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Smithsonian institution. Bureau of ethnoloijij. 

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to tho | 
secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-89 | by | J. VV. 
Powell I director | [Vijtnelte] | 

Washington | government printing office | 181)3 

8°. iXi, 742 pp. a pi. 

PoTwell (.lolni Wesley). 

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | 
secretary of the .Smithsonian institution | 188*<-'89 | by | J. W. 
Powell I director | [Vignette] | 

Washington | government jirinting office | 1893 

8°. XXX, 742 pp. 54 111. 

[SMriHsoNiAN IKSIITUTION. Bureau of ethnolor/!/.] 

Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | 
secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-'89 | by | J. W. 
Powell I director | [Vignette"] | 

Washington | government printing office | 1893 

8". XXX, 742 pp. .".4 pi. 

(SuiTHSOMIAK INSTITUTION. Bureau o/ ethnology.] 





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C N T E N T S 


Letter of transmittal vii 

Introductiou ix 

Publieatious x 

Field work .' x 

Mound explorations x 

Work of Mr. Cyrus Thomas x 

Work of Mr. Gerard Fowke xi 

Work of Mr. J. D. Middletou xi 

Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds xi 

Work of Mr. J. W. Emmert xii 

General field studies xii 

Work of C'ol. Garrick Mallery xii 

Work of Mr. W. ,T. Hottman xiii 

Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw , xiv 

Work of Air. James Mooney x v 

Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin xvi 

Work of Mr. A. S. (jatschet x vii 

Work of Mr. J. N. 15. Hewitt xvii 

Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleif x vii 

Work of Mr. A. M. Stephen xvii 

Office work xviii 

Work of Major J. W. Powell xviii 

Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw xviii 

Work of Col. Garrick Mallery .\\ iii 

Work. of Mr. J. Owen Dorsey x\ iii 

Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet xix 

Work of Mr. .Teremiali Curtin xi.x 

Work of Mr. James Mooney xix 

Work of Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt xx 

Work of Mr. J. C. Tilling xx 

Work ofMr. W. H. Holmes xxi 

Work of Mr. Cyrus Thomas xxii 

Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds xxii 

Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleif xxii 

Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleft' xxii 

Work of Mr. J. K. Hillers xxiii 

Work of Mr. Franz Boas xxili 

Work of Mr, Lucien M. Turner xxi^' 

Necrology xxi v 

Mr. James Stevenson xxi\' 

Accompanying paper xxv 

Picture-writing of the American Indians, by Garrick Mallery xxvi 

Financial statement xxx 



Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of Ethnology, 

Washim/to»i, I). C, Oetoher 1, 1S89. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit my Tenth Annual Report 
as Director of tlie Bureau of Ethnology. 

The first jjart of it presents an exposition of the operations 
of the Bureau during- the fiscal year 1888-89; the second 
part consists of a work on the Picture-writing of the American 
Indians, which has been in preparation for several years. 

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and 
your valuable counsel relating to the work under my charge. 
I aiu, with respect, your obedient servant, 

\^ Director. 

Prof. S. P. Langley, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 





By J. W. Powell, Director. 


Research among the North Americau Indians, in obedience 
to acts of Congress, was continued during the fiscal year 

The explanation presented in several former annual reports 
of the general plan upon which the work of the Bureau has 
been performed renders a detailed repetition superfluous. The 
lines of investigation which from time to time have appeared 
to be the most useful or the most pressing have been confided 
to persons trained in or known to be specially adapted to their 
pursuit. The results of their labors are presented in the three 
series of publications of the Bureau which are i)rovided for 
by law. A brief statement of the work upon which each one 
of the special students was actively engaged during the fiscal 
year is furnished below ; but it should be noted that this state- 
ment does not specify all the studies made or services rendered 
by them. 

The assistance of explorers, writers, and students who are 
not and may not desire to be officially connected with the Bu- 
reau is again invited. Their contributions, whether in sugges- 
tions or extended communications, will always be gratefully 
acknowledged and will receive proper credit. They may be 
published as Congress will allow, either in the series of annual 
reports or in monographs or bulletins. Several valuable papers 
of this class have alread}' been contributed and published. 


The report now submitted consists of three principal divi- 
sions. The first relates to the publications made during the 
fiscal year; the second, to the work prosecuted in the field; 
the tliird, to the office work, which chiefly consists of the prep- 
aration for publication of the results of field work, with the 
corrections and additions obtained from exhaustive researches 
into the literature of the subjects discussed and by correspond- 
ence relative to them. 


The publications actually issued and distributed during the 
year were as follows, all octavo: 

Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages, by James C. Pil- 
ling; pages i-vi-f 1-208. Facsimile reproductions, at pages 
44 and 56, of title pages of early publications relating to In- 
dian languages, and, at page 72, of the Cherokee alphabet. 

Textile Fabrics of Ancient Peru, by William H. Holmes; 
pages 1-17, Figs. 1-11. 

The Problem of the Ohio Mounds, by Cyrus Thomas; pages 
1-54, Figs. 1-8. 


The field work of the year is divided into (1) mound ex- 
plorations and (2) general field studies, the latter being directed 
chiefly to archeology, linguistics, and pictography. 


The work of exploring the mounds of the eastern United 
States was, as in former years, under the superintendence of 
Mr. Cyrus Thomas. The efforts of the division were chiefly 
confined to the examination of material already collected and 
to the arrangement and preparation for publication of the data 
on hand. Field work received less attention, therefore, than 
in 2)revious years, and was mainly directed to such investiga- 
tions as were necessary to elucidate doubtful points and to 
the examination and surveys of important works which had 
not before received adequate attention. 


The only assistants to Mr. Thomas whose engagements 
embraced the enth'e year were Mr. James D. Middleton and 
Mr. Henry L. Reynolds. Mr. Gerard Fowke, one of the as- 
sistants, ceased his connection with the Bureau at the end of 
the second month. Mr. John W. Emmert was engaged as a 
temporary assistant for a few months. 


During the short time in which he remained with the division, 
Mr. Fowke was engaged in exploring certain mounds in the 
Sciota valley, Ohio, a field to which Messi-s. Squier and Davis 
had devoted much attention. Its reexamination was for the 
purpose of investigating certain typical mounds which had not 
been thoroughly exanained by those explorers. 


Mr. Middleton was employed from July to the latter part of 
October in the exploration of mounds and other ancient works 
in Calhoun county, Illinois, a territory to which special inter- 
est attaches because it seems to be on the border line of differ- 
ent archeologic districts. From October until December he 
was engaged at Washington in preparing plats of Ohio earth- 
Avorks. During the next month he made resurveys of some of 
the more important inclosures in Ohio, after which he resumed 
work in the office at Washington until the latter part of March, 
when he was sent to Tennessee to examine several mound 
groups and to determine, so far as possible, the exact locations 
of the old Cherokee "over-hill towns." The result of the last- 
mentioned investigation was valuable, as it indicated that each 
of these "over-hill towns" was, with possibly one unimportant 
exception, in the locality of a mound group. 


Near the close of October Mr. Reynolds, having already ex- 
amined the inclosures of the northern, eastern, and western 
sections of the mound region, went to Ohio and West Virginia 
to study the different types found there, with reference to the 


chapters he was preparing on the various forms of ancient in- 
closures in the United States. While thus engaged he ex- 
plored a large mound connected with one of the typical works 
in Paint creek valley, obtaining unexpected and important re- 
sults. The construction of this tumulus was found to be quite 
different from most of those in the same section examined by 
Messrs. Squier and Davis. 


Mr. Emmert devoted the few months in which he was em- 
ployed to the successful exploration of mounds in eastern 
Tennessee. Some important discoveries were made and addi- 
tional interesting facts were ascertained in regard to the mounds 
of that section. 


Early in the month of July Col. Garrick Mallery proceeded 
to Maine, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to continue inves- 
tigation into the pictographs of the Abnaki and Micmac Indians, 
which had been commenced in 1887. He first visited rocks in 
Maine, on the shore near Machiasport, and on Hog island, in 
Holmes bay, a part of Machias bay. In both localities pecked 
petroglyphs were found, accurate copies of which were taken. 
Some of them had not before been reported. They are proba- 
bly of Abnaki origin, of either the Penobscot or the Passama- 
quoddy division, the rocks lying on the line of water commu- 
nication between the territories of those divisions. From Maine 
he proceeded to Kejemkoojik lake, on the border of Queens 
and Annapolis counties, Nova Scotia, aud resumed the work 
of di'awing and tracing the large number of petroglj'phs found 
during the previous summer. Perfect copies were obtained of 
so many of them as to be amply sufficient for study and com- 
parison. These are incised petroglyphs, and were made by 
Micmacs. The country of the Malecites, on the St. Johns river, 
New Brunswick, was next visited. No petroglyphs were dis- 
covered, but a considerable amount of information was ob- 


tained upon the old system of pictographs oii birch bark and 
its use. lUustrative specimens were gathered, together with 
myths and legends, which assisted in the elucidation of some 
of the pictographs observed elsewhere. 


Mr. W. J. Hoffman proceeded in July to visit the Red Lake 
and White Earth Indian reservations in Minnesota. At Red 
lake he obtained copies of birch bark records pertaining to the 
Mide'wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, an order 
of shamans professing the power to prophesy, to cure disease, 
and to confer success in the chase. The introductory portion 
of the ritual of this society pertains particularly to the Ojibwa 
cosmogony. At the same place he secured several birch bark 
records of hunting expeditions, battles with neighboring tribes 
of Indians, maps, and songs. He also investigated the fonner 
and present practice of tattooing, and the Ojibwa works of art 
in colors, beads, and quills. 

At White Earth Reservation two distinct charts of the Grand 
Medicine Society were obtained, together with full explanations 
by two of the chief mid^ or shamans, one of whom was the 
only fourth-degree priest in either of the reservations. Although 
a considerable difference between these tlu-ee charts is appar- 
ent, their principles and the general course of the initiation 
of the candidates are similar. The survival of archaic forms 
in the charts and ritual indicates a considerable antiquity. 
Some mnemonic songs were also obtained at this reserva- 
tion. In addition to the ritual, secin-ed directly from the 
priests, in the Ojibwa language, translations of the songs 
were also recorded, with musical notation. On leaving the 
above reservations, Mr. Hoffman proceeded to Pipestone, Min- 
nesota, to copy the petroglyphs upon the cliffs of that historic 

He then returned to St. Paul, Minnesota, to search the 
records of the library of the Minnesota Historical Society for 
copies of pictographs reported to have been made near La 
Pointe, Wisconsin. Little information was obtained, although 
it is known that such pictographs, now nearly obliterated, 


existed upon conspicuous cliffs and rocks near Lake Superior, 
at and in the vicinity of Bayfield and Ashland. 

Mr. Hoffman afterward made an examination of the "pic- 
tured cave," eight miles northeast of La Crosse, Wisconsin, to 
obtain copies of the characters appearing there. These are raj)- 
idly being, destroyed by the disintegration of the rock. The 
colors employed fn delineating the various figures were dark 
red and black. The figures represent human beings, deer, and 
other forms not now distinguishable. 


Mr. H. W. Henshaw spent the months of August, Septem- 
ber, and October on the Pacific coast, engaged in the collec- 
tion of vocabularies of several Indian languages, with a view 
to their study and classification. The Umatilla Reservation 
in Oregon was first visited with the object of obtaining a com- 
prehensive vocabulary of the Cayuse. Thougli there are 
about four hundred of these Indians on the reservation, proba- 
bly not more than six speak the Cayuse tongue. The Cayuse 
have extensively intermarried with the Umatilla, and now 
speak the language of the latter, or that of the Nez Percd. An 
excellent Cayuse vocabulary was obtained, and at the same 
time the opportujiity was embraced to secure vocabularies of 
the Umatilla and the Nez Perce languages. His next object- 
ive point was the neighborhood of the San Rafael Mission, 
Marin county," California, the hope being entertained that some 
of the Indians formerly gathered at the mission would be found 
there. He learned that there were no Indians at or near 
San Rafael, but subsequently found a few on the shores of 
Tomales bay, to the north. A good vocabulary was collected 
from one of these, which, as was expected, was subseqiiently 
found to be related to the Moquelumnan family of the interior, 
to the southeast of San Francisco bay. Later the missions of 
Santa Cruz and Monterey were visited. At these points there 
still remain a few old Indians who retain a certain command 
of their own language, though Spanish forms their ordinary 
means of intercourse. The vocabularies obtained are sufficient 
to prove, beyond any reasonable doubt, that there are two 


linguistic families instead of one, as had been formerly sup- 
posed, in the country above referred to. A still more impor- 
tant discovery was made by Mr. Henshaw at Monterey, where 
an old woman was found who succeeded in calling to mind 
more than one hundred words and short phrases of the Esselen 
language, formerly spoken near Monterey, but less than forty 
words of which had been previously known. Near the town 
of Cayucas, to the south, an aged and blind Indian was visited 
who was able to add somewhat to the stock of Esselen words 
obtained at Monterey, and to give valuable infonuation con- 
cerning the original home of that tribe. As a result of the 
study of this material Mr. Henshaw determines the Esselen to 
be a distinct linguistic family, a conclusion first drawn by Mr. 
Curtin from a study of the vocabularies collected by Galiano 
and Lamanon in the eighteenth century. The territory occu- 
pied by the tribe and linguistic family lies coastwise, south of 
Monterey bay, as far as the Santa Lucia mountains. 


On July 5 Mr. James Mooney started on a second trip to the 
territory of the Cherokee in North Carolina, returning alter an 
absence of about four months. During this time he made con- 
siderable additions to tiie linguistic material already obtained 
by him, and was able to demonstrate the former existence of 
a fourth, and perhaps even of a fifth, well-marked Cherokee dia- 
lect in addition to the upper, lower, and middle dialects already 
known. The invention of a Cherokee syllabary which was 
adapted to the sounds of the upper dialect has tended to make 
that dialect universal. A number of myths were collected, 
together with a large amount of miscellaneous material relat- 
ing to the Cherokee tribe, and the great tribal game of ball 
play, with its attendant cex'emonies of dancing, conjuring, 
scratching the bodies of the players, and going to water, was 
witnessed. A camera was utilized to secm-e characteristic 
pictures of the players. Special attention was given to the 
subject of Indian medicine, theoretic, ceremonial, and thera- 
peutic. The most noted doctors of the tribe were employed 
as informants, and nearly five hundred specimens of medicinal 


and fooa plants were collected and their Indian names and 
uses ascertained. The g-eneral result of this investigation 
shows that the medical and botanical knowledge of the Indians 
has been greatly overrated. A study was made of Cherokee 
personal names, about tive hundred of which were translated, 
being all the names of Indian origin now remaining in that 
region. The most important results of Mr. Mooney's investi- 
gations were the discovery of a large number of manuscripts 
containing the sacred formulas of the tribe, written in Cherokee 
characters by the shamans for their own secret use, and jeal- 
ously guarded from the knowledge of all but the initiated. 
The existence of such manuscripts had been ascertained during 
a visit in 1887, and several of them had been procured. This 
discovery of genuine aboriginal material, written in an Indian 
language by shamans for their own use, is believed to be unique 
in the history of aboriginal investigation, and was only made 
possible through the invention of the Cherokee syllabary by 
Sequoia in 1821. Every effort was made by Mr. Mooney to 
obtain all the existing maimscripts, with the result of securing 
all of that material which was in the possession of the tribe. 
The whole number of formulas obtained is about six hundred. 
They consist of prayers and sacred songs, explanations of cere- 
monies, dii'ections for medical treatment, and underlying theo- 
ries. They relate to medicine, love, war, hunting, fishing, self- 
protection, witchcraft, agriculture, the Ijall play, and other 
similar subjects, thus fonning a complete exposition of an ab- 
original religion as set forth by its priests in their own lan- 


Early in October Mr. Jeremiah Curtiu left Washington for 
the Pacific coast. During the remainder of the year he was 
occujjied in Shasta and Humboldt counties, California, in col- 
lecting vocabularies and data connected with the Indian system 
of medicine. This work was continued in different parts of 
Humboldt and Siskiyou counties until June 30, 1889. Large 
collections of linguistic and other data were gathered and 
myths were secured which show that the whole system of 


medicine of these Indians and the ministration of remedies 
originated in and are limited to sorcery practices. 


The field work of i\Ir. Albert S. Gatschet during the j^ear 
was short. It had been ascertained that Mrs. Alice M. Oliver, 
now in Lynn, Massachusetts, formerly lived on Trespalacios 
bay, Texas, near the homes of the Karankawa, and Mr. 
Gatschet visited Lynn with a view of securing as complete a 
vocabulary as possible of their extinct language. Mrs. Oliver 
was able to recall about one hundred and sixty terms of the 
language, together with some phrases and sentences. She also 
flemished many valuable details regarding the ethnography 
of the tribe. Ten days were spent in this work. 


Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied in field work from August 
1 to November 8, as follows: From the first of August to 
September 20 he was on the Tuscarora reserve, in Niagara 
county, New York, in which locality fifty-five legends and 
myths were collected. A Penobscot vocabulary was also ob- 
tained here, together with other linguistic material. From 
September 20 to November 8 Mr. Hewitt visited the Grand 
River reserve, Canada, where a large amount of text was ob- 
tained, together with notes and other linguistic material. 


Mr. Victor Mindeleff left Washington on October 23 for St. 
John's, Arizona, where lie examined the Hubbell collection of 
ancient pottery and secured a series of photographs and col- 
ored di-awings of the more important specimens. Tlience he 
went to Zuiii and obtained drawings of interior details of 
dwellings and other data necessary for the completion of his 
studies of the architecture of this pueblo. He returned to 
Washington December 7. 


Mr. A. M. Ste})lien continued work among the Tusavan pue- 
blos under the direction of Mr. Victor Mindeleff. He added 

10 ETH II 


mucli to the knowledge of the traditionary history of Tusayau, 
and made an extensive study of the liouse lore and records of 
house-building ceremonials. He also reported a full nomen- 
clature of Tusayan architectural terms as applied to the vari- 
ous details of terraced-house construction, with etymologies. 
He secured from the Navajo much useful information of the 
ceremonial connected with the constri^ction of their conical 
lodges or "hogans," supplementing the more purely architec- 
tural records of their construction previously collected by Mr. 
Mindeleff. As opportunity occurred he gathered typical col- 
lections of baskets and other textile fabrics illustrative of the 
successive stages of their manufacture, including specimens of 
raw materials and detailed descriptions of the dyes used. 
These collections are intended to include also the principal 
patterns in use at the present time, with the Indian explana- 
tions of their significance. 


Major J. W. Powell, the Director, devoted much time during 
the year to the preparation of the paper to accompany a 
map of the linguistic families of America north of Mexico, the 
scope of which h^s, been alluded to in previous repoi'ts. This 
report and map appear in the Seventh Annual Re])ort of the 

Mr. Henshaw was chiefly occupied with the administrative 
duties of the office, which have been placed in his charge by 
the Director, and with the completion of the linguistic map. 

Col. Mallery, after his return from the field work elsewhere 
mentioned, was engaged in the elaboration of the new infor- 
mation obtained and in further continued study of and corret 
spondence relating to sign language and pictography. In this 
work he was assisted 1)y Mr. Hoffman, particularly in the 
sketches made by the latter during previous field seasons, and 
in })reparing a large number of the illustrations for the paper 
on Picture-writing of the American Indians which appears in 
the present volume. 

Mr. J. Owen Dorsey did no field work din-ing the year, but 
devoted much of the time to original investigations. Samuel 


Fremont, an (Dmalia Indian, came to Wasliington iu October, 
1888, and nntU February, 1889, assisted Mr. Dorsey in the revis- 
ion of the entries for the (pegiha-Eng-Hsh Dictionary. Similar 
assistance was renderd by Little Standing Buflfalo, a Ponka 
Indian from the Indian Territory, in April and May, 1889. 
Mr. Dorsey also completed the entries for the (fegiha-English 
Dictionary, and a list of Ponka, Omaha, and Winnebago per- 
sonal names. He translated from the Teton dialect of the 
Dakota all the material of the Bushotter collection in the Bu- 
reau of Ethnology, and prepared therefrom a paper on Teton 
folklore. He also prepared a brief paper on the camping- 
circles of Siouan tribes, and in addition furnished an article on 
the modes of predication in the Athapascan dialects of Oregon 
and in several dialects of the Siouan family. He also edited 
the manuscript of the Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnograi)liy, 
written by the late Rev. Dr. S. R. Riggs, which has been pub- 
lished as Volume vii, Contributions to North American Eth- 
nology. In May, 1889, he began an extensive paper on Indian 
personal names, based on material obtained bv himself in the 
field, to contain names of tlie following tribes, viz: Omaha and 
Ponka, Kansa, Osage, Kwapa, Iowa, Oto and Missouri, and 

Mr. Albert S. Gatschet's office work was almost entirely 
restricted to the composition and completion of his Ethno- 
graphic Sketch, Grannnar, and Dictionary of the Klamnth 
Language of Oregon, with the necessary appendices. These 
works have been published as Parts 1 and 2, Vol. ii, of Con- 
tributions to North American Ethnology. 

Mr. Jeremiah Curtin during the year arranged and co|)ied 
myths of various Indian families, and also transcribed Wasco, 
Sahaptin,-and Yanan vocabularies previously collected. 

Mr. James Mooney, on his return from the Cherokee reserva- 
tion in 1888, began at once to translate a number of the prayers 
and sacred songs obtained from the shamans during his visit. 
The result of this work has appeared in a paper in the Seventh 
Annual Report of the Bureau entitled "Sacred formulas of the 
Cherokees." Considerable time was devoted also to the elabora- 
tion of the botanic and liny-uistic; notes obtained in tlie field, hi 


the spring of 1889 he begau the collection ot' material tor a 
monograph on the aborigines of the Middle Atlantic slope, with 
special I'eference to the Powhatan tribes of Virginia. As a 
preliminary, abont one thousand circulars, requesting informa- 
tion in regard to local names, antiquities, and surviving 
Indians, were distributed throughout Maryland, Delaware, 
Virginia, and northeastern Carolina. Sufficient information 
was obtained in responses to afford an excellent basis for future 
work in this direction. 

Mr. John N. B. Hewitt, from July 1 to August 1, was en- 
gaged in arranging alphabetically the recorded words of the 
Tuscarora-English dictionary mentioned in former reports, and 
in the study of adjective word forms to determine the variety 
and kind of the Tuscarora moods and tenses. After his return 
from the tield Mr. Hewitt classified and tabulated all the forms 
of the jDersonal pronouns employed in the Tuscarora language. 
Studies were also prosecuted to develop the predicative func- 
tion in the Tuscai'ora speech. All the terms of consanguinity 
and affinit}' as now used among the Tuscarora were recorded 
and tabulated. Literal translations of many myths collected 
in the field were made, and free translations added to four of 
them. In all appropriate instances linguistic notes were added 
I'elating to etymology, phonesis, and verbal change. 

Mr. Ja.mes C. Pilling gave much time to bibliographies of 
North American languages. The bibliography of the Iro- 
quoian languages was completed early in the fiscal year, and 
the edition was issued in February. In the meantime a bibli- 
ography of the Muskhogean languages was compiled, the 
manuscript of which was sent to the Public Printer in Janu- 
ary, 1889, though the edition was not delivered during the 
fiscal year. Early in March, 1889, Mr. Pilling went to Phila- 
delphia to inspect the manuscripts belonging to the American ' 
Philosophical Society, the authorities of which gave him every 
facility, and much new material was secured. In June he 
visited the Astor, Lenox, and Historical Society libraries in 
New York; the libraries of the Boston Athenaeum, Massachu- 
setts Historical Society, American Board of Commissioners for 
Foreign Missions, and the Boston Public Library, in Boston; 


that of Harvard University, in Cambridge; of the American 
Antiquarian Society, in Worcester; and the private library of 
Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in Hartford. In Canada he visited 
the library of Laval University, and the private library of Mr. 
P. Gagnon, in Quebec, of St. Mary's College and Jacques 
Cartier School in Montreal, and various missions along the St. 
Lawrence river, to inspect the manuscripts left by the early 
missionaries. The result was the accumulation of much new 
material for insertion in the Algonquian bibliography. 

Mr. William H. Holmes continued to edit the illustrations 
for the publications of the Bureau, and besides was engaged 
actively in his studies of aboriginal archeology. He com- 
jjleted papers upon the pottery of the Potomac valley, and 
upon the objects of shell collected by the Bureau during the 
last eight years, and he has others in preparation. As curator 
of Bureau collections he makes the folloAving statement of 
accessions for the year : From Mr. Thomas and his immediate 
assistants, working in the mound region of the Mississippi 
valley and contiguous portions of the Atlantic slope, the 
Bureau has received one hundred and forty-six specimens, 
including articles of' clay, stone, shell, and bone. Mr. Victor 
Mindeleff obtained sixteen specimens of pottery from the 
Pueblo country. Other coUec^tions by members of the Bureau 
and the U. S. Geological Survey are as follows : Shell beads 
and pendants (modern) from San Buenaventura, California, by 
Mr. Henshaw ; fragments of potter}- and other articles from 
the vicinity of the Cheroki agency. North Carolina, by Mr. 
Mooney ; a large grooved hammer from the bluff at Thi-ee 
Forks, Montana, by Mr. A. C. Peale ; a large series of rude 
stone implements from the District of Columbia, by Mr. De 
Lancey W. Gill. Donations have been received as follows: 
An important series of earthern vases from a mound on Perdido 
bay, Alabama, given by F. H. Parsons ; ancient pueblo vases 
from southwestern Colorado, by William M. Davidson; a 
series of spurious earthen vessels, manufactured by unknown 
persons in eastern Iowa, frojn C. C. Jones, of Augusta, Georgia; 
fragments of pottery, etc., from Romney, West Virginia, given 
by G. H. Johnson ; fragments of a steatite pot from Ledyard, 


Connecticut, by G. L. Fanclier ; an interesting series of stone 
tools, earthen vessels, etc., from a mound on Lake Apopka, 
Florida, by Thomas Featherstonhaugh ; fragments of gilded 
earthenware and photographs of antiquities from Mexico, by 
F. Plancarte ; fragments of gold ornaments from Costa Rica, 
by Anastasio Alfaro. Impt)rtant specimens have been re- 
ceived as follows: Articles of clay from a mound on Perdido 
bay, Alabama, loaned by Mrs. A. T. Mosman ; articles of" 
clay from the last mentioned locality, by A. B. Simons ; pot- 
tery from the Potomac valley, by W. Hallett Phillips, b}' S. 
V. Proudfit, and JDy H. L. Reynolds ; articles of gold and 
gold-copper alloy from Costa Rica, by Anastasio Alfaro, Sec- 
retary of the National Museum at San Jose. 

Mr. Thomas was chiefly occupied during the year in the 
preparation of the second and third \'olumes of his reports 
upon the mounds. He also prepared a bulletin on the Circu- 
lar, Square, and Octagonal Earthworks of Ohio, with a view 
of giving a summary of the recent survey by the mound divi- 
sion of the principal works of the above character in southern 
Ohio. A second bulletin w;is completed, entitled " The Prob- 
lem of the Ohio Mounds," in which he presented evidence to 
show that the ancient Avorks of the state are due to Indians of 
several different tribes, and that some, at least, of the typical 
■works were built by the ancestors of the modern Cherokees. 

Mr. Reynolds after his return from the field was engaged in 
the preparation of a general map of the United States, show- 
ing the area of the mounds and the relative frequency of their 
occurrence. He also assisted Mr. Thomas in the preparation 
of the monograph upon the inclosures. 

