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W. S. Dorr, Printer. 









Z-^'M/i / 




Helen E. Gakrison. 

Domestic Corresponding Secretary. 
Henrietta Sargent. 

Foreign Corresponding Secretary. 
Maria Weston Chapbian. 

Recording Secretary. 
Sarah H. Southwick. 

Harriet B. Jackson. 



Margaret Scarlett, 
Anne Warren Weston, 

Mart G. Chapman, 
Hannah Tufts, 
Mary F. Willey. 


For the eleventh time, at this period of the year, 
does our little band meet together, to take a retro- 
spective glance at difficulties encountered and duties 
performed ; — to draw for strength upon hope at once 
and memory, by the relation of past progress, and 
the anticipation of future success. 

How much do we not owe each other for help and 
strength, and consolation ! Nor can there be a fitter 
moment for the expression of the grateful emotions 
the fact gives rise to, than this, in which we stand 
together to 

« Pour 

A blessing on the parted year," 

and to brace our spirits for the toil and conflict of 
another. Few and feeble as we stand, our ranks 
thinned by desertion and broken by death, how strong 
in the heart of each, becomes the resolution which 
all see reflected in the faces of the rest, to live and 
to die in the service of the cause of Freedom ! How 
vigorous and full of cheer become the efforts in that 
cause, which we know command the sympathy of 
so many associates, the whole country over ! With 
how much confidence can we commence a series of 
operations for the promulgation of righteous princi" 

pies, when we have the assurance of the past, that 
by this union of hearts, means, and energies, every 
spark of Anti-Slavery feeling that may be kindled 
shall be straightway 

"Spread like a rapid flame among autumnal trees!" 
Thus the deficiencies of each are supplied by the en- 
dowments of all. It is of little consequence that 
I am weak, if you, my right hand associate, are 
strong; for when we associated together, your 
strength became mine for the prosecution of this no- 
ble undertaking. It matters not that I have no fit- 
ting words by which to give my feelings utterance ; — 
for you, ray left hand neighbor, have the "fiery gift 
of tongues;" and my own thought seems fairer 
when it comes commended by your eloquence. We 
are not fettered by co-operation, for we only do to- 
gether, what we wish to do, and what we cannot do 
singly. Our individuality is, therefore, strengthen- 
ed by the same process that gives effect to our union. 
We are not the slaves of one idea, but the receivers 
of general principles. We are secured by the breadth 
of our platform of association, from ever narrowing 
down into a coterie. Certainly no society on earth 
affords so vast a variety of mind, manners, and cha- 
racter ; so wide a diversity of gifis, graces, and modes 
of operation ; so many styles and degrees of culture ; 
80 great disparities of rank and fortune. It is a 
melancholy reflection, when we consider how far 
short of positive perfection the Abolitionists are, 
that all sects, all parties, all races, all lands, all con- 
ditions, have yielded up ihe best that is in them, to 
form this body. It is thus defended forever by its 

composition and constitution, from degenerating into 
a clique. And it is worthy of renaark that only two 
classes of persons ever call it so ; — the bigots who 
tried in vain to make it so, and the compromisers, to 
whom its line and plummet shows how much they 
swerve from uprightness. 

There has been, from old time, a school of philo- 
sophy which ascribes to loneliness, and quiet, and 
individualism, not only their own great and charac- 
teristic powers, but which would also endow ihem 
with those of society, activity, and co-operation. 
The ideas of this school have been brought to bear 
upon our association by those who wished to disband 
it, from the commencement of our enterprise. It 
was then amusing to see the timid good, and the 
bold, truculent bad, creeping forth together as Plato- 
nists, and spiritualists, mystics, and quietists, urging 
upon Abolitionists the importance of disbanding 
lheirassociations,and thus renouncing iheadvantages 
of mutual understanding, previous arrangement, 
and division of labor. It is with pleasure we observe 
that their advice, the fruit of enmity, inexperience, or 
spiritual pride, has been almost entirely disregarded 
by Abolitionists. The few who are staggered by it, 
seem to imagine themselves to have made a disco- 
very in the conduct of life. While we joyfully re- 
cognize their moral right lo say and do what ihey 
will ihat is not dishonest, (and their right of freeagen- 
cy, to do even this, under responsibility forrthe coa- 
sequences,) we cannot give them the credit they 
claim for originality. Dr. Channing and the tran- 
scendental school borrowed the idea from old philoso- 


phers, and applied it unsuccessfully to prevent men 
from associating as Abolitionists, while the friends 
of whom we now speak, were exhorting to organi- 
zation with the pro-slavery churches of New Eng- 
land, as the only means of salvation. 

Different insirumentaliiies are suited to different 
characters. We by no means think it necessary that 
each should use all. We do but register our testi- 
mony against the renunciation of any instrumentali- 
ty not evil in itself, because it is capable of being 
misused ; and especially do we deprecate such a 
mistake respecting that efficacious instrument — as- 
sociation. Yesterday, to-day, and forever, ten indi- 
vidual human beings may, by their union, multiply 
their usefulness in far more than arithmetical pro- 
gression. Well has the German Novalis noticed 
this great fact, which Americans translate, " Union 
is Strength." And shall we abjure it ;?er5e, because 
it may be strength for evil as well as for good? 
While we strengthen and cherish our individualism 
and independence, we know, by experience, that one 
means of doing so, is our generous and confiding as- 
sociation with others. We are not speaking now of 
the imperfections of human sympathy. None can 
be better aware of them : but it has its real and 
great advantages. We are a component part of the 
universe of being, and will not shrink, with sensitive 
soreness, from our relations and responsibilities as 
such. We have found society the mother of division ; 
not the parent of spiritual tyranny. Is this its fault ? 
No, it is man's fault, and therefore may be amended. 
We have occasionally found our associates only such 

in name ; — wavering, — self-seeking, — untrustwor- 
thy: — are there, therefore, no heroic hearts that 
will remain unmoved ? We have met with treach- 
ery, meanness, and hypocrisy : 

" Was the nobleness 

From thenceforth blotted from all human brows ?" 

The wonder would have been had we not been de- 
ceived and betrayed, under circumstances of so much 
trial and temptation to human nature. 

Let us, then, "having done all," stand, and close 
up the ranks that desertion leaves vacant, and go on 
with fresh cheerfulness and courage. Nay — are 
they not already filled ? We now have with us 
those who were carried in their parents' arms to the 
scenes of our past conflicts and labors, who have them- 
selves become our most able and active associates. 
We have borne them into this cause. May they 
never behold in us, or make themselves, any effort to 
render that sort of antinomianism respectable, which 
pleads the goodness of its Anti-Slavery talk, or its 
Anti-Slavery creed, as an apology for practical disre- 
gard of the cause; or a justification for a life passed 
in getting a livelihood by betraying it. We hear 
men talking of the comparative excellency of Ra- 
tionalism and Spiritualism; and whether is Platon- 
ism or Baconianism the better. It is enough for us 
never to attempt to divide Faith and Works. 


The present is the fitting hour to observe and note 
how far our efforts have told upon the world about 
us ; and we will first give a retrospective glance to 
the Church. 


It is remarkable in making this investigation how 
inconsistent and short-?ighted we find men to be. 
When they began so far to comprehend us as to find 
that association with us as the representatives of prin- 
ciples so righteous and uncompromising, would in- 
volve self-denial, the reproaches of men, and the 
loss of all that worldly consideration which walks in 
an ecclestastical dress ; though they had previously 
professed allegiance to those principles, yet now they 
began lo seek pretences to explain them away and 
to abuse th? Anti-Slavery Association. " It must be 
taken into consideration by Abolitionists," they said, 
before their selfishness took the alarm, " whether, the 
Church remaining impenitent for this great sin ofSla- 
very, it be not the duty of Abolitionists to come out 
and be separate."* Agreeable as this suggestion 
was to the dictates of common feeling, common 
sense, and Christianity, the very men who offered 
it, made it their pretence for deserting and trying to 
destroy the Anti-Slavery Associations as soon as they 
began to recommend its application. The necessity 
of forming such societies, grew out of this fact, (im- 
perfectly discerned by many, yet felt by all,) that 
the existing ones were in the service of Slavery, and 
therefore not available as soil for an Anti-Slavery 
growth. As this fact became more and more gener- 
ally visible, we withdrew more and more entirely, as 
individual Abolitionists, from those pro-slavery con- 
nections and associations from which we had found 

* Resolution drafted by Amos A. Phelps, at the N. E. 
Convention. Church st. Church, 1837. 


it at the outset imperatively necessary to remove our 
Anti-Slavery Societies. 

To what purpose indeed, build up with our left 
hand, the power that was prostrating the labors of 
our right ? Could we have remained cfeaf to the 
cry of conscience and consistency, from the depths of 
our own bosoms, it would have been difficult to shut 
out the cool, contemptuous voice of common sense, 
which, rising from the world around, never fails, 
when unsuffocated by personal interest, to call such 
self-defeating labor idiocy. 

The effect which followed, in the general contempt 
which fell upon Slavery, gave us a perfect convic- 
tion that, in thus definitely marking our detestation 
of it, we had seized the real handle of our enter- 
prise. As our numbers seemed fewer, our influence 
became greater; and while reproaching us as bi- 
gots and fanatics, the whole community are insensi- 
bly coming up to the ground we prepare for them. 

Even those whom temptation had caused to pour 
contempt on their own suggestion, and to give it, in 
derision, the name of " come-out-ism," might now 
be seen crowded up by their pro-slavery churches to 
the same issue, though with the loss of their van- 
tage-ground as assailants. Pro-slavery, like the fa- 
bled basilisk, must be discerned and marked for de- 
struction by all who would battle it successfully, he' 
fore it can fix its evil eye on them. With the loss 
of the first sight, men well nigh lose this battle. It 
was now pro-slavery threatening them with excom- 
munication ; — it was the Church depriving them of 
their good standing: and they afforded a proof of 


the truth of the sentiment which has been respon- 
ded to by the experience of age after age, since Livy 
put it into the mouth of Hannibal : — " The hope, 
the courage of a55«e7aw<s is always greater than that 
of those who act upon the defensive." 

Embarrassed by their sense of the truth and impor- 
tanceof the principle for which they had condemned 
the Anti-Slavery Society, — moriifier' by iheconviciioa 
that they had made the sacrifice of the Abolition- 
ists to the Church in vain, the Wesleyan Methodists 
again changed their course, and followed at a dis- 
tance, as sectaries, the example they had denounced 
as Abolitionists. The very men who could sit ia 
General Conference at Baltimore with slaveholders, 
and who to obtain that privilege, were of course 
obliged formally to abjure the American Anti-Sla- 
very Society, holding its session at the same time 
in New-York, began not long after, to call upon their 
Methodist brethren to "come out and be separate," 
if they would reform the Methodist Church. Strange 
as it may seem, the very same men who had de- 
nounced the American Society for refusing to excom- 
municate women and Non-Resistants from its mem- 
bership, as burdening the Anti-Slavery question with 
extraneous matters, now actually linked the cause 
with the question of Episcopacy. Faint as the ef- 
fect of their course has been, compared with the ef- 
fect which it might have produced unaccompanied 
with the hostility to the American Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety, and unconnected with the question of Church 
government, its consequences have still been obvious 
to every eye. The Methodist body, strong for inl- 


quity in the strength of its Anti-Slavery members, 
while they let the sanction of that strength remain 
in its hand, has trembled to its centre since ihey 
withdrew it. It has, by the boldness of a fear al- 
most unparalleled in modern Church history, been 
driven even a step in advance of the State; and the 
testimony of the colored man, inadmissible before a 
slaveholding judiciary, is now received in a slavehold- 
ing Church-Court. 

Though we had thus far walked by feeling and by 
faith ; — by the revelations of sacred, and the teach- 
ings of profane history, in the course we took in 
"coming out" from pro-slavery iniquity, and plant- 
ing ourselves on an independent Anti-Slavery basis, 
we now find ourselves walking in the added light 
of our own experience. What once was faith, now 
is sight: — what once was belief, now is certainty. 
We see howit is that he who "is lifted up, drawsall 
men unto" him — how he who advances leaves the 
world no choice but to follow him; — how he who 
utters the feeblest word of uncompromising truth, 
shall hear its reverberations through the hearts of 
men, as when seven thunders go forth and multiply 
jheir voices in the undulations of even the unwilling 
and unconscious air. 

The " coming out" from the Baptist church hav- 
ing been less general, of course the working of the 
Anti-Slavery feeling within, has been feebler and less ' 
percepiible. That class of men who call themselves 
Baptist Abolitionists, (thus unconsciously marking 
how much dearer to them is sect than humanity,) 
have borne partial, unwiliinfi:, and inconsistent wit- 

. 12 

ness to the principle of immediate cessation from the 
partaking of other men's sins. They have perceived 
the absurdity of spreading a slaveliolding gospel in 
connection with their professions of abolitionism; 
and though they still "fellowship" pro-slavery 
churches at home, they have refused to unite with 
them to build up such churches abroad ; and the 
Union Anti-Slavery Baptist Missionary Society has 
been formed. 

This movement might be expected to give their 
denomination some uneasiness. That salutary pain, 
is, however, almost assuaged by the fact that those 
who give it are using their strongest efforts to destroy 
the American Anti-Slavery Society, — from which, 
humanly speaking, they received the noble idea 
of the immediate abolition of slavery, — too noble, 
it appears, for them to retain in its great integrity. 
Their aim has, consequently, been to heap calumny 
upon the heads of those who are primarily Aboli- 
tionists, — sustaining the cause for itself, and not for 
something else. The Baptist church counts all the 
efforts of its members in this kind, for righteousness; 
and finds their particular abolition efforts so nearly 
nullified by their general pro-slavery conduct, as to 
leave but little cause of complaint. 

The Presbyterians, with the aid of professing Abo- 
litionists, have, as some of the latter have occasion- 
ally boasted, "capped this Anti-Slavery Vesuvius" 
in the general assemblies, and put a stop to the agi- 
tation of the subject in the more influential synods 
and Presbyteries. The principle of withdrawal from 
ecclesiastical participation in Slavery has been sane- 


tioned by. the formers of a union church in New- 
York Slate, — once fellow-laborers with us, but now 
laboring to disperse and destroy our association. we find it since laid down, by these very 
men, in conveniion assembled, that it isunjusiifiable 
presurapiion to recommend withdrawal from the 
church on account of specific sin ^ of course iheir !.es« 
mony has but a trifling Anti-Slavery value. Such 
.of us , a:s do not believe in denominational divisions 
in the Christian Church, may hope ihey will etfect 
^ood as anti-sectarians. We cannot but seeand feel 
that they have nullified their Anii-Slayery influ- 

The Orthodox Congregationalisis of New England, 
continue, as at the beginning, the most deadly foes 
to the Ami-Slavery movement. Their name should 
be legion for the number, and Proteiis for the variety 
of their Anti-Slavery pretences and disguises. But 
they are ever, under all, the same " evil soul produ- 
cing holy witness," as when they declared with Gur- 
ley, as colonizaiionisls, that Slavery and prejudice 
were the ordination of Providence. Whether they 
strive to absorb sympathy, as philanthropists, by 
plans for the relief and improvement of the colored 
race, which shall not. touch the cause of the black 
man's suffering and deterioration, or mentally defer 
its removal as politicians, till the repetition of the 
oath to sustain it shall have abolished it, these are 
still the hardest hearts with which Freedom has to 
struggle. Whether they deny, with Blagden, Woods* 
and Stuart, that Slavery is neither malum in se, nor 
-inconsistent with the faith of the gospel, or the or- 


der of the church :-— or whether they affirm "with 
Gerrit Smith, and John G. Whittier, that it has no 
existence in the great organic law of the State, they 
are evermore its main bulwarli and defence. 

We speak not now of the noble examples from 
among the Congregationalisls, on whom we call 
to witness the truth of our testimony against that 
body. We speak of the body itself. Some advances 
it has seemed to make, in the shape of resolu- 
tions of churches and associations. While we allow 
to resolve^ unsupported by fuljilment^ whatever cre- 
dit it deserves, we are but too well aware of the 
way in which much, if not most of this action was 
obtained, to pass it to the credit of the churches and 
associations. In some cases it was occasioned by 
Anti-Slavery secessions, and therefore should be cre- 
dited to Abolitionists. In still more, it was procur- 
edby agents hostile to the Anti-Slavery movement, 
who traverse the parishes, urging upon clergymen, 
deacons, and wealthy pillars of churches, the neces- 
sity of " taking their most dangerous weapon from 
the hands of the Abolitionists," by the manufacture 
of proof that they were Anti-Slavery. Aboli lionists 
earnestly urge upon all such churches to be, and not 
to seem, to do, as well as talk. But alas ! to be and 
to do, are also to suffer: and only an intense and 
primary devotion to the cause, will strengthen for 

The Unitarians are entitled to mention in this ex- 
amination, from various circumstances of position 
and pretension, rather than their numbers : which are 
to those of the great sects, but as a gay binding up- 


on a sober garment,— a brilliant streak along the At- 
lantic border. 

As respects our cause, they are a mingled and con- 
fused throng — no two of them at the same stage of 
advance, — some, it is to be feared, on the retreat, as 
they begin to experience, in their turn, the disappoint- 
ment felt by their orthodox brethren in 1837, in not 
being able to appropriate for a sect " what was 
meant for mankind." Their clergymen, generally, 
exhibit the pitiable spectacle of men trying to be well 
with the slaveholder and the slave, the pro-slavery 
merchant and politician, and the Abolitionist. Li- 
berty Party allows their claim in the hope of their 
votes ; and measuring them by itself ought, perhaps, 
to give them precedence. Disinterested Anti-Sla- 
very, notes them as condemned, not only by univer- 
sal moral rules, but by all that has hitherto been set 
forth as Unitarianism. We watch with earnest wishes 
for their conversion to Ami-Slavery principles, the 
conflict now going on in their minds; " thanking our 
God upon every remembrance" of the beloved few 
of their number, who have neither hesitated to with- 
stand ihem in their pro-slavery course, nor rightly to 
characterize their pro-slavery leaders ; and who have 
rejoiced with us over every instance of individual 
resistance to the wrong course of the body. Of the 
friends and the Free-will Baptists, the above remarks 
are equally true. These denominations claim, in ad- 
dition, to be, of themselves, Anti-Slavery bodies. 
Their members claim for them that they are true 
Anti-Slavery Societies. We have learned to judge 


respects; not by the body to which they belong,— 
the professions they make, — the creed they adopt, — 
the country they dwell in, — the parly badae, or the 
skin they wear. We take men as we find them, 
judging the tree by its fruit. The pro-slavery Qua- 
ker cannot be justified incur eyes by the imputed 
righteousness of George Fox ; nor may the Free- 
will Baptist, who strives to breathe the breath of 
malignant life into the dead nostrils of new organi- 
zation, have credit with us as a friend of the cause, 
though he were the only instance of pro-slavery to 
be found in the sect. 

We judge all men, in this regard, as we do the as- 
sociates here to-day, who sit in Anti-Slavery council, 
on our right hand, and on our left; by their honesty, 
zeal, devotedness, benevolence, good sense, fidelity, 
diligence, courage. As it matters nothing in our 
judgment at this late day, that a man calls himself 
an Abolitionist, and joins an Anti-Slavery Society, 
unless he brings forth those fruits meet for repent- 
ance, so it is of quite as little significance that a man 
pleads any other membership or pretence. It is now 
almost a matter of course, that the Northern maa 
shall caZZ himself the foe of Slavery ; and we, there- 
fore, give no heed to the professions of the men 
whose opposition we feel. 


Political institutions, being less deeply founded, in 
our country, than religious ones, exhibit more strong- 
ly the symptoms of coming change. 


As we look downwards upon the political strifes 
and combinations of the past year, 

" Beneath us like a chansing cloud. 
The wide field changes as we gaze." 

The same careless, selfish, ambitious hearts are seen 
in each political division by turns. Now shrilling, 
with small and evil excitement, comes-ihe cry of 
Polk, Dallas, and Texas, from one grand division : — 
anon rises the equally insignificant, equally selfish, 
though less openly vicious one of " Clay and Fre- 
iinghuysen." What the cause might lose by the 
open opposition of the first named division, it will 
gain by reaction in the event of their success. What 
it might gain by the temporary coincidence between 
Whig policy and Anti-Slavery principle, it will lose 
by political compromise, as soon as the lines now 
converging, shall intersect. The Abolitionists, there- 
fore, have no real grounds of preference between the 
two parties. They will not sufi'er themselves to be 
involved in the maelstrom which would bear them 
circling onward, still more and more swiftly, to de- 
struction. The Third Party, as now organized, is 
still more decidedly objectionable to the Abolition- 
ist ; for it is not merely incidentally^ but necessarily 
more hostile to our movement. For proof of this 
we have only to refer to their hostility, shown at the 
outset, by an attempt at union with the foes of the 
cause, to destroy the Anti-Slavery Society ; to the 
constant calumnies of its ofl[icial organ ; (of light, 
our own property, embezzled from us in the hope of 
destroying our associations,) the efforts of which 
prostituted press, were wickedness crowned with suc- 


cess proportionate to its deadly purpose, would have 
destroyed our association as it appropriated our pro- 
perty ; and would have entirely closed up the way 
to any further exertion on our part, in behalfof our 
undertaking ; and did, in fact, for a short time, leave 
us alone, forsaken and betrayed. 

Now that truth and constancy have, as those qual- 
ities always will, defeated the machinations of false- 
hood, — our duly having been in part performed by 
the preservation of our associate existence, and the 
refutation of individual slander, the question re- 
mains, what confidence is due to the flaming profes- 
sions of those wliom we have seen in the perpetra- 
tion of the very basest actionis of which men allowed 
to remain even in partisan and ecclesiastical society 
can be guilty, and which at once forfeit the entree to 
the society of men ofgoodness, sense, and honor? Our 
duly is to prevent the cause, and its advocates from suf- 
fering further by these assaults from which they have 
already received so much injury : to prevent, by occa- 
sional exposition of facts, the absorption and misuse 
of the sympathies of an awakening public, and to ex- 
pose the refuge of lies into which the opposers of the 
cause seek safety from its requisitions. We know 
that this party is but the pretence of defeated sec- 
tarism ; the livelihood of deserters from the Anti- 
Slavery cause ; alike a field for the low ambition of 
Whigs and Democrats who place a higher estimate 
on their capacities for office than their respective 
parties have done; and the desperate need of elec- 
tioneering clergymen, drunk with the unaccustomed 
cup of political excitement. Too truly has the 


prophesy respecting that party, made at its out- 
set, been fulfilled. "Men, disappointed of nomina- 
tions by the great parties, and too bad, or too stupid, 
even for them, will flock to this, and dishonor by 
their baseness, the sacred name of Abolition." 

That there are good men, who are our dear friends 
and beloved associates in the cause, who are deceived, 
or in danger of being so, by this party, as well as by 
the two great ones, is only a stronger reason for ex- 
posing its true character, as we have done theirs. 

Its inconsistencies are more glaring than any bo- 
servable in the others. It calls upon men to come out 
from the iniquity of the pro-slavery parties, while it 
justifies, in the strongest manner, that actual slave- 
holding, of which we are guilty, by participating in 
a slaveholding Government. It cannot abide Whig 
or Democratic participation in Slavery, though it 
defends American participation as a duty. It for- 
bids voting for a slaveholding individual, but a 
slaveholding Government, a slaveholding compro- 
mise — a slaveholding Union, it is necessary to the 
existence of the party, not only practically to sus- 
tain, but formally to swear allegiance. It was in the 
first instance, formed to divert Anti-Slavery indigna- 
tion from the Church. It exists to perform the same 
kind office for the State. Its leading members say 
they see the folly of hoping to reform pro-slavery 
parties by remaining in unity and alliance with them: 
but we see that their motive is not an Anti-Slavery 
one, for, with the same breath they call it sacrilege 
to abandon the support of a pro-slavery Church and 
Government. Sustain these, though nobody has 

the face to deny that both support Slavery. Destroy 
the American Ami-Slavery Society, for it consi- 
ders their pro-slavery character as an all-sufficient 
reason for refusing to support them. The Ameri- 
can Society, it seems, is too Anti-Slavery. That is 
its fault. Destroy it, and the credit of its members 
from the face of the earth ; for then, and not till 
then, can hypocrisy gounrebuked by reality. 

Is it any failure of right, good feeling, or just in- 
tellectual perception, to brand such a party as pro- 
slavery ? We do it unhesitatingly, though with 
pain, as we do it to the great parlies, as an indispen- 
sable duty to the slave, whose servants we are. 
Otherwise, we are not faithful to the principles and 
the measures we have deliberately chosen, from the 
beginning, to which our souls accept as the only 
righteous ones. "They shall be such," we said, be- 
fore our strife for freedom begun, "as the opposition 
of moral purity, to moral corruption: the destruc- 
tion of error by the potency of truth ; the overthrow 
of prejudice, by the power of love." 

It is not to pain any, but for the benefit of all, that 
we characterize men as their merits or demerits de- 
serve. To do the latter, is ever a duty so disagree- 
able, that nothing but the power of disinterested 
good-will, can ensure its performance in a moral 
cause. It is the rarest evidence of right-minded- 
ness and good feeling towards men, 

" So well to love them as to read them true." 

Persons generally, are too apt to shrink from any 
duty that calls down the sectarian's calumnies, or 
the paid partisan's abuse; and to turn, with disgust 

from even the most sacred obligation, when they 
foresee that its fulfilment must be followed by a tor- 
rent of guilty twaddle from the sort of men who 
plead good motives for infamous acts, and who, had 
they lived in Scripture times, would have termed the 
general principles of Christianity, "sweeping de- 
nunciations," and the merited rebukes of its founder, 
" bitter personal controversy." We should never 
forget that fidelity in the administration of truth and 
facts, affords the only human means of converting 
these bad men into good men. 

We greatly rejoice in the high position at present, 
occupied by the American Anti-Slavery Society. It 
has entrenched on the hill-lop nearest heaven, and 
consequently commands the whole country. It has, 
heretofore, been falsely urged against us, that we 
counsel the neglect of political duty. Those very 
accusers, on coming to a fuller understanding of our 
principles and measures, now taunt the Abolition- 
ists with being politicians. We would be blind tone 
aspect of duty,but would effectually perform her every 
mandate. While we see no utility in dabbling in the 
dirty tide of partisanship; or wisdom in unnecessa- 
rily adding the rage of electioneering antagonism to 
the unavoidable oppugnancy of a slaveholding peo- 
ple to Anti-Slavery ; or economy in spending that 
time and means which might convert the people, in 
nominating candidates who can do nothing till the 
people are converted : or rectitude in offering pre- 
miums upon hypocrisy ; or hope of success in count- 
ing over and over, annually, the ballots of an unprin- 
cipled party;— we ever acknowledge, and mean 

faithfully to fulfil the great political obligation of 
sirengihening every righteous tie that binds man to 
man, and sundering every wrongful one. Whilst we 
affirm our brotherhood to every man that breathes, 
and have stood pledged for years by our virtual affilia- 
tion with the American Anti-Slavery Society, as well 
as by our individual feelings, to include the master as 
truly as the slave, in the circle of our sympathies, 
our moral sense cries out against a union with slave- 
holders in the perpetration of their iniquity, even for 
the professed purpose of converting them. 


This leads us, naturally, to the consideration of 
the most powerful, and the most generally condemn- 
ed of all our measures — the truth spoken in love. 

We would not injure a hair of the slaveholder's 
head. It is to do him good, and not to harm him, 
that we give to his system and his conduct their 
true character. It is to save him, and not to punish 
him, that we declare that the latter is sinful, and 
must be immediately repented of, and that the for- 
mer is criminal, and must be immediately abolished. 
When we find men who hear us speaking the truth 
with this intent, becoming exceedingly denunciatory 
against what they term our denunciation, we know 
by that token that th^y are either the advocates of 
Slavery, or without any sufficient sense of its nature 
and tendencies. Under institutions like those of this 
country, where rotation in office is so nearly annual, 
and suffrage nominally universal, it has required the 
deepest sensibility to human suffering, the truest 
conviction of human rights, and the highest amount 


of that rare sense, diviner than indigfnation, which 
flames upward ia the soul at the spectacle of hu- 
laan wrongs, to throw off the weight of public in- 
ertia which selfishness induces. He mistakes who 
thinks the Abolitionists have not been tempted as 
other men are, to " take care of number one :" " not 
to make themselves marked men, and so ruin their 
prospects in life:" " to keep out of hot water ;" " to 
fulfil the mission of stillness :" " to keep in the qui- 
et :" " to judge not, that they be not judged :" " not 
to brave public opinion ;" "not to stir till well backed 
up by other folks :" " not to disturb the peace of the 
Church:" "not to interfere with the ordinations 
of Providence :" *' not to have hard thoughts of their 
neighbors." This selfish preference of one's own low, 
personal interests, to the noblest interests of the 
whole race, under whatever variation of phrase, or 
perversion of scripture, various sects and classes of 
men may veil it, is the thing that checks the expression 
of truth as it rushes to the lips ; — makes men " brow- 
beat their manhood," and women ready to deny that 
they have souls; and both to overflow with charity 
for the rich strong oppressor, and to cherish forgetful- 
ness of the poor, and weak oppressed. Such "cha- 
rity" is the height of diabolical malevolence. It is 
the very opposite of kindness, long suffering, and all 
those attributes whick have distinguished Abolition- 
ists. We say it, not in eulogy, but in record, that 
they have been no respecters of persons : speaking 
the truth for the good alike of those whom none else 
dared to rebuke, and whom none else ventured to 



The term is so commonly in use in our lives and 
in our pages, thai iis answer merits a liiile consider- 
ation. It has been well remarked by another, that 
"Success may be safely predicted of a cause which 
the selfish and the timid have joined." But suc- 
cess may be delayed, if such are by general consent 
allowed to be Abolitionists. 

"Who is an Abolitionist?" Not necessarily he 
who has freed his own slaves. Many a man has 
done it to swell the triumphs of the Colonization So- 
ciety ; which makes slaveholding in general safe. 
Many another, because Abulitionists have created a 
public opinion which he dares not disobey ; and still 
a stronger motive does there now exist for the act, ia 
the political and sectarian "capital" to be made of 
it in this fourteenth year since the inception of the 
enterprise. It is a just deed, but it does not entitle 
a man to the character of an Abolitionist. It may 
be performed by one as hostile as a slaveholder to 
our enterprise, and who is busily engaged in endea- 
vors to subvert it. He is not necessarily an Abo- 
litionist, though he is necessarily degrading the man 
of color, who is busy in keeping up exclusive schools 
and churches for him. 

Nor is he necessarily an Abolitionist who gives 
his time to the aid of single fugitives, or his sub- 
stance to the purchase of their children. The for- 
mer of these acts is a humane and benevolent one, 
though in its nature, owing to the necessary secrecy 
of its performance, and its tendency to relieve the 


glutted market, not often beneficial even indirectly, 
to the cause. The latter, however benevolent the 
will of the purchaser, is certainly not a beneficent act. 
Nothing positive has been effected, even for one in- 
dividual. The burden of Slavery has been simply 
shifted from one shoulder to another. The price of 
one slave has been put into the hand of the slave- 
holder to purchase another with, and a sanction given 
to the guilty notion of properly in man. Whether 
the general rule may admit of exceptions, by reason 
of peculiar relations or circumstances, as, for exam- 
ple, in the case of a child buying his father, or the 
father his child, it is not necessary to our present 
purpose to decide. But it is certainly the very last 
way in which it is possible to abolish Slavery, to 
open a new channel for the trade which shall be es- 
teemed a holy one ; — to make it better worth a man's 
while to breed children for sale ; — to ensure a rise in 
the Southern market, by the tempting offers of Nor- 
thern philanthropy. 

The true Aholitionist who saves a single victim 
in an unexceptionable manner, is ever aware that 
he has done nothing thereby to weaken the system. 
He does it with (hose painful tears that spring from 
the same source whence we may suppose flowed 
those of Jesus at the grave of Lazarus : — 

** O'erwhf Imin* thoushts of pain and grief 

Over his sinkins spirit svveep ; — 
What boots it gathering; one. lost leaf, 

Out of yon sere and withered heap, 
Where souls and bodies, hopes and joys, 
All that earth owns or sin destroys, 

Under the spurning hoof are cast?" 


A few words, we trust, are not misplaced on these 
points. Because a man is not a demon, it does not 
follow that he is an Abolitionist. Let all who are 
so, be faithful to their principles, and constant in 
their promulgation, and they may depend upon the 
very slaveholder, with all his tyrannical feelings on 
his heart, to emancipate his slaves; and upon the very 
pro-slavery community to help off the fugitives, and 
buy their children for them. There are various 
other descriptions of men who rise to mind upon the 
consideration ot this question. There is he who is 
anxious to prove that the Abolitionists are the calum- 
niators of the Church, by procuring the passage of 
infructuous resolutions. There is he who walks to 
and fro in the earth, brushing the Anti-Slavery gar- 
ments of the ministry, while he hardens their pro- 
slavery hearts. There is he, heretofore well known 
to all his neighbors as hostile to the cause, whose 
obscurity is flattered by the chance of a year's im- 
mortality in the embalming leaves of a newspaper, 
as the candidate of the third party. There is he 
who looks upon the cause as on a level with the 
other benevolent societies in its capacity of paying 
salaries;— a carcass for hungry crows to fatten up- 
on; he, whom even a slaveholder may despise — 

*' A prim pert prater of the northern race, 
Guilt in his heart, and famine in his face.'* 

One who in his disappointment, that the cause 
has no reward in stores for its advocates, but 
demands on the contrary, every effort and sacrifice, 
considers himself a wronged individual, and be- 
comes, in the guise of friendship, its deadliest ene- 


my. There is the quack of the body politic, who 
thinks it enough to keep the influence of Slavery 
south of Mason and Dixon's line. There is the ma- 
nufacturer of political notoriety for unknown candi- 
dates: the builder of churches and religious socie- 
ties in the name of Anti-Slavery, the object of which 
is not to strengthen it, but to draw strength from it ; 
not to serve but to use it. To all these, however fair 
their disguises, or however specious their claims, 
we deny the name of Abolitioaisis; for there is no 
tendency in their proceedings, and for the most part 
no wish in their hearts, to abolish Slavery. But 
there are others still, who claim with these the 
name. There are the men whose religion has eaten 
up their humanity ; with whom forms overlay facts J 
whose Sunday, like a great cancer, is killing the 
whole week. With them pro-slavery is piety, and 
Anti-Slavery infidelity. The notions of these men 
are so narrow as to prevent progress : but as a coun- 
terbalance in the opposition, there are on the contrary, 
those who, like the drunken man, find the road too 
wide to go forward upon. It is the malady alike of 
students and of unlearned men to labor to show their 
wisdom and their independence, by refusing to mix 
with other men on a footing of equality. Men so dis- 
posed can pick pride alike out of learning or the lack 
of it; and such, liberal even to bigotry, sometimes 
come among us, claiming to be Abolitionists. "We 
cannot, if we would, help entertaining a different 
opinionof them. In common with the good old Spec- 
tator, we "never think it clever to call physic a 
mean study, or law a dry one." Nor by parity of 


reasoning do we conceive a minister to be, ex-officiOj 
a hypocrite, or a Calvinist a bigot. Infidelity, we per- 
ceive, is not necessarily Anti-Slavery, any more than 
orthodoxy ; (though the pertinacity with which pro- 
slavery orthodoxy declares them to be identical, might 
deceive the careless;) and vire are Constrained to 
disbelieve in that type of soi-disant abolitionism 
which argues a man's character from his creed, or 
his want of one. Many persons of some good qua- 
lities we not unfrequenily come in contact with, who, 
in virtue of spasms ofill-direcled sympathy, without 
much pretence to principle, would fain be thought 
Abolitionists. "When the sun conies up with a 
fervent heat, they wither away, because there is no 
depth of earth in them." Then there are the artists; 
who look upon the vigil and the bailie of this cause, 
simply as a good subject for pen or pencil: and the 
quietists, who are continually talking of being " led 
into green pastures, and by still waters" — who dwell 
much, and with terror, on " the divisions among 
Abolitionists:" as if those who understand each 
other thoroughly, and yet disagree, can possibly both 
be seeking the same thing. They deprecate strug- 
gle and strife: as if this life were, or ought to be» 
anything but a scene of strenuous endeavor; or ihe 
Christian, cause itself, other than a battle; or the 
Gospel of Christ, aught in its effects, but a sword. 
None of these are Abolitionists, though, if those who 
are such, are careful to take warning by their defi- 
ciencies, they will be used instrumentally in the 
provisions of Divine Providence, for the accomplish- 
ment of its purposes of Freedonio 


"Who, then, are the Abolitionists?" replies the 
listener : " Is there indeed one, by such rigid defini- 
tions ? " What matters it ? Do our definitions alter 
the nature of things? Can this work be wrought 
out but by the rigor of abolitionism, such as our ne- 
gatives Jiave described it, shaping and regulating the 
chaotic elements, which, because they have seen it 
and been with it, assume its name ? Who that has 
a sparkle of right feeling would wish to bend the 
rectitude of truth and righteousness, to save from 
condemnation his own weakness? What matters 
it how few this estimate makes the real Abolition- 
ists ? " Let God be true, though every man a liar ;" 
let the standard still be just, though few exemplify 
it. Narrow, still let the way be, though few there 
are that find it. Still let him only be accounted aa 
Abolitionist who possesses, 

"A soul supreme, in each hard instance tried — 
Above all pain, all anger, and all pride; 
The rage of power, the blast of public breath, — 
The lust of lucre^ and the dread of death." 

Still, though he be alone, call only him an Aboli- 
tionist who never shrinks from charging with the 
forlorn hope : who, having done scrupulously right, 
at all risks, heeds not what men shall say of him ; 
asking no privilege but to be 

" The first in shame and agony ; — 
The meanest in the lowest task," 

that Freedom and humanity demand : who would 
blush to be less disinterested than the movers of 
bloody revolution, in that revolution of moral senti- 
ment to which he gives his life. " Que mon nom 


soilflelri!" he exclaims. "Let my name perish, so 
this cause of God aad the people ride gloriously over 

And when from the sharp-wilted merchant on 
'change, and the needy politician, and the good- 
enough-sort-of-man in his pleasant home, and the 
litterateur in his library, and the clergyman in suit 
of unimpeachable black, and the beauty in her bou- 
doir, rises the uncomprehending cry, — " Fanati- 
cism !" — feels in that very voice, the assurance that 
what such call fanaticism, must be the sacred duty 
of a true brother of mankind. 


The Anti-Slavery cause is like a refiner's fire to 
the churches of other lands than America. It is 
with joy that we note the progress of art and sci- 
ence through the earth, doing their part to join the 
hands of distant nations as they go, and "casting 
up a highway" for Philanthropy and Freedom to 
travel upon. Through the medium of the new and 
rapid steam communication, America has been pour- 
ing into England and Scotland those principles of Li- 
berty and Equality which have been blessed on this 
continent in exact proportion to the fidelity with 
which they have been practised ; and the Abolition- 
ists of America hoped for the aid of the free churches, 
and of all the churches of Scotland, in teaching this 
country to consider those principles as of universal 
application, and to include the man of color in their 
pale. Especially did those hopes rise high on 
hearing the names of the deputation of the Free 


Church— for we had heard of them before, as British 
Abolitionists. In view of the many and mighty 
temptations which we saw ready to beset them, in- 
volving no less than the whole present and tempo- 
ral success of the mission ; in view also of the 
numbers of British church-members and officers 
whom we had seen tried and found wanting, we did 
not dare to say with the meeting in Glasgow, where 
the question came up, that these would surely be 
found faithful. 

But, with pain we are obliged to bear our testi- 
mony against such treason to the Anti-Slavery 
cause, as the Scottish Commissioners have been 
guilty of. They have taken the money of the slave- 
holder to build the Church withal. This is not what 
we blame them for. They say truly, when they de- 
clare that between Northern and Southern money, 
between the donations of the slaveholder in Caroli- 
na, and the more efficient slaveholder who stands 
behind him in Massachusetts, with a bayonet upon 
his shoulder, a mortgage of the slaves in his pocket, 
and an oath to support the system on his lips, it is 
impossible to draw the line of moral discrimination. 
There is many a man called a non-slaveholder — nay, 
many a man there may be, who, beneath the pressure 
ofa growing public opinion, or in the hope of making 
political gain of the name of Abolition, has freed 
his own slaves, the reception of whose funds would 
be more injurious to the cause, than the reception of 
the gifts of the slaveholder, were the rejection of the 
sinner's help for holy purposes, a true general prin- 
ciple. We do not blame the Scottish Commission- 


ers for asking, or for receiving the contributions of 
the South to build a Free Church with ; but heavy 
blame does rest upon thera for avoiding the Aboli- 
tionists, and associating exclusively with the pro- 
slavery church and clergy, whose arms were open 
for the very purpose of beguiling them of their An- 
ti-Slavery integrity. " Into whatsoever city ye en- 
ter, inquire who is worthy,'''' said the Saviour ; " and 
there abide." The Scottish Deputies, on the contra- 
ry, have given to the pro-slavery world their moral 
sanction, and to the Anti-Slavery association the 
measure of their moral deficiency, by seeking the 
society of those only, whom Freedom condemns as 
unworthy. Again, the Scotch Deputies are verily- 
guilty of the blood of their enslaved brethren, inas- 
much as they uttered no testimony against Slavery 
while in this country. Why did they not proclaim 
their purposts in the Liberator, or in the National 
Ami-Slavery Standard, the organs of the Abolition- 
ists, the latter officially so: having no connection 
with any exclusively American politics, but holding 
the same relation to Government that Christianity 
did in the earlier and brighter day? Why did they not 
go to the religious public, as GEORGE THOMP- 
SON did, clothed in an identification with the Abo- 
litionists ? Why did they not, in reverential imita- 
tion of Jesus Christ, follow in the footsteps of their 
forerunners ? — " For this," saith He, " it becometh us 
to fulfil all righteousness." Why did they not say 
to the blood-guilty American Church, — "Give us 
your pecuniary aid to preach as our Master was an- 
nointed to do, deliverance to the captive, and the 


opening of the prison-doors to the bound." Every 
church that your aid enables us to build, shall be a 
stronghold of Anti-Slavery. We include ihe aboli- 
tion of Slavery in our plan of a Free Church, and in 
our idea of Christianity. Had they acted thus, 
they would have been as little troubled with the 
funds of slaveholders, and their abettors, as is the 
American Anti-Slavery Society. Not having acted 
thus, they have betrayed, not only the Anti-Slavery 
cause alone, but the all-comprehending cause of 
Christianity. They have dwelt on the wickedness 
of the supporters of the Kirk of Scotland, and the 
Church of England, who have refused to sell them 
sites for churches from which to denounce establish- 
ments, and, that they might meanwhile draw money 
from pro-slavery purses, have left unrebuked the guilt 
of the bearers, in refusing to the Abolitionists, even 
the temporary use of a church to preach repentance 
of the sin of Slavery. From these actions, (not 
from their professions,) it appears, and the world 
cannot but see it, that their voyage to America has 
done nothing to prove the "Free'Church of Scot- 
land" a truly Free or Christian one. They appear- 
ed here, not as the apostles of a nobler approxima- 
tion to the Christian standard, but merely as the ad- 
vocate of what New England calls the Congrega- 
tional platform. Seeing everything from a low 
point of view, they saw nothing rightly ; and report- 
ed, on their return, that the Anti-Slavery cause was 
not advancing. One thing, however, they rightly 
apprehend — a thing so plain that he who runs may 
read it, and which is visible to the traveller, from 


even the lowest point of view — that the whole 
American Church is implicated in Slavery, that the 
system is entrenched in the American republic, and 
that it would be their duty to take higher ground, 
should they revisit the country. 

Though the feeling of the Commissioners, in view 
of their American tour, seems hardly to amount to 
•what Theologians call attrition, — the lowest form 
of repentance, we yet hope to hear from the Free 
Church of Scotland itself, a remonstrance so strong 
and feeling, with the slaveholding church of Ame- 
rica, as shall prove its title to the name it has as- 
sumed; — its right to be considered " free indeed." 
If it deny the sanctions of its communion to the thief, 
the debauchee, and the murderer, let it not fail to 
deny them also, to the deeper and more comprehen- 
sive guilt of the slaveholder. If it refuse the dona- 
tions of other sinners to its treasury, let it, as a mat- 
ter of necessity, return the donations of slaveholders. 
While we urge this fidelity to men's own convic- 
tions, as the surest means of changing them, should 
they be erroneoas, the true mode of procedure is, ia 
our apprehension, ihe one we have before indicated, 
and which precludes that necessity : — unless, indeed, 
the Free Church feels that these American funds 
have been obtained on the false pretence, that she 
would tolerate slaveholding, and ought, on that 
ground, to be returned. 

What we say to the Free Church of Scotland, we 
say to the American Board of Commissioners for 
Foreign Missions : It is not your money, but you, 
that we find fault with. You could never have been 


templed by these funds, which some casuists decide 
to be unfit to promulgate the gospel with, had you, 
in the first place, obeyed its requisitions. The prof- 
fer of them is, under the circumstances, the proof of 
your want of Anti-Slavery principle. Had you been 
Abojiiionists, as you ought to have been, instead of 
opposers of Abolitionists, you never would have had 
the chance to receive them. Be faithful, even now, 
and all that a shadow of doubt can rest upon, will 
be reclaimed, and thus the practical difficulty of re- 
turning them, obviated. 

With such as find a principle, where we are una- 
ble to discern one, and who are conscientiously led, 
by thought on this subject, to relinquish all the bu- 
siness concerns of the world, as tainted with injustice, 
we have no quarrel, though we differ in judgment. 
On the contrary, we highly honor a stringent, even 
when mistaken fidelity to one's idea of right. In 
such a case the error of the head is lost in the excel- 
lency of the heart, and in no way prevents us from 
bestowing love and honor on the conscientiousness 
that condemns us. May we never shrink from pa- 
tient thought, but still be ready, as heretofore, im- 
mediately to relinquish whatever investigation may 
show us to be wrong. 

As the lines of perspective run beyond the limits 
of the picture, so a report does not afford space for 
following out the long processes of thought by which 
conclusions are attained. We can here only sum up 
in a single word, the principle to which a rigid phi- 
losophical, ethical, and Christian examination of the 
subject brings us. It is not wrong to receive help in 

doing good, from all men, even wicked men. It is 
wrong to promote one good principle at the sacrifice 
of another ; — to get help for good by giving it for 


Never were they so encouraging as now. Even 
those who hate the cause are made its servants. 
How could we, ^ew in numbers, and feeble in re- 
sources, make ourselves heard through the land, ia 
vindication of our principles? Providence has pro- 
vided for this contingency, in supplying us with op- 
posers, to whom right seems so great an absurdity, 
and truth so really ridiculous, that they assume the 
trouble and expense of this promulgation, under the 
idea ihat principle can be overwhelmed by odium. 
Happily, there is in every human heart, that which 
responds to right and truth; and what was relied on 
for our defeat, bids fair to secure our success. Un- 
doubtedly the result of the issue the American Anti- 
Slavery Society presents to the nation, will be the 
abolition of Slavery, for the sake of preserving the 
Union, or the dissolution of the Union for the sake of 
abolishing Slavery. 

Let whoever would preserve these States united, 
by the exorcism of Slavery, refuse to sustain the 
Union as it is. This is now the tendency of all 
minds. This is now the secret thought of all hearts. 
Soon, like the application of stronger magic, will this 
thought break the spell of party as it now exists. 
Out of the wreck of Whig, Democratic and soi-disant 
Liberty parties, will "come out and be separate," a 
body of such as will refuse to covenant with the 


slaveholder, to put down insurrections, return fugi- 
tives, and allow him three votes for every five slavefs, 
in support of his system: of such as shall refuse, 
when such oath is tendered them by the Speakers of 
Legislatures and Congresses, to desecrate their hearts 
and lips by saying, "So help me God, I will :" of 
such as shall refuse to do by representation, the guil- 
ty and debasing deed, the personal perpetration of 
which, the righteous man shrinks from. If we have 
come out from slaveholding parlies, how much 
more should we abandon a slaveholding Government. 
If we have feared to sanction Slavery, by giving the 
highest office in the nation to a slaveholder, how 
much more should we shrink from being slaveholders 
politically, ourselves, in order to get into office. 
Deeper and stronger grows this conviction in the 
souls of men, and out of the tenderer and more sub- 
lime morality that we promulgate, shall spring a 
truer and closer public union. 

Though it was prophesied by those whose " wish 
was father to the thought," that we should lose in 
pecuniary means, and in public confidence by this 
step, in which the Society has advanced to the posi- 
tion of its pioneers, the very opposite has proved the 
fact. We are saved by the position in which it 
places us from being swept away by the swellings of 
the little political Jordans of the times; our num- 
bers are thus less fluctuating; our consistency thus 
secures confidence. None will, for some time to 
come, join us from interested motives. Those whose 
Abolition was of doubtful character, and whom mo- 
mentary feeling only had flooded to our ranks, are 


fast feeling their moral repulsion, and finding their 
true affinity. They first reject our association, and 
then complain that we exclude them. We only say, 
that the platform stands ever where it did, and we 
earnestly invite them to return to it. We did not 
give up our right to form, or to express our opinioa 
of men's Anti-Slavery consistency, when we associa- 
ted together with the understanding that no one 
was to renounce any opinions. On the platform of 
the American Society above all other places, do we 
find the fitting spot to speak of Anti-Slavery duly, 
and to declare that swearing to support a pro-slavery 
Constitution, for the sake of administering a pro- 
slavery Government, is in flagrant inconsistency with 
our Anti-Slavery principles, and with those laid 
down from the beginning, by the American Society. 
In the language of the Declaration of Sentiments, 
" Such a union is full of guilt and danger, and must 
be broken up." Do we in this exclude any ? not at 
all. The Whig, the Democrat, the Liberty party 
man, has his own right to membership. Our right 
of remark and remonstrance is like his own, and 
does not grow out of our association, but is inherent 
in human nature, and one that society can neither 
give nor take away. 

Our prospect of funds is at least as good as at any 
former period. Letters from Ireland assure us of 
the sympathy and continued aid of the friends in 
Dublin, Cork, and elsewhere. 

From Scotland we learn by letter of their inten- 
tion to aid us, while the Glasgow Female Society ex- 
presses the strongest sympathy. From Harriet Mar- 


tioeau and Elizabeth Pease — from Barnard Barton 
and Thomas Clarkson, — from Doctor Bowrinu, and 
Esther Sturge, — from Anne Cropper, and R. D. Webb, 
and R. Allen, we have received letters which I 
would lime might permit me to read, so full are they 
of encouragement and aid. We need not fear that 
the efforts of Elizur Wright, and those who, like 
him, though personally almost unknown to us, hate 
because they have injured us, will avail to deprive 
us of ihe sympathy of these true friends. He has 
been faithfully rebuked for his calumny in a recent 
instance in which he sent out a circular to raise 
money, to bring him back to America, insinuating 
slander respecting the original faithful Abolition- 
ists. This we learn from Elizabeth Pease, and R. 
D. Webb. 

"We can assure our friends in Europe that in help- 
ing American Abolitionists, ihey are not helping 
those whose indolence precludes self-help. In Wor- 
cester County alone, we hear of thirteen Anti-Sla- 
very sewing circles in operation for the Fair; and 
though the amount of pecuniary help we can expect 
from each will not be at firstgreat, we hail each as the 
little central flame of Liberty which is to warm and 
fertilize a whole region. We are not solicitous to 
form multitudes of Societies out of unseasoned ma- 
terials, as weal first did in the days of our inexperi- 
ence; we leave that to those who rely on numbers ; for 
the fruit of it is only disappointment to an Abolition- 
ist. But we are anxious that all true friends of the 
cause should enjoy the benefits of co-operation, and na- 
tural sympathy; the power of association, the facul- 


ties of mutual understandino;, and division of labor, 
I like associaiions," said Wilberforce. " They give 
us such long arms." They are indeed an immense 
praciical advantage. While we have no quarrel 
with those who reject them (or themselves; yet we 
have a very decided quarrel with those who make 
our use ol' them a pretence for attacking us. We 
protest against the tyranny which would make the 
idiosyncrasy of one, the iron rule for the many. 

The Fair is to be held at the usual time, and for 
the usual purposes, in the name of the Massachu- 
setts Anti-Slavery Society, at whose disposal the 
funds will, as heretofore, be placed. We urge a 
zealous and indefatigable effort to make the occasion 
one of value and interest to the cause. Let us ask 
again for aid of all our pro-slavery friends. Surely 
it cannot be that an added year of our precept and 
example shall have falle.i upon their hearts in vain. 
We may find help when we least expect it. Let 
us each in our respective circles of acquaintance, es- 
tablish little Anti-Slavery Societies, till the time of 
the Fair, for the purpose of devising and executing 
plans for its benefit 

The Liberty Bell is to be published as usual. It 
is dependent on the contributions of the friends for 
its publication, and I will merely suggest that $5 
each, from the managers of the Fair, will fully meet 
the necessary expense. It is but a small instrumen- 
tality, yet far too useful a one to admit of our relin- 
quishing it. Ii doubles the money invested in it, at 
the time of the Fair. It gives us all the pleasure of 
a little Anti-Slavery Souvenir, at a season when we 


need it as a tasteful present, by means of which to ex- 
cite a flow of good feeling to the cause, for our sakes. 
It is a bond of union among ourselves, as well as be- 
tween the eastern and western sides of the Allan- 
tic, and it enables us to acknowledge, in a suitable 
manner, the aid we receive from friends abroad, be- 
sides bearing a knowledge of our principles, where 
no other Anti-Slavery publication is tolerated. 


During the last year the will of our decease'd 
friend and associate, Miss Frances Clapp, has beea 
administered by her executor, N. Rogers, of the Marl- 
borough Hotel, with whom she lodged at the time 
of her last illness, and death. We owe her much, 
as was stated in a previous report, for her fidelity to 
the cause. She was one of the original Abolition- 
ists, who remained faithful to the cause when it- was 
deserted and betrayed by foes in the guise of profes- 
sions. A short time previous to her death, she made 
a will, by which she bequeathed to Mr. Rogers in 
trust, for the benefit of the Anti-Slavery cause, and 
with strict reference to her known opinions thereon^ 
the sum of one thousand five hundred dollars. At 
the proper time after, we deemed it our duty tp 
communicate to Mr. Rogers the views, wishes, and 
opinions of our deceased friend, with which, as her 
associate for many years, we were intimately ac- 
quainted. We informed him of her joining the Bos- 
ton Female Anti-Slavery Society, in 1836— of her 
life-membership — of her annual subscriptions, ana 
occasional donations to our treasury, of her re'gulai* 
attendance on our meetings, and those of the Ameri- 


can and Massachusetts Societies,— of her unity in 
sentiment with us,— of her seeking our friendship 
and acquaintance as Abolitionists of the early and 
true stamp. We told himof her steadfastness when, 
in 1840, many of whom better things had been 
hoped, proved faithless— of her frequent defence of 
Mr. Garrison, whom she highly esteemed as a devo- 
ted laborer for Emancipation, from the slanders of 
his calumniators — of her subscriptions to the Libe- 
rator; of her having given the whole influence of 
her name and her pecuniary aid, to sustain the Bos- 
ton Female Anti-Slavery Socieiy, when sundry cler- 
gymen of Boston attempted to disband it, because of 
its fidelity to the cause; of her entire disapproval of 
the views, aims, and opinions of those who seceded 
from the American, Massachusetts, and Boston Fe- 
male Anti-Slavery Societies, and her increased inter- 
ests in those Societies, as proved and purified by 
those secessions. Of her condemnation of the " new 
organization" as an unjustifiable procedure, stimula- 
ted by pro-slavery. 

We deemed that duty to her memory, and faith- 
fulness to the cause she loved and labored with us 
to promote, demanded of us to make this statement 
to Mr. Rogers, with the additional one, that her 
will, and the terms of her will, drawn up though it 
was by Mr. Rogers's own new organized lawyer, 
would, in the view of all who knew her, be exactly 
executed, both in letter and in spirit, by the pay- 
ment of her bequest to the treasurer of the American 
Anti-Slavery Socieiy, of the Massachusetts Anti-Sla- 
very Society, or of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery 


Society; while, to pay the bequest to the Financial 
Committee of the Liberator, the paper which Miss 
Clapp held in high esteem, would be so entirely in 
agreement with the spirit of her will, as to be liable 
to no objection. 

We have not received the common courtesy of a 
reply from Mr. Rogers, to our courteous statement 
of the mind of our friend, our consequent expecta- 
tions for the cause, and our reliance upon his sense 
of right in the premises. The latter reliance, we 
have been mistaken in: for while the Societies of 
which Miss Clapp was a member, received nothing 
from her bequest, we notice in the Emancipator, 
an acknowledgment of fifty dollars on the part of the 
Female ^mancipation Society, one hostile to Miss 
Clapp's known views, with which she never was 
connected, and the designs of which she lent her 
energies to defeat, when those who formed it at- 
tempted to dissolve our Boston Female Anti-Slavery 
Society by the hand-vote of pro-slavery church- 
members brought in for the purpose, who refused to 
give their names. This is the Society which ac- 
cepts the services of Elizur Wright to disseminate 
in England the false statement that the affiliated An- 
ti-Slavery Association of America, of which our Bos- 
ton Female Society is a part, is a non-resistance So- 
ciety, and employed in breaking down the barriers 
to vice and immorality. 

Further information respecting our deceased 
friend's bequest, we have not received, and conse- 
quently are unable to give. 



The misfortune of the black man was in the guilt 
of the white man. When the latter, awakened ia 
1776 to personal wrongs, asserted the rights of man, 
personal and selfish considerations forbade him to 
include the black man in his application of princi- 
ples. Ever since the formation of the Federal 
Union, therefore, has it been for the interest of 
the white man to keep the very existence of the 
black man unthougiit of. A generation has risen 
and died, and a second has succeeded it, without 
any realizing sense among the body of the people 
of the existence of slaves, till the moment that the 
practical knowledge of the fact come to each man, 
coupled with the temptation to unite in holding them 
in Slavery. The child poring over his American 
manufactured Geography,* saw so many slaves reck- 
oned as a matter of science in the statistics of the 
population, and learned from the text as a matter of 
religion, that the relation of master and slave was a 
happy and an endearing one. At meeting and at 
church, he was brought up from youth to think Sla- 
very not inconsistent with the requisitions of the 
Gospel. He was thus filly trained for a merchant, 
a religionist, a man of business, or a politician, in a 
country where Slavery, in virtue of the Constitution- 
al compromise, holds the key of admission to poli- 
tical preferment, and by the strength of its pro- 
tection and guarantee, reigns paramount in all the 
money concerns of the country, thereby shaping the 

• See Goodrich's Geography. 


ecclesiastical ones at its will ; so that, whether at 
church or market, in the Legislature, or at the polls, 
the system reigned paramount. Not a breath ruf- 
fled this dead sea till the hour arrived since which 
Garrison, and those of whom he stands as the phi- 
losophical representative — the members of the Ame- 
rican Anti-Slavery Society, have never ceased to agi- 
tate it. From such agitation grows information- 
conviction — repentance. The Danger is, lest the 
cost of such agitation to those who occasion it, should 
tempt them to a return to the inaction from which 
they have aroused themselves. There was a time 
when there was no American Anti-Slavery Society, 
no agitation, no promulgation of Anti-Slavery princi- 
ples : when all men's consciences were asleep. The 
danger is, lest that time should return. The public 
conscience has been partially informed and awakened 
by the American Anti-Slavery Society, to the impor- 
tance of the question, and it was early seen to be one 
which, carefully managed, might yield living to the 
needy, place to the political aspirant, and gratifica- 
tion to denominational pride and sectarian ambition. 
By slightly paring down principle to suit public de- 
mand, and ever drawing a broad line of distinction 
between themselves and the original and uncompro- 
mising advocates of the cause, at the same time con- 
tending stoutly for the name of Abolitionists, thou- 
sands have hoped to make a property of the cause, 
and in too many instances have succeeded. So ear- 
nest have been their efforts, that the wonder is that 
the cause has not been submerged again, in the 
world of various party, sect, and business, from 


which it has heen drawn out and urged into a move- 
ment at so much cost, and which all are trying to 
get possession of, that they may regulate its march 
to suit their interests. This is the secret meaning of 
the Whig cry, " We are Abolitionists, but the Ame- 
rican Society has not liberality enough for us." 
This is what the Liberty Party mean when they 
said to the dregs of Whiggism and Democracy, 
" give us your votes for a President and officers of our 
nomination, and we will break up the American So- 
ciety, and cast Garrison and his fellow-laborers over- 
board." This is what the Democrats mean, when 
they talk of bringing in Texas to abolish Slavery. 
This, being interpreted, is the language of all the 
various church members claiming to be Abolition- 
ists : — "Give us the use of the cause for the ag- 
grandizement of our sect." 

The words of our deceased friend and associate, 
Susan Paul, still as aptly describe the Anti-Slavery 
cause as when her disinterested devotion to it gave 
her the infallible means of distinguishing friends 
from foes through every disguise: " There are just 
two sorts of persons among those called Abolition- 
ists ; those who have everything to gain by the name, 
and those who have everything to lose by it." The 
danger, now and ever, is, lest the cause perish in the 
vampyre clutch of the first. 

The imminent danger is lest Abolitionists, borne 
down by long conflict, or deceived by spurious pro- 
mises, or taken in by the assumption of a good name, 
should give up to the unworthy the advocacy of the 
cause till it becomes involved inextricably with some 


party or sect ; thus merging its distinctive principles 
and characteristics for the sake of an easier tempora- 
ry progress. The Truth has never been left with- 
out a witness since its first promulgation : but we can 
point to thousands and thousands, on^e Abolitionists, 
now silent for shame, in the ranks of pro-slavery, to 
prove how detrimental — how ruinous to the cause 
is the lingering allegiance of its professed servants 
to the throne of its enemies. The last state of such 
men becomes worse than their first, and their en- 
deavor is to sink the cause out of si^ht, or to load 
its advocates with calumny from the moment that 
its existence becomes a reproach to themselves. 


The experience of every returning year, does but 
confirm us in the conclusion to which we arrived by 
argument and inference eleven years ago, that the 
only way in which an American can wash the guilt 
of participation in Slavery from his soul, is to give 
HIS LIFE TO THE Anti-Slavery CAUSE. Hecannot 
live a single hour without involuntarily profiting by 
the system. If he leave the country, it is but an ex- 
change of evil, since this is a world lying in wicked- 
ness. We therefore call on all our compatriots in 
an earnest manner, to become devoted Abolitionists, 
as a moral obligation, from which they cannot es- 
cape. This they can do, and yet leave nothing else 
undone. This left undone by the American of the 
present generation, and his grand mission is unful- 
filled, inasmuch as he d(jes it not. 

There surely needs no searching argument or elo- 
quent appeal to commend the cause of freedom and 


humanity to professed Republicans and Christians. 
All see and feel that it is a good and a noble thing 
to spring to the relief and rescue of one human be- 
ing undergoing wrong, or peril, or suffering. But 
here are well-nigh THREE MILLIONS, undergo- 
ing all the suffering, wrong, and peril of SLAVE- 
RY, while all that universal man holds dear and 
holy is endangered by the existence of such a blight- 
ing institution. Righteous principle dies out — good 
feeling is extinguished — our country is endangered — 
our character as a people dishonored : and will not 
you, who admire a single act of devotedness, though 
done but for a single human being, be true to your 
own moral nature, and gladly give time, labor, mo- 
ney, prayer, sacrifice, that you may save a nation — 
redeem a race — ennoble an age. 

For iheir own sakes too, we earnestly entreat all 
to share with us the satisfaction of 

-Those hish feelinss which inspire 

The givers of the gift of Liberty." 




The whole amount of money received during the 

past year was, $392 98 

The whole amount of money paid was, $420 21 

Which leaves the treasury in debt $27 23 

Boston, October 9, 1844. 
Examined and approved by the Society.