activities continued its investiga- 
tion of Communist techniques and tactics of infiltration, and the 
extent, character, and objects of Communist Party propaganda activ- 
ities in basic industry at Gary, Ind., on February 10 and 11, 1958. 

Edward Yellin, who appeared as a witness pursuant to a subpena 
served upon him, came to Gary, Ind., in 1949 from New York and 
secured employment in the steel industry. Testimony by a former 
FBI undercover agent revealed that Mr. Yellin was active in Com- 
munist Party affairs after his arrival in Gary. In September of 1957, 
he left Gary and, at the time of the hearing, was living in Fort Collins, 
Colo. Mr. Yellin was a student at the College of the City of New 
York for 2 years, the College of Literature, Science, and Arts of the 
University of Michigan for 1 year, and the College of Engineering 
of the University of Michigan for 1 year, which facts were concealed 
in his application for employment by the Carnegie-Illinois Steel Corp. 
The witness refused to answer material questions relating to the 
Communist Party's policy of sending "colonizers" into the steel 
industry and to his own Communist Party membership, basing his 
refusal on the first amendment to the Constitution and the decisions 
of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Watkins and Sweezey 
cases, relating to the validity of the committee's enabling resolution 
and the pertinency of the questions. 



Robert Lehrer, another witness, was identified as a Communist 
"colonizer" who moved from New York to Gary, Ind., and concealed 
his college degree from Rutgers University in the filing of his applica- 
tion for employment. Substantially the same questions were asked 
this witness as were asked Yellin regarding colonization by the 
Communist Party in the steel industry, and the witness refused to 
answer for substantially the same reasons. 

Alfred James Samter, a subpenaed witness, was another highly 
educated young man who came from New York to Gary, Ind., in 
1949, to seek employment in the steel industry, at which time, testi- 
mony revealed, he became active in Communist Party affairs. He 
refused to answer questions relating to colonization by the Communist 
Party in the steel industry, basing his refusal to answer on substan- 
tially the same grounds as those relied upon by Yellin and Lehrer. 

Victor Mails is a native of Gary and a steel worker. He gave up 
his seniority at the steel plant to run a restaurant where the Com- 
munist Party was in the practice of holding its meetings. Later he 
left the restaurant business and returned to his employment in the 
steel industry. When questioned regarding testimony that he had 
engaged in Communist Party activities at the restaurant, at the steel 
plant, and in a steel union, the witness relied upon the first amend- 
ment in refusing to answer. 


The committee continued its investigation of the dissemination of 
Communist propaganda in the United States at public hearings in 
Buffalo, N.Y., on October 1, 1957. The hearings included an investi- 
gation of the extent, character, and objects of Communist infiltration 
into industrial, civic, and political organizations in the Buffalo area 
and the execution, by administrative agencies concerned, of laws 
requiring the listing of printing presses and machines capable of being 
used to produce or publish printed matter in the possession, custody, 
ownership, or control of the Communist Party or Communist-front 

Sidney Turqff, a former member of the State Committee of the 
Communist Party for the State of New York, after testifying that he 
had been a member of the Steel Section of the Communist Party of 
Erie County as late as April 1957, refused to answer questions relating 
to the membership of the Steel Section of the Communist Party and 
the disposition of printing equipment which had been sold by Alan 
Dietch to the Communist Party and delivered to him. His refusal 
was based upon the first amendment. The witness did not object 
to the questions on the ground of lack of pertinency. Nevertheless, 
the purpose of the questions was adequately explained. 

Sidney Herbert Ingerman, from 1953 until the date of his testimony, 
was employed by Tube Manifold Corp. He admitted membership 
in various Communist Party cells made up of employees in the steel 
industry and that lie had also been a member of the Steel Section of 
the Communist Party. He testified that he terminated his Commu- 
nist Party membership during 1957. When questioned regarding the 
membership of his Communist Party cell, he requested an explanation 
of the pertinency of the question. After an appropriate explanation 
was made, he was directed to answer. He refused to answer, assign- 
ing as his reason that the questions were not pertinent to the inquiry 
and that he was not required to answer under the first amendment. 



In the course of the committee's investigation of the extent, 
character, and objects of Communist infiltration and Communist 
Party propaganda activities in the textile and other basic industries 
in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Paul Rosenkrantz was called 
as a witness, March 20, 1958. Testimony had been received that this 
witness, as late as 1955, had been a member of the Metals Commission 
of the Communist Party of New England. Although admitting Com- 
munist Party membership in 1936, he refused to give the name of the 
last cell of the Communist Party of which he was a member, relying 
upon the first amendment and lack of pertinency as a basis for his 
refusal. Mr. Rosenkrantz Avas born in Russia and became an Ameri- 
can citizen through derivative citizenship of his father. At the time 
of his testimony, he was a senior at Springfield College, Springfield, 
Mass., prior to which he had been an employee of the Westinghouse 
Corp. at Springfield. 


At a hearing of the committee in Atlanta on July 29, 1958, one of 
the subjects of investigation was Communist Party propaganda 
activities in the South. The committee had issued a publication on 
November 8, 1957, describing a newly mounted abolition campaign 
against the House Committee on Un-American Activities, the investi- 
gative powers of Congress, and important functions of the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation, for the purpose of creating a general climate 
of opinion against the exposure and punishment of subversion. One 
of the Communist Party fronts described as being in the vanguard of 
this campaign was the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee. 

Frank Wilkinson, a resident of Los Angeles, a member of the 
National Council of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, and 
identified as a Communist in testimony, was a speaker at the ECLC 
gathering in New York City in September 1957 which launched this 
campaign. He was also executive secretan 7 of the Citizens Committee 
To Preserve American Freedoms, an adjunct of the Emergency Civil 
Liberties Committee. Wilkinson was in Atlanta at the time of this 
committee's hearings in that city and the committee subpenaed him 
to appear as a witness. After stating his name, he refused to answer 
all questions. The only ground he assigned for his refusal was that 
Congress did not have the power to establish this committee. Al- 
though the question of pertinency was not raised by the witness, an 
adequate explanation of the pertinency of the questions was never- 
theless made. 

Carl Braden, another witness before the committee in Atlanta on 
Julv 30, 1958, had been identified as a Communist Party member in 
sworn testimony before the committee. At the time of his appearance 
before the committee, he was field secretary of the Southern Con- 
ference Educational Fund. When served with a subpena, he was in 
Rhode Island at the home of Harvey O'Connor, National Chairman 
of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee. Air. Braden challenged 
the pertinency of various questions relating to propaganda activities 
in the South and his own membership in the Communist Party. 
After an adequate explanation of pertinency, the witness refused to 
answer the questions, basing his refusal on the first amendment. 



During the course of hearings conducted by the committee at 
Newark, N.J., beginning September 3, 1958, Harvey O'Connor, Na- 
tional Chairman of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, was 
served with a subpona to appear as a witness before the committee 
on September 5, 1958. Mr. O'Connor, who has also been identified 
as a Communist Party member, refused to obey the subpena and sent 
a letter to the committee advising that he declined to appear. A 
report and statement of Mr. O'Connor's refusal to obey the subpena 
was made to the Speaker of the House of Representatives — Congress 
not being in session — in order that the Speaker may certify the 
same under the seal of the House of Representatives to the U.S. Attor- 
ney for the district of New Jersey, to the end that he may be pro- 
ceeded against for contempt arising from his willful default to appear 
before the committee. 

Donald Wheeldin, former writer for the West Coast Communist news- 
paper, the Daily People's World, was subpenaed to appear as a wit- 
ness before the Committee on Un-American Activities in Los Angeles, 
Calif., on September 2, 1958. When called as a witness on that day, 
he willfully refused to appear, in consequence of which a report and 
statement of the facts was made by the committee to the Speaker of 
the House of Representatives — -the House not being in session — in 
order that the Speaker may certify the same under the seal of the 
House to the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of California, to 
the end that he may be proceeded against for contempt of the House 
of Representatives. 


The case of Lloyd Barenblatt was argued before the Supreme Court 
of the United States on November 18, 1958. The decision in this im- 
portant case had not come down when this report was prepared. On 
January 16, 1958, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Colum- 
bia, by a divided opinion, upheld for the second time the conviction of 
Lloyd Barenblatt, a college instructor who was identified as a member 
of the Communist Party and was cited for contempt arising from his 
appearance before the committee on June 28, 1954. The case had 
been remanded to the Court of Appeals by the Supreme Court of the 
United States for the entry of an order consonant with its decision 
in the Watkins case. 

The major issue involved in this appeal was the construction of the 
language of the Supreme Court in the Watkins case relative to the 
validity of the resolution creating the standing Committee on Un- 
American Activities. Another issue is whether that part of the 
opinion in the Watkins case relating to pertinency requires a dis- 

The case of Horace Chandler Davis, a member of the faculty of the 
University of Michigan, found guilty of contempt on June 25, 1957, 
and sentenced to 6 months in prison and a fine of $250, is pending on 
appeal in the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. 

The case of Goldie E. Watson, an elementary teacher in the Martha 
Washington Public School of Philadelphia, Pa., sentenced to 3 months' 
confinement and fined $1,000, is pending on appeal before the U.S. 
Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. 


Other cases pending on appeal before the U.S. Court of Appeals for 
the District of Columbia are those of Norton Anthony Russell, an em- 
ployee of Vernay Laboratories, an affiliate of Antioch College, Day- 
ton, Ohio, who was sentenced to 30 days in jail and a fine of $500; 
John T. Gojack, general vice president of United Electrical, Radio and 
Machine Workers of America and president of its District No. 9, who 
was sentenced to 9 months confinement and a fine of $500, and Bern- 
hard Deutch, formerly a graduate student at Cornell University, who 
was sentenced to 90 days in jail and a payment of a fine of $100, the 
fine having been remitted. 

There are seven indictments of witnesses for contempt which have 
not been reached for trial; namely, Louis Earl Hartman, who, when 
subpenaed as a witness, was engaged as a radio broadcaster in Berke- 
ley, Calif.; Frank Grumman, employed as a radio operator for RCA 
Communications, Inc., but temporarily on leave of absence as secre- 
tary-treasurer of Local 10 of the American Communications Associa- 
tion; Bernard Silber, service writer for Western Union Telegraph Co.; 
William Edwin Davis, a resident of St. Louis, Mo.; George Tyne, a 
radio, screen, theater, and television actor; Peter Seeger, an enter- 
tainer; and Elliott Sullivan, an actor. 



A discussion of legislative recommendations would not be complete 
without reference to the record of legislative accomplishments result- 
ing from recommendations made by this committee. 

The Legislative Reference Service of the Library of Congress, 
during the last session, made an independent research study of 
legislative recommendations made by the Committee on Un-American 
Activities and subsequent action taken by Congress and executive 
agencies. The committee published this study in June 1958 in an 
89-page document titled "Legislative Recommendations by House 
Committee on Un-American Activities." * 

This document reveals that bills were introduced in the House of 
Representatives embodying 80 recommendations made by this com- 
mittee, all but 2 of which were offered after 1949. Legislation 
enacted by Congress carried out 35 of these committee recommenda- 
tions. Twenty-six bills were still pending at the close of the 85th 
Congress. The Internal Security Act of 1950, the Communist 
Control Act of 1954, and various provisions of the Immigration and 
Nationality Act of 1952 were among the more important legislative 

Some of the recommendations made by the committee pertain more 
to policies which should be followed by various executive agencies 
than to legislative action. The conclusion is reached in this study 
that executive agencies of the Government have put into effect 
policies, orders, or regulations relating to 13 recommendations by the 
committee, thus indicating substantial performance of the "legislative 
oversight" duties of the committee as required by Rule XII of the 
House of Representatives. 

The record of the committee, as reflected by this independent 
agency of the Government, refutes once and for all the assertions 
made by uninformed persons that this committee has no legislative 
purpose, or that the object of its hearings is "exposure for exposure's 

The research study conducted reveals that committee recommen- 
dations have been made relating to the following subjects: 

Refusal of foreign countries to accept deportees; 

Distribution of totalitarian propaganda; 

Statutory period for revocation of naturalization ; 

Limitation of prosecution for passport frauds; 

Independent commission on Federal loyalty; 

Publication of names of foreign agents; 

Antisubversive Division in Department of Justice; 

Foreign agents registration; 

Deportation and exclusion of alien subversives; 

1 See "Legislative Recommendations by House Committee on Un-American Activities," June 1958. 


Restriction of tax-exempt privileges of Communist educational 
and charitable organizations; 

Second-class mailing privileges of foreign embassies; 

Denial of second-class mailing privileges to subversive organiza- 

Internal Security Act of 1950; 

Communist Control Act of 1954; 

Deportation of aliens upon conviction of crimes against the United 

Penalty for contempt of Congress; 

Study of immigration laws; 

Statute of limitations in espionage cases; 

Activities of embassies of Communist countries; 

Employment of subversives in defense plants and Government 
service ; 

Officers of labor unions under contract with Atomic Energy 
Commission and Armed Forces; 

Non-Communist affidavit under Taft-Hartley Act; 

Single espionage statute for peace and war; 

Immunity for congressional witnesses; 

Revocation of commissions in Armed Forces; 

Emergency powers of executive branch; 

Technical surveillance (wiretapping) ; 

Statute of limitations for prosecution for false statements by 
Federal employees regarding subversive activities ; 

Increased penalties for seditious conspiracy; 

Registration of persons with training in espionage; 

Compulsory testimony in congressional investigations; 

Contradictory statements under oath to be punished as perjury. 




Known Communist agents may now freely obtain U.S. passports 
for travel in the service of the international Communist conspiracy, 
following recent Supreme Court decisions which resulted in the crea- 
tion of a "gap" in Federal law on the subject. 

The committee therefore urges the Congress to give its immediate 
attention and consideration to the committee recommendation, made 
originally in 1956, that an unmistakably clear statute be enacted to 
strengthen the authority of the Secretary of State to bar Communist 
agents from unrestricted travel abroad. 

In the cases of Kent v. Dulles, 357 U.S. 116, and Dayton v. Dulles, 
357 U.S. 144, the U.S. Supreme Court, in 5-to-4 divided opinions, 
in the language of Mr. Justice Clark held that the Secretary of State 
has not been authorized by Congress to deny a passport to a Com- 
munist whose travel abroad would be inimical to our national security. 
The majority opinions are based upon the premise that the Secretary 
of State withheld passports in these cases because of the applicants' 
"beliefs or associations." The innumerable congressional and judicial 
findings of the conspiratorial character of international communism 
were wholly ignored. 


The serious consequences of these decisions are indicated by the 
fact that from the 16th dav of June 1958, the date of the rendition of 
the decisions, to the 7th day of November 1958, the State Depart- 
ment granted passports to 596 persons who have records of activity in 
support of the international Communist movement. Persons granted 
passports include individuals trained in Moscow, individuals who have 
been involved in Communist espionage activity, individuals who have 
performed Communist functions in countries other than the United 
States, and, last but not least, Communist Party members, both con- 
cealed'and open, who owe an undying allegiance to the international 
( Jommunist conspiracy. When considering the salutary provisions of 
the Walter-McCarran Act, designed to prevent this coun try _ from 
being overridden bv Communist agents from abroad, it is shocking to 
learn the names of "the higlily placed Communists in this country who 
are now permitted to travel indiscriminately in the countries of our 
Allies, as well as in those of our enemies. 

It is important at this time to restate the committee's recommenda- 
tions and observations on this vital matter. In the annual report for 
1956, the committee recommended: 

Although recognizing the historic discretion of the Secretary of State 
to issue, withhold, or limit passports under regulations adopted pursuant 
to Executive orders, the committee believes that the hand of the Secre- 
tary should be strengthened by the enactment of legislation expressing 
the will and intent of the legislative branch of the Government spelled 
out in direct and positive form. It is believed to be highly important 
that this historic discretion of the Secretary of State specifically be 
made applicable, by statutory definition, to international travel of 
adherents to the Communist Party; that statutory recognition be given 
to basic regulations now governing passport matters; that specific 
statutory authority be given to the Secretary of State to issue substantive 
regulations in the passport field; and that specific statutory sanction 
be given to the review procedure in denial cases to insure freedom from 
arbitrary and capricious action, and protection of constitutional rights. 

In view of the importance of these matters in the field of foreign 
relations and national security, a tight control of the issuance of passports 
should be observed. To assure accomplishment of this objective, penal 
sanctions should be provided for the issuance by Government officials of 
passports in violation of the express will and intent of Congress and of 
the regulations promulgated by the Secretary of State pursuant to statu- 
tory authority. ir _„ , 
It is believed that H.R. 11582, introduced on June 4, 1956, if enacted 
into law, would satisfactorily achieve most of the basic recommendations 
made by the committee on this subject, provided that penal sanctions 
omitted in the bill are added. 
H.K. 11582 was not reported to the floor of the House for action 
by the House of "Representatives. 

In the view of the committee, the unrestricted travel of persons 
who are or have been identified with the Communist movement 
presents a real deterrent to the successful prosecution of the foreign 
policy of this country and to the very security of the Nation. The 
lowering of the bars to foreign travel since the decision in these cases 
has, in all probability, resulted in great damage to the security of all 
countries which have united with us in an effort to restrain and con- 
tain the Communist movement, It is not too late to fill the "gap* 
in Federal law resulting from these court decisions if Congress imme- 
diately rises to its responsibility in this all-important matter. 

This committee is of the opinion that most of the bills presented 
on this subject are inadequate in their provisions, and it recommends 


that strong legislation in keeping with this committee's 1956 recom- 
mendations be enacted in an effort to resolve the problems raised by 
the findings of the Supreme Court in these cases. 


The sedition laws of 42 States of the Union fell with the decision of 
the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Pennsylvania v. 
Nelson, 350 U.S. 497, in which it was held that the Smith Act pre- 
empted the field of sedition and subversion in favor of the Federal 
Government. This decision reads into the statute a legislative intent 
to occupy the whole field of the law of sedition or subversion to the 
exclusion of State and local governments. 

Numerous bills have been introduced for the purpose of spelling 
out congressional intent in such a manner as to provide that Federal 
legislation on these subjects shall not prevent the enforcement of State 
statutes prescribing criminal penalties for any act, attempt, or con- 
spiracy to commit sedition against a State or the United States, or to 
conspire to overthrow the government of a State or of the United 
States. Among those is H.R. 977, offered by Chairman Francis E. 
Walter of the Committee on Un-American Activities on January 3, 
1957. Although the Judiciary Committee reported this bill, it was a 
similar bill, H.R. 3, offered by Representative Howard W. Smith, 
upon which the House acted in the last session of Congress. The 
latter bill was passed by the House, but in the last days of the session 
it failed of passage in the Senate by one vote. 

This committee strongly recommends that the indicated remedial 
legislation be reintroduced and enacted into law. 


Congressional intent was likewise the issue in the case of Yates v. 
United States, 354 U.S. 298, in which the Supreme Court of the 
United States dealt a lethal blow to the Smith Act. The Court held 
that the statute of limitations barred conviction, since the term 
"organize" as used in the Smith Act refers only to the initial formation 
of the Communist Party in 1945, as distinguished from continuing 
acts of organizing and recruiting. 

The committee is of the opinion that in the adoption of the Smith 
Act in 1940, Congress could not have intended that the term "organize" 
was limited in its application to the reconstitution of the Communist 
Party in 1945, because that event could not have been foreseen. 
Therefore, Congress must have intended the word "organize" to 
mean a continuous process of organizing groups and cells and of 
recruiting new members. 

The chairman, with the purpose of clarifying the meaning of the 
term "organize" as it is used in Title 18, United States Code, section 
2385, introduced H.R. 13272 on July 2, 1958, making the term ap- 
plicable to the recruiting of new members, the forming of new units, 
and the regrouping or expansion of existing clubs, classes, and other 
units of such society, group, or assembly of persons. This bill was 
passed by the House on August 12, 1958, but failed to come to a vote 
in the Senate. 

37633— 59—1 


The committee is of the opinion that the Smith Act is one of our 
most effective weapons against the Communist conspiracy and it 
recommends prompt action in plugging the "gap" in Federal law 
resulting from the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States 
in the Yates case. 


The need for clarification of congressional intent with respect to the 
terms "advocate" and "teach" as used in the Smith Act is indicated 
by the decision of the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second 
Circuit in reversing the conviction of six second-rank Communist 
leaders for violation of the Smith Act, United States v. James E. Jack- 
y son et aL, CCA. 2d, 1958, 257 Fed. 2d 830.^ This decision was based 
upon the so-called "call to action" test laid down by the Supreme 
Court of the United States in the Yates case. In commenting upon 
the holding in the Yates case, the court stated: 

In distinguishing this extremely narrow difference between 
advocacy or teaching which constitutes a violation from that 
which does not, the Supreme Court said: "The essential 
distinction is that those to whom the advocacy is addressed 
must be urged to do something, now or in the future, rather 
than merely believe in something." 

The committee is of the opinion that the Supreme Court of the 
United States in the Yates case, in attempting to construe the terms 
"advocate" and "teach" as terms of art, wholly failed to ascertain 
the obvious intent of Congress as disclosed by the customary meaning 
of those terms when used in conjunction with the terms "duty" and 
"necessity" as used in the act. The question of whether advocacy 
and teaching of the duty and necessity of overthrowing the Govern- 
ment by use of force and violence constitutes mere advocacy and 
teaching of an abstract doctrine or whether it is advocacy or teaching 
directed at promoting of unlawful action, was neither considered nor 
decided by the Court in the Yates case. To construe the terms 
"advocate" and "teach" out of the context in which they were used 
could only result in doing violence to the plain intent of Congress in 
the use of those terms. Therefore, the chairman, on August 5, 1958, 
offered an amendment to Title 18, U.S. Code, section 2385, which seeks 
to clarify the congressional intent by defining the terms "advocate," 
"teach," "duty," "necessity," "force," and "violence," as used in that 

The committee considers it essential that the Smith Act be strength- 
ened and buttressed by the adoption of the suggested legislation and 
the consideration of any other legislative proposal which would renew 
the effectiveness of the Smith Act as a weapon in the national defense 
and the internal security of the country. 


In the dissenting opinion by Mr. Justice Clark, concurred in by 
Mr. Justice Reed and Mr. Justice Minton, the Supreme Court's order 
in the case of Cole v. Young, 1956, 351 U.S. 536, "has stricken down 
the most effective weapon against subversive activity available to the 
Government." The result of the decision in this case is to limit 


greatly the effectiveness of the Summary Suspension Act of 1950 and 
Executive Order 10450 issued thereunder. The act involved provides 
that the head of certain Government agencies may suspend a civilian 
officer or employee whenever he shall determine such termination 
necessary or advisable in the interest of the national security of the 
United States. In holding that dismissal of an employee was not 
authorized by the 1950 act, the Court held that the term "national 
security" is used in the act in a definite and limited sense and relates 
only to those activities which are directly concerned with the Nation's 

The committee agrees with the statement in the dissenting opinion 
by Mr. Justice Clark that — 

It is not realistic to say that the Government can be pro- 
tected merely by applying the act to sensitive jobs. One 
never knows just which job is sensitive. The janitor might 
prove to be in as important a spot securitywise as the top em- 
ployee in the building. The Congress decided that the most 
effective way to protect the Government was through the 
procedures laid down in the act. 

The committee recommends, therefore, that the Summary Suspension 
Act of August 26, 1950, relating to the suspension of employment of 
civilian personnel of the United States in the interest of national 
security, be amended to define the term "national security" as mean- 
ing all governmental activities of the U.S. Government involving the 
national safetv and security, including but not limited to activities 
concerned with the protection of the United States from internal sub- 
version or foreign aggression. The committee also recommends that 
the act be amended so as to provide that all employees of any de- 
partment or agency of the U.S. Government are deemed to be em- 
ployed in an activity of the Government involving national security. 



The committee has conducted investigations and hearings in Boston, 
Buffalo, New York, Newark, Philadelphia, Washington, D.C., 
Atlanta, New Orleans, and San Francisco, regarding the entry and 
dissemination within this country of foreign Communist propaganda. 
The legislative purpose of this inquiry was to determine the necessity 
for, and advisability of, amendments to the Foreign Agents Registra- 
tion Act, in order to counteract more effectively Communist schemes 
and devices being used to avoid the prohibitions of the act. 

Testimony revealed the importation and dissemination of millions 
of pieces of Communist propaganda every year without compliance 
with the laws relating to the filing and labeling of political propa- 
ganda. The committee recommends, therefore, that the Foreign 
Agents Registration Act of 1938 be amended so as to extend the appli- 
cation of section 4 of the present law to importers of political prop- 
aganda and to persons not within the United States who use the 
U.S. mails to disseminate such propaganda within this country. 



Certain organizations have adopted the ruse of ostensibly dissolving 
or changing their names upon the institution of proceedings by the 
Attorney General before the Subversive Activities Control Board for 
the purpose of compelling the organizations to register as Communist 

The committee recommends that title 1 of the Internal Security 
Act of 1950 be amended by adding a new section providing that the 
dissolution or reorganization of an organization shall not prevent the 
institution of proceedings under section 13 or 13(a) of the act, nor shall 
it prevent a final determination in any proceedings instituted under 
either of such sections. 


As a result of the continued study that the committee has given 
to the problem of dealing with disruptive and abusive conduct by 
certain witnesses, the recommendations made by this committee in 
its annual report for 1956 are repeated. Title 8, United States Code, 
sections 192 and 194, should be amended so as to provide that every 
person who misbehaves in the presence of either House or any joint 
committee established by a joint or concurrent resolution of the two 
Houses, or any committee or committees of either House of Congress, 
or so near thereto as to obstruct such House or committee in the 
performance of its duties, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor 
punishable in the manner now prescribed for the refusal of a witness 
to answer any question pertinent to the matter under inquiry. A 
full discussion of the basic reasons for the making of this recommenda- 
tion appears in the annual report for the year 1956, at pages 57 and 58. 


The committee heretofore has reported the fraudulent use of social 
security cards by functionaries of the Communist Party and has ex- 
pressed doubt that such conduct comes fully within the prohibition 
of any Federal statute. Committee investigations revealed that Com- 
munist agents were able to obtain employment in defense industry 
with the aid of social security cards made out in fictitious names. In 
order to eliminate legal loopholes which facilitate the penetration of 
saboteurs and subversives into our vital industries, the committee 
therefore once again -recommends that section 1107 of the Social 
Security Act, 42 U.S.C., sec. 1307, be amended by providing that any 
person who, for the purpose of procuring, obtaining, or retaining 
employment by, in, or upon any defense facility, war utilities, national 
defense premises, or national defense utilities, shall exhibit to his em- 
ployer or prospective employer a social security account number 
card bearing a false, assumed, or fictitious name, without disclosing 
his true identity, shall be fined not more than $1,000, or imprisoned 
not more than 1 year, or both. 



Information obtained through surveillance by technical devices 
should be permitted as evidence in matters affecting the national se- 
curity provided that adequate safeguards are adopted to prevent any 
abuse of civil liberties. 


The unauthorized transportation in interstate commerce of Gov- 
ernment documents falling within a top secret, secret, or confidential 
classification should be made a criminal action. 


The 5-year statute of limitations for prosecution of the offenses of 
treason, espionage, sabotage, and other subversive activities should be 
amended so as to permit prosecutions for a period not to exceed 15 
years from the time of commission of the offense. 


The present 3-year statute of limitations for prosecution of offenses 
committed in violation of Title 18, United States Code, sections 1001 
or 1621, dealing with false statements and perjury, should be extended 
to 10 years when involving subversive activities and connections, and 
in instances where a person becomes an officer or employee of the 
United States or of any department or agency thereof, or of any corpo- 
ration the stock of which is owned in whole or in part by the United 
States, or any department or agency thereof, such person should be 
prosecuted, tried, and punished for such offense at any time within 10 
years after such person has ceased to be employed as such officer or 


The committee desires to restate its opinion that willfully contra- 
dictory statements made under oath by a witness before Federal grand 
juries, Federal courts, or congressional bodies should be punishable as 
perjury without the present requirement that the Government prove 
which of the statements is false. When two contradictory state- 
ments are made, one of which must be false, the Government must 
now prove the falsity by testimony of two independent witnesses or 
by the testimony of one witness and corroborative evidence. Bills 
introduced in the House and the Senate during the 84th Congress 
had the effect of remedying this situation by requiring the Govern- 
ment to prove only that the statements of a witness are themselves 
contradictory — provided that they are willful, concern material mat- 
ters, and are made within 3 years of one another. 





Abel, Rudolf Ivanovich 45, 46 

Aleman, Miguel 49 

Annenberg, Adelaide Klein 30 

Arevalo, Juan Jose 2 

Atkinson, James D 69, 70, 80 


Barenblatt, Lloyd 86 

Belief euille, Jean 24 

Bentley, Elizabeth (T) 11, 13, 30, 42 

Boldyreff, Constantin W 65, 66, 80 

Bouscaren, Anthony T 69, 70, 80 

Braden, Anne (Mrs. Carl Braden) 35 

Braden, Carl 34, 83, 85 

Brandon, Thomas J 39 

Brosser, B. (See Heck, Kate.) 

Browder, Earl 2 

Budenz, Louis 13 

Bulganin, Nikolai 48, 64 


Cantor, Emanuel 37 

Cdrdenas (Lazaro) 49 

Chambers, Whittaker 11, 13, 42 

Chennault, Claire Lee 67-69, 80 

Chiang Kai-shek, Generalissimo 68 

Chiang Kai-shek, Mme 67 

Chou En-lai 48 

Clark (Tom C.) 89, 92, 93 

Coe, Charles J. (also known as Bob Coe) 34 

Cohen, Boris 39 

Cole, Madge Spurny 33 

Coplon, Judith (Mrs. Albert H. Socolov) 44 

Cottrell, Alvin J 71-73, 80 


Dallin, David J 69,70,80 

Davis, Horace Chandler 86 

Davis, William Edwin 87 

Deu tch, Bernhard 87 

D'haze, Maud 24,25 

Dietch, Alan 84 

Dimitrov, Georgi 12 

Dixon, Robert J., Jr 36 

D'Orlando, Albert 25, 26 

D'Orlando, Polly (Mrs. Albert D'Orlando) 25 

Dougherty, James E 71-73, 80 

Douglas, Dorothy W 35 

Dragnich, Alex N 78, 79, 81 

Dreyfus, Benjamin 35 

Duggan, Laurence 47 





Eden, Anthony 64 

Eisenhower (Dwight D.) 64 

Evans, William 33 


Fein, David M 26 

Feldman, Eugene 34 

Field, Hermann 45 

Field, Herta (Mrs. Noel Field) 45, 46 

Field, Noel 45-47 

Figueirido, Mary 24 

Fishman, Irving 38-41 

Fishman, Rozlyn (Mrs. Harry Fishman) 24 

Foster, Carol 24-26 

Fuchs, Klaus 43, 44 

Furth, Alex. (See Sasuly, Richard.) 


Garczynski, Olga 24 

Gersten, Bernard 30 

Gheorghiu-Dej, Gheorghe 52, 53, 81 

Gojack, John T 87 

Gold, Harry 43, 44 

Goldberg, Evelyn Skoloff 41 

Gomulka, Wladyslaw 48 

Greenglass, David 44 

Grenell, Horace 31 

Grumman, Frank 87 

Gubitche v, Valentin 44 


Handman, Robert 33 

Hartman, Louis Earl 87 

Hay hanen, Reino 45 

Heck, Kate (also known as B. Brosser) 37 

Hiss, Alger 11, 13, 47 

Hitler (Adolf) 57, 75 

Ho Chi Minh 48 

Hollister, Carroll 30 

Hood, Frances (Mrs. Otis Hood) 24 

Hood, Otis Archer 25 

Hoover, J. Edgar 16, 43 

Hoxha, Enver 51, 81 

Hunter, Edward 59-62, 80 

Hyndman, Katherine 21 

Ingerman, Sidney Herbert 83, 84 


Jakubec, Milan 62-64, 80 

James, Dennis 36 

Jodl (Alfred) 57 

Johnson, Oakley C 34 

Jones, Earl T 30 


Kad ar, Janos 48 

Kaufman (Irving) 43 

Khrushchev, Nikita 3, 48, 64, 76, 78 

Kim II Sung 48 

Konev, Ivan 48 

Korstad, Karl 33 

INDEX 99' 



LaFleur, Joseph E i 20, 21 

Lamont, Corliss 35 

Lautner, John 19, 20, 28, 29, 38 

Lawrence, Howard 20 

Lawrence, William. (See Lazar, William.) 

Lazar, William (also known as William Lawrence) 29 

Lee, Will (born William Lubovsky) 30 

Lehrer, Robert 21, 83, 84 

Lenin 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 11, 73 

Len vin, Nathan 39 

Libman, Yisrol Paul Mann. (See Mann, Paul.) 

Licht, Fanny 33 

Lief, Arthur 30 

Liu, Mary 59 

Lombardo Toledano, Vicente 48-50, 81 

Lowrv, Charles Wesley 74, 75, 80 

Lubell, David 25 

Lubell, Jonathan 25 

Lubovsky, William. (See Lee, Will.) 

Luscomb, Florence 24 


Malinow, Louis 37 

Malis, Victor 21, 83, 84 

Malis, Willard 21 

Mann, Paul (born Yisrol Paul Mann Libman) 29, 30 

Mao Tse-tung 48 

Marx, Karl 75 

Maskiewicz, Benning 26 

Massing, Hede 47 

McAvoy, Muriel Gravelle 24, 35 

McNamara, Francis J 69, 70, 80 

Mc Williams, Carey 35 

Menshikov (Mikhail A.) 15, 64 

Michael, King of Rumania 52 

Mikoyan, Anastas 15 

Mills, Nathaniel 24 

Minton (Sherman) 92' 

Morones, Luis * 49, 50 


Nasser (Gamal Abdel) 66 

Nelson, Elba Chase 25 

Niemeyer, Gerhart 75-77, 81 

Nixon, Russell 35 

Norman, John F 37 

O'Connor, Harvey 35, 37, 38, 83, 85, 86- 


Pavlov (Ivan Petrovich) 72 

Penha, Armando 5, 17, 18, 22-26, 31-34 

Perry, Douglas 24, 26 

Peters, J 20,47 

Pevzner, Sam 39 

Portnoy, Leon 31 

Prestes, Luis Carlos 48, 50, 51, 81 

Pu-yi (Henry) 59 


Raab (Julius) 76 

Rabinowitz, Victor 35 

Rebraca, Lazo 21 

100 INDEX 


Reed (Stanley Forman) 92 

Rein, David 35 

Remington (William W.) 11, 13 

Robertson, William J., Ill 33 

Rogerson, Roy 24 

Rosenberg, Ethel (Mrs. Julius Rosenberg; nee Greenglass) 43, 44 

Rosenberg, Julius 43, 44 

Rosenkrantz, Paul 83, 85 

Rubinstein, Annette 39 

Russell, Norton Anthony 87 

Ru sso, Mike 25 


Samter, Alfred James 21, 83, 84 

Sasuly, Richard (also known as Alex Furth) 30 

Schwarz, Frederick Charles 57 

Seeger , Peter 87 

Sheldrick, George 33 

Sherman, Joseph 26 

Silber, Bernard 87 

Silber, Irwin 31 

Silvermaster, Nathan Gregory 30 

Snitzer, Elias 26 

Socolov, Mrs. Albert H. (See Coplon, Judith.) 

Stalin 3, 46-48,50, 72, 78 

Steinberg, Benjamin 31 

Stilwell, Joseph W_.._. ' 57 

Strausz-Hupe, Robert 71-73, 80 

Sullivan, Elliott ' 87 

Suske, Eleanor 38 


Tamsky , Florence 24 

Thorez, Maurice 48 

Timpson, Anne Burlak 25 

Tito 48, 51, 78, 79 

Togliatti, Palmiro 48 

Toledano, Vicente Lombardo. (See Lombardo Toledano, Vicente.) 

Turoff, Sidney 83, 84 

Tyne, George 87 

Ulbricht, Walter 48 


Vargas (Getulio) i 50 

Vassiliev, B 7, 8 

Villard, Paul 31 


Wallach, Erica 45-47, 81 

Watson, Goldie E 86 

Wedemeyer, Albert C 57-59, 80 

West, Donald L. (Don) 34 

Wheeldin, Donald 83, 86 

White, Harry Dexter 13 

Wilkinson, Frank 35, 83, 85 

Wilson, Woodrow 53 

Wyman, Louis C 26 

Yellin, Edward - 21, 83, 84 


Zhuko v, Georgi 48 

Zick, Bernard 36 

INDEX 101 




Abbey Record Manufacturing Co., Inc 31 

Abes Labor Camp 46 

Actors Workshop (New York) , Paul Mann 30 

Afro-Asian Conference (Bandung, Indonesia; Apr. 18-24, 1955) 61 

Albanian Workers' (Communist) Party 51 

Allen-Bradley Co. (Milwaukee) 57 

American Civil Liberties Union, Southern California Chapter 14 

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born 10, 24 

American Legion 57 

American Shakespeare Festival (Stratford, Conn.) 30 

American Theater Wing, Inc 30 

Artkino Films, Inc 39 


Bandung Conference. (See Afro-Asian Conference.) 

Bolshevik Party 2 

Brandon Films, Inc 39 


Canadian Labor Progressive Party (see also Communist Party, Canada) _ _ 63 

Carnegie-Illinois Steel Corp 83 

Chicago Committee To Preserve Freedom of Speech and the Press 14 

Citizens Committee To Preserve American Freedoms 14, 35, 85 

Civil Rights Congress (New Jersey) 36 

Cominform 78, 79 

Communications Association, American 10 

Local 10 87 

Communist International. (See International, III.) 

Communist Labor Party of America 47 

Communist Party: 

Brazil 48, 50, 51 

Canada (see also Canadian Labor Progressive Party) 63 

China 1, 2 

Germany ( West) 46 

Soviet Union 1 

Communist Party of America 47 

Communist Party, U.S.A 1-7, 9, 11-17, 22, 47, 48 

Control Commission 4 

District 1 (New England) 23-27 

District Committee 22 

Executive Committee 22 

National Committee 22, 23, 33 

National Textile Commission 22, 23, 31-33 

New England District Metals Commission 22, 85 



Bristol County 22 

New Bedford 22 

Regional Section Organizers Committee 22 

New Hampshire 24, 25 

Nashua 25 

State Committee 25 

New Jersey: 

Essex County 37 

Newark 37 

Mercer County 37 

State Committee 37 

102 INDEX 

Communist Party, U.S.A. — Continued 

States — Continued p»k« 

New York State 28, 29 

Cultural Division 28,29 

Erie County: Buffalo, Steel Section 84 

State Committee 84 

Steel Section 84 

North Carolina: 

High Point, Industrial Commission 33,34 

Confederation of Latin American Workers (CTAL) 49 

Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM) 49, 50 


Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, United 10, 26, 87 

District No. 9 87 

Massachusetts, New Bedford (Local 277) 25 

New Jersey 36 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 10, 14, 34, 35, 37, 85, 86 

National Council 35, 85 


Farm Research, Inc 10 

Foundation for Religious Action in the Social and Civil Order (FRASCO) _ 74 


General Confederation of Workers and Peasants of Mexico 49 

General Electric Co. (Bloomfield, N.J.) 36 

Geneva Summit Conference (1955) 64, 70 


Harvard University 25 


International, III (Communist International) 52 

Executive Committee 50 

International Publishers 10 

International Union of Students 39 

Labor Progressive. Party (See Canadian Labor Progressive Party.) 

Labor Research Association 10 

Labor Youth League (Newark) 36 

League of Nations 45, 47 

Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, International 10 

Lowell Technological Institute 26 


Manhattan Engineering District 43 

Martha Washington Public School (Philadelphia) 86 

Massachusetts Committee for the Bill of Rights 23, 24 

Metropolitan Music School, Inc 30 

Mexican Socialist League (Liga Socialista Mexicana) 49 

Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers, International Union of 10 

Mutual Cooperation League of Canada 1 62 


National Alliance of Russian Solidarists (NTS) 63 

National Council of American-Soviet Friendship 10 

National Council of the Art, Sciences, and Professions 29 

National Lawyers Guild 10, 14 

National Liberation Alliance (Brazil) 50 

National Revolutionary Party (Mexico) 49 

INDEX 103 


New Bedford Committee To Fight Unemployment 23, 24 

New Bedford Peace Committee 23, 24 

New Bedford Surplus Committee 24 

New Century Publishers 10 

New England Citizens Concerned for Peace 23, 24 

New York Committee for the Southern Newsletter 34 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) 70 


Parkway Music School Institute 31 

Partv of the Mexican Revolution (Partido de la Revolucion Mexicana — 

PRM) 49 

Peoples Radio Foundation 30 

Popular Party, Mexico (Partido Popular) 4 8-50 

Progressive Party 24 

New Hampshire 26 

New Jersey 36 

Prompt Press, Inc 39 

RCA Communications, Inc 87 

Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM) 49, 50 

Rumanian Workers' (Communist) Party 52 


Save Our Sons Committee 24 

Slovak Legion 62 

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) 70 

Southern Conference Educational Fund 85 


Teachers Union, New York 10 

Tube Manifold Corp 84 

Tung Sol Electric Co. (Bloomfleld, N.J.) 36 


Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of: 

Embassy, Canada 63 

Ministry of War: 

Military Intelligence 54, 55 

Secret police 55 

MVD 54,55 

Unitarian Service Committee 45 

United Nations 44, 54, 56, 69 

United States Government: 

Justice Department 44 

State Department 45, 47 

University of Michigan 86 


Vernay Laboratories 87 

Vorkuta Labor Camp 46 


Western Union Telegraph Co 87 

Westinghouse Corp. (Springfield, Mass.) 85 

World Federation of Democratic Youth 39 

World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) 49 

Young People's Records 31 

104 INDEX 



ACA News - 10 

American-Soviet Facts 10 

Congressional Government (book) 53 

Daily Worker 13, 29 

Data on Atrocities of United States Army in South Korea 41 

Dispatcher, The 10 

Economic Notes 10 

Facts for Farmers 10 

Glos Ludo wy 10 

Hungarian Daily Journal 38 

Hungarian Word 10 

Lamp, The 10 

Lawyers Guild Review 10 

M ainstream 9 

Mine-Mill Union 10 

Morning Freiheit 10 

Narodni Glasnik 10 

N ew Times 41 

New World Review 9 

Nok Vilaga (Women's W T orld) 10 

Northern Neighbors 63 

Party Affairs 10 

Party Voice 10 

People's World 9 

Political Affairs 9 

Rights 10 

Russky Golos 10 

Science and Society 9 

Southern Newsletter '____ 10, 33, 34 

Soviet News Bulletin 63 

Teacher News 10 

UE News 10 

Ukrainian Daily News 10 

Vilnis 10 

Worker, The 9