Mr. Victor Mindeleff, assisted by Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, 
was engaged in preparing for publication a "Study of Pueldo 
Architecture" as illustrated in the jirovinces of Tusayan and 
Cibola, material for which he had been collecting for a number 
of years. This report lias appeared in the Eighth Annual 
Report of the Bureau. 

Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff with the force of the modeling room 
at the beginning of the fiscal year com])letedthe exhibit of the 
Bureau for the Cincinnati Exposition, and during the early 


part of the year lie was at Cincinnati iu charge of that exhibit. 
Owing to restricted space it was limited to the Pueblo culture 
groujj, but this was illustrated as fully as the time would per- 
mit. The exhibit covered about 1,200 feet of floor space, as 
well as a large amount of wall space, and consisted of models 
of pueblo and cliff ruins, models of inhabited pueblos, ancient 
and modern pottery, examples of weaving, basketry, etc.; a 
representative series of implements of war, the chase, agri- 
culture, and the household ; manikins illustrating- costumes, 
and a series of large photographs illustrative of aboriginal 
architecture of the pueblo region, and of many phases of 
pueblo life. Upon Mr. Mindeleff's return from Cincinnati he 
resumed assistance to Mr. Victor Mindeleff upon the report on 
pueblo architecture, and by the close of the hscal year the two 
chapters which had been assigned to him were completed. 
They consist of a review of the literature on the pueblo region 
and a summary of the traditions of the Tusavan group from 
material collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen. Work was also con- 
tinued on the duplicate series of models, and twelve were 
advanced to various stages of completion. Some time was 
devoted to repairing original models which had been exhibited 
at Cincinnati and other exhibitions, and also to experiments 
in casting in paper, in order in find a suitable paper for use 
in large models. The experiments were successful. 

Mr. J. K. HiLLERS has coutiinied the collection of photo- 
graphs of prominent Indians iu both full-face and profile, bv 
which method all the facial characteristics are exhibited to the 
best advantage. In nearly every instance a record has been 
preserved of the sitter's status in the tribe, his age, biographic 
notes of interest, and in cases of mixed bloods, the degree of 
intermixture of blood. The total number of photographs ob- 
tained during the year is 27, distributed among- the following 
tribes, viz: Sac and Fox, 5; Dakota, 6; Omaha, 6, and mixed 
bloods (Creeks), 10. 

Mr. Franz Boas was employed from February to April in 
preparing for convenient use a series of vocabularies of the 
several Salish divisions, previously collected by him iu British 


Mr. LuciEN M. Turner was for two years stationed at the 
Hudson Bay Company's post, Fort Chimo, near the northern 
end of the peninsula of Labrador, as a civilian observer in the 
employ of the Signal Service, U. S. Army. He was appointed 
to that position at the request of the late Prof. Baird, Secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution, in order that his skill might be 
made available in a complete investigation of the ethnology 
and natural history of the region. Mr. Turner left Washing- 
ton in June, 1882, and retiu-ned in the autumn of 1884. Dur- 
ing the last year he was engaged in the preparation of a report 
which will appear in one of the forthcoming annual reports of 
the Bureau. 



The officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and all persons in- 
terested in researches concerning the North American Indians 
were this year called to lament the death of Mr. James 
Stevenson, who had made regular and valuable contributions 
to the publications and collections of the Bureau. 

Mr. Stevenson was born in Maysville, Kentucky, on the 24th 
of December, 1 840. When but a boy of 1 6 he became associated 
with Prof. F. V. Hayden, and accompanied him upon expedi- 
tions into the regions of the upper Missouri and Yellowstone 
rivers. Although the main objects of these expeditions were 
geological, his tastes led him chiefly to the observation of the 
customs and dialects of the Indians, and tlie facilities for such 
study aiforded him by the winters spent among the Blackfoot 
and Dakota Indians; excited and contirmed the anthropologic 
zeal which absorbed the greater part of his life. 

After military service during the civil war he resumed, in 
1866, the studies which had been interrupted by it, and accom- 
panied Prof Hayden to the Bad Lands of Dakota. From this 
expedition and the action of the Congress of the United State, 
in 1866-67, sprang the Hayden survey, and during its exist- 
ence Mr. Stevenson was its executive officer. In one of the 
explorations from 1868 to 1878, which are too many to be 
here enumerated, he climbed the Grreat Teton, and was the 


first white man known to have reached the ancient Indian altar 
on its summit. 

In 1879 the Hayden survey was discontinued, the Bureau 
of Ethnoloo-y was organized, and the U. S. Geolog-ieal Survey 
was estabUshed. Mr. Stevenson, in addition to his duties as 
the executive officer of the new survey, was detailed for research 
in connection with the Bureau of Ethnolog-y. In the subse- 
quent years he devoted the winters — from the incoming- of the 
field parties to their outgoing in the spring — chiefly to business 
of the survey ; his summers to his favorite researches. He ex- 
plored the cliff and cave dwellings of Arizona and New Mexico; 
he unearthed in the Canyon de Ghelly two perfect skeletons 
of its prehistoric inliabitants; he investigated the religious 
mythology of the Zuni, and secured a complete collection of 
fetich-gods, never before allowed out of their possession; he 
studied the history and religions of the Navajo and the Tusayan, 
and made an invaluable collection of pottery, costumes, and 
ceremonial objects, which are now prominent in the U. 8. Na- 
tional Museum. But in the high mesas which were the field 
of his explorations in 1885 he was attacked by the "mountain 
fever" in its worst form. It was his first serious illness, and 
his regular and temperate life saved him for the time. But a 
visit to the same region in 1887 brought on a second attack of 
this peculiar and distressing disease. He came home pros- 
trated, with symptoms of serious heart failure. 

He.died at the Gilsey House, in New York city, on the 25th 
of July, 1888, and was buried in the cemetery of Rock Creek 
church, near Washington. 


For the first time in the series of the Annual Reports of this 
Bureau a single paper is submitted to exhibit the character of 
the investigations undertaken and the facts collected by its 
officers, with the results of their studies upon such collections. 
But while the paper is single in form and in title, it includes, 
in its illustrations and the text relating to them, nearly all 
topics into which anthropology can properly be divided, and 
therefore shows more diversity than would dften be contained 


in a volume composed of separate papers by several authors. 
Its subject-matter being- essentially pictorial, it required a 
large number of illustrations, twelve hundred and ninetv-five 
tig'ures being furnished in the text, besides iifty-four full-page 
plates, which, with their explanation and discussion, expanded 
the volume to such size as to exclude other papers. 



The papers accompanying the Fourth Annual Report of this 
Bureau, which was for the fiscal year 1882-83, included one 
under the title "Pictographs of the North American Indians, a 
Preliminary Paper, by Garrick Mallery." Although that work 
was of considerable length and the result of much research 
and study, it was in fact as well as in title preliminary. The 
substance and general character of the information obtained 
at that time on the subject was published not only for the 
benefit of students already interested in it, but also to excite 
interest in that branch of study among active explorers in the 
field and, indeed, among all persons engaged in anthropologic 
researches. For the convenience of such workers as were 
invited in general terms to become colhiborators, suggestions 
were offered for the examination, description, and study of 
the objects connected with this l)rauch of investigation which 
might be noticed or discovered by them. The result of this 
preliminary publication has shown the wisdom of the plan 
adopted. Since the distribution of the Fourth Annual Report 
pictog'rapliy in its various branches has become, far more than 
ever before, a prominent feature in ihe publications of learned 
societies, in the separate works of anthropologists, and in the 
notes of scientific explorers. The present paper includes, witli 
proper credit to the authors quoted or cited, many contribu- 
tions to this branch of study which obviously have been 
induced by the preliminary paper before mentioned. 

The interest thus excited has continued to be manifested by 
the publication of new information of importance, in diverse 
shapes and in many languages, some of wliicli has been received 
too late for proper attention in this pajjer. 


Col. Malleiy's studies in pictogi'aphy commenced in the 
field. He was stationed with his military somniand at Fort 
Rice, on the upper Missouri river, in the autumn of 1876, and 
obtained a copy of the remarkable pictog-raph which he then 
called "A Calendar of the Dakota Nation," and published under 
that title, with interpretation and explanation, in Vol. iii. No. 1, of 
the series of bulletins of the U. S. Geological and Geogi-aphical 
Survey of the Territories, issued April 9, 1877. This work at- 
tracted attention, and at the request of the Secretary of the 
Interior he was ordered by the Secretary of War, on June 13, 
1877, to report for duty, m connection with the ethnology of the 
North American Indians, to the present Director of this Bureau, 
then in charge of the Geographical and Geological Survey of 
the Rocky Mountain Region. Upon the organization of the 
Bui-eau of Ethnology, in 1879, Col. Mailer}- was appointed eth- 
nologist, and has continued in that duty without intermission, 
supplementing field explorations by study of all accessible 
anthropologic literature and by extensive correspondence. His 
attention has been steadily directed to pictography and to sign- 
language, which branches of study are so closely connected 
that neither can be successfully pursued to the exclusion of 
the other, but his researches have b}' no means been confined 
to those related subjects. 

The plan and scope of the present work may be very briefly 
stated as follows: 

After some introductory definitions and explanations general 
remarks are submitted upon the grand division of petroglyphs 
or pictures upon rocks as distinct from other exhibitions of 
pictography. This division is less susceptible of interpretation 
than others, l)ut it claims special interest and attention because 
the locality of production is fixed, and also because the an- 
tiquity of workmanship may often be determined with more 
certainty than can that of pictures on less enduring and readily 
transportable objects. Descriptions, with illustrations, are 
presented of petroglyphs in North America, including those 
in several provinces of Canada, in many of the states and 
territories of the United States, in Mexico, and in the West 
Indies. A large number from Central and South America 


also appear, folloAved by examples from Australia, Oceanica, 
Em-ope, Africa, and Asia, inserted chiefly for comparison 
with the picture-writings in America, t(j which the work is 
specially devoted, and therefore styled extra-limital petro- 
glyphs. The curious forms called cup sculptures are next 
discussed, followed by a chapter on j)ictographs considered 
generally, which condenses the results of much thought. The 
substances, apart from rocks, on which picture-writing is found 
are next considered, and afterwards the instruments and mate- 
rials by which they are made. The subjects of pictography 
and tlie practices which elucidate it are classified under 
several headings, viz: Mnemonic, subdivided into (1) Knotted 
cords and objects tied, (2) Notched or marked sticks, (3) Wam- 
pum, (4) Order of songs, (5) Traditions, (6) Treaties, (7) 
Appointment, (8) Numeration, (II) Accounting; Chronology, 
in which the charts at first called calendars, Ijut now, in 
correct translation of the Indian terms, styled winter-counts, 
are discussed and illustrated \vith the care required by their 
remarkable characteristics ; Notices, whicli chapter embraces 

(1) Notice of visit, departure, and direction, (2) Direction by 
drawing topographic features, (3) Notice of condition, (4) 
Warning and guidance; Communications, including (1) Dec- 
laration of war, (2) Profession of i)eace and friendsliip, (3) 
Challenge, (4) Social and religious missives, (5) Claim or de- 
mand; Totems, titles, and names, divided into (1) Pictorial tribal 
designations, (2) Gentile and clan designation, (3) Signifi- 
cance of tattoo marks, which topic is discussed at length, with 
ample illustration, and (4) Designations of individuals, subdi- 
vided into insignia or tokens of auth.ority, signs of individual 
achievements, property marks, and personal names. Some of 
the facts presented are to be correlated with the antique forms 
of heraldry and others with proper names in modern civilization. 

The topic Relief ion, considered in the popular significance 
of that term, is divided into (1) Symbols of the supernatural, 

(2) Myths and mythic animals, (3) Shamanism, (4) Charms 
and amulets, (5) Religious ceremonies, and (6) Mortuary prac- 
tices. Customs are divided into (1) Cult associations, (2) 
Daily life and habits, (3) Games. The chapter entitled His- 


toric presents (1) Record of expeditious, (2) Record of battle, 
which iucludes a highly intei'esting Indian pictui*ed account 
of the battle of the Little Big Horn, commonly called the 
" Custer massacre," (3) Record of migration, (4) Record of 
notable events. The Biographic chapter gives too many minu- 
X'vsi for jiarticularization here, but is divided into (1) Continu- 
ous record of events in life and (2) Particular exploits or 
events. Ideofiraphy pernieates and infuses all the matter under 
the other headings, but is discussed distinctively and with evi- 
dential illusti'ations in the sections of (1) abstract ideas expressed 
objectively, and (2) symbols and emblems. In the latter 
section the author suggests that the proper mode of inter})re- 
tation of pictographs whose origin and significance are un- 
known is that they are to be primarily supposed to be objective 
representations, but may be, and often are, ideographic, and in 
a limited number of cases may have become symbolic, but that 
the strong presumption without extrinsic evidence is against 
the occult or esoteric symbolism often attributed to the mark- 
ings under discussion. The significance of colors is connected 
with ideography and examples are given of the colors used in 
many parts of the world for mere decoration, in ceremonies, 
for death and mourning, for war and peace, and to designate 
social status. The depiction of gesture and posture signs is 
next discussed, showing the intimate relation between a 
thought as expressed without words by signs, and a thought 
expressed without words by pictures coiTesponding to those 

ConvoitionaJizinff is divided into conventional devices, which 
were the precursors of writing, and the syllabaries and al[)lia- 
bets evolved. The pictographic origin of all the current 
alphabets of the world, often before discussed, receives further 

While comparison by the reader Ijetween all the illustra- 
tions and the facts recorded and the suggestions submitted 
about them is essential to the utility of the work, the author 
gives, as representing his own mode of study, found to be ad- 
vantageous in use, a chapter on Special Comj)arison, divided 
into (1) Typical style, (2) Homomorphs and symmorphs, 


(3) Composite forms, (4) Artistic skill and methods. This 
chapter is followed by one with which it is closely connected, 
styled Means of Interpretation, divided into (1) Marked char- 
acters of known significance, (2) Distinctive costumes, weap- 
ons, and ornaments, (3) Aml>iguous cliaracters with known 
meaniug-s, the latter being chiefly a collection of separjite 
figures which would not be readily recognized Avithout labels, 
but which are understood thi'ough reliable authority. Finally, 
under the rather noncommittal title of Controverted Pktographs, 
the subjects of fraud and error are discussed with striking ex- 
amples and useful cautions. 

From this brief paraphrase of the table of contents, it is obvious 
that nearly all branches of anthropology are touched upon. 
It is also to be remarked that the work is unique because it 
presents the several anthropologic topics recorded by the In- 
dians themselves according to their unbiased conceptions, and 
in their own mode of writing. From this point of view the 
anonymous and generally unknown pictographers may be 
considered to be the primary authors of the treatise and Col. 
Mallery a discoverer, compiler, and editor. But such deprecia- 
tive limitation of his functions would ignore the originality of 
treatment pervading the work and the systematic classification 
and skillful analysis shown in it which enhance its value and 


ClassiJiealioH of expenditures made from the appropriation for North American ethnology 

for the fiscal year endinrj June 30, 1889. 
Amount of appropriatiou 1888-'89 $40, 000. OO 


Services $29, 546. 20 

Traveling expenses 3.243.45 

Transportation of property 128.05 

Field supplies 47. 00 

Instruments - 16.00 

Laboratory material 95. 60 

Photograpliic material 44. 20 

Books for library ■ 202.39 

Stationery and drawing material 59.36 

BlustratioiiH for report _ 114, oo 

Office furniture 92.50 

Office supplies and repairs 218. 75 

Correspondence 4. 17 

Specimens 500. 00 

Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement 61. 19 

Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities - 5. C27. 14 

Total 40.000.00 


10 ETH 1 







Chapter I. Petroglyphs 


Chapter II. Petroglvphs iu North America 


Sectiou 1. Petroglyphs in Canada 

Nova Scotia 






IHritish Columbia 


SectioD 2. Petroglvphs in the United States 






... .52 

Owens Valley 


Colorado ... 










- . 81 














New Mexico 


New York 


North Carolina 




. . .. 104 



Khodti Island 


Sonth Dakota 










\\ ashington ^ 


\Vest Virginia 






Section 3. Petroglyphs iu Mexico 




Cbajiter II. Pctroglyjilis iu North America — Continued. Page. 

.Section 4. Petrogljphs in the West Indies 136 

Puerto Rico 13l> 

The Bahama islands 137 

Guadeloupe 139 

Aruba 139 

Chapter III. Petroglyphs in Centra) and South America 141 

.Section 1. Petroglyphs in Central America 141 

Nicaragua 141 

Guatemala 142 

Section 2. Petroglyphs in South America 142 

United .States of Colombia 143 

Guiana 144 

Venezuela 147 

Brazil .' 150 

Argentine Republic 157 

Peru 157 

Chile 159 

Chapter IV. Extra-limital petroglyphs 161 

Section 1. Petroglypps in Australia 161 

Section 2. Petroglyphs in Oceanica 165 

New Zealand 165 

Kei islands 167 

Easter island 169 

Section 3. Petroglyphs in Europe 171 

Great Britain and Ireland 171 

Sweden 173 

France 175 

Spain 177 

Italy 17>* 

Section 4. Petroglyphs in Africa 178 

Algeria 178 

Egypt 179 

South Africa 180 

Canary islands 183 

Section 5. Petroglyphs in Asia 185 

China 185 

.lapan 185 

India 186 

Siberia 186 

Chapter V. Cup sculptures 189 

Chapter VI. Pictographs generally 201 

Chapter VII. Substances on which pictographs are made 205 

Section 1. The human body 205 

Section 2. Natural objects other than the human body 205 

Stone 205 

Bone 206 

Skins 206 

Feathers and quills 207 

Gourds 208 

Shells 209 

Earth and sand 210 

Copper 212 

V^'ood 213 


t'hajiter A'll. Su1iRt;iii<es on wliicli pictoCTrajilis are iiiadi' — ('(infinned. Paae. 

Section 3. Artilicial objects 215 

Fictile fabrics 215 

Textile falnics 215 

Cliaiiter VIII. Iiistiiimeuts and materials by which jHctographs are made. . 218 

Section 1. Instruments for carvinf; 21S 

Section 2. Instruments for drawinjt. . - - 21!' 

Section 3. C'oloriu};- matter and its application 219 

Cliapter IX. Mnemonic 223 

Section 1. Knotted cords and objects tied 223 

Section 2. Notched or nnirked sticks - 227 

Section 3. Wampum 228 

Section 4. Order of songs 231 

Section 5. Traditions 2.50 

The origin of the Indians 255 

Section 6. Treaties 25t! 

Section 7. Appointment , 257 

Section 8. Numeration 258 

Section 9. Accounting 2.59 

Chapter X. Chroncdogy - 2(i5 

.Secticm 1. Time 265 

Section 2. AVinter counts 2(i(i 

Lone-Dog's winter count 273 

Battiste (iood"s winter count , 287 

Chapter XI. Notices 329 

Section 1. Notice of visit, departure and direction 329 

Section 2. Direction by drawing topographic features 341 

.Section 3. Notice of condition 347 

Section 4. Warning and gui<lance 353 

Chapter XII. Communications 3.58 

Section 1. Declaration of war 3.58 

Section 2. Profession of |ieace and friendship 3.59 

Section 3. Challenge ,362 

Section 4. Social and religious mi.ssives 362 

Australian message sticks 369 

West African aroko 371 

Section 5. Claim or demand 374 

Chapter XIII. Totems, titles, and names 376 

Section 1. Pictorial trilial designations 377 

Iroquoian 377 

Eastern Algonquian 378 

Siouan and other designations .379 

Absarcdia, or Crow- 380 

Arapaho .381 

Arikara, or Ree 381 

Assiniboin 381 

Krule 382 

Cheyenne 382 

Dakota, or Sioux 383 

Hidatsa, Gros Ventre or Minitari 384 

Kaiowa 384 

Mandan 385 

Mandan and Arikara 385 

Ojibwa 385 

Omaha , 385 

Pawnee 386 


Chapter XIII. Totems, titles, aud names — Continued. 
Section 1. Pictorial tribal designations — Continued. 

Siouan aud other designation.s — Contiune<l. Page. 

I'onka 386 

Slioslioni 3^7 

Section 2. Gentile and clan designations 388 

Section 3. .Signiticance of tattoo 391 

Tattoo ill North America 391' 

On the Pacific coast 396 

Tattoo in South America 407 

Extra-limital tattoo 407 

Scarification ; 4X6 

Summary of studies on tattooing 418 

Section 4. Designations of individuals 419 

Insignia, or tokens of authority 419 

Signs of individual achievements 433 

Pioperty marks ; 441 

Personal names 442 

Objective 447 

Metaphoric 4.53 

Animal .15.5 

Vegetable 458 

Chapter XIV. Religion 461 

Section 1. Symbols of the supernatural 462 

Section 2. Myths and mythic animals 468 

Thunder birds 483 

Section 3. .Shamanism 490 

Section 4. Charms and amulets .501 

Section 5. Religious ceremonies 505 

Section 6. Mortuary practices 517 

Chajiter XV. Customs '. 528 

Section 1. Cult societies 528 

.Section 2. Daily life and habits 530 

Section 3. Games 547 

Chapter XVI. History 1 551 

Section 1. Record of expedition 552 

Section 2. Record of battle 554 

Battle of the Little Biglioru 5aS 

.Secti(m 3. Record of migration .566 

Section 4. Record of notable events 567 

Chapter XVII. Biography 571 

.Section 1. Continuous record of events in life 571 

Section 2. Particular exploits or events 575 

Chapter XVIII. Ideography 583 

Section 1. Abstract ideas expressed pictoi'ially 584 

After; age — old and young; bad; before; big; center; deaf; direction; 
disease; fast; fear; freshet; good; high; lean; little; lone; many, 
much; obscure; opposition; possession; prisiuier; short; sight; 

slow; tall; trade; union; whirlwind; winter — cold, snow 585-606 

Section 2. Signs, symbols, and emblems 607 

Section 3. .Significance of colors 618 

Decorative use of color 619 

Ideocrasy of color.s 622 

Color in ceremonies 623 

Color relative to death and mourning 629 


Chajiter Will. Idnography — C'oiitiuued. 

Section S. Sigiiitioance of colors — Coiitinnert. Page. 

Colors for war and peace 631 

Color designating social status 633 

Section 4. Gesture aud posture signs depicted 637 

Water 642 

Cliild 643 

Negation 644 

Chapter XIX. C'ouveutionalizing 649 

Section 1. Conventional devices 650 

Peace; war; chief; council; plenty of food; famine; starvation; 

horses ; horse stealing ; kill and death ; shot ; coming rain 650-662 

Hittite emblems — 662 

Section 2. Syllaharics and alphaliets 664 

The Micuiai- ••hieroglyphics ■' 666 

Pictograjihs in aljiuabets 674 

Chapter XX. Special comparison 676 

Section 1. Typical style 676 

Section 2. Hoummorphs and synuuorphs 692 

Sky; 8nn and light; moon; day; night; cloud; rain; lightning; human 
form; human head aud face; hand; feet and tracks; broken leg; 
voice and speech; dwellings: eclipse of the sun; meteors; the 

cross 694-733 

Section 3. Coni])osite forms 735 

Section 4. Artistic skill and methods 738 

Chapter XXI. Means of interpretation 745 

Section 1. Marked characters of known significance 745 

Section 2, Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments 749 

Section 3. Ambiguous characters with ascertained meaning 755 

Cliapter XXII. Controverted pietographs 759 

.Section 1 . The Grave creek stone 761 

Section 2. The Dighton rock 762 

Section 3. Imitations and forced interpretations 764 

Chapter XXIII. General conclusions 768 

List of works aud authors cited 777 


Pi.. r-XI. 







































. I- 


PptrosrlypTis ill Owens Valley, California 

Petioglypli ill Maine 

PetroglypUs in Nebraska , 

The Stone of the Giants. Mexico 

Powhatan'.s mantle 

Peruvian qiiipu ami birch-hark drawings 

Order of songs. Ojibwa 

Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa 

Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa 

Loue-Dog's winter count 

Battiste Good's cycles. A. D. SOl-1000 

Battiste Good's cycles. A. D. 1141-1280 

Battiste Good's cycles. A. I). 1421-1700 

Haida double thunder-bird 

Haida dog-fish 

Oglala chiefs 

Oglala subchiefs 

Mexican military insignia .-. . 

Mexican military insignia 

Hidatsa dancers, bearing exploit marks 

Petroglyph in rock shelter. West ^'irgina 

Wasko and mythic raven, Ilaida 

Mantle of invisibility 

Mexican treatment of new-born children 

Education of Mexican children. Three to six years 

Education of Mexican children. Seven to ten years 

Education of Mexican children. Eleven to fourteen years.. 

Adoption of profession and marriage. Mexican 

Map of Little Bighorn battlefiehl 

Battle of Little Bighorn. Indian camp 

Soldiers charging Indian camp .. 

Simix chaiging soldiers 

Sioux fighting Custer's battalion. 

The dead Sioux 

The dead Sioux 

Custer's dead cavalry 

Indians leaving battle-ground 

Indians leaving battle-ground 

Battle of Little Bighorn. 
Battle of Little Bighorn. 
Battle of Little Bighorn. 
Battle of Little Bighorn. 
Battle of Little Bighorn. 
Battle of Little Bighorn. 
Battle of Little Bighorn. 
Battle of Little Bighorn. 

Mexican symbols 

Tablets at Ancon, Peru 

Thruston tablet, Tennessee. 





Pl. LII. Pictures on Dotakii, .japaii 736 

LIII. (ifnj\aii kuiglits ami Ajiaciic warriors 740 

L.IV. Ilighton rock 702 

Fig. 1-2. Palimpsests on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia 40-41 

3. Petroglypb on Vancouver island 44 

4. Petroglyphs in Alaska 47 

.5-8. Petroglyphs in Arizona 48-50 

9. Petroglyph in Sliinumo canyon, Arizon.a 51 

10. Petroglyph in Mound canyon, Arizona 52 

11. Petroglyphs near Visalia, California 53 

12-16. Petroglyphs at Tule river, California .54-57 

17. View of Chalk grade petroglyphs, Owens valley, California .59 

18. Petroglyphs in Death valley, California 60 

19. Rattlesnake rock, Mo jave desert, Californ la _ 61 

20. Petroglyph near 8an Marcos pass, California 62-67 

21-22. Petroglyphs ui'ar .''an Manos pass, California 62-63 

23-28. Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California 6.3-67 

29-30. Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California 67-68 

31. Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California 69 

32-33. Petroglyphs in Santa Barbara county, California 70-71 

34-35. Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, Colorado 73 

36-37. Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan 74-75 

38. Petroglyphs in (icorgia 76 

39. Petroglyphs in Idaho, Shoshoiiean 77 

40-41. The Piasa Petroglyph 78-79 

42. Petroglyjih on the Illinois river 79 

43. IVtroglyph near .\lton, Illinois HO 

44. Petroglyphs in Kansas HI 

45. Bald Friar rock, Maryland Hi 

46. Slab from Ha Id Friar rock 85 

47. Top of Bald Friar rock Hd 

48. Characters from Bald Friar rock 86 

49. Dighton rock, Massachusetts 86 

50. Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minnesota 88 

51. Petroglyphs in Brown's valley, Minnesota 89 

52-53. Characters from Nebraska jjetroglyphs 91-92 

54. Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada irj 

55. Petroglyphs at Reveille, Nevada <(4 

56. Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada <t5 

57. Inscription rock. New Mexico 96 

58-59 Petroglyjihs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico 97-98 

60. Petroglyph at Ksopus, New York <(8 

61. Paint rock, North Carolina ■ 100 

62. Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina 100 

63. Newark Track rock, Ohio 101 

64. Independence stone, Ohio 102 

65. Barnesville Track rock, Ohio 103 

66. Characters from Barnesville Track rock , 103 

67. Barnesville Track rock, No. 2 104 

68. Petroglyphs, Wcllsville, Ohio 104 

69. Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon 106 

70. Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania 107 

71. Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania 108 

72. Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania 108 

73. Petroglyph near Washington, Pednsylvania 109 



Fig. 74. Petroglyi>lis ou " Indian Gnd Kock." Pennsylvania 110 

75. Petroj;! villi at Millshoio. Pennsylvania Ill 

71). Petroglypbs near Layton, Pennsylvania 112 

77-78. Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania 112-113 

79. Petidglypbs in Roberts county, Soutb Dakota 114 

80. Petroglypbs near El Paso, Texas 116 

81. Petroglyplus near Manti, Utah 118 

82-85. Petroglypbs on Colorado river, Utah 118-120 

86. Petroglypbs at Pipe Spring, Utah 120 

87-88. Petroglypbs on Colorado river, Utah 120 

89. Petroglypbs in Sbiimnio canyon, Utah 121 

90. Petroglypbs in Tazewell county, Virginia 121 

91. Petroglypbs in Browns cave, Wisconsin 126 

92. Petroglypbs at Trempealeau. Wisconsin 127 

93-95. Petroglypbs in Wind river valley, Wyoming 128-12i» 

96-97. Petroglypbs near Sage creek, Wyoming 130 

98. Petroglypbs in Mexico 132 

99. Tbe emperor Abuitzotzin 134 

100-102. Petroglypbs in tbe Babamas 138-139 

103. Petroglypb in Guadeloupe 140 

104. Petroglypbs in Nicaragua 141 

105. Petroglypbs in ( Oloinbia 144 

106. Shallow carvings in (iuiana 145 

107. Sculptured rock in Venezuela 147 

108. Rock near C'aicara, \'eiiezuebi 148 

109. Petroglypbs of ( 'hicagua rapids, Venezuela 149 

110. Petroglypbs on tbe Cachoeira do Ribeirao, Brazil 151 

111. The rock Itaiuaraca. Brazil 151 

112. Petroglypbs ou tbe Rio Negro, Brazil 152 

113. Petroglypbs at do Inferno, Brazil 1.52 

114. Petroglypbs at tbe falls of Girao, Brazil 153 

115. Petroglypbs at Pederneira, Brazil 153 

116. Petroglypbs at Araras rapids, Brazil 154 

117. Petroglyi)bs at Ribeirfio, Brazil 154 

118. Character at Madeira rajiid, Brazil . 155 

119. Petroglyplis at Pao Grande, Brazil 155 

120. Petroglypb in Ceara, Brazil 156 

121-122. Petroglypbs ill Morcego, Brazil.. 156 

123. Petroglypbs in liibamun. Brazil 157 

124. Petroglypbs Pedra Lavrada, Brazil 158 

125. Inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Argentine Republic 158 

126. Petroglypbs near A raquipa, Peru 159 

127. Petroglypb in Huaytara, Peru - 159 

128. Sculptured boulder in Chile : 160 

129. Petroglypb in Cajou de los Cinreses, Chile 160 

130. Petroglypb on Finko river, Australia 162 

131. Petroglypb in Depucb island, Australia. 163 

132. Petroglypb at Bautry bay, Australia ... 164 

133. Petroglypb in New Zealand 166 

134. Petroglypbs in Kei islands 168 

135. Petroglypbs in Easter island 169 

136. Tablet from Faster island 170 

137-138. Petroglypb in liohusllin, Sweden 174-175 

139. Petroglypb in fipoue, France — 176 



Fk;. UO. Petro};lyplis at Tyout, Alfjeria 179 

Ul. Petroglyplis at Moghar, Algeria 180 

U2. Petroglyph in L6vih6, South Africa 182 

143. Petroglypbs in Basutoland, .Soiitli Africa iH'i 

144-145. Petrogl,vpU.s in the Canary islands 183-184 

145o. Petroglyph in Yezo, .Japan 185 

146. Petroglyphs at Chandoshwar, India 187 

147. Types of cup .stiiliitures 190 

148. Variants of cup sculptures 191 

149. CuiJ sculptures at Auchualircach, Scotland 192 

150. Cup sculptures at Bally nieuach, Scotland 193 

151. Cup sculptures in Chiriqui 194 

152-153. Cup sculptures in Venezuela 195 

154-1.55. Cup sculptures in Brazil 195-196 

156. Cup sculptures in India 197 

157. Comanche drawing on shoulder hlade 206 

158. Quill pictograph 208 

159. Pictograph on gourd 208 

160. Pictograplis on wood, Washington 214 

161. Haida basketry hat 216 

162. Ts'.iiiusliian blanket 217 

163. Wampum strings ■. 228 

164. Penu wampum belt 230 

165. Song for medicine hunting 247 

166. Song for beaver hunting 249 

167. Osage chart 251 

168. Mide' record 252 

169. Mide' records '. 253 

170. Minabo'zho 254 

171. Mide' practicing incantation 254 

172. Jessakki'd curing a woman 254 

173. The origin of the Indi.ans 256 

174. Record of treaty .• 257 

17.5-177. Shop account 259-261 

178-180. Book account 262 

181. Notched sticks 263 

182. Device denoting the succession of time. Dakota 265 

183-196. Lone-Dog's Winter Count 273-276 

197. Whooping-cough. The-Flame's Winter Count, 1813-'14 276 

198. Whooping-cough. The-Swau's Winter Count, 1813-'14 276 

199-255. Lone-Dog's Winter Count 276-286 

256. Battiste Good's Revelation 289 

257-136. Battiste Good's Winter Count 293-328 

437. Petroglyphs at Oakley Spriug.s, Arizona 329 

438. Hunting notices 331 

439. Ala.skau notice of hunt 332 

440. Alaskan notice of departure 332 

441. Alaskan notice of hunt 3.33 

442-444. Alaskan notice of direction 333-334 

445. Abuaki notice of direction 335 

446. Amali'cite notice of trip 336 

447-448. Ojibwa notice of direction 337-338 

449. Penoliscot notice of direction 338 

450. Passamaquoddy notice of direction 339 



Fig. 451. MiciiKic iiotuc (if (lirectiou 341 

452. Lean-Wolf's mail- Hidatsu 342 

453. Chart of battletii-l(l 343 

454. Toiiogniphic features 344 

455. Greenland map : 345 

456-458. Passaniaquoddy wikliegan 348-350 

459. Alaskan notice of distress 351 

460. Alaskan notice of departure and refuge 351 

461. Alaskan notice of departure to relieve distress 351 

462. Amuiunition wauted. Alaskan 352 

463. Assistance wanted in the hunt. Alaskan 352 

464-465. Starving; hunters. Alaskan 352-353 

466. No thoroughfare 354 

467. Kock paintings in Azuza canyon, California 354 

468. Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California 355 

469. Sketches from Aziiza canyon 355 

470. West African message 361 

471. O.jibwa love letter 363 

472. Cheyenne letter ? 364 

473. Ojibwa invitations 365 

474. Ojihwa invitation sticks 366 

475. Summons to Mid6 ceremony 367 

476. Passamaijuoddy wikhegau 367 

477. Australian message sticks 370 

478-179. West African aroko 371 

480-481. Jebu complaiut 375 

482. Samoyed riMjuisition 375 

483. Eastern Algounuiau tribal designations 37t> 

4S4-487. Absaroka trilial designations . - .380-381 

488. Arapaho tribal desiguatiou = . -- 381 

489-490. Arikara tribal designations 381 

491. Assiniboiu tribal designation 381 

492-493. Brule tribal designations 382 

494—197. Cheyenne tribal designations 382-383 

498. Dakota tribal desiguatiou 383 

499. Hidatsa tribal designation 384 

500-501. Kaiowa tribal di'siguations 384 

502. Mau<lan tribal designaticm 385 

503. Slaudan and Arikara tribal designations 385 

• 504-506. Omaha trilial desiguatious 385 

507-509. Pawnee trilial designations 386 

510-512. Ponka tribal designations ... 386-387 

513. Tamga of Kirghise tribes 387 

514. Dakota gentile designations 389 

515. K wakiutl carvings 390 

516. Virginia tattoo designs 393 

517. Haida tattooing. Sculpin and dragon-fly 397 

518. Haida tattooing. Thuuder-bird 308 

519. Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird and tshimos 399 

520. Haida tattooing. Bear 399 

521. Haida tattooing. Mountain goat 400 

522. Haida tattooing. Houble thunder-bird 401 

523. Haida tattooing. Double raven 401 

524. Haida tattooing. Dog-tish 400 


KiGS. 525-526. Tattooed Haidas 402-403 

527. Two forms of skulpin. Haida 404 

528. Frog. Haida 4O5 

529. Cod. Haida 405 

530. Squid. Haida 405 

531. Wolf. Haida 4O5 

532. Australian grave auil carved trees '. 40iS 

533. New Zealand tattooed liead and chin mark 409 

534. Tattoo design on lioue. New Zealand 409 

535. Tattooed womau. New Zealand 410 

536. Tattoo on Papuan chief 411 

537. Tattooed Papuan woman 412 

538. Badaga tattoo marks 413 

539. Chukchi tattoo marks 414 

540. Big-Road 421 

541. Chargiug-Hawk 422 

542. Feather-on-his-head 422 

543. WmteTail 423 

544. White-Bear 423 

545. Standing-Bear • 403 

546. Four-horn calumet 494 

547. Two-Strike as partisan 424 

.548. Lean-Wolf as partisan 425 

549. Micmac headdress in pictograph 425 

550. Micmac chieftainess in pictograph .12() 

551. Insignia traced on rocks, Nova Scotia 427 

552. Chilkat ceremonial shirt 428 

553. Chilkat ceremonial cloak 429 

554. Chilkat ceremonial blanket 43O 

555. Chilkat ceremonial coat 430 

556. Bella Coola Indians 43I 

557. (iuatemala priest 431 

558. Mark of exploit. Dakota 433 

559. Killed with fist. Dakota 433 

560. Killed an enemy. Dakota.! 434 

561. Cut throat and scalped. Dakota 434 

562. Cut enemy's throat. Dakota 434 

563. Third to strike. Dakota 434 

564. Fourth to strike. Dakota 434 

565. Fifth to strike. Dakota 434 

.566. Many wounds. Dakota 434 

567-568. Marks of exploits. Hidatsa 437 

569. Successful defense. Hidatsa 438 

570. Two successful defenses. Hidatsa 43,s 

571. Captured a horse. Hidatsa 43X 

572. Exploit marks. Hidatsa 438 

573. Record of exploits 439 

574. Record of exploits 439 

575. Exploit marks as worn 439 

576. Scalp taken 440 

577. Scalp and gnu taken 440 

578. Boat paddle. Arikara 442 

579. African property mark 442 

580. Owner's marks. Slesvick 44-2 



Fig. 581. Signature of Running Antelope. Dakota 445 

582. Solinger sword makers' marks 445 

583-613. Personal names. Objective 447-453 

614-621. Personal names. Metaphoric 453-454 

622-634. Personal names. Animal 455-458 

635-637. Personal names. Vegetable 458 

638. Louil-Talker 459 

639. Mexican names 460 

640-651. Symbols of the supernatural 462-466 

652. Dream. Ojib wa 4gg 

653. Religious symbols 467 

654. Myth of Pokinsquss 469 

655. Myth of Atosis 47O 

656. My til of the Weasel girls 47I 

657. The giant bird Kaloo 470 

658. Kiwach, the strong blower 473 

659. .Story of Glooseap 474 

660. Ojibwa shamanistic symbols 474 

661. Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona 476 

662. Mythic serpents. Innuit 476 

663. Haida wind-spirit 477 

664. Orca. Haida 477 

665. Bear mother. Haida 478 

666. Thunder-bird grasping whale 479 

667. Haokah. Dakota giant 480 

668. Ojibwa miinido 480 

669. Menomoni white bear manido 481 

670. Mythic wild cats. Ojibwa 482 

671. Winnebago magic animal 482 

672. Mythic buffalo 482 

673-674. Thunder-birds. Dakota 483 

675. Wingless thunder-bird. Dakota 483 

676-677. Thunder-birds. Dakota 484 

678. Thunder-bird. Haida 485 

, 679. Thunder-bird. Twana 485 

680. Medicine-bird. Dakota 486 

681. Five-Thunders. Dakota 486 

682. Thunder-pipe. Dakota 486 

683. Micmac thunder-bird 487 

684. Venezuelan thunder-bird 487 

685. Ojibwa thunder-birds 487 

686. Moki rain-bird 488 

687. Ahuitzotl 488 

688. Peruvian fabulous animals 488 

689. Australian mythic personages 489 

690. Oj ib wa Mide' wigwam 493 

691. Lodge of a Mide' ; 493 

692. Lodge of a Jessakki'd 493 

693-697. Making medicine. Dakota 494 

698. Magic killing 495 

699. Held-a-ghost-lodge '. 495 

.00-701. Muzzin-ne-neence. Ojibwa 495-496 

702. Ojibwa divination. Ojibwa 497 

703. Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska 497 

10 -ETH 2 



Fig. 704. Supplication for success. Alassa 499 

705. Skokoinish tamahous 498 

706. Mdewakantawau letiih 500 

707. Medicine bag, as ivoni 501 

708. Medicine bag, hung up 502 

709-711. Magic arrows 503 

712. Hunter's charm. Australia 504 

713. Moki masks traced on rocks. Arizona 506 

714. Shaman's lodge. Alaska 507 

715. All-ton- we-tuek 509 

716. On-saw-kie 510 

717. Medicine lodge. Micmac 510 

718. Juggler lodge. Micmac 511 

719. Moki ceremonial 511 

720. Peruvian ceremony 513 

721-723. Tartar and Mongol drums 515-517 

724. Votive offering. Alaska 519 

725-726. Grave posts. Alaska 520 

727. Village and burial ground. Alaska 520 

728. Menomimi grave post 521 

729. Incised lines on Menomoni grave post 522 

730. Grave boxes .and posts 523 

731. Commemoration of dead. Dakota 523 

732. Ossuary ceremonial. Dakota 523 

733. Kalosh grave boxes 524 

734. New Zealand grave effigy 525 

735. New Zealand grave post ; 526 

736. Nicobarese mortuary tablet 526 

737. The policeman 529 

738. Ottawa pipestem 530 

739-740. Shooting tish. Micmac 531 

741. Lancing tish. Micmac 531 

742. Whale hunting. Innuit 531 

743. Hunting in canoe. O.jibwa 532 

744. Record of hunting. O.jibwa ,532 

745. Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa 533 

746. Hunting antelope. Hidatsa 533 

747. Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa 534 

748. Counting coups. Dakota 534 

749-750. Counting coup. Dakota 535 

751-752. Scalp displayed. Dakota 535-536 

753. Scalped head. Dakota - 536 

754. Scalp taken. Dakota 536 

7.55-757. Antelope hunting. Dakota 536-537 

758. Wife's punishment. Dakota 537 

759. Decorated horse. Dakota 537 

760. Suicide. Dakota 537 

761. Eagle hunting. Arikara 537 

762. Eagle hunting. Ojibwa ,538 

• 763. Gathering pomme blanche 538 

764. Moving tipi 538 

765. Claiming sanctuary 538 

766-769. Raising war party. Dakota 540 

770. Walrus hunting. Alaska 541 



Fig. 771. Records carved on ivory. Alaska 541 

772-773. Hakagame. Dakota 547 

774. Haida gambling sticks 548 

775. Pebbles from Mas d'Azil 549 

776-781. Records of expeditions. Dakota 553-554 

782-783. Records of battles 556 

784. Battle of 1797. Ojib wa 557 

785. Battle of Hard river. Winnebago 559 

786. Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux 559 

787. Megariue's last battle 560 

788-795. Records of battles. Dakota 561-563 

796. Record of Ojibwa migration 566 

797. Origin of Brule. Dakota 567 

798. Kiyuksas 5 8 

799-802. First coming of traders 568 

803. Boy scalped 568 

804. Boy scalped alive 569 

805. Horses killed 569 

806-808. Aunuities received 569 

809. Mexican blankets bought 569 

810. Wagon captured 570 

811. Clerk killed 570 

812. Flagstaff cut down 570 

813. Horses taken 570 

814. Killed two Arikara 571 

815. .Shot and scalped an Arikara 572 

816. Killed ten men and three women 572 

817. Killed two chiefs 573 

818. Killed one Arikara 573 

819. Killed two Arikara hunters 574 

820. Killed five Arikara 574 

821. Peruvian biography ; 575 

822. Hunting record. Iroquois 575 

823. Martial exploits. Iroquois 576 

824. Cross-Bear's death 576 

825. A dangerous trading trip 577 

826. Shoshoni raid for horses 578 

827. Life risked for water 578 

828. Runs by the enemy 579 

829. Runs around 579 

830. Goes through the camp 579 

831. Cut through 579 

832. Killed in tipi 579 

833. Killed in tipi 579 

834. Took the warpath 579 

835. White-Bull killed 580 

836. Br.ave-Bear killed 580 

837. Brave-man killed 580 

838. Crazy Horse killed 580 

839. Killed for whipping wife 580 

840. Killed for wliipping wife 580 

841-842. Close shooting 581 

843. Lean-Wolf's exploits. Hidatsa 581 

844. Record of hunt. Alaska 581 



Fig. 845. Ch.irge after 585 

846. Killed after 585 

847. Old- Horse 585 

848. Old-Mexican -. .585 

849. Young -Rabbit 585 

850. Bad-Boy 585 

851. Bad-Horn 585 

852. Bad-Face 586 

853. Bad. Ojibwa 586 

854. Got-there-tirst 586 

855-860. Big 586-587 

861. Center-Feather 587 

862. Deaf Woman 587 

863-867. Direction 588 

868. Whooping cough 588 

869. Measles 589 

870. Measles or smallpox 589 

871. Ate bufl'alo and died .589 

872. Died of " whistle " 589 

873-874. Smallpox o89 

875. Smallpox. Mexican 589 

876. Died of cramps 589 

877-878. Died in childbirth 590 

879. Sickness. O.jibwa 590 

880. Sickness. Chinese 590 

881. Fast-Horse 590 

882. Fast-Elk .590 

883-887. Fear 591 

888-890. River freshet 591-592 

891. Good-Weasel .592 

892-897. High 592-593 

898-903. Lean ... •. 593-594 

904-915. Little 594-595 

916. Lone-Woniau 595 

917. Lone-Bear 596 

918. Many sliclls 596 

919. Many deer 596 

920. Much snow 596 

921. Great, much 596 

922. Ring-Cloud 597 

923. Cloud-Ring 597 

924. Fog 597 

925. Kills-Back 597 

926. Keeps-the-Battle 597 

927. Keeps-the-Battle 597 

928. His-Fight 597 

929. River tight 598 

930. Owns-the-arrows 598 

931. Has-soniething-sharp 598 

932. Prisoner. Dakota 598 

933. Takes enemy 598 

934. Iroquois triumpli 599 

93.">. Prisoners. Dakota .599 

936. Prisoners. Iroquois 600 



Fig. 937. Prisoners. Mexico 60q 

938. Short bull 600 

939-944. s.ght '.'.'.'.'.'.m-eoi 

945. Slow bear gOi 

946-954. Tall "^'".'.'.'.'.'.'.Z'.'.6()U602 

955-956. Trade g03 

957. Brothers 603 

958. Same tribe 603 

959. Husband and wife 604 

960. Same tribe 604 

961. Same tribe 604 

962-96G. Whirlwind '.!... 604-605 

967-975. Winter, cold, snow 605-606 

976. Peruvian garrison 607 

977. Comet. Mexican 613 

978. Robbery. Mexican 613 

979. Guatemalan symbols 614 

980. Chibcha symbols 616 

981. Syrian symbols 616 

982. Piaroa color stamps 621 

983. Rock painting. Tule river, California 638 

984-998. Gesture signs in pictographs 639-641 

999. Water symbols 642 

1000. Gesture sign for drink 642 

1001. Water. Egyptian ^2 

1002. Gestu re for rain 643 

1003. Water signs. Moki \ 643 

1004. Symbols for child and man 644 

1005. Gestures for birth 644 

1006. Negation 645 

1007. Hand .^^^.. ....... .... 645 

1008. Signal of discovery 645 

1009. Pictured gestures. Maya 646 

1010. Pictured gestures. Guatemala 647 

1011-1019. Peace 650-651 

1020-1022. War 651-652 

1023. Chief- Boy 652 

1024. War chief. Passamaquoddy 652 

1025-1029. Council ....!! 653-654 

1030-10,37. Plenty offood 654-655 

1038-1043. Famine ;; 655-656 

1044-1046. Starvation 656 

1047-1051. Horses 656-657 

1052-1060. Horse stealing 657-658 

1061-1069. Kill and death '_'_ S58-660 

1070. Killed. Dakota 660 

1071. Life and death. Obijwa 660 

1072. Dead. Irotjuois 660 

1073. Dead man. Arikara 660 

1074-1078. Shot .....]^\.^.... 661 

1079. Coming rain 662 

1080. Hittite emblems of known sound 663 

1081. Hittite emblems of uncertain sound 664 

1082. Title page of Kauder's Micmac Catechism 668 



Fig. 1083. Lord's Prayer in Micmac "hieroglyphics" 669 

1084-1085. Religious story. Sicasica 672 

1086. Mo-so MS. Desgodins 673 

1087. Pictographs iu alphaljet.s 67,t 

1088. Algoiiqiiian petroglyph, Hamilton farm, West Virginia 677 

1089. Algonquian petroglyphs, Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania 677 

1090. Algonquian petroglyphs, Cunningham's Island, Lake Erie 67!1 

1091. Algonquian petroglyphs, Wyoming 680 

1092. Shoslionean petroglyphs, Idaho 680 

1093. Shoshonean petroglyphs, Utah 681 

1094. Shoshonean rock painting, Utah 681 

1095-1096. Arizona petroglyphs '. 682-683 

, 1097-1098. Petroglyphs in Lower California 683 

1099. Haida totem post 684 

1100. New Zealand house posts 685 

1101. New Zealand tiki 686 

1102-1103. Nicaraguau petroglyphs 686 

1104. Deep carvings in Guiana 687 

1105-1106. Venezuelan petroglyphs 688 

1107. Brazilian petroglyphs 689 

1108. Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs 690 

1109-1111. Bra«iliau petroglyphs 690-691 

1112. Brazilian pictograph 691 

1113-1114. Brazilian petroglyphs 692 

1115. Tree 693 

1116. Grow 693 

1117. Sky 694 

1118. Sun. Oakley Springs 694 

1119. Sun. Gesture sign 695 

1120. Devices for sun 695 

1121. Sun and light 695 

1122. Light 695 

1123. Light and sun 696 

1124. Sun. Kwakiutl 696 

1125. Sun mask. Kwakiutl 696 

1126. Suns 696 

1127. Gesture for moon 696 

1128. Moon 697 

1129. Stars 697 

1130. D.ay. Ojibwa 697 

1131. Morning. Arizona - 698 

1132. Day 698 

1133. Days. Apache 698 

1134. Clear, stormy. Ojibwa 699 

1135-1139. Night 699 

1140. Night, Ojibwa 699 

11 a. Sigu for night 700 

1142. Night. Egyptian 700 

1143. Night. Mexican 700 

1144. Cloud shield 700 

1145. Clouds. Moki 700 

1146. Cloud. Ojibwa 700 

1147. Rain. Ojibwa 701 

1148. Rain. Pueblo 701 


tiG. 1149. Rain. Moki 701 

11.50. Rain. Chinese 701 

11.51-1153. Lightning. Moki 701-702 

1154. Lightning. Pueblo 7O2 

1155-1158. Human form . 


1159. Human form. Alaska 7O4 

1160. Bird man. Siberia 7O4 

1161. American. Ojibwa 7O4 

1162. Man. Yakut 704 

1163. Human forms. Moki 7O4 

1164. Human form. Navajo 7O5 

1165. Man and woman. Moki 7O5 

1166. Human form. Colombia 7O5 

1167. Human form. Peru 7O7 

1168. Human face. Brazil 70g 

1169-1170. Human faces. Brazil 70g 

1171. Double-faced head. Brazil 70g 

1172. Funeral urn. Marajo 709 

1173. Marajo vase 709 

1174. Marajo vases 710 

1175. Human heads 71I 

1176. Hand. Ojibwa 71I 

1177. Joined hands. Moki 710 

1178. Cave-painting. Australia 713 

1179. Irish cross 71g 

1180. Roman standard 7jg 

1181-1 185. Tracks ...."../... 716 

1186. Feet " " 7ig 

1187-1192. Broken leg. Dakota ..'716-717 

1193. Broken leg. Chinese 717 

1194-1198. Voice 717-718 

1199. Speech. Ojibwa 710 

1200. Talk. Mexican '_ 7^9 

1201. Talk. Maya .....V/.. ...... 719 

1202. Talk. Guatemala 72o 

1203. Dwellings ^ 72o 

1204-1210. Dwellings. Dakota 721 

1211. Dwellings. Moki 72^ 

1212. Dwelling. Maya 722 

1213. House. Egyptian 722 

1214. Eclipse of the sun 722 

1215-1223. Meteors .......'.V.... 722-723 

1224. Meteors. Mexican 724 

1225. Cross. Dakota _ 725 

1226. Cross. Ohio mound 725 

1227. Dragon fly ' . ' 725 

1228. Crosses. Eskimo 727 

. 1229. Cross. Tulare valley, California 727 

1230. Crosses. Owens valley, California 728 

1231. Cross. Innuit 729 

1232. Crosses. Moki 729 

1233. Crosses. Maya 729 

1234. Crosses. Nicaragua 73O 

1235-1236. Crosses. Guatemala 730-731 



Fig. 1237. Crosses. Sword-makers' marks 732 

1238. Cross. Golasecca 733 

1239-1251. Composite forms 735-736 

1252. Wolf-man. Haida 737 

1253. Panther-man. Haida 737 

1254. Moose. Kejinikoojik 739 

1255. Hand. Kejimkoojik 740 

1256. Engravings on bamboo. New Caledonia 743 

1257. Typical character. Guiana 745 

1258. Moki devices 746 

1259. Frames and arrows. Moki 746 

1260. Blossoms. Moki 746 

1261. Moki characters 748 

1262. Mantis. Kejimkoojik 749 

1263. Animal forms. Sonora 749 

1264-1278. Weapons and ornaments. Dakota 750-752 

1279. Weapons 753 

1280. Australian wommera and clubs 754 

1281. Turtle. Maya 7.56 

1282. Armadillo. Yucatan 756 

1283. Dakota drawings 756 

1284. Ojibwa drawings 757 

1285-1287. Grave creek stone 761-762 

1288. Imitated pictograph 765 

1289. Fraudulent pictograph 767 

1290. Chinese characters ,. 767 


By Gaerick Mallery. 


An essay entitled " Pictograplis of the North American Indians : A 
Preliminary Paper," appeared in the Fonrth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. The present woik is not a second edition of 
that essay, but is a continuation and elaboration of the same subject. 
Of the eighty-three plates in that paper not one is here reproduced, 
although three are presented with amendments; thus fifty-one of the 
fifty-four plates in this volume are new. Many of the text figures, 
however, are used again, as being necessary to the symmetry of the 
present work, but they are now arranged and correlated so as to be 
much more useful than when unmethodically disposed as before, and 
the number of text figures now given is twelve hundred and ninety- 
five as against two hundred and nine, the total number in the former 
paper. The text itself has been rewritten and much enlarged. The ' 
publication of the " Preliminary Paper" has been of great value in the 
preparation of the present work, as it stimulated investigation and 
report on the subject to such an extent that it is now impossible 
to publish within reasonable limits of space all the material on hand. 
Indeed, after the present work had been entirely written and sent to 
the Public Printer, new information came to hand which ought to be 
published, but can not now be inserted. 

It is also possible to give more attention than before to the picture- 
writing of the aboriginal inhabitants of America beyond the limits of 
the United States. While the requirements of the acts of Congress 
establishing the Bureau of Ethnology have been observed by directing 
main attention to the Indians of North America, there is sufflcient 
notice of Central and South America to justify the present title, in 
which also the simpler term "picture-writing" is used instead of "picto- 

Picture-writing is a mode of expressing thoughts or noting facts by 
marks which at first were confined to the portrayal of natural or arti- 
ficial objects. It is one distinctive form of thought-writing without 



reference to sound, gesture language being the other and probably ear. 
lier form. Whether remaining purely ideographic, or having become 
conventional, picture-writing is the direct and durable expression of 
ideas of which gesture language gives the transient expression. Orig- 
inally it was not connected with the words of any language. Wlien 
adopted for syllabaries or alphabets, which is the historical course of 
its evolution, it ceased to be the immediate and became the secondary 
expression of the ideas framed in oral speech. The writing common 
in civilization may properly be styled sound-writing, as it does not 
directly record thoughts, but presents them indirectly, after they have 
passed through the phase of sound. The trace of pictographs in alpha- 
bets and syllabaries is discussed in the preseut work under its proper 
heading so far as is necessary after the voluminous treatises on the topic, 
and new illustrations are presented. It is sufficient for the present 
to note that all the varied characters of script and print now cur- 
rent are derived directly or mediately from pictorial representations 
of objects. Bacon well said that "pictures are dumb histories," and he 
might have added that in the crude pictures of antiquity were con- 
tained the germs of written words. 

The importance of the study of picture-writing depends partly upon 
the result of its examination as a phase in the evolution of human 
culture. As the invention of alphabetic writing is admitted to be the 
great step marking the change from barbarism to civilization, the his- 
tory of its earlier development must be valuable. It is inferred from 
internal evidence, though not specifically reported in history, that pic- 
ture-writing preceded and generated the graphic systems of Egypt, 
.Assyria, and China, but in America, especially in >^orth America, its 
use is still current. It can be studied here without any requirement 
of inference or hypothesis, in actual existence as applied to records 
and communications. Furthermore, the commencement of its evolu- 
tion into signs of sound is apparent in the Aztec and the Maya 
characters, in which transition stage it was arrested by foreign con- 
quest. The earliest lessons of the genesis and growth of culture in 
this important branch of investigation may, therefore, be best learned 
from the western hemisphere. In this connection it should be noticed 
that picture-writing is found in sustained vigor on the same continent 
where sign language has i)revailed and has continued in active opera- 
tion to an extent historically unknown in other parts of the world. 
These modes of expression, i. e., transient and permanent thought- 
writing, are so correlated in their origin and development that neither 
can be studied to the best advantage without including the other. 
Unacquainted with these facts, but influenced by an assumption that 
America must have been populated from the eastern hemisphere, some 
enterprising persons have found or manufactured American inscrip- 
tions composed of characters which may be tortured into identity with 
some of the Eurasian alphabets or syllabaries, but which sometimes 


suggest letters of iucligeuous invention. This topic is discussed in its 

For the imrposes of the present work there is no need to decide 
whether sign-language, which is closely connected with picture-writing, 
preceded articulate speech. It is sufficient to admit the high antiquity 
of thought-writing in both its forms, and yet it is proper to notice a 
strong current of recent opinions as indicated by Prof. Sayce (a) in his 
address to the anthroplologic section of the British Association for the 
Advancement of Science, as follows : 

I see no escape from the conclusions that the chief distinctions of race were estab- 
lished loug before man acquired language. If the statement made by M. de Mortillet 
is true, that the absence of the mental tubercle, or bony excrescence in which the 
tongue is inserted, in a skull of the Neanderthal type found at La Naulette, indicates 
an absence of the faculty of speech, one race at least of pabeolithic man would have 
existed in Europe before it had as yet invented an articulate language. Indeed it is 
d iflicult to believe that man has known how to speak for any very great length of time. 
* *' * We can still trace through the thin disguise of subsequent modihcatious 
and growth the elements, both lexical and grammatical, out of which language must 
have arisen. * » » q'he beginnings of articulate language are still too trans- 
parent to allow us to refer them to a very remote era. * ' * In fact the evidence 
that he is a drawing animal » * * mounts back to a much earlier epoch than 
the evidence that he is a speaking animal. 

When a system of ideographic gesture signs prevailed and at the 
same time any form of artistic representation, however rude, e.xisted, it 
would be expected that the delineations of the former would appear in 
the latter. It was but one more and an easy step to fasten upon bark, 
skius, or rocks the evanescent air pictures that still in pigments or 
carvings preserve their ideography or conventionalism in their original 
outlines. A transition stage between gestures and i^ictographs, in 
which the left hand is used as a supposed drafting surfiice, ujion which 
the index draws lines, is exhibited in the Dialogue between Alaskan 
Indians in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (a). 
This device is common among deaf nuites, without equal archeologic 
importance, as it may have been suggested by the art of writing, with 
■which, even when not instructed in it, they are generally acquainted. 

The execution of the drawings, of which the several forms of picture- 
writing are composed, often exhibits the first crude efforts of graphic 
art, and their study in that relation is of value. 

When pictures are employed for the same purpose as writing, the 
conception intended to be presented is generally analyzed and only its 
most essential points are indicated, with the result that the characters 
when frequently repeated become conventional, and in their later form 
cease to be recognizable as objective portraitures. This exhibition of 
conventionalizing has its own historic import. 

It is not probable that much valuable information will ever be ob- 
tained from ancient rock carvings or paintings, but they are important 
as indications of the grades of culture reached by their authors, 
and of the subjects which interested those authors, as is shown 


in the appropriate chapters followiug. Some portions of these pic- 
tures can be interpreted. With regard to others, whicli are not yet 
interpreted and perhaps never can be, it is nevertheless useful to 
gather together for synoptic study and comparison a large number of 
their forms from many parts of the world. The present collection shows 
the interesting psychologic fact that primitive or at least very ancient 
man made the same figures in widely separated regions, though it is 
not established that the same figures had a common significance. In- 
dications of priscan habitat and migrations may sometimes be gained 
from the general style or type of the drawings and sculptures, which 
may be divided into grouiis, although the influence of the environing 
materials must always be considered. 

The more modern specimens of picture-writing displayed on skins, 
bark, and pottery are far more readily interpreted than those on rocks, 
and have already aftbrded information and verification as to points of 
tribal history, religion, customs, and other ethnologic details. 

A criticism has been made on the whole subject of picture-writing 
by the eminent anthropologist. Dr. Andree, who, in Ethnographisclie 
Parallelen und Yergleiche (a), has described and figured a large num- 
ber of examples of petroglyphs, a name given by him to rock-drawings 
and now generally adopted. His views are translated as follows: 

But if we take a connected view of the petroglyphs to which the rock pictures, 
generally made with red paint, are equivalent, and make a comparison of liotlj, it 
becomes evident that they are usuully made for mere pastime and are the first 
artistic efforts of rude nations. Nevertheless, we find in them the befjiuuings of 
writing, and in some instances their transition to pictography as developed among 
North American Indians becomes evident. 

It appears, therefore, that Dr. Andree carefully excludes the jiicture- 
writings of the iSTorth American Indians from his general censure, his 
conclusion being that those found in other parts of the world usually 
occupy a lower stage. It is possible that significance may yet be ascer- 
tained in many of the characters found in other regions, and perhaps 
this may be aided by the study of those in America; but no doubt 
should exist that the latter havG purpose and meaning. .The relegation 
to a trivial origin of sucli pictographs as are described and illustrated 
in the present work will be abandoned after a thorough knowledge of 
the labor and thought which frequently were necessary for their pro- 
duction. American pictographs are not to be regarded as mere curi- 
osities. In some localities they represent the only intellectual remains 
of the ancient inhabitants. Wherever found, they bear significantly 
upon the evolution of the human mind. 

Distrust concerning the actual significance of the ancient Amei'ican 
petroglj'phs may be dispelled by considering the jiractical use of similar 
devices by historic and living Indians for ]iurposes as important to 
them as those of alphabetic writing, these serving to a surprising extent 
the same ends. This i)aper presents a large number of conclusive 


examples. The old devices are substantially the same as the modem, 
though impi'oved and established in the course of evolution. The ideog- 
raphy and symbolism displayed in these devices present suggestive 
studies in psychology more interesting than the mere information or 
text contained in the pictures. It must also be observed that when 
Indians now make pictographs it is with intention and care — seldom for 
mere amusement. Even when the labor is undertaken merely to sup- 
ply the trade demand for painted robes or engraved pipes or bark rec- 
ords, it is a serious manufacture, though sometimes only imitative and 
not intrinsically significant. In all other known instances in which 
pictures .are made without such specific intent as is indicated under the 
several headings of this work, they are purely ornamental; but in such 
cases they are often elaborate and artistic, not idle scrawls. 

This paper is limited in its terms to the presentation of the most im- 
Ijortaut known pictographs of the American Indians, but examples 
from other parts of the world are added for comparison. The proper 
classification and correlation of the matter collected has required more 
labor and thought than is apparent. The scheme of the work has been 
to give in an arrangement of chapters and sections some examples with 
illustrations in connection with each heading in the classification. This 
plan has involved a large amount of cross reference, because in many 
cases a character or a group of characters could be considered with 
reference to a number of different characteristics, and it was necessary 
to choose under which one of the headings it should be presented, 
involving reference to that from the other divisions of the work. Some- 
times the decision was determined by taste or judgment, and sometimes 
required by mechanical considerations. 

It may be mentioned that the limitation of the size of the present 
volume required that the space occupied by the text should be sub- 
ordinated to the large amount of illustration. It is obvious that a 
work on picture-writing should be composed largely of pictures, and 
to allow room for them many pages of the present writer's views have 
been omitted. Whatever may be the disadvantage of this omission 
it leaves to students of the work the opportianity to form their own 
judgments without bias. Indeed, this writer confesses that although 
he has examined and studied in their crude shape, as they went to the 
printer, all the illustrations and descriptions now presented, he expects 
that after the volume shall be delivered to him in printed form with its 
synoptic arrangement he will be better able than now to make appro- 
priate remarks on its subject-matter. Therefore he anticipates that 
careful readers will judiciously correct errors in the details of the work 
which may have escaped him and that they will extend and expand 
what is yet limited and partial. It may be proper to note that when 
the wi'iter's observation has resulted in agreement with published 
authorities or contributors, the statements that could have been made 
on his own personal knowledge have been cited, when possible, from 


the printed or manuscript works of others. Quotation is still more 
requisite when there is disagreement with the authorities. 

Thanks for valuable assistance are due and rendered to correspond- 
ents and to officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and of the United 
States Geological Survey, whose names are generally mentioned iu 
connection with their several contributions. Acknowledgment is also 
made now and throughout the work to Ur. W. J. Hoffman, who lias 
ofHcially assisted in its preparation during several years, by researches 
in the field, in which his familiarity with Indians and his artistic skill 
have been of great value. Similar recognition is due to Mr. De 
Lancey W. Gill, iu charge of the art dejiartment of the Bureau of 
Ethnology and the U. S. Geological Survey, and to Mr. Wells M. 
Sawyer, his assistant, specially detailed on the duty, for their work on 
the illustrations presented. While mentioning the illustrations, it 
may be noted that the omission to furnish the scale on which some of 
them are produced is not from neglect, but because it was impossible to 
ascertain the dimensions of the originals in the few cases where no scale 
or measurement is stated. This omission is most frequently notice- 
able in the illustrations of petroglyphs which have not been procured 
directly by the officers of the Bureau of Ethnology. The rule in that 
Bureau is to copy petroglyphs on the scale of one-sixteenth actual 
size. Most of the other classes of pictographs are presented without 
substantial reduction, and iu those cases the scale is of little importance. 

It remains to give special notice to the reader regarding the mode 
adopted to designate the authors and works cited. A decision was 
formed that no footnotes should appear in the work. A difiiculty in 
observing that rule arose from the fact that in the repeated citation of 
published works the text would be cumbered with many words and 
numbers to specify titles, pages and editions. The experiment was 
tried of printing in the text only the most abbreviated mention, gen- 
erally by the author's name alone, ci' the several works cited, and 
to present a list of them arranged in alphabetic order with cross 
references and catch titles. This list appears at the end of the work 
with further details and examples of its use. It is not a bibliography 
of the subject of ijicture- writing, nor even a list of authorities read 
and studied in the preparation of the work, but it is simi:)ly a special 
list, prepared for the convenience of readers, of the works and authors 
cited in the text, and gives the page and volume, when there is more 
than one volume iu the edition, from which the quotation is taken. 


Ill the plan of this -work a distinction has been made between a 
petioglyph, as Andree names the class, or rock-writing, as Ewbank 
called it, and all other descriptions of pictnre-writing. The criterion 
tor the former is that the picture, whether carved or pecked, or other- 
wise incised, and whether figured only by coloration or by coloration 
and incision together, is upon a rock either in situ or sutticiently large 
for inference that the i^icture was imposed upon it where it was found. 
This criterion allows geographic classification. In presenting the geo- 
graphic distribution, prominence is necessarily (because of the laws 
authorizing this work) giveu to the territory occupied by the United 
States of America, but examijles are added from various parts of the 
globe, not only for comparison of the several designs, but to exhibit the 
prevalence of the pictographic practice in an ancient form, though prob- 
ably not the earliest form. The rocks have preserved archaic figures, 
while designs which probably were made still earlier on less enduring 
substances are lost. 

Throughout the world in places where i-ocks of a suitable character 
appear, and notably in South America, markings on them have been 
found similar to those in North America, though until lately they have 
seldom been reported with distinct description or with illustration. 
They are not understood by the inhabitants of their vicinity, who gen- 
erally hold them in superstitious regard, and many of them appear 
to have been executed from religious motives. They are now most 
commonly found reinaining where the population has continued to be 
sparse, or where civilization has not been of recent introduction, with 
exceptions such as appear in high development on the Nile. 

The superstitious concerning petroglyphs are in accord with all other 
instances where peoples in all ages and climes, when observing some 
lihenomenon which they did not understand, accounted for it by sui)er- 
natural action. The following examples are selected as of interest in 
the present connection. 

It must be premised with reference to the whole character of the 
mythology and folk-lore of the Indians that, even when professed con- 
verts to Christianity, they seem to have taken little interest in the 
stories of the Christian church, whether the biblical narratives or the 
lives and adventures of the saints, which are so constantly dwelt upon 



throughout the Christian world that they liave become folk-lore. The 
general character of the Christian legends does not seem to have suited 
the taste of Indians and has not at all impaired their aft'ection for or 
their belief in the aboriginal traditions. 

Among the gods or demigods of the Abnaki are those who particu- 
larly preside over the making of petroglyi^hs. Their name in the plural, 
for there are several personages, is Oonagamessok. They lived in 
caves by the shore and were never seen, but manifested their exist- 
ence by inscriptions on the rocks. The fact that these inscribed rocks 
are now very seldom found is accounted for by the statement that the 
Oonagamessok have become angry at the want of attention paid to 
them since the arrival of the white people and have caused the pictures 
to disa]ipear. There is no evidence to determine whether this tradi- 
tion should be explained by the fact that the ingenious shamans of the 
last century would sometimes piMxluce a miracle, carving the rocks 
themselves and interpreting the marks in their own way, or by the fact 
that the rock inscriptions were so old that their origin was not remem- 
bered and an explanation was, as usual, made by ascription to a special 
divinity, perhaps a chieftain famous iu the old stage of mythology, or 
perhaps one invented for the occasion by the class of priests who from 
immemorial antiquity have explained whatever was inexplicable. 

At a rock near the mouth of the Magiguadavic river, at the time im- 
mediately before the Passamaquoddy Indians chose their first gover- 
nor after the manner of the whites, the old Indians say there suddenly 
appeared a white man's flag carved on the rocks. The old Indians 
interpreted this as a prophecy that the people would soon be abandoned 
to the white man's methods, and this came to pass shortly after. For- 
merly they had a " Mayouett" or chief. ?Iany other rock carvings are 
said to have foretold what has since come to pass. Strange noises have 
also been heard near them. 

The Omaha superstition is mentioned on pages 91-92 infra. 

The ]Mandans had an oracle stone on which figures appeared on the 
morning after a night of public fasting. They were deciphered by the 
shaman, who doubtless had made them. 

Mr. T. II. Lewis (a) gives the following tradition relating to the in- 
cised bowlders in the upper Minnesota valley : 

In oldeu times there iised to be an object that marked the bowlders at night. It 
could be seen, but its exact shape was indistinct. It would work making sounds 
like hammering, and occasionally emit a light similar to that of a firefly. After 
finishing its work it would give one hearty laugh like a woman laughing and then 
disappear. The next morning the Indians would find another pictured bowlder in 
the vicinity where the object had been seen the night previous. 

Mr. J. W. Lj-nd (a) says of the Dakotas: 

The deities upon which the most worship is bestowed, if, indeed, any particular 
one is uameable, are Tunkau (luyau) the Stone God and Wakiuyan, the Thunder 
Bird. The latter, as being the maiu god of war, receives constant worship and 
sacrifices; whilst the adoration of the former is an every-day affair. The Tunkan, 


the Dakotas say, is the god that dwells in stones or rocks, and is the oldest god. If 
asked why it is considered the oldest, they will tell yoa because it is the hardest. 

Mr. Charles Hallock, on the authority of Capt. Ed. Hunter, First 
Cavalry, U. S. A., furnishes the following information respecting the 
Assiniboin, Montana, rock pictures, which shows the reverence of these 
Indians for the petroglyphs even when in ruins: 

.Some of the rocks of the sculptured cliff cleaved off and tumbled to the groiind, 
whereupon the Indians assembled in force, stuck up a pole, hung up some buffalo 
heads and dried meat, had a song and dance, and carefully covered the detached 
fragments (which were .sculptured or painted) with cotton cloth and blankets. Jim 
Brown, a scovit, told Capt. Hunter that the Indians assembled at this station at 
stated times to hold religious ceremonies. The pictures .are drawn on the smooth 
face of an outcrop or rocky projection. 

Marcano («) gives an account in which superstition is mixed with his- 
toiic tradition. It is tran.slated as follows: 

The legend of the Tamanaipies, transmitted by Father Gili, has also been invoked 
in favor of an ancient civilization. According to the beliefs of this nation, there 
took place in days of old a general inundation, which recalls the age of the great 
waters of the Mexicans, during which the scattered waves beat against the Encara- 
mada. All the Tamanaques were drowned except ime man and one woman, who tied 
to the mountain of Tamacu or Tamanacu, situated on the banks of Asiveru (Cuchi- 
vero). They threw above their heads the fruits of the palm tree, Mauritia, and saw 
arising from their kernels the men and women who repeopled the earth. It was 
during this inundation that Amalavica, the creator of mankind, arrived on a bark 
and carved the inscription of Teiiumereme. Amalavica remained long among the 
Tamanaques, and dwelt in Amalavica-Jeufitpe (house). After putting everything 
in order he set sail and returned "to the other shore," wheuce he had come. " Did 
you perchance meet him there?" said an Indian to Father (iili, after relating to him 
this story. In this couuection Humboldt recalls that in Mexico, too, the monk Sa- 
hagun was asked whether he came from the other sliore. whither Quetzalcoatl had 

The same traveler adds : " When you ask the natives how the hieroglyphic charac- 
ters carved ou the mountains of Urbana and Encaramada could have been traced, 
they reply that this w-as done in the age of the great waters, at the time when their 
fathers were able to reach the heights in their canoes." 

If these legends and these petroglyphs are proof of an extinct civilization, it is 
astonishing that their authors should have left no other traces of their culture. To 
come to the point, is it admissible that they were replaced by savage tribes with- 
out leaving a trace of what they had been, and can we vinderstand this retrograde 
march of civilization when progress everywhere follows an ascending course* 
These destructions of American tribes in place are very convenient to prop up theo- 
ries, but they are contrary to ethnologic laws. 

The remarkable height of some petroglyphs has misled authors of 
good repute as well as savages. Petroglyphs frequently appear on the 
face of rocks at heights and under conditions which seemed to render 
their production impossible without the appliances of advanced civil- 
ization, a large outlay, and the exercise of unusual skill. An instance 
among many of the same general character is in the petroglyphs at Lake 
Chelan, Washington, where they are about 30 feet above the present 
water level, on a perpendicular cliff, the base of which is in the lake. 
On simi)le examination the execution of the pictographic work would 
10 ETH 3 


seem to involve details of whaifiiig, staging, and ladders if operated 
fi'om the base, and no less elaborate machinery if approached from the 
sunnnit. Strahlenberg suggests that such elevated drawings were 
made by the ingenious use of stone wedges driven into the rock, thus 
affording support for ascent or descent, and reports that he actually 
saw such stone wedges in position on the Yenesei river. A very 
rough geological theory has been presented by others to account for 
the phenomena by the rise of the rocks to a height far above the ad- 
jacent surface at a time later than their carving. 

But in the many cases observed in America it is not necessary to 
propose either the hypothesis involving such elaborate work as is sug- 
gested or one postulating enormous geological changes. The escarp- 
ment of cliffs is from time to time broken down by the action of the 
elements and the fragments fall to the base, frequently forming a talus 
of considerable height, on which it is easy to mount and incise or paint on 
the remaining perpendicular face of the cliff. When the latter adjoins 
a lake or large stream, the disintegrated debris is almost immediately 
carried off, leaving the drawings or paintings at an apparently inacces- 
sible altitude. When the cliff is on dry land, the rain, which is driven 
against the face of the clifl' and thereby increased in volume and force 
at the point in ([uestion, also sweeps away the talus, though more 
slowly. The talus is ephemeral in all cases, and the face of the cliflf 
may change in a week or a century, as it may happen, so its aspect 
gives but a slight evidence of age. The presence, therefore, of the 
piclures on the heights described proves neither extraordinary skill in 
their maker nor the great antiquity which would be indicated by the 
emergence of the pictured rocks througii volcanic or other dynamic 
agency. The age of the paintings and sculptures must be inferred from 
other considerations. 

Pictures are sometimes found on the parts of rocks which at present 
are always, or nearly always, covered with water. On the sea shore at 
Machias bay, Maine, the peckings have been continued below the line 
of the lowest tides as known during the present generation. In such 
cases subsidence.of the rocky formation may be indicated. At Kejim- 
koojik lake, Nova Scotia, incisions of the same character as those on 
the bare surface of the slate rocks can now be seen only by the aid of 
a water glass, and then only when the lake is at its lowest. This may 
be caused by subsidence of the rocks or by rise of the water through 
the substantial damming of the outlet. Some rocks on the shores of 
rivers, e. g., those on the Kanahwa, in West Virginia, show the same 
general result of the covering and concealment of petroglyphs Ijy water, 
except in an unusual drought, which may more reasonably be attrib- 
uted to the gradual elevation of the river through the rise of the sur- 
face near its mouth than to the subsidence of the earth's crust at the 
locality of the pictured rocks. 

It must be admitted that no hermeueutic key has been discovered 


applicable to Aiuericau pietograplis, whether ancient ou stone or mod- 
ern on bark, skins, linen, or paper. Nor has any such key been found 
wliicli unlocks the petroglyi)hs of any other people. tSymbolisin was 
of individual origin and was soon variously obscured by conventional- 
izing; therefore it requires separate study in every region. No inter- 
preting laws of general application to petroglyphs so far appear, 
although types and tendencies can be classified. It was hoped that in 
some lands petroglyphs might tell of the characters and histories of 
extinct or emigrated peoples, but it now seems that knowledge of the 
people who were the makers of the petroglyphs is necessary to any 
clear understanding of their work. The fanciful hypotheses which 
have been formed without corroboration, wholly from such works as 
remain, are now generally discarded. 

There is a material reason why the interpretation of petroglyphs is 
attended with special difficulty. They have often become so blurred by 
the elements aud so much defaced where civilized man has penetrated 
that they cease to have any distinct or at least incontrovertible fea- 
tures. The remarks relating to Dighton rock, infra. Chap, xxii, are 
in point. 

liock-carving or picture-writing on rocks is so old among the Ameri- 
can tribes as to have acquired a nomenclature. The following general 
remarks of Schoolcraft («) are of some value, though they apply with 
any accuracy only to the Ojibwa and are tinctured with a fondness 
for the mysterious : 

For their pictographic devices the North American Indians have two terms, namely, 
Kekcewin, or such things as are j^enerally understood by the tribe, and Kekeeiioicin, 
or teachings of the medas or priests and jossakceds or prophets. The knowledge of 
the hitter is chiefly confined to persons who are versed in their system of magic 
medicine, or their religion, and may be deemed hieratic. The former consists of 
the conmion figurative signs, such as are employed at places of sepulture or by 
hunting or traveling parties. It is also employed in the miisciiiahiks, or rock-writ- 
ings. Many of the figures are common to both and are seen in the drawings gener- 
ally ; but it is to be understood that this results from the figure alphabet being pre- 
cisely the same in both, while the devices of the nugamoons or medicine, wabino, 
hunting, and war songs are known solely to the initiates who have learned them, 
aud who always pay high to the native professors for this knowledge. 

In tbe Oglala Roster mentioned in Chapter xiii. Section 4, infia, 
one of the heads of families i.s called Inyanowapi, translated as Painted 
(or inscribed) rock. A blue object in the shape of a bowlder is connected 
with the man's head by the usual line, and characters too minute for 
useful reproduction appear on the bowlder. The name is interesting as 
giving the current Dakota term for rock-inscriptions. The designation 
may have been given to this Indian because he was an authority on the 
subject and skilled either in the making or interpretation of petroglyphs. 

The name "Wikhegan" was and still is used by the Abnaki to sig- 
nify portable communications made in daily life, as distinct from the 
rock carvings mentioned above, which are regarded by them as mystic. 


Ouc of tlie curious facts iu conuection with petroglyiths its the meager 
uotice taken of them by explorers and even by residents other than 
the Indians, who are generally reticent concerning them. The present 
writer has sometimes been annoyed and sometimes amused by this 
indifference. The resident nearest to the many inscribed rocks at Ke 
jimkoojik Lake, Nova Scotia, described in Chapter ii, Section 1, was a 
middle-aged farmer of respectable intelligence who had lived all his life 
about 3 miles from those rocks, but had only a vague notion of their 
character, and with difficulty found them. A learned and industrious 
priest, who had been working for many years on the shores of Lake 
Superior preparing not only a dictionary and grammar of the Ojibwa 
language, but au account of Ojibwa religion and customs, denied the 
I^resent existence of any objects in the nature of petroglyphs in that 
region. Yet he had lived for a year within a mile of a. very important 
and conspicuous pictured rock, and, on being convinced of his error by 
sketches shown him, called in his Ojibwa assistant and for the first time 
learned the common use of a large group of words which bore upon the 
system of picture-writing, and which he thereupon inserted iu his dic- 
tionary, thus gaining from the visitor, who had come from afar to study 
at the; fe«'t of this supposed Gamaliel, much more than the visitor gained 
from him. 




The information thus far obtained about petroglyphs iu Canada is 
meager. This may be partly due to the fact that through the region of 
the Dominion now most thoroughly known the tribes have generally 
resorted for their pictographic work to the bark of birch trees, which 
material is plentiful and well adapted for the purpose. Indeed the 
same fact affords an explanation of the paucity of rock-carvings or 
paintings in the lan/ls immediately south of the boundary line separ 
rating the United States from the British possessions. It must also be 
considered that the country on both sides of that boundary was in 
general heavily timbered, and that even if jietroglyphs are there they 
may not even yet have been noticed. But that the mere plenty of birch 
bark does not evince the actual absence of rock-pictures in regions 
where there was also an abundance of suitable rocks, and where the 
native inhabitants were known to be picrtographers, is shown by the 
account given below of the multitudes of such pictures lately discovered 
in a single district of Nova Scotia. It is confidently believed that many 
petroglyphs will yet be found in the Dominion. Others may be locally 
known and possibly already described in publications which have 
escaped the researches of the present writer, [ii fact, from corre- 
spondence and oral narrations, there are indications of petroglyphs iu 
several parts of the Dominion besides those mentioned below, but their 
descriptions are too vague for presentation here. For instiince. Dr. 
Boas says that he has seen a large number of petroglyphs in British 
Columbia, of which neither he nor any other traveler has made distinct 


The only petroglyphs yet found in the peninsula of Nova Scotia are 
in large numbers within a small district in Queens county, and they 
comprise objects unique in execution and in interest. They were ex- 
amined by the present writer in the field seasons of 1887 and 1888, and 
some were copied by him, but many more copies were taken in the last- 
mentioned year by Mr. George Creed, of South Rawdon, Nova Scotia, 
who had guided the writer to the locality. Attention was at first 



confined to Fairy lake and its rocks. This lake is really a bay of a 
larger lake \\iiicli is almost exactly on the boundary line between An- 
napolis and Queens counties, one of those forming the chain tln'oiigli 
which tlie Liverpool river runs, and called Cegemacaga in More's 
History of Queens County (n), but according to Dr. Silas Eand in his 
Eeading Book in the Micmac Language («), Kejimkoojik, translated 
by him as "swelled parts," doubtless referring to the expansion of the 
Maitlaud river at its confluence with the Liverpool rivei'. 

The Fairy rocks, as distinct from others in the lake, are three in 
number, and are situated on the cast side of Kejimkoojik lake and 
south of the entrance to Fairy lake. The northernmost of the three 
rocks is immediately at the entrance, the M-esternmost and central rock 
showing but a small surface at high water and at the highest stage of 
the water being entirely submerged. Three other inscribed rocks are 
about 2 miles south of these, at Piels (a corruption of Pierre's) point, 
opposite an island called Glodes or Gload island, so named from a well- 
known Micmac family. These rocks are virtually a continuation of the 
same formation with depressions between them. Two other localities in 
the vicinity where the rocks are engraved, as hereafter described, are 
at Fort Med way river and Georges lake. As they are all of the same 
character, on the same material, and were obviously made by the same 
people, they are all classed together, when referred to in this paper, as 
at Kejimkoojik lake. All of these rocks are of schistose slate of the 
Silurian formation, and they lie with so gentle a dip that their magni- 
tudes vary greatly with a slight change in the height of the water. On 
August 27, 1887, when, according to the reports of the nearest residents, 
the water was one foot above the average summer level, the unsub- 
merged portion of the central rock then surrounded by water was an 
irregular oval, the dimensions of which were 47 by 60 feet. The high- 
est points of the Fairy rocks at that date were no more than three and 
few were inore than two feet above the surface of the water. The in- 
clination near the surface is so small that a falling of the water of one 
foot would double the extent of that part of the sm-face which, by its 
smoothness and softness, is adapted to engTaving. The inclination at 
Piels i)oint is steeper, but still allows a great variation of exposed 
surface in the manner mentioned. 

Mr. Creed first visited the Fairy rocks in July, 1881. His attention 
was directed exclusively to the northernmost rock, which was then more 
exposed than it was in September, 1887, and much of the inscribed 
portion seen by him in 1881 was under water in 1887. The submerged 
parts of the rocks adjoining those exposed are covered with incisions. 
IMany inscriptions were seen in 1881 by Mr. Creed through the water, 
and others became visible through a water glass in 1887. His recollec- 
tion of the inscribed dates seen in 1881 is that some with French names 
attached were of years near 1700, and that the worn appearance of the 
figures and names corresponded with the lapse of time indicated by 


those dates. A number of markings were noticed by him which are 
not found in the parts now exposed, and were evidently more ancient 
than most of the engravings on the latter. From other sources of in- 
formation it is evident tliat either from a permanent rise in the water 
of the lake or from the sinking of the rocks, they formerly showed, 
within the period of the recollection of people now living, a much 
larger exposed surface than of late years, and that the parts long since 
permanently submerged were covered with engravings. The inference 
is that those engravings were made before Europeans had visited the 

It is to be specially remarked that the exposed surfaces where the 
rocks were especially smooth were comi^letely marked over, no space 
of 3 inches square being unmarked, and over nearly all of those choice 
parts there were two, and in many cases three, sets of markings, above 
one another, recognizable by their dift'ering distinctness. It also 
seemed that the second or third marking was upon plane surfaces where 
the earlier markings had been nearly obliterated by time. With i)ains 
and skill the earlier markings can be traced, and these are the outlines 
which from intrinsic evidence are Indian, whereas the later and more 
sharj)ely marked outlines are obviously made by civilized men or boys, 
the latest being mere initials or full names of persons, witli dates at- 
tached. Warning must be given that the ancient markings, which 
doubtless were made by the IMicmacs, will probably not only escape 
the attention of the casual visitor, but even that an intelligent expert 
observer who travels to the scene witli some information on the subject, 
and for the express purpose of tinding the incisions, may fail to see 
anything but names, ships, houses, and similar figures of obviously 
modern design. This actually occurred within the week when tlie pres- 
ent writer was taking copies of the drawings by a mode of printing 
which. left no room for fancy or deception. Indeed, frequently the 
marks were not distinctly apparent until after they had been examined 
in the printed copies. 

The mode in which the copies were taken was by running over and 
through their outlines a blue aniline pencil, and tlien pressing a wetted 
sheet of ordinary printing pajjer upon them, so that the impression was 
actually taken by the process of printing. During the two field sea- 
sons mentioned, with the aid of Mr. Creed, three hundred and fifty 
dift'erent engravings and groups of engravings were thus printed. 
Some of these prints were of large dimensions, and included from ten 
tt> fifty separate characters and designs. 

On the parts exposed in 1887 there were dates from 1800 to the cur- 
rent year, the number for the last year being much the greatest, which 
was explained by the fact that tlie wonderfully beautiful lake had been 
selected for a Sunday-school excursion. Over the greater part of the 
surface visible in 1887 there were few levels specially favorable for mark- 
ing, and when these were found the double or treble use was in some 
instances noticed. 



After the writer had inspected the rocks and discovered their charac- 
teristics, and learned how to distinguish and copy their markings, it 
seemed that, with the exception of a few designs recently dug or chipped 
out by lumbermen or visitors, almost always initials, the only interest- 
ing or ancient portions were scratchings which could l)e made on the 
soft slate by any sharp instrument. The faces of the rocks were im- 
mense soft and polished drawing-slates, presenting to any person who 
had ever drawn or written before an irresistible tcm])tation to draw or 

Fig. 1. — Palimpsest on Fairy rocks, Nuva Scotia. 

write. The writer, happening to have with him an Indian stone arrow 
which had been picked up in the neighborhood, used its point upon the 
surface, and it would make as good scratches as any found upon the 
rocks except the very latest, which were obviously cut by the whites 
with metal knives. 

As is above suggested, the peculiar multiplication of the characters 
upon the most attractive of the slates affords evidence as to their 
relative antiquity superior to that generally found in petroglyi)hs. 


The existence of two or three different sets of markings, all visi- 
ble and of different degrees of obliteration or distinctness, is in itself 
important ; but, in addition to that, it is frequently the case that the 
second and third in the order of time have associated with them dates 
from which the relative antiquity of the faintest, the dateless, can be 

Fig. 2.— Palimpsest on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia. 

to some extent estimated. Dates of the third and most recent class 
are attached to English names and are associated with the forms of Eng- 
lish letters; those of the second class accompany French names, and in 
some cases have French designs. Figs. 1 and 2, about one-fourth orig- 
inal size, are presented to give an idea of these peculiar palimpsests. 


For examples of other copies printed from the rocks at Kejimkoojik 
lake, see Figs. 519, 550, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658, 717, 718, 739, 740, 741, 
1254, 1255, and 1262. These offer intrinsic evidence of the Micmac 
origin of the early class of engravings. 

The presence of French names and styles of art in the drawings is 
explained by a story which was communicated by Louis Labrador, 
whose great-grandfather, old Ledore, according to his account, guided 
a body of French Acadians who, at the time of the expulsion, were not 
shipped oft' with the majority. They esca])ed the English in 1756 and 
traveled from the valley of Annapolis to Shelbourne, at the extreme 
southeast of the i^eninsnla. During that passage they halted for a 
considerable time to recruit in the beautiful valley along the Kejim- 
koojik lake, on the very ground where these markings appear, which 
also was on the ancient Indian trail. Another local tradition, told by 
a resident of the neighborhood, gives a still earlier date for the French 
work. He says that after the capture of Port Royal, now Annapolis, 
in 1710, a i>arty of the defeated Frenchmen, with a number of Indians 
as guides, went with their cattle to the wide meadows upon Kejimkoojik 
lake and remained there for a long time. It is exceedingly i)robable 
that the French would have been attracted to scratch on this fascinat- 
ing smooth slate surface whether they had observed previous markings 
or not, but it seems evident that they did scratch over such previous 
markings. The latter, at least, antedated the beginning of the eight- 
eenth century. 

A general remark may be made regarding the Kejimkoojik drawings, 
that the aboriginal art displayed in them did not difter in any impor- 
tant degree from that shown in other drawings of the Micmacs and the 
Abnaki in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. Also that the 
rocks there reveal pictographic tendencies and practices which sug- 
gest explanations of similar work in other regions where less evidence 
remains of intent and significance. The attractive material of the 
slates and their convenient situation tempted past generations of In- 
dians to record upon them the images of their current thoughts and 
daily actions. Hence the pictographic practice went into operation 
at this locality with unusual vigor and continuity. Although at Ke- 
jimkoojik lake there is an exceptional facility for determining the rela- 
tive dates of the several horizons of scratchings, the suggestion there 
evoked may help to ascertain similar data elsewhere. 


Mr Charles Hallock kindly communicates information concerning 
pictographs on Nipigon bay, which is a large lake in the province of On- 
tario, 30 miles northwest of Lake Superior, with which it is connected 
by isipigon river. He says: 

The pictographs, which are priucipally of men and animals, occnpy a zone some 60 
feet long and 5 feet broad, about midway of the face of the rock; they are painted 
in blood-red characters, ranch darker than the color of the cliff itself. 


He also, later, incloses a letter received by himself from Mr. Newton 
Flanagan, of the Hudson Bay Company, an extract from which is as 
follows : 

About the dimensions of the red rock in Nipigon bay, upon which appear the In- 
dian painted pictures, us near as I can give you at present, the face of the rock 
fronting the water is about 60 feet, rising to a greater heiglit as it runs inland. The 
width along the water is Komethiug like 900 yards, depth quite a distance inland. 
The pictures are from 10 to 15 or perhaps 20 feet above the water; the pictures are 
representations of liumau figures, Indians in canoes, and of wild animals. They are 
supposed to have been j)ainted agi'S ago, by what process or for what reason I am 
unable to tell yon, nor do I know how the paint is made indelible. 

As far as I can gather, the Indians here have no traditions in regard to those 
paintings, which I understand occur in several ])laces throughout the country, and 
none of the Indians hereabouts nowadays practice any such painting. 


Mr. Hallock also furnishes iuforinatiou regarding a petroglyph, the 
locality of which he gives as follows: Roche Percee, on the Souris 
river, in Manitoba, near the international boundary, 270 miles west of 
Dufierin, and nearly due north from Bismarck. This is an isolated 
rock in the middle of a plain, covered with pictographs of memorable 
events. It stands back from the river a half mile. 

Mr. A. 0. Lawson (a) gives an illustrated account of petroglyjths on the 
large peninsula extending into the Lake of the Woods and on an island 
adjacent to it. Strictly speaking this peninsula is in the district of 
Keewatin, but it is very near the boundary line of ^Manitoba, to which 
it is attached for administrative puij)oses. Tlie account is condensed 
as follows : 

(In the north side of this peninsula, i. e., ou the south shore of the northern half 
of the lake, about midway between the east and west shores, occurs one of the two 
sets of hieroglyphic markings. Lying off shore at a distance of a quarter to a half 
a mile, and making with it a long sheltered channel, is a chain of islands, trending 
east and west. Ou the south side of one of the se islands, less than a mile to the west 
of the (irst locality, is to be seen the other set of inscriptions. The first set occurs 
on the top of a low, glaciated, projecting point of rock, which presents the char- 
acters of an ordinary roche moutonn^e. The rock is a very soft, foliated, green, 
chloritic schist, into which the characters are more or less deeply carved. The top 
of the rounded point is only a few feet above the high- water mark of the lake, whose 
waters rise and fall in different seasons through a range often feet. The antiquity 
of the inscriptions is at once forced upon the observer upon a careful comparison of 
their weathering with that of the glacial grooves and stria', which are very dis- 
tinctly seen upon the same rock surface. Both the ice grooves and carved inscrip- 
tions are, so far as the eye can judge, identical in extent of weiithering, though 
there was doubtless a considerable lapse of time between the dis.appearanee of the 
glaciers and the date of the carving. 

The island on which were found the other inscriptions is one of the many steep 
rocky islands known among the Indians as Ka-ka-ki-wa-bic min-nis, or Crow-rock 
island. The rock is a hard greenstone, not easily cut, and the inscriptions are not 
cut into the rock, but are painted with ochre, which is much faded in places. The 
surface upon which the characters are inscribed forms an overhanging wall pro- 
tected from the rain, part of which has fallen down. 


The ludians nf the present day have no traditions about these inscriptions 
beyond the supposition that they must have been made by the " old people" long ago. 

The sketches published as co])ies of these glyphs show spirals, 
concentric circles, crosses, horseshoe forms, arrow .shapes, and other 
characters similar to those found on rocks in the southwestern part of 
the United States, and also to petroglyphs in Brazil, examples from 
both of which regions are presented in tliis work, under their appro- 
priate headings. 


Dr. Franz Boas {a) published an account of a petroglyph on Van- 
couver island (now presented as Fig. 3) which, slightly conden.sed, is 
translated as follows: 

Fig. 3. — Petroglyph on Vancouver i^«laud. 

The accompanying i-ock picture is found on the eastern shore of 
Sproat lake, near its southern outlet. Sproat lake lies about 10 kilom- 
eters north of the upper end of the Alberni iiord, which cuts deep 
into the interior of Vancouver island. In former times this region was 
the territory of the Hopetschisath, a tribe of the Nootka or Aht, who 
even now have a village some miles below the lake, at the entrance of 
Stamp river into the main river. That tribe, according to the state- 
ment of some of its older members, was a branch of the Kowitchin, who 
occupy the east side of Vancouver island, some kilometers northeast 
of the upper end of Alberni fiord. At that time the Ts'eschaath, 
another tribe of the Nootka, are said to have ascended the fiord and 
mixed with the Hopetschisath. The present inhabitants of the region 
know nothing concerning the origin of the rock picture. According to 
their legend, the rock on which it is carved was once the house of 
Kwotiath. Kwotiath is the wandering divinity in Nootka mythology, 
and correspond.s approximately to the raven of tlie Tlinkit and Haida, 
the Qiils of the Kowitchin. The pictiue is found on a perpendicular 
rock wall about 7 meters high, which drops directly into the lake, so 
that it was necessary to make the copy while standing in the water. 
The rock is traversed in the middle by a broad cleft, narrowing below, 
from which blocks have fallen out which bore part of the drawing. To 
the north and south of the rock wall the shore rises gently, but rocky 
portions are found everywhere. The lines of the drawing are flat 


grooves, about two or three tiugers' breadth, and in many phices are 
so weathered as to be hardly recognizable. They have been scraped 
into the rock probably by the points of sticks rubbing moist sand 
against it. No marks of blows of any kind are found. The figures are 
here given in the same relative position in which they are found on the 
rock, except that the upper one on the right hand is at a distance from 
all the others, at the southern end of the rock. The objects represented 
are evidently fishes or marine monsters. The middle figure to the left 
of the cleft may be a manned boat, the fore part of which is probably 

Dr. Boas says that the copy as found in the Yerhandlungen is incor- 
rect. The design on the right hand is reversed and is now corrected. 

Mr. G. M. Sproat («) mentions this petroglyph : 

It is rudely done and apparently not of au old date. There ai'c half a dozen figures 
intended to represent fishes or birds — no one can say whicli. The natives affirm that 
Qnawteaht made them. In their general character these figures correspond to the 
rude paintings sometimes seen on wooden hoards among the Ahts, or on the seal- 
skin hnoys that are attached to the whale and halibut harpoons and lances. The 
meaning of these figures is not understood by the people; and I dare say if the 
truth were known, they are nothing but feeble attempts on the part of individual 
artists to imitate some visible objects which they had strongly in their minds. 


Drawings or paintings on rocks are distributed generally over the 
greater part of the territorj^ of the United States. 

They are found on bowlders formed by the sea waves or polished by 
ice of glacial epochs; on the faces of rock ledges adjoining lakes and 
streams; on the high walls of canyons and cliffs; on the sides and roofs 
of caves; in short, wherever smooth surfaces of rock appear. Yet, 
while they are so frequent, there are localities to be distinguished in 
which they are especially abundant and noticeable. They difler mark- 
edly in character of execution and apparent subject-matter. 

An obvious division can be made between the glyphs bearing char- 
acters carved or pecked and those painted without incision. There is 
also a third, though small, class in which the characters are both incised 
and painted. This division seems to coincide to a certain extent 
with geographic areas and is not fully explained by the influence of 
materials; it may, therefore, have some relation to the idiosyncrasy or 
development of the several authors, and consequently to tribal habitat 
and migrations. 

In examining a chart of the United States in use by the Bureau of 
pjthnology, upon which the distribution of the several varieties of 
petroglyphs is marked, two facts are noticeable: First, the pecked and 
incised characters are more numerous in the northern and those ex- 
pressed in colors more numerous in the southern areas Second, there 


are two general groupings, distinguished by typical styles, one in the 
north Atlantic states and the other in the south Pacific states. 

The north Atlantic group is in the priscan habitat of the tribes of the 
Algonquian linguistic family, and extends from If ova Scotia southward 
to Pennsylvania, where the sculpturings are frequent, especially on the 
Susquehanna, Monougahela, and Alleghany rivers, and across Ohio from 
Lake Erie to the Kanawha river, in West Virginia. Isolated localities 
bearing the same type are found westward on the Mississippi river 
and a few of its western tributaries, to and inclnding the Wind river 
mountains, in Wyoming, the former habitat of the Blackfeet Indians. 
All of these petroglyphs present typical characters, sometimes iinde- 
fiued and complicated. From their presumed authors, they have been 
termed the Algonquian type. Upon close study and comparison they 
show many features in common which are absent in extra-limital areas. 

Immediately south of the Kanawha river, in West Virginia, and ex- 
tending southward into Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina, the 
pecked or sculptured petroglyphs are replaced by painted figures of a 
style differing from the Algonquian. These are in the area usually de- 
signated as Cherokee territory, but there is no evidence that they are 
the work of that tribe; indeed, there is no indication of their author- 
ship. The absence of pecked characters in this area is certainly not 
due to an absence of convenient material upon which to record them 
as the country is as well adapted to the mode of incision as is the 
northern Atlantic-area. 

Upon the Pacific slope a few pecked as well as colored petroglyphs 
occur scattered irregularly throughout the extreme northern area west 
of the Sierra Nevada, but on the eastern side of that range of moun- 
tains petroglyphs appear in Idaho, which have analogues extending 
south to New Mexico and Arizona, with remarkable groups at intervals 
between these extremes. All of these show sutticient similarity of form 
to be considered as belonging to a tyi)e which is here designated 
"Shoshonean." Tribes of that linguistic family still occupy, and for a 
long time have occupied, that territory. Most of this Shoshonean group 
consists of pecked or incised characters, though in' the southern area 
unsculptured paintings predominate. 

On the western side of the Sierra Nevada, from Visalia southward, 
at Tulare agency, and thence westward and southward along the Santa 
Barbara coast, are other groups of colored petroglyphs showing typical 
features resembling the Shoshonean. This resemblance maybe merely 
accidental, but it is well known that there was intercourse between the. 
tribes on the two sides of the Sierra Nevada, and the Shoshonean fam- 
ily is also represented on the Pacific slope south of the mountain range 
extending from San Bernardino west to Point Conception. In this man- 
ner the artistic delineation of the Santa Barbara tribes may have been 
influenced by contact with others. 

Petroglyphs have seldom been found in the central area of the United 




States. In tbe wooded region of the Great lakes characters have been 
depicted upon birch barlv fur at least a century, while in the area be- 
tween the Mississippi river and the Eocky mountains the skins of buf- 
falo and deer have been used. Large rocks and clift's tavorably situated 
are not common in that country, which to a great extent is prairie. 

In the general area of these typical groups characters are frequently 
found which appear intrusive, i. e., they have a strong resemblance 
not only to those found in other American groups, but are nearly iden- 
tical with characters in other parts of the world. This fact, clearly 
established, prevents the adoption of any theory as to the authorship 
of many of the petroglyphs and thwarts attempts to ascertain their 


Ensign Albert I'. Niblack, U. S. Navy, (a) gives a brief account, with 
sketches, reproduced here as Fig. i, of petroglyphs in Alaska, which 
were taken from rocks from the ancient village of Stikine, near Fort 
Wrangell. Others were found on rocks just above high-water mark 
around the sites of ruined and abandoned villages. 

Fig. 4. — I'ltro^lyiihs in Alaska. 

In the upper character the Alaskan typical style of hiuuan faces is 
noticeable. The lower gives a representation of the orca or whale 
killer, which the Haida believe to be a demon called Skana, about 
which there are many mythic tales ]\Ir. Niblack remarks: 

In their paintings tlie favorite color.s used are black, light green, ami dark nil. 
Whether produced in painting, tattooing, or relief carving, the designs are some- 
what conventional. However nide the outline, there are for some animals certain 
conventional signs that clearly indieati' to the initiated what figure is meant. With 
the brown it is the protrudiug tongue: with tlie beaver and wolf it is the char- 
acter of the teeth; with the orca, the tin; with the raven, tlie sh.arp beak : witii the. 
eagle, the curved beak, etc. 



Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, gives the follow- 
ing iuformatioii coiicei'uingpetroglyphs observed by him in the vicinity 
of San Francisco mountain, Arizoua: 

The loealitirs of flic skctclies ^'igs. .^, 6, .tikI 7 uic aliout 35 miles east ami south- 

FlCi. 5. — Petroglypli iti Arizona. 

east of San Francisco mountain, the material being a red sandstone, which stands 
in low biittes ujion the plain. About these arc mealing stones, fragments of pottery 
and chipped flints, giving evidence of the residence of sedentary Indians. So many 
localities of petroglyjihs were seen that I regard it as probable that a large number 

Fig. 6. — Petroglyph in Arizoua. 

could be found by search. The drawings in evc^ry case but one were produced by 
blows upon the surface of the rocks, breaking through the film of rock discolored by 
weathering so as to reveal (originally) the color of the interior of the rock. The 



single excei)tiou is the tirst pattern in Fig. (i, similar to the patterns on pottery and 
lilaukets. jiroclueed l>y painting with a white pigment on red rock. The original 
arrangement of the drawings upon the rock was not as a rule preserved, but they 
have apjiroximately the original arrangement. I neglected to record the scale of 
the drawings, but the several jjictures are drawn on ap])rosimately the same scale. 

All of figures partake of the general type designated as the 
Slioshonean, and it is notable that close repetitions of some of the char- 
acters appear in petroglyphs in Tnlare valley and Owens valley, Cali- 
fornia, which are described and illustrated in this section. 

The object resembling a centipede, in Fig. 6, is a common form in 
various localities in Santa Barbara county, California, as will be ob- 
served by comparing the illustrations given in counection with that lo- 
cality. In other of the Arizona and New Mexican petroglj'phs similar 
outlines are sometimes engraved to signifv the maize stalk. 

Fm. 7. — Petroglyph in .\riziniit. 

Mr. Paul Holman, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports that eight 
miles below I'owers butte, on a mesa bordering on the Gila river and 
rising abruptly to the height of 150 feet, are pictographs covering the 
entire vertical face. Also on the summit of a spur of Oatman motmtain, 
200 yards from the Gila and 300 feet above it, are numbers of picto- 
graphs. Many of them are almost obliterated where they are on ex- 
posed surfaces. 

Lieut. Col. Emory («) reports that on a table-land near the Gila 
bend is a mound of granite bowlders, blackened by augite and covered 
with unknown characters, the work of human hands. On the ground 
near by were also traces of some of the figures, showing that some 
of the pictographs, at least, were the work of modern Indians. Others 
were of undoubted antiquity. He also reports in the same volume {b) 
that characters upon rocks of questionable antiquity occur on the Gila 
river at 32° 38' 13" N. lat. and 190° 7' .30" long. According to the 
plate, the figures are found upon bowlders and on the face of the cliff 
to the height of 30 feet. 
10 ETH 4 


Lieut. Whijiple {<i) remarks iiiwii petroglyplis at Yampais sprinj;, 
Williams river, as follows: 

The spot is a secluded glen among tUe niountaius. A high shelving roek forms a 
cave, within whieh is a j)Ool of water and a crystal stream flowing from it. The 
lower surface of the rock is covered with pictographs. None of the devices seera 
to be of reeeut tlate. 

Many of the country rocks lying on the Colorado plateau of nort liiru 
Arizona, east of Peach springs, bear petroglyphs of considerable artistic 
workmanship. Some figures, observed by Ur, W. J. Hoti'man iu 1872, 
were rather elaborate and represented the sun, human beings in vari- 
ous styles a])i)roaching the grotesque, and other characters not undei-- 
stood. All of those observed weie made by pecking the surface of ba- 
salt with a harder variety of stone. 

Mr. Gilbert also obtained sketches of etchings iu November, 1878, on 
Partridge cieek, northern Arizona, at the point where the Beale wagon 
road comes to it from the east. He says : " The rock is cross-laminated 
Aubrey sandstone and the surfaces used are faces of the laminae. All 

Fig. 8. — tVtrogiyph in Arizona. 

the work is done by blows with a sharp point. (Obsidian is abundant 
in the vicinity.) Some inscriptions are so fresh as to indicate that the 
locality is still resorted to. No Indians live in the immediate vicinity, 
but the region is a hunting ground of the Wallapais and Avasujjais 

Notwithstanding the occasional visits of the above named tribes, 
the characters submitted more nearly resemble those of other localities 
known to have been made by the Moki Pueblos. 

Rock drawings are of frequent occurrence along the entire extent of 
the valley of the Rio Verde, from a short distance below Camp Verde 
to the Gila river. 

Mr. Thomas V. Keam reports drawings on the rocks in Canyon Segy, 
and in Ream's canyon, northeastern A rizoua. Some forms occurring at 
the latter locality are found also upon Moki pottery. 




Petroglyphs are reported by Lieut. Theodore Mosher, Twenty-second 
Infantry, U. S. Army, to have been discovered by Lieut. Casey's party 
in December, 1887, on the Chiulee (or Chilali) creek, 30 or 40 miles 
fi-om its confluence with San Juan river, Arizona. A photograph 
made by the oflicer in charge of the party shows the characters to have 
been outlined by. peclcing, the designs resembling the Shoshonean type 
of pictographs, and those in Owens valley, California, a description of 
which is given below. 

A ligure, consisting of two concentric circles with a straight line 
running out from the larger circle, occurs, among other carvings, on 
one of the many sculptured bowlders Seen by Mr. J. R. Bartlett («) in 
the valley of the Gila river in Arizona. His representation of this 
bowlder is here copied as Fig. 8. His language is as follows : 

I found hundreds of these bowhlers covered with rude figures of men, animals, and 
other objects of grotesque forms, all pecked in with a sharp instrument. Many of 
them, however, were so much defaced by long exposure to the weather and by subse- 
i|uent markings, that it was impossible to make them out. Among these rocks I found 

Fig. 0. — Petroglyph in .Shinuiuo canyon. Arizona. 

several which contained sculptures on the lower side, in such a position that it would 
be impossible to cut them where they then lay. Some weighed many tons each 
and would have required immens.' labor to place them there, aud that, too, without 
au apparent object. The natural inference was that they had fallen down from the 
summit of the mountain after the sculptures were made on them. A few only 
seemed recent; the others bore the marks of great antiquity. 

In the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology is an album or sketch 
book, which contains many drawings made by Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh 
from which the following sketches of petroglyphs in Arizona are selected, 
together with the brief references attached to each sheet. 

Fig. 9 is a copy of characters appearing in Shiuumo canyon, Arizona. 
They are painted, the middle and right hand figures being red, the 
human form- having a white mark upon the abdomen; the left-hand 
figure of a man is painted yellow, the two plumes being red. 

The petroglyphs in Fig. 10 are rather indistinct and were copied from 
the vertical wall of Mound canyon. The most conspicuous forms 
appear to be serpents. 




In the foothills of California, wherever overhanging and rain-pro tecteci 
rocks occur, they are covered with paintings of various kinds made by 
Indians. Those on Rocky hill, some 15 miles east of Visalia, ara espe- 
cially interesting. The sheltered rocks are here covered with images of 
men, animals, and various inanimate objects, as well as' curious figures. 
The paint used is red, black, and white, and wherever protected it has 
stood the ravages of time remarkably well. In many places the paint- 
ings are as vivid as the day they were laid on. Deer, antelope, coyotes, 
birds, and turtles are figured quite frequently, pad may indicate either 
names of chiefs or tribes, or animals slain in the hunt. Here are also 
circles, sjiirals, crowns or bars, etc., signs the meaning of wliicli is yet 

Fir., in,— Petrogljph in Mound rauyuii. Arizoiui. 

Mr. H. W. Turner, in a letter dated June 3, 1891, furnishes sketches 
(Fig. 11) from this locality, and a description of them as follows: 

I send herewith ;i voujjh sheet of drawiags of tigures on tlif sheltered face of a 
huge granite cropping in Tulare county, California. One-half of the cropping had 
split oft', leaving a nearly plane surface, on -vThich the iigures were drawn in red, 
white, and hlack ])ignient8. The locality is known as Rocky point. They are now 
quarrying granite at the place. It lies ahout 12 miles nearly due east of Visalia, in 
the first foothills and south of Yokall creek. The figures ap|)ear to have been drawn 
many years ago, and numbers of them are now indistinct. 

During the summer of 1882 Dr. Hottman visited the Tule river agency, 
California, where he found a large rock painting, of which Fig. 083, 
infra, is a copy made by him. His description of it is as follows: 

''The agency is upon the western side of the Sierra Nevada, in the 
headwater canyons of the branches of the south fork of Tule river. The 




coiautry is at present occupied by several tribes of the Mariposan 
linguistic stock, and tbe only answer made to inquiries respecting- tbe 
age or origin of the painting was that it was found there when the an- 
cestors of the present tribes arrived. The local migrations of the vari- 
ous Indian tribes of this part of California are not yet known with suffi- 
cient certainty to determine to whom the records may be credited, but 
all appearances with respect to the weathering and disintegration of the 
rock upon which the recoi'd is engraved, the appearance of the coloring 





Fig. II. — Petroglyphs near Vi.salia, C.ilifornia. 

matter subsequently applied, and the condition of the small depressions 
made at the time for mixing the pigments with a viscous substance, in- 
dicate that the work was performed about a century ago. 

"The Indians now at Tule river have occupied that part of the state 
for at least one hundred years, and the oldest now living state that the 
records were found by their ancestors, though whether more than two 
generations ago could not be ascertained. 



"The drawings were outliued bypeckiug with a piece of quartz or other 
siliceous rock, the depth varying from a mere visible depression to a 
third of au inch. Having thus satisfactorily depicted the several ideas, 
colors were applied which appear to have penetrated the slight inter- 
stices between the crystalline particles of the rock, which had been 
bruised and slightly fractured by hammering with a piece of stone. It 
appears probable, too, that to insure better results the hammering was 
repeated after application of the colors. 

"Upon a small bowlder, under the natural archway formed by the 
breaking of the large rock, small depressions were found which had 
been used as mortars for grinding and mixing the colors. These de- 
pressions average 2 inches in diameter and about 1 inch in depth. 




( 1 

Tig. 12. — Petroglyph at Tale river, Califoruia. 

Traces of color still remain, mixed with a thin layer of a shining sub 
stance resembling a coating of varnish and of flinty hardness. This 
coating is so thin that it can not be removed with a steel instrument, 
and appears to have become a part of the rock itself. 

" From the animals depicted upon the ceiling it seems that both beaver 
and deer were found in the country, and as the beaver tail and the hoofs 
of deer and antelope are boiled to procure glue, it is probable that the 
tribe which made these pictographs was as far advanced in respect to 
the making of glue and preparing of paints as most other tribes through 
out the United States. 

" Examination shows that the dull red color is red ocher, found in vai i- 




oiiis i»laces in the valley, while the yellow was an ocheroiis clay, also 
fouuil there. The white color was probably obtained there, and is evi- 
dently earthy, though of what natnre can only be surmised, not sntti- 
cieut being obtainable from the rock picture to make satisfactory analy 
sis with the blow-pipe. The composition of the black is not known, 
unless it was made by mixing clay and powdered charcoal. The latter 
is a preparation common at this day among other tribes. 

''An immense granite bowlder, about 20 feet in thickness and .'K) in 
length, is so broken that a lower quarter is removed, leaving a large 

Fig, n. — Vetro;ily|)h iU Ttile river. CHUfnriiia. 

square ])assageway through its entire diameter almost northwest and 
southeast. TJpou the western wall of this ])assageway is a collection of 
the colored sketches of which Fig. 083 is a reduced copy. The entire 
face of the rock upon which the pictograph occurs measures about lU 
or 15 feet in width and S in height. The largest human figure measures 
6 feet in height, from the end of the toes to the top of the head, the 
Others being in proportion as represented. 

"Upon the ceiling are a number of well executed drawings of the 
beaver, bear, centipede (Fig. 12), and bald eagle (Fig. 1.3). Many of 
the other forms indicated appear to represent some variety of insects, 
several of which are drawn with exaggerated antennse, as in Fig. 14, 
It is curious to note the gradual blending of forms, as, for instance, 
that of the bear with those resembling the human figure, often found 
among the Shoshonean types in Arizona and New Mexico, some of 
which are described and figured infra. 

"Fig. 1.5 embraces a numlier of characters on the ceiling. The left 
hand upper figure is in black, with a narrow line of red surrounding it. 
The drawing is executed neatly and measures about IS inches in length. 



The remaining characters are in dull red, probably oclicr, tliougli tlie 
two on the left hand, beneath the one just mentioned, are more yel- 

"The lirst three forms in Fig. 10 are copies of human-like figures 
painted on the ceiling. They are each about 12 inches in length. The 
other form in Fig. 16 is white and is on the southern vertical wall of the 
passageway facing the north. It resembles some of the human forms 
occurring elsewhere in the same series of petroglyphs." 

Fig, 14. — Petro;^lyph at Tnle river, (-/'alitbmlii. 


In the range of mountains forming the northwestern boundary of 
Owens valley are extensive groups of petroglyphs, apparently dissim- 
ilar to those found west of the Sierra Nevada. Dr. Hoffman, of 
the Hiu'eau of Ethnology, hastily examined them in 1871 and mure 
thoroughly in the autumn of 1S84. They are now represented in Pis. i 
to XI. So large a space is given to these illustrations because of their 
intrinsic interest, and also because it is desirable to show for one 
locality what is true of some others, viz, the very large number of petro- 
glyi)hs still to be found in groups and series. Even with the present 
illustrations, the petroglyphs in Owens valley are l)y no means exhaust- 
ively shown. 

Dr. Hoffman's report is as follows: 










(%) @ 




/, 'U\\\ 













/ . ) 

^ E 









One of the most iinportaiit sciii's of fjroiips is that in the northern portion of 
Owens valley, Ijetweeu the White mountains on the east and the Benton range on 
the west. On the western slope of the latter, at Watterson's ranch, is a detached 
low butte or mesa, upon the blackened basaltic bowlders and cliifs of which are 

Fm. 15. — Petroylyph :it Tuli^ riv».T, Calii'uriiia. 


Duujerous deeply cut characters, the most interesting of which are reproduced in 
Pis. 1 and II. The illustrations are, approximately, one-twelfth real size. The de- 
signs of footprints, in the lower left-hand corner of PI. i, vary iu depth trom half an 
inch to l.J inches. They appear to have lieen pecked anil finally worked down to 

Fig. 16. — Petrogly])!! at Tule river, Califiirnia. 

a uniform and smooth surface by rubbing, as if with a piece of stone or with wood 
and sand. 

In almost all, if not all, instances throughout the entire series referred to in thi.s 
description the sculptured surfaces have assumed the same shining blackened luster 
as the original and undisturbed surface of the bowlder, caused by gradual oxidation 
of the iron present. This would seem to indicate considerable antiquity of the 


On tho northeast angle iit' the mesa referred to were found the remains of an old 
camp, over whieh were scattered large qnantities of arrowheads, knives, and tlakes 
of obsidian. This in itself would be iusij^nificaut, but the fact that many of the 
specimens of this material have been lying exposed to the.elements until the upper 
surface has undergone change in color, so as to become bleached and friable, in some 
instances to the depth of from one-tenth to one-fourth of an inch, warrants the infer- 
ence that the relics may have been made by the same people who made the petro- 
glyphs, as the worked relics generally differ from those of the present Indians by 
being larger and less elaborately tiuishea. 

At till' lower end of the sontiieastern slope of the mesa are a number of Hat rocks 
bearing mortar holes, whicla have no doubt been used in grinding grass seed and 
other grains. 

In general typo these petroglyphs correspond very closely to those of other areas, 
in which the so-called .Shoshonian types occur, the most common, apart from those 
presented in Pis. I and ii, consisting of concentric circles, rings, footprints of the 
bear and of man, and various outlines of the human form, beside numerous unintelli- 
gible forms. 

Southeastward of this locality there is a low divide leading across the Benton 
range into tlu^ broad, arid, sloping sand desert of Oweus valley jiroper, but it is not 
until a point 12 miles south of Benton, along the line of the old stage road, is reached 
that petroglyphs of any consequence are met with. From this point southward, for 
a distance of'6 miles, large exposures and Ijowlders of basalt are scattered, upon 
which are great numbers of petroglyphs, pecked into the rock to depths of from hiilf 
an inch to li inches, and representing circles, footprints, human forms, etc. 

The lirst series of illustrations, .selected from numerous closely-connected bowlders, 
are here presented on Pis. iii to vii. The designs marked ii on PI. Ill resemble ser- 
pents, while that at <l is obviously sucii. This device is on the horizontal surface, 
and is pecked to the depth of about 1 inch. The scale of the drawing is one thir- 
tieth of the original petroglyph. The characters indicating the human form ine, ^, 
and /( resemble the ordinary Shoshonian type, and are like those from various locali- 
ties in Arizona and southern Utah and Colorado. 

The ujiper characters in A on PI. IV represent the trail of a grizzly bear — as indi- 
cated by th.^ immense claws — followed by a human footprint. The original scnlp- 
turings are clearly cut, the toes of the man's foot being cn])-like, as if drilled with a 
Vilunt piece of wood and sanil. The tracks average 15 inches in length .and vary in 
depth from half an inch to more than an inch. The course of direction of the tracks, 
which are cut upon a horizontal surface, is from north-northeast to south-southwest. 

In F is the semblance of an apparently two-headed snake, as also in a on PI. vii. It 
is possible that this was pecked into the rock to record the finding of such an anom- 
aly. The occurrence of double-headed serpents is not unique, five or six instances 
having been recorded, one of which is from C.ilifornia, anil .a specimen may be seen 
in the collection of the U. S. JIuseuni. 

lu PI. V, c, e, g are characters resembling some from the Canary islands [see Figs, 
144 and 145], as well as many of the cupstones and dumb-bell forms from Scotland 
[see Figs. 149 and 1.50]. 

An interesting specimen is presented m d, on PI. vi, resembling the Ojibwa thunder 
bird, as well as etchings of Innuit workmanshij) to denote man [as shown in Fig. 
1159]. The figures presented in PI. Ill are the northernmost of the series, of which 
those on PI. vii form the southernmost examples, the distance between these two 
points being about 2 miles. 

For the space of 4 miles southward there are a few scattered petroglyphs, to which 
reference will be made below, and the greatest number oi' characters are not found 
until the southernmost extremity of the entire series is reached. These are over the 
surface of innuense bowlders lying on the east side of the road where it passes 
through a little valley known locally as the Chalk grade, probably on account of 






r -K 



10] K/^ 














the whiteueil appearauti; of the sand and of some of the embankments. A general 
view of the faces of the bowlders upon which the chief scnlpturings occtir is pre- 
sented in Fig. 17. Thepetroglyphs are represented in Pis. Vlii to ix. 

The fignres presented in PI. viii are, with one exception, each about one-thirtieth 
the size of the original. The animal character in e is npon the top of the largest 
bowlder shown on Fig. 17, and is pecked to the depth of from oue-fonrth to one-half 
an inch. Portions of it are much defaced through erosion by sand blown by the 
strong summer winds. The characters in g are only one-tenth of the original size, 
but of depth similar to the preceding. 

(1n PI. IX, fl is one-twentieth the size of the original, while the remaining sculp- 
tnrings are about one-tenth size. The cross in a is singnl.arly interesting because of 
the elaborateness of its execution. The surface within the circle is pecked out so 
as to have the cross stand out bold and level with the original surface. This is true 
also of /on PI. VIII. PI. ix, ft, contains some animal forms like those reported from 
New Mexico and .\rizona, and Brazil [and presented in this work], especially that 

Fro. 17.— View of t'lmlk grade ]tptrnj;lypli.'*. Owens valley. 

character to the right resembling a guauaeo eouehant, although, frimi its relation- 
ship to the figure of an antelope, in the same grou]i, it no doubt is intended to rep- 
resent one of the latter species. 

On PI. X, as-welliison others of this collection, ari' found many forms of circles with 
interior decoration, sueli as lines arranged by pairs, threes, etc., zigzag anil cross 
lines, and other .seemingly endless arrangements. They are interesting from the fact 
of the occurrence of almost identical forms in remote localities, as in the Canary 
islands and in Prazil. [These are figured and described infra.] 

It is probable that they are not meaningless, because the disj)ositiou of the Indian, 
as he is to-day, is such that no time would be spent upon such laborious work with- 
out an object, .and only motives of a religious or ceremonial nature would induce 
him to expend the time and labor necessary to accomplish such results as .are still 
presented. On PI. xi, a. .are more footprints and animal forms of the genus cerriin 
or nntelncajiru. The figures in ft and rf, having .an upright line with two crossing it at 
right angles, may signify either a lizard or man, the latter signification being prob- 
ably the true one, as similar forms are drawn in petroglyphs of a Shoshonian type. 
as in Arizona. [See snpr.a.] 

The country over which these records are scattered is arid beyond description and 
destitute of vegetation. Watterson's ranch group is more favorably located, there 
being an al)undance of springs and a stream running northw.ard toward Black lake. 



The only Indians found in this vicinity are Pai Utcs, but they arc unacquainted 
with the significance of the characters, and declare that they have no knowledge of 
the authors. 

As to the age of the seulpturings nothing can be learned. The external surface of 
all the bowlders, as well as the surface of the deepest figures, is a glistening brown- 
ish black, due, possibly, to the presence of iron. The color of a freshly broken sur- 
face becomes lighter in tint as dejith is attained, until at about one-half or three- 
fourths of au inch from the surface the rock is chocolate brown. Ho« long it 
would take the freshly Ijroken surface of this variety of rock to become tlioronghly 
oxidized and blackened it is impossible even to conjecture, taking into consideration 
the physical conditions of the region and the almost entire absence of rainfall. 

Upon following the most convenient course across the Benton range to reach 
Owen valley proper drawings are also found, though in limited numbers, ami seem 


Km. 18.— Hetrogly])hs in Deatli valley. Ciiliforniii. 

to partake of the character of indicators as to course of travel. By this trail the" 
northernmost of the several groups of drawings above mentioned is the nearest an<l 
most easily reached. 

The pictures upon the bowlders at Watterson's are somewhat ilifl'erent from those 
found elsewhere. The number of specific designs is limited, many of them being 
reproduced from two to six or seven times, thus seeming to ]),artake of the character 
of personal names. 

In a couimiiuicatiou dated Saratoga Springs, at the lower part of 
Death valley, California, February 5, 1891, Mr. B. W. Nelson says that 
about 200 yards froTii the springs, and on the side of a hill, he fouud 







several petroglyphs. He also furnished a sketch as an example of 
their general tyi>e, now presented as Fig. 18. The locality is in the 
lower end of Death valley. Mr. Nelson says: 

The spring here is iu a basin some 60 to 80 acres in extent in which are ponds 
ami tule marsh. Close hy is an extensive ancient Indian camping ground, over which 
are scattered very many "chips" made from manufacturing arrow points from 
(|uartz crystal, chert, chalcedony, flint, and other similar material. 

The figures in the akctiU inclosed are situated relatively, as to size aud I'xation, 
as they occur on the rock. The latter is cracked and slopes at ditt'eri'iit angles, liut 
the figures are all visible from a single point of view. There are several otlier 
figures in this gnuip that aie too indistinct to copy owing to age, or weather wear- 
ing. The group copied is the most extensive one seen, but mauy smaller groups aud 
single figures are to be found on the roclvs near by. 

The Shoshoni inhabit this region and a few families of .shoslioni live abiiut the 
Pauamint mountains at nresent. 

P^IG. 19.— Iliittlcsiiake rnrk. M<)t;i\t; desert, CalitbrDia. 

Dr. C. Hart Merriaiu, of the Department of Agriculture, on his return 
from tlie exploration of Death valley, kindly furnished a photograph 
of a ledge in Emigrant canyon, Pauamint mountains, which was received 
too late for insertion in this work. This is much regretted, as a large 
number of ijetroglyphs are represented iu groui)s. The characters arc 
of the Shoshonean type. Among them are "Moki goats," tridents, the 
Greek <P, many crosses, and other figures shown iu this chapter as 
found iu the same general region. 

In the Mqjave desert, about 2 miles north of Daggett station, ac- 
cording to the Mining and Scieutiflc Press (a) is a small porphyritic butte 
known as "Rattlesnake rock," ''so named by reason of the immense 
number of these reptiles that find shelter in this mass of rock." The 
accompanying Fig. 19 is a reproduction of that given in the paper 
quoted. The author states that " the implement used in making these 
characters was evidently a (lull-pointed stoue, as the lines are not 
sliarp, and the sides of the indentation show marks of striatiou." 

Lieut. Whipple reports the discovery of pictographs at Piute creek, 



about 30 miles west of the Mqjave villages. These are carved upon a 
rock, "are numerous, appear old, and are too confusedly obscured to 
be easily traceable." They bear .great general resemblance to drawings 
scattered over northeast Arizona, southern Utah, and western New 

Fic. *2n.— Pctroj^lypli near S;m Mari'os jiass. C'aliforuia. 

From information received from Mr. Alphonse Pinart, pictographic 
records exist in the hills east of San Bernardino, somewhat resembling 
those at Tule river in the southern spurs of the Sierra Nevada, Kern 










Fig. 21. — Petroiilyjthfi near San Marcos j)asi». (/aliCornia. 

Mr. Willard J. Whitney, of Elmhurst, Lackawanna county, Peunsyl 
vania, gives information regarding nearly obliterated pecked petro- 
glyphs upon two flat granite rocks, or bowlders, on the summit of a 
mountain 4 miles directly west of Escoudido, San Diego county. Call- 



fornia. The designs are not colored, and are not more than one-eighth 
or one-fourth of an inch in dei)th. There is a good lookout from the 


\ ^ 

Firt. 22. — Petroylypiis near San Marcos pass. Californui. 

eminence, but there are no indications of either trails or burials in the 

Fig. 23.— Peiroglyplis in Xajowp vallpy. California. 



This may be the locality meutioned by Mr. lianies, of San Diego, 

Vf-ho furnished information relating to petroglyi)hs in San Diego county. 

Dr. Hoffman reports the following additional localities in Santa Bar- 

F!G. 24. — IVtroglyrl"^ in Na.jnwf valley. Califnnii 

bara and Los Angeles counties. Fifteen miles west of Santa Barbara, 
on the northern summit of the Santa Tnez range, and near the San 
Marcos pass, is a group of paintings in red and black. Fig. 20 resem- 
bles a portion of a checkerboard in the arrangement of squares. 

IN XA.JOWE VALl.liV, CA1,II'( )l;NI.V. 


8t'i](eiitiiK' and /.ii^/ag lines occur, as also cur\c(l lines with scira 
tious oil the cou<;ave sides; figures of tlie sun; short liues and 8roui)s 
of short jiarallel lines, an<l fitiures representing types of insect forms 
also appear, as shown in Figs-. iJl and 1*2. 

These paintings are in a cavity near the base of an immense bowlder, 
over 20 feet in height. A short distance from this is n Hat granitic 
bowlder, containing twenty-one mortar holes, which had e\ idently been 

Fig. 25.— P<'tro>il>(»li^. N;t,it.u.- valley, f'uliloruia. 

n.sed by visiting Indians (luring the acorn sea.son. Oaks are very 
abundant, and their fruit formed one of the sources of subsistence. 

Three miles west-northwest of this locality, in the valley near the 
base of the mountain, are indistinct ligures in faded red, painted upon a 
large rock. The characters appear similar, in general, to those above 

Forty-three miles west of Santa Barbara, in the Xajcnve valley, is a. 
10 ETH 5 



l)r(>inoiit(>ry, at the baseol' wliicli is a laiye shallow cavern, the opening 
being' smallei' than the interior, upon the roof and back of which are 

Via. 2*>. — TVtrdglyphs in Najowt- valley, Calilomia. 

many designs, some of which are reproduced in Fig. 23, of forms similar 
to those observed at San Marcos pass. Several characters appear to 

Fig. 27. — Petroglyphs in Najowe valley. California. 

have been drawn at a later date than others, such as horned cattle, etc. 
The black used was a manganese compound, while the red pigments 



consist of IcrniiiiiHnis clays, abundant at numerous localities in the 
mountain canyons. 

Fir. 2h.- Petroglypha iu Xajowe valk-y- Califoriiia- 

Somc of the human fij;'ures are drawn with the liands and aims in 
the attitude of makinj;' the fjestures for surprise or astonishment, and 
negation, as in Fig. 24. 






Fig. 29.— Pt'trojilyplis in*ar Santa iJarbara. California. 

The characters in P'ig. 25 resemble forms which occur at Tulare val- 
ley, and in Owens valley, respectively, and insect forms also occur as 
in Fig. 26. 



Other designs ahouading at this locality are shown iu Figs. 27 and 28. 

One of the most extensive groupings, and probably the most elabo- 
rately drawn, is in the Carisa plain, near Mr. Oreua's ranch, 60 or 70 
miles due north of Santa Barbara. The most conspicuous figure is that 
of the sun, resembling a human face, with ornamental appendages at the 
cardinal points, and bearing striking resemblance to some Moki masks 
and pictographic work. Serpentine lines and anomalous forms also 

Four miles ncntheast of Santa Barbara, near the residence of Mr. 
Stevens, is an isolated sandstone bowlder measuring about 20 feet high 



Fig. 30.— Pi'troylyphs iicii 

and 30 feet in diameter, upon the western side of which is a slight 
cavity bearing designs shown in Fig. 29, which correspond in general 
form to others in Santa Barbara county. The gesture for negation ap- 
pears in the attitude of the human flgnres. 

Half a mile farther east, on Dr. Coe's farm, is another smaller bowlder, 
in a cavity of which various engravings appear shown in Fig. 30. 
Parts of the drawings have disappeared through disintegration of the 
rock, which is called " Pulpit rock," on account of the shape of the 

M \T,I,ERY. I 



cavity, its position nt the side of the luiirow valley, ami the eeho ob- 
served upon speakiiiji' a little above the ordinary tone of voice. 

Painted rocks also occur in the Aznza canyon, about 30 miles north- 
east of Los Angeles, of which Fig. 31 gives copies. 

Just before his departure from the Santa Barbara region. Dr. Hoft'man 
was informed of the existence of eight or nine painted records in that 
neighborhood, which up to that time liad been observed only by a few 
sheep-herders and hunters. 


Fig. ^1. — Petniglyphs in Azuza ciinyon, Califbruia. 

^Ir. L. L. Frost, of Susanville, California, reports the occurrence of 
pictographs (undoubtedly petroglyphs) 15 miles south of that town, on 
Willow creek, and at Milford, in the lower end of the valley. No de- 
tails were furnished as to their general type and condition. 

On Porter creek, 9 miles southwest of Healdsburg, on a large bowlder 
of hornblende syenite, petroglyphs similar to those found in Arizona 
and Nevada are to be seen. They are generally ol>long circles or ovals, 
some of which contain crosses. 

Figs. .32 and 33 are reduced copies 3V of original size of colored i)etro- 
glyphs found by Dr. Hoft'man in September. 1S84, 12 miles west-north- 
west of the city of Santa Barbara, California. The locality is almost 
at the summit of the Santa Yne/. range of mountains; the gray sand 



stone rock on which tliey arc painted is about 30 feet high and pro- 
jects from a lidge so as to form a very marked i)romontory extending 
into a narrow mountain canyon. At the base of the western side of 
this bowhler is a rounded cavity, measuring on the inside about 15 
feet in width and 8 feet in lieight. The floor ascends rapidly toward 
the back of the cave, and the entrance is rather smaller in dimen- 
sions than the above measurements of the interior. About 40 yards 
west of this rock is a fine spring of water. One of the foiu- old In- 
dian trails leading northward across the mountains passes by this 
locality, and it is jirobable that this was one of the camping jjlaces of 
the tribe which came south to trade, and that some of its members 
were the authors of the paintings. The three trails beside the one 
just mentioned cross the mountains at several points east of this, the 
most distant being about 15 miles. Other trails were known, but 

Fig. 32. — Petroorlyph In Santa Barbara county, California. 

these four were most direct to the immediate vicinity of the Spanish 
settlement which sprang up shortly after the establishment of the Sauta 
Barbara mission in 17S0. The appearance and position of these and 
other pictographs in the vicinity appear to be connected with the sev- 
eral trails. The colors used in the paintings are red and black. 

The circles figured in b and d of Fig. 32, and c, r, and «■ of Fig. 33, 
together with other similar circular marks bearing cross lines uiion the 
interior, were at first unintelligible, as their forms among various tribes 
have very different signitication. The character in Fig. 32, above and 
projecting from d, resembles the human form, with curious lateral bands 
of black and white, alternately. Two similar characters api)ear, also, 
in Fig. 33, «, b. In o the lines from the head would seem to indicate a 
superior rank or condition of the person depicted. 



At the private ethuologic colleetiou of Mr. A. F. Coronel, of Los 
Angeles, California, Dr. Hoft'iiuui discovered a clue to the general import 
of the above petroglyplis, as well as the signification of some of theii' 
characters. In a collection of colored illustrations of old Mexican cos- 
tumes lie found blankets bearing borders and colors nearly identical 
with those shown in the circles in Fig. 32, d, and Fig. 33, c, r, ir. It is 
probable that the circles represent bales of blankets which early be- 
came articles of trade at the Santa Barbara mission. If this supposi- 
tion is correct, the cross lines would seem to represent the cords used 
in tying the blankets into bales, which same cross lines appear as 
cords in /, Fig. 33. Mr. Coronel also possesses small figures of Mexi- 
cans, of various conditions of life, costumes, trades, and professions, 

4 _^li • 11 1 111 /)i I • 1 1 1 

FlG^ as,— Petrogiyph iu Santa JJarljara couuty, California. 

one of which, a painted statuette, is a representation of a Mexican 
lying down fiat upon an outspread scrape, similar iu color and form to 
the black and white bauds shown in the upper figure of d, Fig. 32, and 
a, b, of Fig. 33, and instantly suggesting the explanation of those 
figures. Upon the latter the continuity of the black and white bands 
is broken, as the human figures are probably intended to be in front, 
or on top, of the drawings of the blankets. 

The small statuette above mentioned is that of a Mexican trader, and 
if the circles in the petroglyphs are considered to re^jresent bales of 
blankets, the character iu Fig. 32, d, is still more interesting, from the 
union of one of these circles with a character representing the trader, i. e., 
the man possessing the bales. Bales, or what appear to be bales, are 
i'epresente<l to the top and right of the circle in <?, in that figure. In 
Fig. .">.?, /, a bale is upon the back of what appears to be a horse, led in 


an upward directiou by an Indiau whose headdress and ends of the 
breechcloth are visible. To the right of the bale are three short lines, 
evidently showing the knot or ends of the cords used in tying a bale of 
blankets without colors, therefore of less importance, or of other goods. 
<^ther human forms appear in the attitude of making gestures, one 
also in _;, Fig. .'?3, probably carrying a bale of goods. In the same 
tigure a represents a centipede, an insect found occasionally south of 
the mouutairs, but reported as extremely rare in the immediate north- 
ern regions. For remarks upon x in the same figure see Chapter xx, 
Section 2, under the heading The Cross. 

Mr. Coronel stated that when he first settled in Los Angeles, in 184.3, 
the Indians living north of the San Fernando mountains manufiictured 
blankets of the fur and hair of animals, showing transverse bands of 
black and white similar to those depicted, which were sold to the in- 
habitants of the valley of Los Angeles and to Indians who transported 
them to other tribes. 

It is probable thatth<^ pictographs are intended to represent tlie sali- 
ent features of a trading expedition from the north. The ceiling of the 
cavity found between the paintings represented in the two figures has 
disappeared, owing to disintegration, thus leaving a blank about 4 feet 
long, and 6 feet from the top to the bottom between the paintings as 
now presented. 


Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. Cyrus F. Newcomb as found upon 
cliffs on Rock creek, 15 miles from Rio Del Norte, Colorado. Three 
small photographs, submitted with this statement, indicate the char- 
acters to have been pecked; they consist of men on hor.seback, cross- 
shaped human figures, animals, and other designs greatly resembling 
those found in the country of the Slioshonean tribes, examples of which 
are given infra. 

Another notice of the same general locality is made by <'a])t. R. L. 
lierthoud («) as follows: 

The ])l;ico is 20 miles southeast of Rio Del Norti'. at the eiitiiiuce of the cauyoii of the 
Piedra IMutatla (Painted I'oek) creek. The carviiitis are found on the right of the 
eanyou <ir valley and upou vcdcanie rocks. They bear the marks of age and are cut in, 
not painted, as is still done l»y the Utes everywhere. They are found for a ([uarter 
of a mile along the north wall of the canyon, on the ranches of \V. M. Maguire 
and F. T. Hudson, and consist of all manner of pictures, symbols, and hieroglyphics 
done by artists whose memory even tradition does not now preserve. The fact that 
these are carvings done upon such hard rock invests them with additional interest, 
as they are cpiite distinct from the carvings I saw in New Mexico and Arizona on 
soft sandstone. Though some of them are evidently of much greater antifiuity than 
others, yet all are ancient, the Utes admitting; them to have been old when their 
fathers coni|uered the country. 

Mr. Charles D. Wright, of Durango, Colorado, in a communication 
dated February 20, 1S8.5, gives an account of some '• liierogly))hs" on 




rocks iiud upon the w;ills off lift' bouses iieiir tlic l)()nii(l;ay line between 
Colorado iuul New Mexico. He says: 

The folio Willi; were jiaiuted iu red aud black paints on the wall (anparently the 
natural rock w all ) of a cliff house : At the head was a chief on his horse, armed with 
spear and lauce and wearing a pointed hat and robe; liehiud this character were 
some twenty characters representiuf; people on horses lassoing horses, etc. In fact 
tlie whole scene represented breaking camp aud leaving in a hnrry. The whole 
painting measured about 12 by 16 feet. 

Mr. Wright further reports characters on rocks near the San Juan 
river. Four characters represent men as if in the act of taking an 
oWigation, hands extended, and wearing a "kind of monogram on 

Fig. 34. — Petroj^lypliH on the Kio iliinrna, ('nlor;ulo. 

breast, aud at their right are some hieroglyphics written in black ])aint 
covering a space 3 by i feet." 

The best discu.ssed and probably the most interesting of the petro- 
glyphs in the regio7i are described and illustrated by Mr. W. IT. 
Holmes (n), of the Bureau of Ethnology. The iliustrations are here 

Fhj. 35. — Petroglypha on the Kio Mancoa. Colnrinh). 

reproduced in Figs. 34 to 37, and tlie remarks of Mr. Holmes, slightly 
condensed, are as follows: 

The forms reproduced in Fig. 34 occur on the Rio Mancos, near the group of clitl' 
liouses. They are chipped into the rock evidently by .some very hard implement 
and iiidely represent tlie human figure. They .ire certainly not attempts to repre- 
•sent nature, luit have the appearance rather of arbitrary forms, designed to syni- 
liolize some imaginary being. 

The forms shown in Fig. 35 were found in the same locality, not engr.aved, but 
painted in red .and wliite elay upon the smooth rocks. These were certainly done 
by the cliti'-builders, and probably while the houses were in jiroeess of construction, 
since the luaterial used is ideut leal with the plaster of the houses. Tlie sketches and 



notes were made by Jlr. Bramlegei'. The reproihirtioii is aiiproxiiiiatelv om-twelltU 
the size oftbe original. 

The examples shown in Pig. 36 occur on the Rio Hau Juan about 10 miles below 
the mouth of the Kio La Plata and are actually in New Mexico. A low line of bliitt'a, 
composed of light-colored massive sandstones that break down in great smooth-faced 
blocks, rises from the river levi-1 and sweeps around toward the north. Each of 
these great blocks has oft'ered a very tempting taldet to the graver of the jirimitive 
artist, and many of them contain curious and interesting inscriptions. Drawings 
were made of such of tiiese as the limited time at raj' disposal would permit. They 
are all engraved or cut into the face of the rock, and the whole liody of each figure 
has generally been <hipped out, fre(|uently to the de)>tli of one-fourth or one-half of 
an inch. » 

I'eti'oglypIiH on the \l'n> S;iii .Iiuiii Xi-w Mi-xic 

The work on some of the larger groujis has been one of innucnse labor, and must 
owe its completion to strong and enduring motives. With a very few exce]>tions 
the engraving bears undoubted evidence of age. Such new figures as occur are 
quite easily diBtinguished both by the freshness of the chipped surfaces and by the 
designs themselves. The curious designs given in the final group have a very per- 
ceptible resemblance to many of the figures used in the embellishment of pottery. 

The most striking group observed is given in Pig, 37 a, same locality. It consists 
of a great procession of men, birds, beasts, and fanciful figures. The whole picture 
as placed upon a i-oek is highly spirited and the idea of a general movement toward 
the right, skillfully portrayed. A pair of winged figures hover about the train as if 




to watch or direct its movements ; behind these are a number of odd figures. loUowed 
by an autlcrcd auimal resembling a deer, which seems to be drawiug a notched 
sledfje containing two figures ol' men. The figures forming the main body of tlie 
procession ai)i)ear to be tied together in a continuous line, and iu form resemble one 
living creature about as little as another. Many of the smaller figures al)Ove and 
below are certainly intended to represent dogs, while a number of men are stationed 
about here and there as if to keep the procession in order. 

As to the importance of the event recorded in this picture, no conclusions can be 
drawn ; it may represent the migration of a tribe or fiimily or the tro])hie8 of a vic- 
tory. A number of figures are wanting in the drawing at the left, while some of 
those at the right may not belong ju-operly to the main group. The reduction is, 
approximately, to one-twelfth. 

Designs 15 and C! of the same figure represent only the more distinct portions of 
two other groups. The eom]>lication of figures is so great that a number of hours 
would have been necessary for tlu'ir delineation, an<l an attempt to analyze them 
here would be fruitless. 



Fig. 37. — Petroglyphs ou the Rio San Jiian, New ilexiu'i. 

It will be noticed that the last two petroglyphs are in New Mexico, but 
they are so near the border of Colorado and so connected with the 
series in that state that tliey are presented under the same heading. 


The following account is extracted from Rafn's Antiquitates Ameri- 
can.e («) : 

In the year 1789 Doctor Ezra Stiles, 1). D., visited a rock situated iu the Town- 
ship of Kent iu the .State of Connecticut, at a place called iSeatieook, by the Indians. 
He thus dcseril)es it: " <)ver against Scaticook and about one hundred rods East of 
Housatonic River, is an eminence or elevation which is called Cobble Hill. On the 
top of this stands the roik charged with anticjue unknown characters. This rock is 
by itself and not a portion of the Mountains; it is of White Flint; ranges North and 
South ; is from twelve to fourteen feet long ; and from eight to ten wide at base and 
top; and of an uneven surface. Ou the top I did not perceive any characters; but 
the sides all around are irregularly charged with unknown characters, made not 
indeed with the incision of a chisel, yet nmst certainly with an iron tool, and that by 



pecks or picking, after tlie uianuer of the Dightou Rock. The Lacunae or excava- 
tionK are from a (|uarter to an inch wide; and from one tentli to two tentli.s of an 
incu deep. The enjiraviuK did not appear to 1m' recent or new, lint vi'ry old." 


Charle.sC. Joiie.s, jr., (a) describes a petros'lyiili in (xeorgia as follows: 

In Forsyth county, (jleorgia. is a carve<l or incised liowlder of tine fjrained granite, 
about 9 feet long, 4 feet 6 inches higli, and 3 feet broad at its widest point. The 
figures are cut in the bowlder from one-half to three-fourths of an inch deep. It is 
generally believed that they are the work of the C'herokees. 

The illnstratioii o-iveii by liim is here reproduced in Fig. 38. It will be 
noted that the characters in it are chiefly circles, including jjlain, nucle 
ated, and concentric, sometimes two or more being joined l)y straight 
lines, forming what is now known as the "spectacle shajted " tiguic. 
The illustrations sliould be compared with the many others presented 
in this paper under the heading of Cup Sculptures, see Chapter v, infra. 

Fig. :i8. — Petroi^lyplia in Ge,oi-ixin. 

Dr. M. F. Stephenson («) mentions sculptures of human feet, various 
animals, bear tracks, etc., in Enchanted mountain, Union county, Geor- 
gia. The whole number of sculptures is reported as one hundred and 

Mr. Jones (b) gives a different resume of the objects depicted, as fol- 
lows : 

Upon the Enchanted mountain, in Union county, cut in phitonic rock, are thetraoks 
of men, women, children, deer, bears, bisons, turkeys, and terrapins, and the out- 
lines of a snake, of two deer, and of a Inuuan hand. These sculpt ure.s — so far as they 
have been ascertained and counted — number one hundred and thirty-six. The 
extravagant among them is that known as the footprint of the '-fireat Warrior," 
It measures 18 imhes in length and has six toes. The other human tracks and those 
of the animals are delineated with commendable fidelity. 





Mr. G. K. (rilljert, nf the V. S. (leologioal Survey, has tiiriuslnMl a 
.small collection of drawings of ShosLoneau petroglyphs from Oueida, 
Idaho, shown in Fig. •'{!>. 8omc of them appear to be totemic charac- 
ters, aud jiossibly were made to record the names of visitors to the 

Mr. Willard I). Johnson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports 
pictographic remains observed by him near Oneida, Idaho, in 1870. 
The ligures represent human beings and were on a rock of basalt. 

A copy of another petroglyph found in Idaho ai)pears in Fig. lO'Jli, 


* « 

9 (t 

-Pi truj;lypbs iu Idiilio (Shosliuiii' 


Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. John Oriley as occurring near Ava, 
Jackson county, Illinois. The outlines of the characters observed by 
him were drawn from memory and submitted to Mr. Charles S. Mason, 
of Toledo, Ohio, through whom they were furnished to the Bureau of 
Ethnology. Little reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of such 
drawing, but from the general ajjpearauce of the sketches the originals 
of which they are copies were probably made by one of the middle Al- 
gonquian tribes of Indians. 

The "Piasa" rock, as it is generally designated, was referred to by 
the missionary explorer Martpiette iu 1675. Its situation was immedi- 
ately above the city of Alton, Illinois. 



Marquette's remarks ar.' translated by Dr. Francis Parkman («) as 

On tlie flat face of a high loi k were painted, in red, black, and green, a pair of 
monsters, each ''as large as a calf, with horns like a deer, red eyes, a heard like 
a tiger, and a frightful expression of countenance. The face is something like that 
of a man, the body covered with scales; and the tail so long that it passes entirely 
round the body, over the head, and between the legs, ending like that of a fish." 

Anotlier version, by Davidson and Struve («), of the discovery of 
the petroglyph is as follows : 

Again they ( Joliet and Marquette) were floating on the broad bosom cf the un- 
known stream. Passing the mouth of the Illinois, they soon fell into the shadow of 
a tall promontory, and with great astonishment beheld the rei>resentation of two 
raou8ter.s painted on its lofty limestones front. According to Marquette, each of these 
frightful figures had the face of a man, the horns of a deer, the beard of a tiger, and 
the tail of a fish so long that it passed around the body, over the head, and between 
the legs. It was an object of Indian worship and greatly impressed the mind of the 
pi(ms missionary with the necessity of substituting for this monstrous idolatry the 
worship of the true C4od. 

A footnote connected with the foregoing quotation gives the following 
description of the same rock : 

Near the mouth of the Piasa creek, on the blufi', there is a smooth rock in a ca\ - 
ernous cleft under an overhanging cliff, on whose face, 50 feet from the base, are 
painted some ancient pictures or hieroglyphics, of great interest to the curious. 

Fig. 40.— The Piasa petrdglyiil'- 

They are placed in a horizontal line from east to west, representing men, plants, and 
animals. The ]iainting8, though protected from dampness and storms, are in great 
part destroyed, marred by portions of the rock becoming detached and falling down. 

Mr. McAdams (rt), of Alttm. lllinoi.s, .says "The name Piasa is Indian 
and signifies, in the lUini, 'The bird which devours men.'" He fiu- 
nishes a S])irited pen-and-ink sketch, 12 by 15 inches in size and pur- 
porting to represent the ancient painting described by Marquette. On 
the picture is inscribed the following in ink: "Made by Wm. Dennis, 
April 3d, 1825." The date is in both letters and figures. On the top 
of the picture in large letters are the two words, " FLYING DEAGON." 
This picture, which has been kept in the old Gilham family of Madison 
county and bears the evidence of its age, is reproduced as Fig. 40. 

He also publishes another representation (Fig. 41) with the follow- 
ing remarks : 

One of the most satisfactory pictures of the Piasa we have ever seen is in an old 
German publication entitled "The Valley of the Mississippi Illustrated. Eighty 




illustratious from natiiic. l>y H. l^ewis, from the Falls of St. Authouy to the Gulf of 
Moxieo," published about, thu year 183!) by Arenz & Co., Diisseldorf, Germany. One 
of the large full-page plates iu this work gives a fine view of the blutt" at Alton, with 
the figure of the Piasaouthe face of the rook. It is represented to have been taken 
on the .spot by artists from (iermany. We reproduce that part of the bluff (the 
whole picture l>eiug too large f.jr this work) which shows the pictographs. In the 
German picture there is shown just behind the rather dim outlines of the second 
face a raggeil crevice, as though of a fracture. Part of the bluff's face might have 
fallen and tlius nearly destroyed one of the monsters, for in later years writers 
speak of but one figure. The whole face of the bluff was quarried away in 1846-'47. 

Fifi. 41.— The riasa pt'troglrph. 

Uiider Mytlhs aud Mythic Animals, Chapter xiv, Section li, arc ilhis 
tratious aud descriptions which should be compared with these accounts, 
and Chapter xxn gives other examides of errors and discrepancies in 
the description aud copyiug of petroglyphs. 

Mr. A. D. Jones (a) says of the same petroglyph: 

After the distril)ution of firearms among the Indians, bullets were substituted for 
arrows, and even to this day no savage ]>resumes to pass the spot without discharg- 
ing his rifle and raising his shout of triumph. I visited the spot in June (1838) aud 
examined the image and the ten tliousand bullet marks on the cliff' seemed to cor- 
roborate the tradition related to me in the ueighljorhood. 

Fig. 42.— Petroglyph on the Illinois river. 

Mr. McAdams, loc. cit., also reports regarding Fig. 42 : 
Some twenty-five or thirty miles above the month of the Illinois river, on the west 
bank of that stream, high up on the smooth face of an overhanging cliff', is another 
interesting pictograph sculptured deeply iu the hard rock. It remains to-day prob- 


ably in nearly the same condition it wan wben the French voyaj,'ers first descended 
the river and got their tirst view of the Mississijipi. The animal-like body, with the 
human head, is carved in the rock in outline. The huge eyes are depression.s like 
saucers, an inch or more in depth, and the outline of the body has been scooped out 
in the same way ; also the mouth. 

The figure of the archer with the drawn bow, however, is painted, or rather 
stained with a reddish brown pigment, over the sculptured outline of the monster's 

Mr. MeAdains suggests that the painted tigui-e of the humau form 
with the bow ami arrows was made hiter than the sculpture. 
The same author (b) says, describiug Fig. 43: 

Some 3 or 4 miles above Alton, high up beneath the overhanging cliti', whicli liuiiis 
a sort of cave shelter on the smooth face of a thick ledge of rock, is a series of ]>aiut- 
ings, twelve in number. They are painted or rather stained in the rock with a 
reddish brown jjigmcnt that seems to defy the tooth of time. It may be said, 
however, that their i)ositi()u is so sheltered that they remain almost perfectly dry. 
We made sketches of them some thirty years ago and on a recent visit could see that 
they had changed but little, although their appearance denotes gre.-it age. 

These pictographs are situated on the cliff more than a hundred feet above tlie 
river. A protrufUng ledge, which is easily reached from a hollow in the blurt', leads 
to the cavernous ])lace in the rock. 

Fig. 43.— PctrOf;lyiih iii-;ir .Mtmi. Illiiiois. 

Mr. James D. Middletou, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, 
mentions the occurrence of petroglyphs on the bluffs of the Mississippi 
river, in Jackson county, about IL* miles below fiockwood. Also of 
others about 4 or 5 miles from Prairie du Rocher, near the Mississippi 


]\Ir. P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, found numerous caves 
on the banks of the Mississippi river, in northeastern Iowa, 4 miles 
south of New Albion, containing incised petroglyphs. Fifteen miles 
south of this locality paintings occur on the cliffs. He also discovered 
painted characters upon the cliffs on the Mississip]ii river, 19 miles be- 
low New Albion. 


IMr. Kdward Miller reports in Proceedings of the American Philo- 
sopliical Society, vol. X, 1809, p. 383, the discovery of a petroglyph near 
the line of the Union Pacific railroad, 15 miles southeast of Fort llarker, 
formerly known as Fort Ellsworth, Kansas. The petroglyph is upon 
a fornmtion belonging to No. 1, Lower Cretaceous group, according to 
the classification of Meek and Hayden. 



The parts of the two plates^ vii and viii of the work cited, which bear 
the inscriptions, arc now presented as Fig. 4-4, being from two views of 
the same rock. 




Fig. 44. — Pftrojilyiilis in Kausas. 


Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Kureau of Ethnology, in 
a letter dated Angust 14, lS8<i, reports that at a point in Union 
county, Kentucky, nearly opposite Shawneetown, Illinois, petroglyphs 
are found, and from the description given by him they appear to re- 
semble those in Jackson county, Illinois, mentioned aljovc. 

Mr. W. E. Barton, of Wellington, Ohio, in a commuuication dated 
October 4, 1890, writes as follows : 

At Clover Bottom, Kentucky, ou u .spur of the Big Hill, in Jackson county, alxmt 
13 miles from Berea, is a large rock which old settlers say was covered with soil and 
vegetation within their memory. Upou it are representations of human tracks, with 
what appear to he those of a hear, a horse, and a dog. These are all in the same 
direction, as though a man leading a horse, followed the dog uiiou the bear's track. 
Crossing these is a series of tracks of another and larger sort which lean not attempt 
to identify. The stone is a sandstone in the subcarhouiferous. As I remember, the 
strata are nearly horizontal, but erosicm has made the surface a slope of about 20^. 
Thi' tracks ascending the slope cross the strata. I have not seen them for some years. 

The cro.ssing of the strata shows the tracks are the work of human hands, if 
indeed it were not preposterous to think of anything else in rocks of that peiiod. 
Still the tracks are so well made that one is tempted to ask if they can be real. 
They alternate right and lelt, though the erosion and travel have worn out some of 
the left tracks. A wagon road passes over the rock and was the cause of the present 
exposure of the stime. It can be readily found a fourth of a mile or less from the 
Pine Grove schoolhouse. 


A number of inscribed rocks have been found in Maine and informa- 
tion of others has been obtained. The most interesting of them and 
the largest group series yet discovered in New England is shown in 


The rock upon which the glyphs appear is in the town of Machias-' 
l)ort, IMaine, at Clarks point, ou the northwestei'u side of Machias bay, 
10 ETH 6 


2 miles below the mouth of Machias river. The rock or ledge is al)out 
50 feet long from east to west and about fifteen feet in width, nearly 
horizontal for two-thirds its length, from the bank or western end at 
high water, thence inclining at an angle of 15'^ to low- water mark. Its 
southern face is inclined about 40°. The formation is schistose slate, 
having a transverse vein of trap dike extending nearly across its sec- 
tion. Nearly the entire ledge is of blue black color, very dense and 
hard except at the upper or western end, where the periodical forma- 
tion of ice has scaled off' thin layers of surface and destroyed many 
figures which are remembered by persons now living. The ebb and 
flow of tides, the abrasion of moving beach stones or pebble wash and 
of ice- worn bowlders, have also effaced many figures along the southern 
side, until now but one or two indentations are discernible. Visitors, in 
seeking to remove some portion of the rock as a curiosity or in striving 
to iierpetuate their initials, have obscured several of the most interest- 
ing, and until recently the best defined figures. It was also evident to 
the present writer, who carefully examined the rock in 1888, that it lay 
much deeper in the water than once had been the case. At the lowest 
tides there were markings seen still lower, which could not readily have 
been made if that i>art of the surface had not been continuously ex- 
posed. The depressioii of a rock of such great size, which was so 
gradual that it had not been observed by the inhabitants of the neigh- 
boring settlement, is an evidence of the antiquity of the peckings. 

The intaglio carving of all the figures was apparently made by 
repeated blows of a pointed instrument — doubtless of hard stone; not 
held as a chisel, but working by a repetition of hammerings or peck- 
ings. The deepest now seen is about three-eighths of an inch. 
The amount of patient labor bestoweil upon these figures iiuist have 
been great, considering tlie hardness of the rock and the rude implement 
with which they were wrought. 

There is no extrinsic evidence of their age. The place was known 
to traders early in the seventeenth century, and much earlier was 
visited by Basque fishermen, and perhaps by the unfortunate Cortereals 
in 1500 and 1503. The descendants of the Mechises Indians, a tribal 
branch of the Abnaki, who once occupied the territory between the St. 
Croix and Narragnagus rivers, when questioned many years ago, would 
reply in substance that "all their old men knew of them," either by 
having seen them or by traditions handed down through many genera- 

Several years ago Mr. H. R. 'J'aylor, of Machias, who made the orig- 
inal sketch in 1868 and kindly furnished it to the Bureau of Ethnology, 
applied to a resident Indian there (Peter Benoit, then nearly 80 
years old) for assistance in deciphering the characters. He gave little 
information, but pointed out that the figures must not all be read "from 
one side only , " thus, the one near the center of the sketch, which seen 
from the south was without significance, became from the opposite 





point a sijuaw with sea fowl on her liead, ileiiotiiig, as ho said, "that 
squaw had stnaslied canoe, saved beaver-skin, walked one-half moon 
all aloue toward east, just same as heron wadiug alongshore." Also 
that the three lines below the ligure mentioned, which together re- 
semble a bird track or a trident, represent the three rivers, the East, 
West, and Middle rivers of Machias, which join not far above the 
locality. The mark having a rough resemblance to a feather, next on 
the right of this river-sign, is a fissure in the rock. Most of the figures 
of human beings and other animals are easily recognizable. 

Peckings of a character similar to those on the Picture rock at 
Clarks point, above described, were found and copied 600 feet soutli of 
it at high-water mark on a rock near Birch point. Others were dis- 
covered and traced on a rock on Hog island, in Holmes bay, a part of 
Machias bay. All these petroglyphs were without doubt of Abuaki 
origin, either of the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy divisions of that 
body of Indians. The rocks lay on the common line of water com- 
munication between those divisions and were convenient as halting 


In the Susquehanna river, about half a mile south of the state line, 
is a group of rocks, several of the most conspicuous being designated 
as the " Bald Friars." Near by are several mound-shaped bowlders 
of the so-called " nigger- head" rock, which is reported as a dark- 
greenish chlorite schist. [Tpon the several bowlders are deep scuip- 
turings, apijarently finished by rubbing the depression with stone, or 
wood and sand, thus leaving sharp and distinct edges to the outlines. 
Some of these figures are an inch in depth, though the greater number 
are becoming more and more eroded by the frecpient freshets, and by 
the running ice during the breaking up in early spring of the frozen 

The following account is given by Prof. P. Frazer (</): 

Passing the Pennsylvania state line one reaches the southern barren serpentine 
rocks, which are in general tolerably level for a considerable distance. 

About 700 yards, or 640 meters, south of thi^ line, on the river shore, are rocks which 
have been named the Bald Friars. French's tavern is here, at the mouth of a small 
stream which empties into tlie Susquehanna. About 874 yards (800 meters) south 
of this tavern are a nural>er of islands which have local names, but which are curious 
as containing inscriptions of the aborigines. 

The material of which most (if these islands are composed is chlorite schist, but 
as this rock is almost always distinguished by the quartz veins which intersect it, 
so in this case some of the islands are composed of this material almost exclusively, 
which gives them a very strilviug white appearance. 

One of these, containing the principal inscriptions, is called Miles island. 

The figures, which covered every part of the rocks that were exposed, were ap- 
parently of histoiiciil or at least narrative purport, since they seemed to be con- 
nected. Doubtless the larger portion of the inscription has been carried away by 
the successive vicissitudes which have broken up and defaced, .and in some instances 
obliterated, parts of which we find evidence of the previous existence on the islands. 



livery liiifj.1- Ixiuldcr hcciiik to ciiiitain sciiiic tijuTN of ])ri-vi(iMK iiiscriiitidii, and in 
niiuiy instances the pictnred side of tlic bowlder is on its under side, sliovvinj; that 
it liiis been detached Ironi its original place. The natnral agencies arc ijuito suf- 
ficient to account for any amount of this kind of disjilacement, for the rocks in their 
present couilition ■.\Tc not refractory and offer no f;reat rcsistan<rc to thi' wear of 
weather and ic-e; but in addition to this must be added lnnmin ajjencies. 

Amouf^st other tliiufjs, llicy reprcNeul 1 he ('(invent ion a I Indian sci penl's licad, willi 
varyiuf; numbers of lines. 

Some of the sifjns uaxi fre(pu)ntly r(^('Mnin}; weic (■(inc( ii I lie ( iiclcs, in some cases 
four and in other cases a b'HS(M' nnmliir. 

Fig, 45 is :i ie])r()(lu(l idii of rrol'. l''i;izci's illiistnitioii. 

Vm. 40.~l>al(l Friar rock, Maryland. 

Tliis legion \\;is alsn rclcnt'd to b\- I>r. CliMilcs Kan (a), liis cut 
from the six'cinicn in (lie collection of tlie Hniitlisonian Institution 
(Mus. No. .'!!K)IO) bcin.i; here reiirodnced as Kij;. I(i. 

Dnrinj; tlie antiinin of the years ISSS and KSSit Dr. Hoflinan visited 
tliese locks, scciiiino skelelics and ineasurenicnts, tlie i'ornier of wliicli 
are reinodiK'cd in Fiys. 17 and 4.S. The iij;nres are deeply cut, as if 
nibbed down with sand and a round stick of grc^en wood. Tlie deepest 
channels, varying from three-fourths to l.| inelies across and almost as 
deej) as they are wide, a])pear as if (!ut out witli a gouge, and for this 
reason bear a strong resemblance to the petroglyjihs in Owens valley, 
California. In whatever manner these sculiituriiigs were made, it is 



cvidriil tlial iiMicli time <iiul j;reiit labor were oxpetulcd iiivoii tlicin, as 
this variety of ro<-k, locally teiined '•Xigjrer-lieail,'' is extniiuely hard. 

I'Mjj. 4~> represents a bird's eye 
view of the top of the rock, bearinj;' 
thcfireater anion II tofworkiiiaiishii). 
The pe,tro,i;lyi)hs eover a snrlacc 
measuring about 5 feet by 4 feet (> 
iiiehes. The extreme c-nds of the 
figures extend beyond theirregidar 
horizontal surface and in'oject over 
the rounded edge of the lock, so 
that the line, at the left-liand lower 
part of the illustration, dips at an 
angle of about 45'^. The two short 
lines at the extreme right are upon 
the side of the upper edge of Mie 
rock, where th<^ surface inclines at 
an angle of 30°. 

Some of th(^ tigiires are iiideliiiite, 
which is readily accounted for by 
the fact that the rock is in I he river, 
a considerable distance from shore, 

and annually subjected to freshets »''"'• <6.-Sl,vb frun> li.l.l Friar r„.k, Muryla,,,!. 

and to erosion by lloating logs and drift inaterial. The characters at 


[''in. 47.— Top III' liuld Kriiir ruck, i\I:iryla[i(l. 

the right end of the iip])er row resemble those near Washington, liaii 
caster county, Pennsylvania. (See Fig. 7.'{.) 



Fig. 4S presents three characters, selected from other portions of the 
rock, to illustrate the variety of designs found. They are like some 
found at Owens valley, ('alifornia, as will be observed by comparing 
them with the descriptions and plates under that heading in this sec- 
tion. The left-hand tigure is 4 inches in diameter, the middle one (i 
inches wide and about 15 inches in height, and the third, or right-hand, 
is composed of concentric rings, measuring about 10 inches across. 

Fifi. 48.— Charai-ti-rs I'niiu Halil Friar roili, Maryland. 


The following description of the much-discussed Dighton rock is 
taken from Schoolcraft (&), where it is accompanied with a plate, now 
reproduced as Fig. 49: 

The aucient iiiscriptiau ou a bowlder of greeustoiii; rocU lying iu the margin ol' 
the Assouet or Taunton river, in the area of ancient Viuland, was notiied by the 
New England colonists .so early as 1680, when Dr. Danfortli made a drawing of it. 
This outline, together with several subsequent copies of it, at dift'ereut eras, reaching 
to 1S30, all dilfering considerably in their details, but preserving a'eertaiu general 
resemlilance, is presented in the Antii|uates Aniericaues [.-lic] (Tables XI, XII), 
and referred to the same era of Scandinavian discoveiy. The imperfections of th(! 
drawings (including that executed under the auspices of the Rhode Island Historical 
Society iu 1839, Table XII), and the recognition of some characters bearing more or 
less resenjblanee to antique Roman letters and figures, may be cimsidered to have 
misled Mr. XIaguuseu in his interpretation of it. From whatever cause, nothing 
could, it would seem, have been wider from the purport and true interpretation of 
it. It is of purely Indian (U'igiu. aud is executed in tlie peculiar symliolie character 
of the Kekeewin. 

Fig. 49. — Di<:liton rock. Massacliu.setts. 

A number of copies of the inscriptions on this rock, t:iken at different 
times by difterent persons, are given below in Chapter xxii, sec. 2, 
with remarks upon them. 

Dr. Hoffman visited the locality in 1886, and found that the surface 
was becoming rapidly destroyed from the frequent use of scrubbing 
with broom and water to remove the tilm of sand and dirt which is 


daily deposited by every tide, t\w rock being situated at ;i short dis 
taiice inshore. Visitors are frequent, and the guide or ferryman does 
not interfere with them so long as he can show his jtassengers the 
famous inscription. 

The resemblance between the (characters on this rock and those found 
in western Pennsylvania, near Millsboro, Fig. 75, and south of Franklin, 
on the "Indian (lod rock," Fig. 74, will be noted. 

I7i Hafn's Anticj. Amer. (b) is the following account: 

A large stoue, on wUioh is a lino of cousiderable length in unknown characters^ 
has been rec^ently found in Rutland, Worcester county, Massaciiusetts; they are 
regularly placed, and the strokes are tilled with a black composition nearly as hard 
as the rock itself. The Committee also adds that a, similar rock is to be found in 
Swan/.y, county of Uristol and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, perhaps ten miles 
from the Dighton Rock. 


The late Mr. V. W. Norris, who was connected with the Bureau of 
Ethnology, reported large numbers of pecked totemic characters on the 
horizontal faces of the ledges of rock at Pipestone quarry in Minnesota, 
and presented some imitations of the peckings. There is a tradition 
that it was formerly the custom for each Indian who gathered stone 
(catlinite) for pipes, to in.scribe his totem (whether clan or tribal or 
personal totem is not specilied) upcm the rock before venturing to 
quarry upon this ground. Some of the clifis in the immediate vicinity 
were of too hard a nature to admit of pecking or scratching, and u])on 
these the characters were placed in colors. Mr. Norris distinguished 
bird tracks, the outline of a bird resembling a iielican, deer, turtle, a 
circle with an interior cross, and a human figure. 

Examples of so-called totemic designs from this locality are given in 
Fig. 50, which are reproduced from the work of E. Cronau («): 

The same petroglyphs and also others at the Pipestone (juarry are 
described and illustrated by Prof. N. H. Winchell (a). A part of his 
remarks is as follows: 

On the glaciated surface of the quartzite about the "Three Maidens," which is 
kept dean by the rebound of the winds, are a great many rude inscriptions, which 
were made by pecking cmt the rock with some sharp-pointed instrument or by the 
use of other pieces of quartzite. They are of different sizes and dates, the latter 
being evinced by their manner of crossing and interfering and by the evident dif- 
ference in the weight of the instruments used. They generally rei)resent some animal, 
such as the turtle, bear, wolf, buffalo, elk, and the human form. The "crane's foot ' 
is the most common ; next is the image of men ; next the turtle. It would seem as if 
any warrior or hunter who had been successful ami happened to pass here left his 
tribute of thanks to the great spirit in a rude representation (if his game and perhaps 
a figure of himself on the rocks about these bowlders, or perhaps had in a siujilar 
way invoked the good offices of the spirits of his clan when about to enter on some 
expediti<m. In some cases there is a connection of several figures by a coutiuuons 
line, chipped in the surface of the rock in such a manner as if some legend or adven- 
ture were narrated, but for the most part the figures are isolated. This is the "sacred 
ground" of the locality. Such markings can be seen at no other place, though there 
is aliuudani'e of bare, smooth rock. (Similar inscriptions are found on the red 



quartzite in Cottimwiiod county). The excavation oftlie surface of the rock is very 
slight, generally not exceeding a sixteenth of an inch, and sometimes only enough 
to leave a tracing of tlie designed form. The hardness of the rock was a barrier to 
deep sculpturing with the imperfect iustrMuients of the aborigines; but it haseffect- 
u.illy ]in'servcd the rude forms that were made. The fine glacial scratches that are 
aliundantly scattered over this ((nartzitc indicate the tenacity with which it retains 
all such impressions, and will warrant the assignment of any date to these inscrip- 
tions that may he called for within the human jieriod. Yet it is probable that 
they date hack to no very great antiquity. They pertain, at least, to the dynasty 
of the present Indian tribes. The totems of the turtle and the bear, which are 
known to have been powerful among the clans of the native races in America at the 
time of the earliest European knowledge of them, and which exist to this day, are 
the nuist frequent objects represented. The "crane's foot," or "turkey foot," or 
" bird trai'k," terms which refer perhaps to the same totem sign — the snipe — is not 
only comnum on these rocks, hut is seen among the rock inscriptions of Ohio, and' 
was one of tlii> totems of the Iroquois, of New York. 

Fig. 50. — Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minn. 

Ill .Tmie, 1802, Mr. W. H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited 
tlie Pipestone (jUiUTy and took a number of tracings of the i)etrogIyphs, 
which unfortunately were received too late for iusertioii in the present 
work. Some of his remarks are as follows: 

The trouble with the figures copied and pul>lished by Prof Winehell is that they 
arc not arranged in the original order. It will now be impossible to correct this 
entirely, as most of the stones have been taken up and removed. ' ■ * The Win- 
ehell drawings were evidently drawn by eye and have a very large personal equa- 
tion ; besides, they are mixed up while appearing to be in some order. The few 
groups that 1 was able to get are, it seems to me, of more interest than all the single 
figures you could put in a book. There can be little doubt that in the main this 



great group of pictures was arranged in definite order, agreeing with the arrange- 
ments of mythical )iersonages and positions usual in the aboriginal ceremonials of 
the region. It is a great l)it,v that the original order has been destroyed, but the 
inroads of relic hunters and inscription cranks made it necessary to take up the 
stones. One large stone was taken to Minneapolis by Prof. Winchell. There are a 
few pieces still in place. All were near the base of one of the great granite bowlders, 
and it is said here that formerly, within the memory of the living, the place was 
visited by Indians who wished to consult the gods. 

The followhig description is extracted from the account of Mr. James 
W. Lynd (b): 

Numerous high bluffs and cliffs surround it; the Pipestone qu.arry and the alluvial 
flat below these, in which the ([uarry is situated, contains a huge bowlder that rests 
upon a flat rock of glistening, smooth appearance, the level of which is but a few 
inches above the surface of the ground. Upon the portions of this rock not covered 
by the bowlder above and upon bowlder itself are carved sundry wonderful figures — 
lizards, snakes, otters, Indian gods, rabbits with cloven feet, muskrats with human 
feet, and other str.ange and incomprehensible things — all cut into the solid granite, 
and not without a great deal of time and labor expended in the performance. » * » 



O I 

'?':''? incH» 


P'iG. 5].— Petrojilyplis iu Brown's valley, Miunesota. 

A large party of Ehanktonwanna and Teetouwan Dakotas, says the legend, had 
gathered together at the (juarry to dig the stcme. Upon a sultry evening, .just before 
sunset, the heavens suddenly became overclouded by a heavy rumbling thunder and 
every sign of an approaching storm, such as frequently arises on the prairie without 


much warning. E.acli one liuiTied to his lodge, expecting a storm, when ii vivid Hash 
of lightning, followed immediately liy a crashing peal of thunder, broke over them, 
and, lo(d{ing towards the huge bowlder beyond their camp, they saw a pillar or 
colunm of smoke standing upou it, which moved to and fro, and gradually settled 
ilown into the outline of a huge giant, seated upou the bowlder, with one hmg arm 
extended to heaven and the other pointing down to his feet. Peal after peal of 
thunder, and flashes of lightning in quick succession followed, and this tigiire then 
suddenly disaiipeared. The next morning the Sioux went to this bowlder and found 
these figures and images upon it, where before there had been nothing, and ever 
since that the place has been regarded as wakan tir sacred. 

Mr. T. H. Lewis (b) gives a description of Fig. .51. 

This bowlder is in the edge of the public park, on the north end of the plateau at 
Brown's valley. Minnesota. The Itowlder hasa Hat surface with a western exposnre, 
is irregular in outline, and is about ."> feet 8 inches in diameter, and Hrmly imbedded 
in the terrace. 

The central figure, a, undoubtedly represents a man, although the form is some- 
what conventional ; h represents a bird ; c represents a tortoise ; d is a cross and 
circle combined, but the circle has a groove exten<liug from it; e, /, and g, although 
somewhat in t e shape of crosses, probably represent bird tracks; h and i are non- 
descript in character, although there nuist be some meaning attached to them; k 
and I are small dots or cups cut into the bowlder. 

The figures as illustrated are one-eighth of their natural size, and are also correct 
iu their relative ])ositions one to the other. The work is neatly done although the 
depth of the incisions is very slight. 


Mr. Charles Ilallock. of Washington. D. 0., reports the occurrence 
of pictured rocks near Fort Assiniboiu, Montana, but does not mention 
whether they are colored or incised, and also fails to describe the gen- 
eral tyi)e of the characters found. 


The following (condensed) description of petroglyphs found in Dakota 
county, Nebraska, is furnished by Mr. J. H. Quick, of Sioux City, Iowa: 

The petroglyphs are found upon the face of a sandstone dill' in a deep ravine at a 
point where two watercourses (dry for the most part), meet about 20 miles south of 
Sioux City, lo'vva, but in Dakota county, in the State of Nebraska. At this point the 
range of bluft's which bounds the Missouri river bottom is deeply cut through by the 
above-mentioned ravine, which runs iu a northerly direction towards the Missouri. 
Another ravine coming from the southwest leaves this narrow point of laud between 
the two r.avines, rising to a height of 50 to 75 feet above the bottom of the ravines. 
For some distance from the j)oint this cape, if I may so term it, shows ledges of 
sandstone cropping out on both sides. And exactly at the point and for some rods 
back on the east side are found the pictographs under consideration. 

The rocks are of two kinds, a few feet of hard jasperous sandstone superimposed 
on about the same thicknessof sandstoneso soft thatitcan be crumbled topiecesin the 
fingers. The lower soft strata have been worn away, leaving the upper harder layers 
jutting out to a distance of several feet over and completely sheltering them. And 
on the snuioth surface of these lower softstrata, ])rotected by the overhanging ledge 
above, shut in by blutts 200 feet high on the east and sheltered from the winds by 
dense underwood and scrubby forest trees, are carved these pictographs. These 
safeguards, combined with the a<lvautage of a very secluded situation, have com- 
bined to preserve them, very little marred by careless and mischievous hands. 


The euyli' or " thnnilci-biid'' figures ;ire (jiiite numerous. There are alsDiiiany of 
the "burtalo track" and of Die " turkey track'' fij^ures. Icalltbeui "turkey tracks' 
because they all show a spur auil seem to represent some of tlie large (/(illhiaciiv. 

In one of the groups, which I will call the "bear-tight group," we are at a loss to 
determine whether the ligure of the small animal wijs a part of the original design 
or a subsequent interpolation. It seemed genuine, but was not So deeply carved as 
the other figures. The same may be said of the diagonal bars across the figure of 
the bear. 

In the other group, which I will term the " turkey-track group," there are some 
ligures of which we could not even imagine the meaning. But they are undoubtedly 
genuine, and seem to belong to the same design as the other figure. 

The "bear-track" figures are very numerous and of several ditfereut sizes. A lat- 
like figure, which we call a panther, shows faintly. It is about effaced by time. 
( Ither figures reminded us of a crab or crawfish, but we were unable to determine 
whether the line running l)ack Just below belongs to it or not. 

lam informed by the same gentleman who saw these petroglyphs in 1857 that there 
were at one time many more some 3 or 4 miles from this place, near Homer, Nebraska, 
in the vicinity of a large spring, but he also said that as it is a favorite picnic 
ground for the country people the carvings are probably destroyed. I presume 
others may be found in these bluffs. 

1 surmise that the almost cave-like nature of the place where the carvings I have 
above attempted to ilescribe are situated rendered it a favorite camping ground and 
resting place; and also that the ravines above mentioned made easy trails from the 
Missouri bottom up to the higher grounds farther from the river, because it obviated 
the ascent of the very steep blutt's. 

The Winnebago Indian reservation is a few miles south of this locality, but ihey 
were placed here by the Government as late as from I860 to 1865. Previous to that 
time I think this ground was occupied by the Omahas. I have been unable to gain 
any information as to the Indians who carved these figures or as to their meaning. 

Tbe most instructive of the petroglyphs, copies of which are kiiirtly 
furnished by Mr. Quick, is presented as PI. xiii, and selected sketches 
from that and the otlter petroglyphs copied are shown as Figs. 52 and 53. 


FK5. r»:j. — Cliaractcrs tVnni Nel» petroglyphs. 

Frank La Fleche, of the Bureau of Indian Aiiairs, in February, 1886, 
cnitimunicated the following: 

Ingna"|e gikava-ina is the Omaha name of a rock ledge on the banks of the Mis- 
souri river, near the .Santcc agency, Nebraska. This ledge contains pictographs of 



men who passed to the happy hnutiiig grounds, of life size, the sandstone being so 
soft thiit the engravings would be made with a piece of wood. They are represented 
with the special cause (arrow, gun, etc.), which sped them ts hades. The souls 
themselves are said to make these pietographs before repairing " to the spirits." 

Characters from Nebraska pctroglypbs. 

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, says that the 
probable rendering' of the term when corrected is, "Spirit(s) they- 
made- themselves the (place where)." 


Petroglyphs have been found by members of the U. S. Geological 
Survey at the lower extremity of Pyramid lake, Nevada, though no ac- 
curate reproductions are available. These characters are mentioned as 
incised upon the surface of basalt rocks. 

Petroglyphs also occur in considerable numbers on the western slope 
of Lone Butte, in the Carson desert. All of these appear to have been 
produced on the faces of bowlders and rocks by pecking and scratch- 
ing with some hard mineral material like quartz. 

Fig. 54.— Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada. 

A communication from Mr. R. L. Fulton, of Reno, Nevada, tells that 
the drawing now reproduced as Fig. 54 is a pencil sketch of curious 
petroglyphs on a rock on the Carson river, about 8 miles below old 


Fort Clmrcbill. It is tlio largest and most important one of a group 
of similar characters. It is basaltic, about 4 feet high and equally 
Mr. Fulton gives the following description : 

The rock spoken of has an oblong hole about 2 inches by 1 and 16 inches deep at 
the left end, which has been chipjied out before the lines were drawn, if it was not 
some form of the ancient mill which is so common, as it seems to be the starting 
point for the whole scliemo of the artist. The rook lies with a bronil, smooth tup 
face at an angle towards the south, an<l its top and southeast side are covered with 
lines and marks that convey to the present generation no intelligence whatever, so 
far as I can learn. 

A line half an inch wid(^ starts at the hole on the left and sweeping downward 
forms a sort of border for the work untilitreachesmidwayof therock, when itsnddenly 
turus up and mingles with the hieroglyphics above. Two or three similar lines cross 
at the toj) of the stone, and one runs across and turns along the north side, losing 
itself iu a coating of moss that seems as hard and dry and old as the stone itself. 
From the line at the bottom a few scallopy looking marks hang that may be a part 
of the picture, or it may be a fringe or ornament. The figures are not pictures of 
any animal, bird, or reptile, but seem to bo made up of all known forms and are 
connected By wavy, snake-like lines. .Something which might be takeu for a dog 
with a round and characterless head at each end of the body, looking towards you, 
occupies a place near the lower line. The features are all pl.ain enough. A deer's 
head is joined to a patchwork that has something that might be taken for 4 legs 
bene.ith it. Bird's claws sliow up iu two or three places, but no bird is near them. 
Snaky figures run iiromiscuously throngli the wliole thing. X circle at the right 
end has spokes joining at the center which run out and lose themselves in the maze 

The best known and largest collection of marks that I know of covers a large 
smooth ledge at Hopkins Soda Springs, 12 miles south of the summit on the Central 
Pacific railroad. Tlie rock is much the same in character as those I have described, 
but the groundwork in this case is a solid ledge 10 feet one way and perhaps 40 the 
other, all closely covered with rude characters, many of which seem to point to 
human figures, animals, reptiles, etc. The ledge lies at an angle of 4.5°, and 
unist have been a tempting place for a lazy .irtist who chanced that way. 

Many other places on the Truckee river have such rocks all very much alike, and 
yet each bearing its own distinct features in the marking. Near a rock half a mile 
east of Verdi, a station on the Central I'acific railroad, 10 miles east of Eeno, lie 
two others, the larger of which has lines originating in a hole at the upper right- 
hand corner, all running in tangents and augles, making a double ended kind of an 
arrangement of many-headed arrows, pointing three ways. A snail-like scroll lies 
between the two arms, but does not touch them. Below are blotches, as if the artist 
had tried his tools. 

This region has been roamed over by the Washoe Indians from a remote period, 
but none of them know .anything of these works. One who has gray hair and more 
wrinkles than hairs, who is bent with age and who is said to be a hundred years 
old, was led to the s]iot. He said lie saw them a heap long time ago, when he was 
only a few summers old, and they looked then just as they do now. 

Mr. Lovejoy, a well-known newsp.iper man, took up, iu 1854, the ranche where 
the rocks lie, and said just before his death that they were iu exactly the same con- 
dition wheu he first saw them as they are to-day. Others say the s<ame, and they 
are certainly of a date prior to the settlement of this coast by Americans and proba- 
bly by the Spanish. 

They are very peciiliar iu many respects, and the rock is wonderfully adapted to 
the uses to which it has been put. Wherever the surface has been broken the color 



has i;haiif;e(l to g'"^W> '^"fl 10 amount of wear or weather seems to turn it back. The 
indentation is so shallow as to lie imperceiitible to sight or touch, aud yet the marks 
are as ]ihiin ae they could ho made, and can he seen as far as the rock can l>e dis- 
tinguished from its fellows. 

It is hardly likely that the work was done without some motive besides the simjile 
love of doing it, and it was well and carefully done, too, showing much jiatieuce and 
doubtless consumed a good deal of time, as the tools were poor. 

A large ledge is marked near Meadow lake in Nevada county, and in the state of 
Nevada the petroglyphs cover a route extending from tlic southeast to the north- 

FiG. 55.— Petroglyphs at Eeveillfi, Nevada. 

west corner of the state, crossing the line into California in Modoc county, and leav- 
ing a string of samples across the Madeline plains. 

Eight miles below Belmont, in Nye county, Nevada, an immense rock which at 
some time has fallen into the canyon from the porphyry ledge above it has a jiateh 
of marks nearly 20 feet square. It is so high that a man on horseback can not reach 
the top. 

A number at Reveille, in the same county, are also marked. On the roa<l to Tybo 
every large rock is marked, one of the ligures being a semicircle with a short verti- 
cal spoke within the curve. At Reno a heavy black rock a couple of feet across is 




beautifully engraved to r<>pre8ent a bull's eye of 4 riug.s, .in iiiiow with :i very liiijii' 
feathei'. and one which ni.ay mean a man. In a steep canyon 1.5 miles uortlioast of 
Reno, in Spanish Spiin;i; mountains, several cliffs are well inarl<e<l, and an exposeil 
ledge, where the ("arson river has cut off the poiut of a hill helow liig Kend, is 
covered with rings and snakes hy the hundred. Several triangles, a well-formed 
S(|uare and compass, a woman with outstretched arms holding an idive branch, etc., 
are there. 

Humboldt county has its share, tlu' best being on a bluff below the old Sheba 
mine. Ten miles south of Pioehe are about 50 figures cut into the rock, many of 
them (lesigned to represent mountain sheep. Eighty miles farther south, near Kane's 
Spring, the most numerous and perfect specimens of this prehistoric art are found. 
Men on horseback engaged in the jiursuit of animals are among th<! most numerous, 
best preserved, and carefully executed. 

The region I have gone ovei" is of inuneuse size, and must impress cvcry(tne -witli 
the importance of a set of symbols which extends in brol^en lines from Arizona far 
into Oregon. 

Fig. 55 exhibits eugraviiig.s at Reveille, Nevada, (li-eat iiiiiiil)ci-,s of 
iiici.sed characters of various kiiuls are reported from the walls ot 
rocks tlaiikiiig Walker river, near Walker lake, Nevada. AVa\iiig 
lines, rings, and what a])pear to be vegetable forms are of freijiieiit 
occurrence. The human form and footprints are also depicted. 

Fig. 5(j is a i'o|>y of a drawing made l).y Lieut. A. (1. Tassin, Twelfth 
U. S. Infantry, in 1877, of an ancient rock-carving at the base and in 
the recesses of Dead mountain and the abode of dead bad Indians ac- 
cording to the Mohave mythology. This drawing and its description is 
from a manuscript report on the Mohave Indians, in the library of the 
of the Bureau of Ethnology, prepared by Lieut. Tassin. 





C- o 



Fig. 56.— Petrojrlyplis at Doad mountain. