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86th Congress, 2d Session 

Union Calendar No. 1023 

House Report No. 2237 



January 2, 1961. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House 
on the State of the Union and ordered to be printed 

Prepared and released by the Committee on Un-American Activities 
U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. 




vC-wt -T .ri^v-^. i- 


I United States House of Representatives 


:! FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 





Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Director 


Union Calendar No. 1023 

86th Congress ) HOUSE OP KEPRESENTATIVES ( Report 

M Session j \ No. 2237 


January 2, 1961. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the 

State of the Union and ordered to be printed 

Mr. Walter, of Pennsylvania, from the Committee on Un-American 

Activities, submitted the following 


[Pursuant to H. Res. 7, 86th Cong., 1st sess.] 



Congress of the United States, 

House of Representatives, 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington^ D.C.^ January ^, 1961. 
Hon. Ralph Roberts, 
Clerh^ House of Representatives^ 
Was king 1 071, D.O. 

Dear Mr. Roberts : Pursuant to House Resolution 7, 86tli Congress, 
1st session, and by direction of the Committee on Un-American Activi- 
ties, I herewith transmit the annual report of this committee for the 
year 1960. 

Sincerely yours, 

Francis E. Walter, 
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities. 



Foreword 1 

Chapter I. Mob Violence as a Communist Weapon 3 

Chapter II. Hearings: 

Air Reserve Center Training Manual 37 

Communist Training Operations (Communist Activities and Propa- 
ganda Among Youth Groups), Parts 2 and 3 40 

Communist Espionage in the United States 51 

The Northern California District of the Communist Party : Structure — 

Objectives — Leadership, Parts 1-4 55 

Communist Activities Among Seamen and on Waterfront Facilities, 

Part 1 64 

Communist Penetration of Radio Facilities (Conelrad — Communica- 
tions), Part 1 70 

Testimony of Captain Nikolai Fedorovich Artamonov 73 

National Security Agency 75 

Chapter III. Reports: 

Communist Target — Youth: Communist Infiltration and Agitation 

Tactics 77 

The Communist-Led Riots Against the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities in San Francisco, Calif., May 12-14, 1960 82 

World Communist Movement: Selective Chronology 1818-1957, 

Vol. I, 1818-1945 88 

Facts on Communism: Vol II — The Soviet Union, From Lenin to 

Khrushchev 90 

Chapter IV. Consultations : 

The Crimes of Khrushchev, Part 5 95 

Mr. Joseph Pauco, Father Theodoric Joseph Zubek, Mr. Nuci 
Kotta, and Mr. Arshi Pipa 

The Crimes of Khrushchev, Part 6 98 

Mr. Rusi Nasar, Mr. Ergacsh Schermatoglu, Mr. Constant Mierlak, 
Dr. Vitaut Tumash, and Mr. Anton Shukeloyts 

The Crimes of Khrushchev, Part 7 100 

Mr. Guivy Zaldastani, Mr. George Nakashidse, Mr. Dimitar K. 
Petkoff, and Mrs. Catherine Boyan Choukanoff 

Lest We Forget ! : A Pictorial Summary of Communism in Action 103 

Mr. Klaus Samuli Gunnar Romppanen 

Soviet "Justice" : "Shovpplace" Prisons vs. Real Slave Labor Camps 104 

Mr. Adam Joseph Galinski 

Communist Economic Warfare 107 

Dr. Robert Loring Allen 

How the Chinese Reds Hoodwink Visiting Foreigners 110 

Mr. Robert Loh 

Chapter V. Publications 113 

Chapter VI. Reference Service 115 

Chapter VII. Contempt Proceedings 117 

Chapter VIII. Legislative Recommendations 121 

Index i 


Public Law 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946]; 60 Stat, 
812, which provides: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of 
America in Congress assembled, * * * 


Rule X 

« * * * * 41 # 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 


(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcom- 
mittee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shnll report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

* >K *  * * lie 

Rule XII 


Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the juris- 
diction of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent reports 
and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch of 
the Government. 



House Resolution 7, January 7, 1959 

• » * * * « * 

Rule X 


1, There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 

m ***** * 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 
« * * * * « « 

Rule XI 

****** i^ 

18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Com.mittee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to tim.e investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic oriT;in and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in an}^ necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recom.mendations as it deem.s advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deem.s necessary. Subpenas m.ay be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcom.mittee, or by any 
member designated by any such, and may be served by Siuy person 
designated by any such chairm_an or member. 

* * * * * >(« • * 

20. To as<=:ist the Houpe in appraising the r 'ministration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it m.ay deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the adm.inistrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is v. ithin Ihe jurisdiction of such com.mittee; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by 
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 



Events of the past year have provided convincing evidence that the 
American people cannot rely completely on this country's armed forces 
to protect themselves from Communist domination and slavery. This 
is not because our military forces lack the power or the will to defend 
this country, but rather because the nature of the attacks being made 
on the United States by its major and only significant enemy are so 
desi^ied as to render conventional military forces as ineffective as 
possible for defense purposes. 

The Armed Forces of the United States are trained and equipped to 
directly engage and defeat the military forces of this country's enemies 
on the field of battle, on the high seas, undersea, and in the air. They 
have no role or, at best, a relatively insignificant one in nonmilitary, 
imconventional, or political warfare. In these fields of warfare, it is 
the civilian government and population that must bear the major 
part of the burden of waging both defensive and offensive operations 
against the attacks of the enemy. 

In the foreword to the committee's "Annual Report for the Year 
1959" I stressed the fact that, though the vital importance of massive 
military strength must not be underrated, the most urgent need of the 
free world was thorough understanding of communism — its doctrine, 
designs, strategy, and tactics. It is my belief that this has been veri- 
fied by events of the past year. During this period it has been not so 
much military power, but rather knowledge of commmiism's greatly 
varied and effective methods of subversion — which knowledge makes 
possible preventive measures and plans of effective counterattack — 
that has been this country's most needed and important weapon. 

Rioting, mob violence, and other disturbances have registered sig- 
nificant gains for world communism and a corresponding weakening 
in the free world's position in Asia, Africa, and Latin America during 
the past few years. Civilian-clothed mobs were Moscow's weapon in 
these battles which, in many cases, resulted in Communist advances. 
Even if it had been the desire of the United States (which it surely 
was not) to intervene militarily on the side of stability, freedom, and 
the strengthening of resistance to Red tyranny in these incidents, it 
would have been politically impossible to do so. 

Communist power has grown on the home front, as well as in for- 
eign lands. The Communist Party has not only recruited additional 
members but many unwitting assistants. The number of Americans 
who will turn out today in support of an organization whose aim, in 
effect, is to strip the United States of its most powerful deterrent 
military weapon is highly disturbing. The number who, at Commu- 
nist instigation, have resorted to violence in an effort to prevent a 
committee of the Congress from conducting its proper business is 
equally disturbing. Such enemy forces — for they are that, whether 
they realize it or not — cannot be defeated with military weapons. 


The masters in the Kremlin, in attempting to circumvent conven- 
tional military forces as they have in recent years, have thrown a 
direct challenge to the Congress and every citizen of this country to 
come to the defense of the United States b}^ serving as combatants 
in this unconventional warfare. If they do not accept this challenge, 
this country will, on all fronts, suffer a series of defeats, such as it 
suffered on the international front during the past year. 

Not only knowledge of communism, but the will to meet it and 
defeat it on every issue, domestic and foreign, is today vital to the 
preservation of the United States as a free country. The Congress 
cannot "let the Executive do it" and the people cannot remain on 
the sidelines with the feeling that the Executive and the Congress 
alone can win their battles for them. This battle is being waged not 
only on the floor of the Congress, in the conference rooms of the 
State Department, and in foreign lands, but also on the streets of 
New York and St. Louis, in high schools and colleges throughout the 
country, in political campaigns, in the press — in practically every 
phase of American life. 

In the past, the American people have never backed away from a 
challenge to their continued existence as free men. Such challenges 
in the past, however, have been purely military in nature and rela- 
tively easy to perceive. The present challenge is disguised and pri- 
marily nonmilitary in nature. 

For this reason, it is a greater and more dangerous challenge than 
any the American people have faced before. It will require study, 
dedication, intelligence, patriotism — day-to-day good citizenship — on 
the part of millions of Americans to meet it successfully. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities in this Report for the 
Year 1960, presents some of the major aspects of this challenge and, 
through them, the basis for a sound approach for meeting it 

Francis E. Walter, Chairman, 



Rioting and mob violence took place in San Francisco last May 
during the course of committee hearings in that city. FBI Direc- 
tor J. Edgar Hoover, in a report prepared for and released by the 
committee/ stated that the U.S. Communist Party, Northern Cali- 
fornia District, had planned and precipitated the violence. 

Mr. Hoover's charge was denied by most of the non- Communists 
who took part in the rioting. Officially, the Communist Party main- 
tained a discreet silence on this subject. Unofficially, its West Coast 
mouthpiece, the People's World, adopted a typically Communist posi- 
tion on the matter. Using the big lie and "Stop thief !" technique, it 
charged that the House Committee on Un-American Activities and 
the San Francisco police were the parties responsible for the violence, 
while — in practically the same breath — it raised the question of Com- 
mmiist Party responsibility and indirectly admitted party guilt. 

As long ago as February 1957, howxver, many U.S. newspapers pub- 
lished accomits w^liich also seemed to contradict Mr. Hoover's charge. 
They reported that the U.S. Communist Party had rejected force and 
violence as a means of achieving its ends. One eastern metropolitan 
daily, for example, broke tliis "news" to its reading public under the 
following headline : 

"U.S. Reds Renounce Violence and Spying" 

The evidence presented in Mr. Hoover's report, however, as well as 
additional evidence the committee has obtained, is so overwhelming 
that there can be no doubt that the mob rioting in San Francisco was 
engineered by the Communist Party. 

The simple recitation of these facts, however, raises a number of 
questions : 

Has the U.S. Communist Party, as reported, actually rejected force 
and violence as a weapon ? 

If so, was the rioting in San Francisco a violation of official U.S. 
Communist Party doctrine and discipline ? 

If not, can the American people expect more Communist-instigated 
riots of this kind in the future ? 

1 "Communist Target — Youth : Communist Infiltration and Agitation Tactics," released 
by the Committee on Un-American Activities, July 18, 1960. 



Communist Fraudulent Rejection of Violence 

The constitution of the U.S. Communist Party, adopted at its 16th 
National Convention in February 1957, contains the following clause : 

Subject to the provisions of this Article, any member shall 
be expelled from the Party who * * ^ advocates force and 
violence or terrorism * * *. (Article VII, Section 2) 

The 1948 Communist Party constitution, which the 1957 constitu- 
tion superseded, contained a very similarly worded chiuse: 

Any member shall be expelled from the Party who * * * 
advocates force and violence or terrorism * * *. (Article 
VIII, Section 3) 

The 1948 constitution was an amendment of the constitution adopted 
by the party in 1945, which did not state that advocacy of force and 
violence would be punished by expulsion from the party. The 1945 
constitution, however, like the 1948 and 1957 constitutions, did call for 
the "immediate expulsion" of any member who adhered to, or par- 
ticipated in, the activities of any group "which conspires or acts to 
subvert, undermine, weaken or overthrow any or all institutions of 
American democracy." 

The fraudulent nature of these anti-violence and anti-conspiracy 
provisions in the 1945 and 1948 Communist Party constitutions has 
been thoroughly exposed by the United States Government. Since 
1949, 109 leaders of the Communist Party have been convicted under 
the Smith Act, in courts of original jurisdiction, for conspiring to advo- 
cate the overthrow of the United States Government by force and 
violence^ or for being knowing members of an organization advocat- 
ing such overthrow — all of them for acts committed since lOIfS. 

The inclusion of a "no force and violence" clause in the 1948 Com- 
munist Party constitution, following the absence of one in the 1945 
constitution, was clearly a window-dressing act inspired by ulterior 
motives on the part of the Communist Party. The 12 top leaders 
of the party had been indicted under the Smith Act on July 20, 1948. 
The party adopted its new constitution on August 6, 1948 — just 17 
days later. When the official party publication. The Worker, pub- 
lished the text of this new constitution on October 3, 1948, it appeared 
under the following headline : 

"This Document Refutes Frame-up of 'Twelve' " 

"Communist Party Constitution Gives Lie to Force and Violence 


Preceding the text of the new constitution w^as a statement which 
read, in part, as follov/s : 

This document shatters the lies and frame-up charges 
leveled against the Communists by the Truman administra- 
tion and the press, by Dewey and the Un-Americans. 

Every thinking American should read this basic Commu- 
nist document. And judge for himself. 

On its face, this was blatant self-serving party propaganda. Le- 
galistically, the adoption of the expulsion-for- violence provision was 


an attempt on the part of the party to create "documentary proof*' that 
could be used in the trial of its 12 top leaders to help them escape 
conviction for their crimes. 

This self-evident device failed. Twelve thinking Americans did 
read this basic Communist document, as the party requested, listened 
to the evidence presented in the trial of the "Twelve" — and found the 
12 guilty of conspiring to advocate violent overthrow of the United 
States Government. The jurors' verdict was upheld by the courts. 

Since that first trial involving members of the Communist Party's 
National Committee, hundreds of American jurors have read the 1948 
constitution of the Communist Party, listened to the evidence against 
98 additional Communist Party leaders, and found them guilty of ad- 
vocating violence — despite the previously quoted anti-violence pro- 
vision in the Communist Party constitution. 

Not one of the Communist Party leaders convicted under the Smith 
Act has been expelled from the party for believing in violence or for 
conspiratorial acts designed to promote the violent overthrow of this 

On the contrary, all of these leaders, through their convictions, 
have become party heroes and have had more honors and tributes 
heaped on them than they had ever received before. 

At the 1957 "anti-violence" and "anti-conspiracy" convention, 
twenty party leaders were elected to the Communist Party's new Na- 
tional Committee. Fifteen of the twenty — 75% of them — had been 
indicted under the Smith Act. One of the fifteen had escaped trial 
for reasons of health. The other fourteen had all been convicted in 
courts of original jurisdiction. Eight had served prison terms — and 
emerged unrepentant — following their convictions. The other six, 
as a result of Supreme Court decisions, had had their convictions 

These facts alone are evidence that no credence whatsoever can be 
placed in any Communist Party constitutional provision against belief 
in, or advocacy or use of, force and violence. 

^ No Communist Party leaders have been tried under the Smith Act 
since the adoption of the February 1957 Communist Party constitu- 
tion (the last Smith Act indictment was on May 29, 1956) but, on the 
basis of past and present evidence, there is every reason to believe 
that the 1957 Communist Party constitution is as fraudulent as those 
of 1948 and 1945 in "outlawing^" belief in, or use of, force and violence 
or participation in conspiratorial activity by party members. 

Wlien the Communist Party adopted its 1957 constitution, it was 
as anxious to deceive the American public about its real nature and 
beliefs as it had been in 1945 and 1948. In the 7 years that had passed 
since its last convention, the party had experienced one of the worst 
periods in its history. According to FBI statistics, the partv had lost 
approximately 35,000 members in this period, 3,000 of them in the last 

During this period, Smith Act trials had placed a significant number 
of the party's key leaders in prison and had thoroughly exposed the 
party itself as a conspiracy operating outside the law and in a com- 
pletely un-American fashion. The party's openly adopted position on 
the Korean War had branded it as a party of treason. The party had 
been forced to operate almost completely underground. It had also 
been torn by internal bickering and strife. 


Now — in 1957 — it was attempting a comeback. It believed condi- 
tions had changed sufficiently for it to come out into the open again, 
at least as far as holding a convention was concerned. 

It also realized, however, that if it was to make any progress toward 
recouping its losses, it had to make a tremendous effort to convince the 
American people that it had really changed, that it was no longer tied 
to Moscow's apron strings, and that it did not believe in using force 
and violence. Its primary aim — and need — was to put on a cloak of 
decency and respectability, to appear democratic, law-abiding, 100% 
American — and also, of course, to again provide itself with a legalistic, 
constitutional defense against further Smith Act prosecutions, par- 
ticularly since the same old tried and true, hard-core conspirators were 
still ruling the organization. 

It was for this reason that the anti-violence and anti-conspiracy pro- 
visions were inserted in the new 1957 constitution — along with pious- 
sounding, "thoroughly American" statements such as the following: 

We [Communists] advocate a peaceful, democratic road to 
socialism * * * within the developing constitutional process. 

The Communist Party * * * defends the United States 
Constitution and its Bill of Rights * * *. 

In the struggle for democracy, peace and social progress, 
the Communist Party strives to carry forward the democratic 
traditions * * *. 

Article II, Section 1, of the 1957 constitution declared: 

The purposes of this organization [the Communist Party] 
are: through the exercise of democratic and constitutional 
rights and participation in the electoral process and other 
forms of political activity, to promote the welfare of the 
working people of the United States * * *. 

Unfortunately for the cause of truth and freedom, various commu- 
nications media in the United States reported these professed declara- 
tions of Communist belief and aims to the public as genuine. 

The True Communist Doctrine on Force and Violence 

The official — and real — Communist Party position on the question 
of force and violence has been stated hundreds of times by top party 
officials and theorists in all parts of the world. The last major occasion 
on which it was pronounced openly and forcefully by the high mogul 
of world communism, Nikita S. Khrushchev, was at the spectacular 
20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, held in Moscow in 
February 1956. 

It was the Soviet dictator's self-serving, knife-in-the-back attack on 
the dead Stalin at this congress which made the big headlines and 
caused endless discussion in the non- Communist world. But it was 
actually Khrushchev's pronouncements on fundamental Communist 
doctrines and policies — which were for the most part ignored or er- 
roneously reported in the United States — that held most significance 
for non-Communist nations. 

Speaking on the question of force and violence in his February 14 
address to that congress, Khrushchev laid down a line in reference to 


the United States that was actually tougher than some previous Com- 
munist teachings. He stated : 

The enemies are fond of depicting us, Leninists, as sup- 
porters of violence always and in all circumstances. It is 
true that we recognize the necessity for the revolutionary 
trans fonnation of capitalist society into Socialist society. 

This is what distinguishes revolutionary Marxists from re- 
formists and opportunists. There is not a shadow of doubt 
that for a number of capitalist countries the overthrow^ of the 
bourgeois dictatorship hy force and the connected sharp ag- 
gravation of class struggle is inevitable. * * * 

Leninism teaches us that the ruling classes will not relin- 
quish power of their own free will. 

* * * the use or not of force in the transition to socialism, 
depends not so much on the proletariat as on the extent of the 
resistance put up by the exploiters, and on the employment of 
violence by the exploiting class itself * * *. 

Of course, in countries where capitalism is still strong and 
where it controls an enormous military and police machine, 
the seHou^ resistance of the reactionary forces is inevitable. 

Then the transition to socialism w^ill proceed a'tnid condi- 
tions of an acute class revolutionary sti'uggle.^ (Emphasis 
added. ) 

For years Communist propagandists have made it clear that in 
Moscow's view the United States of Am.erica is, in today's world, the 
prime example of a nation "where capitalism is still strong and where 
it controls an enormous military and police machine." Khrushchev's 
doctrine, therefore, is that "there is not a shadow of doubt" but that 
the Communists can seize power in the U.S. only "amid conditions of 
an acute class revolutionary struggle," i.e., by force and violence as 
opposed to peaceful means. 

This is, in a sense, a reversal of one of Marx's teachings. In 1872, 
speaking on the methods b}^ which Communists could achieve control 
in different nations, Marx said — 

the institutions, customs, and traditions of the separate coun- 
tries have to be taken into account ; and we do not deny that 
there are countries like America and Britain * * * in which 
the workers can achieve their goal by peaceful means. 

Marx believed, and taught, that though Communists would have to 
use force and violence to gain control in most countries, there was a 
good chance that they would be able to gain power in the U.S. by 
peaceful means. 

Khrushchev now states ver}^ much the opposite — that the Commu- 
nists may succeed in seizing power peacefully in some other countries 
but that there is no chance of doing so in the U.S. where "the serious 
resistance of the reactionary forces is inevitable" and "an acute class 
revolutionary struggle" is, therefore, also inevitable. 

^ Difficult as it is to believe after reading these words, many accounts of Khrushchev's 
speech reported that, because he had also mentioned the posftihility of Communists seizing 
power by peaceful means in some countries, he had rejected force and violence as a means 
of conquest. 


In 1948, this committee published a 160-page "Report on the 
Communist Party of the United States as an Advocate of Overthrow 
of Government by Force and Violence." This report, containing 
scores of quotations from the Communist classics, from the statements 
of Soviet and U.S. Communist Party leaders, and from Communist 
publications in all parts of the world proved conclusively that belief 
in, and advocacy of, force and violence were integral parts of the 
Communist ideology. 

The 1960 Moscow Manifesto 

In November 1960 representatives of 81 Communist parties from 
every quarter of the globe met in Moscow for a high-level conference 
that lasted several weeks. At its conclusion, a 20,000- word manifesto 
on Communist doctrine, strategy, and tactics was issued. According 
to its own statement, this manifesto is binding on all Coinmunist par- 
ties. The manifesto openly stated the Communists' belief in violence 
as a means of seizing power : 

The forms and course of development of the Socialist revo- 
lution will depend on . . . the extent of the resistance put 
up by the ruling classes. * * * 

Today in a number of capitalist countries the working 
class, headed by its vanguard [the Communist Party], has 
the opportunity . . . to . . . win state power without civil 
war * * *. 

All this will be possible only by broad and ceaseless de- 
velopment of the class struggle * * * . 

In the event of the exploiting classes' resorting to vio- 
lence . . . the possibility of non-peaceful transition to social- 
ism should be borne in mind. Leninism teaches^ and experi- 
ence confirms^ that the ruling classes n^ver relinqmsh poioer 
volym,tarily. In this case the degree of bitterness and the 
forms of the class struggle will depend ... on the resistance 
put up by the reactionary circles ... on these circles using 
force * * *. (Emphasis added.) 

Stripped of its Communist Aesopian language or double talk and 
translated realistically into everyday English, the above quotation — 
the latest official statement of the Communist doctrine on force and 
violence, binding on the U.S. Communist Party — would read as 
follows : 

We Communists may be able to seize power in some countries 
by nonviolent means. Leninism teaches us, however — and 
history confirms this — that, even when the Communist mi- 
nority demands it, non-Communist peoples will never accept 
Communist slavery without resistance. In such cases, we 
will have to use force and violence to impose communism on 

The U.S. Communist Party Line 

Since the 1948 Smith Act indictment of its leaders, for reasons that 
are readily understandable, the Communist Party in the U.S. has 
soft-pedaled its force- and- violence doctrine. At the same time how- 
ever — particularly in the last year or so — it has gone as far as it dare 


go in openly reminding members of the conspiracy that force and 
violence is a weapon they must be prepared to use. 

Some examples : 

The conspiracy's monthly publication, Political Affairs, in its issue 
of June 1960, published an article entitled "Recovery After the Anti- 
Revisionist Struggle." ^ This article was actually the text of a contri- 
bution made by party leader James S. Allen to a discussion held by the 
party's National Connnittee at a meeting in Chicago last March. 

Allen rejoiced in this article that "the latest revisionist attack 
inside the Party has been defeated." He said that, with changed con- 
ditions, there was a need to overcome "the indecisions and fears" 
which had recently kept the party from moving boldly forward. 

Allen denounced as the kernel of wrong thinking within the party 
in the postwar era the erroneous revisionist idea, rejected by the 
part}", that — 

extended peaceful co-existence would mean the suspension of 
the class struggle on a world scale and at home. 

He declaimed against the argument of the revisionists that — 

since peace is assured by the basic shift in world relations, 
we can now have an evolution to socialism through the col- 
laboration of classes within the country and on a world 
scale. * * * 

If we were to follow the advice of rightists we would take a 
permanent vacation from the class struggle * * *. 

He next made reference to the views of the left deviationists within 
the Communist movement and what was wrong with them. He then 
summarized his criticism of both the right and left deviationists in 
the following words : 

Both see the turn [toward Communist victory in world af- 
fairs] as practically finished, and they also see it as pure — 
without the conflicts, struggles and contradictions m the 
situation. The 17th Convention rejected this lopsided inter- 

He asserted that the Marxist-Leninist laws which make peaceful 
coexistence possible today — 

are expressed in class and social struggles * * * are not 
cancelled out by peaceful relations among governments * * * 
history still moves forward through the contradiction and 
conflict of class and social forces. 

Therefore, the revisionists were incorrect when they held 
that * * * the fight for peace required policies directed to- 
ward class collaboration. The party is entirely correct * * * 
in recognizing as characteristic of this period in our country 
the groioing acuteness of the class struggle. (Emphasis 

The "class struggle," in Commimist parlance, means the Com- 
munists' unending fight to impose their dictatorship, using all kinds 

^ "Revisionism," In Communist jargon, means deviation from correct policy or doctrine 
along rightist, conservative or "soft" lines. 

63570—61 2 


of weapons, violent and nonviolent — everything from a speech or the 
distribution of a pamphlet to an armed uprising. 

Wlien Khrushchev spoke of an "acute class revolutionary struggle" 
in his 20th Congress speech, however, he was making a clear-cut, if 
somewhat veiled, reference to force and violence — armed revolution. 

Though Allen did not use the phrase "force and violence" once in 
his article quoted above, his statement that the present period in the 
United States is one of "growing acuteness of the class struggle," 
taken in its over-all context, is an indication that, in the present period. 
Communists are to use their more violent forms of struggle against 
the Government. 

It is significant that Allen made his remarks emphasizing the 
"growing acuteness of the class struggle" to a meeting of the National 
Committee of the Communist Party in March 1960, that the Commu- 
nist-instigated violence in San Francisco took place just 2 months 
later, and that party boss Gus Hall subsequently congratulated the 
California party members for the good job they had done in staging 
the riot.^ 

In its issue of October 1960, Political Affairs followed up Allen's 
somewhat veiled references to the force- and- violence doctrine by re- 
printing an article written by two Soviet theoreticians, F. Konstanti- 
nov and K. Momdzhan, which had been published in the "Kommunist" 
(Moscow) in July 1960. The article was entitled "Dialectics and Our 
Time." In it the two Soviet theoreticians touched much more openly 
on the question of force and violence. For this reason, the re-publica- 
tion of their article in a U.S. Communist Party periodical is particu- 
larly significant. Excerpts from the article follow : 

One of the most important questions agitating mankind 
today is the question of the ways and forms of transition 
from capitalism to socialism. ... But what are the forms of 
transition from capitalism to socialism in our time? Is this 
transition connected in all cases with armed insurrection and 
civil war? * * === 

"The forms of transition from capitalism to socialism in 
different countries may vary," says the Declaration of the 
Communist and Workers' Parties * * *. 

"In the existing situation, in some of the capitalist coun- 
tries the working class headed by its foremost detachment 
has the possibility of . . . conquering state power without 
civil war * * *." 

At the same time it should he emphasised that the theses 
of the Twentieth Congress of the C.P.S.U. and the Declara- 
tion of the Communist and Workers' Parties on the forms 
of transition of different countries to socialism did not pro- 
claim a peaceful transition as the only possibility. On the 
contrary, the Congress noted that in some capitalist countries^ 
where the m^ilitary and police apparatus of the monopolistic 
hourgeoisie is strong^ it is necessary to be prepared for at- 
tempts on the part of the latter to suppress the will of the 
people by force and thus compel them to resort to the sharpest 
forms of the class struggle. * * * 

* See p. 9 of report "Communist Target — ^Youtb." 


And SO, the working class and its parties should acquire 
command of all the means and fonjis of struggle. (Empha- 
sis added.) 

The appearance of this article in Political Affairs was a clear-cut 
directive to U.S. party members that they particularly must become 
expert in, and be prepared to use, force and violence, "the sharpest 
forms of the class struggle." 

According to testimony of fonner high-ranking Communist Party 
leaders, the party press is used in various ways as a directive for mem- 
bers of the conspiracy. Not only editorials but feature articles and 
so-called straight news accounts are utilized by the party to convey 
to its members the line, strategy, and tactics that are to be used in 
any given period or situation. 

An analysis of the U.S. Communist Party press reveals that, in this 
respect, it has frequently reminded its members of the force-and- 
violence doctrine in the past year by providing them with many 
models to emulate. 

E.g., Fidel Castro seized power and established a Communist-con- 
trolled government in Cuba by armed revolution. The U.S. Com- 
munist press has devoted more space to the Red Cuban revolution than 
to any other foreign development during the past year or so. Its 
treatment of Castro, his lieutenants, and the revolution has been con- 
sistently laudatory. Two examples will suffice to show the mamier in 
which the party has used the Cuban revolution to convey to its mem- 
bers an approving message on the use of force and violence : 

1. The Worker of August 14, 1960, gave three-column coverage to 
the address which Major Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the fiery Cuban 
Commmiist leader, had delivered to the Latin American Youth Con- 
gress in Havana on July 26. "Che" Guevara closed this address. The 
Worker noted, by saying that Cuba would be very happy if every 
delegate to the Youth Congress, upon returning to his country, would 
say : 

Here we are, the word is coming to us fresh from the Cuban 
forests . . . We went up to the Sierra Maestra, we saw the 
dawn of better days and we have in our minds and our hands 
the seeds of the dawn and we are ready to sow them in our 

'2. The United States Communist Party sent an official delegation 
to the 8th National Assembly of the Popular Socialist (Communist) 
Party of Cuba which was held in Havana, August 16-21, 1960. The 
delegation was headed by James E. Jackson, a member of the party's 
National Secretariat. 

Both The Worker of September 11 and the September 1960 issue 
of Political Affairs published the full text of the speech Jackson 
delivered at the gathering of Cuban Communists. In it he brought 
"hearty congratulations" from the U.S. Communist Party and praised 
the Cuban Popular Socialist Party (PSP) as "the party of selfless 
loyalty and exemplary service to the people's revolutionary cause." 
He referred to the "glorious achievements of the Cuban revolution" 
and said that the U.S. Communist Party — 

is inspired by the great work of the heroic PSP * * *. In 
theory and in practice it is blazing new trails * * *. 


You can be sure, comrades, that the Communist Party of 
the United States will f uUfill its obligations of international 
solidarity with the Cuban revolution, overcoming all difficul- 
ties that may be raised against us, come what may! * * * 

Long live the Popular Socialist Party wliich lives by, and 
carries forward, the all-conquering banner of Marxism — 
Leninism ! 

During the past year, the world has been torn by Communist-led 
and Commimist-instigated violence and riots in which many persons 
have been killed and injured. They have taken place in Mexico, Vene- 
zuela, France, Turkey, Morocco, Italy, Japan, Guatemala, Uruguay, 
Algeria, and numerous other comitries. Both the U.S. Communist 
and Soviet press have endorsed these violent demonstrations in in- 
stance after instance. 

Earlier tliis year the Communist Party of Italy called for demon- 
strations in some 500 cities to protest U.S. military bases in that 
country. A number of people were killed and many injured in the 
course of the rioting associated with these demonstrations. After this 
had happened, the official U.S. Communist Party newspaper. The 
Worker, featured an interview with Luigi Longo, vice-secretary 
of the Italian Commmiist Party. In answering a question about 
the Italian Communist Party's "Italian road to socialism" for the 
U.S. Communists, Longo claimed the Italian party hoped to achieve 
power peacefully, but then said : 

Of course, we do not exclude that this perspective of demo- 
cratic development may be opposed or even prevented by 
violent acts of the most reactionary groups of the Italian 
bourgeoisie. We believe, however, that any attempt in this 
sense can be avoided if we will be able to create a wide al- 
liance of popular forces capable of fighting our adversaries 
also by force, whenever they would resort to this attempt. 

Armando Penha was an FBI undercover informant in the Com- 
munist Party from early 1950 until the spring of 1958. During this 
period he held key posts in the party — member of its National Textile 
Commission, section organizer, chairman of Regional Section Or- 
ganizers Committee, party area chairman, and member of the New 
England District Committee of the Communist Party. Testifying 
before this committee on March 18, 1958, on the basis of his experience 
in the party, Penha stated : 

By and large the Communist Party knows — and I am 
speaking from experiences as resulted from top meetings that 
have been told to me — that the Communist Party will never at 
any given moment be able to convert the American public at 
large. Tliey realize that. The only way is to make use of the 
tools that Lenin has handed down, mainly force and violence. 

In a subsequent appearance before the committee on July 29, 1958, 
Penha testified as follows concerning the Communist Party's move 
underground in 1950 — 

the party, by going underground, has been a party of hard- 
core, zealous, dedicated Communists, who have been trained 
for the ultimate purpose of the overthrow of this Govern- 


Communist Reaction to the San Francisco Riots 

As previously mentioned, the Communist Party blamed the rioting 
in San Francisco on the Committee on Un-American Activities and 
the police of that city. The West Coast Communist Party newspaper, 
the People's World, featured a front-page editorial on the riots in its 
issue of May 21, 1960, wliich was entitled "From Blackmail to Black- 
jack.'' The editorial stated: 

The very arrival of the Committee was a deliberate provo- 
cation, an invitation to violence. It is of the essence of the 
Committee's operation that if it cannot dictate conformity 
with blackmail and the blacklist, then it will invoke the 
blackjack. * * * the police were acting as the violent armed 
agents of a committee that seeks to destroy * * * freedoms. 

Touching on the charge of Communist instigation of the violence 
that broke out during the committee hearings, it stated : 

"But who inspired the students ?" it is asked. And in some 
quarters there is the insinuation that they were inspired in 
some sinister mamier by Communists. 

A^^iatever the Communist Party might have contributed 
to "inspiring'' student opposition to the Un-American Com- 
mittee it was only a small part of the vast upswell of 

Significantly, the People's W^orld, though it had here provided 
itself with an opportunity to do so, did not flatly deny that the rioting 
students had been "inspired" by the Communist Party. On the con- 
trary, it attempted to defend their resort to violence by proclaiming : 

They Avere rightly incensed when they found themselves ex- 
cluded from the hearing room * * *. 

The following week, Michael Gold devoted his regular colimm in 
the PeojDle's World to the subject of youth and its increasing par- 
ticipation in political activity in all parts of the v^orld. He hailed 
the students of Korea whose rioting had brought about the downfall 
of President Syngman Rhee. In writing of the youthful rioters in 
San Francisco, he spoke of "the good will, the intelligence and public 
spirit of these youngsters" and their "great-hearted demonstration." 
In the closing sentence of his column. Gold openly expressed his ap- 
proval of the rioters with these words : 

Now one could be sure of the future here. The "silent gen- 
eration" was at last taking its rightful place in the vanguard 
of progress. 

The San Francisco rioters also won the praise of Mason Roberson, 
another columnist for the party's official West Coast newspaper. His 
June 25, 1960, column was entitled " 'Quiet' Youth Silent No More." 
Referring to the students who would be completing their college 
educations during the current month — the "Class of 1960" — Roberson 
wrote : 

What a record these young people have made ! In a few 
brief months they've shaken • and inspired the world with 


examples of struggles against injustice and the follies of their 
parents to warm the hearts of everyone who harbors hope for 
a better world. 

On a thousand campuses, in half a hundred countries, 
sometimes alone, often with the people many of whom had 
never seen the inside of a classroom, the voices rose. 

IN SAN FRANCISCO, they routed the Un-American Commit- 
tee — a story too familiar to need further comment here. But 
that was only one wave in the storm. * * * 

And the spirit seems contagious. The rising tide of activ- 
ity among American students is only part of a campaign 
sweeping the world. * * * 

There's a great new wind blowing through the schoolrooms. 
And it is full of hope for all mankind. 

Revealingly, both Gold and Roberson tied the San Francisco riots 
in with the pattern of Communist-inspired riots which had recently 
taken place in many other countries of the world. 

The Communist Party revealed its attitude toward the San Fran- 
cisco rioters even in the so-called news items published in its press. 
The People's World of June 4, 1960, in an article about the Committee 
on Un-American Activities, referred with obvious approval to the San 
Francisco riots as "the latest — and, to date, most convincing — rebuff 
handed" to the committee. It also spoke approvingly of the rioters' 
"open mass defiance" of the committee during the hearings. 

The same newspaper, in its issue of June 11, published a letter from 
one of its readers which stated, in part : 

Let us not regret that the House Un-American Committee 
met an unprecedented protest demonstration in our city. Let 
us not regret that the ranks of the demonstrators were swelled 
each day * * * by additional thousands of indignant Bay 
Area citizens, students and adults. Let us rather feel pro- 
found pride that the great American traditions of human 
dignity and human rights have found such confident, militant 
and peaceful [sic] expression in San Francisco. 

"Campus rebels: test under fire" was the headline spread across 
the top of page one of the October 15 issue of People's World. A 
youth survey story written by party leader Al Kichmond appeared 
imder it. Richmond wrote at some length on the "morality" of the 
student rioters, said that when the police turned the fire hoses on 
them they had "performed a baptismal service," and referred approv- 
ingly to the old radical belief "about the educational value that lies 
at the end of a policeman's club." 

The Worker of September 11, 1960, featured an interview with 
the Honorary Chairman of the Communist Party, William Z. Foster. 
Art Shields, one of the paper's regular correspondents, wrote that he 
and Michael Gold had recently visited Foster at his country home. 
The following excerpts from the Shields-Gold interview with Foster 
are further indications of the Communist Party's approval of mob 
violence — here in the United States — as a weapon for achieving its 

And he [Foster] laughed gaily when he saw Mike. They 
had not met since Mike went West four years ago. And Mike 
was back with good news. 


mike's good news 

Mike's good news was about the youth in San Fran- 
cisco. * * * They seemed to have no political interests a year 
or two ago. But now they are active in every mass struggle. 

And jVIike told how San Francisco's youths overwhelmed 
the witchhunters of the Un-American Activities Committee in 
three days of stirring demonstrations this spring. * * * 

This was music to Bill. Pie always tried to get young folks 
around him as a * * * Communist leader. 

Such public statements in the official press of the Communist Party 
convey a much more accurate picture of the Communist A'iew of force 
and violence than does the party constitution. They can leave no 
doubt in the mind of any reasonable person but that the U.S. Com- 
munist Party thoroughly approves of the mob violence its California 
agents instigated in San Francisco last May. 

More Approval 

On June 3, 1960, there was a meeting of an organization called the 
Youth Against the House Un-American Activities Committee ^ in the 
Woodstock Hotel, New York City. The purpose of the meeting was 
to protest and arouse opposition to this committee's forthcoming hear- 
ings on Communist infiltration of waterfront facilities and seamen's 
groups which were held in Washington on June 6, 7, 8, and 23, 1960. 

The principal speaker at this affair was Frank Wilkinson, an iden- 
tified member of the Communist Party who for the past several years 
has been serving as the conspiracy's chief field agent in its drive to 
bring about the abolition of this committee. Wilkinson, in his speech, 
allegedly gave his youthful audience a true picture of what happened 
in San Francisco. He praised and defended the student rioters. At 
one point in his speech he made the following statement : 

Well, these kids knew they were right, so that they sat down 
right at the top of the stairs, locked arms and sang "We Shall 
Not Be Moved!" 2 [Applause.] * * * They were there, and 
they did what they did to show that they didn't want the 
Committee and that they wouldn't be intimidated by either 
the police or the committee. [Applause.] 

Another speaker at this meeting was Peter Goodman, who had been 
barred from serving as a seaman as a result of the Coast Guard secu- 
rity screening program. Goodman, subpenaed to testify before the 
committee in the hearings this meeting was called to protest — and iden- 
tified as a member of the Communist Party in those hearings — invoked 
the fifth amendment on party membership and other matters when 
he testified several days later. In his address to the young people 

^ Subsequently cited by the committee as a Communist front. See p. 51 of this report. 
This organization has since changed its name to "Youth to Abolish the House Un-Ameri- 
can Activities Committee" and, more recently, to "Youth to Abolish Un-American Com- 

2 The -words and music of this song, which was used extensively by sitdown strikers in 
the 1930's, appeared in "Songs of the People," a song book published by the Communist 
Party in that period. The third stanza reads : 

Lenin is our leader, 

We shall not be moved. 


at the meeting in the Woodstock Hotel, he made the following state- 
ment : 

Congressman Walter will be a little better educated after 
next week is over. I have an idea that he's going to be a little 
sorry he called us, although after hearing what took place in 
San Francisco — with tongue in cheek — may we do as well. 

A Miss Miller, who also spoke at the meeting and made the collec- 
tion pitch, told her listeners at one point : 

Wlien the House Un-American Activities Committee comes 
to New York, we have an obligation to at least show to San 
Francisco that we can do not as well, but 10 times as well, 
as they did. [Applause.] 

At one point in her collection speech, she urged everyone in the 
audience to make some contribution — 

because we have to make sure we give 'em hell when they come 
to New York. [Applause.] 

On May 26, 1960, Anthony Krchmarek appeared before the com- 
mittee to testify under subpena. Krclmiarek is a member of the 
party's National Committee and chairman of the Ohio Communist 
Party. The committee called him as a witness because, sometime 
earlier, Lt. Col. Frantisek Tisler, former military attache of the Czech 
Embassy in Washington, D.C., after defecting from that post, had 
testified that Krchmarek had met with, and supplied information to, 
staff members of the Czech Embassy on many occasions and had also 
turned over information to the Czech ambassador. The Czech Em- 
bassy, in turn, Tisler had testified, had supplied money to Krchmarek 
for travel expenses and also to aid in his defense when he was tried 
under the Smith Act in 1955-56.^ 

Krchmarek, in citing a number of reasons why he would not answer 
many questions for the committee, gave the following as one of them : 

I think that the kind of a reception that the committee 
got in San Francisco is an indication of how the American 
people are beginning to feel and to react to the work of this 

These statements made by officials, rank-and-file members of the 
Communist Party and fellow travelers, like the previously quoted 
statements from the Communist press, are conclusive evidence that the 
Communist Party endorsed and rejoiced at the mob violence which 
took place in San Francisco. 

More Communist-Led Riots in the Future? 

It is clear from the foregoing that the Communist Party has not 
rejected force and violence as a weapon in its drive to establish a 
Communist government in the United States. It is also clear that 
the rioting in San Francisco, planned and set off by the Communist 
Party — as J. Edgar Hoover has repeatedly stated — was not a violation 
of Communist Party doctrine p.nd discipline, but that, on the contrary, 
it has the wholehearted approval of the party. 

^ See pp. 51—53 for a more detailed synopsis of Tisler's testimony. 


Now we come to the third question — that of whether or not more 
rioting of this type will take place in the United States in the 
immediate future. 

There is no certain or simple answer to this question. It depends 
entirely on the advisability of violence in the United States froTn the 
Communist viewpoint. 

Communists are trained, as military commanders are, to analyze all 
situations carefully before deciding just which weapons and tactics 
they will use in any given situation, at any given time, and in any 
given place. 

Like military personnel, they are given a variety of weapons and 
tactics; trained in the use of each one of them; impressed with the 
idea that all are not to be used at once and that each has a special 
application; taught that they must be able to switch rapidly from 
the use of one weapon or tactic to another of an entirely different type;; 
and indoctrinated with the idea that changing situations — on the 
international, national, and local level — call for changes in tactics and 

In 1920, Lenin wrote : 

It is our duty as Communists to master all forms, to learn 
how to supplement with the maximum rapidity one form 
with another, to substitute one for another, and to adapt our 
tactics to every change that is called forth by something 
other than our class, or our efforts. 

Stalin, in 1923, said : 

The strategy of the Party is not something permanent, fixed 
once and for all. It changes to meet historical shifts, histori- 
cal turns . . . Naturally a strategic plan suitable for one 
historical period, possessing its peculiarities, cannot suit an- 
other historical period, possessing totally different peculiari- 
ties. Every historical turn has its strategic plan which cor- 
responds to its requirements and is adapted to its tasks. 

Again, in 1928, he wrote : 

The art of Bolshevik policy does not consist in any way in 
shooting indiscriminately from all cannon on all fronts, with- 
out taking into account the conditions of the time and place, 
without taking into account the readiness of the masses to 
support these or those steps of the leadership. The art of 
Bolshevik policy lies in the ability to choose the time and 
place and to take into consideration all the circumstances in 
the matter, so as to concentrate the fire on that front where 
it is possible first of all to obtain maximum results. 

During a certain period, in a given country, should Communists 
openly defy law and order, or assume a guise of being completely 

On the international level, should Moscow negotiate a "difference" 
with another nation or group of nations, or use force, blackmail, or 
some other weapon to resolve it? 

Should Communists strike a particular plant, or a whole industry ? 

Should the strike be of short, or of long duration ? 

Should it be a sit-down strike, an orderly strike, or one marked by 
violence ? 


The Communists answer all such questions on the basis of strategy 
and tactics geared to the existing situation. Throughout their train- 
ing they are indoctrinated with the idea that they are in a kind of 
perpetual combat, fighting endless day-by-day battles with related 
victories, stalemates, or defeats and that they should wage each battle 
and their over-all campaign as a military commander does — by care- 
fully analyzing all factors affecting their struggle before deciding on 
a policy and plan of battle. 

William Z. Foster, leader of the U.S. Communist Party for many 
years, provided a good example of this type of indoctrination when 
he wrote in the foreword of his 1926 booklet "Strike Strategy" : 

Strike strategy varies widely from country to country and 
period to period. Its specific character depends upon the de- 
gree of economic development and of the sharpness of the class 
struggle in a given situation. The strike strategy necessary 
in a country in a revolutionary crisis differs very materially 
from that required in one with a flourishing and expanding 

After predicting that conditions in the United States would change 
greatly and that the Nation would be hit with serious economic crises 
that would turn the workers against capitalism, Foster continued : 

In the bitter struggles of that inevitable era the strike strategy 
will have to be quite different from and will be based upon a 
far more militant offensive than that possible in the workers' 
fight today. 

In the previously quoted article "Dialectics and Our Time," the two 
Soviet theoreticians, F. Konstantinov and K. Momdzhan, emphasized 
the importance of tactics and fitting the weapon used to prevailing 
conditions. After telling the U.S. Communists and Communists in all 
parts of the world that they must "acquire command of all the means 
and forms of struggle," they went on to say : 

As for the specific means to be used, that depends upon the 
concrete conditions of struggle in each capitalist country. 
That is whix materialist dialectics teaches us, in its applica- 
tion to the strategy and tactics of the struggle for socialism. 

The question of Communist-instigated mob violence and rioting in 
the United States in the immediate future will be determined by the 
Communists' estimate of whether present tactical conditions call for 
the use of this weapon or of nonviolent methods. 

There is considerable evidence that, in the United States, as well 
as on a world scale, the Communists feel that the present tactical situa- 
tion calls for increased utilization of rioting and mob violence. A 
brief summary of party policy on mob violence in this country, in 
the light of varying tactical situations which have existed during the 
period from the end of World War II to the present time, will be help- 
ful in understanding why, from the Communist view, the present situa- 
tion calls for mob actions. 


The 1935 Line— And 1960 Action 

The true Communist attitude toward mob violence was spelled out 
clearly years ago, when the party was much more open and honest in 
speaking about the weapons it was prepared to use to achieve its 

In 1935, the U.S. Communist Party published a 72-page booklet 
entitled "Why Communism?-' by M. J. Olgin, a member of the 
party^s Central Committee. This booklet was used as a text in Com- 
munist Party schools, sold by the thousands in Communist book 
stores throughout the country, and used for study and indoctrina- 
tion in party clubs and cell meetings. 

In this pamphlet Olgin told the Communists that in the final revo- 
lution they must win the support of the armed forces — 

a revolution cannot win unless the armed forces, or at least 
fart of them^ join the w^orkers. But once they join, the 
workers have not only rifles and cannon but also airships and 
poison gas and battleships to fight the bosses. * * * There is 
no reason why the Avorkers should not use them against the 
enemy when the final conflict has arrived. 

Under the immediately following subhead in his booklet, "The 
Question of Force and Violence," Olgin went on to say : 

"But this is force and violence," somebody will contend. 
"Don't you Communists know that the use of force and vio- 
lence is wrong?" We reply to this, first, that if being a 
"red-blooded American" means anything, it means that you 
must not take punishment lying down, that you must offer 
resistance * * *. When you go out on a demonstration in 
the Ofen in front of a governmental office and the govern- 
ment sends the folice and armed thugs to heat you up and dis- 
perse you^ it is the government that is using force, * * * To 
defy boss restrictions, to resist the attacks of the enemy class 
is just as natural for the working class as it is for a red- 
blooded human being not to take punishment lying 
down. * * * f 

We Communists say the w^orkers camiot have respect for 
boss law and boss morality directed against them. The class 
interests of the working class — these are the su^^reme law for 
the workers. * * * 

When you fight capitalism you are doing what is right 
and just and lawful from the point of view of .your class 
interests and of the future of humanity. You are not "out- 
laws" the way the capitalist world brands revolutionary 
fighters. You are fighting for a higher morality and a high- 
er law that will forever abolish exploitation — the morality 
and the law of the social revolution. (Emphasis added.) 

The very same line expounded by Olgin in 1935 in the above pas- 
sage was expounded in 1960 by the People's World, the West Coast 
voice of the Communist Party, in regard to the San Francisco riots. 


A few pages farther on in his pamphlet, Olgin made a statement 
which described not only what the Commmiist Party was doing in 
his day, but also what it was to do 25 years later — in the city of 
San Francisco, on May 13, 1960 : 

The Communist Party is active directly as an organization 
and indirectly through its members within other organiza- 
tions. The Communist Party leads apolitical as well as eco- 
nomic struggles * * * the fight against governmental ter- 
ror [sic!] * * *. These fights are conducted through litera- 
ture, through mass meetings, through demonstrations^ and^ 
when occasion demands^ through open mass comhat with the 
police in the streets. (Emphasis added.) 

The Post World War II Era 

In the immediate post World War II period, as a result of the war- 
time alliance between the United States and the U.S.S.R. against Hit- 
ler, the Soviet Union enjoyed an all-time high in prestige as far as the 
United States was concerned. This prestige rubbed off on the U.S. 
Communist Party because the people of this country — despite the dis- 
solution of the Comintern in 1943, which allegedly marked the end 
of Moscow's control of national Communist parties — instinctively, and 
correctly, associated American Communists with the Kremlin. 

The Communist Party itself was in good condition and had power 
far greater than its formal membership Would indicate. 

Television had not yet come into its own but, via the medium of 
radio. Communist agents were peddling the party line to millions of 
listeners as news commenators and analysts, and Communist radio 
writers were working the party line into dramatic shows and "docu- 

Conmiunists and fellow travelers were turning out large numbers 
of books on international affairs, many of which were being favorably 
reviewed in the most influential book review media and thus finding 
their way into numerous libraries and achieving best-seller status. 

The theater, too, through the activities of certain Communist and 
fellow-traveling playwrights, lyricists, producers, and directors, was 
being used as a propaganda medium for the party line. 

As later investigations were to reveal, the Hollywood film industry 
had been infiltrated by some three to four hundred party members 
who were actors, actresses, producers, directors, and film writers. 
Through the Conference of Studio Unions, the party almost succeeded 
in gaining control of the organized technicians in the film industry. 

In the field of organized labor, the party had its "Mr. Big" — Lee 
Pressman — as general counsel of the CIO. Other members held key 
positions on the staff of the CIO News and used this paper, which 
went into the millions of workers' homes, for the spread of Commu- 
nist propaganda. The party controlled a dozen key CIO unions, used 
their organs to spread pro-Communist propaganda, and had exten- 
sively infiltrated others. It had also succeeded to a lesser degree in 
infiltrating and influencing some AFL and independent unions. 

The party also had its agents in Government, although the extent 
of this infiltration was not even faintly appreciated by the American 
public. (Under President Truman's loyal t}^ program, during the 5- 
year period December 1947 to early 1953, 560 persons were dismissed 


from Federal positions or denied employment, and an additional 6,828 
persons who were under investigation either resigned their posts or 
withdrew their applications for employment with the Government.) 

In smnmary, without going into further detail, the Commmiist 
Party was well entrenched in many of the major walks of life in this 
coimtiy. Through its secret agents it exercised great influence and 
power. To a considerable extent, it also was getting its own way. 

During the first few years that followed the end of World War II, 
there were no Communist-led riots in the U.S. Tactically, they would 
have been wrong and foolish in view of existing conditions. The 
wisest policy for the party to follow during this period was to avoid 
any action that would tend to awaken the public to the true aims of 
the party, the extent of its power, and the success of its infiltration 
tactics — and thus arouse opposition to itself. 

The Tide Begins to Turn 

The years 1948-50 brought a great change in the fortunes of the 
U.S. Communist Party, a change effected by a number of factors. 
Stalin's takeover of a series of nations in Eastern Europe, the start 
of the ''cold war," and the Red-fomented civil war in China awakened 
many U.S. citizens and Government officials to the real nature and aims 
of this country's "great" wartime ally. On the home front, the reve- 
lations of Louis Budenz, Whittaker Chambers, Elizabeth Bentley, and 
others had a similar effect. Within the CIO, a battle against the 
Communists began to shape up and led, in 1949-50, to the expulsion of 
those unions which persisted in following Moscow's line instead of 
official CIO policy. Similar developments took place in the educa- 
tional, entertainment, and other fields. 

The tide began to turn as the press, anti-Communist indi\dduals 
and publications, and mass organizations launched information and 
action campaigns against communism, stimulated to a great extent by 
hearings and reports of congressional investigating committees. 

During the initial phase of this period, the Communist Party was 
still strong, despite the indictment of its 12 top leaders in 1948, their 
trial and convictions in 1949, the convictions of the "Hollywood Ten," 
Hiss, Remington, Marzani, and others. Its morale, too, was strong 
because the U.S. party, like others, never considers itself as standing 
alone, but as a unit in a huge — and successful — international power 

Despite the opposition the U.S. Communist Party was running into 
at home, the Soviet Union had not been stopped. The civil war in 
China was running favorably for the Communists. In the few years 
that had passed since World War II ended, the territory and people 
controlled by the Kremlin had expanded tremendously. There was 
an obvious worldwide fear of Stalin. There was talk and fear of 
war — and war scares — in the free nations. As is usual in such times, 
there were strong differences of opinion in the ranks of the "enemy" 
as to whether firmness with, or appeasement of, Moscow was the bet- 
ter policy to follow. Unfortunately, there were many people, even in 
Government, who still had not learned the true nature of either the 
Soviet Union, the U.S. Communist Party, or of Commmiists any- 


For this reason, the years 1949-50 were a period of militancy in the 
U.S. Communist Party. It was a period when it fought back vigorous- 
ly against all measures — governmental or private — to expose its opera- 
tions and curb its power. For the most part, it used nonviolent weap- 
ons but, when the situation seemed to call for it and the conspiracy 
saw gain in it, it did not hesitate to resort to mob violence — as in 
Peekskill, New York, in August 1949. 

The Peekskill Riot 

In the summer of 1949, the Communist Party planned a large out- 
door concert in Peekskill, New York, a rural community about 40 
miles north of New York City. Communist Party stalwart Paul 
Robeson was to be the star of the concert, as he had been at similar 
concerts in 1946, 1947, and 1948. The purpose of the concert was to 
raise fmids for the Civil Rights Congress, the party's legal defense 
arm and bail-fund agency. 

Veterans' groups in the town of Peekskill decided to stage a peace- 
ful counter demonstration — a patriotic parade. The idea won over- 
whelming support in the town Avhere anti-Communist sentiment, as in 
most parts of the United States, was increasing. 

There was special reason for such sentiment in Peekskill. One of 
the largest summer camps ran by the Communist Party in the United 
States was located some miles north of the town. There were Commu- 
nist resorts and colonies located in other nearby areas, though there 
were few, if any. Communists in Peekskill itself. In a period when 
the Commimists were becoming increasingly militant and openly 
offensive, the Communist activity apparent in the surrounding 
areas — and the annual concerts in Peekskill itself — had become more 
and more distasteful to the town's residents. Editorials and letters 
in the local press opposed the concert and urged support for the vet- 
erans' counter demonstration. 

When the day of the concert and the protest parade arrived — August 
27, 1949 — about 5,000 anti-Communist marchers and onlookers turned 
out. The veterans' undertaking was so widely supported that the 
crowds jammed the parade route and blocked off the only road lead- 
ing to the concert grounds. Only about 200 of the 2,000 Commimists 
and sympathizers who had turned out to hear Robeson sing could 
reach the grounds. Robeson himself could not reach them to put on 
his usual act — a mixture of songs and pro- Soviet propaganda. 

A large group of anti-Communists walking down the lane toward 
the concert grounds at about 8 :30 that evening, after their parade, en- 
countered a group of "guards" imported by the Commimist Party for 
its concert. Someone in one of the two groups — it was never learned 
who or in which group — threw a stone or a fist. More stones and 
fists flew. Then a Communist guard stabbed one of the local veterans. 
This provided the spark that set off a wave of violence. By the time 
police had restored order and dispersed the crowds, it was too late 
for the Communists to hold their concert. 

The Communist Party, following Olgin's 1935 advice, was not going 
to take this defeat "lying down." Several days later it succeeded in 
renting an abandoned golf course about one mile from the picnic 
grounds where the concert was originally scheduled and annoimced 


that it would hold a concert there on September 4, with about 15,000 
people in attendance. 

The week following was one of intense activity for the Communist 
Party and its fronts. The party went about recruiting guards from 
the goon squads of unions it controlled in the New York City area. 
In the city itself it held rally after rally, and all party units and cells 
were activated to whip up attendance for the concert. The public 
rallies and party press were calculatingly used to develop a riot situ- 
ation. The party and its agents challenged, insulted, and goaded the 
people and veterans of Peekskill in statement after statement, doing 
everything possible to enrage them. 

At a rally in Harlem, Paul Robeson announced that he would sing 
again in Peekskill and that he would be protected by 3,000 "security 
guards." "This marks the turning point!" he thundered. "From 
now on we take the offensive." 

Howard Fast, the Communist Party's "great American novelist," 
who has since broken with the party, told a Commimist-front audi- 
ence that 20 of Robeson's guards had held off 1,000 anti-Communists 
the night of the first riot (an obvious impossibility if, as the Commu- 
nists claimed, the anti-Commimists wanted — and had planned — vio- 
lence). "The thousand new Americans, for all their big talk, were 
not very brave hand-to-hand in the dark," he said. 

At another Communist-front gathering. Fast openly and directly 
charged that the Peekskill veterans had "stabbed their own in a plot 
to accuse us of murder." (A flashlight picture taken the night of 
the first riot revealed a Communist Party "usher" standing about 15 
feet from Howard Fast with a knife in his hand.) 

Benjamin Davis, a member of the party's National Committee who 
was then being tried before Judge Medina under the Smith Act, 
stated on another occasion : : 

We warn all the flunkies of Wall Street, whether they wear 
white sheets or black robes like Judge Medina, that we are 
peace-loving people. But we are not pacifists and we are 
going to stand up toe to toe and slug it out. 

The Communist Party injected the racial and religious issues into 
the controversy with the obvious intent of further inflaming pas- 
sions. The Daily Worker of August 29, 1949, stated : 

What was the target of the Peekskill violence ? The 14,- 
000,000 members of the Negro community of the United 
States. But in warning the Negro people that they must 
submit to the planned World War III or face lynchings at 
home, the pro-war mob is following the pattern used by the 
Germans in preparing Germany for war. That pattern is 
to silence the nation as a whole by first assailing the Jews, 
the Negro people, and the Communists. 

The Peekskill veterans, after some debate and hesitancy because of 
what had happened following their first parade, decided to hold an- 
other one on the day of the newly scheduled concert. Only about 
2,000 veterans were in the line of march for the second parade. They 
had had only 3 days to organize their counter demonstration this time, 
and some groups which had planned to participate in it had been 


turned back by the police, who were anxious to prevent another road- 
block. Police and state troopers were out in force for the occasion. 
About 500 were stationed in the area because feeling was running so 
high and there was obviously the danger of more violence. 

About 15,000 Communists and fellow travelers turned out for their 
concert. They were surrounded by a triple cordon of 2,500 Communist 
^'security guards" led by a Communist Party functionary, Leon 
Strauss, who wore the uniform of the U.S. Army and the insignia of a 
lieutenant. The guards stood shoulder to shoulder and were well 
armed — with pepper, tire irons, can openers, baseball bats, and similar 
assorted weapons. 

Both the concert and the veterans' parade were peaceful. No inci- 
dent occurred during them. The Communist Party, however, added 
insult to injury to the anti- Communist paraders and onlookers. An 
amplifier set up at the concert by the Communists carried the words of 
the party's speakers to those outside. Howard Fast, in his speech, 
hurled insult after insult at the anti- Communists and taunted them 
with the epithet, "un-American filth." 

When the concert ended, those who had attended it started to leave 
the grounds in automobiles. A stone was thrown — it is still not 
known by whom. Again, the spark was lit and mob violence broke 
out. Stones, soft-drink bottles, tomatoes, and other objects were 
hurled at the cars of the departing Robesonites. Three were over- 
turned. Scores of car windows and windshields were broken and, 
before the rioting ended and order was restored, over 150 persons had 
been injured. 

When night fell, about 700 of the Communist Party's guards were 
still on the golf course. As one truckload of them left, it was stopped 
and one of the guards swung a bat at a state trooper. After this, all 
remaining cars were stopped as they left the area — and over 200 base- 
ball bats and 50 other assorted weapons were confiscated by the police. 

Violence in Union Square 

A year later, in 1950, the New York Labor Conference for Peace 
planned a "peace" rally in New York City's Union Square, traditional 
gathering place of leftist agitators. This group was the local affiliate 
of the National Labor Conference for Peace, cited as a Communist 
front by this committee in 1951. It subsequently merged with the 
American Peace Crusade, which, after extensive hearing^, was also 
cited as a Communist front by the Subversive Activities Control 
Board. The rally was to be held at 5 :00 p.m., the New York City 
rush hour. 

The Kremlin had launched its attack on South Korea a little over a 
month earlier. The police department refused to grant a permit for 
the rally on the grounds that it might cause serious public disorder. 
This decision was upheld by the mayor and also by a justice of the 
State Supreme Court, to whom the New York Labor Conference for 
Peace carried an appeal. 

The Communist Party decided to defy the law and, through the New 
York Labor Conference for Peace, announced that it would hold the 
rally despite this ban. When this became known, over 1,000 police- 
men were ordered into the area on the afternoon of August 2. They 
cordoned off Union Square to prevent the Communists from entering 


it. Police estimated that there were roughly 2,000 Communists and 
sympathizers and 8,000 bystanders in the area of the square shortly 
after the time the rally was scheduled to begin. 

Communist sympathizei^ were circling the square in small groups, 
whispering among themselves. At about 5 :40 p.m., one man shouted : 
"Let's go!" Concealed banners carrying slogans such as "Hands off 
Korea" and "We Want Peace" were uncovered. About 500 Commu- 
nists and sympathizers rushed the lines of the police, who linked arms 
to hold them back. 

A^Hien most of the Communist rioters failed to break through the 
police lines, they started chanting "Open up the square!" — just as 
Communist Archie Brown, 10 3^ears later in the San Francisco City 
Hall, led the Communists there in chanting "Open the doors !" 

Some of the rioters, however, had managed to break through the 
police lines and regroup inside the square. It became necessary for 
the police to move in on these and on other groups that were formed 
outside the police lines to disperse them. The Conmiunist rioters, 
both men and women, refused to obey the police orders to leave the 
square and kicked, bit, and punched the police while resisting removal. 

Five hundred demonstrators moved up to Madison Square, 
where they were also dispersed by the police. Later that night, con- 
siderable numbers of Communist sympathizers also turned up in 
Times Square. The police, however, who had been alerted to this 
move, were on hand to prevent trouble, and no incidents occurred. 

The scheduled speakers for the Union Square rally included Paid 
Robeson ; Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, chairman of the party's Peace Infor- 
mation Center ; and Leon Strauss, a vice president of the Communist- 
controlled Fur Workers Union — the same man who, wearing a U.S. 
Army uniform and insignia, had bossed the party's goon squads at the 
Peekskill riots. 

The day after the riot in Union Square, Robert Thompson, a mem- 
ber of the National Committee of the Communist Party and its New 
York State chairman, who was also being tried under the Smith Act, 
issued an official statement on the Union Square riot in the name of 
the New York State Committee of the Commimist Party. In it he 
referred to the riot as "a courageous display." He stated that: 

The courage of the thousands of demonstrators, and their 
ability to carry forward their action in the face of police 
provocation and attacks, will inspire Americans of all 
opinions, and especially workers, to press forward the fight 
for peace in a thousand different ways. 

Thompson also stated that the resistance of the demonstrators to 
the ban on the rally was "a glorious chapter in the fight of the Ameri- 
can people against the warmakers." The demonstrations, he said, 
"will be hailed by millions of Americans desirous of peace and se- 
curity," and that : 

The demonstration of Aug. 2, was an important step in prov- 
ing that it can be done — that the people will not give up the 
fight against war, will not surrender the streets or their right 
to fight for peace. 

The mood of the party in this 1949-50 period, as these riots and 
other events indicated, was a fighting mood, a mood of defiance and 

63570—61 3 


also a mood of confidence, in spite of the fact that events were going 
against it in this country. It was hitting back at its enemies at every 
opportunity. It was in this period that some Communists threatened 
that the day would come when President Truman and other Govern- 
ment officials would be hanged in the streets for what they were doing 
to the Communists. The Communists thought of themselves as being 
steeled in battle, of having their faith and courage, their mettle, 
tested, and being hardened by struggle. 

Without doubt, if it were not for certain conditions beyond the 
control of the party, it would have continued to use the same tactics 
and there would have been more mob violence similar to that which 
took place in Peekskill and in Union Square. Like true revolutionists 
and soldiers in the field, the Communists were not going to surrender 
until it was impossible to fight any longer and the battle had been 
decisively lost. 

Two developments which brought about the end of the Communist 
rioting and violence were : 

1. The Korean War and the intense anti-Communist feeling which 
developed because of it not only caused the loss of party members, but 
also of fellow travelers and dupes. The party found it impossible 
to turn out thousands of people for meetings, rallies, and demonstra- 
tions, as it had been able to do in the past. To a great extent, in the 
atmosphere of those days, few people — except for hard-core party 
members — were willing to be associated with any clearly Communist 
or suspect organization. Mob violence and rioting, therefore, became 
impracticable for the party. ^ 

2. The other factor was an intensified Government drive against 
the party leadership in the form of Smith Act prosecutions. As a 
series of additional group indictments followed the 1949 trial of the 
party's National Committee, the party was compelled to go deeper 
and deeper underground to protect itself. Tactically, it became un- 
wise for the party, under these conditions, to foster mob violence. 
For these reasons, the brief period of Communist-instigated rioting 
which started in 1949 had ended by the close of 1950. 

The 1950's 

For a period of 5 or so years the party remained almost completely 
underground and there was no Communist violence. In the late 
1950's, the party gradually began to come out in the open again. This 
was made possible by a number of developments, some internal, others 
international in character. 

On the international scene, there was the end of the Korean War; 
the death of Stalin ; the liquidation of his successor, the dreaded Soviet 
Secret Police chief, Lavrenti Beria ; and the emergence of the so-called 
collective leadership in Moscow. This was a period of weakness in 
the Kremlin. As Khrushchev fought his way to the top, he, therefore, 
adopted a soft approach in his dealings with the West. His main 
theme became "peaceful coexistence." He continued this policy for a 

^ The party was still capable of ordering large nnmbers of its own members out to stage 
violent demonstrations. For reasons stated in the following paragraph, however, this 
became tacticallj' inadvisable. In addition, the Commnnists, in most circumstances, pre- 
fer to avoid purely "party" violence and seek to induce others into bearing the majoi- 
part of the rioting burden for them. 


number of years as he established himself more firmly in power and 
sought to completely consolidate his position. Pie urged summit 
meetings and the breaking down of tourist barriers, the exchange of 
official and unofficial delegations of all kinds, etc. 

The natural result of these developments — despite the horrible ex- 
ample of Hungary in 1956 — was a softening of resistance to connnu- 
nism and a lessening of anti-Communist sentiment within the United 

There were also developments within this country which brought 
about a change in climate and made it possible for the Communists to 
come increasingly out into the open. 

A series of Supreme Court decisions which threw out the Smith 
Act convictions of many party leaders and upset long-standing anti- 
Communist legislation caused widespread resentment among the citi- 
zens of this country — but had other effects as well. Psychologically, 
these decisions were a blow to the anti- Communist people of this coun- 
try, undermining their morale, at the same time that they were a shot 
in the arm to the Communist Party — an indication that the Govern- 
ment's drive to destroy the party's effectiveness through Smith Act 
convictions of its leadership and other legally based moves against the 
conspiracy were coming to an end, or at least a temporary halt. 

These decisions also provided extensive ammunition for the ultra- 
liberals and leftists who had been consistently promoting the line that 
anti-Communist activity and prosecution is somewhat anti- American, 
a violation of civil liberties and constitutional rights, and punishment 
of "mere dissent." 

The Fund for the Republic and some other groups in this country 
spent huge sums of money during the mid and late fifties, turning out 
pamphlets, books, and brochures and reprinting articles which sup- 
ported this line. During the same period, it became popular in cer- 
tain circles to promote the line that the Communist Party was no 
longer a danger to the United States. It had lost so many members 
and was so torn by internal dissent, it was said, that it had become 
completely ineffective. 

The Communist Party, during this period, also worked intensely to 
create a climate conducive to more open activity on its part. Indi- 
vidual party members were ordered to infiltrate community and na- 
tional level organizations — PTA's and civic, church, women's, and 
similar groups — and promote the peaceful coexistence and "anti-com- 
munism is un-American" line. 

To a certain extent, the party was also aided by the foreign policies 
adopted by the United States. The natural effect of summit meetings, 
increased trade, exchanges, and tourism between the United States 
and the Soviet Union was to promote a certain tolerance of com- 
munism and to undermine vigorous opposition to it. Psychologically, 
these policies were a definite assist to the party in emerging from the 
underground and, as it would say, "resuming its place in the main- 
stream of American life." 

As previously pointed out, the party's main concern during the 
1950's was to achieve respectability. This was also one of Krushchev's 
main desires. For this reason, there were no mob riots nor anv other 
instances of violence staged by the Communist Party in the United 


States during this period. The tactical situation was such, from 
the Communists' point of view, that use of force and violence as a 
weapon during this period would have been bad, both for the party 
and for Khrushchev, who was doing all in his power to lull the West 
into a false sense of security. 

1959 and 1960 

The last year and a half has seen a great change in Communist 
tactics. Khruslichev still talks of banning the bomb and of dis- 
armament, summit meetings and peaceful coexistence, but numerous 
statements made by him and other Communist leaders in the recent 
past indicate that he does not believe in peaceful coexistence in all 
implications of the phrase nor as non-Communists generally interpret 
it. The whole world — the Americas, Europe, Asia, Africa — as noted 
earlier in this report, has been torn by greatly increased Communist- 
fomented violence and rioting and also by revolutions and civil wars. 

As noted in this committee's Annual Report for 1959, Allen W. 
Dulles, director of the Central Intelligence Agency, stated in Decem- 
ber of last year that while Khrushchev was continuing to talk peace- 
ful coexistence in all his communications with the West, he had 
secretly told Communist parties everywhere that, ideologically, there 
never was — and never can be — peaceful coexistence between commu- 
nism and capitalism. 

As indicated in earlier sections of this chapter, Soviet and U.S. 
Communist publications during 1960 have stressed the same theme — 
peaceful coexistence does not mean the end of the class struggle; 
collaboration of classes is not the way to Comonunist victory^ even 
though avoidance of all-out war may be. This line has been stressed 
in articles and speeches published during the past year in international 
Communist agitation and propaganda organs such as "Internationa] 
Affairs" and the "World Marxist Review," which are distributed 
throughout the world in over a score of different language editions. 

A significant development which has generally been neglected by 
information media in the United States during the last few years has 
been the increasingly open ties between the U.S. Communist Party 
and the Kremlin. Not only has a considerable number of U.S. 
party officials and functionaries traveled to the Soviet Union 
and Iron Curtain countries since the Supreme Court's 1958 decision 
eliminating any passport restrictions based on Communist affiliations, 
but U.S. party officials have been contributing articles to inter- 
national Communist propaganda and theoretical organs. The U.S. 
party is making less and less effort to conceal its ties with the inter- 
national Communist apparatus. 

One of the most recent examples of this type of activity was pro- 
vided by Gus Hall, the present leader of the U.S. Communist Party, 
who contributed an article to the September 1960 issue of the "World 
Marxist Review." In this article. Hall emphasized a theme that 
Soviet theoreticians have been stressing lately — obviously on Moscow's 
orders. Hall stated in his article that the major question facing the 
world Communist movement is this — 

is it possible to force U.S. imperialism to retreat while at 
the same time preventing it from provoking or precipitating 
an armed conflict? 


By forcing "U.S. imperialism to retreat," Hall, like all Communists, 
means bringing about the elimination of U.S. military defense bases 
in foreign countries, the withdrawal of all American troops from 
foreign soil, and numerous related developments that would finally 
result in the isolation of this country in a hostile world and thus its 
eventual capitulation to communism. 

Hall, in his article, gave Communists in all parts of the world liis 
answer to the question he had raised. It was "Yes." 

Conditions are such today, he wrote, and Communist power has 
grown so that they can now defeat the United States, bring about its 
surrender, without a world war. How can this be done? Hall 
answered — 

the outlook for a retreat by U.S. imperialism is a realistic 
one. This, of course, cannot be achieved without mass actions, 
but this can be achieved without war. * * * but this will not 
happen automatically * * *. 

To view the new possibilities of halting war as a gift of 
some abstract objective development * * * would lead to 
passivity and inaction. 

Hall stated that, in considering the possibilities of Communist suc- 
cess in forcing U.S. imperialism to retreat, the recent "heroic" mob 
violence in Japan (which toppled the Kishi regime and forced the 
cancellation of President Eisenhower's visit) was "a good example to 

He hailed recent developments in South Korea, Turkey, Cuba, and 
the Congo — all characterized by large-scale violence and some by revo- 
lution — as steps in the retreat of U.S. imperialism. 

Hall's statement that the U.S. cannot be defeated "without mass 
actions" and his specific reference to mob violence in Japan and armed 
uprisings in other countries provide an answer to the question of Com- 
munist-inspired mob violence and rioting in tliis country in the imme- 
diate future. Hall, the U.S. party boss, said that they are essential 
to the defeat of the United States. In so stating, he told U.S. Com- 
munists and party members everywhere that the Communist violence 
that has racked the world for the last year must be continued and 
stepped up in tempo. 

Basically, there was nothing new in what Hall wrote in his ariicle. 
The Soviet theoreticians Konstantinov and Momdzhan said it earlier 
in somewhat differently couched terms in the previously quoted Prav- 
da article reprinted in Political Affairs. James S. Allen said basic- 
ally the same thing in his remarks to the Communist Party National 
Committee meeting last March. This is now a basic theme in all 
major Communist directives, both U.S. and international. 

The "mass actions" Hall has in mind, as clearly indicated by his 
references to recent developments in certain countries, are demonstra- 
tions, peace marches, strikes, student riots, and mob violence in 
varied fornis — all the "class-struggle tactics" the Communists have 
used extensively in certain parts of the world during the last year, 
particularly the more violent forms. 

Hall, in his article, also reiterates a doctrine stressed in previously 
quoted Communist propaganda statements. He wrote that the re- 
cent trend of increasing Conmiunist power and stepped-up military, 
economic, and political difficulties for the United States "has greatly 


sharpened up class antagonism and has stepped up the mood of 
struggle * * * in all sections of the population." 

Within the United States, there is already evidence that the Com- 
munist Party is adopting a much more aggressive attitude. The riots 
in San Francisco last May 13 and the Communist-inspired domonstra- 
tions against this committee the day before and the day following the 
riots are not the onl}^ such developments to take place in this country 
during the past year. 

Last February the committee held hearings in Washington on Com- 
munist activities among youth groups and the Communist-staged 
World Youth Festival held in Vienna in the summer of 1959. As a re- 
sult of Communist planning and agitation, several busloads of young 
people, primarily college students from Philadelphia and New York, 
numbering perhaps 200, attended these hearings with the obvious in- 
tent of creating an incident. They jeered anti-Communist witnesses 
and wildly applauded and cheered the Communist Party members as 
they loudly, and with strong expressions of contempt, declaimed against 
the committee while on the witness stand. The disorder was such 
that, on several occasions, the chairman found it necessary to threaten 
to clear the hearing room if it did not stop. 

At the committee's hearings in Washington on Communist infiltra- 
tion among seamen's groups and on waterfront facilities — which fol- 
lowed the San Francisco hearings and the Woodstock Hotel meeting 
of the Youth Against the House Un-American Activities Committee — 
the party employed the same tactics. A contingent of young Com- 
munists, fellow travelers, and dupes from New York was in attend- 
ance in the hearing room. No incident developed — ^but only because 
the Capitol police had been alerted to the possibility of trouble and 
ejected several ringleaders from the audience when they disobeyed the 
subcommittee chairman's order (given after several pro-Communist 
outbursts) that there be no demonstrations for or against any witness. 

Why the Shift in Communist Tactics? 

There can be little doubt that Khrushchev and the U.S. Communist 
Party were profiting by the soft tactics they were using up to a year 
or so ago. Without question, the U.S. Communist Party had made 
ver}- real gains in the years 1955-59 in acceptability, in breaking down 
barriers to Communist infiltration in a number of important fields, 
and in developing wider acceptance for its line on a number of vital 
issues. Without question, the same applied to the Soviet Union. 
Wlien sweetness and light — peaceful coexistence, exchanges, summit 
meetings, and so forth — were achieving so much for world commu- 
nism, why did it suddenly desert these tactics? 

A certain answer to this question is impossible wdthout information 
from the inner circles of the Kremlin itself. There are a number of 
factors, however, which would make this shift logical from the Com- 
munist view of sound strategy ^ud tactics. 

Some students of mass psychology have advanced an interesting 
theory — and one that seems to have considerable validity — in answer 
to this question. They point out that in time of war or near war, in 
periods of bitter political, economic, and propaganda enmity (such as 
the cold war) , there tends to be a polarization of people toward their 
own governments and against th(? enemy. Everything their govern- 


ment does is right; everything the enemy does is wrong. Their coun- 
try is good ; the opposite side is evil. An end to war or relaxation of 
tensions, however, breaks up this polarization. People begin to see 
evil, imperfections, or wrong in their own government and some good, 
"humanity," and decency in the enemy. 

The early 1950's, with a Communist-Free World war being fought 
in Korea, was a period of intense polarization in the United States 
and, it is reasonable to believe, within the Soviet Union as well. But 
depolarization set in as the war ended and as Khrushchev, rising to 
power, brought about something of a thaw in the cold war and also 
on his home front because the Soviet Union was weak in an internal 
political sense. 

This had immediate benefits for him and the international Commu- 
nist movement. Cold, analysis indicates that, since the end of World 
War II, as far as Western-U.S.S.R. relations are concerned, the basic 
policy of the West has been one of coexistence with communism, rather 
than aggressive effort to bring about its downfall. For this reason, 
the West grabbed at the opportunity to talk over "differences" with 
the Soviet Union, to break down barriers by "letting people get to 
know and understand one another" through exchanges and tourism, 
thus theoretically easing tensions and the danger of war. 

This provided Khrushchev with a breathing spell and gave him the 
opportunity to consolidate his power within the Soviet Union, while 
lulling and disarming the West politically and psychologically, if not 
militarily. His brutal suppression of the Hungarian revolution was 
no more than a brief setback to him in this endeavor. Despite the 
revolting nature of his actions at the time, the West proved itself 
eager to forget the whole thing and to go about getting along with 
Khrushchev's professed desire for "peace." The rape of Tibet, carried 
out by Khrushchev's Chinese henchmen, scarcely ruffled the surface of 
the increasingly "good relations" between Moscow and the West, which 
appeared to be becoming increasingly conditioned to the acceptance of 
Communist atrocities. A short while later, Khrushchev was invited 
to tour the United States — and did so, though a few years earlier a 
storm of public protest had forced the cancellation of a visit by Tito. 

Apparently, in the view of the students of mass psychology, there 
were also other — and very different — results of Khrushchev's soft 
policy that he did not foresee. The depolarization that took place in 
the United States and in the West in general also took place within the 
Soviet Union and, because the government there has no popular base, 
was more widespread and deeper than in the free world. It became a 
real threat to Khrushchev, to the Soviet Government, and to the aims 
of the world Communist movement. American tourists, exchange 
delegations, and other cracks in the Iron Curtain that developed as a 
result of Khrushchev's policies had the effect of convincing the people 
behind the Iron Curtain — who tend to doubt Communist propaganda 
anyway — that the United States was not so warlike, that it sincerely 
desired peace, and that it was not the great threat to their very exist- 
ence that their leaders claimed. There has been extensive evidence of 
unrest and dissent within the Soviet Union in recent years which, it is 
reasonable to assume, developed, to a considerable extent at least, 
because of this depolarization. 

There is also evidence of cc>ntinuing conflict in the higher Soviet 
party elements, something of a split in the military, and economic 


stress in the Soviet Union — brought about by the need to meet U.S. 
competition in the economic aid field, to keep abreast of it in the arms 
race, to help Red China industrialize, etc. 

Any dictator, faced with such problems, would want to repolarize all 
elements surrounding and under him — and would normally do so by 
turning their antagonism to a foreign danger or devil — an enemy. 

In the view of the committee there was another danger, too, for 
world communism in Khrushchev's soft approach. It affected Com- 
munist parties in all parts of the world. 

This was the danger of doctrinal confusion. Not all Communists — 
especially those in the colonial areas and even in some countries of 
Western Europe where there are mass Communist parties — are as well 
trained in the refinements of Marxist-Leninist philosophy as are the 
U.S. Communists who, generally speaking, are of a higher educational 
and intellectual level. For this reason, Khrushchev's constant harping 
on "peaceful coexistence" led them to believe not only that war, but 
internal force and violence as well, was now outmoded or no longer 

This led to a slackening of Communist aggressiveness, drive, and 
vigor. Many Communists were applying the concept of peaceful co- 
existence ivithin nations, as well as between them. The fact that so 
many recent Communist directives, both national and international, 
have harped on the theme that peaceful coexistence does not mean the 
end of the class struggle (which includes force and violence) is a 
strong indication that this condition actually developed within Com- 
munist circles. 

James S. Allen, in his remarks to the U.S. Communist Party's 
National Committee, claimed that this "revisionist" concept was the 
major error of the U.S. party in recent years. 

The official U.S. party newspaper. The Worker, in the fall of 1960 
featured a series of three articles on the subject "Peaceful Coexist- 
ence — ^^Yhat It Is; Can It Be Won?" by William Weinstone, long a 
leading party figure. In his third and final article on this subject 
Weinstone wrote : 

There are wrong ideas about peaceful co-existence ... in 
socialist and Communist ranks. 

After making this revealing admission — which provides conclusive 
evidence of the correctness of the committee's views on this develop- 
ment — ^Weinstone went on to define peaceful coexistence in largely 
negative terms, emphasizing what it is not, as well as stating what it is : 

peaceful co-existence means competition, that is, a contest, a 
class struggle . . . not without stress and strain — hut without 
war — cold or hot. Though war can be averted, ideological 
struggle cannot, nor can the class struggle be avoided in the 
capitalist countries * * *. 

There is also the harmful position of the revisionists who 
think peaceful co-existence can come about without strug- 
gle * * *. 

This is a dangerous illusion. * * * peaceful co-existence 
will not come of itself but must be imposed on the imperial- 
ists ... by unceasing struggle. (Emphasis in original.) 

It is most revealing that, after Khrushchev and other top-ranking 
international and national Communist personalities and numerous 


Communist publications in all parts of the world had been talking 
about peaceful coexistence for 5 years or so, The AVorker should 
have to publish a series of three articles explaining, for the benefit of 
U.S. party members, just what peaceful coexistence is and stressing 
what it is not. It is even more revealing that Weinstone should admit 
that even Communists have confused ideas about what peaceful coex- 
istence really means. 

The committee's view on this point is also supported by the Novem- 
ber 1960 Moscow Manifesto of the 81 Communist parties. It, too, in 
speaking of peaceful coexistence, stressed — for the benefit of Com- 
munists in all parts of the world — what it does not mean. It also em- 
phasized the "intensification of the class struggle" theme : 

The policy of peaceful coexistence is a policy of mobilizing 
the masses and launching vigorous action against the enemies 
of peace. Peaceful coexistence of states does not imply re- 
nunciation of the class struggle, as the revisionists claim. * * * 

Peaceful coexistence of countries with different social sys- 
tems does not mean conciliation of the socialist and bourgeois 
ideologies. On the contrary, it implies intensification of the 
struggle of the working class, of all the Commmiist parties. 
(Emphasis added.) 

The depolarization within the general populace of the Soviet empire 
and also the slackness within Communist Party ranks had to be ended. 

Khrushchev, therefore, decided to take corrective action. Weigh- 
ing all factors in the over-all situation, including such elements as the 
West's weak-hearted reaction to Hungary and Tibet, Khrushchev 
decided that the best thing to do was to issue his directive, referred 
to in December 1959 by CIA Director Allen W. Dulles, which stressed 
the fact that there never can be a letup in the class struggle — and to 
follow it up with numerous similar directives in international and 
national Communist publications. 

There is evidence of Khrushchev's attempt to repolarize party mem- 
bers everywhere, and also the people within the Commmiist empire, ui 
the trial of U-2 pilot Francis Powers, the RB-4T incident, the accusa- 
tions of espionage against American diplomatic personnel (and even 
against American visitors) in Iron Curtain countries and their subse- 
quent expulsion, as well as in Khrushchev's breakup of the summit 
conference, his cancellation of President Eisenhower s scheduled visit 
to the Soviet Union, and other "tough" and alarm-sounding actions 
and statements. 

The depolarization theory, in the committee's ^new, is sound as far as 
it goes. Taken alone, however, it could develop dangerous illusions 
about the true strength of the Soviet empire and lull this country into 
a false sense of security. For while there is truth in this theory of a 
tactical shift based on a Communist weakness, there are other factors 
that are equally valid and which must be taken into consideration in 
an objective analysis of why ^loscow has shifted its tactics and of the 
seriousness of the threat this country faces today. 

One outstanding fact is that, despite certain unquestioned signs of 
weakness and tension behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains, Com- 
munist power and influence has spread during the last 7 or so years. 

The fact that, until the Cuban incident, the Communists had not 
seized complete control of any government since the partition of 


French Indo-China in 1954 does not negate this. The shift in power 
between the free world and the Soviet voting blocs in the United Na- 
tions is one case in point, a reality it would be foolish to ignore. 

It is an unqaestioned truth that in the Americas, in Asia, and in 
Africa the national Communist parties have generally increased in 
numbers and in inliuence ; ^ that they have played important roles in 
toppling anti-Communist regimes ; and that, in a number of nations, 
Soviet-oriented or v\'eak, tottering representative governments have 
been set up in place of tliese regimes or of former colonial rulers. 

Another fact is that Khrushchev's doctrine of peaceful coexistence 
and his teaching that World War III is no longer inevitable is based 
on the stated claim that there has been a drastic change in the power 
ratio between the "socialist" and the free world. Communist strength 
has grown so much, lie says, that the "socialist" powers can now compel 
the "imperialist" U.S. and its allies to live in peace; that they can pre- 
vent this country from going to war, even while it is being slowly 
chewed to bits and destroyed by world communism. 

Wliether or not this is actually true — and whether or not Khrushchev 
fully believes it — this doctrine has been repeated so often in Com- 
munist publications of all kinds and in the speeches of leading Com- 
munists in the past few years that, without question, Communists in 
all parts of the world, accustomed to taking Moscow's word as gospel, 
unquestionably believe it. They, therefore, act accordingly — with con- 
fidence, strength, aggressiveness — as events of the last year have 

Khrushchev sees this — the reality of growing Communist strength 
in areas outside the Communist empire — even while he sees the weak- 
nesses within it. Therefore, he decided on a more aggressive strategy 
of stepped-up violence, not only because of his fear of the depolariza- 
tion process under his former policies and the need to create a foreign 
menace to rally all elements to him but also on the sound strategic 
concept that when your strength increases you push the attack harder, 
taking advantage of every possible opening. 

Another factor should be considered. Khrushchev has several times 
predicted that the grandchildren of the present American generation 
will live under communism. Recently he has gone farther than that. 
Last August 5, while visiting in Austria, he told that country's Min- 
ister of Transport and Electricity : 

In the short time I still have to live, I would like to see the 
day when the Communist flag flies over the whole world. 

He has made a number of similar statements within the past year. 

If, as he claims, he has outlawed international conflict as a weapon 
of Communist conquest,^ he must realize that his dream will never 
come true by any democratic, educational method of selling commu- 
nism to the world. It can come true only hy internal revolutions that 
will quickly bring one country after another into the Communist orbit. 

^ Moscow now claims a world Communist Party membership of over 36 million compared 
■with 83 million a few years aero. 

^The committee; places credence in the testimony of Captain N. F. Artamonov (see 
p. 73) that Soviet military strategy is based on the doctrine of surprise nuclear attack OE 
the United States should a situation ever develop making a one-stroke Communist victory a 
probability. It believes that Khrushchev, in the interest of world communism and his 
own ambitions, is capable of deceiving even Communists on the question of rejecting war 
as a means of achieving Communist conquest of the world. 


In this respect, it is important to note the effectiveness of the tougher 
strategy he has developed. He is striking at the United States in a 
way that makes it extremely difficult for the United States to defend 
itself adequately. Generally speaking, this country cannot easily use 
its A-bombs and tremendous military strength to counter his attacks. 
He is not using Soviet troops, but rioting students and intellectuals, 
many of whom are not Conununists and do not even realize they are 
serving the Communist cause when they riot or take up arms. 

Documents of the 1959 Communist Party convention and other 
information developed by the committee during the past year in its 
hearings and investigations, reveal that the U.S. Communist Party 
is greatly intensifying its drive to win over the young people of this 
Nation in order to use them in its efforts to subvert the United States. 
Among other thmgs, a new, disguised Connnunist newspaper for 
youth is being published and new youth organizations have been 

These developments, coupled with the key role played by youth in 
the San Francisco riots and in the more massive demonstrations of 
violence in other nations, should serve as a warning — particularly t-o 
parents, clergymen, and educators — that, m the years immediately 
ahead, they must play a much more active role in helping the yomig 
people of this country understand and resist deceitful Communist 
propaganda and agitation tactics. They also indicate a need for 
continuing, close congressional study of this phase of Connnunist 

The U.S. Communist Party, the committee believes, will follow the 
orders of Moscow, which has told it, in effect : 

Internal violence is the order of the dav. Riots are one of 
tlie weapons you are to use in the present situation to assist 
our grand strategy for victory. 

The committee cannot tell or predict just how successful the U.S. 
Comumnist Party will be in the immediate future in again using this 
weapon to achieve its — and Khrushchev's — aims. It feels certain, how- 
ever, that the answer to this question depends to a great extent on the 
Congress of the United States. Through its legislative and primarily 
through its informing functions, the Congress, if it accepts the chal- 
lenge, can do much to counter the effectiveness of the new Communist 
tactics. For it to ignore this basic shift in the nature and intensity 
of Communist activity within our own borders, could have grave 

It is not merely the committee that will be the target of Communist 
force and violence. Whether future Communist-inspired mob violence 
has the committee or some other agency or group as its target, it will 
be freedom and the United States form of representative government 
which, in the final analysis, are under assault. The violence will be 
part of an over-all plan of battle, engaged in by the Communists to pro- 
mote the coming of the day when Khrushchev's dream will come true 
and the United States of America, like all other nations, will have its 
effective government in Moscow. 




On February 25, 1960, Dudley C. Sharp, Secretary of the Air Force, 
appeared before the committee in executive session, at which time 
inquiry was made into the reasons why the Air Reserve Center Train- 
ino: Manual, which dealt, in part, with the subject of Communist 
infiltration of the churches, had been withdra^^ni by the Air Force. 

The manual had been prepared by the Air Training Command 
and issued on January 4, 1960, for use in courses for Air Force 
reserve noncommissioned officers assigned to the Continental Air 
Command. Shortly thereafter it became the object of a great deal of 
controversy throughout the Nation. 

The manual was first brought to public attention on February 17 
by Mr. James W. "Wine, Associate General Secretary of the National 
Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A., when he released 
a statement to the press, together with a copy of a letter he had 
written on February 11 to Thomas S. Gates, Jr., Secretary of the 
Department of Defense. 

In his letter, Mr. Wine vigorously protested that section of the 
manual which, in a discussion of Communist infiltration into the 
churches, made various references to the National Comicil of 
Cliurches. He urged that the Department of Defense withdraw tliu 
manual from use and recall all distributed copies. He also requested 
that the National Council of Churches be given a complete explana- 
tion of the entire matter. 

In his opening statement the chairman pointed out that : 

Recently the Secretary of the Air Force, Dudley C. Sharp, 
was quoted in the press as "categorically repudiating" the 
Air Reserve Center Training Manual as representing Air 
Force views. Much of this manual deals with problems of 
Communist infiltration and subversion. Indeed, in the sec- 
tions dealing with this subject, there appear numerous quo- 
tations derived from hearings conducted by the Committee 
on Un-American Activities, in which are presented authori- 
tative statements by experts on each of several facets of the 

The chairman noted that sworn testimony from religious leaders 
who have escaped from Communist regimes amply demonstrates the 
intensity of the warfare which communism is waging against the 
churches. In addition, several undercover operatives of the FBI 

iSee "Issues Presented by Air Reserve Center Training Manual," February 25, 1960, 
Hearing before Committee on Un-American Activities. 



who had served in the Communist Party had testified tliat members 
of the party have penetrated church groups under party directives. 
Their testimony has also shown tha/t certain persons holding niember- 
ship in the Communist Party have also professed to be ministers 
of the gospel. 

As an appendix to his remarks, the chairman inserted into the 
record excerpts from representative testimony on these matters. 

He also pointed out that the record reveals that Communists have 
duped some members of the clergy, as well as lay leaders of the 
chiu'ches, into supporting Communist fronts and causes which mas- 
querade behind deceitful facades of humanitarianism and that, al- 
though these persons were not necessarily consciously supporting 
Communist enterprises, the net result was, for all practical purposes, 
the same. 

Secretary Sharp was accompanied by Major General Thomas C. 
Musgrave, Jr., Director of Legislative Liaison; Major General Lloyd 
P. Hopwood, Director of Personnel Procurement and Training ; Brig. 
General Robert F. Burnham, Air Provost Marslial; Colonel John 
W. Baer, Executive Assistant to the Secretary ; and Major Lee Secrest, 
Legislative Liaison. 

The Secretary told the committee that the Air Reserve Center 
Training Manual first came to his attention on February 16, when 
he received a copy of Mr. Wine's letter to Secretary Gates. Secretary 
Sharp initiated an inquiry and found that the manual had been with- 
drawn for investigation on February 11 and all distributed copies 
recalled, under directions from General Hopwood. 

General Hopwood related that he had taken this action when two 
staff officers brought to his attention questions in three general cate- 
gories regarding the manual, one of which concerned the section 
headed "Communism in Religion." He pointed out that the informa- 
tion on which the section was based came from a "variety" of sources, 
not only the Committee on Un-American Activities ; that he had not 
checked the validity of the sources; but that he had approved the 
withdrawal of the manual because, as Secretary Sharp testified — 

the Air Force should not enter into the controversy as to 
whether or not a particular organization or group is in- 
filtrated by communism. 

Certainly, unless this group is listed on the Attorney Gen- 
eral's list of subversive activities, I feel that this is some- 
thing we should keep ourselves clear of * * *. 

Secretary Sharp told the committee that in his statement regarding 
withdrawal of the manual he had never intended a repudiation of 
tlie integrity, validity, or accuracy of any of the testimony before the 
Committee on Un-American Activities which was quoted in the 
manual. He read the letter which he had written to Mr. Wine and 
said : 

There is certainly nothing in this letter that indicates we are 
apologizing. I am simply saying we do not condone the pub- 
lication of this kind of controversial detailed material in our 
training manual. 

It was also brought out that on February 24 the Washington Eve- 
ning Star had quoted Mr. James Wine of the National Council of 
Churches as saying — 


the Air Force has agreed to amend portions of a second 
manual objectionable to the council * * *. The second man- 
ual — 205-5 — is used now as a guide to security indoctrina- 

This second manual, titled "Guide for Security Indoctrination," had 
been issued to all commands by Air Force Headquarters in 1955 to 
establish procedures and administrative practices for implementing 
the Air Force Security Indoctrination Program. 

Secretaiy Sharp said that, to his knowledge, no one in an official 
position in the Air Force had assured Mr. Wine that there would be 
changes in this manual. In fact, he declared : 

I read the manual 205-5 * * * and the portions of it that 
refer to communism in American churches and American 
schools. I do not find them objectionable. I think they are 
proper to have in a manual of this type. 

The pertinent paragraphs of Air Force IManual 205-5 concerning 
which Mr. Wine had been quoted in the Washington Evening Star 
were inserted in the record. Thev read as follows : 

A while back Americans were shocked to find that Com- 
munists had infiltrated our churches. It isn't so shocking 
though when you consider how the Communists are using 
Russian churches today. They want to do the same thing 
here. They want to teach the Soviet gospel from the pulpit. 

The Communist Party, USA, has instructed many of its 
members to join churches and church groups, to take control 
whenever possible, and to influence the thoughts and actions 
of as many church-goers as they can. 

Communists form front organizations especially to attract 
Americans with religious interests. The party tries to get 
leading church men to support Communist policies dis- 
guised as welfare work for minorities. Earl Browder, former 
head of the American Communist party, once admitted : 

"By going among the religious masses, we are for the first 
time able to bring our anti-religious ideas to them." 

Are there Communist ministers ? Sure. The Communists 
have members in just about every profession in our country. 
Of course no clergyman admits he is a Communist when he 
is one (he is required to keep his membership a secret), but 
he still does Communist work. The House Un-American 
Activities Committee lists two Communist ministers — the 
Rev. Claude C. Williams, a former Presbyterian whose con- 
gregation kicked him out for party activities, and the Rev. 
Eliot White, retired Episcopalian who served as a delegate 
to a Communist convention and lectured at Communist meet- 

As to whether Communist ministers are a real danger, let's 
turn to a statement by former President Herbert Hoover ^ : 

"I confess to a real apprehension, so long as Communists 
are able to secure ministers of the gospel to promote their 

^Source of this statempnt as piven in thp A^r Force manual is incorrect. It was 
actually made by J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the FBI. 


evil work and espouse a cause that is alien to the religion 
of Christ and Judaism." 

Communists try everything when it comes to churches. 
They sneak disguised propaganda into church bulletins. 
They send Communists around to lecture church^ groups. 
The head of the Communist Party once spoke at Union The- 
ological Seminary in New York, and the legislative secretary 
of the party addressed a conference of 100 ministers in Wash- 
ington, D.C. The Communists order their younger members 
into youth groups where they can spread atheism and recruit 
new Communists. Atheism, Communist-style, is also spread 
through various organizations like the People's Institute of 
Applied Religion, which teaches Communist ideas under the 
disguise that they are Christian teachings. 

Again, to stop Communists, we must he careful not to attach 
the tnajority of faithful ministers and church-goers. We 
must merely search out those who back Moscow right down 
the line. We can do this, first, by understanding and support- 
ing the teachings of our own religions to the hilt; then, by 
getting rid of those who try to pass off Communist ideas as 
substitutes for what we know are true religious teachings. 

The following resolution adopted by the National Comicil of 
Churches concerning this material was also inserted m the record : 

Resolved : That the General Board of the National Council 
of Churches : 


(3) Insists that the material contained in Air Force Manual 
205-5 "Guide to Security Indoctrination" dated 1955, which 
is considered equally objectionable, be deleted and that a full 
explanation of all matters incidental to the appearance^ of 
such material in these manuals be made public at the earliest 
possible moment * * *. 

Secretary Sharp said that he had read the quoted resolution and 
was disturbed by its implication that the council hoped to exercise 
censorship over what would appear in Air Force manuals. He ex- 
pressed the conviction that "we have a right and duty to educate our 
people as to the dangers of communism so that they can be on guard 
a^^ainst it all the time." 

"He indicated that the revised edition of the Air Force Manual 205-5 
will again point out that there is a continuing effort to infiltrate the 
churches of this country, and declared that "if it were not in the 
manual, we would be very derelict in our duty to inform our people." 

(Communist Activities and Propaganda Among Youth Groups) 

Youth has always been a prime target in the Communist plan to 
take over the world. Realizing that the future success of their con- 
spiratorial movement depends upon recruiting and using the energies 

^See: "Commnnist Training Operations (Communist Activities and Propaganda Among 
Youth Groups)," Part 2. Feb. 2 and 3, 1960. and Part 3, Feb. 4 and 5 and Mar. 2, 1960, 
Hearings before Committee on Un-American Activities. 


of each new generation, the Red phmners do not miss an opportunity 
to sell their programs to the j^outh of the world. A mere cursory look 
at the Communist record reveals that they do not wait for oppor- 
tunities to present themselves, but ambitiously attempt to create 
favorable situations for the spread of their poisonous ideas. 

This Communist effort to seduce young minds was the subject of 
hearings held FebiTiaiy 2, 3, 4, and 5 and ^larch 2 of this year — a 
continuation of the hearing on Communist Training Operations held 
in July 1959. Whereas the instant hearings were centered mainly on 
Connnunist activities and propaganda among youth groups, last year's 
hearings dealt with the more general problem of the process whereby 
an intelligent American citizen, young or old, can be molded into a 
dedicated Communist. 

Frank S. Meyer, a former Communist who had served for a num- 
ber of years in the educational and organizational work of the Com- 
munist Party, testified last year that Communist education is "not 
merely a matter of spreading to the members and people beyond the 
members,'' certain ideas and principles, but is aimed to "transform 
the whole man" ; in other words, to turn people into robots who must 
obey the whims of a few Communist masters. 

Closer examination of the application of Communist techniques 
for subverting youth was the purpose for holding further hearings 
on Communist training operations this year. On February 2, the 
committee heard testimon}^ from Herbert A. Philbrick, well-known as 
a former undercover informant of the Federal Bureau of Investiga- 
tion in the Communist Party. Mr. Philbrick told how, in the late 
thirties, when he was a young man, he was duped into joining the 
Cambridge Youth Council, a Communist front, along with 350 to 400 
other young people. 

He remained in the organization at the FBI's request and soon 
came to an awakening and realization of the tremendous amount of 
activity, time, and effort the Communists were devoting to young 
people in America. At the request of the Commimists he joined a 
great many Communist front youth organizations, including the 
American Student Union and the American Youth Congress. 
Finally, he was invited to join the Young Communist League, which 
he described as the prototype of the Communist Party in the form of 
its organization and in the nature of its meetings, its basic purpose 
being to serve as a training ground for eventual membei^hip in the 
Communist Party itself. 

Mr. Philbrick testified that of the many young people who joined 
and participated in the Communist front organizations, only the most 
promising were invited to join the Young Communist League. Then, 
as now, the Communists were not so anxious to interest vouth in 
specific issues as to involve them in the web of the Communist con- 

Mr. Philbrick's testimony was most significant in its revelation that 
the tactical principles followed by the Communists in the field of 
youth work at that time are the same ones employed by the party to- 
day in their attempt to subvert our Nation's youth. Only the names, 
the organizations, and places have changed — as the hearings revealed. 

63570 — 61 4 


Some of the Communist youth tactics which Mr. Philbrick dis- 
cussed may be briefly summarized as follows : 

1. Use of secret Communists on campuses to assist in having Com- 
munist speakers invited to address students. 

2. Use of the apathy, indifference, and complacency of some admin- 
istrators of schools and colleges. 

3. Use of the names of prominent adults to sponsor Communist 
youth organizations. 

4. Use of books, pampiilets, leaflets, etc., to soften up and finally 
indoctrinate the students — literature published by fronts to hide its 
Communist origin. Mr. Philbrick said the Communists knew that — 

perhaps very few of the young people would be vulnerable to 
direct appeals by the Communist Party itself. 

They knew, for example, that if a leaflet or a booklet or a 
pamphlet were to be given to the young person and it was 
clearly and accurately labeled Communist Party, they might 
tend to disregard it or perhaps not to believe it. However, if 
they were to take the same propaganda written at Communist 
Party headquarters, take off the label "Communist Party" 
and put on a new label, such as "American Youth for Democ- 
racy," this, they hoped, w^ould sufficiently disguise the sub- 
versive propaganda and the material would be accepted. 

5. Use of public demonstrations, youth festivals, lobbying activ- 
ity, and tours and trips of various kinds. 

6. Influencing youth organizations to affiliate with international 
Communist youth organizations. 

7. Requiring hard-core Communists to work within so-called mass 
youth organizations such as the YMCA, labor organizations, church 
organizations, etc. 

8. Use of the same old propaganda themes. As an example, Mr. 
Philbrick cited a leaflet from his files, prepared at Communist Party 
headquarters in 1941, in which the Communists alleged that civil lib- 
erties were being violated by "witch hunts in Congress" and that tra- 
ditional student freedoms were being destroyed in the Nation's high 
schools and colleges. Today, almost 20 years later, the Conununists 
are harping on the same theme. 

9. Use of Aesopian language. Mr. Philbrick testified: 

AVhen the Communists, for example, speak of the sharp 
struggle for peace, democracy, and security, what they really 
mean, of course, is the struggle on the part of the So^det Union 
to win, to be victorious over the free world. The struggle for 
peace, democracy, and security, when translated into ordi- 
nary language, means the struggle for the establishment of 
the dictatorship of the proletariat in the United States. 
When they speak of the democratic movements of youth, they, 
of course, do not mean democratic movements. Thev mean 
a totalitarian movement. 

They say * * * "Groups of youth interested in Marxist 
study and action have api^eared in a number of cities among 
college students, teen-agers, and other youth." 


When they talk about Marxist study groups, they mean, 
of course, Marxist indoctrination groups, and it is interesting 
to note tliat the Communists are here bragging that these 
Marxist indoctrination groups have been formed among col- 
lege students, teen-agers, and other young people. 

The importance of acquainting ourselves with these Communist 
tactics was underscored when Mr. Philbrick called attention to sev- 
eral articles in well-known Communist publications and a resolution 
passed at the iTth National Convention of the Communist Party held 
in December 1059, which point to a resurgence in the Communist 
drive to recruit youth. ]\Ir. Philbrick, referring to the title of a 
recent book about communism by J. Edgar Hoover, said that the term 
"Masters of Deceit" is truly a most accurate and revealing description 
of the Communist agent and that, for this reason, the task of com- 
bating this Communist eif ort w^ill not be easy. 

10. Pie emphasized that the Communist approach to young people 
is in upriglit, humanitarian, and idealistic terms. He called for 
greater efforts by the schools and colleges to provide young people 
with information concerning communism, its appeals, and tecliniques. 

In concluding his testimony, Mr. Philbrick gave this advice : 

I would suggest several things. I would, first of all, sug- 
gest that our loyal young people support this committee in 
its efforts to make the truth be known because there is one 
thing that the Communist Party fears more than anything 
else, and that is the truth. They loiow they cannot survive 
if the truth were known. Hence, it is important that this 
committee and other investigating committees constantly 
procure and obtain the truth and make known the facts about 
communism and Communist activity in our country. There- 
fore, young people should support the work of this committee 
and of the Congressmen who give so much of their time to it. 

Secondly, our young people should demand that their 
schools and colleges provide them with information about 
communism. This is not being done now. There are very 
few schools and colleges which have adequate courses con- 
cerning communism. This they should demand because it is 
impossible for them (or for anyone) to fight an enemy unless 
they know their enemy. Third, of course, our young people 
should not only be aware of the great crisis that we are in 
today, the worldwide crisis, the threat that communism poses 
against all of the free peoples and all of the free world, but 
they should also diligently study, learn, and come to appre- 
ciate the wonderful heritage, the great things of value which 
we have to protect and defend in this country. 

If they come to truly understand the value of the heritage 
given to us, bequeathed to us, I am sure that then they will 
realize the vital importance of defending and maintaining 
the vronderful freedom we have in this Nation and to fight 
against the subversive activities of the Communist apparatus. 

Mr. Philbrick's outline of Communist strategy in the field of youth 
work was enlarged upon by subsequent witnesses who detailed cur- 
rent Communist activities on the vouth front. The first of these was 


Andrew Ilyinsky, an employee of the Customs Bureau of the United 
States Treasury who had, for several months prior to his testimony, 
made a study of Communist propaganda addressed to schools, colleges, 
libraries, and youth groups in the United States from Communist 
organizations abroad. A report prepared by Mr. Ilyinsky which in- 
cludes the substance of his testimony before the committee was 
published as an appendix to Part 2 of the hearings. 

This report describes the purpose, kind, and quantity of Communist 
propaganda entering this country. For background purposes it con- 
tains a brief history of tlie worldwide Communist youth movement 
and also discusses its major strategies. 

It points out that at the end of World War II the Communists 
cashed in on the widespread sentiment for creation of international 
bodies which would enable people to establish a firm basis for lasting 
peace by creating the World Federation of Democratic Youth 
(WFDY) and the International Union of Students (lUS), as well 
as many other international organizations not explicitly in the youth 
front, and using these organizations to promote the lie that the Soviet 
Union leads the vanguard of democratic countries while the United 
States is the arch-enemy of peace and democracy. The only alterna- 
tive these Red organizations offer students in a crisis-ridden world 
is to espouse actively the cause of communism and Soviet Russia. 

According to Mr. Uyinsky's testimony and report, the WFDY and 
lUS conduct elaborate brainwashing campaigns against the youth of 
the world. They publish scores of magazines, pamphlets, and books 
in all languages, even Esperanto. They sponsor pen pal movements, 
emphasizing personal contacts and the trading of stamps and pictures 
of movie stars. Exchanges of letters between those professing interest 
in student and youth affairs, arts, history, literature, economy, social 
science, and contemporary politics are especially encouraged because 
such subjects are even more conducive to the presentation of the 
Communist point of view. Mr. Ilyinsky also mentioned the interna- 
tional youth festivals as an effective weapon in the hands of the Com- 
munists. "Whatever the form of propaganda used by the Commu- 
nists — magazines, letters, etc. — in the beginning, he said, the approach 
is almost always made by appealing to the idealistic aspirations of 
youth through such slogans as coexistence, cooperation, unity of youth 
interests, international friendship, cultural exchange, anti-colonialism, 
disarmament, struggle for peace, etc. Communism or Marxist ide- 
ology as such are seldom mentioned, Mr. Ilyinsky stated, but the fact 
that the initiative, the leadership, and the propaganda on such matters 
come from Communists is the best propaganda for communism. 

Mr. Ilyinsky said that a spot check of the Port of New Orleans 
during the 12 months of 1959 revealed that 300,000 packages, each 
containing from 5 to 15 separate publications, entered that port alone — 
and that the volume of Communist propaganda entering through other 
American ports may be even larger. According to Mr. Ilyinsky, none 
of this material is labeled as Communist propaganda. 

On February 4, 1960, the committee heard the testimony of Herbert 
Romerstein and Charles Wiley. Mr. Romerstein, a member of the 
Communist Party from 1947 to 1949, has maintained a professional 
interest in Communist activities among youth organizations as a 
research specialist. Mr. Wiley is a writer in international nffairs and 
also has a background as a research specialist on communism. Both 
Mr. Wiley and Mr. Romerstein attended the Communist-arranged 


Seventh World Youth Festival held in Vienna, July 26- August 4, 

It has been apparent to observers for a number of j-ears that one 
obvious reason for the Communist Youth Festival is to play off small, 
inarticulate delegations as poor seconds to the Eussians in sports, 
culture, and so forth. Thus an important reason for the committee's 
concern with the festival was to consider the advisability of sending 
to future festivals, delegations which are versed in Connnmiist tactics 
and accredited by the United States Government as true representa- 
tives of American vouth. 


It was developed in the course of the hearings that the American 
delegation to the Seventh World Youth Festival was not able to cope 
successfully with Communist tactics. Although many loyal Americans 
present made a valiant effort to defend the American way of life, they 
were frustrated at every turn by a disciplined Communist organ- 
ization. This was true in spite of the fact that the Communists Avere 
in a minority in the U.S. delegation. How this small minority con- 
trolled the delegation, and Avhy the loyal Americans were outma- 
neuvered, was the subject of inquiry. 

Testimony disclosed that prior to the festival the Communists under- 
took elaborate arrangements to control and promote it. The major 
aim was to attract non- Communist and neutral youth. Mr. Philbrick 
and Mr. Ilyinsky both stressed the importance the Communists attach 
to mass meetings of the festival type which would attract youth from 
all comitries — not only Communist or fellow traveler youth but, as Mr. 
Ilyinsky said, "youth which would be just attracted by the idea of 
meeting hundreds and hundreds of members of other nations." 

Mr. Eomerstein testified that two international Communist organ- 
izations, the World Federation of Democratic Youth, with its offices 
in Hungary, and the International Union of Students, with its offices 
in Czechoslovakia, set up an International Preparatory Committee to 
I'un the Vienna Youth Festival (these two organizations were discussed 
in detail in Mr. Ilyinsky's report to the committee) . Mr. Eomerstein 
felt that the Communist bosses did not really trust their young 
members and, therefore, most of the "youth" placed in charge of 
the international apparatus were in their forties or over, ancl the 
American representative to the International Preparatory Committee 
was Holland Eoberts, a 60-year-old Communist. Along the same lines, 
Mr. Eomerstein revealed that a group of young Commimists in the 
United States had also been prevented from forming a nationwide 
]\Iarxist-Leninist youth organization because the older Communist 
bosses did not feel they would be able to control the yoimger Commu- 
nists at the time. 

Mr. Eomerstein and Mr. Wiley told of attempts to impose Com- 
munist leadership on the United States delegation even before it left 
for Europe. There were two organizing committees for the festival 
in this country. One was the United States Festival Committee with 
headquarters in New York, which was run by Joanne Grant, Marvin 
Markman, Jacob Eosen, and Alan McGowan — all of whom had been 
identified as Communists by Albert Gaillard, who testified the pre- 
vious dav. 

Many non-Communists registered through the New York office. 
Mr. Eomerstein attempted to do so but was denied festival credentials 
because he was known to the Communists as a former party member 


who was now an active ant i- Communist. Communist hoodlums beat 
up Mr. Romerstein outside the meeting place of the New York group 
when he appeared there one evening and started distributing, to those 
entering the meeting, leaflets protesting his exclusion. 

In Chicago there was another festival organizing committee called 
the American Youth Festival Organization, which was run by a Miss 
Barbara Perry. A number of non- Communists, some of whom, like 
Mr. Romerstein, had been denied credentials by the New York group, 
obtained them from the Chicago organization. 

Before the delegation left for Vienna, Marvin Markman was ap- 
pointed, not elected, chairman of the United States Festival Commit- 
tee. When the delegation arrived in Vienna July 25, on the eve of 
the festival, the majority of American delegates, being non-Cominu- 
nists, decided to repudiate Mr. Markman, and elect their own chair- 
man. But before the pro-American group could get its plan off the 
ground, the Communists, fearing loss of control of the delegation, 
broke up the meeting of the delegation and walked out. 

The next day the Communists proposed that the delegation be ruled 
by a committee composed of four delegates from the New York and 
four delegates from the Chicago group. This proposal was the sub- 
ject of protracted negotiations between the two groups, which lasted 
for days. Mr. Wiley, who had been mistakenly accepted as an Ameri- 
can Communist and thus was able to attend meetings of the Com- 
munist faction, testified that he observed Communist officials, none 
of whom were Americans, order the American Communists to nego- 
tiate this proposal but not come to an agreement under any circiun- 
stances. Mr. Wiley commented that this raised an interesting ques- 
tion as to the sincerity of Communists when they negotiate on world 
problems with the West. 

According to Mr. Wiley and Mr. Romerstein, the "interpreters" 
attached to each delegation actually ran them and were selected by 
an Austrian Communist organization. A middle-aged Austrian 
named Max Schneider performed this function for the American 
delegation. Mr. Wile}^ testified that it was he who gave the order 
to the Communists to break up the group's meeting on the eve of the 
festival when it became apparent that the Communists would lose 
control. Mr. Romerstein testified that Max Schneider's supervisor 
was Heinrich Brandweiner, a holder of the Lenin Peace Prize and 
president of the Communist-run Austrian Peace Council. Mr. Romer- 
erstein said that Brandweiner was a member of the Nazi Party before 
his latest betrayal of his country, Austria, to the Communists. 

Mr. Wiley, when asked how, in his opinion, the American non- 
Communist youth fared in trying to cope with Communist tactics,. 
replied : 

I think you can best describe the majority of the non- 
Communist deleirates as bovs Avho were sent to do a man's 
30b. Some of them had read a little of Marx, they knew a 
certain amount of theory — and I should stress this here — 
there were notable exceptions, but by and large they knew 
some Communist theory, they knew nothing of Leninist 
tactics, and when they were put up against a trained, organ- 
ized Communist machine they were simply rolled over. The 
Communists knew the parliamentary tricks, they knew every 


dirty trick in the book, and these American kids were just 
completely unable to cope with it. 

Because some people believed that all young Americans who at- 
tended the festival were Communists or pro-Communists, Mr. Wiley 
submitted in evidence a list of the names of several hundred young 
Americans who had gone to Vienna and had stood up against the 

The connnittee also heard Josepli Cliarles Jones, a student at John- 
son C. Smith University, Charlotte, North Carolina; Stephen Tyler, 
of New York, a free lance writer; and Julius Szentendrey, a former 
Hungarian freedom fighter and presently secretary general of the 
Association of Hungarian Students in North America. Mr. Jones 
and ^rr. Szentendrey attended the Seventh World Youth Festival. 
Mr. Tyler had attended the Sixth Youth Festival in Moscow in 1957 
and later visited Ked China, under Communist auspices, as part of a 
youth delegation. 

Mr. Jones stated that he went to Vienna to present an American 
point of view and became indignant when he heard Paul Robeson, 
Jr., speak at the festival, puii:)orting to represent the Americans in 
attendance and following the Comnumist Party line. 

Mr. Tyler described the propaganda purposes of the youth festivals 
and how the Communists use them to convert non-Communists to 
communism. He also detailed his experience in Red China, where, 
although he was conducted on guided tours, he was able to perceive 
the absolute control exercised over the lives of its people by the Com- 
munist apparatus. 

Mr. Szentendrey testified that he attended the Seventh World Youth 
Festival in Vienna in the summer of 1959 because, as a freedom fighter 
in the Hungarian revolution, he had seen communism in action and 
wanted to help "by sharing my experience with others, so that other 
naive people who came from the so-called non-Communist nations and 
did not have any firsthand experience with Soviet tactics could really 
be enlightened." 

Mr. Szentendrey stated that the young Communists at the festival 
were not permitted to mingle freely with the anti- Communists and 
were rigorously controlled by the hierarchy of the Communist ap- 
paratus. In the course of his testimony, Mr. Szentendrey vividly por- 
trayed the terror of communism in action as he had experienced it in 
his native Himgary before he was forced to flee immediately following 
the revolution. In concluding his testimony, Mr. Szentendrey stated : 

I think I should say that communism has a face which it 
likes to show outside, and then it has its own practice of deal- 
ing with people and dealing with their countries it has occu- 
pied. In this second aspect it is very dangerous for all the 
human rights and the public freedoms — freedom of speech, 
religion, the church, and everything else. 

The Communist dictatorship is a dictatorship by a small 
minority of the people over the whole nation, and they do not 
have any contact. They have allegiance only to the Commu- 
nists and the Communist Party. 

Of special interest to the committee was the testimony of Albert 
Gaillard of New York City, twenty years of age. While Mr. Gaillard 
knew some of the Communist youth associated with the youth festival 


drive, his testimony was primarily valuable in showing how, even in 
the day-to-day operations of the Commmiists right at home, the ap- 
peal is always made in deceptive terms. 

The Communist Party was portrayed to him as the champion of the 
Negro people and Mr. Gaillard, young and idealistic, who had known 
hardship in his life, was quick to believe the lie. He joined the party 
in January 1957. He was soon disillusioned and, in August 1959, 
left the party. He testified : 

I went into the party with the idea that the Communist 
Party was the solution to the Negro people's problem, but as 
my experience in the Communist Party I find out that the 
Communist Party wasn't a party for the Negro people, that 
the Communist Party have one of the worse discriminations 
in their ow^n party themselves. 

If the Commimist Party can use the Negro people as a 
tool and use them for their own advantage, the Communist 
Party don't give a dam about the Negro people * * * 
and I also witnessed discrimination in the party. If some- 
thing happened to the Negro people, the Communist Party 
they would be the first ones to jump up and say, "We must 
do this and we must do that." And then if the Communist 
Party find out * * * the Government of this country 
changed things around and worked the things in the favor 
of the Negro people, it seems like the Coimnunist Party 
they get sad and they want to drop the issue altogether. In 
other words, the Communist Party want to see the things 
really keep on happening to the Negro people so they can 
use this as a weapon to tiy to rally the masses of the Negro 
people around the Communist Party. 

During the period when he was a Communist Mr. Gaillard served 
as president of the Harlem Youth Congress, which was established 
and controlled by Communists. He testified that, as a member of the 
Commimist Party and as president of the Harlem Youth Congress, 
he collaborated with Jesse Gray, regional organizer of the Commu- 
nist Party in Harlem ; Herbert Williams, a member of the Conmfiunist 
Party ; Ben Davis, Jr., chairman of the New York State Communist 
Party ; and Hunter Pitts O'Dell, a member of the Communist Party. 
He also identified as persons known by him to be members of the 
Communist Party, Alan McGowan, Jacob Eosen, Freeman Robinson, 
Joanne Grant, Paul Robeson, Jr., Marvin Markman, and Carla Reeve. 

Mr. Gaillard detailed the activities of the Harlem Youth Congress 
and of Conmimiists who worked in other youth groups in New York 
City. He also described his experiences in an undergromid movement 
to organize Negro youth in the South. 

He quoted Hunter Pitts O'Dell as saying that the South is the new 
revolutionary front and that the Communist Party has agents work- 
ing underground in that area. Mr. Gaillard's first mission in the 
South — selling Communist books to Negroes — ended in failure, leav- 
mg him broke and stranded in Charleston, South Carolina. He 
learned, he said, that Southern Negroes just would not buy Commu- 
nist propaganda. 

In the course of his testimony Mr. Gaillard stated that on the very 
morning on which he was to appear before the committee he was 


approached by Jesse Gray, whom he had known as a member of the 
Commmiist Party, and that Jesse Gray virged him to invoke the fifth 
amendment and not to testify against the Commmiist Party; that 
Jesse Gray stated, "If you don't take the fifth you will be in pretty 
bad shape in the Harlem community, I will have leaflets out." 

Jesse Gray testified that his occupation was executive director of 
the Lower Harlem Tenants Council. When questioned respecting 
the comments whicli, Mr. Gaillard testified, Mr. Gray had made to him 
on the morning of the hearing, namely threats against Gaillard if he 
testified. Gray at first said, "I liad no conversation with Mr. Gaillard," 
but thereafter invoked the fifth amendment regarding the incident. 
Mr. Gray likewise invoked the fifth amendment when asked if he 
was a member of the Communist Party up to the morning of the 
hearing, but denied that he was a member of the Communist Party 
at the moment of his testimony. 

Hunter Pitts O'Dell, of New York City, identified as a member of 
the Coimnunist Party by Albert Gaillard, testified that his occupa- 
tion was that of a life insurance underwriter. He declined to answer 
all questions respecting his Communist Party membership or activi- 
ties on the ground that his answers might tend to incriminate him. 

Benjamin Davis, Jr., of New York City, national secretary of the 
U.S. Communist Party — and directing force of the Harlem Youth 
Congress according to Mr. Gaillard 's testimony — invoked the fifth 
amendment in refusing to answer any questions respecting his activi- 
ties as a Communist and vilified the committee. 

Leroy Wolins, of Chicago, Illinois, was subpenaed because of the 
leadership role he plaj^ed in 1957 and 1959 in the formation of the 
U.S. Youth Festival Committee. 

Wolins attended the 1957 World Youth Festival in IMoscow and, in 
violation of U.S. passport restrictions, later visited Red China. At 
the time of his appearance he was secretary of the Commimist-con- 
trolled Chicago Committee of American- Soviet Friendship. The 
committee also had confidential information that Wolins had been 
active in the Communist Party in California and Illinois. Wolins 
refused on the grounds of self-incrimination to answer all pertinent 
questions, including those relating to present membership in the Com- 
munist Party. 

Jacob Rosen, a student at the City College of New York, identified 
as a Communist Party member by Albert Gaillard. appeared m re- 
sponse to a subpena. There was displayed to Mr. Rosen an article 
from the New York Times of July 30, 1957, which stated that he had 
carried the United States flag in a 3^outh festival parade in ^Moscow 
and had dipped it in salute to Nikita Khrushchev. In response to most 
questions, including this incident and present membership in the 
Communist Party, Mr. Rosen invoked the fifth amendment. 

Fred Jerome, who had been denied a passport to attend the Sixth 
World Youth Festival in Moscow on grounds of Communist Party 
membership, launched into a typical Communist-type attack upon the 
credibility of a preceding witness and was dismissed from the witness 
stand by the chairman. 

Alan Huffh McGowan, a student at Brooklvn Polvtechnic Institute, 
identified by Albert Gaillard as a member of the Communist Party, 


appeared in response to a subpena. There was displayed to Mr. Mc- 
Gowan a number of photographs taken at the Vienna Youth Festival 
in which he appeared, and there was read to him the testimony of 
Charles Wiley that an international Communist agent at the festival 
had directed McGowan "to break up the meeting" of the American 
delegation at Vienna. Mr. McGowan refused to answer any questions 
on the subject matter and to affirm or deny current membership in the 
Communist Party on the ground, among others, that his answers 
might incriminate him. 

Joanne Alileen Grant, of New York City, identified as a member of 
the Communist Party by Albert Gaillard, testified that she worked as 
-a secretary for the Indian delegation to the United Nations. There 
were displayed to Miss Grant documents revealing that she had served 
as executive secretary of the United States Festival Committee in New 
York City. There was likewise displayed to INIiss Grant an article 
from the July 1959 issue of the anti-Communist Worlanen's Circle 
"CALL," which reported that the Soviet Union's Beryozka dancers 
had participated in some festival fund-raising affairs in the United 
States and that Miss Grant had stated that Nicolai Burov, secretary 
of the Soviet U.N. Mission, had aided in getting the dancers for these 
affairs. Miss Grant was also interrogated about the organization 
and control of the Youth Against the House Un-American Activities 
Committee. In response to all questions respecting the foregoing, 
Miss Grant declined to answer on fifth- amendment grounds. 

Marvin Markman, of New York City, who has been identified as a 
member of the Communist Party by Albert Gaillard, appeared in 
response to a subpena. There were displayed to Mr. Markman a copy 
of a letterhead in which his name appeared as chairman of the United 
States Festival Committee for the Seventh World Youth Festival 
and a copy of a passport application executed by him in October of 
1958 in which he failed to answer questions respecting membership 
in the Communist Party. Mr. Markman was also confronted with 
the testimony of Charles Wiley, Herbert Rommerstein, and Joseph 
Charles Jones respecting his activities and contacts with international 
Communist agents in Vienna. In response to all questions, Mr. Mark- 
man refused to answer on the ground, among others, that his answers 
mififht incriminate him. 

Paul Robeson, Jr., of New York City, also identified as a member 
of the Communist Party by Albert Gaillard, appeared in response to 
a subpena. There was displayed to Mr. Robeson a photostatic repro- 
duction of a passport application signed by him in 1958 in which he 
failed to answer questions regarding his Communist Party member- 
ship but pursuant to which a passport was nevertheless issued to him. 
Mr. Robeson was asked, "On the date on which you filed this appli- 
cation for a passport, which, according to this document which you 
have identified, was October 21, 1958, were you on that day a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party ?" 

Mr. Robeson refused to answer on the ground, among others, that 
his answer might incriminate him. He similarlv refused to affirm 
or deny the testimony of Albert Gaillard respecting his membership 
in the Communist Party and the testimony of other witnesses respect- 
inof his activities at the Youth Festival. 


The hearings w'ere protested by Yoiitli xYgainst the House Un- 
American Activities Committee, with headquarters in Room 201, 421 
Seventh Avenue, New York, which issued bulletins and news releases 
attacking the hearings, chartered buses to carry youth protest dele- 
gations to Washington, held meetings and generally conducted a cam- 
paign of vilification against the committee. 

One rally of the group held on Januai-y 31, 1960, featured Clark 
Foreman, executive director of a cited Communist front, the Emer- 
gency Civil Liberties Committee, as master of ceremonies. At that 
rally he lavishly praised Harvey O'Connor, an identified Communist. 
Pete Seeger, another identified Communist, provided entertainment. 
Mrs. Dorothy Marshall, wlio has a long record of service to Com- 
munist organizations over the years, was also featured on the program. 

The committee also found significant the fact that the orc^anization 
occupies the same rooms and uses the same staff as the Emergency 
Civil Liberties Committee, the principal aim of which is to abolish this 
committee and discredit the FBI. 

After carefully evaluating the testimony and other evidence in its 
possession, the committee concluded that the Harlem Youth Congress 
and the Youth Against the House Un-American Activities Committee 
are organizations created and controlled by the Communist Party 
for the purpose of carrying on the Communist program among youth. 

Several times in the course of the hearings when uncooperative 
witnesses expressed defiance of the committee, the protest delegation 
of the Youth Against the House Un-American Activities Committee, 
which packed the hearing room, broke into cheers and applause. The 
committee chairman had to threaten to clear the hearing room to 
maintain order. 

The hearings provided a good example of how the international 
Communist apparatus functions in support of its own. At the time 
of the hearings the committee received 11 protest letters from youth 
organizations in as many foreign countries. Each of these letters 
expressed "sorrow," "concern," " astonishment," "distress," etc., that 
the committee had subpenaed young Americans who had attended the 
Vienna Youth Festival in the interests of world peace. 

The Communist inspiration behind these letters was apparent from 
the reference, in all the letters, to only five ivitnesses. Actually, ten 
witnesses who had attended the Vienna or other youth festivals were 
subpenaed to testify in the hearings. The international Communist 
apparatus apparently had not heard about the four anti-Communist 
witnesses and did not learn about the sixth Communist witness (who 
was subpenaed at a later date) until after the protest letters had been 

Testimony of Frantisek Tisler ^ 

Grim new evidence of the Commmiists' determination to strip 
America of its military and political secrets was offered to the commit- 
tee during the past year by the testimony of Lt. Col. Frantisek Tisler. 

^ See "Communist Espionage in the United States : Testimony of Frantisek Tisler, 
Former Military and Air Attach^, Czechoslovak Embassy in Washington, D.C.," May 10, 
1960, Hearing before Committee on Un-American Activities. 


Colonel Tisler was chief of Czechoslovakia's military intelligence 
operations in the United States from 1955 until his defection in July 
1959. In a series of off-the-record committee sessions — at a time 
and place which cannot be revealed for security reasons — he divulged 
the inside story of an Iron Curtain nation's clandestine intelligence 
activities in the United States under diplomatic cover. The commit- 
tee publicly released a portion of this testimony on May 10, 1960. 

The witness disclosed that he had headed a staff of six Czechoslo- 
vakian military intelligence officers (including himself) sent to this 
country for the purpose of collecting classified information related 
to United States military developments. "This mission," he declared, 
also "called for me to attempt to personally recruit American citi- 
zens to act as agents and, in their agent capacities, to furnish me with 
intelligence on classified materials * * *." 

To legalize their presence in the United States, these military intel- 
ligence officials held nominal assignments with the Czechoslovakian 
Embassy in Washington, D.C, and the Czech permanent delegation 
to the United Nations in New York. Colonel Tisler ostensibly served 
as military and air attache at the embassy. Two of his military intel- 
ligence officers also were "officially" members of the military attache's 
staff; two others used the cover of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
(one, the Czech UN delegate) ; and another agent worked out of the 
commercial attache's section of the embassy. 

Colonel Tisler stated that he was "constantly reminded that my 
position as military and air attache was simply a cover" and that his 
fictitious title actually did aid him in his intelligence work : 

This legal reason enabled me to meet and develop contacts 
with other foreign diplomats who were accredited to the 
United States. It also provided me with a valid reason for 
being interested in military developments in the United 
States. * * '•' As the military and air attache I had office 
facilities in the Czechoslovak Embassy in Washington, D.C, 
and these office facilities were used to house my records and 
equipment, which I used for clandestine intelligence purposes. 

The Czech Embassy also served as headquarters for other intelli- 
gence operations coming under the jurisdiction of the Czech Ministry 
of Interior, Colonel Tisler informed the committee. This separate 
network of intelligence officials was responsible for the "covert and 
overt" collection of political, scientific, and economic intelligence in 
the United States, the witness said, and its members also held ostensibly 
routine assignments on the staff of the embassy or the delegation to 
the United Nations. 

Colonel Tisler estimated that approximately 45 per cent of the 
personnel of the Czech Embassy and the Czech delegation to the UN 
was engaged in some type of intelligence activity during the years 

The assignment of Colonel Tisler to intelligence work in the United 
States came only after intensive special training in Czechoslovakia. 
In November 1954 he was assigned to the Military Intelligence Direc- 
torate of the Czechoslovak General Staff, Ministry of National De- 


f ense, and, from December 1954 mitil March 1955, received intelligence 
training which — 

emphasized items such as security, the use of cover, techniques 
for recruiting agents in the countries of the free world, the 
use of secret writing, codes, and all of the other techniques 
which are connected with covert military intelligence opera- 
tions and which we previously discussed in off-the-record 

The Czech Communist regime considered Colonel Tisler an "old, 
ardent Communist" because he had joined the Czechoslovak Com- 
mimist Party in 1946, 2 years before the Communist take-over of 
government power. Colonel Tisler explained that he had believed 
in the Communist ideology when he joined the Communist Party as 
a university student, but that disillusionment began while he was a 
student at Uie Military Staff Scliool in Prague from 1951 to 1954. 
The officer said he had observed Communists exploiting their party 
positions to obtain personal advantages in the army, and that his dis- 
enchantment with communism increased with such developments as 
the purge trials in Czechoslovakia in 1952, the "denigration" of Stalin, 
and unrest or revolution in Hungary and Poland in 19'56. Colonel 
Tisler declared, however, that : 

The final factor * * * which led to my decision to 
break with communism was the fact that after I came to the 
United States in August 1955, I began to see for myself that 
communism as practiced in Czechoslovakia had misrepre- 
sented the true facts about the free world. The longer I 
stayed in the United States the better I was able to convince 
myself that if an individual was interested in freedom, hu- 
man dignity, and life without terror, this could only be 
obtained in the free world. As a result I decided to remain 
in the United States and, as you know, I broke my ties with 
Czechoslovakia on July 25, 1959. 

Testimony regarding the precise nature and details of the intelli- 
gence activities engaged in by Colonel Tisler and his associates in the 
United States could not be released following Tisler's appearances 
before the committee nor can they be released at the present time. 
However, the committee has made public Colonel Tisler's testimony 
concerning Czechoslovak Government contacts with two American 
citizens of Czechoslovak descent. The committee subsequently ques- 
tioned the two individuals in public session regarding the allegations 
of the Czech intelligence officer. The results of the committee in- 
quiry into this special aspect of Colonel Tisler's testimony are 
summarized below : 

Testimony of Anthony Krehmarek and Charles Musil ^ 

Anthony Krehmarek, chairman of the Communist Party of Ohio, 
and Charles Musil, identified Communist and long-time editor of 
Nova Doha, a Communist-dominated Czech language weekly pub- 
lished in Chicago, appeared as witnesses before the committee on 
May 26, 1960. 

1 See "Testimony of Anthony Krehmarek and Charles Musil," May 26, 1960, Hearing 
before Committee on Un-American Activities. 


Colonel Tisler had described both indiAdduals as being in "frequent- 
contact" with officials of the Czech Embassy in Washington, D.C. 
He not only cited specific instances of personal meetings but also 
involved both individuals in exchanges of information and funds. 
Mr. Krchmarek and Mr. Musil invoked their privileges under the 
fifth amendment rather than affirm or deny many of Colonel Tisler's 
statements regarding their specific relationships with the Czech Com- 
munist Government. On a number of points, hov\'ever, they denied 
that his information was correct. 

Colonel Tisler, who said much of his information was based on 
official messages exchanged by the Czech Embassy in Washington, 
D.C, and the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia, testified regarding 
Krchmarek that : 

The Czech Government was "very concerned" when Krchmarek 
was arrested by the United States Government in 1953 for trial under 
the Smith Act and the Czech Embassy, operating through intermedi- 
aries, transferred funds for use in Krchmarek's defense; 

Members of the Czech Embassy staff contacted Krchmarek in 1956 
for recommendations of names of public officials who might be in- 
vited to visit Czechoslovakia, and Krchmarek advised the embassy that 
certain individuals should be invited and certain others should not 
receive invitations ; 

A December 1958 report to Prague from the Czech ambassador on 
the subject of the recent United States elections contained as an attach- 
ment "notes from Krchmarek regarding these elections"; 

He was informed that Krchmarek, during a trip to Czechoslovakia 
in 1950, was associated with the Czechoslovak Foreign Institute^ 
whose purpose is "the overt spreading of Czechoslovak propaganda 
and the exercise of covert Czechoslovak Communist Party control 
over the Czech and Slovak minorities abroad" ; 

Krchmarek met the Czech ambassador in New York during August 
1958, advised the ambassador that he had been elected to the executive 
committee of the national organization of the Communist Party, USA, 
and informed the ambassador of trends and developments in the 
American party ; 

The ambassador paid Krchmarek funds to cover travel expenses 
for the New York meeting; 

Krchmarek had asked the ambassador to obtain from the Czech 
Communist Party financial support for Communist Party activities 
in America ; 

The Czech ambassador in January 1956 advised Prague that 
Krchmarek was without funds and recommended authority to pay 
him $3,000 for living expenses and propaganda activities. 

In his appearance before the committee, Mr. Krchmarek invoked 
the fifth amendment in response to questions regarding meetings 
with representatives of the Czech Embassy in Washington, D.C, 
and New York and regarding association with the Czechoslovak 
Foreign Institute in Prague. "To my best knowledge," he claimed, 
he at no time received funds from the Czech Government. He in- 
voked the fifth amendment, however, when asked whether he did 
receive funds, including traveling expenses, from the Communist 
Party of the United States. 

Charles Musil, accordino^ to Colonel Tisler's testimonv, was used as 
an mtermediarv between the Czech ambassador and Krchmarek and. 


in that capacit}^, had a number of meetings with the Czech ambassa- 
dor in Januaiy 1956 on the subject of ''Krchmarek's status and diffi- 
culties" as a Smith Act defendant. Colonel Tisler described Nova 
Doba^ which Musil edited, as ''Communist-dominated" and generally 
following the line of the international Communist movement. 

As a witness before the committee, Mr. Musil invoked his constitu- 
tional privileges against self-incrimination when asked whether he 
had had a number of meetings with the Czech ambassador early in 
1956. He refused to discuss the subject of the meetings but insisted 
that he was not acting as an intermediary between the ambassador and 
Krchmarek and that, during the period in question, he had had no> 
conversation with Communists regarding Krchmarek. 


Structure — Objectives — Leadership 
Parts 1-4 

Current operations of the Communist Party in Northern Cali- 
fornia — in terms of tactics, leaders, and techniques to avoid detec- 
tion — were the focus of committee hearings held in San Francisco, 
May 12-14, 1960. 

Extensive e\ddence of party actions on the national level was also 
received as party documents were put into the record tracing the 
activities of Northern California Communist leaders up to their roles 
at the Communist Party I7th National Convention in New York City, 
December 10-13, 1959. 

A total of 46 witnesses testified before the committee in its first 
hearing in the area since the party, in 1957, reorganized and elevated 
its Northern California membership into a "district" — separate and 
distinct from the Southern California party apparatus. 

Karl Prussion, who left the Communist Party in August 1959, after 
26 years' membersliip, testified that Communists sought to fulfill 
"prerequisites" for the overthrow of the American form of government 
by "the infiltration of social, economic, and political organizations" 
in this country. By the process of infiltration, Mr. Prussion stated, 
Communists hope not only to gain leadership in the organizations but 
also to arouse in non-Communists hatred against big business and 
against the Government. 

A former dedicated Communist who later became an informant 
within the party for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Mr. 
Prussion described, from his own experience in party cells in the Los 
Altos, Mountain View, and Palo Alto communities, how Communists 
have concentrated on infiltrating non-Communist community-level 
groups. The witness said the Communists in his cell joined a "splen- 
did" local civic organization dedicated "to the principles of our Amer- 
ican way of life" and managed to make an impact on its policies. 
Specific Communist attempts to exert influence from within parent- 
teacher associations and political organizations were also described by 
the witness. 

1 See : "The Northern California District of the Commnnlst Party : Structure — Objec- 
tives — Leadership," Part 1, May 12. 1960: Part 2. May 13, 1960; Part 3. May 14 and 
June 10. 1960 ; Part 4, Appendix. Hearings before Committee on Un-American Activities. 


Communists were directed to ditch the party-controlled political 
organization, the Independent Progressive Party, after the 1952 elec- 
tions and to become active in the Democratic Party, Mr. Prussion 
stated. He named a number of Communists who became active in the 
California Democratic Clubs in the Palo Alto and Stanford areas as 
a result of this shift in party policy. Ed Eoss, Los Altos salesman 
whose principal party assignment was activity in local Democratic 
Clubs according to Mr. Prussion, appeared as a witness before the 
committee but invoked his constitutional privilege against self-in- 
crimination in response to questions dealing with party affiliation. 
Another witness called during the hearings was William Eeich, of 
Oakland, who also invoked the fifth amendment when asked if he 
made his Communist Party affiliation known to the 8th Congressional 
District Democratic Council, which he served as corresponding secre- 

The aforementioned Ed Ross was also closely questioned by the 
committee regarding his contacts as a ball-bearing salesman with 
plants in missile and allied industries. Mr. Prussion had testified that 
Mr. Eoss boasted to fellow Communist cell members on one occasion 
that he knew when and where missiles were fired, as well as the types 
of missiles and the direction of firing. Mr. Eoss refused to affirm or 
deny Mr. Prussion's testimony. 

Efforts to recruit non- Communist supporters for party policy and 
activities through front organizations created by the party were illus- 
trated by the activities of the Palo Alto Peace Club. Set up by the 
party in 1949, this Communist front still uses "peace as a means of 
disarming, pacifying, and placating the citizenry of a nation," Mr. 
Prussion testified. Its official organ, "The Flashlight," serves as the 
"megaphone of the voice from the Kremlin," the witness declared. ^ 

Doris Dawson, identified by Mr. Prussion as a fellow Communist 
cell member and one-time president of the Palo Alto Peace Club, 
was called as a witness before the committee but invoked her constitu- 
tional privilege against self-incrimination in response to various com- 
mittee questions, including that of whether she had been a paid func- 
tionary of the Communist Party. 

Communist documents distributed to delegates to the party's I7th 
National Convention were introduced in the course of the hearings. 
The documents, which have been reproduced in an appendix to the 
printed hearings, verify that the party faithful, not only in 
California but throughout the Nation, are being called upon for in- 
tensive effort in infiltrating non-Communist organizations, with 
special emphasis on those dealing with labor, the Negro, youth, poli- 
tics, and farmers. The documents include an important policy state- 
ment by the party's national leader, Gus Hall, and proposed reso- 
lutions for action by the convention. They were analyzed at the 
hearings by ^Irs. Barbara Hartle, who testified on the basis of many 
years' previous experience as a full-time, paid functionary of the Com- 
mmiist Party. Mrs. Hartle declared that the Communist Party con- 
tinues to exploit the privileges of democracy and, despite various 
public statements to the contrary, the party has not altered its basic 


belief in the seizure of power by force. The party, she said, looks 
forward to "mass action," to — 

breaking through the bourgeois laws, traditions and conven- 
tions, and doing by force and by mass action, by sheer bodily 
weight and numbers, what you cannot accomplish through 
using the laws, the Constitution and the democratic rights 

^ ^ H< 

Considerable testimony dealt with varied techniques employed by 
Communists to obscure technical membership in the party. These 
techniques pose difficult legal problems which are under continuous 
study by members of the committee. Mr. Prussion described four 
types of party "membership" : 

1. They have one type of member who attends cell meetings, 
pays his dues. 

2. They have another type of Communist, because he doesn't 
want to identify himself with the cell for fear of exposure by 
an informant such as myself, who has a courier pay his dues. 

3. Then there are many, many Communists who have 
dropped out of the Communist Party, conveniently, so that 
they can hide their identity and in that way are better able to 
carry out the revolutionary work. 

4. There is a fourth type of Communist who is never associ- 
ated with a cell, but he is a Leninist, and so imbued with the 
forthcoming revolution that he works diligently wherever 
possible and keeps contact with Communist leaders on the 
higher level. 

This type of a Communist is usually a doctor, a lawyer, 
a political officer, and in the professional field of life. 

The witness said that, in his experience, as many Communists have 
teclinically dropped out of the party to hide their identity in recent 
years as have remained in it as formal cell members. He described 
the chief purpose of these technical withdrawals as desire to hide 
Communist connections in view of the individual's occupation and 
to avoid the impact of security laws. He cited as illustrations two 
fellow cell members : William King, who resigned from the cell and 
retained party contact only on an upper level because he wanted to 
continue working as an electronics engineer in a local plant; and 
Elliott Wilson, who was the subject of a fraudulent expulsion from 
the party so that he could apply for a teaching license from the state 
and swear he was not a member of the party. 

Mrs. Hartle also testified to the existence of a "large group of Com- 
munist followers or associates" who do not have formal party mem- 
bership, pay dues, or attend meetings but, nevertheless, follow the 
discipline of the party insofar as their activities and field of work are 

Quite another type of formal dissociation from the Communist 
Party was demonstrated to the committee as details of the "Vernon 
Bown case" were unfolded during the hearings. In 1959, as the re- 
sult of a policy disagreement with higher party officials in the North- 
ern California District, Bow^n was unwillingly ousted from his job as 

63570—61 5 


organizer for an important party section in San Francisco embrac- 
ing party members affiliated with the unions traditionally in the AFL. 
He was finally expelled from the party itself. 

Documents written by Bown and a Communist section associate, 
Leibel Bergman, on the details of this internal party conflict were ob- 
tained by the committee from sources within the party and made part 
of the hearing record. 

The documents provided striking corroboration of testimony re- 
garding the totalitarian nature of the Communist Party organiza- 
tion. The written complaints of Bown and Bergman noted that 
Bown had been ousted from his party office and the party despite the 
support of other Communists in his club and section; that he was 
convicted at a party "trial" which neither he nor any of his represent- 
atives were allowed to attend ; and Bown was never fully informed of 
the nature of the charges against him. There was better observance 
of the principles of justice in a Nazi court than in the Communist 
Party, the complainants observed in an appeal that went all the way 
to the National Convention of the party without results. Called as 
witnesses before the committee, Mr. Bown and Mr. Bergman invoked 
the fifth amendment in response to all questions relating to this party 
controversy. Similar stands were taken by two other witnesses. 
Jack Weintraub and John Andrew Negro, who, according to commit- 
tee information, supported Bown in the inner party councils. Wit- 
ness Prussion summed up the "democracy" in internal operations of 
the party as follows : 

Within the Communist Party there is total disregard for 
law * * * there are rigged trials, forced confessions, provo- 
cations of suicides of Communists who have deviated, repris- 
als of Communists who might deviate even on party strategy. 

The committee called as witnesses five of the nine Communist Party 
functionaries who represented the Northern California District at the 
party's National Convention in New York City in December 1959. De- 
spite party documents inserted into the record to show their partici- 
pation in the convention, the following delegates uniformly refused 
to answer pertinent questions by the committee : 

Archie Brown, San Francisco longshoreman and, according to com- 
mittee information, the second-ranking Communist in the Northern 
California District ; his official party post is district committee mem- 
ber in charge of trade union matters. 

Ralph Izard, of San Francisco, active in Communist propaganda 
work in addition to serving on the San Francisco County Committee 
of the party. 

Joseph Figueiredo, active party official in Massachusetts until his 
transfer to Northern California party activities. He served on the 
district committee of the party in 1957. 

Saul Wachter, of Berkeley, active in the party's East Bay region 
Political Committee, according to the committee's information. 

Douglas Wachter, student at the University of California and a 
leader in Communist work among youth. 

Other witnesses subpenaed to appear before the committee on the 
basis of committee information respecting their leading roles in 
Northern California Communist echelons included the following in- 


dividuals who, in every instance, invoked their constitutional privilege 
against self-incrimination and refused to answer pertinent questions: 
Merle Brodsky, Oakland; Noel Harris, Eureka; Ann Deirup, Berke- 
ley; Elizabeth Nicholas, Sunnyvale; Donald H. Clark, San Jose: 
Morris Graham, San Jose; Sally Attarian Sweet, Hay ward; Lillian 
Ransome, Wheatland; Ruben Venger, Cotati. 

Six individuals employed as teachers were subpenaed before the 
connnittee on the basis of information that they have also been active 
in the Conununst Party. IMartin Irving Marcus, public school 
teacher of Paciiic Grove; Lottie L. Rosen, teacher from Berkeley; 
Betty Halpern, a teacher in a Berkeley private school; and Travis 
Lalferty, Oakland teacher, invoked the fifth amendment when ques- 
tioned regarding past and present Communist Party membership. 
Tillman H. Erb, a teacher at the Campbell School in Santa Clara 
County, California, stated he was willing to discuss his own activities 
but would not testify regarding others associated with him. When 
the committee did not agree to such qualifications, Mr. Erb declined 
to answer all questions concerning Communist Party activities on the 
ground of possible self-incrimination. John Allen Johnson, a high 
school mathematics teacher of Ukiah, California, also declared he had 
decided to "offer a certain degree of cooperation" to the committee by 
ansAvering questions concerning his own associations but not those of 
other individuals. Claiming that disorderly demonstrations against 
the hearings had altered his plans, Mr. Johnson proceeded to respond 
to all questions by invoking the fifth amendment. 

Two other witnesses with teacher training, but employed in other 
capacities, were called before the committee as a result of information 
that they have been affiliated with the Communist Party. Ralph 
Johnsen, of Berkeley, presently a machinist, admitted he had resigned 
as a teacher in 1950 rather than subscribe to loyalty oath requirements 
but had finally agreed to si^i such an oath in 1958. He denied pres- 
ent party membership but invoked the fifth amendment when asked 
whether he had been a member prior to 1958. Louis Zeitz, a graduate 
student at Stanford University holding teaching credentials he has 
never used, invoked his constitutional privileges in response to all 
questions concerning Communist activity. 

Karl Prussion, in a resumption of his testimony in Washington, 
D.C., on June 10, emphasized that the Communist Party is a party of 
Leninism and that party members, as disciples of Lenin, strive to bring 
about the prerequisite conditions that will make it possible for them 
to overthrow the Government by f orc^ and violence and set up a dicta- 
torship of the Communist Party. Mr. Prussion outlined the four pre- 
requisites of Communist revolution as follows : 

1. The establishment of a dedicated Commimist Party nucleus 
which is strong enough to lead an insurrection to overthrow our 
Government by force and violence. 

2. Disunity in the Government of our Nation ; dissension with- 
in the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of our Govern- 
ment on vital current issues. 

3. A chaotic economic situation in which the Communists, 
through their leadership in social, economic, and political organ- 
izations, could successfully carry out a revolution. This situation 
could be a depression or an inflationary spiral. 


4. The establishment of a trade-union movement which the 
Communists can successfully actuate into a political strike. 
Mr. Prussion expressed the opinion that current Communist Party- 
strength of approximately 10,000 hard-core, formal members, plus (his 
estimate) its equal number of secret members, is sufficient to carry out 
an insurrection "if the other prerequisites are attained." 

He quoted as evidence for this belief a report by Communist Party 
official James S. Allen to the National Executive Committee of the 
party on May 9, 1958. In that report, Mr. Allen stated : 

Yet, in seeking to chart our road to socialism, we are in a much 
better position than the ^larxists in the period before the 
Great Russian Revolution, which pioneered the road, or than 
we were before World War II, before a number of countries 
took that road. 

Mr. Prussion explained that, to the Communists, all Communist 
Party activity is "revolutionary" in nature, whether it be in political, 
economic, or social organizations and even though, on the surface, it 
would appear to be "peaceful work within our Constitution and within 
our Bill of Rights." 

Mr. Prussion gave examples of how the Communists are now work- 
ing in the United States to achieve each of the four prerequisites of 
revolution, emphasizing in his testimony Communist methods of in- 
filtrating various social, political, religious, and trade-union groups 
without arousing the groups' suspicions. 

One such example was the Communist infiltration of the South Palo 
Alto Democratic Club. Mr. Prussion identified 14 of the 25 charter 
members of this club as persons known to him as Communist Party 

He revealed how the Communists have used a campus group for 
student recruitment purposes. Of a Stanford University organiza- 
tion called Political Forum, Mr. Prussion stated : 

This organization is a good, bona fide organization. I don't 
believe it has any Communist control. They invite speakers 
of all descriptions from the extreme right to the extreme left. 

The Communists, he pointed out, send several party members to the 
Political Forum meetings and they take note of those students who ask 
questions which lead the Communists to believe they would be good 
prospects for recruitment into the Communist Party : 

They befriend such a student and will invite such a student 
down to a social study group in one of the homes of the 

In a similar way, Mr. Prussion testified, the Communists try to use 
PTA, religious and other grassroots community organizations to pro- 
mote their line and to attempt to win additional converts to their cause. 

In explaining the Communist "peace" appeal and campaign Mr. 
Prussion stated : 

The only peace that the Communist Party and the Commu- 
nist International want is the "peace" that can come only 
through Communist triumph all over the world * * *. 

Mr. Prussion revealed that the Communists in his area have held 
their secret meetings in members' homes, in public parks, and often 


in public buildin<^s. He recalled examples of secret Communist 
gatherings in the basement of the City Hall at Sunnyvale, Calif., the 
Community Center in Palo Alto, and the South Palo Alto Library: 

Even a room in the Civic Auditorium in San Jose has been 
used. * * * 

As a matter of fact, the Communists have a sense of humor 
and even their sense of humor has a class angle. When they 
refer to the Sunnyvale banquet room in the City Hall of 
Sunnyvale, they call it Smolny Institute No. 1 and they call 
the community building in Palo Alto Smolny Institute No. 2. 

The Smolny Institute, he explained, was the Moscow headquarters 
of the Bolshevik Party during, prior to, and after the Russian 

Mr. Prussion also testified that persons known to him as Communist 
Party members have falsely signed affidavits that they were not mem- 
bers of any subversive organization in order to rmi for public office 
and school board positions. 

He also stated that a Communist Party member, Michael Shapova- 
lov, had written a book entitled "Soviet Union," which is being used 
in the public schools of San Mateo County "at the present time." 

In evaluating what he considered to be the major weaknesses of the 
American public in regard to the o^Derations of the Communist Party, 
Mr. Prussion stated : 

I think the Communist Party, especially through their 
peace campaign and their campaigns of peaceful coexistence, 
have had a major success in creating a public apathy and 
indifference to the menace of the Communist conspiracy. 
This apathy should be changed to an acute awareness by our 
citizenry of this danger, and this awareness should express 
itself in such a manner that there will be proper legislation 
passed that would facilitate the containment and the ulti- 
mate destruction of this conspiracy. Appeasement of the 
Soviet Union on their "peaceful coexistence offensive" today 
can only mean the complete capitulation of the American 
way of life to Leninist materialism and dictatorship to- 

Continuing the committee's study into the entry of foreign Com- 
munist propaganda and its dissemination within the United States, 
the committee heard testimony in San Francisco from Irving Fish- 
man, Deputy Collector of Customs in New York City. 

Mr. Fishman reiterated the need for amendments to the Foreign 
Agents Registration Act of 1938. The act, according to Mr. Fish- 
man, is directed j)rimarily at forcing disclosure of those persons who 
act within the United States as propaganda agents of a foreign power. 
A second purpose of the act is to require the identification of political 
propaganda so that the American public can appraise and evaluate 
material disseminated by propaganda agents in the light of their 
foreign relationships. 

Mr. Fishman estimated that in the year 1959 over 10 million in- 
dividual propaganda items which had entered the United States from 
Soviet-bloc countries were submitted to his units throughout the 
country for examination. According to Mr. Fishman, the Foreign 


Agents Eegistration Act does not, at the present time, appear to pro- 
vide that this material be properly labeled at the time of importation. 

A provision in the Foreign Agents Kegistration Act, as interpreted 
"by the Attorney General in 1940, calls for establishment of an agency 
relationship between the sender and the foreign government before 
any action can be taken in connection with this propaganda. Mr. 
Fishman pointed out that this is difficult to prove when the Soviet 
propaganda machine directs to the United States material printed 
in, or sent through, other free countries of the world. 

With the assistance of Mr. Stephen K. Louie and Mr. Harlin Wong, 
of the San Francisco office of the Customs Service, Mr. Fishman 
focused particular attention on the influx into California of Commu- 
nist propaganda from the mainland of China and North Korea. 
After analyzing some of this material, Mr. Fishman stated that the 
Chinese Communists have concentrated on the overseas Chinese, with 
special attention to attracting overseas Chinese students for study 
in Red China. Mr. Fishman testified that the volume of propaganda 
produced in Europe for dissemination in this country has decreased 
while the Asian Communist material has been on the increase. 

The committee completed its 3-day hearing in San Francisco under 
the most trying conditions possible. Identified Communists, sympa- 
thizers, and students, numbering in the hundreds, engaged in pro- 
test demonstrations within and outside the committee hearing cham- 
bers in a tragic sequence of events which culminated in outright 

It is a matter of record that the Communist apparatus has decided 
that if its operations in the United States are to be more successful, it 
must intensify its campaign to get rid of the House Committee on 
Un-American Activities, and at the same time try to discredit the 
Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and generally weaken 
the F.B.I. 's influence and powers. At the time of the San Francisco 
hearings, this campaign was spearheaded by two Communist-front 
organizations, the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (ECLC), 
with headquarters in New York, and the Citizens Committee To Pre- 
serve American Freedoms (CCPAF) on the West Coast. 

One of the moving forces of the CCPAF is Frank Wilkinson, 
an identified Communist whose job has been to incite resistance to and 
trouble for the committee in locations where hearings are sched- 
uled. The CCPAF's "Operation Abolition" campaign against the 
committee was brought into San Francisco by Wilkinson, who freely 
admitted to newsmen covering the demonstrations that he was there 
to "organize protests."^ 

The long-time classic Communist tactic by which a relatively few 
well-trained, hard-core Communist agents are able to incite and use 
non- Communist sympathizers to perform the work of the Commu- 
nist Party was again made evident in the San Francisco 

1 Since the hearingrs, a new national organization has been formed "to rid the country of 
the witch-hunting Un-American Activities Committee." This organization, the National 
Committee to Abolish the Un-American Activities Committee (NCAUAC), held Its first 
meeting on October 10, 1960, in New York City. An announcement of this meeting gave 
the group's mailing address as 617 North Larchmont Boulevard, Los Angeles 4, California, 
which is the address of the Citizens Committee to Preserve American Freedoms (CCPAF). 

Of the twelve national committee members of the NCAUAC, eight are currently officers or 
executive committee members of the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee. In addition, 
two of these serve simultaneously as executive officers of the CCPAF. Frank Wilkinson Is 
the field representative of the NCAUAC. Eight key persons in the NCAUAC have been 
identified as members of the Communist Party. 


Demonstrations within the hearing room on the first day of the 
hearing completely disrupted normal connnittee procedure time and 
time again and, at one point, forced a halt in the proceedings for over 
40 minutes. The principal agitational demand of the Communist 
demonstrators and their followers was that the hearing room doors be 
opened so that more agitators could gain entry. 

As film coverage of the hearing reveals, the committee, in an effort 
to be fair, had made every possible concession to those interested in 
viewing the proceedings. After every seat in the hearing room had 
been filled for the opening morning session, the committee, in violation 
of its normal procedure, permittecl an additional 100 to 140 spectators 
to enter the room to view the proceedings while standing in the aisles 
and along the rear and side walls. The demonstrations were carried 
on in spite of this and, in order to put a stop to them and restore order, 
the chairman was forced to order evicted from the hearing room Archie 
Brown, Ralph Izard, Merle Brodsky, Saul Wachter, Morris Graham, 
Juanita Wheeler, Sally Attarian Sweet — all subpenaed witnesses and 
active Communists in the area, according to committee information. 
Several students were also ejected. 

Because of this development, the aisles were cleared that afternoon 
and during the remaining 2 days of the hearings. However, a rotation 
seating procedure was adopted in an attempt to permit as many as 
possible of the spectators waiting in the hallways to observe the pro- 
ceedings. Because the agitators engaged in repeated outbursts, dem- 
onstrations, and disruptive behavior in spite of this arrangement, the 
hearing room had to be carefully patrolled by police and sheriff's 
officials for the duration of the hearing. 

On the second day of the hearing, the committee, at the request of 
the police and sheriff's department, had loudspeakers set up 
across the street from City Hall in an attempt to placate the crowds 
trying to gain entrance to the hearing room. (Due to the limited 
seating capacity only several hundred people could be admitted to the 
actual hearing room.) 

As was the case on the previous day, several professional Com- 
munist agitators directed the activity of students and others waiting 
in the hallwavs. The demonstrators there became so loud that, after 
two judges in their chambers on the third floor had complained that 
they were unable to conduct court proceedings because of the noise, 
Presiding Superior Court Judge Clarence Morris, who had been ex- 
periencing the same difficulty, ordered the sheriff and police officials to 
clear the City Hall. When an attempt was made to carry out the 
order, rioting broke out. One student, according to the police officers 
on the scene, provided the spark that touched off the violence when 
he attacked a police officer with a night stick. In order to remove the 
demonstrators from City Hall, fire hoses had to be used. 

Among those arrested during the riots Avere a few trained Com- 
munist agents. The others were the unwitting dupes of the party 
who had, in their demonstrations against the committee, performed 
like puppets — with the trained Communists manipulating the 
strings — even to the point of wilfully and deliberately defying law 
and order. 

Thomas Cahill, Chief of Police; Michael J. Maguire, Police In- 
spector; and Matthew C. Carberry, Sheriff, all of the City and County 
of San Francisco, testified before this committee on the last day of 


the hearings regarding the demonstrations and riots. Each of these 
men discussed their participation in the events just described. All of 
these officials agreed that the student demonstrators were infiltrated by 
a number of professional Communist agitators who were able to incite 
the students to riot. The committee praised these officials for exer- 
cising restraint, caution, and attention to the rights of all persons 
during the events which took place at the hearings. 

The unprecedented disorder and violence surrounding the hearings 
led the committee to renew its appeal for legislation providing pen- 
alties for misbehavior before congressional conmiittees. Communists 
and their dupes were able to disrupt committee hearings with virtual 
impunity. IJnder existing law, the committee cannot set in motion 
any type of judicial process aimed at punishing (and thereby also 
preventing) misbehavior which obstructs orderly congressional in- 

Immediately after the San Francisco hearings, the chairman of 
the committee introduced H.R. 12366, which would make it a mis- 
demeanor for anyone to misbehave in the presence of either House of 
Congress or any one of their committees. The legislative proposal is 
discussed in detail in House Report 2228, submitted by the chairman 
of the committee to the House of Representatives. Film footage of 
the riots in San Francisco taken by TV stations KRON and KPIX 
of that city and made into a documentary film by Washington Video 
Productions, Inc., was made a part of this report. 



The committee held public hearings on Communist activities among 
seamen and on waterfront facilities in Washington, D.C., on June 
6, 7, 8, and 23, 1960. 

These hearings were held to develop information that would enable 
the committee to appraise the bill, H.R. 11580, which was introduced 
in the House on April 5, 1960, by the committee chairman and referred 
to the committee for investigation, study, hearings, and report.^ If 
enacted, H.R. 11580 would amend the Subversive Activities Control 
Act of 1950 to provide that no individual who wilfully fails or refuses 
to answer, or falsely answers, certain questions relating to Com- 
munist activities when summoned to appear before certain Federal 
agencies would be employed on any United States merchant vessel or 
within certain waterfront facilities in the United States. 

The need for such legislation was aptly illustrated by the chairman 
in his opening statement to the committee, when he said : 

In Parker v. Lester^ decided October 26, 1955, and in 
Graham v. Richmond^ decided November 5, 1959, the Ninth 
Circuit Court of Appeals and the Court of Appeals for the 
District of Columbia, respectively, following a series of 
decisions by the Supreme Court, for all practical purposes 
ruled invalid the entire security screening procedures ad- 
ministered by the United States Coast Guard. Prior to these 
decisions, under the Merchant Marine screening program 

* See "Communist Activities Amon^ Seamen and on Waterfront Facilities," Part 1, 
June 6, 7, 8, and 23, 1960, Hearings before Committee on Un-American Activities. 
 See Chapter VIII, "Legislative Recommendations," p. 136. 


which had been authorized by law in 1950, the United States 
Coast Guard had screened olf over 1,800 seamen from mer- 
chant vessels. Since these court decisions and subsequent 
rulings following them by the Federal district courts, him- 
dreds of seamen who had been screened off merchant vessels 
as security risks have procured seamen's documents. 

The chairman explained the origin of the bill introduced by him, 
as follows : 

This bill is patterned after a California statute which was 
held valid by the United States Supreme Court in the case 
of Nelson and Globe v. County of Los Angeles^ decided Feb- 
ruary 29, 1960. In this case, the Supreme Court examined 
a provision of the California code which made it the duty 
of any public employee when summoned before an appro- 
priate Govermnent agency to give the information of which 
he was possessed on communism and other subversive activity. 
The California code provides for dismissal of any such public 
employee who fails or refuses to appear or to answer the ques- 
tions propounded. 

In sustaining the validity of the California statute, the 
court found that, notwithstanding the public employee's in- 
vocation of the fifth amendment, his refusal to reply to the 
questions propounded was sufficient basis for his discharge 
because the State may legitimately predicate discharge on 
refusal of a public employee to give information touching on 
the field of security. 

My bill not only attempts to deal with the problems of 
Communists on vessels, but also a related area in which it 
would appear that legislation is needed, namely, on water- 
front facilities which, if in the hands of Communists or if 
penetrated by Communist agents, would create a grave threat 
to our internal security. 

During the course of the hearings, the committee heard testimony 
from 22 witnesses. Included in this number were representatives of 
the United States Coast Guard, shipping companies, union officials, 
and seamen. 

Vice Admiral James A. Hirshfield, assistant commandant of the 
Coast Guard, accompanied by the assistant chief of the Merchant 
Marine Personnel Division and the chief counsel and assistant chief 
counsel of the Coast Guard, reviewed the history of the merchant sea- 
men screening program, the impact of various court decisions on that 
program, and the need for the legislation mider consideration by this 
committee. He pointed out that approximately 1,800 seamen who had 
been denied seamen's papers by the Coast Guard as security risks, are, 
pursuant to recent court decisions, now eligible on application to be 
issued seamen's papers. 

Respecting the threat to the internal security of the United States 
posed by Communists on ships or waterfront facilities, Admiral 
Hirshfield stated : 

Anyone familiar with the work of men who follow the sea 
must agree with the conclusion of the Court as expressed 
in Parker v. Lester that merchant seamen are in a sensitive 


position in that opportunities for serious sabotage are numer- 
ous. Furthermore, because of the very nature of their occu- 
pation, seamen may be used easily as links in a worldwide 
Communist communication system and a worldwide espio- 
nage network. 

In testifying about the security threat posed by Communist sea- 
men and Communists on waterfront facilities, Rear Admiral Halert 
C. Shepheard described the extent to which the United States is de- 
pendent upon its merchant fleet. He stated that the countiy has 
recognized the merchant fleet as the fourth arm of its defense. 
Admiral Shepheard, prior to his retirement, was chief of the Office of 
Merchant Marine Safety of the United States Coast Guard. 

Ralph E. Casey, president of the American Merchant Marine In- 
stitute, Inc., which represents 45 American shipping companies, ap- 
peared as a witness and testified in support of H.R. 11580, the bill 
under consideration by the committee. 

Ray R. Murdock, Washington counsel, Seafarers' International 
Union of North America, accompanied by PI. Howard Ostrin, gen- 
eral counsel. National Maritime Union, and Hoyt S. Haddock, di- 
rector. Seafarers' Section, Maritime Trades Department, AFL-CIO, 
offered additional testimony supporting the bill introduced by the 

Respecting the existing situation in which the Coast Guard screen- 
ing program has been ruled invalid by the Federal courts, Mr. Mur- 
dock stated: 

The result is that subversives have free access to ships and 
port facilities in this country. 

He continued : 

Let me emphasize that, under existing conditions, the ship- 
ping industry constitutes a convenient conduit by which 
subversives from foreign countries can pour into this coun- 
try. The dangers inherent in this situation cannot be over- 
emphasized. The National Research Council of the National 
Academy of Sciences recently issued a report known as 
"Project Walrus." We do not agree with some of the conclu- 
sions in this report. However, it does set forth some facts 
which should be alarming to the Congress and to the public. 

It points out that, in the event of general war, "merchant 
shipping is very likely to be the least damaged physical re- 
source." This is because railroad and highway systems are 
extremely vulnerable to atomic attack. In the event of such 
an attack, our main reliance, at least in the early stages, would 
be on the merchant marine. 

But it must be remembered that the merchant marine is 
peculiarly vulnerable to sabotage. One skilled man can para- 
lyze a great ship. If we are not able to prevent the infiltra- 
tion of our merchant marine by subversives, then the hazards 
become incalculable. If our merchant marine can be para- 
lyzed by sabotage, then all the billions we are spending for 
defense still leave us woefully unprepared. 


He and his associates supported H.I\. 11580 but suggested that it be 
amended to cover seamen employed on any merchant vessel owned by 
a citizen of the United States. 

Marion Chrusniak, president, Local 829, International Longshore- 
men's Association, Baltimore, testified on behalf of the 5,000 long- 
shoremen from the port of Baltimore in support of the chairman's 
bill. He also pointed out the threat posed by Communist activities on 
waterfront facilities. 

Shea Gorden Trosten, of Bridgeport, Connecticut, an instrument 
worker who had been an active seaman for about 12 years, testified that 
he had been a member of the Communist Party from 1943 to 1951 and 
that for about 7 years prior to his appearance before this committee he 
had served as an undercover informant within the party for the FBI. 
While in the Communist Party, he said, he had been a rank-and-file 
member of its Waterfront Sections in New York City and Port 
Arthur, Texas, and had attended party Waterfront Section meetings 
in New Orleans and in England, Belgium, and France. He had also 
attended the Communist Party's Jefferson School of Social Science in 
New York City and had been a member of the National Maritime 

Mr. Trosten testified that the major activities of Communist seamen 
were directed toward getting Communist Party members elected to 
positions of influence in maritime unions and in carrying out Com- 
munist Party policy aboard ship. 

He also testified that Communists carried American Communist 
Party propaganda to Europe, where they delivered it to party con- 
tacts. It was common practice, he said, for Communist cell meetings 
to be held aboard ships. 

When asked how Communist seamen could be used for the smug- 
gling of couriers or espionage agents, Mr. Trosten replied : 

It is not too difficult to cover a man up on a passenger ship 
where you have a crew of about 600 or 700, like the United 
States or the America or the Constitution. You find them in 
the steward's department, and he can ride over and back with 
practically no detection by anybody, because there are so 
many aboard. 

Mr. Trosten identified a number of seamen known by him to be 
members of the Communist Partv. 

Loron "^^Hiitney Wardwell, of Rochester, New York, a chef, testi- 
fied that he had served in the merchant marine as chief steward, chief 
cook and second cook, and butcher and baker from 1945 to 1953, at 
which time he was expelled from his union as a "left-winger" when 
it was taken over bv the American Federation of Labor. He also 
testified that he had been a member of the Waterfront Section of the 
Communist Partv from 1949 to 1953, and served as an informant for 
the FBI from 1950-1954. 

Mr. Wardwell testified that it was an extremely serious threat to 
national securitv for Communists to have access to merchant vessels 
and port facilities, that they could tie up waterfronts and could also 
serve as a "perfect front" for Communist courier services to Europe 
and the Far East at any time. 


He testified that Communist Party propaganda was distributed on 
every ship he had ever worked on and that members of the Water- 
front Section of the Communist Party were under instructions to — 

take complete control of unions, various committees, to dis- 
rupt various organizations and to, I would say, create havoc 
on the waterfront. 

Mr. Wardwell testified that he had known two or three hundred sea- 
men who were Commmiist Party members. He identified as Com- 
munists a number of seamen who had been screened off American 
merchant sliips under the Coast Guard security program and who 
had recently been reissued seamen's papers as a result of court deci- 
sions. Two of the persons identified by Mr. Wardwell, Peter Goodman 
and Stanley Milton Hauser, appeared before this committee during 
the course of the hearings. 

Peter Goodman, of New York, testified that he had been a plastic 
moldmaker for the last 5 years. He invoked the fifth amendment in 
refusing to testify if he was presently a member of the Communist 
Party and if he currently held seaman's papers. He also invoked 
the fifth amendment in refusing to testify whether witness Loron 
Wardwell's identification of him as a Communist Party member was 
true, whether he had told those attending a meeting of the Youth 
Against the House Un-American Activities Committee held at the 
Woodstock Hotel in New York City on June 3, 1960, that he was not a 
member of the Communist Party, and whether, in addressing that 
meeting, he had expressed the hope that demonstrations against the 
committee during the instant hearings would exceed those which took 
place in San Francisco. During the course of his testimony the fol- 
lowing excerpt from the speech he delivered at the Woodstock Hotel 
was introduced into the record : 

Some of us who have carried this fight over a period of time 
have learned not to stand in the way of history. We expect 
to get ourselves back into the industry — reestablish our- 
selves — and in the long run I think that the maritime industry 
is meant to be one of the militant sparkplugs of the labor 
movement as it was in time gone by. 

There was displayed to Mr. Goodman a document from the United 
States Coast Guard certifying that he had procured seaman's papers, 
but Mr. Goodman refused to answer any questions concerning the 

Stanley Milton Hauser, a student at the City College of New York, 
also invoked the fifth amendment when asked if he was presently a 
member of the Communist Party and if he held papers as a ship's 
radio operator. After witness Loron Wardwell identified Hauser 
as a person known to him as a Communist Party member and a mem- 
ber of the goon squad of the Waterfront Section of the Communist 
Party of New York City, Hauser invoked the fifth amendment in re- 
fusing to affirm or deny these identifications. He also invoked con- 
stitutional privileges when asked if he had ever transmitted radio 
messages at the direction of a person known to him to be a member 
of the Communist Party. 

There was displayed to Mr. Hauser a document from the United 
States Coast Guard certifying that he had been issued seaman's papers 
in 1957, but Mr. Hauser refused to answer any questions concerning 
the document. 


Hugh Mulzac, of Jamaica, New York, who commanded a Liberty 
ship in World War II, invoked the fifth amendment when asked if 
he was currently a member of the Communist Party, if he had been 
screened oif merchant vessels in the past under the Coast Guard se- 
curity progi'am, and if he had made arrangements to resume his 
career as a seaman. Mulzac had had his seaman's papers as a steward- 
cook returned to him in 1956 as a result of the decisions by the Ninth 
Circuit Court of Appeals and the Court of Appeals of the District 
of Columbia. 

Pie also invoked the fifth amendment when asked if he was chair- 
man of the Seamen's Defense Coimnittee. The Seamen's Defense 
Committee was described in an article appearing in the Daily Worker 
of March 5, 1956, as follows : 

The Seamen's Defense Committee, composed chiefly of sea- 
men and longshoremen who have been screened out of the 
maritime industry by the Coast Guard, was formed recently 
with the cooperation of the Emergency Civil Liberties 

Mr. Mulzac's connection with the Seamen's Defense Committee was 
described in a Daily Worker article of November 8, 1956, as follows : 

The Seamen's Defense Committee Against Coast Guard 
Screening, whose chairman is Capt. Hugh N. Mulzac, and 
consisting of merchant seamen denied "clearance" within the 
last six years by the Coast Guard * * *. 

Mr. Mulzac refused, on fifth-amendment grounds, to answer any 
questions pertaining to these Daily Worker articles. 

The following individuals appeared before the committee during 
this hearing and invoked constitutional privileges in response to ques- 
tions regarding Communist Party membership : Donald William Jack- 
son, Rudolf Kaunitz, Louis Becker, Henry Bernard Kasbohm, Charles 
Malvern Swan, William Henry Thompson, and Charles Everett 

The above-mentioned witnesses were named to this committee by 
Coast Guard officials as seamen whose papers had previously been 
denied them but who presently hold seamen's papers as a result of 
recent court decisions. 

William Henry Thompson, a seaman from Baltimore, invoked 
constitutional privileges when asked if he had been in the offices of 
the Committee on Un-American Activities the previous day, had con- 
ferred with the staff director at that time, had told the director some- 
thing of his background, and revealed that he had recently broken 
with the Communist Party. In addition, he invoked the fifth amend- 
ment when asked if he had planned to testify before the committee as 
a cooperative witness, if he had been threatened since his visit to the 
committee offices the previous day, and if he had told any person he 
knew to be a Communist Party member about his visit to the committee 
office and his plan to testify. There was displayed to Mr. Thompson 
a document from the United States Coast Guard certifying that he 
had procured seamen's papers, but Mr. Thompson refused to answer 
any questions concerning the docmnent. 

^ See Committee on Un-American Activities Annual Report for tlie Tear 1958, H. Rept. 
187, March 8, 1959, pp. 34, 35, in whicli tlie committee formally found the ECLC to be a 
Communist front. 



Communists licensed as radio operators with access to radio trans- 
mitting equipment could "wreak havoc" on the defense system of this 
!N'ation through sabotage of CONELRAD, various electronics devices, 
and our radar net, according to Air Force Major Dow E. Evelyn in 
testimony before the Committee on Un-American Activities on August 
24, 1960. _ 

Committee hearings on August 23 and 24 were designed to develop 
information pertinent to H.R. 12852, a bill which had been introduced 
in the Congress by Mr. Walter and referred to this committee.^ This 
bill would amend the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950 to cope 
with Communist infiltration in the field of radio communications. It 
not only prohibits the issuance of a radio operator's license to any 
individual who wilfully fails or refuses to answer certain questions 
relating to Communist activities when summoned to appear before 
designated Federal agencies, but also provides for the revocation of a 
license which may be, or may have been, issued to such an individual. 

The United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia 
handed down its decision in the case of Borrow v. Federal Communi- 
cations Com7nission on June 30, 1960. 

The court held that under the Communications Act it was proper 
for the Commission to ask an applicant for a license certain questions 
pertaining to Communist Party membership and that refusal to 
answer such questions was sufficient basis for the Commission to dis- 
miss an application. This case, however, did not deal with holders 
of operators' licenses, as distinct from applicants. 

It was brought out in the hearing that approximately 2i/^ million 
individuals hold FCC transmitting licenses and that, under the present 
law, Communists are not precluded, as such, from holding or obtaining 
a communications license. The FCC, however, if it has evidence of 
Communist Party membership on the part of an applicant, can set a 
hearing and deny a license to said applicant on the ground that it 
would be contrary to public interest. 

Eleven witnesses testified to the need for efi^ective security legislation 
in the communications field. The witnesses were representatives of 
the Federal Commmiications Commission, the Air Force, private in- 
dustry engaged in communications, and the Connnunications Workers 
of America, AFL-CIO. 

The first witness, Robert E. Lee, connnissioner of the Federal Com- 
munications Commission, was accompanied by four of his associates on 
the Commission staff who assisted him in his testimony. 

The Federal Communications Commission was created in 1934. 
Its purpose is to regulate interstate and foreign commerce in com- 
munications by wire and radio. Everyone who operates a radio trans- 
mitter, with the exception of the military or Federal Government, must 
apply to FCC for a license and must meet certain public-interest 
standards. This holds whether they are amateur, police, conservation, 
airplane, or ships' radio operators. 

The FCC representatives explained that CONELRAD (a con- 
traction of CONtrol of ELectromagnetic RADiation) was developed 

^ See "Communist Penetration of Radio Facilities (CONELRAD — Communications)," 
Part 1, Aug. 23 and 24, 1960, Hearings before Committee on Un-American Activities. 
2 See section of this report dealing with "Legislative Recommendations," p. 136. 


by FCC at the request of the military and civil defense officials. Mili- 
tary officials had asked for some means of denying radiation from any 
transmitter which would, under attack conditions, provide naviga- 
tional aid to an enemy. Civil defense, on the other hand, wanted a 
means of communication to the public mider attack conditions. Mr. 
Lee said that CONELRAD is a compromise system and not perfect 
for either purpose, but that, at present, it is the only practicable solu- 
tion to the problem and a must for national defense. He also pointed 
out that COXELRAD is a protection against interference with the 
operations of U.S. defensive and offensive missiles in the event of 
enem}^ attack. 

During a CONELRAD alert, Mr. T^e explained, approximately 
1300 stations remain on the air in a prearranged, engineered system, 
broadcasting on 640 and 1240 kilocycles. They are not permitted to 
identify their location, their power is reduced, and they broadcast only 
civil defense information. He estimated that there would be as many 
as 4,500 radio operators involved in the system, depending on the 
number of shifts during an alert. 

According to Mr. Lee, a station which disobeyed CONELRAD 
directives and remained on the air under attack conditions, without 
shifting to the designated frequencies, could provide navigational aid 
to approaching aircraft and also provide intelligence information 
to the enemy. He said that he is, and always has been, deeply con- 
cerned over attempts by Communists to penetrate communications 
facilities of this Nation. 

Mr. Lee told the committee that FCC cannot deny or revoke an op- 
erator's license without a full hearing. When the Commission receives 
confidential derogatory information from another Government agency 
concerning a current license holder, he said, it must consider whether it 
will be able to prove its case in a hearing. "W^ien, for security reasons, 
a witness cannot be produced, the FCC has no choice but to renew 
the license. 

The witness said that it was his personal opinion that H.R. 12852 
would be a "useful tool" in attemptmg to preclude Communists from 
access to communications facilities. 

He also pointed out that, in spite of the ruling in the Borrow case, 
the FCC has no specific legal authorization for sending a question- 
naire concerning Communist Party activity to persons who apply for 
renewal of their licenses and that there have been relatively few in- 
stances in which the Commission has been able to deny a license renewal 
by reason of confidential information regarding Communist Party 
membership and activities. 

Mr. Frank M. Kratokvil, assistant chief of the Field Engineering 
and IVIonitoring Bureau, FCC, described the license status of a num- 
ber of individuals who had obtained radio operators' licenses from the 
FCC and who were under subpena to appear before the committee. 

The next witness was Michael Mignon, a former Communist Party 
member who had appeared before the committee in 1957 under subpena 
and testified concerning his experiences and activities as a mei^ih(^r of 
the Communist Party from 1936 to approximately 1940. At tlie liear- 
ing in August 1960, Mr. Mignon, also under subpena and now a repre- 
sentative of the Communications Workers of America, AFL-CIO, 
testified that he had known radio operator Philip D. Boothroyd as a 
member of the Communist Party on the West Coast. He also testified 
that, on the basis of his background in both the Communist Party and 


the communications industry, it was his opinion that a Communist 
Party member who had access to communications facilities "would not 
hesitate at all" to sabotage CONELRAD. 

Major Dow E. Evelyn, of the Office of Directorate of Operations, 
Headquarters, U.S. Air Force, testified that the Air Force regards 
CONELRAD as important and that, in March 1959, it had restated 
its need as a military requirement. Major Evelyn pointed out that in 
addition to providing navigational aid to the enemy, a person who 
chose to disobey the CONELRAD directive could also give false or 
misleading instructions to the civilian populace, thereby causing panic. 

For security reasons. Major Evelyn avoided technical details re- 
garding defense s^^stems, but he did explain that protective electronic 
devices, including the radar net of the United States, are dependent 
upon the intelligence they collect, and the possibility exists that the 
system may be blinded through the use of false, spurious, or masking 

Major Evelyn testified that the Air Force has no power to cause the 
removal of Communists who have access to radio transmitters. 

Wilson McMakin, vice president of the Mackay Radio and Telegraph 
Co., the Commercial Cable Co., and All America Cables and Radio, 
Inc., and Globe Wireless, Ltd. — all subsidiaries of the American Cable 
and Radio Corporation — appeared as a witness in the hearing. Mr. 
McMakin, in addition to holding the above-mentioned positions, is 
director of industrial relations for these companies, as well as their 
industrial personnel security officer. 

He testified that his companies operate radio-telegraph and sub- 
marine cable telegraph circuits to and from most countries of the 
world, including the Soviet Union and other nations behind the Iron 
Curtain. These circuits, which handle all types of international 
traffic, are used not only by the public, but by Government agencies 
and American firms engaged in defense work. 

In addition, Mr. McMakin stated, the companies operate public 
coastal radio stations on the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific Coasts of the 
United States. These stations are engaged in communications with 
all ships at sea, including American-flag ships. 

The operators handling the messages at the coastal stations, as well 
as aboard ship, are all licensed by the FCC. To insure proper routing 
of marine messages, they, of necessity, must and do have knowledge 
of the location of all ships at sea in all oceans. It is easy, he said, to see 
the danger posed by subversives in such positions in time of a national 

Mr. McMakin stated that it was his belief that the possibility of 
sabotage in the communications area was the "greatest danger to 
national defense" : 

Trained saboteurs planted throughout the communications 
companies' facilities could cause a breakdown of such 
facilities * * *. 

It would be a simple matter for such employees to cripple 
communications by damaging delicate and complex equip- 
ment used in modern methods of transmission. 

He said that his companies endorsed H.R. 12852 — 

as an important means to help prevent the deliberate place- 
ment of the saboteur and the spy in critical locations 
throughout an industry as vital to the national defense as 

\TV^ I'V^m "T^ 1 ^-ic\ -rt /^"i-\ n 


Joseph F. Keating, vice president in charge of programs and opera- 
tions for the Mutual Broadcasting System and a member of the Na- 
tional Industry Advisory Committee, testified that NIAC has been 
working with FCC in developing a plan for an emergency broadcast- 
ing system to function before, during, and after a CONELRAD radio 

The NIAC plan will utilize CONELRAD stations for broadcasting 
Presidential messages, general instructions, news, and various other 
messages from relocated agencies of the Federal Government. 

It seems obvious, Mr. Keating stated — 

that Communist agents or sympathizers, placed in vital areas, 
could play havoc with this system under CONELRAD. The 
emergency broadcast system's success depends upon the col- 
laboration of every station involved, including * * * even 
amateur radio stations. 

He pointed out that just a few persons could cause damage and de- 
struction, even though the vast majority of radio personnel and techni- 
cians were completely loyal and cooperative. 

Mr. Keating emphasized the need for effective legislation to help 
safeguard the American radio system from sabotage at the hands of 
Communists or Communist agents. 

In addition to the witnesses who testified to the need for legislation 
to help protect our communications facilities from subversion and 
sabotage, six individuals who, according to the committee information, 
are or have been members of the Communist Party appeared in 
response to subpena. 

These witnesses have all held, and in some instances still hold, li- 
censes issued to them by the Federal Communications Commission 
which enable them to operate communications facilities. 

Two of the witnesses, Philip D. Boothroyd and Wayne P. Paschal, 
have been publicly identified as members of the Communist Party by 
witnesses appearing before this committee. Both invoked the fifth 
amendment and refused to either affirm or deny the testimony given 
concerning them. They also refused to answer questions pertaining 
to current party membership. 

Witnesses Harold O. Townsend, Stanley Blumenthal, Murray Gold- 
berg, and Da^'id Jay Gould also invoked the fifth amendment and 
refused to answer questions pertaining to present Communist Party 


"Since February 1955, Soviet strategy has been based on the doc- 
trine of surprise attack in nuclear warfare. * * * Several times over 
the past 4 years, it has been said again and it has never been changed." 

This ominous statement was made in testimony before the com- 
mittee on September 14 by Nikolai Fedorovich Artamonov, a 32-year- 
old native oi Leningrad and former Soviet Naval officer who defected 
to the West in June 1959. Captain Artamonov also declared : 

I believe that the Soviet dictatorship would undertake a 
surprise attack if she felt that she could win in one stroke. 
Make no mistake — they are power seekers, not political ideal- 
ists. Khrushchev does not wish to wait indefinitely for the 

1 See "Testimony of Captain Nikolai Fedorovich Artamonov (Former Soviet Naval 
Officer)," Sept. 14, 1960, Hearing before Committee on Un-American Activities. 

63570—61 6 


United States to become a socialist state by evolution ; more- 
over he does not believe this will happen. He would like to 
see it take place in his lifetime. 

The Captain testified that, although he did not have access to any 
secret information or directives concerning a surprise nuclear attack 
on the United States by the Soviet Government, he did know of a num- 
ber of broad official statements which were intended to prepare the 
military forces of the USSR for the possibility of unleashing such an 
attack on this country. He produced a Soviet military publication 
which dealt with that very subject. 

Captain Artamonov said he felt obliged to point out that "Soviet 
military strategy is inconsistent with Khrushchev's pronouncements 
on disarmament." 

Since his arrival in the United States, Captain Artamonov testified, 
he has tried to draw upon his knowledge and experience to help the 
West meet the threats of the Soviet Government. 

He stated that while he knew that Soviet submarines sailing in or 
close to United States territorial waters were seeking information of 
interest to Moscow's intelligence organizations, he was in a position to 
discuss Soviet trawler activity in more detail. According to the wit- 
ness, these trawlers are part of a Soviet Naval Intelligence Squadron, 
are manned by special crews selected from Naval Intelligence person- 
nel and constitute an essential part of the Soviet Naval fleet. The 
trawlers, he said, are not the fishing vessels they purport to be, but are 
equipped with special instruments for collecting intelligence data. For 
deceptive purposes, they carry a load of fish when they leave their 
bases to carry out their intelligence missions in or close to the terri- 
torial waters of the United States or in other areas. 

Captain Artamonov testified that the trawlers' mission is to col- 
lect information concerning the combat readiness and preparations of 
American naval forces, the composition and structure of the fleet, 
the various types of weapons carried by our vessels, and the routes 
of our naval and air patrols. Captain Artamonov said that our anti- 
submarine defenses are "of great interest" to Soviet Naval Intelligence. 

The chairman revealed that Captain Artamonov had, on a number 
of occasions before his defection, been singled out for special atten- 
tion and commendation in the Soviet press. He said that articles ap- 
pearing in various Soviet publications praised Captain Artamonov for 
his outstanding performance and leadership, for having achieved a 
very high degree of competence in antisubmarine training, and for his 
proficiency in propagandizing party decisions among his officers and 
men. The chairman pointed out that, under the Soviet system, these 
articles could be considered a great tribute to the Captain. 

"Listening to this young man's statements about the Soviet military 
and political intentions, strategy, capabilities, Soviet espionage, and 
the present lot of the Soviet citizen," the chairman said, "we are re- 
minded again of the aggressive and deceitful threat to world peace 
the Soviet Union represents." 


Captain Artamonov testified tluit he was born and educated in 
Russia and that his entire life had been that of a true Soviet citizen. 

Recalling his political background, the Captain testified that, as a 
child, he belonged to the "Pioneers," a Communist organization for 
children which he compared with our Boy Scouts. However, he said, 
in the Soviet Union usual scouting activities were displaced largely 
by political indoctrination and propaganda. During his teens, Cap- 
tain Artamonov said, he was a member of the Komsomol (Young 
Communist League), which he described as an "organization for 
adolescents, youths of older age groups and * * * much more seri- 
ously concerned with ideas aimed at forming good Communists." In 
1947, he reached the status of candidate for Communist Party mem- 
bership and, in 1949, became a full-fledged member of the party. 

Captain Artamonov testified that his presence in the United States 
was due to the "Kremlin's policies" and that his defection was not 
prompted by foreign intelligence agents or by the prospect of an 
easier life : 

I did not come to the United States because of any con- 
nections with foreign intelligence — for I had none; nor did 
I make tliis move because of threats of repercussions for 
something I had done — for there were none. On the con- 
trary, I was given favored treatment by the Soviet authori- 
ties and had a bright future ahead of me — having been 
publicly described as one of the brilliant young career officers 
of the Soviet Navy. My defection was also not prompted by 
the prospect of greater material gain or security or an easy 
life, for I gave up what promised to be a successful career in 
the Soviet Union to come here. 

In his testimony, Captain Artamonov revealed that he first began 
to doubt the Soviet system while he was a student at Higher Naval 
School. Later, questions were raised in his mind as a result of observa- 
tions made during his cruises to various foreign ports, although, 
initially, "Soviet propaganda and political education managed to 
quiet them * * *." However, he said, the Hungarian revolution and 
the unrest in Poland in 1956 finally convinced him that the Soviet 
Government's foreign policy statements were untrue. ^'Vnien Khru- 
shchev praised Marshal Zhukov as a war hero and 3 months later 
fired him, Captain Artamonov's illusions about internal policies were 
completely shattered. He could no longer spread ideologies which 
he had come to detest. 

The captain emphasized that he will never forsake the Russian peo- 
ple, for he is and shall remain a Russian — "but not a Soviet Rus- 
sian, not a toy in the hands of Khrushchev and the company in the 


The committee held a number of executive session hearings on the 
defection to the Soviet Union of Benion F. Mitchell and William H. 
Martin, National Security Agency mathematicians and cryptog- 
raphers. The committee's investigation of this defection is con- 
tinuing and further hearings on it will be held. 


A report containing as much information on the matter as may 
be made public consistent with the interest of national security may 
be published by the committee in the future. 

The committee is presently making an extensive study of security 
regulations and practices now in force in sensitive Government agen- 
cies. It believes that this study, when completed, will point up the 
necessity for more realistic administration of personnel security 
measures in all such agencies in the future. 



Communist Infiltration and Agitation Tactics 

The student riots against the Committee on Un-American Activities 
in San Francisco, California, May 13, 1960, were Commimist-inspired 
and Communist-incited. This was the report of J. Edgar Hoover,^ 
Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation to the committee. 
Mr. Hoover said that the riots were termed "the most successful Com- 
munist coup to occur in the San Francisco area in 25 years" by ex- 
perienced West Coast observers familiar with Communist strategy and 

As background for his report, Mr. Hoover referred to Communist 
manipulation of youth in other parts of the world, specifically men- 
tioning demonstrations by Communist-oriented students in Uruguay 
earlier in 1960 and the Japanese riots, which he described as the 
"culmination" of the Communists' nurturing and developing of stu- 
dents over a 10-year period. He also described how youth groups 
in Cuba are being exploited by Communists to "strengthen the revolu- 
tion" in that country. 

During the last 2 years in the United States, the Communist Party 
has achieved a limited "breakthrough" in its efforts to infiltrate youth 
and student groups. This, Mr. Hoover said, has been the result of 
careful planning and concentrated effort by the party. 

He revealed that on May 30 and 31, 1959, a meeting took place in 
New York City attended by some 20 young party leaders from all over 
the country: 

The purpose of the meeting was to devise a program to at- 
tract young blood — teenagers, students, and working youth — 
to the ranks of the party. 

Following this meeting, the party began a series of lecture programs 
throughout the country and placed "two of the most promising and 
active young Communists, Mortimer Daniel Rubin and Danny 
Queen," on the party's National Committee. In addition, a new Marx- 
ist youth organization. Advance, was organized and plans were formu- 
lated for a new Marxist youth publication, "New Horizons." ^ Mr. 
Hoover stated that this publication would not be labeled a Marxist 
publication, so as to avoid too close identification with the Communist 

=» See "Communist Target — Youth : Communist Infiltration and Agitation Tactics." a 
report by J. Edgar Hoover, Director of tlie Federal Bureau of Investigation, illustrating 
Communist strategy and tactics in the rioting which occurred during House Committee on 
Un-American Activities hearings, San Francisco. May 12-14. 1960. 

* Now being published under the title "New Horizons For Youth." 



Many youth and student groups in our country today are "totally^ 
unaware" of the extent to which they can be victimized by the Com- 
munist Party, according to Mr. Hoover. As an example, he pointed 
out that Judge Albert A. Axelrod of the San Francisco municipal 
court had dismissed charges against 62 of the persons arrested for their 
part in the San Francisco riots, even though there were ample grounds 
for conviction, because he felt that the young people could well be 
hamited for the rest of their lives by the stigma which conviction 
would attach to them. Yet, immediately after this decision had been 
rendered, 58 of the defendants signed and distributed a statement 
claiming: "Nobody incited us, nobody misguided us. We were led 
by our own convictions and we still stand firmly by them." 

In line with a long-standing party aim to destroy not only the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, but also the Senate Internal Secu- 
rity Subcommittee, the Communist Party had reaffirmed its dedica- 
tion to "abolish" these two investi^^ative committees in a resolution 
adopted at its l^th National Convention in December 1959. 

Thus, .according to Mr. Hoover, when the decision of the Committee 
on Un-American Activities to hold hearings May 12-14, 1960, in San 
Francisco was announced, it was mandatory for Communists to imple- 
ment the convention resolution by "doing everything possible to dis- 
rupt the hearings as part of the overall aim to destroy the HCUA." 

Mr. Hoover recalled that a concentrated effort had been made by 
various groups in the San Francisco area to force cancellation of 
HCUA hearings into Communist activities of educators in northern 
California scheduled for June 1959. The subsequent cancellation of 
these hearings left many of the protesting groups and organizations 
inactive but intact and, because of this, reorganization and reactivation 
for the 1960 call to action against the committee was aided immensely. 

For the 1960 hearings, the Conmiunists planned two stages of attack. 
The first was to pack the hearings with demonstrators. The second was 
to incite these demonstrators to "action" through the use of mob 

In organizing the first stage of attack, the Communist Party decided 
to build support around one of the subpenaed witnesses, Douglas 
Wachter, an 18-year-old sophomore at the University of California 
who had attended the Seventeenth National Convention of the Com- 
munist Party. According to Mr. Hoover, Douglas Wachter proceeded 
to organize student demonstrators on his campus immediately after he 
had been served with a subpena. 

Koscoe Proctor, a member of the district committee of the Northern 
California District of the Communist Party, was instructed by the 
district chairman, Mickey Lima, to contact additional students at the 
University of California and enlist their supj)ort. Lima was also 
assured that student support would be forthcoming from Santa Rosa 
Junior College and San Francisco State College. 

A circular to all Communists in the San Francisco area outlined the 
plan of attack, and rank-and-file party members quickly responded. 
Party members immediately circulated petitions, published protest 
advertisements, initiated fund drives, and arranged for radio broad- 
casts to stimulate resistance to the Committee on Un-American Activi- 

A party telephone campaign, designed specifically to reach 1,000 
people, solidified party action. Mr. Hoover pointed out that Merle 


Broclsky, an active leader of the Communist Party in California for 
20 years, "boasted that he was calling everyone he had ever known 
enlisting support for the demonstrations." 

Mr. Hoover added that a simultaneous campaign was initiated by 
various Communist-controlled groups in the area, including the Citi- 
zens Committee To Preserve American Freedoms and the East Bay 
Community Forum. These organizations, financially assisted by the 
Communist Party, circulated literature opposing the committee and. 
calling for its abolition. Mr. Hoover added : 

As the scheduled time for the hearings neared, Commu- 
nists stepped up their ellorts to assure a big turnout. Com- 
munist leaders in Berkeley arranged transportation from 
Berkeley to San Francisco for ^^ouths interested in attending 
each of the 3-day hearings. Meetings were held; leaflets 
appeared on campuses; and telephone calls were made with 
increasing urgency. 

By May 11, 1960, party leaders knew they had succeeded 
in the first stage of their planned campaign. * * * the dem- 
onstrators would be out in full force. 

Simultaneously, the party initiated plans to carry out the second 
stage of their planned attack. Mr. Hoover quoted one of the sub- 
penaed witnesses, Saul Wachter, as saying to party members that the 
committee would encounter "plenty of opposition" and that demon- 
strations would be staged against the committee. 

He added that Archie Brown, a former member of the party's 
National Committee, and Merle Brodsky planned physical outbursts 
during the hearings "so that they would be forcibly ejected and thus 
enabled to play on the sympathies of the students." 

Party officials gave explicit orders to various witnesses as to how 
to behave before the committee. Mr. Hoover revealed that on May 
6, 1960, Mickey Lima told party members he had met with Leibel 
Bergman, Andy Negro, and Vern Bown to insure that they would be 
hostile witnesses. 

In addition, the party intended to have an approved document reaxi 
into the record for future party use by Juanita '\'\nieeler, another sub- 
penaed party member. 

Final arrangements included the distribution of additional pam- 
phlets, preparation of posters and placards for the demonstrators to 
carry, and a party-sponsored "Peace March" on Saturday, May 14, 
1960, at the conclusion of the hearings. 

Mr. Hoover stated that the well-organized plan of attack unfolded 
according to schedule as the hearings began. Archie Brown and 
Merle Brodsln^ were so contemptuous in their behavior inside the 
hearing room that they were forcibly ejected. Mr. Hoover conthiued : 
"An organized clique of sympathizers in the hearing room aided them 
in their roles. * * * Approximately 25 percent of the spectators in 
the room were individuals under subpena and their relatives, friends, 
attorneys, and sympathizers." These people provided vocal support 
for the 36 uncooperative witnesses as they unleashed their bitter 
attacks against the committee durins: interrogation. 

Mr. Hoover added that during the luncheon recess on May 12, Brown 
and Brodsky again incited a demonstration inside the hearing room. 


They seized a microphone and demanded that all spectators outside 
the room be admitted. This received the support of the sympathetic 
clique within the room, and finally Brown, Brodsky, and several others 
had to be forcibly ejected from the room when they refused to obey 
orders to be seated. 
Mr. Hoover added : 

Brown's plan to incite the crowd was beginning to ma- 
terialize. Upon his ejection from the hearing room, sympa- 
thetic cheers went up from the crowd, consisting mostly of 
students, gathered inside City Hall at the head of the stair- 
case leading to the room. 

Although police were able, for the most part, to maintain law and 
order on the first day of the hearings, a larger crowd appeared on the 
scene the second day. 

Mr. Hoover stated, "A particularly noticeable aspect of the increase 
was the presence of additional party members and former party 

A municipal court judge in the City Hall ordered that the building 
be cleared because the noisy demonstrators made it impossible for him 
to hold court. When police officials attempted to enforce this judicial 
ruling, the crowds responded by "throwing shoes and jostling the 
officers," according to Mr. Hoover's report. 

Police warned the mob that fire hoses would be turned on if it did 
not disperse in obedience to the judge's order. The mob, instigated 
by strategically placed Communists, refused to move. 

According to Mr. Hoover's report : 

One of the demonstrators provided the spark that touched 
off the flame of violence. Leaping a barricade that had been 
erected, he grabbed an officer's night stick and began beating 
the officer over the head. The mob surged forward as if to 
storm the doors, and a Police Inspector ordered the fire hose 
turned on. The water forced the crowd to the head of the 
balustrade, and the cold water had a sobering effect on the 
emotions of the demonstrators. 

During a brief lull in the rioting, police officers removed some of 
the resisting demonstrators from the building : 

Suddenly, realizing what was happening, militant individ- 
uals in the group set the pattern for renewed violence by 
kicking and striking the officers. 

The third day of the hearings, Mr. Hoover reported, saw more 
threatened violence, as a crowd of about 2,000 gathered at the scene. 
A party attorney from Oakland, Bertram Edises, incited further re- 
sistance to the committee when he became so arrogant and insulting 
in his appearance as a witness before the committee that he had to be 
removed from the hearing room. 

Committee members were escorted out of the building as the sud- 
denly aroused crowd surged toward the entrance of City Hall and 
toward policemen assigned to maintain law and order. 


In evaluating the demonstrations and riots against the Committee 
on Un-American Activities, Mr. Hoover stated : 

The Communist Party, USA, is elated with the success it 
enjoyed in attempting to make a fiasco of the HCUA San 
Francisco hearings, which, notwithstanding these attempts at 
disruption, did develop valuable and needed information 
concerning tlie strategy, tactics, and activities of the party in 
northern California. 

Several factors pleased the party particularly. First, the number 
of students that the Communists had been able to recruit for "action." 
Secondly, the number of former party members the affair had brought 
back info the ranks of the party. Thirdly, the beneficial effect the 
demonstrations had had upon various Communist functions, such as a 
fimd drive for the party's West Coast publication, People's World, 
which reportedly received much supporting mail from individuals 
throuirhout the United States and the world. 

Mr. Hoover wrote : 

In short the consensus in the Communist Party was that 
the riot was the best tiling for the party that had occurred 
in years. * * * The feeling was that not only had the party 
taken a major step toward its goal of abolishing the HCUA, 
but also it had taken a major step toward playing a greater 
role on the American scene. 

Following the riots, the party decided to keep its campaign active. 
In an attempt to rally further student support, Archie Brown an- 
nounced on May 20, 1960, that the party planned to emphasize "police 
brutality" to attract the sympathy of student groups. Brown was 
subsequently invited, along with other Communist leaders, to address 
youth groups and students at colleges in the San Francisco area. 
Further exploitation of youth in the area was anticipated by the party 
as it prepared to distribute 20,000 leaflets, captioned "From Blackmail 
to Blackjack," on college campuses. 

In concluding his report, F.B.I. Director Hoover warned that the 
Communists in San Francisco proved just how powerful a weapon 
Communist infiltration is : 

They revealed how it is possible for only a few Communist 
agitators, using mob psychology, to turn peaceful demonstra- 
tions into riots. 

Mr. Hoover concluded by emphasizing the importance which youth 
plays in the future of this country. Although the vast majority of 
American youth has demonstrated that it deserves "our confidence 
and support," the Communist conspiracy has also demonstrated that 
its efforts to infiltrate youth and student groups, labor unions, churches, 
professional groups, artists, newspapers, government, and the like, 
can "create chaos and shatter our internal security." 


Mr. Hoover mentioned that today governments are toppling with 
"stmming rapidity" and warned : 

Whether large or small, the role Communists are playing in 
these events must not be discounted. The growing strength 
of our Nation over the years has not proven a deterrent to 
relentless efforts on the part of the Communist Party, USA, 
to destroy our security and prepare our Nation for a similar 

Looking at the riots and chaos Communists have created in 
other countries, many Americans point to the strength of our 
Nation and say "It can't happen here." The Communist suc- 
cess in San Francisco in May 1960 proves that it can happen 


MAY 12-14, 1960 

The Communist-led riots and demonstrations against the House 
Committee on Un-American Activities during its hearings in San 
Francisco, May 12-14, 1960, show an immediate need for realistic 
contempt of Congress powers for congressional committees. Details of 
the events which took place in San Francisco and committee-recom- 
mended legislation to cope with the problem were given by the com- 
mittee in House Report 2228.^ 

At a meeting of the Committee on Un-American Activities on April 
5, 1960, a resolution to conduct hearings in San Francisco was unani- 
mously adopted by all committee members present. The purpose of 
the proposed hearings was to develop information for legislative pur- 
poses on : (a) the extent, character, and objects of Communist infiltra- 
tion and Communist Party activities in Northern California; (b) the 
past and present form, structure, organization, and activities of the 
Communist Party, and on members of the Communist Party, whether 
in California or elsewhere; (c) the entry into, and dissemination 
within, the United States of foreign Communist Party j)ropaganda ; 
(d) the techniques, strategies, tactics, and devices used by members of 
the Communist Party for the purpose of evading the impact of present 
security laws; and (e) any other matter within the jurisdiction of the 
committee which it, or any subcommittee thereof, appointed to conduct 
the hearings, may designate. 

In a determined effort to obstruct and forestall the hearings, the 
Connnunist Party and its various fronts in the San Francisco area 
launclied a major campaign, enlisting the support of demonstrators and 
non-Communist groups to protest the hearings. On the first day of 
the hearings, a Communist-led group succeeded in taking virtual con- 
trol of the hearing room and, in one instance, forced suspension of the 
hearings for some 40 minutes. On the second day of the hearings, the 
party succeeded in agitating several hundred persons into violent 
action. Although valuable and much-needed information was devel- 
oped during the hearings, the persistent disruptive tactics of the Com- 

^ See "The Communist-Led Riots Against The House Committee on Un-American Activ- 
ities in San Francisco, Calif., May 12-14, 1960," House Report No. 2228, October 7, 1960. 


munists, their fellow travelers, and dupes gave clear evidence of the 
necessity for ado])tion of remedial legislative measures by the Congress. 

The committee re[:ort warned that unless such measures are adopted, 
"the virus will spread and take hold and create such situations that 
lawful investigation * * * can be totally frustrated." 

Inadequacy of present law is dealt with in the report. It is pointed 
out that as a result of present law, as indicated in the decision of 
AndersoJi v. Dunn^ in which the Supreme Court decided that punish- 
ment for contempt before the bar of the Plouses is limited to imprison- 
ment during the session of the House affected by the contempt, con- 
tempts occurring or prosecuted late in a session must often escape just 
punishment. United States v. Starhovich points out that witnesses 
may be objectionable and vulgar and may vilify the committee as long 
as they answer questions or invoke rightfully claimed privilege. In 
this case, the court stated that "Misconduct of the witness at the hear- 
ing, however outrageous, hoAvever shocking it may be to the sense of 
propriety or whatever, is not a violation of (Section) 192 * * *•' and 
hinted that congressional legislation could easily correct this situation. 

The deficiency is only partially met in sections 192 and 194 of 2 USC, 
which provide for imprisonment for not less than one month nor 
more than twelve months, regardless of whether or not Congress is in 
session, but only in cases in which a witness refuses to appear or to 
testify or to produce papers. 

The need for corrective legislation, the report noted, had previously 
been brought forth in the committee's "Annual Report for the Year 
1956," in wliich a recommendation was made for "A method by which 
committee hearings may be protected against interference by miscon- 
duct of witnesses, counsel, and others." 

The 1956 report recalled the outrageous conduct of Paul Robeson, 
a subpenaed witness in that year, whose contumacy compelled the com- 
mittee to adjourn its hearings. 

To cope with the misbehavior problem, the chairman of the com- 
mittee introduced H.R. 2232 ^ on January 12 ,1959, which, if passed, 
would have alleviated the difficulties experienced in San Francisco. 
Following the San Francisco riots and demonstrations, the chairman 
introduced a separate bill, H.R. 12366, with provisions identical to 
section 302 of H.R. 2232, emphasizing the necessity of such a law 
in order to forestall obstructive tactics of witnesses and deliberately 
staged riots or other disorderly conduct employed and designed to 
frustrate proper inquiries. 

Film footage of the San Francisco demonstrations and riots, taken 
on the scene by television stations KRON and KPIX, was prepared 
and composed into a documentary moving picture by Washington 
Video Productions, Inc. The film and its dialogue were incorporated 
as part of the report as graphic illustrations of the problem of mis- 
behavior during congressional hearings. A brief synopsis of the film, 
•entitled "Operation Abolition," follows. 

^ See section II of chapter VIII, "Legislative Recommendations," of this report, p. 123. 


"operation abolition" 

The film introduces several pamphlets, published by cited Commu- 
nist-front organizations, which were distributed by Communist Party 
members during the San Francisco demonstrations and riots and, 
since that time, throughout the United States. These pamphlets 
call for the abolishment of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
and indulge in various smears against the committee. 

Chairman Francis E. Walter, in opening the film, explained that 
"Operation Abolition" is the Communist Party's own name for its 
current concentrated drive to destroy the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities, to weaken the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 
and to render sterile the security laws of our Government. 

Conmiunist agents shown and identified in the film include : 

( 1 ) Archie Brown, the second-in-command of the Communist Party 
in California who was identified as a member of the Communist Party 
by Charles Blodgett, Dec. 3, 1953 ; bv Barbara Hartle, May 12, 1960. 

According to committee information Archie Brown is the second- 
ranking Communist in the Northern California District. His official 
party post is district committee member in charge of trade union 

Archie Brown appeared as a witness May 14, 1960. He refused to 
answer questions, insisting that he be permitted to read a prepared 
statement. Mr. Willis, chairman of the subcommittee conducting the 
hearings, ordered him escorted from the hearing room. 

(2) Harry Renton Bridges, an international Communist agent and 
leader of the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's 
Union, which was ousted from the CIO in 1950 as Communist- 

According to sworn testimony of Agnes Bridges, former wife of 
Harry Bridges, the name of Harry Dorgan was inscribed on Bridges' 
Communist Party membership book. She testified to this effect before 
the Joint Legislative Fact- Finding Committee in the State of Wash- 

Testimony to this effect was also given before the court during the 
Bridges, Robertson, Schmidt trial (see Brief for the United States 
submitted in the Supreme Court, October Term, 1952, No. 548, Harry 
Renton Bridges^ Henry Schmidt^ and J. R, Robertson v. TJSA^ p. 12). 
^ Appearing as a witness before the Committee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities on April 21, 1959, Bridges invoked the fifth amendment when 
asked if he had ever used the name of Harry Dorgan or been a member 
of the Communist Party. 

(3) Ralph Izard, one of the top California Communist propa- 
gandists, who was identified as a member of the Communist Party by 
Charles Blodgett, Dec. 3, 1953. 

According to committee information, Izard serves on the San Fran- 
cisco County Committee of the Communist Party. 

Mr. Izard appeared as a witness on May 14, 1960 and invoked the 
fifth amendment in refusing to answer questions regarding Commu- 
nist Party membership and activities. 

(4) Douglas Wachter, a Communist agent trained to specialize in 
youth activities. 

According to committee infonnation Mr. Wachter, the son of Saul 
Wachter, is a leader in Communist work among youth in the northern 


California area and was a delegate to the iTth National Convention 
of the Communist Party in 1959. 

He appeared as a witness on May 12, 1960, and invoked the fifth 
amendment in refusing to answer questions regarding Communist 
Party membership and attendance at the party convention. 

(5) William Mandel, a Communist propagandist employed in the 
radio and television media who was identified as a Commmiist Party 
member by Louis Budenz, August 22, 1951, in testimony before the 
Senate Internal Security Subcommmittee. 

The Daily Worker, July 27, 1958, reported that Mandel was "among 
the first of the rightwing deviationists to leave the ranks of the Com- 
munist Party after the February 1957 convention.'' 

He appeared as a witness on May 13, 1960, and invoked the fifth 
amendment in refusing to answer questions pertaining to past or 
present Communist Party membership. 

(6) Bertram Edises, one of the elite corps of Communist lawyers, 
who was identified as a member of the Communist Party by Charles 
Blodgett on Dec. 3, 1953 ; by Dr. Jack Patten on June 19, 1957. 

He appeared as a witness on May 14, 1960, refused to answer ques- 
tions regarding Communist Party membership and, because of con- 
temptuous behavior, was escorted from the hearing room before stat- 
ing his grounds for refusing to respond to committee questions. 

(7) Frank Wilkinson, one of the top Communist agents assigned to 
the "Operation Abolition" campaign, who was identified as a member 
of the Communist Party by Anita Bell Schneider, December 7, 1956. 

He appeared as a witness before the committee in July 1958 and 
refused to answer any questions asked by the committee. Mr. Wilkin- 
son was cited for contempt. 

(8) Merle Brodsky, a trained Communist agitator, who was iden- 
tified as a member of the Communist Party by Moiselle J. Clinger on 
October 20, 1959. 

Mr. Brodsky has held official positions in the party since the 1940's 
and, since that time, has been repeatedly identified in the Communist 
press as holding leadership positions in the party. 

According to committee infonnation, Mr. Brodsky is a member of 
the Northern California District Committee of the Communist Party 
and a party organizer in the East Bay region. 

He appeared as a witness May 12, 1960, and invoked the fifth 
amendment in refusing to answer questions pertaining to Communist 
Party membership and activities. 

(9) Saul Wachter, a trained Communist agitator, who was identi- 
fied as a member of the Communist Party by William Ames on 
Dec. 4, 1953. 

According to committee information, he was a delegate to the 
National Convention of the Communist Party in 1959 and is active in 
the party's East Bay region Political Committee. 

He appeared as a witness on May 14, 1960, and invoked the fifth 
amendment in response to questions pertaining to Communist Party 
membership and attendance at the conventon. 

(10) Sally Attarian Sweet, a trained Communist agitator, who was 
identified as a member of the Communist Party by Charles Blodgett, 
Dec. 3, 1953. 


According to committee information she is active in the Commmiist 
Party in the Hay ward area (Alameda Comity) . 

She appeared as a witness IMay 13, 1960, and invoked the fifth 
amendment in refusing to answer pertinent questions. 

(11) Morris Graham, a Communist agent, who was identified as a 
member of the Communist Party by Karl Prussion on May 13, 1960. 

According to committee information, he is a member of the Com- 
munist Party's Xorthern California District Committee and a party 
organizer in the Peninsula area, south of San Francisco. 

He appeared as a witness May 13, 1960, invoked the fifth amendment, 
and refused to answer questions pertaining to Communist Party 

(12) Juanita Wheeler, a Communist agent, who was identified as a 
member of the Communist Party by Charles Blodgett, Dec. 3, 1953. 

According to committee information, she is a member of the North- 
ern California District Committee of the Communist Party and was a 
delegate to the party's National Convention in 1959. 

(13) Vernon Bown, a professional Communist agitator, who was 
identified as a member of the Communist Party by Arthur Eugene, Jr., 
on Feb. 15, 1957. 

In 1959 Bown was "unwillingly" ousted from his job as an organizer 
for an important party "section" in San Francisco and was finally 
expelled from the party itself. Documents written by Bown and a 
Communist associate on the details of this internal party conflict were 
made a part of the committee record at hearings held in San Francisco 
in May 1960. 

At these same hearings, Bown appeared as a witness and invoked 
the fifth amendment in response to all questions relating to this party 
controversy, as well as to questions pertaining to his past and present 
Communist Party membership and activities. 

Congressman Edwin E. Willis, chairman of the San Francisco sub- 
committee, explained in a press interview shown in the film that the 
committee was conducting hearings to develop information for legis- 
lative purposes. 

In revealing the background of the demonstrations and riots, the 
film revealed the role that the Communists and Communist dupes 
played in inciting hostile action against the committee. 

An article from the official University of California student news- 
paper, "The Daily Californian," called upon students to attend a 
rally against the committee and the committee's hearings and to 
"laugh out loud in the hearings when things get ridiculous." 

Scenes depicting repeated disturbances in the hearing room led by 
identified Communist agents were included in the film. In the course 
of one such demonstration, the Communist agitators actually took con- 
trol of the hearing room, and order was restored only after a special- 
ly trained police squad arrived on the scene and removed the agitators 
from the hearing room. 

The film revealed that on the second day of the hearings, Friday, 
May 13, demonstrations inside the City Hall building reached their 
climax. Hundreds of students crowded outside the hearing room, 
attempting to force entrance to the proceedings and to compel the 
committee to abandon its efforts to develop information. The film 
showed the presence of a number of Communist agitators in leader- 
ship positions among the student demonstrators. As a result of the 


chanting, clapping, singing, and clieering by the demonstrators in the 
hallways of the City Hall building, the judges in their chambers on 
the next floor were unable to continue court procedures, the film's 
narration pointed out. Orders were given to police officers to re- 
move the demonstrators from City Hall. When eft'orts were made 
to carry out these orders, an open riot occurred, resulting in minor 
injuries to four students and the hospitalization of eight policemen. 
Among the Communists arrested during the riots, the narration 
pointed out, were Vernon BoAvn and Douglas Wachter. 

Congressman elohansen, a member of the San Francisco subcom- 
mittee, warned in the film tliat the students who participated in the 
City Hall riots were "toying with treason" : 

Among those arrested in the City Hall at San Francisco 
were a few trained Communist agents. The others were the 
unwitting dupes of the party who had, in the heat of chant- 
ing and singing, performed like puppets, with the Commu- 
nists in control of the strings, even to the point of willfully 
and deliberately defying law and order. 

The film revealed the three patterns of Communist disruption com- 
mon in the "Operation Abolition'' campaign : 

(a) Demonstrations and defiance inside a congressional hearing 
room by witnesses and spectators : 

(b) Open rioting and physical resistance to law enforcement both 
inside and outside hearing chambers ; 

(c) Propaganda declarations and defiance of the committee by 
individual witnesses and their attorneys. 

This third type of Communist tactic was evidenced in the film by 
excerpts from the testimony of Douglas Wachter, Archie Brown, and 
William Mandel. 

Congressman Scherer, in concluding the film, introduced an inter- 
riew between a newsman and Frank Wilkinson, "one of the top Com- 
munist agents assigned to 'Operation Abolition.' " In the interview, 
Wilkinson admitted that his function as an official of the Citizens 
Committee to Preserve American Freedoms ^ was to travel to each 
community in the country where the Committee on Un-American 
Activities was to conduct hearings and to arouse resistance to the com- 
mittee. In the interview Mr. Wilkinson was asked whether he was a 
Communist. He replied, "That's a very flattering remark," but re- 
fused subsequently to answer the newsman's question more specifically. 

Congressman Scherer stated that the scenes portrayed in the film 
constituted only the surface manifestation of the extensive Coniniu- 
nist operation to destroy the Committee on Un-American Activities. 

Exhibits in the report include a pamphlet published and dis- 
tributed by the Citizens Committee to Preserve American Freedoms 
urging abolition of the Committee on Un-American Activities. An- 
other exhibit contained the student directive from "The Daily Cali- 
fornian" urging students to create disturbances in the hearing room. 
The final exhibit is a picture taken in City Hall during the May 13 
student riots. 

1 Cited as one of the major "front" organizations "created or completely controlled by 
the Communist Party" In the southern California area. (Annual Report, 1959, Committee 
on Un-American Activities, p. 78.) 



Selective Chronology 1818-1957 


This volume, the first of a series, is a documented, chronological 
reference work covering the major developments in the birth and 
growth of world communism during the years 1818-1945. 

The Chairman of the committee states in the foreword to the 
chronology : 

The growth of world communism from its beginning gives 
the appearance of an inverted pyramid. It is startling to con- 
sider that a movement of such dimensions and dynamism as 
communism is today had beginnings so meager and incon- 
spicuous * * *. It is hoped that this chronology will give 
some perspective in depth to the reader and provide some 
basis for judging the continuity, tenacity, and all-encom- 
passing character of the world Communist movement. 

That the Communist movement is a global movement with 
the Soviet Union as its leader is clearly and definitely demon- 
strated by this chronology. Other impressions come to light 
showing with equal force the characteristics of the movement : 
the unmitigating, unrelenting drive for world conquest ; the 
resort to every stratagem of deceit, violence, and military ag- 
gression to achieve its ends; the dogmatic addiction to doc- 
trine; its conspiratorial nature; the unquestioning obeisance 
of party members the world over to the ever-shifting political 
line laid down by Moscow ; and, finally, the fanatical dedica- 
tion of Communists to their cause, even to the point of accept- 
ing the most degrading personal humiliations for the sake of 
promoting its aims. 

The first formal organization of an international Communist move- 
ment took place on September 28, 1864, when Karl Marx formed the 
First (Marxist) International, a * 'society of working men of all na- 
tions." This was succeeded by the Second (Socialist) International 
which was formed in 1889. At the 1907 Congress of the Second Inter- 
national, Lenin organized "a conference of the Lefts" to counterbal- 
ance the other factions in the group. In 1917 he used the Bolshevik 
branch of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party to overthrow 
the Kerensky government in Russia, and in March, 1919 — five years 
after the collapse of the Second International — he founded the Third 
or Communist International, which he used to unite the various Com- 
munist parties of the world and establish Soviet Russian domination 
over them. The Kremlin has maintained control of the international 
Communist apparatus since that time. 

The chronology demonstrates that the members of the American 
Conmiunist Party have been among Soviet Russia's most dedicated 


followers. In 1935, following Moscow's dictates, the CPUSA urged 
that America take a stand against Nazi Germany. For four years, 
the CPUSA, like Soviet Russia, beat its propaganda drums against 
Hitler. Then, on August 23, 1939, the signing of the Hitler-Stalin 
Pact was announced. This brought a reversal of the propaganda 
line of Moscow — and of the CPUSA. It was now ''Keep America 
Out of the Imperialist War !" Two years later, the German invasion 
of Soviet Russia on June 22, 1941, forced the Soviet Union to reverse 
its line once more. The CPUSA followed suit. That very day, 
William Z. Foster, chairman of the American Communist Party, 
declared: "For full support and cooperation with the Soviet Union 
in its struggle against Hitlerism!" When Moscow demanded a "sec- 
ond front" early in World War II — long before it was even remotely 
feasible — the American Connnmiists once again parroted its line. 

The Communist leaders are masters of double talk which they call 
Aesopian language. Occasionally, however, they quite frankly spell 
out their true aims and some of their tactics. Lenin in his 1919 pam- 
phlet, "The Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the Renegade K. 
Kautsky," proclaimed that "The definite basis of dictatorship is sup- 
pression hy force * * *." The chronology also points out that two 
years later, in 1921, Lenin said the Communists would seize power on a 
world scale. 

Understandably there are limitations to any treatment of a subject 
as broad and vast as world communism. For this reason the chro- 
nology is not all encompassing. How^ever, it is a valuable reference 
to developments in various Communist movements throughout the 
world. It records the strategies and activities of many Communist 
parties operating in free nations, their successes and failures, as well 
as their fluctuating membership figures. Also chronicled are im- 
portant events in the Soviet Union and the resulting effect on the 
Communist parties in non-Communist countries which look for di- 
rection to the "leadership" party in control of the Soviet state. 

The chronology notes, for example, that in 1919 Communist parties 
were formed in such widely separated countries as Mexico, Switzer- 
land, and Indonesia. It shows that the American Communists claimed 
a membership of 9,000 members in 1929 and 100,000 just 10 years 
later. The chronology details the Communist take-over of the Vet- 
erans' Bonus March on Washington. It quotes authoritative sources 
on Communist organizations and institutions such as the Lenin Uni- 
versity in Moscow where "* * * well-rounded training in the methods 
of fomenting revolution, gaining power, setting up a dictatorship, 
operating a government under a dictatorship, and handling the forces 
of oppression are taught." 

Because communism is a world movement, the study has been placed 
within the context of international relations in order to make more 
meaningful the interrelationship of world events and communism. 

The first volume covers events from 1818 to the end of 1945. Suc- 
ceeding volumes in the series will trace the movement to the end of 



The chronology and the index to it which will be published at the 
completion of tlie series, were prepared by Dr. Joseph G. Wlielan, 
analyst in Soviet and East European Affairs, Foreign Affairs Divi- 
sion, Legislative Reference Service, Library of Congress. Dr. 
Whelan's study was carried forth in consultation with Dr. Sergius 
Yakobson, senior specialist in Russian Affairs of the Library's Legis- 
lative Reference Service, and with the research staff of the Committee 
on Un-American Activities. 

The Soviet Union, From Lenin to Khrushchev 

The committee during the year issued the second volume in its "Facts 
on Communism" series, aimed at providing a comprehensive survey of 
communism in both its theoretical and practical aspects. 

Titled "The Soviet Union, From Lenin to Khrushchev," Volume II 
traces the growth of the Communist (Bolshevik) movement in Tsarist 
Russia, graphically reconstructs its forceful seizure of government 
power in November 1917, and then critically reviews the programs 
and policies of the Communist regime within Russia over the last 
four decades. 

Soviet Communist leaders, as well as scholars in the free world, 
are extensively quoted in the 367-page, heavily documented volume 
delineating "communism" in action in the nation which was the first 
to succumb to this form of totalitarian rule and which has consistently 
served as the directive base for organized international efforts to 
impose a similar system on all other nations. 

In an era when the international Communist movement has singled 
out the United States as the main enemy in its all-out political, eco- 
nomic, and psychological warfare aimed at weakening free world 
resistance to Communist expansion, in an era when the present Soviet 
leader boldly declares to Americans that their grandchildren will live 
under Communist rule — it is vitally important for xlmericans to arm 
themselves with basic information on Communist doctrine, aims, and 
practices. Volume I of "Facts on Communism," issued by the commit- 
tee in 1959, contributed to this essential understanding of communism 
by explaining and analyzing Communist ideology. The committee 
believes that Volume II makes an equally important contribution by 
its details on the actual operation of the Soviet Communist regime. 

In its "Facts on Communism" series, the committee has sought the 
collaboration of scholars who are recognized for their specialized 
knowledge of certain phases of communism. Manuscript for Volume 
II was prepared by Dr. David J. Dallin, lecturer and author of numer- 
ous books on the Soviet Union. Dr. Dallin is a native of Russia and 
was an eye witness to the revolution which catapulted Communists to 
power in that country. Educated at the Universities of St. Peters- 
burg, Berlin, and Heidelberg, he holds a doctorate in philosophy from 
the last-named institution. Dr. Dallin resided in Germany and France 
in the 1920's and 1930's and in 1940 emigrated to the United States, 

■^ See "Facts on Communism," Vol. II, "The Soviet Union, From Lenin to Khrushchev," 
Committee on Un-American Activities. December 1960. The supply of this publication for 
distribution by the committee is limited but copies may be obtained from the Superin- 
tendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C., for $1.25 
per copy. 


where he resides as a U.S. citizen. He presently teaches a course 
in political science at the University of Pennsylvania. 

Dr. Dallin's published books include : The Changing World of So- 
viet Russia; Soviet Espionage; Soviet Russians Foreign Policy 1939- 
191^2; Russia and Postwar Europe; The Big Three — The United 
States, Britain and Russia; The Real Soviet Russia; Soviet Russia 
and The Far East; The Rise of Russia in Asia, and The New Soviet 
Empire, He is co-autlior ^Yi(h B. I. Nicolaevsky of Forced Labor in 
Soviet Russia^ and his treatise, Soviet Foreign Policy After Stalin, 
will be published in January 1061. 

Volume II of "Facts on Communism" is primarily devoted to a 
chronological account of policies applied by the ruling Communist 
clique in Eussia from the time of its assumption of government power 
in 1917 up to the present day. The opening chapters, however, offer 
important historical background to the reader. The work refers back 
to the 19th century to show how Russian revolutionary tradition and 
Marxist ideas from Western Europe combined to shape the character 
of the first Russian Marxist party organized in 1898. 

Lenin's character, pliilosophy, and activities are dwelt upon in detail 
beginning with this early period because, as the study states : 

There has never been in Russia, or perhaps anywhere else, 
a political party whose birth, growth, and maturity were 
so closely tied to the personal history of a single leader as in 
the case of the Bolshevik Party and its creator, Vladimir 
Lenin. * * * From the very start Lenin wielded almost 
unlimited power in his part}^ This was a phenomenon so 
unique and unprecedented that many observers have come to 
the conclusion that without Lenin there would have been no 
Communist regim.e in Russia. 

Lenin's organization is also traced through the early years of the 
20th century. In addition to a description of its fluctuating political 
strategies and the ebb and flow of adherents, the study shows how 
Lenin's organization centered upon a small band of strictly disci- 
plined professional revolutionaries — comparable less to a political 
party than to an officers' corps in an army. 

Lenin's concepts of the role of the party in a sense forecast 
the party's assmnption of dictatorial power after the revolu- 
tion had been accomplished. 

Following an account of the final coup by which the Bolshevik 
(Communist) minority overthrew a "defenseless" democratic gov- 
ernment. Volume II of "Facts on Communism" describes the creation 
of a new one-party dictatorial Soviet government and its initial an- 
nouncements promising a "grandiose program for the political and 
economic transformation of Russia." Plow the new government re- 
neged on many of its promises and the tragic results of numerous 
others in their execution are revealed in subsequent chapters. 

In the treatment of the immediate post-revolutionary period, there 
is extended discussion of Lenin's harsh offensive against the peasantry 
and of the police sj^stem set up to enforce the rule of a small minority, 
avowedly advocating the use of terror to accomplish its objectives. 


The work records not only the plight of the peasant and the role 
of the police, but many other special aspects of the Soviet system in 
chronologically arranged chapters on : the civil war years of 1918-21 ; 
the period of the New Economic Policy, 1921-28 ; the years of Stalin's 
5-year plans aimed at aggressive collectivization and industrialization, 
1929-39 ; the Soviet-Nazi alliance; World War II ; the postwar era and 
Stalin's death, 1945-53 ; the post-Stalin era, 1953-56 ; and the new and 
contemporary period in Soviet government policies discussed under 
the heading "Khrushchev in Power." 

Among the other subjects given special attention are: the party 
hierarchy, which has always held a monopoly of power in the Soviet 
regime ; the Red Army ; treatment of national minorities in the Soviet 
Union; use of forced labor; and Soviet industrialization programs. 
In view of their decisive impact on the course of Soviet policy, con- 
siderable space is devoted to the views, character, and actions of all 
the Communist dictators — Lenin, Stalin, the "collective" leadership 
after Stalin's death, and finally Khrushchev. Their varying views 
on the world Communist revolution and so-called "peaceful coexist- 
ence" are discussed with particular emphasis on their domestic effects. 

How Soviet leaders nullified or suppressed opposition within and 
without the party is also chronicled from 1917 to date. A separate 
chapter is reserved for discussion of the reign of terror conducted by 
Stalin against fellow members of the Communist hierarchy in Russia 
between 1934 and 1938. Among those who provided documentation 
for the thousands of arrests, trials, and executions of Communists 
along with non- Communists — with forced confessions often the sole 
proof of guilt — was Nikita S. Khrushchev himself. 

Changes in Soviet policy after the death of Stalin in 1953 are dis- 
cussed and analyzed in final chapters of Volume II of "Facts on Com- 
munism." By 1956, the study observes, the political climate in the 
Soviet Union had become "less oppressive, less terroristic" as the 
crimes of Stalin were publicized and the powers of the police substan- 
tially curtailed. Corollary developments included a government ef- 
fort to satisfy some of the long-ignored consumer needs of the popu- 
lation and promises to reform the forced labor system and to rehabili- 
tate oppressed national groups. 

This trend toward "liberalization" in the immediate post-Stalin 
era — sometimes referred to as "The Thaw" — was brought to a halt in 
1957, the work declares, when many Soviet leaders, institutions, and 
doctrines were threatened with loss of authority not only over Soviet 
citizens, but also among Communist disciples in other nations of the 

Khrushchev, successful contender for Stalin's mantle, by late 1957 
had established a "well-knit system of personal rule," "restored" some 
of Stalin's reputation, cracked the whip over Soviet artists and writers 
who had shown signs of rebellion against party controls, and fought 
disaffections from Moscow on the part of foreign Communist parties. 
The "aggressive" and "outspoken" new Soviet dictator not only re- 
established the Soviet Communist Party in its dominant position 
among Communists abroad, but also inaugurated "a new period in the 
policies of the Soviet government." 

The volume scrutinizes policies instituted by the Khrushchev regime 
and their implications, both for the Soviet Union and the free world. 


Khrushchev's new agrarian program, coupled with a continuing em- 
phasis on tlie build-up of heavy industry, economic competition with 
the United States, innovations in Communist ideolog}^, and his eft'orts 
to intimidate the free world by brandishing Soviet missile and satel- 
lite accomplishments are all treated in this documented study. 
The work concludes : 

More than four decades have passed since the seizure of 
power in Russia by the Bolshevik, the eventual Comanimist, 
party. In this space of time Russia has undergone a multi- 
tude of changes, lived through severely repressive eras as 
well as through periods of some relaxation, has seen a succes- 
sion of leadei^, awful wars as well as some progress. How^- 
ever, the basic elements of Leninism have been maintained to 
this day — a stern one-party rule, negation of political free- 
doms to the population, emphasis on military power, antago- 
nism to democracy as a system and to the democracies as 
nations, and consequently — a permanent threat of a terrible 
conflict in the world. Soviet "Communism" has remained the 
greatest danger of our days. 



Part 5 

'Mv. Joseph Pauco Mr. Nuci Kotta 

Father Theodoric Joseph Zubek Mr. Arshi Pipa 

December 17, 1959 

Eyewitness accounts of Khrushchev's barbaric subjugation of the 
people of the country formerly known as Slovakia, the current reign 
of terror being imposed on these people by Khrushchev's international 
Communist apparatus, and the inhumanities now being inflicted upon 
the people of Albania were detailed by four witnesses, Mr. Joseph 
Pauco, Mr. Nuci Kotta, Father Theodoric Joseph Zubek, and Mr. 
Arshi Pipa in a committee consultation on crimes committed by the 
Soviet premier.^ 

As World War II ended in the spring of 1945, Soviet and Czech 
troops under General Svoboda occupied Slovakia and established a 
so-called "People's Democracy'' which, according to Mr. Pauco, was 
simply a legal-sounding facade mider which imprisonments, murders, 
and destruction could be carried out. 

In the first month of the new "government," Mr. Pauco recalled, 
two Slovak bishops and about 120 Catholic priests were ruthlessly in- 
carcerated along with political opponents of communism. 

1 gee "The Crimes of Khrushchev." Part 5, ConsuUations with Mr. Josepb Pauco, Father 
Theodoric Joseph Zubek, Mr. Nuci Kotta, and Mr. Arshi Pipa, Committee on Un-American 
Activities, December 17, 1959. 

Mr. Joseph Pauco. born in Slovakia, worked until 1945 for several Slovak newspapers, 
after receiving a Ph. D. from the Slovak University in Bratislava, In April. 1945, he 
escaped to Austria and after 2 years moved to Munich, Germany. In April 1950 he 
emigrated to the United States. An assistant editor of a weekly Pennsylvania news- 
paper, Mr. Pauco also serves as secretary-general of the Slovak National Council Abroad. 
He is the author of several books on anti-Communist topics in Slovak and English. 

Father Theodoric Joseph Zubek, born in Slovakia, was ordained a Franciscan priest In 
1938. He was a teacher of theology in the Franciscan Seminary in Zilina, Slovakia, 
from 1941 to 1950. When the Communists suppressed all the monasteries in Slovakia, 
Father Zubek escaped to Austria in 1950, moved to Italy, and emigrated to the United 
States in 1952. 

Mr. Nuci Kotta, born in Albania, left his native land in 1938 to study in Paris. He 
never returned there because of Fascist and Communist seizure of his native land. Since 
1955, Mr. Kotta has been the deputy secretary-general of the Assembly of Captive 
European Nations in the United States. 

Mr. Arshi Pipa, was born in Albania, obtained his doctorate in philosophy at the 
University of Florence. As a teacher and editor in Albania, Mr. Pipa was arrested by 
the Communists because of his anti-Communist sympathies. After spending 10 years in 
various prisons and slave labor camps in Albania, Mr. Pipa escaped to Yugoslavia and, 
In 1958, came to the United States as a permanent resident. 



In spite of the fact that the Slovak nation voted against the Com- 
munist Party and elected the Democratic Party into power in May 
of 1946, the Democratic Party was forced to succmnb to the Commu- 
nists in 1948. 

In describing the operations of the Soviet secret police in Slovakia, 
Mr. Pauco told how some 30,890 "hapless and innocent Slovaks" were 
exiled to the Soviet Union and to Siberian concentration camps in 
the spring of 1945. 

Czech and Soviet secret police imprisoned almost 114,000 Slovaks 
in 1946 for so-called political crimes and have continued terrorizing 
Slovak citizens. Opponents of communism in Slovakia were, and still 
are, imprisoned at Leopoldov, which Mr. Pauco describes as "one of 
the severest and cruelest prisons and concentration camps." 

Communist labor concentration camps in Slovakia are, according to 
Mr. Pauco, located at Novaky, Presov, and Muceniky, and many pris- 
oners are sent to work in the uranium mines at Jachymov, in Sudeten- 

Mr. Pauco testified further that the Prague government is franti- 
cally building arms and missile industries in Slovakia and a great 
arsenal of atom bombs. 

Father Theodoric Joseph Zubek gave detailed accounts of the Com- 
munist persecution of the Catholic church in Slovakia. 

Father Zubek recalled how, on April 13, 1950, the Commimists ar- 
rived at the Slovakian monasteries during the night, ordered the 
priests and brothers into trucks, and took them off to Svaty Benedik 
nad Hronom, one of the concentration monasteries. Here the Commu- 
nists, through a process of brainwashing, attempted to "reeducate" 
the priests and brothers and "convert" them into^ pro-Communist 
priests. As a condition for reentry into public ministry, an oath of 
loyalty to the Communist regime was demanded. 

The beginning of the persecution of Catholicism in Slovakia began 
with the institution of the so-called "People's Democracy" in 1945, ac- 
cording to Father Zubek. During that year, all Catholic schools 
were abolished, most Catholic periodicals were suppressed, church 
properties in excess of 35 acres were expropriated, and many priests 
and three Slovak bishops were imprisoned. 

In an attempt to appease and use the Catholic church to serve its 
own ends, the Communist regime attempted on June 10, 1949, to estab- 
lish and impose a Catholic, pro-Communist organization, "Catholic 
Action," as a dominating force in the church. The Holy See on June 
20, 1949, issued a decree excommunicating all organizers, promoters, 
and members of this organization, but this did little to discourage the 
efforts of the Communists to impose the organization upon the Catho- 
lic population. 

Wliile the great bulk of the Catholic clergy remained loyal to their 
bishops and the Holy See, a few were persuaded by the Communists 
to join the "Catholic Action" side, Father Zubek said. 

The Communists resorted to quasi-legal means to further their per- 
secution of the "loyal" Catholics who resisted the Communist regime. 
On October 14, 1949, a series of antichurch laws were initiated, forcing 
all priests in public ministry to sign a pro-Communist loyalty oath 
and calling for the nationalization of all church properties. Those 
who resisted these orders were deposed from their posts, and most 
were imprisoned. 


Male religious orders and congregations were suppressed in April 
1950, Father Zubek testified : 

There were over TOO male religious priests and brother 
living in 137 monasteries in Slovakia. They were taken forc- 
ibly to so-called concentration monasteries and were subjected 
to Communist-sponsored reeducation. If they complied with 
this brainwashing and took the oath of loyalty, they were 
sent to parishes and churches as diocesan priests. If they 
remained unyielding, they were sent to forced labor camps, 
and later, in 1957, released to manual work. * * * A 
similar fate met the female religious congregations. There 
were 3,548 religious sisters in Slovakia, living in 210 con- 
vents. The convents were suppressed in August 1950, and the 
sisters were forced to leave the religious life. If they re- 
fused, they were sent to work without any salary in forced 
labor camps, collective farms, or various state plants. 

The Catholic Uniates were officially put out of existence on April 
28, 1950, Father Zubek added. 

Latest Communist efforts to persecute the church have had little 
effect, however, he explained, because of the fact that "the blood of 
martyrs," those already imprisoned and killed by the Communist 
purges, "is the seed of new Christians." 

Mr. Nuci Kotta and Mr. Arshi Pipa gave testimony concerning the 
brutalities of the Communist conquest and Khrushchevian rule in 

Mr. Kotta pointed out the strategic importance of Albania to the 
NATO forces in time of war, emphasizing the fact that the Soviet 
Union's control of the Bay of Valona, which has already been con- 
verted into a submarine base, would imperil allied navigation in the 

In explaining the history of the Communist takeover of Albania, 
Mr. Pipa pointed out that many patriotic Albanians were skillfully 
duped into cooperating with the Communists during the liberation in 
1944. With the help of Yugoslav Communists, communism later 
came into power in Albania and still rules the land. 

He added that the rule of Khrushchev in Albania has been much the 
same as that of Sttilin, emphasizing that today an estimated 12,000 
to 14,000 people still live in slavery in Albania. 

The basic cause for the peasantry's hatred of communism is the 
forced collectivization of farmland which, according to Mr. Kotta, was 
started in earnest in 1955, when Khrushchev was firmly in power. 
At the time of his testimony, Mr. Kotta added, it was estimated that 
nearly 75 percent of all arable land in Albania had been collectivized, 
with the goal set at 100 percent. 

Mr. Kotta testified that Albania today is basically a colony of the 
Soviet Union except that, because of resistance, the penal code is 
harsher than its Soviet model. He commented : 

Following that code, adopted in 1952, the age for penal re- 
sponsibility for political crimes begins at 12. A boy or a 
girl, a child of 12 could be sent to prison for crimes against 
the state. Last December [1958] the age was changed to 14, 


but I doubt whether in practice this would make much 

Conservative estimates pLace at 10,000 the number of people killed 
under the Communist government of Albania. 

Accounts of how Khrushchev has exploited the industry of Albania 
were outlined by Mr. Kotta. Chromium ore, copper, and other min- 
erals, as well as oil, are extracted in Albania and sold to the Soviet 
Union for prices which are far beloAv the market price. 

Under the Communist rule, Mr. Kotta pointed out, religion and re- 
ligious freedom have been constant targets for Red persecution. 

In concluding, Mr. Pipa offered the following description of com- 
munism based upon his own personal experiences and knowledge : 

In reality, communism means the system of prisons and 
slave labor camps. It means the repression of freedom of 
press, of freedom of gathering, of freedom of worship, and, 
in general, of what are called civil rights and human rights. 


Part 6 

Mr. Rusi ISTasar Mr. Ergacsh Schermatoglu 

Mr. Constant Mierlak Dr. Vitaut Tumash 

Mr. Anton Shukeloyts 

December 17, 1959 

Accounts of the severe and brutal treatment of the people of the 
Baltic States, the Ukraine, and Byelorussia by Khrushchev's Com- 
munist government were given by five witnesses — Mr. Rusi Nasar, Mr. 
Ergacsh Schermatoglu, Mr. Constant Mierlak, Dr. Vitaut Tumash, 
and Mr. Anton Shukeloyts — in the committee's sixth consultation on 
"The Crimes of Khrushchev." ^ 

Mr. Nasar and Mr. Schermatoglu described Khrushchev's brutal 
treatment of masses of humanity within the Soviet empire in effectuat- 
ing his policies of forced deportation. 

^ See "The Crimes of Khrushchev," Part 6, Consultations with Mr. RuiSi Nasar, Mr. 
Mr. Ergacsh Schermatoglu, Mr. Constant Mierlak, Dr. Vitaut Tumash, and Mr. Anton 
Shukeloyts, Committee on Un-Amercan Activities, December 17, 1959. 

Mr. Nasar, born in Turkistan, was drafted into the Soviet Army in 1940. After his 
capture by the Germans in 1941, he .ioined the Turkistan Legion and fought against the 
Soviets until May 1945. Following World War II, Mr. Nasar worked for the Voice of 
America as a free lance writer and later was employed as a lecturer at Columbia University. 
From June 1955 until July 1959 he was engaged in research work for the Linguistic Asso- 
ciation in Washington, D.C., thereafter returning to free lance writing. 

Mr. Schermatoglu, a native of Uzbekistan, was similarly drafted into the Soviet Army 
In 1941, and also captured by the Germans. After the war he remained in West Germany 
until his emigration to the United States in 1958, at which time he undertook research 
work concerning Turkistan. 

Mr. Constant Mierlak was born in Byelorussia in 1919. He emigrated to Argentina 
following World War II, and in 1954 to the United States. Mr. Mierlak is the national 
president of the Byelorussian-American Association. 

Dr. Vitaut Tumash was also born in Byelorussia. A medical doctor, he studied at the 
University of Vilna and in 1950 emigrated to the United States. Dr. Tumash is chairman 
of the Byelorussian Institute of Arts and Sciences in the United States. 

Mr. Anton Shukeloyts, also a graduate of Vilna University, was arrested by the Com- 
munists in 1941, while teaching in Byelorussia. He worked as a custodian in the Museum 
of Minsk until 1944, when he was liberated by the Germans. He came to the United 
States as a refugee in 1950. 


Mr. Schermatoglu pointed out that, after Khrushchev's policy of 
colonization began in 195o and 195-t, approximately a million and a 
half people were deported to Turkistan from the European part of 
the Soviet Union. 

While Khrushchev was in power in the Ukraine (1938 to 1949), 
Mr. Nasar added, he was responsible for deporting nearly one million 
people to Turkistan from that area. In so doing, he explained, 
Khrushchev was able to accomplish two prime goals: first, to rid the 
Ukraine of resistors to the Connnunist government and, second, to 
arouse some antagonism between the settling Ukrainians and the 
native Turkistans. Khrushchev did this under the cover of a policy 
for developing the virgin lands, the witness said. 

Mr. Schermatoglu presented statistics provmg that brutality in- 
flicted under the Khrushchev regime exceeded that of Stalin's. Wlien 
Stalin controlled deportation policies in Turkistan^ 17-1 State-con- 
trolled forced labor camps were developed "in which the workers 
were, in effect, slaves for the State." This number has increased to 
almost 900 since Khrushchev seized power. He pointed out that all 
of the forced deportations and forced resettlements were carried out 
at the threat of death to the emigrants and under careful and strict 
supervision of the Soviet military forces and secret police. 

He testified that, although the exact number of concentration camps 
in the Soviet Union is a State secret, every agricultural enterprise has 
forced labor brigades. In addition, hundreds of thousands of men, 
women, and children have been placed forcibly in slave labor groups 
which move from area to area performing various tasks. 

Mr. Schermatoglu stated : 

Khrushchev and his bloody regime may dispute the existence 
of slave labor camps because they are not called slave labor 
camps, but for all intents and purposes they have every ele- 
ment of a slave labor camp, including starvation, brutalities, 
the infliction of death upon those who do not conform to the 
rigid discipline, the deprivation of human liberty, and all of 
the other elements which were present in the slave labor 
camps as they were formerly characterized in the regime of 

Mr. Constant Mierlak gave details concerning the Khrushchev 
program for annihilation of Byelorussia (White Russia) . 

He testified that Khrushchev has adopted a Stalinist j)lan of 
eventual annihilation of Byelorussian nationality, complete with ter- 
ror, physical destruction, mass shootings, and deportations to concen- 
tration camps, although he has used different methods to apply it. 

Through a series of population shifts, he pointed out, Khrushchev 
has managed to denationalize Byelorussia and other regions within 
the Soviet empire. Following the depopulation and denationaliza- 
tion process, Mr. Khrushchev has carried out a program of Russifica- 


Dr. Vitaiit Tumash testified that, under the Khrushchev regime, 
the annual rate of deportations of Byelorussians to distant lands is 
higher than it was during the years of Stalin's rule. He added that, 
under Khrushchev, deportations of hundreds of thousands of men, 
women, and children is a permanent activity. 

Comparing the Khrushchev method with that of Stalin's, Dr. 
Tumash stated : 

There are some differences, but really there is no change 
in principles, no change in goals. One of the differences, to 
take an example, was that when Stalin had these mass de- 
portations performed from Byelorussia, his aim was mostly 
to destroy these people physically He arrested them and 
sent them to concentration camps, where they had to endure 
and work under inhuman conditions, and perish. It seems 
that Khrushchev's method is, on the other hand, that he does 
not think about killing the population, but he wants to trans- 
fer it to other regions, to Russify it and to use it for coloniza- 
tion of other Republics of the U.S.S.R. His intent does not 
seem to be to destroy them physically, but nationally, and 
through this action to make Russians stronger in numbers on 
the one hand, and on the other to decrease the population of 
the non-Russian Republics, in this case, the Byelorussian 

Mr. Anton Shukeloyts testified on the destruction of religion under 
the Communist regime. He stated that although Byelorussia had 
been a Christian nation for almost a thousand years, Communist anti- 
religious terror has resulted in the fact that not one Eastern Orthodox, 
Roman Catholic, Protestant, or Jewish church or synagogue existed 
in the territory of Byeloiiissia, S.S.R., by the beginning of World 
War II. 

He cited specific instances in which churches and synagogues, sub- 
sequentl}^ reopened during the German occupation, had been converted 
into museums, garages, warehouses, sports clubs, and theatres under 
Khrushchev's reign. 

Basically, the religious life of the Byelorussian people 
under Khrushchev dictatorship differs very little from the 
life under Stalin's terror. Religions and churches of all de- 
nominations in Byelorussia are still under continuous oppres- 
sion and persecution. The final Khrushchev goal is the total 
destruction of every faith. 


Part 7 

^Ir. Guivt Zaldastani Mr. George Nakashidse 

Mr. Dimppar K. Petkoff Mrs. Catherine Boyan Choukanoff 

January 8, 1960 

The sufferings of the people of Georgia and Bulgaria under the 
bloody suppression of Khrushchev's terroristic rule are recounted in 
Part 7 of "The Crimes of Khrushchev," a consultation with Mr. Guivy 


Zaldastani, Mr. George Nakashidse, Mr. Dimitar K. Petkoff, and Mrs. 
Catherine Boyan Choukanoil.^ 

Mr. Zaldastani detailed current conditions in Georgia under the 
reign of Nikita S. Khrushchev. He described how a group of students 
peaceably assembled in the capital of Georgia in March of 1956 to 
call for their individual liberties and the dismissal of Khrushchev. 

Immediately, Mr. Zaldastani said, Russian troops were called to the 
city, together with tanks, to punish the students. The Reds surround- 
ed the city and cut off all means of escape. The demonstrators, 
flanked on one side by closed buildings and surrounded by troops and 
tanks, had only one alternative to capture by the Communists — a leap 
over roclry^ cliffs into the currents of the River Kura. Rather than live 
under Soviet tyranny, some 600 of the demonstrators died m attempt- 
ing to escape by plunging into the river. 

Mr. Zaldastani added that those who had assisted the demonstrators 
were killed or punished severely and cited the example of two boys 
and a girl who had set up a transmitter and radioed word of the re- 
bellion to the free world. Russian troops bayoneted the trio and 
threw their bodies into the streets. 

Wliereas a civilized government would have understood and very 
likely would have accepted discussion of rights issues, according to 
Mr. Zaldastani, "For Khrushchev, the only answer * * * was death to 
those who challenged his authority." 

Religion in Georgia has been suppressed so thorouglily by Klii^u- 
shchev, he added, that it is a challenge to the regime for a person to 
attend services, and ministers are no longer allowed to preach sermons. 

In response to recent contentions in the Soviet press that slave labor 
camps no longer exist in the Soviet Union, Mr. Zaldastani explained — 

the slave labor camps, which have existed in the Soviet Union 
since its conception, still exist, but under different names. 
They are being called now "correction camps," "labor camps," 
et cetera. 

Mr. George Nakashidse recalled how Khrushchev, in 1937-38, had 
been personally responsible for the execution and banishment to Si- 
beria of hundreds of thousands of Georgian w^orkers, educators, 
clergy, and others. 

1 See "The Crimes of Khrushchev," Part 7, Consultations with Mr. Guivy Zaldastani, Mr. 
George Nakashidse, Mr. Dimitar K. Petkoff, and Mrs. Catherine Boyan Choukanoflf, Com- 
mittee on tjn-American Activities, January 8, 1960. 

Mr. Guivy Zaldastani, born in Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia, was forced to leave his 
native land in 1925 for Paris, France, after his father escaped to that city. His father 
had been a leader of the unsuccessful national insurrection against Soviet rule in 1924. 
Mr. Zaldastani is the vice president of the Georgian National Alliance in the United 

Mr. George Nakashidse was arrested by the Bolshevik government while attending the 
Georgian State University in Tiflis. Georgia, in 1922. After serving an 11 months' prison 
term, he was exiled and took up residence in Germany. He arrived in the United States 
In 1959 

Mr. Dimitar K. Petkoff, born in London, England, was attached to the Bulgarian 
Embassy in Bucharest, Rumania in 1945. He escaped from Bulgaria in 1948, spent time 
in a Communist jail in Yugoslavia, emigrated to Italy and came to the United States 
in 1954. A member of the executive committee of the Bulgarian National Committee, 
Mr. Petkoff is also a vice chairman of the legal committee of the Assembly of Captive 
European Nations. 

Mrs. Catherine Boyan Choukanoff was born and educated in Bulgaria. As a reporter 
for the Ministry of Information in Bulgaria, Mrs. Choukanoff was present at the so-called 
people's trials in her country after the Communist takeover in September, 1944. She left 
Bulgaria in 1946, and arrived in the United States in March of that year. She is cur- 
rently employed as a map drafter. 


Since 1939, as a member of the Politburo, Khrushchev has main- 
tained his bloodthirsty operations, Mr. Nakashidse pointed out. 
This is revealed in Khrushchev's actions in 1956 at the time of the 
Hungarian uprising when, in the face of a strong national movement 
for independence, Khrushchev professed a virtual surrender to Hun- 
gary's demand — and then brutally slaughtered the freedom fighters 
as peace negotiations were in progress. 

Mr. Nakashidse further related details of the exploitation by the 
Communists of Soviet Georgia, the destruction of its cultural life, 
and the deprivation by Khrushchev's terror mechanism of all basic 
freedoms. The Red regime maintains itself in power ''by terror, by 
force, by intrigue, under the bayonets of Moscow," he concluded. 

Mr. Dimitar K. Petkoff gave a vivid description of the Communist 
exploitation of Bulgaria. Bulgarian youths, he pointed out, have been 
deported to the Soviet Union as "volunteers" although given no op- 
portunity to refuse to go. Those who attempted to resist the deporta- 
tion, he added, were branded as traitors and told that they must go. 
As of July 30, 1957, some 10,000 young Bulgarians had been sent off 
to Kazakhstan and Siberia. Mr. Petkoff asserted : "From that time 
those deportations have continued, so they are much more." 

Mr. Petkoff stated that the entire elected body of the National As- 
sembly (Parliament) was arrested following the elections of 1947. 
Some of the leaders were killed, some exiled : 

The elected representatives of the people were imprisoned 
and many are still in prison under this regime of Khru- 
shchev's, with his smile of humanitarianism. 

Mr. Petkoff named seven members of the National Assembly who 
had been murdered or had died in prison in this purge, and seven 
more who are still under Communist arrest. 

Mrs. Catherine Boyan Choukanoff read letters which had been writ- 
ten by Bulgarian people living in what they described as "the Red 
Hell.'' In these letters the Bulgarians appealed for food and medicine 
to fight rampant starvation and disease and to warn those of the 
outside world to "Guard your freedom." 

Mrs. Choukanoff pointed out that, although there is very probably 
an abundant supply of consumer goods in Bulgaria, such items are 
far out of the financial reach of all except members of the "so-called 
new class," a few privileged collaborators, the diplomatic corps, and 
visiting friends of the Red regime. 

Under Khrushchev, she concluded, the Communist hold on Bul- 
garia is tightening : 

Having succeeded in transplanting Soviet police methods 
on Bulgarian soil, in merging the nation's economy with 
that of the U.S.S.R. and in abandoning even the pretense to 
a foreign policy of its own, the same regime has been trying 
as hard to stifle any intellectual independence and to regi- 
ment all artistic and creative efforts. It is here, however, 
in what might be called the spiritual sector, that it has en- 
countered some of its most serious frustrations. 



A Pictorial Summary of Communism in Action 

Mr. Klaus Samuli Gunnar Eomppanen- 

January 13, 1960 

A detailed pictorial account of the atrocities and bloody history of 
Communist conquest Avas submitted and explained to the committee 
in 1960 by Klaus Samuli Gunnar Romppanen.^ 

Mr. Romppanen submitted photographs showing various atrocities, 
propaganda techniques, torture devices, and destruction of human 
life and property resulting from Communist operations in Albania, 
Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, Hungary, East Berlin, Latvia, Lithuania, 
Poland, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Ukraine, and the Soviet Union. 

Among photographs showing the Communist method of dealing 
with those who had committed a "political offense" was a photograph 
of a child who had been left to star\^e to death after being released 
from a Soviet prison camp after his parents had been incarcerated by 
the Communists. 

Another exhibit portrayed a gag "used by the secret police on their 
victims." According to Mr. Romppanen : 

At Pirita-Kose, a village area of about 4 or 5 miles from 
the Estonian capital, Tallinn, in houses of the League of 
Estonian Journalists and of Banker Klaus Scheel, a Soviet 
military tribunal (Chairman Sergei Kingissepp), sentenced 
anti- Communists to death and executed them, burying 
corpses under the floors of those houses. In August 1941, 
after the So\det troops were driven out of Estonia, the mass 
graves were opened. In one grave 15 persons, 14 male and 
1 female, were found who had been buried alive in sandy 
earth outside the house. According to an autopsy by Dr. 
Med. Lindeberg, sand was found in the windpipes and lungs 
of victims but no other cause of death. In the mouths of all 
corpses were found gags, made of cotton cloth, filling the 
mouth tightly, so that the arrested person could not call for 

Other photographs depicted Conmiunist mass deportations of po- 
litical offenders to slave labor camps in the Soviet IJnion in railroad 
cars. Catholic priests and other clergymen who had been tortured to 
death by the Conmiunists, the mass destruction of an imiocent popula- 
tion by Soviet guns, and numerous other atrocities. 

1 See "Lest We Forget ! A Pictorial Summary of Communism In Action," Consultation 
with Mr. Klaus Samuli Gunnar Romppanen, January 13, 1960. 

Mr, Romppanen, born in Finland and the former chief inspector of that country's 
Weapons Division, Ordnance Section, supervising about 70 munitions factories, was active 
in his native country in anti-Communist underground work prior to coming to the United 
States. During this period he was in a position to gather photographs of com-munism 
in action. 

Mr. Romppanen came to the United States in 1949 and. since that time, has continued 
his anti-Communist efforts as president of "The Fight For Freedom — A Pictorial Exhibit." 


In describing the origin of the photographs, Mr. Romppanen 
explained : 

They [the Communists] can conceal from the free world 
only part of their crimes; so enormous, so extensive have 
been the massacres and the brutalities, that notwithstand- 
ing attempts to shroud them in secrecy, heroic people risk- 
ing their lives with a hope that somehow, someway, the free 
world can know the truth, have taken these and other 

In concluding, Mr. Romppanen expressed his hope that "the leaders 
of this great country which is the hope of the world, will understand 
the nature of the enemy we face." 

Mr. Romppanen further pointed out : 

The people whose photographs I have revealed in these 
exhibits, if they could speak from their graves, would utter a 
warning: "You who are yet free must behold the awful 
truth; there is no compromise possible with communism; 
unless it is overcome and vanquished it will destroy you, too." 


"Showplace" Prisons vs. Real Slave Labor Camps 

Mr. Adam Joseph Galinski 

April 4, 1960 

Most of the millions of people in Soviet slave labor camps are com- 
pletely hostile to the Soviet Government, hate Khrushchev as they 
did Stalin, rejoice at any setbacks Moscow suffei^s, and look forward 
to the downfall of communism in the Soviet Union, Adam Joseph 
Galinski declared in testimony before the House Committee On Un- 
American Activities on April 4, 1960.^ 

Mr. Galinski used the following words to describe the feeling of the 
great majority of slave-labor-camp inmates in the Soviet Union to- 
ward the United States : 

America is a legend with them. They consider it a country 
which is almost beyond anything that can be hoped for on 
this earth. They understand that it is truly a free country. 
For instance, all of the Soviet soldiers who had been in con- 
tact with American troops during the war were always 

* See "Soviet 'Justice' — 'Showplace' Prisons vs. Real Slave Labor Camps," Consultation 
with Mr. Adam Joseph Galinski, Committee on Un-American Activities, April 4, 1960. 

Mr. Galinski, who spent 12 years in seven different slave labor camps in the U.S.S.R. 
and participated in the uprising which took place in the Vorkuta slave labor camps in 
July 1958, is a lawyer and a former official of the social security branch of the pre-World 
War II Polish Government. Galinski fought in both the anti-Nazi and anti-Communist 
underground in the Vilna area. Captured by the Nazis and sent to a concentration camp 
in Lithuania, he managed to escape just before he was to be executed. He made his way 
back to Vilna and again became a leader of the underground in that area, this time 
directing activities against the Soviet occupiers of Poland. Because of his activities, his 
wife was seized by the MVD and sent to a Siberian slave labor camp. On July 14, 1945, 
the anniversary of his escape from the German concentration camp, he, too, was arrested 
by the MVD. Although a Pole, Galinski was convicted as a traitor to the Soviet Union. 

After a so-called trial, he was sentenced to death. His sentence was subsequently 
changed to 15 years at hard labor, confiscation of his property, loss of civil rights for 5 
years, and permanent settlement in the Vorkuta area of Siberia after the completion of 
his sentence. 


asked to tell tales about it. Up to a certain point they might 
even exaggerate in their opinion about American military 
might. They believe that America is invincible, and they 
believe that in the end communism will be overthrown by 
American efforts. 

They did not believe the Soviet propaganda which charged 
American troops in Korea with atrocities against prisonei^ 
of war. They realized that this was a lie, the purpose of 
which was to prevent mass surrenders on the part of Soviet 
troops in case of war. If there were war, they all believed 
that So\det soldiers would surrender to the Americans at 
every opportunity. 

As far as their feelings toward commimism and the Soviet Union 
are concerned, Mr. Galinski stated : 

Their feelings toward the government were completely 
hostile. They were of the opinion that Russia is in the hands 
of a clique which maintains itself by terror and which has 
nothing in common with the people. They rejoice in any de- 
feat or any setback of Soviet diplomacy. For instance, in 
1956, at the time of Budapest and at the time of the October 
change of government in Poland, they all expressed happi- 
ness, saying that the Hungarians and the Poles were brave 
people who did not give in to the Communists. 

Mr. Galinski was asked what he thought of some of the reports on 
conditions of Soviet prisons and "correction colonies" which have 
been brought back to the United States by some well-known American 
visitors. He stated that it was not until after he had gotten out of 
the Soviet Union at the end of 1956 that he ever heard of anyone 
being permitted to visit a real prison or slave labor camp. Reports 
of such visits, he said, were — 

a tale out of "A Thousand and One Nights." Not only were 
there no such visits at any time when I was there, but the 
entire area of Vorkuta was a closed area where no one could 
penetrate. It was entirely guarded by the MVD. Not only 
were there no visits from non-Communists, but there were no 
visits from Communists, either. 

Mr. Galinski said that just before his release in December 1956, 
he was moved from Vorkuta to a camp at Uglich, about 120 miles 
from Moscow. There he found conditions of filth and vermin, such 
as had existed in Vorkuta many years earlier. IVlien he was asked 
how, in view of this fact, American visitors could report that they had 
seen camps that were immaculately clean, with happy, well-fed pris- 
oners, etc., Mr. Galinski said that he had heard from Russian pris- 
oners that there were — 

camps which were simply sham and which were made for 
tourists to see. The inmates of those camps are not prison- 
ers, but MVD soldiers who are disguised as prisoners and 
coached in the types of answers which they are to give to 
foreign visitors. 

63570—61 8 


He branded as false, reports brought back to this country that the 
MVD Special Board had been shorn of all power in 1953. The MVD, 
he said, was still in complete control of Soviet slave labor camps and 
prisoners at the time of his release in December 1956. 

Soviet justice, Mr. Galinski said, was a farce. The MVD makes 
arrests on its own with no authorization from higher authority. In 
his own case, he said, the order for his arrest was dated 5 days after 
he was actually seized by the MVD. He, like most people accused of 
crime within the Soviet empire, was not permitted to have a 
defense attorney. The fate of prisoners prior to their trial is in the 
hands of the MVD investigators, who use various methods of torture 
to force prisoners to confess and to inform on others. Many prisoners 
die under this treatment. When the prisoner finally writes his con- 
fession, he is made to sign it in such a way that a blank space is left 
between his signature and the last words he wrote. This permits 
the investigators to add above his signature anything they care to as 
part of his confession. 

In his own case, a noncommissioned officer of the guard told him 
before his trial started just what his sentence would be. He could 
do this because it had been decided in advance by Moscow. The trials, 
he told Galinski, were "a pure mockery." 

Appeal is permitted and, in many cases in which the death sentence 
is meted out, the court will make an appeal for commutation even if 
the prisoner does not. The sentence is then changed to 15 or 20 years 
of hard labor in the slave camps of Siberia. The purpose of this, Mr. 
Galinski said, is to obtain large working forces for the coal and gold 
mines of that area. 

Mr. Galinski described conditions in the Vorkuta slave labor camps, 
in which he was imprisoned, as "horrible." He also stated that there 
was inadequate medical care and that the food was of such incredibly 
poor quality that scurvy was rampant. Maladministration, poor san- 
itation facilities, and vermin and filth of all kinds, resulted in enor- 
mous death rates. Of the weather in the Vorkuta area, he said : 

The average temperature in winter, which is 8 months of 
the year, was about 40° or 42° below zero, but it went as far 
down as 75° below occasionally. In the summer, it would go 
up to 30° on a few isolated days. Most of the time, however, 
it was cold even in the summertime, and rainy. 

Criminal gangs were powerful in the camps and, on top of the con- 
ditions of cold, filth, and torture, made the life of the inmates almost 
unbearable. These gangs, Mr. Galinski said, were set up by groups — 
thieves, grafters, and so on. They were extremely well organized, 
and groups of 50 to 60 such prisoners could terrorize a camp con- 
taining 5,000 to 6,000 men. Murder was one of their most effective 
weapons. The bosses of the criminal gangs lived better than anyone 
else in the camps, including the guards. They never did any work and 
ate and drank as they pleased. Even the guards feared them and 
could not control them. 

Mr. Galinski said that conditions improved somewhat in the slave 
labor camps of Vorkuta during the years 1954^56. When asked if he 


believed that this condition ayouM continue for any length of time, he 
replied that — 

having lived in the Soviet Union, I can say that the regime of 
the Soviet Union will never be able to do ^Yithout police terror. 
This is because, in the lirst place, there is a silent but constant 
opposition on the part of the people that has to be kept down. 
Second, the Soviet society is rotten through and through with 
graft, with thievery, and, therefore, there will always be a 
need for jails, for camps, for common criminals to be im- 

As far as the Russian people themselves are concerned, Mr. Galinski 
declared : 

They will breathe freely only when they are free from the 
Communist yoke. No matter how the so-called liberal trends 
of the Khrushchev regime seem, I do not believe that these 
people can be happy or free as long as there exists a Commu- 
nist Party. 


Dr. Robert Loring Allen 

April 6, 1960 

Communist-bloc trade may be playing "the most important role" 
in the Communists' drive for world domination. Dr. Robert Loring 
Allen informed the committee during a consultation on April 6.* 

Dr. Allen, a professor of economics specializing in the field of in- 
ternational trade, stated that Communist goals can be advanced by 
military, ideological, political, psychological, and economic methods. 
However, because the destructive nature of modern weapons makes 
military action a "very risky proposition" and Western concepts of 
freedom are so fundamentally hostile to Communist ideology, the 
expert expressed the convicton that — 

the Soviet Union may well be increasingly looking to trade 
as a way to carry influence where ideology cannot work, where 
military action is inadvisable, and where direct political 
pressure — where the possibility for direct political pressure — 
is not feasible as a weapon of conquest. 

The whole world, he said, remains "extremely susceptible" to eco- 
nomic and psychological warfare, and both elements are combined in 
Soviet efforts to make trade and foreign assistance a means of influ- 
ence or control over non-Commmiist nations. 

^ See "Communist Economic Warfare," Consultation with Dr. Robert Loring Allen, 
Committee on Un-American Activities, April 6, 1960. 

Presently an associate professor of economics at the University of Oregon^, Dr. Allen 
has had five years' service as an intelligence officer for the United States Government, 
assigned to economic research on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. He was also 
associate professor of economics at the University of Virginia, where he for three years 
directed a research project on the foreign economic activities of the Soviet Union, Eastern 
Europe, and Red China. 


In support of his conclusions, Dr. Allen analyzed Communist-bloc 
trade and aid programs on both a world-wide and individual nation 

He presented statistics showing that Communist-bloc exports and 
imports with free nations totaled no more than 3 percent of free 
world trade as of 1958. He warned, however, that such figures fail 
to show that "the significance of a million dollars' worth of Soviet 
trade is far beyond the significance of a million dollars of French 
trade or American trade" because it is undertaken for a specific eco- 
nomic or political purpose. 

Whereas private traders are interested in profit, Communist trade 
negotiators serve a government which automatically considers the 
political, strategic, psychological, and ideological advantages of trade 
agreements, and the negotiators also have superior bargaining power 
over private traders as a result of their backing by the entire power of 
a government, he explained. The Soviet Union, he added, makes 
trade "more important than it is," not only by "carefully selecting 
trading partners," but also by the use of propaganda and Communist 
parties in the non-Communist nations concerned. 

Communist-bloc trade is also expanding at a more rapid rate than 
free- world trade. Dr. Allen advised the committee, and the expansion 
is most rapid in the non-industrialized countries of Asia, Africa, and 
Latin America. If the present trend continues, he declared. Com- 
munist nations could become the leading trading partner in every 
country in Asia, Africa, and Latin America within the next 15 to 20 

In the underdeveloped countries. Communist nations have also been 
operating a program of foreign economic and military assistance, 
inaugurated in 1955, because "they felt that the United States was 
gaining very significant political advantages in the cold war as a result 
of its aid program," the consultant pointed out. He estimated that 
approximately $3 billion in aid had been pledged by the Communist 
nations in Europe and Asia to underdeveloped countries, principally 
Egypt, Afghanistan, Indonesia, India, Iraq, Yugoslavia, and Argen- 
tina. Regarding the application of this aid program. Dr. Allen said — 

while there are many protestations of "no strings attached," 
a country which does not retain the political friendship of 
the Soviet Union is frequently abruptly told that its eco- 
nomic assistance has been terminated. 

The way in which the Soviet Union has employed trading agree- 
ments as instruments to influence and control non-Communist nations 
was demonstrated by Dr. Allen's references to the actual situation 
in a number of countries. 

The bulk of Communist trade is presently with Western European 
countries and primarily for reasons of economic need, Dr. Allen 
stated. He dwelt in detail on the economic arrangements between 
the Soviet Union and Finland, however, to demonstrate his thesis 
that the nation, while still managing to keep Communists out of 
its government, is in fact "an economic satellite" which "cannot af- 
ford not to get along with the Soviet Union." He also discussed Ice- 
land where, he said — 

the Soviet Union very clearly is using its trade to attempt 
to influence Iceland to withdraw from NATO, which would 


mean the elimination of the airbase at Reykjavik, as well as 
the introduction of much more elaborate economic planning 
within the Icelandic economy. 

The present volume of Communist trade with Egypt cannot be justi- 
fied on strictly economic grounds, Dr. Allen said, and the Commu- 
nists' political and strategic motive in that trade is a reduction of 
Egypt's freedom of action in international affairs. 

The Soviet Union or other Communist nations have in every in- 
stance taken the initiative in entering into trade relationships with 
non-Communist countries, he noted. In the case of the newly inde- 
pendent Ghana, for example, a Soviet trade delegation arrived to ne- 
gotiate an agreement "before the paint was dry" on the signs on the 
new Soviet diplomatic offices. 

Dr. Allen said such trade delegations provide an opportunity for 
the Soviet Union to acquire industrial and commercial information 
about trading partners which is "of immense intelligence value," al- 
though not in the "cloak and dagger" sense. In addition, he cited 
proven instances in which the delegations have served as official cover 
for Communist espionage agents. He also demonstrated avenues for 
Communist sabotage Avhich had opened up as a result of the Czech 
Communist government's efforts to obtain a contract to rework the 
communications sj-stem of a Latin American city. 

In the technical aspects of trade with the free world. Dr. Allen 
stated, the Soviet Union buys and sells at world market prices ; pays 
in most cases in dollars, sterling, or marks with no mention of rubles ; 
and acts "fairly decently in its trade * * * to try to keep their trad- 
ing partners moderately satisfied, within the limits of what they can 
afford politically." Dr. Allen said that, although he does not have 
the most recent statistics, he does not believe the Soviet Union is in 
the gold market for speculative purposes thus far and that they are 
not gold buyers ; 

If we followed the notion of what the Soviet Union is try- 
ing to do at the moment, which is to acquire increasing 
power over other countries, it would appear that the way they 
can do this best is by a sort of gradual encroachment into 
world markets. If they start acting like a bull in a china 
shop, by throwing gold around hither and yon and disrupt- 
ing markets, this would be counterproductive. 

Dr. Allen expressed the opinion that trade is an important instru- 
ment of Kremlin leaders who have abandoned the idea that "some* 
how or other the world would be magically transformed into a world 
in which everyone accepted a Communist faith." He saw the Soviet 
purpose as the achievement of increasing political, economic, and mili- 
tary power "to the point where they are not, and cannot be, challenged 
by any other power in the world" : 

It is not at all necessary that countries go Communist or 
are taken over by a Communist Party so long as the funda- 
mental elements of sovereignty are transferred from that 
country to the Soviet Union * * *. 

The ultimate objective is the maintenance of a Communist 
elite, using whatever resources — political, economic and mili- 
tary — that are available throughout the rest of the world, 


which they hope will be under their control for their own 
benefit. At the moment this benefit resides in a small por- 
tion of the Russian people. 

In the case of nations already under Communist rule, however, Dr. 
Allen pointed out that the Soviet Union has used trade and other 
commercial relationships to insure their subservience to the Soviet 
Union. The economies of the Eastern European satellites, he noted, 
are "enmeshed" in the Soviet economy as a result of a series of meas- 
ures undertaken in recent years. Because Yugoslavia continued to 
stray from the ideological line of the Soviet Union, retaliations in- 
cluded the halting of all Soviet economic assistance to the country 
in May of 1958 and a precipitous drop in trade between Yugoslavia 
and other Communist nations. 

In order to minimize the effects of Communist economic warfare 
against the free world. Dr. Allen recommended improvements in, and 
more effective use of, the private trading system. He declared: 

I think that we ought to arrange our own affairs in such a 
wa-v that trade witli the Communist bloc bv other countries 

• *" *■' 

IS not particularly advantageous. We ou,ght to provide such a 
healthy, sound, international economy, or contribute to a 
sound, healthy, international economy, that the Kremlin can- 
not make any headway with its gimmicks and gadgets and 
with its offers of premium prices and things of that sort. 
What we want are free international markets. Then when 
the Soviet Union does business, they have to behave just 
like any other country. There is no advantage in side deals 
with really free international markets and relatively free 
flow of goods and services. 

This does not mean that there will not be any trade bar- 
riers. Countries will always have trade barriers. I think 
in some cases trade barriers are to excess. And we ought not 
to divide up the world amongst ourselves. We ought not to 
adopt the teclmiques of the opposition. We ought to give 
every advantage, every possible advantage, to the develop- 
ment of the private trading system, free enterprise system, 
in trade. 


Mr. Robert Loh 

April 21, 1960 

Accounts of how the Chinese Communists spend huge sums of 
money, organize and train thousands of their enslaved subjects, and 
create lavish showcases to hoodwink visiting foreigTiers were given 
in testimony by Robert Loh, who escaped from Red China in the 
summer of 1957.^ 

1 See "How The Chinese Reds Hoodwink Visiting Foreigners," Consultation with Mr. 
Rohert Loh, Committee on Un-American Activities, April 21, 1960. 

Mr. Loh, born in Shanghai, obtained his M.A. degree at the University of Wisconsin, 
and returned in 1949 to China to accept an associate professorship at the University of 
Shanghai. Thoroughly disillusioned with the regime after teaching for 2 years, he became 
a mill manager and acted as a "showcase" capitalist and receptionist-host for visiting 
foreigners in Shanghai while waiting for the opportunity to escape. 


Mr. Loll described in detail many of the metliods employed by the 
Red Chinese to hide the truth about communism in action from for- 
eigners. He testified that about a dozen cities were designated as 
"showcases" for foreign visitors who, on their "tours" of Red China, 
were allowed to visit only these cities. 

Special committees were formed in each of these cities to play 
host to the guests. Extensive Commmiist investigations into the 
background of every foreign visitor long before his arrival provided 
the committees with details concerning his tastes and hobbies, Mr. 
Loll revealed. "They also know^ generally the kind of questions the 
tourists are going to ask," he added. 

Superiors would advise the indi^ddual receptionist-hosts on a day- 
to-day basis of the itinerary for each visitor, and the receptionist-host 
would report his activities to his superior at day's end. 

Citing the September 1956 visit of President Sukarno of Indonesia 
to Red China as an example of Chinese Communist hoodwinking 
techniques, Mr. Loh disclosed that preparations for his reception 
began about a month in advance of his arrival. 

Communist officials addressed meetings of students and workers in 
Shanghai, emphasizing the importance of the arrival of the "anti- 
colonialist" Sukarno. JNIr. Loh added that the theme stressed at these 
meetings was the need to favorably impress President Sukarno and 
thus enlist his support in the "fight against American imperialism." 

Intricate instructions on how to dress and behave were given at 
these meetings, and the Communists told the people that it was an 
honor to be selected to act as the "masses" for Sukarno's reception. 

Mr. Loh estimated that a half million Chinese attended these meet- 
ings and that, as the date of the Indonesian President's arrival ap- 
proached, these "masses" were coached and rehearsed with greater 
intensity. He added that when President Sukarno arrived, the recep- 
tion operated like clockwork and that the crowds, as previously drilled, 
had greeted him with cries of "Bung (Brother) Karno." 

Mr. Loll stated that the Red Chinese have special hotels in which 
foreign visitors are accommodated and that the personnel of the hotels 
undergo a training period of 4 to 6 months in techniques of handling 
foreign visitors. 

The prices of various commodities in the hotels for foreign visi- 
tors are more than 50 percent lower than the usual market price, Mr. 
Loll said. 

Another example of Communist "showcase" methods was provided 
at the time of the visit of the Dalai Lama to Red China in the early 
1950's, Mr. Loh explained. Two of the biggest Buddhist temples in 
Shanghai, used by the Chinese Communists as government offices, were 
evacuated and repaired at a cost of about a quarter of a million U.S. 
dollars shortly before the Dalai Lama's arrival in an obvious attempt 
to impress him. 

Mr. Loh added that the Chinese Communist officials, who had per- 
secuted the Buddhist as well as other religions, contacted leading 
Buddhists in Shanghai prior to the Dalai Lama's arrival in an effort 
to win their sympathy. They gave the Buddhist priests instructions 
on what to say to the Dalai Lama in conversation and how to act in 
receiving him. 


Mr. Loll stated that visitors to Red China, asking to see the homes 
of an "average" Chinese family, are taken to preselected "showcases." 

Wlien Mr. Loh was a receptionist, he added, he was sometimes taken 
aside by visitors and asked his impressions of the Chinese Communist 
government. He testified : 

Under such circumstances how could I tell him [the visi- 
tor] the truth ? 

So I just told him that I loved the Communist Party and 
the government more than my life. 

Because after each of the visits of the foreign visitors, 
you see, we were questioned in detail by the committee about 
what they asked and what we said. You cannot tell a lie to 
them. They will find it out. 

* * * So whatever the foreign visitors ask, they are bound 
to hear lies. No truth can be heard. We had been thoroughly 
trained and prepared so that we talked as if we were really 

Mr. Loh concluded by pointing out that the deception practiced by 
the Red Chinese on foreign visitors is likewise practiced by the Com- 
munists in Russia, as he learned on a visit to the Soviet Union in 1957. 


During the year 1960, the committee printed approximately 332,000 
copies of its hearings, consultations, and reports. Several publica- 
tions were reprinted because of heavy, continuing demand for them 
after the original printings had been exhausted. Thousands of other 
documents printed in previous years were also distributed. 

Following is a list of committee hearings, consultations, and re- 
ports for the 2d session of the 86th Congress : 


Issues Presented by Air Reserve Center Training Manual, February 
25, 1960. 

Communist Training Operations (Communist Activities and Prop- 
aganda Among Youth Groups), Part 2, February 2 and 3, 1960. 

Communist Training Operations (Communist Activities and Prop- 
aganda Among Youth Groups), Part 3, February 4 and 5 and 
March 2, 1960. 

Communist Espionage in the United States : Testimony of Frantisek 
Tisler, Former Military and Air Attache, Czechoslovak Embassy 
in Washington, D.C., May 10, 1960. 

Testimony of Anthony Krchmarek and Charles Musil, May 26, 1960. 

The Northern California District of the Communist Party: Struc- 
ture — Objectives — Leadership, Part 1, May 12, 1960; Part 2, May 
13, 1960; Part 3, May 14 and June 10, 1960; Part 4, Appendix. ^ 

Communist Activities Among Seamen and on Waterfront Facilities, 
Part 1, June 6, 7, 8, and 23, 1960. 

Communist Penetration of Radio Facilities (Conelrad — Communica- 
tions) , Part 1, August 23 and 24, 1960. 

Testimony of Captain Nikolai Fedorovich Artamonov (Former 
Soviet Naval Officer) , September 14, 1960. 


The Crimes of Khrushchev, Part 5. Mr. Joseph Pauco, Father 

Theodoric Joseph Zubek, Mr. Nuci Kotta, and Mr. Arslii Pipa, 

December 17, 1959. 
The Crimes of Khrushchev, Part 6. Mr. Rusi Nasar, Mr. Ergacsh 

Schermatoglu, Mr. Constant Mierlak, Dr. Vitaut Tumash, and 

Mr. Anton Shukeloyts, December 17, 1959. 
The Crimes of Khrushchev, Part 7. Mr. Guivy Zaldastani, Mr. George 

Nakashidse, Mr. Dimitar K. Petkoff, and Mrs. Catherine Boyan 

Choukanoff, January 8, 1960. 

^ A short biographical sketch of each consultant will be found on the first page of the 
summary of each consultation. 



Lest We Forget ! : A Pictorial Summary of Communism in Action. 

Mr. Klaus Samuli Gunnar Romppanen, January 13, 1960. 
Soviet "Justice" : "Showplace" Prisons vs. Real Slave Labor Camps. 

Mr. Adam Joseph Galinski, April 4, 1960. 
Communist Economic Warfare. Dr. Robert Loring Allen, April 6, 

How the Chinese Reds Hoodwink Visiting Foreigners. Mr. Robert 

Loh, April 21, 1960. 


Communist Target — Youth: Communist Infiltration and Agitation 
Tactics, July 1960. 

The Communist-Led Riots Against the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities in San Francisco, Calif., May 12-14, 1960, 
H. Rept. 2228, October 7, 1960. 

World Communist Movement: Selective Chronology 1818-1957, 
Volume 1, 1818-1945, August 1960. 

Facts on Communism: Vol. II — The Soviet Union, From Lenin to 
Khrushchev, December 1960. 

Legislative Recommendations by House Committee on Un-American 
Activities, December 1960. 

Annual Report for 1960. 


During the past year there has been a greater demand than ever 
before by the Members of Congress for the special reference service 
offered by the committee — a reference service dealing with information 
taken entirely from public source material and limited to mformation 
within the committee's field of work. 

In response to over 2,200 requests from Members of Congress in 
1960, the reference staff ran information checks on the names of 4,566 
individuals and approximately 1,900 organizations and periodicals, 
along with a few more general subjects. These checks developed ref- 
erences to material on 1,389 individuals and 556 other subjects. All 
indicated sources were assembled, carefully reviewed and separate, 
written reports were prepared on a total of 1,945 subjects. 

This represents an increase at all points over comparable service in 
1959, the two greatest gains being a 27 percent increase in number of 
inquiries handled and a 50 percent increase in number of subjects 
checked for information. A smaller percentage increase in the num- 
ber of reports prepared is also significant since, due to the volume of 
available material, more than a day is often required to prepare a 
single report. 

Every effort is made in writing reports to present each reference 
in a simple, straightforward manner, without comment other than to 
indicate official Federal agency citations on the organizations and 
periodicals mentioned; to state clearly the source of each reference; 
and to include only that information which relates to officially cited 
organizations and publications and which appears in committee pub- 
lications, the Communist and Communist-front press, or primary 
source material on file. No attempt is made to evaluate material so 
reported, since the committee's official opinions are to be found only 
in its published reports. 

The extent and value of this reference service is underscored by 
the nature of the extensive collection of material available for consul- 
tation. Bound volumes of the committee's own 450 published hearings 
and reports are on the shelves, together with many issued by other 
Federal and State committees, a variety of directories, and other 
standard reference works. The periodical files contain approximately 
1,600 separate titles, among which are a number of complete sets of 
issues, either in the original or on microfilm. There are innumerable 
letterheads, leaflets, bulletins, and other types of literature issued by 
subversive organizations in the files. Pamphlets alone number well 
over 3,000. Information on specific subjects in this extensive collec- 
tion can be checked due to the detailed indexing and cross-referencing 
of material and its filing under an expandable subject-heading system, 
with headings so grouped as to accommodate current additions into 

files of material assembled over many years. 



The reference collection is also consulted frequently to answer in- 
quiries from committee staff members who are furnished with refer- 
ence information as varied as their types of work and special needs. 
In response to a total of 1,437 requests from staff members in 1960, 
checks were run on 3,055 individuals, 815 organizations and periodicals 
and many general subjects. Verbal reports were furnished on 
approximately 1,000 subjects; reports were compiled and furnished 
in writing on 1,222 other subjects; 1,290 pieces of source material were 
located and reproduced for use as exhibits in investigations and hear- 
ings, and selected material on almost 100 general subjects was assem- 
bled for the use of staff members. 

The reference collection also serves many investigative agencies of 
the executive branch of our Government whose representatives are 
regularly admitted, four days a week, for the purpose of checking the 
committee's records, indexes and publications. Although there can 
be no true statistical measure of the extent and value of this service, 
Federal agency representatives made approximately 2,000 visits to the 
reference section in 1960 with more than two-thirds of such visits on 
on a full day basis. Their questions, for the most part involving an 
explanation of committee records or the location of material, were 
answered at the rate of about 40 per week. 

The appreciable gains in the use of the committee's reference service, 
the steady addition of source material to its files and the appreciation 
expressed by many of those it has served are an indication of the serv- 
ice's value to the Congress and the Nation. 


A subcommittee of the House Committee on Un-American Activities 
held hearings in San Juan, Puerto Rico, November 18-20, 1959. Thir- 
teen witnesses refused to answer pertiruent questions, basing their 
refusal to answer not on the usual constitutional gi'ounds, but on the 
ground that the committee lacked jurisdiction to hold hearings in 
Puerto Rico. 

They were : Jose ETtamorado Cuesta^ Manuel Arroyo Zeppenfeldt^ 
Juan Saez Corales^ Consuelo Burgos Be Pagan^ John Peter Ha%oes^ 
Gertrudis Melendez Perez^ Ramon Diaz Cruz^ Frank Ruiz^ Juan Em- 
manuelli Morales^ Cesar Andreu Iglesias^ Pablo M. Garcia Rodriguez^ 
Cristin-o Perez Mendez^ and J%ian Santos Rivera, 

House contempt resolutions in 1960 were certified by the Speaker 
of the House and forwarded to the United States Attorney for the 
District of Puerto Rico for prosecutive action. 


There are presently awaiting trial in the various United States 
District Courts, the following cases : 

Peter Seeger^ New York, N. Y. Victor Malis, Gary, Ind. 

Elliott Sullivan, New York, N. Y. A If red James Samter, Gary, Ind. 

George Tyne, New York, N.Y. Harvey 0^ Connor, Newark, N.J. 

Robert Lehrer, Gary, Ind. Martin Popper, Washington, D.C. 

The contempt citation against Edwin A. Alexander was presented 
to the Grand Jury at Chicago, 111., on April 4, 1960, and a No True 
Bill was returned. 

The decisions of the Circuit Court of Appeals for the District of 
Columbia in the cases of Frank Grumman and Bernard Silber have 
not been announced as this report goes to press. Frank Grumman was 
convicted on March 15, 1960, and sentenced to 4 months' imprisonment 
and fined $100. At the time of the hearing before this committee, he 
was employed as a radio operator for RCA Communications, Inc., but 
was then currently on temporary leave of absence for union work as 
secretary-treasurer of Local 10 of the American Communications As- 
sociation. Bernard Silber was convicted on ]\Iarch 23, 1960, and was 
sentenced to 4 months' imprisonment and fined $100. He was a service 
writer for the Western Union Telegraph Company. 

Sidney Turoff. a former member of the State Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of the State of New York, was convicted on December 
14, 1959, and sentenced to 60 days' imprisonment and a fine of $100.00. 
The Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, to which the 
conviction was appealed, has not handed down its decision. 



Edivard Yellin was convicted for refusing to answer questions with 
reference to the policy of the Communist Party of sending "colonizers" 
into the steel industry and with reference to his own Communist Party 
membership, basing his refusal to answer on the first amendment to 
the Constitution. Mr. Yellin had gone to Gary, Ind., from New York 
in 1949 and secured employment in the steel industry. He was con- 
victed March 3, 1960, and sentenced to one year in jail and fined $250. 
His appeal is now pending in the Circuit Court of Appeals for the 
Seventh Circuit. 


On June 18, 1960, the Circuit Court of Appeals for the District of 
Columbia affirmed the conviction of the following : 

John T. Gojack^ general vice president of United Electrical, Kadio 
and Machine Workers of America, sentenced to 9 months' imprison- 
ment and a $500 fine. 

Norton Antliony Russell, an employee of Yernay Laboratories, an 
affiliate of Antioch College at Dayton, Ohio, sentenced to 30 days' im- 
prisonment and a $500 fine. 

Bernhard Deutch, formerly a graduate student at Cornell Univer- 
sity, sentenced to 90 days' imprisonment and a $100 fine, the fine being 
remitted. On October 10, 1960, the Supreme Court granted a writ of 
certiorari in this case. {See Supreme Court, infra. ) 

The conviction of Goldle E. Watson, an elementary teacher in the 
Martha Washington Public School of Philadelphia, Pa., sentenced to 
3 months' imprisonment and a $1,000 fine, was reversed with instruc- 
tions to the District Court to dismiss the indictment on the ground 
that a sufficient explanation of the pertinency of the questions she 
had refused to answer had not been made to the defendant under the 
rule in the Watkins case. 

Donald C . Wheeldin, a former writer for the West Coast newspaper, 
the People's World, was convicted on October 17, 1959, and sentenced 
to 30 days' imprisonment and a $100 fine. The conviction was affirmed 
bv the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit on October 17, 


Writs of certiorari were granted by the Supreme Court of the^ 
United States in the cases of Carl Braden, Frank Wilkinson, and 
Bernhard Deutch. 

Carl Braden and Frank Wilkinson were convicted in the District 
Court in Atlanta, Georgia, on January 30, 1959, and both were 
sentenced to serve one year in jail. Their convictions in the Circuit 
Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit were affirmed in December 
1959. Both of these cases have been argued before the Supreme Court 
but, as yet, the Supreme Court has not handed down its decisions. 

On November 14, 1960, the Supreme Court of the United States 
affirmed the conviction of Arthur McPhaul. 

Mr. McPhaul had been convicted and sentenced on March 8, 1957, 
by the District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan to 9 months' 
imprisonment and a fine of $500. 


The Supreme Court held that ^McPhaul's failure to state legitimate 
reasons for failing to produce the records of the Civil Rights Congress 
was a patent evasion of the duty of one summoned to produce papers 
before a congressional committee and could not be condoned. In con- 
sidering the form of the subpena, the Court also held that the breadth 
of the subpena was not such as to violate the fourth amendment. It is 
pertinent to note that in the course of the opinion, the Court stated : 

The Fifth Amendment does not excuse the petitioner from 
producing the records of the Civil Rights Congress, for it is 
well settled that books and records kept "in a representative 
rather than in a personal capacity cannot be the subject of the 
personal privilege against self-incrimination, even though 
production of the papers might tend to incriminate [their 
keeper] personally." United States v. White, 322 U.S. 694, 
699 (IdU). 



This committee has made a number of legislative recommendations 
on several subjects within the area of its responsibilities. The neces- 
sity for remedial legislation on these subjects is apparent, but the final 
form which such legislation should take has been, in some instances, a 
matter for continuing refinement and development. Final agreement 
is not always achieved in one session of the Congress. But due 
deliberation is a legislative virtue. This committee is aware of the 
serious problems involved in the evolution of suitable and effective 
legislation as we gird ourselves to face and subdue subversion. In this 
day and age legislation for this purpose is clearly justified and rests 
upon ''the right of self-preservation, 'the ultimate value of any so- 
ciety'." (Mr. Justice Harlan, in Barenblatt v. United States^ 360 U.S. 
109, at 127f.) History must not record that this generation has 
negligently left its patrimony of liberty to be taken from it by those 
who pass in the shadows. 

In 1958 this committee stated : 

The committee is encouraged by the fact that its work has 
contributed to important remedial legislation in the field of 
subversion. * * * 

This record will also refute once and for all the assertions 
made by uninformed persons that this committee has no 
legislative purpose or that the object of its hearings is "ex- 
posure for exposure's sake." The facts clearly show that 
this committee's activities have always been directed to- 
ward remedial legislation in its assigned field of inquiry. 
Congressional approval of the functioning of the commit- 
tee is exemplified by the vast amount of legislation which 
has followed its recommendations. (Foreword to Legisla- 
tive Recommendations by House Committee on Un-Amer- 
ican Activities, 1941-1958, A Research Study by Legislative 
Reference Service of the Library of Congress, June 1958, 
p. 1.) 

During the past year, an American Bar Association committee 
declared : 

Tlie record of the HCUA and the Senate Subcommittee on 
Internal Security is one of accomplishments and achieve- 
ments despite the fact they have been the targets of inspired 
propaganda attacks designed to curb their effectiveness. 
Continuation of these committees is essential to the enactment 
of sound security legislation. (Report July 1, 1960, Commit- 
tee on Communist Tactics, Strategy and Objectives, Ameri- 
can Bar Association.) 

63570—61- 9 121 


This committee, as the result of continuing study, is of the opinion 
that there is present need for adoption of remedial legislation on the 

following subiects : 


This committee recommends the adoption of legislation authorizing 
tlie Secretary of State to deny passports to persons whose purpose 
in traveling abroad is to engage in activities which Avill advance the 
objectives of the Communist conspiracy. We are joined in this 
recommendation by the Department of State. In a letter to the 
chairman, dated November 19, 1959, William B. Macomber, Jr., As- 
sistant Secretary, said: 

The Department believes that the most critical problem 
in the passport field is the lack of legislative authority in 
the Secretary of State to deny passports to dangerous par- 
ticipants in the international Communist conspiracy. The 
Department strongly supports Congressional action directed 
toward granting such authority to the Secretary. 

Such legislation has likewise been recommended by the American 
Bar Association Committee on Communist Tactics, Strateg}^ and Ob- 
jectives (Report July 1, 1960). 

On elune 16, 1958, in the cases of Kent and Briehl v. Dulles, 357 U.S. 
116, and Dayton v. Dulles^ 357 U.S. 144, in 5-4 divided opinions, the 
Supreme Court decided that the Secretary of State, although acting 
pursuant to his published regulations, was not authorized to denj^ 
passports to participants in the Communist movement whose travel 
abroad would be inimical to our national interests. These decisions 
were founded on the premise that the regulations were not based on 
specific legislative authorization. Dayton''s case is notable. He was 
a native-born citizen and physicist who had been connected with 
various Federal projects. He applied in March 1954 for a passport 
to enable him to travel to India to accept a position as research 
physicist at Tata Institute of Fundamental Research. His passport 
application was denied, based on findings by the Secretary of State 
that Dayton was closely associated with events and persons involved 
in the espionage apparatus of Julius Rosenberg, and that his offer 
of employment in India was obtained through one Bernard Peters, 
who had held membership in the Connnunist Party, renounced his 
American citizenship, and had engaged in Communist activities here 
and abroad. 

As was pointed out in our Annual Report for the year 1958 : 

The serious consequences of these decisions are indicated 
by the fact that from the 16th day of June 1958, the date of 
the rendition of the decisions, to the 7th day of November 
1958, the State Department granted passports to 596 persons 
who have records of activity in support of the international 
Communist movement. Persons granted passports include 
individuals trained in Moscow, individuals who have been 
involved in Communist espionage activity, individuals who 
have performed Communist functions in countries other 


than the United States, and, last but not least, Communist 
Party members, both concealed and open, who owe an undy- 
ing allegiance to the international Communist conspiracy. 
When considering the salutary provisions of the Walter- 
McCarran Act, designed to prevent this country from being 
overridden by Communist agents from abroad, it is shocking 
to learn the names of the highly placed Communists in this 
country who are now permitted to travel indiscriminately in 
the countries of our Allies, as well as in those of our enemies. 

This committee has early recognized the necessity for legislation 
in this field. In its Annual Report for the year 1956, the committee 
pointed out that : 

Although recognizing the historic discretion of the Secre- 
tary of State to issue, witliliold or limit passports under regu- 
lations adopted pursuant to Executive orders, the committee 
believes that the hand of the Secretary should be strength- 
ened by the enactment of legislation expressing the will and 
intent of the legislative branch of the Government spelled 
out in direct and positive form. 

Several bills on this subject, including H.R. 2232 (Sections 409 
to 413, inclusive) by the chairman, were introduced during the 86th 
Congress. H.R. 9069, introduced on September 3, 1959, was passed by 
the House of Representatives on September 8, 1959, on which there 
has been no Senate action. The committee recognizes the difficulty in 
reaching all the problems in the field of passport law at one time in 
one bill. We suggest further study of the previous recommendations 
of this committee and the provisions of other bills presented within 
the House and Senate in this field, with the object in view that 
action, at least on certain phases of such legislation, can be accom- 
plished in the next Congress. 


This committee strongly recommends legislation amending Sees. 
102 and 104 of the Revised Statutes (2 USC, Sees. 192, 194), to pro- 
hibit and punish misbehavior of witnesses and others in the presence 
of, or so near thereto as to obstruct, either House or any committee 
thereof in the performance of their duties. 

We have dealt with this problem more fully in our House Report 
No. 2228 of October 1960, which was prompted by the outrages per- 
petrated on this committee at the San Francisco hearings in May 1960. 
The riots and disorder instigated by the Communist Party within 
the hearing room and in its vicinity were designed to obstruct the 
committee and to impair its dignity. There is no doubt that the 
Commimist Party, in theory and practice, has adopted a program to 
break down the investigative or fact-finding process and all respect 
for American law, whether in the courts or in committees of the 


In 1933, the International Labor Defense, which was later cited 
as the "legal arm of the Communist Party" by Attorney General 
Biddle, issued its pamphlet No. 5, entitled, "Under Arrest — ^Workers' 
Self-Defense in the Courts," which absurdly represented to the party 
members that the dignity and sanctity of the courts "are a means of 
paralyzing the struggle of the workers against capitalist institutions." 
The pamphlet stated : "The worker must learn to carry into the court 
room the same determined militancy that brought him there." The 
instructions advocated in this pamphlet, our records indicate, have 
been precisely followed in the courts and investigative hearings as 
well. The San Francisco rioting followed the basic and classic pat- 
tern set fortli in the pamphlet as follows : 

A most important consideration of workers' self-defense 
as already mentioned, is to use the capitalist courtroom as a 
forum from which the workers on trial can expose before their 
fellow toilers the true nature of the courts — as a tool in the 
bosses' economic and political oppression. 

A courtroom packed to the doors with workers during a 
class trial, on the one hand, serves for the masses of workers 
as a practical study of class justice in operation; on the 
other, it strengthens the workers' case as a whole, through 
the display of solidarity of workers, in the face of the bosses' 
attack upon their militant workers and leaders. Very often 
such a court setting has been the decisive feature that won 
the worker's case. 

However, this alone is also not enough. In the average size 
courtroom 200 or 300 people may crowd in. That's not 
enough. A worker's case generally comes out of some defi- 
nite struggle — strike, lockout, demonstration, hunger-march, 
etc. — involving many hundreds or thousands of workers. 

The implied or common-law power of the Houses to punish for 
contempt is in most instances inadequate. Such procedure is ob- 
viously cumbersome, time-consuming, diverts the Congress from its 
legislative work, is in many cases impractical, and also results in 
uneven justice. As pointed out in Anderson v. Dimn^ 6 Wheat. 204 
(U.S. 1821 ) , such power to punish for contempt is limited to imprison- 
ment for the duration of the session of the House affected by the 
contempt and does not survive the adjournment or periodic dissolu- 
tion of the House. In addition, with respect to contempts before com- 
mittees of the Houses, and not therefore directly in the presence of 
the assembled Houses, trial and punishment by judicial process with 
the traditional safeguards of jury trial would seem more desirable. 
It is also to be noted that the power of the Congress to punish at the 
bar of the Houses with respect to various forms of contempt of its 
committees has not been clearly defined by the courts and is in that 
respect uncertain. 

Statutory modes of dealing with contempt of Congress and its 
committees are limited to the aforementioned sections 192 and 194, 
which do not proscribe contumacious conduct of witnesses or others 
except the refusal of the witness to appear or to testify or to produce 
papers before either House or any committee thereof. Other forms 
of misbehavior are untouched by statute. These sections relate only 
to witnesses, and even in the case of witnesses the courts are quite 


powerless to punish misconduct with the exceptions noted. In United 
States V. Starkovlch, 28 USL Week 2490 (AVD Wash. 1955), which 
dismissed an indictment for contempt of this committee which had 
arisen out of the misconduct of the witness before it, the court said 
tliat Starkovich "coukl have acted in the most objectionable manner 
possible, used profanity, vulgarisms, vililication of the committee or 
anytliino- he wanted as long as he answered the questions or right- 
fully claimed privilege." Moreover, these sections do not at all deal 
with disorders by comisel or others whether within or without the 
hearing room. 

In arguing for this specific legislative power to punish misbe- 
havior we cannot do better than to borrow^ the words of Mr. Justice 
Johnson, who wrote in reply to the argument that the Congress did not 
possess an implied power to punish for contempt, that a denial of 
such power — 

obviously leads to the total annihilation of the power of the 
House of Kepresentatives to guard itself from contempts, 
and leaves it exposed to ever}^ indignity and inten-uption, that 
rudeness, caprice, or even conspiracy, may meditate against 
it. This result is fraught with too much absurdity, not to 
bring into doubt the soundness of any argimient from which 
it is derived. That a deliberate assembly, clothed with the 
majesty of the people, and charged with the care of all that 
is dear to them ; composed of the most distingiiished citizens, 
selected and drawn together from every quarter of a great 
nation ; whose deliberations are required by public opinion, to 
be conducted under the eye of the public, and whose decisions 
must be clothed with all that sanctity which unlimited confi- 
dence in their wisdom and purity can inspire ; that such an 
assembly should not possess the power to suppress rudeness, 
or repel insult, is a supposition too wild to be suggested. 
{Anderson v. Dunn, supra, p. 228.) 

To remedy the situation, the chairman introduced H.R. 2232 on 
January 12, 1959, which by Sec. 302 thereof would amend Sees. 102 
and 104 of the Revised Statutes to include every person who misbe- 
haves in the presence of either House or its committees, or who mis- 
behaves so near thereto as to obstruct such House or committee in the 
performance of its duties. In support of this legislation we would 
again bon^ow the language of Mr. Justice Johnson in Anderson v. 
Dunn, supra, p. 226 : 

But if there is one maxim which necessarily rides over all 
othei^s, in the practical application of government, it is, that 
the public functionaries must be left at liberty to exercise the 
powers which the people have intrusted to them. The in- 
terests and dignity of those who created them, require the 
exertion of the powers indispensable to the attainment of the 
ends of their creation. Nor is a casual conflict Avitli the rights 
of particular individuals any reason to be urged against the 
exercise of such powers. The wretch beneath the gallows 
may repine at the fate which aw^aits him, and yet it is no 
less certain, that the laws under which he suffei*s were made 
for his security. The unreasonable murmurs of individuals 
against the restraints of society, have a direct tendency to 


produce that worst of all despotisms, which makes every in- 
dividual the tyrant over his neighbor's rights. That "the 
safety of the people is the supreme law," not only comports 
with, but is indispensable to, the exercise of those powers in 
their public functionaries without which that safety cannot 
be guarded. On this principle it is, that courts of justice are 
universally acknowledged to be vested, by their very creation, 
witli power to impose silence, respect and decorum in their 
presence, and submission to their lawful mandates, and as a 
corollary to this proposition, to preserve themselves and their 
officers from the approach and insults of pollution. 


It is recommended that the Smith Act be strengthened by appro- 
priate legislation defining the term "organize" to include continuing 
acts of organizing and recruiting. 

The Smith Act, as amended, provides that : 

Whoever knowingly or willfully advocates, abets, advises, 
or teaches the duty, necessity, desirability, or propriety of 
overthrowing or destroying the government of the United 
States or the government of any State, Territory, District or 
Possession thereof, or the government of any political sub- 
division therein, by force or violence, or by the assassination 
of any officer of any such government ; or 

Whoever, with intent to cause the overthrow or destruction 
of any such government, prints, publishes, edits, issues, cir- 
culates, sells, distributes, or publicly displays any written or 
printed matter advocating, advising, or teaching the duty, 
necessity, desirability, or propriety of overthrowing or de- 
stroying any government in the United States by force or 
violence, or attempts to do so ; or 

Whoever organizes or helps or attempts to organize any 
society, group, or assembly of persons who teach, advocate, or 
encourage the overthrow or destruction of any such govern- 
ment by force or violence ; or becomes or is a member of, or 
affiliates with, any such society, group, or assembly of persons, 
Iviiowing the purposes thereof- — 

Shall be fined, etc. : (18 U.S.C., sec. 2385) . 

In Yates v. United States, 354 U.S. 298 (1957), which was a prose- 
cution under the Smith Act, charging certain leading Communists, 
inter alia, with conspiracy to organize as the Communist Party of 
the United States a society of persons who advocate and teach the duty 
and necessity of overthrowing this Government by force and violence 
as speedily as circumstances would permit, the court decided that 
"since the Communist Party came into being in 1945, and the indict- 
ment was not returned until 1951, the three-year Statute of Limitations 
had run on the 'organizing' charge, and required the withdrawal of 
that part of the indictment from the jury's consideration." (Actually, 
the Communist Party in the United States was merely reconstituted 
in that year. It had in fact existed at least since 1919.) The court 
rejected the Government's contention that the word "organize" con- 
notes a continuing process which goes on throughout the life of an 
organization, and held that, the statute being penal, the term should 


be construed in its narrow meaning as referring only to acts entering 
into the creation of a new organization, and not to acts thereafter 
])erformed in carrying on its activities. It is therefore apparent that 
an important concept of the Smith Act has been shown deficient by 
this decision. The deficiency may be remedied by amendment, such as 
was offered by the chairman of this committee in H.R. 2369, passed by 
the House on March 2, 1959, but which did not come to a vote in the 
Senate. If the Smith Act is to remain one of our most effective 
wea-pons against the Communist conspiracy, it is vital that this statute 
be improved. 

Perhaps more disappointing is the majority decision on other points 
of this case, particularly what Mr. Justice Clark in his dissent points 
out to be "an exercise in semantics and indulgence in distinctions too 
'subtle and difficult to grasp'.'' (p. 350.) The trial court had clearly 
charged that the holding of a belief or opinion did not constitute 
advocac}' or teaching; that the Smith Act did not prohibit persons 
who mav believe that the violent overthrow of the Government is 
probable or inevitable from expressing that belief: and that any 
advocacy or teaching which did not include the urging of force or 
violence as the means of overthrowing the Government was not within 
the issue of the indictment. The trial court further told the jury that : 

The kind of advocacy and teaching which is charged and 
upon which your verdict must be reached is not merely a 
desirability but a necessity that the Government of the United 
States be overthrown and destroyed by force and violence and 
not merely a propriety but a duty to overthrow and destroy 
the Government of the United States by force and violence. 

Yet the majority of the Supreme Court reversed a trial of 4 
months' duration and held that this charge was inadequate ; that the 
court should have added expressions that such advocacy and teaching 
must be a call to action and done — 

with the intent that such teaching and advocacy be of a rule 
or principle of action and by language reasonably and 
ordinarily calculated to incite persons to such action * * *. 

This is a distinction without a difference, A flyspeck had been 
found on the bay window. Is not the imposition of a duty a call 
to action and a "principle" of action? It is stronger: it imposes an 
obligation to act. Is not the advocacy of that duty, as necessity, 
together with the urging of force and violence, an intentional incite- 
ment? This was, in effect, long ago recognized by Justice Holmes, 
who wrore : 

It is said that this manifesto was more than a theory, that it 
was an incitement. It offers itself for belief and if believed 
it is acted on unless some other belief outweighs it or some 
failure of energy stifles the movement at its birth. The only 
difference between the expression of an opinion and an in- 
citement in the narrower sense is the speaker's enthusiasm 
for the result. ( Gitlow v. Neiv York, 268 U.S. 652, at p. 673. ) 

But, it must be emphasized, the trial court went further and required 
the jury to find an advocacy of duty, the advocacy of necessity to 
overthrow by force and violence and an urging of force and violence. 


which in the common understanding of the English language is obvi- 
ously more than an expression of opinion or of abstract doctrine. 

The view of Justice Black, with whom Justice Douglas joined con- 
curring in part and dissenting in part in the Yates case, suggests that 
the fii^t amendment gives an absolute and unqualified privilege of 
speech. He said, at p. 340 : 

Under the Court's approach, defendants could still be con- 
victed simply for agreemg to talk as distinguished from 
agreeing to act. I believe that the First Amendment forbids 
Congress to punish people for talking about public affairs, 
lohether or not such discussion incites to action, legal or il- 
legal. [Italics supplied.] 

What public affairs ? All ? He then quoted from the Statute for 
Religious Liberty of 1785, written by Thomas Jefferson, "it is time 
enough for the rightful purposes of civil government, for its officers 
to interfere when principles break out into overt acts against peace 
and good order * * *." But this was religion. What we are talk- 
ing about in Yates is a type of Hitlerism : an existing organization 
of party members, a veritable army of vermin, fully indoctrinated 
with treason, already deployed in strategic sectors of American life, 
actually engaged in espionage, recruiting new members by speech on 
every available platform, meeting in assemblies, acting in conspira- 
torial concert by a thoroughly organized system of communication in 
this very speech and writing, ready to act, recognizing a duty to act, 
and which will act when the signal for the putsch is given from 
headquarters in Moscow. (See Dennis v. United States^ 341 U.S. 494, 
at p. 509.) Their "talk" is an agreement to act ; just as their comrades 
in all parts of the world have acted and are now acting on that very 
same talk. 

The view of Justice Black does not accord with the decisions of the 
intellectual giants of jurisprudence. Holmes and Brandeis, who have 
never recognized the first amendment or any other clause of the 
Constitution as giving, under any and all circumstances, in any and 
all "public affairs," an unqualified right for this kind of speech. 
In Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357 (1927), the court dealt with 
a statute of California, in substance identical to the organizing and 
membership section of the Smith Act, which provides that: 

Any person who * ^ * Organizes or assists in organizing, 
or is or knowingly becomes a member of, any organization, 
society, group or assemblage of persons organized or as- 
sembled to advocate, teach or aid and abet criminal syndical- 
ism * * * Is guilty of a felony * * *. 

Miss Whitney was convicted of the felony of assisting in organizing 
in the year 1919 the Communist Labor Party of California, of being 
a member of it, and of assembling with it. The conviction was sus- 
tained by a unanimous court on appeal. Justice Brandeis, in a sep- 
arate concurring opinion with which Justice Holmes joined, said 
at p. 373 : 

The right of free speech, the right to teach and the right 
of assembly are, of course, fundamental rights. * * * But, 


although tlie rights of free speecli and assembly are funda- 
mental, thev are not in their nature absolute. Their exercise 
is subject to restriction, if the particular restriction proposed 
is required in order to protect the State from destruction or 
from serious injury, political, economic or moral. That the 
necessity which is essential to a valid restriction does not 
exist unless speech would produce, or is intended to produce, 
a clear and imminent danger of some substantive evil which 
the State constitutionally may seek to prevent has been 

He found that in the case of ^liss Whitney there was testimony 
which ''tended to establish the existence of a conspiracy, on the part 
of members of the International Workers of the World, to commit 
present serious crimes; and likewise to show that such a conspiracy 
would be furthered by the activity of the society of which Miss Whit- 
ne}^ was a member." (p. 379.) The testimony in the Yates case 
tended to establish the same facts. 

Justice Brandeis was perfectly willing to uphold the validity of this 
California statute even though as he said, at p. 373 : 

The mere act of assisting in fonning a society for teaching 
syndicalism, of becoming a member of it, or of assembling 
with others for that purpose is given the dynamic quality of 
crime. There is guilt although the society may not contem- 
plate immediate promulgation of the doctrine. Thus the 
accused is to be punished, not for contempt, incitement 
or conspiracy, but for a step in preparation, which, if 
it threatens the public order at all, does so only remotely. 
The novelty in the prohibition introduced is that the statute 
aims, not at the practice of criminal syndicalism, nor even 
directly at the preaching of it, but at association with those 
who propose to preach it. 

He then dealt with the test for determining the validity of the 
prohibition. He said, at p. 379 : 

'\Miether in 1919, when Miss Whitney did the things com- 
plained of, there was in California such clear and present 
danger of serious evil, might have been made the important 
issue in the case. She might have required that the issue be 
determined either by the court or the jury. She claimed 
below that the statute as applied to her violated the Federal 
Constitution ; but she did not claim that it was void because 
there was no clear and present danger of serious evil, nor did 
she request that the existence of these conditions of a valid 
measure thus restricting the rights of free speech and as- 
sembly be passed upon by the court or a jury. On the other 
hand, there was evidence on which the court or jury might 
have found that such danger existed. 

As Justice Holmes pointed out in SchencJc v. United States, 249 
U.S. 47, at p. 52 (1918), "We admit that in many places and in 
ordinary times the defendants in saying all that was said in the circu- 


lar would have been within their constitutional rights. But the 
character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is 
done." Can anyone deny that a danger to the United States exists 
in the international Communist conspiracy? Can anyone deny that 
this danger is today clear? Can anyone say that the danger is not 
imminent? One has only to be alive and read the newspapers to 
recognize these facts. 


It is urgently recommended that legislation be passed to stem the 
serious breach in the Federal Employee Security Program opened 
by the decision in Cole v. Young, 351 U.S. 536 (1956). 

The Act of August 26, 1950, gave to the heads of certain departments 
and agencies of the Government the power summarily to suspend 
any civilian officer or employee "when deemed necessary in the inter- 
est of national security." The act, inter alia, further provided that 
the employee concerned, to the extent that the interests of national 
security permit, shall be notified of the reasons for suspension ; that the 
employee shall have an opportunity to submit his reply ; that perma- 
nent employees who are citizens shall have the further right to request 
a hearing ; that his employment thereafter may be terminated if the 
agency head determines such action necessary or advisable in the 
interest of national security and that such determination by the 
agency head shall be conclusive and final. The act authorized the 
President to extend the provisions of this act from time to time to 
such other agencies of the Government as he shall deem necessary 
in the best interests of national security. 

In October 1953, by Executive Order 10450, the President deemed 
it necessary to extend the provisions of this act to all other depart- 
ments and agencies of the Government. Cole, a food and drug in- 
spector, employed in the Department of Health, Education, and Wel- 
fare, was charged with having continued a close association with per- 
sons reported to be Communists and of maintaining a sympathetic 
association with an organization known as Nature Friends of America, 
designated as subversive by the Attorney General, and with having, 
by his own admission, donated funds to that group, contributed serv- 
ices and attended social gatherings of it. Cole did not answer the 
charges. He replied that they constituted an invasion of his private 
rights of association and, although advised that he could have a hear- 
ing, requested none. The Secretary of that Department made a for- 
mal determination that Cole's continued employment was not "clearly 
consistent with the interests of the national security," and dismissed 

The Supreme Court, with Justices Clark, Reed, and Minton dis- 
senting, on June 11, 1956, reversed the dismissal of Cole and held that 
the standard prescribed by the Executive order and applied by the 
Secretary was not in conformity with the act. Justice Harlan, for the 
majority, argued that a dismissal deemed necessary or advisable in the 
interests of the national security requires evaluation not only of the 
character of the employee, but also of the nature of the position he 
occupies; that the term "national security" is used in the act in a 
limited sense and relates only to those activities directly concerned 
with the ^Nation's safety, as distinguished from the general welfare, 


and applies only to "sensitive" positions. He argued that a proper 
interpretation of the act requires such a determination of the character 
of the position and that, since none was made by the Secretary as to 
the position occupied by Cole, his dismissal was improper. The 
majority tlius cut down the applicability of the act to "sensitive" 
positions only. 

Justice Clark, with whom Justices Reed and Minton joined, dissent- 
ing declared, "We have read the Act over and over again, but find no 
ground on which to infer such an interpretation. It flies directly in 
the face of the language of the Act and the legislative history." (p. 
566. ) He added, at p. 569, that : 

"We believe the Court's order has stricken down the most 
effective weapon against subversive activity available to the 
Government. It is not realistic to say that the Government 
can be protected merely by applying the Act to sensitive jobs. 
One never knows just which job is sensitive. The janitor 
might prove to be in as important a spot security-wise as the 
top employee in the building. The Congress decided that the 
most effective way to protect the Government was through 
the procedures laid down in the Act. * * * They should not 
be subverted by the technical interpretation the majority 
places on them today. 

The reasoning of the majority, while persuasive, is specious, and 
resulted in a bold frustration of congressional intent and executive 
policy. As Chairman Walter testified in the hearings before the Com- 
mittee on Post Office and Civil Service (on bills to amend the Act of 
August 26, 1950, held April, May and June 1959) : ^ 

On the floor of the House, Mr. Holifield said, in opposing 
the extent of the applicability of this statute : "This act ap- 
plies potentially to every executive agency, not only the sen- 
sitive ones." 

This was the objection raised by the opponents of this 
legislation, that it was all-inclusive, so that there can be no 
question of the congressional intent. * * * 

We intended that we were going to rid ourselves in the 
Government of this kind of employee. The case of Cole v. 
Young, in my judgment, is the most striking example of the 
invasion by the Court of the legislative prerogative that 
I have seen in many years. * * * 

This great Republic of ours is as strong as it is because of 
the integrity of the three branches of our Government. If it 
is to remain strong, then it is our duty to see to it that each 
one of the three branches is protected from an invasion by 
either of the other two branches. 

Cole V. Young not only ignored the very plain intent of 
the Congress but it went further in its legislative activity, 
and that is what this was. It added the language "in a sensi- 
tive position." 

Members of this committee, I have examined the record 
from the time tliis matter was first taken up and I have yet to 

1 "Federal Employees Security Program," hearings before the Committee on Post Office 
and Civil Service. 


find the word "sensitive" anywhere in any of the hearings or 
discussions apropos of this legislation, (pp. 8, 9.) 

At the conclusion of Mr. Walter's testimony, Chairman Tom Murray 
of the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service, said to Mr. Walter : 

I might state that I was the author of the original bill on 
which this legislation is based. * * * 

The bill was brought to me by Secretary of the Navy Dan 
Kimball. We conferred at length about it and, throughout 
our discussions, there was no mention of any sensitive posi- 

It was my understanding, and that of Secretary Kimball, 
that this legislation would cover all employees of the Gov- 
ernment, regardless of what position they held, whether in the 
most sensitive position of the Government or whether they 
were just in the custodial service; and certainly the Supreme 
Court, when it held in the case of Cole v. Young that this 
legislation applied only to sensitive positions, was actually 
going contrary to my views when I was author of the original 
bill (p. 9). 

As the result of the majority decision in Cole v. Young, 109 persons 
were restored from termination or suspension of their employment. 
As of April 24, 1959, there were still 74 of these security risks on the 
employment rolls. Back pay awarded, without the benefit to the 
Government of loyal services, amomited to $579,656.55. (See table, p. 
6, aforesaid hearings before the Committee on Post Office and Civil 

In order to correct the shocking situation created by the decision, 
the chairman of this committee introduced H.R. 1989 on January 9, 
1959. Such legislation as this is now necessary to clarify congressional 
purpose. It must be made clear that the President, in whom is re- 
posed the constitutional power and responsibility of executing laws 
and appointing for that purpose those who will faithfully serve that 
end, shall have, as intended, a summary power of suspension and 
removal of those who are disloyal and security risks, under reasonable 
safeguards to the individual, not compromising our intelligence activ- 
ities or imposing undue burdens upon the exercise of administrative 
discretion, and without regard to whether or not an employee occupies 
a position commonly but often mistakenly described as non-sensitive. 
To intimate that such a power will not be decently exercised, is an un- 
warranted slur upon our great body of able administrators. We also 
recommend further study of more comprehensive legislation on this 
subject, so that eventually a civilian employee loyalty and security 
program may be enacted along lines proposed by the former Wright 
Commission on Government Security. 

In these critical times there is no place in Government, in any of 
its departments and agencies, except for those who are clearly loyal 
to the institutions of this free society. We cannot afford the luxury 
of sapping the vitality and effectiveness of this Govermnent which 
must remain strong, for its purpose is to preserve and defend the free- 
dom of the American people and the institutions of the free world. 
We are already locked in fateful struggle with the enemies of freedom 
at home and in areas all over the globe. In the defense of our free- 


doms we have also enlisted the support of our youth and our treasure 
in our Army, Navy, and Air Force; we have imposed upon them strict 
standards of duty and loyalty; we see them daily risking and even 
sacrificing their lives in training, tests, and deployments. It is intol- 
erable that we should permit a betrayal of the vanguard by any of 
those in the rear. There is no place in the Government of the United 
States for one single disloyal person. It is not too much to ask that 
our employees be and remain like Caesar's wife, above suspicion. It is 
monstrous that the "Coles" should be milking the United States Treas- 
ury, enjoying their "freedom of association" with traitors, while others 
make untold sacrifices to maintain them. 


It is urgently recommended that Congress authorize the President 
to prescril^e regulations, relating to Government contracts with in- 
dustr\^, creating industrial personnel security clearance progi-ams, to 
assure the preservation and integrity of classified information, and 
reposing in the President a summary or discretionary power to deny 
clearance, without judicial review, to those not clearly loyal or who 
may be security risks, with authority to subpena w^itnesses to testify 
under oath in matters relating to any investigation or hearing pro- 
vided for by such regulations. 

This committee has established through reliable testimony received 
in numerous hearings that the Communist Party has deliberately in- 
filtrated basic industry, including of course industry engaged in de- 
fense production involving highly classified projects of the military 
establishments. For example, Mr. John Lautner, an active Com- 
munist Party member for more than 20 years prior to his expulsion 
from the party in 1950, who held high Communist Party office on 
the national level, testified that as far back as 1932 the Communist 
Party in the U.S.A. embarked upon a program called "Face to the 
Shop," which was designed to infiltrate basic industry. He traced 
the development of that program and testified that in 1948, Henry 
Winston, who was the organization director of the Communist Party, 
later convicted in the first Smith Act case, gave a report on the party 
policy of concentration in basic industry and was able to say "that 
the reorganization already resulted in establishing over 3,000 Com- 
munist Party branches throughout the country, a whole slew of in- 
dustrial sections, and between 400 and 500 industrial branches were 
established by the 1948 convention." Mr. Lautner further testified 
that most of these party members came from colleges and universities, 
were young men who were convinced that a so-called bourgeois edu- 
cation and diploma had no future, and had uprooted themselves and 
become professional revolutionaries, with an objective of colonizing 
industn^ (See Investigation of Communist Infiltration and Propa- 
ganda Activities in Basic Industry, Gary, Indiana, Area, Hearings 
held February 10 and 11, 1958.) 

Penetration by the Communist Party into specific private facilities 
such as the vital communications industry has likewise been clearly 
established in hearings. For example, the Government has leased 
cables or lines in the radio industry over which are transmitted classi- 
fied information emanating in part from the Pentagon and the State 
Department, to which Communist workers in that industry have had 


access and which are subject to espionage and sabotage. Actual pur- 
poseful infiltration into these industries by known and identified Com- 
munists has also been indisputably described in hearings. (See In- 
vestigation of Communist Penetration of Communications Facilities, 
Part 1, Hearings held July- August 1957 ; Communist Penetration of 
Radio Facilities (Conelrad — Communications) Part 1, Plearings held 
Aug. 23 and 24, 1960 ; Problems of Security in Industrial Establish- 
ments Holding Defense Contracts, Greater Pittsburgh Area — Part 2, 
Hearings held March 11, 1959.) 

The executive branch of the Government has been aware of the 
serious danger to internal security by reason of Communist infiltra- 
tion of industry holding defense contracts. The Defense Department 
for some years had had an industrial clearance or security program. 
However, the winds blowing from the Supreme Court in a series of 
decisions — some of which are dealt with in this report and are un- 
favorable to the Government security and loyalty programs — finally 
in Greene v. McElroy^ 360 U.S. 474, decided June 29, 1959, toppled 
the security program of the Defense Department. This has led Justice 
Clark to remark, in his dissent, at p. 524, "Let us hope that the 
winds may change. If they do not the present temporary debacle will 
turn into a rout of our internal security." 

Greene had begun his employment in 1937 with the Engineer and 
Research Corporation, which is a business devoted mainly to the de- 
velopment and manufacture of mechanical and electronic products. 
He was first employed as a junior engineer and at the time of his 
discharge by this corporation in 1953 was vice president and 
general manager. He had been credited with the development of 
a complicated electronic flight simulator and with the design of a 
rocket launcher, produced by this corporation and used by the Xavy. 
The corporation was engaged in classified contract work for the 
various services, and had entered into a security agreement or contract 
by which the corporation agreed, in the performance of this work, to 
provide and maintain a system of security controls and that it would 
not permit any individual to have access to classified matter unless 
cleared by the Government. During the World War II period, 
Greene had received security clearance but finally, in 1951, informa- 
tion had come to the attention of the Government which, as indicated 
in the footnotes to the case, clearly showed that Greene was a security 
risk, if not actually disloyal to the United States. 

A letter of charges was delivered to Greene and he was informed 
that he could seek a hearing before the review^ board. He appeared 
with counsel, was questioned and in a series of hearings was given 
an opportunity to present his witnesses and his case. Greene's own 
admissions would seem to establish what the Government had rea- 
sonably concluded, that he was a security risk, although the Gov- 
ernment presented no witnesses and, relying largely on confidential 
reports, did not give Greene the opportunity to confront and cross- 
examine persons whose statements reflected on him. But in this 
type of situation, it is apparent that such confrontation and cross- 
examination would compromise the Government's intelligence activi- 
ties, and this fact points up the necessity of summary procedure in 
dealing with matters of this kind. Greene's security clearance was 
finally withdrawn and as a result his services were no longer useful to 
his corporation. ^ He was forced to resign from his offices in the corpo- 
ration and was discharged by it. 


Greene appealed to the District Court, asking for a declaration 
that the revocation of his security clearance was unlawful and void. 
The District Court and the Court of Appeals upheld the validity of 
the revocation, but a majority of the Supreme Court, in a decision 
by Chief Justice Warren, reversed, and held the revocation of clear- 
ance invalid on the ground that the administrative procedures were 
not explicitly authorized by either Congress or the President. This 
decision left several basic questions suspended and unanswered. As 
Chief Justice Warren said, at p. 508 : 

AVliether those procedures under the circumstances com- 
port with the Constitution we do not decide. Nor do we de- 
cide whether the President has inherent authority to create 
such a program, whether congressional action is necessary, or 
Avhat the limits on executive or legislative authority may be. 
We decide only that in the absence of explicit authoriza- 
tion from either the President or Congress the respondents 
were not empowered to deprive petitioner of his job in a 
proceeding in which he was not afforded the safeguards of 
confrontation and cross-examination. 

Immediately after the decision in the Greene case, the chairman 
of this committee, on July 7, 19'59, introduced in the House H.R. 
8121, with a view toward establishing congressional authority for 
the issuance by the Secretary of Defense of such regulations. This 
bill was reported out by tliis committee on September 2, 1959, and 
passed by the House on February 2, 1960. However, there has been 
no final Senate action. Further, in order to plug the hole in the 
dike, the President on February 20, 1960, issued Executive Order No. 
10865, giving authority to certain departments, including the Depart- 
ment of Defense, to issue regulations and prescribe requirements 
for the safeguarding of classified information within industry. 

The Executive order sets up a basic and reasonable summary proce- 
dure which is designed to give the individual an opportunity to pre- 
sent his case but at the same time protect confidential information. 
However, whether this Executive order, standing alone, will be suffi- 
cient to meet the requirements of the Supreme Court in the Greene 
case, is doubtful because the court in that case expressly stated that it 
had not decided whether the President alone could lawfully create such 
a program or whether congressional action was necessary, and had not 
decided what the limits of such action may be in either case. In an 
analogous if not identical situation, namely, in the cases of Kent and 
Briehl v. Dulles and Dayton v. Dulles^ discussed and cited in this re- 
port under Passport Security, the Supreme Court refused to uphold 
similar regulations of the Secretary of State on the ground that they 
were not authorized by Congress. In the light of these cases and the 
ambiguous language of the Greene case, it is apparent that the Su- 
preme Court as presently constituted would very likely strike down an 
Executive order not supported by congressional authority, which 
would open the Government to serious damage claims, as Justice 
Clark forewarned in his dissent in the Greene case. (p. 523f.) 

It is the view of this committee that the Congress must take action 
immediately to lend support to this Executive order or such action as 
is contemplated and deemed necessary by the Executive. Congres- 
sional action is further necessary on this subject so that the President 


will be authorized to issue subpenas and compel the presence of wit- 
nesses on behalf of the persons concerned as well as on behalf of the 
Government, which is a deficiency noted in section 6 of the Execu- 
tive order. Existing law does not authorize the agencies therein men- 
tioned, such as the Department of State and the Department of 
Defense, to issue compulsory process for witnesses so that the in- 
dividual concerned may, within limits and not compromising our 
security, have the opportunity to cross-examine as provided by the 
order. It is recommended that the President be given express au- 
thority to enact such regulations as set forth in the Executive order 
of February 20, 1960, and with an additional authorization incorpo- 
rated in the bill granting subpena powers. 


In our Annual Report for 1959 we called attention to other subjects 
on which legislation may properly be recommended, and we make 
reference thereto, along with H.R. 2232 which was an omnibus bill 
introduced by the chairman incorporating other recommendations, 
including some discussed in this report. Likewise recommended is 
H.R. 6780, introduced by the chairman April 29, 1959, to amend the 
Communist Control Act of 1954 to prohibit interference by certain 
persons with the free movement of defense materials in foreign com- 
merce, and for other purposes. Additionally, in the second session of 
the 86th Congress, 1960, the chairman of this committee, introduced 
the following bills which are recommended : 

H.R. 11580: To amend the Subversive Activities Control 
Act of 1950 so as to provide that no individual who will- 
fully fails or refuses to answer, or falsely answers, certain 
questions relating to Communist activities, when summoned 
to appear before certain Federal agencies, shall be employed 
on any merchant vessel of the United States or within cer- 
tain waterfront facilities in the United States. 
H.R. 11628: To amend the Subversive Activities Control 
Act of 1950 so as to provide that any Federal officer or 
employee who willfully fails or refuses to answer, or falsely 
answers, certain questions relating to Communist activities, 
when summoned to appear before certain Federal agencies, 
shall be removed from his office or employment. 
H.R. 12753: To amend the Subversive Activities Control 
Act of 1950 so as to require the registration of certain addi- 
tional persons disseminating political propaganda within the 
United States as agents of a foreign principal, and for other 
purposes. (Passed the House on August 22, 1960.) 
H.R. 12852: To amend the Subversive Activities Control 
Act of 1950 so as to prohibit the licensing of certain indi- 
viduals as station operators of certain communication facili- 
ties, and for other purposes. 

It would also be appropriate here to refer to a revised publication of 
this committee, a research study by the Legislative Reference Service 
of the Library of Congress, titled and setting forth "Legislative Rec- 
ommendations by the House Committee on Un-American Activities 
and Subsequent Action Taken by Congress or Executive Agencies," 


for tlie period 1941-1960. This document is issued concurrently 
with our Annual Report for the Year 1960, and summarizes every 
legislative recommendation offered by this committee during that 
period. From it may be reviewed what has been done, and what may 
yet remain to be done, by way of legislative action. 


Does the Committee on Un-American Activities seek exposure for 
exposure's sake? No. That is Communist semantics. Truth for 
truth's sake? Yes, but more. Truth, so that we may intelligently 
and effectively legislate to cope with an established menace, the 
appalling and fateful challenge of our age. Of course, rightly con- 
sidered, the educational or informing process is concerned with 
exposure, when the truth is concealecl; and with disclosure, when 
the truth is to be imparted. We must not permit the incident 
of exposure, necessarily involved in legislative activity, to be de- 
graded by Communist name-calling, which has for its purpose the 
suppression of discussion and understanding. The time calls for 
knowledge and action. Relentlessly, we must continue to breathe 
down the stiff necks of traitors and enemies within, until that better 
day is born — which is the fondest hope of America — when the lion 
lies down with the lamb, and all this will no longer be necessary. 

63570-61 10 




Alexander, Edwin A 117 

Allen, James S 9,10,20,32,60 

Allen, Robert Loring 107-109, 114 

Ames, William 85 

Anderson (John) 83, 124, 125 

Andreii Iglesias, Cesar 117 

Arroyo Zeppenfeldt, Manuel 117 

Artamonov, Nikolai Fedorovich 34, 73-75, 113 

Axelrod, Albert A 78 

Baer, John W 38 

Barenblatt (Lloyd L.) 121 

Becker, Louis 69 

Bentley, Elizabeth 21 

Bergman, Leibel 58, 79 

Beria, Lavrenti 26 

Black (Hugo L.) 128 

Blodgett, Charles (David) 8^86 

Blumenthal, Stanley 73 

Boothroyd, Philip D 71,73 

Borrow (Morton) 70, 71 

Bown, Vernon 57, 58, 79, 86, 87 

Braden, Carl 118 

Brandeis (Louis D.) 128,129 

Brandweiner, Heinrich 46 

Bridges, Agnes (former wife of Harry Renton Bridges) 84 

Bridges, Harry Renton (also known as Harry Dorgan) 84 

Briehl (Walter) 1 122, 135 

Brodsky, Merle (also known as Steve Bradley) 59,63,78-80,85 

Browder, Earl 39 

Brown, Archie 25, 58, 63, 79-81, 84, 87 

Budenz, Louis 21, 85 

Burgos De Pagan, Consuelo 117 

Burnham, Robert F 38 

Burov, Nicolai 50 

Cahill, Thomas 63 

Carberry, Matthew C 63 

Casey, Ralph E 66 

Castro, Fidel 11 

Chambers, Whittaker 21 

Choukanofif, Catherine Boyan 100-102,113 

Chrusniak, Marion 61 

Clark, Donald H 58 

Clark (Tom C.) 127, 130, 131, 134, 135 

dinger, Moiselle J 85 

Colcord, Charles Everett 69 

Cole (Kendrick M.) 130-132 

Dalai Lama 1]1 

Dallin, David J 90,91 

Davis, Benjamin Jr 23,48,49 

Dawson, Doris 56 

Dayton (Weldon Bruce) 122,135 




Deirup, Ann 59 

Dennis (Eugene) 128 

Deutch, Bernhard 118 

Dewey (Thomas) 4 

Diaz Cruz, Ramon 117 

Dorgan, Harry {See Bridges, Harry.) 

Douglas (William) 128 

DuBois, W. E. B 25 

Dulles, Allen W 28, 33 

Dulles (John Foster) 122,135 

Dunn (Thomas) 83, 124, 125 

Edises, Bertram 80, 85 

Eisenhower (Dwight D.) 29,33 

Emmanuelli Morales, Juan 117 

Enamorado Cuesta, Jose 117 

Erb, Tillman H 59 

Eugene, Arthur, Jr 86 

Evelyn, Dow E 70, 72 

Fast, Howard 23, 24 

Figueiredo, Joseph - — 58 

Fishman, Irving 61, 62 

Foreman, Clark 51 

Foster, William Z 14, 18, 89 

Gaillard, Albert 45. 48, 49, 50 

Galinski, Adam Joseph 104-107,114 

Garcia Rodriguez, Pablo M 117 

Gates, Thomas S., Jr 37, 38 

Gitlow, (Benjamin) 127 

Globe, (Arthur) 65 

Gojack, John T 118 

Gold, Michael 13, 14, 15 

Goldberg, Murray 73 

Goodman, Peter 15, 68 

Gould, David Jay 73 

Graham, (Edgar W.) 64 

Graham, Morris 58, 63, 86 

Grant, Joanne Alileen 45, 48, 50 

Gray, Jesse 48, 49 

Greene (William L.) 134,135 

Guevara, Ernesto ("Che") 11 

Grumman, Frank 117 

Haddock, Hoyt S 66 

Hall, Gus 10, 28, 56 

Halpern, Betty (Mrs. Raymond Halpem ; nee Weinstein) 59 

Harlan (John M.) 121,130 

Harris, Noel 59 

Hartle, Barbara 56, 57, 84 

Hauser, Stanley Milton 68 

Hawes, John Peter 117 

Hirschfield, James A 65 

Hiss (Alger) 21 

Holifield (Chet) 131 

Holmes (Oliver Wendell) 127-129 

Hoover, J. Edgar 3,16,40,43,77,78,80-82 

Hopwood, Lloyd P 38 

Ilyinsky, Andrew 44, 45 

Izard, Ralph 58, 63, 84 

Jackson, Donald William 69 

Jackson, James E 11 

Jerome, Fred 49 

Johnsen, Ralph Kenneth 59 

Johnson, John Allen 59 

Johnson (William) 125 

Jones, Joseph Charles 47, 50 

Kasbohm, Henry Bernard 69 

INDEX 111 


Kaunitz, Rudolf 69 

Keating, Joseph F 73 

Kent (Rockwell) 122, 135 

Kerensky, Alexander 88 

Khrushchev, Nikita S 6, 7, 10, 

26, 30, 31-35, 49, 73-75, 92, 93, 95, 97-102, 104, 107, 113, 114 

Kimball, Dan 132 

King, William 57 

Kingissepp, Sergei 103 

Kishi, (Nobusuke) 29 

Konstantiuov, F 10, 18, 29 

Kotta, Nuci 95,97,98, 113 

Kratokvil, Frank M 71 

Krchmarek, Anthony 16, 53-55, 113 

Lafferty, Travis 59 

Lautner, John 133 

Lee, Robert E 70, 71 

Lehrer, Robert 117 

Lenin, V. I 15,17,59,89,91,92,114 

Lester, (J. A.) 64,65 

Lima, (Albert) Mickey 78,79 

Lindeberg, Med 103 

Loh, Robert 110-112, 114 

Longo, Luigi 12 

Louie, Stephen K 62 

Macomber, William B., Jr 122 

Maguire, Michael J 63 

Malis, Victor 117 

Mandel, William 85, 87 

Marcus, Martin Irving 59 

Markman, Marvin 45, 46, 48, 50 

Marshall, Dorothv (N.) 51 

Martin, William H 75 

Marzani, (Carl) 21 

Marx, Karl 7,46, 88 

McElroy (Neil M.) 134 

McGowan, Alan Hugh 45, 48, 49, 50 

McMakin, Wilson 72 

McPhaul, Arthur 118, 119 

Medina, (Harold R.) 23 

Melendez Perez, Gertrudis 117 

Meyer. Frank S 41 

Mierlak, Constant 98, 99, 113 

Mignon, Michael 71 

Miller (Miss) 16 

Minton (Sherman) 130, 131 

Mitchell, Bernon F 75 

Mulzac, Hugh 69 

Momdzhan, K 10, 18, 29 

Murray, Tom 132 

Murdock, Ray R 66 

Morris, Clarence 63 

Musgrave, Thomas C, Jr 38 

Musil. Charles 53-55, 113 

Nakashidse, George 100-102, 113 

Nasar. Rusi 98, 99, 113 

Negro, John Andrew 58, 79 

Nelson (Thomas W.) 65 

Nicholas, Elizabeth (M.) 59 

Nicolaevsky, B. I 91 

O'Connor, Harvey 51, 117 

O'Dell, Hunter Pitts 48,49 

Olgin, M. J 19, 22 

Ostrin, H. Howard 66 

Parker (Lawrence) 64, 65 



Paschal, Wayne P "^^ 

Patten, Jack 85 

Paiico, Joseph 95, 96, 118 

Penha, Armando 12 

Perez Mendez, Cristiuo H''' 

Perry, Barbara 46 

Peters, Bernard 122 

Petkoff, Dimitar K 100-102, 113 

Philbrick, Herbert A 41-43 

Pipa, Arshi 95, 97, 98, 113 

Popper, Martin ^^'^ 

Powers, Francis 33 

Pressman, Lee 20 

Proctor, Roscoe 78 

Prussion, Karl 55-61, 86 

Queen, Danny 77 

Ransome, Lillian ^9 

Reed (Stanley) 130, 131 

Reeve, Carla 48 

Reich, William 56 

Remington (William) 21 

Rhee, Syngman 13 

Richmond, Al 14 

Richmond (Alfred G.) 64 

Roberson, Mason 13, 14 

Roberts, Holland 45 

Robertson, J. R 84 

Robeson, Paul 22, 23, 25, 83 

Robeson, Paul, Jr 47,48,50 

Robinson, Freeman 48 

Romerstein, Herbert 44-46, 50 

Romppanen, Klaus Samuli Gunnar 103, 104. 114 

Rosen, Jacob 45, 48,49 

Rosen, Lottie (Laub) 59 

Rosenberg, Julius 122 

Ross, Edward 56 

Rubin, Mortimer Daniel 77 

Ruiz, Frank 117 

Russell, Norton Anthony 118 

Saez Corales, Juan 117 

Samter, Alfred James 117 

Santos Rivera, Juan 117 

Scheel, Klaus 103 

Schenck (Gharles T.) 129 

Schermatoglu, Ergacsh 98, 99, 113 

Schmidt, Henry 84 

Schneider, Anita Bell 85 

Schneider, Max 46 

Secrest, Lee 38 

Seeger, Peter (Pete) 51, 117 

Shapovalov, Michael 61 

Sharp, Dudley G 37-40 

Shepheard, Halert G 66 

Shields, Art 14 

Shukeloyts, Anton 98, 100, 113 

Silber, Bernard 117 

Stalin (Josef) 6, 17, 21, 26, 53, 92, 97, 99, 100, 104 

Starkovich (George Tony) 83, 125 

Strauss, Leon 24, 25 

Sukarno, (Achmed) HI 

Sullivan, Elliott 117 

Svoboda. (Ludwig) 95 

Swan, Gharles Malvern 69 

Sweet, Sally Attarian 59, 63, 85 



Szentendrey, Julius 47 

Thompson, Robert 25 

Thompson, William Henry 69 

Tisler, Frantisek IG, 51-55, 113 

Tito (Josip liroz) 31 

Townsend, Harold O 73 

Trosten, Shea (iorden 67 

Truman (Harry S.) 4,20 

Tumash. Vitaut 98, 100, 113 

Turoff, Sidney 117 

Tyler, Stephen 47 

Tyne, George 117 

Venger, Ruben 59 

Wachter, Douglas 58, 78, 84, 87 

Wachter, Saul 58, 63, 79, 84, 85 

Wardwell, Loron Whitney 67 

Warren ( Earl) 135 

Watson, Goldie E 118 

Weinstone, William 32, 33 

Weintraub, Jack 58 

Wheeldin, Donald C 118 

Wheeler, Juanita 63, 79, 86 

Whelan, Joseph G 90 

White, Eliot 39 

White 119 

Whitney (Charlotte Anita) 128, 129 

Wiley, Charles 44-47, 50 

Wilkinson, Frank 15, 62, 85, 87, 118 

Wilson, Elliott 57 

Williams, Claude C 39 

Williams, Herbert 48 

Wine, James W 37-39 

Winston, Henry 133 

Wolins, Leroy 49 

Wong, Harlin 62 

Yakobson, Sergius 90 

Yates (Oleta O'Connor) 126, 128, 129 

Yellin, Edward 118 

Young (Philip) 130-132 

Zaldastani, Guivy 100, 101, 113 

Zeitz, Louis 59 

Zhukov (Georgi K.) 75 

Zubek, Theodoric Joseph 95-97, 113 


Maritime Trades Department : 

Seafarers' Section 66 

Advance 77 

All America Cables & Radio, Inc 72 

American Bar xissociation : 

Committee on Communist Tactics, Strategy and Objectives 121, 122 

American Cable and Radio Corp 72 

American Communications Association, Local 10 117 

American Merchant ^Marine Institute, Inc 66 

American Peace Crusade 24 

American Student Union 41 

American Youth Congress 41 

American Youth Festival Organization (AYFO) (Chicago) 46 

American Youth for Democracy 42 

Antioch College 118 

Assembly of Captive European Nations 95, 101 

Association of Hungarian Students in North America 47 

Austrian Peace Council 46 



Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute 49 

Bulgarian National Committee 101 

Byelorussian- American Association 98 

Byelorussian Institute Of Arts and Sciences in the United States 98 

California Democratic Council, 8th Congressional District 56 

Cambridge Youth Council 41 

Campbell School (Santa Clara County, Calif.) 59 

Chicago Council of American-Soviet Friendship 49 

China, Communist Government 110-112 

Citizens Committee to Preserve American Freedom (CCPAF) 62, 79, 87 

City College of the City of New York 49, 68 

Civil Rights Congress 22, 119 

Commercial Cable Co 72 

Communications Workers of America, AFL-CIO 70, 71 

Communist Labor Party of America, California 128 

Communist Party, Cuba (also known as Popular Socialist Party (PSP) — 12 

Eighth National Assembly 11 

Communist Party, Czechoslovakia 54 

Communist Party, Italy 12 

Communist Party, Slovakia 95-97 

Communist Party, Soviet Union : 

Politburo 102 

20th Congress, February 1956, Moscow 6, 10 

Communist Party, U.S.A 3-5, 39 

Conferences and Conventions : 

16th National Convention, February 1957, New York City 4, 5, 85 

17th National Convention, December 10-13, 1959, New York City_ 35, 43, 

55, 58, 78, 85, 86 
National Structure : 

National Committee 5, 9, 10, 26, 77 

Executive Committee 60 

Secretariat 11 

Waterfront Section 68 

New Orleans, La 67 

New York City 67 

Port Arthur, Tex 67 

Districts : 

Northern California District 3, 55-64 

District Committee 58, 78, 84-86 

East Bay region : 

Alameda County : 

Hayward area 86 

Political Committee 58, 85 

San Francisco: 

County Committee 84 

Santa Clara County : 

Los Altos-Mountain View cell 55 

Palo Alto Club 55 

States : 

New York : 

State Committee 117 

Ohio 16,53 

Concentration Camps : Slovakia : 

Jachymov 96 

Leopoldov 96 

Muceniky 96 

Novaky 96 

Presov 96 

Conference of Studio Unions 20 

CONELRAD System (CONtrol of ELectromagnetic RADiation) 70 

Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) 20,21 

INDEX vii 


Cornell University 118 

Cuban Popular Socialist Party (PSP) {See Communist Party, Cuba.) 

Czechoslovak Foreign Institute 54 

Czechoslovakia, Government of : 

Embassy, Washington, D.C 16,52,54 

Ministry of Foreign Affairs 52 

Ministry of Interior , 52 

Ministry of National Defense: 

iNIilitary Intelligence Directorate 52, 5S 

Democratic Party, California 56 

South Palo Alto Democratic Club 56,60 

Stanford Democratic Club 56 

East Bay Community Forum (EBCF) 79 

Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, United 118 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (ECLC) 51,62,69 

Engineer and Research Corp 134 

Fund for the Republic 27 

Fur and Leather Workers Union of the United States and Canada, 

International 25 

Georgian National Alliance 101 

Globe Wireless, Ltd 72 

Harlem Youth Congress : 48-51 

Independent Progressive Party (California) {See Progressive Party, 

California) 56 

International I 88 

International II, 1907 Congress 88 

International III (Comintern) 20,88 

International Labor Defense 124 

International Union of Students (lUS) 44 

International Preparatory Committee 45 

International Workers of the World 129 

Jefferson School of Social Science 67 

Komsomol. {See Young Communist League, Soviet Union.) 

Latin American Youth Congress, Havana, August 1960 11 

Lenin University (Moscow) 89 

Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, International 84 

Longshoremen's Association, International: 

Local 829 (Baltimore) 67 

Lower Harlem Tenants Council 49 

Mackay Radio & Telegraph Co 72 

Maritime Union, National 66, 67 

Martha Washington Public School (Philadelphia, Pa.) 118 

Mutual Broadcasting System Inc 73 

National Academy of Sciences, National Research Council 66 

National Committee to Abolish the Un-American Activities Committee — 62 

National Council of the Churches of Christ in the U.S.A 37-40 

General Board 40 

National Industry Advisory Committee (NIAC) 73 

National Labor Conference for Peace {see also New York Labor Con- 
ference for Peace) 24 

Nature Friends of America 130 

New York Labor Conference for Peace {see also National Labor Con- 
ference for Peace) 24 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) 97,108 

Palo Alto Peace Club 56 

Peace Information Center 25 

People's Institute of Applied Religion 40 

Pioneers 75 

Popular Socialist (Communist) Party, Cuba. {See Communist Party, 

Progressive Party, California (Independent Progressive Party) 56 

RCA Communications, Inc 117 

Russian Social Democratic Labor Party 88, 91 

San Francisco State College 78 

viii INDEX 


Santa Rosa Junior College 78 

Seafarers' International Union of North America , 66 

Seamen's Defense Committee Against Coast Guard Screening (also known 

as Seamen's Defense Committee) 69 

Slovak Democratic Party 96 

Slovak National Council Abroad 95 

Stanford University 59, 60 

Political Forum 60 

Tata Institute of Fundamental Research 122 

Uglich Labor Camp 105 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Government of : 
Defense (War), Ministry of: 
Navy : 

Naval intelligence 74 

Secret Police : 

MVD (Ministry of International Affairs ( Ministerstvo Vnutryen- 

nik Del) ) 104-106 

Union Theological Seminary 40 

United Nations 34 

Czechoslovakian Mission 52 

India Mission 50 

United States Government : 

Air Force, Department of the 37-40, 70, 72 

Air Training Command 37 

Continental Air Command 37 

Central Intelligence Agency 28 

Commission on Government Security (Wright Commisssion) 132 

Department of Defense 37, 133-136 

Department of Justice : 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 5, 62 

Department of State 122, 133, 136 

Federal Communications Commission 70-73 

Health, Education, and Welfare, Department of 130 

House of Representatives : 

Committee on Un-American Activities 78 

Senate : 

Internal Security Subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee 78 

National Security Agency 75 

Supreme Court 27, 64, 83, 122, 126-132, 134, 135 

Treasury Department 

Coast Guard 64, 65, 69 

OflSce of Merchant Marine Safety 66 

Customs, Bureau of 44, 61, 62 

University of California 58, 78, 86 

Vernay Laboratories 118 

Vorkuta Labor Camps 104-106 

Washington Video Productions, Inc 64, 83 

Western Union Telegraph Co 117 

World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) 44,45 

World Youth Festival (see also American Youth Festival Organization 
(AYFO)) : 

Sixth Youth Festival, July 28 to August 11, 1957, Moscow 47, 49 

Seventh Youth Festival, July 26 to August 4, 1959, Vienna__ 30, 45-47, 49-51 

United States Festival Committee (New York) 45, 46, 49, 50 

YMCA 42 

Young Commimist League 41 

Young Communist League, Soviet Union (Komsomol) 75 

Youth Against the House Un-American Activities Committee 15, 30, 50, 51, 68 

Youth to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee 15 

Youth to Abolish Un-American Committees 15 



Air Force Manual 205-5, {See Guide for Security Indoctrination.) ?•«• 

Air Reserve Center Training Manual 37-40 

Catholic Action (Slovakia) 9G 

CIO News 20 

Daily Californian (University of California publication) 86,87 

Declaration of the 12 Communist Parties (also known as Declaration of 

Communist and Workers Parties of Socialist Countries) 10 

Fight for Fredom— A Pictorial Exhibit 103 

Flashlight, The 56 

From Blackmail to Blackjack (leatlet) 81 

Guide for Security Indoctrination, AF Manual 205-5 39, 40 

International Affairs 28 

Kommunist 10 

New Horizons 77 

Nova Doha 53, 55 

Operation Abolition (film) 83,84 

People's World (Formerly Daily People's World) 81,118 

Political Affairs 9-11 

Soviet Union (book) 61 

Statement issued by the Conference of Representatives of 81 Communist 

Parties, Moscow, December 1960 8, 33 

Strike Strategy 18 

Under Arrest — Workers' Self -Defense in the Courts (pamphlet) 124 

Why Communism? 19 

World Marxist Review 28 




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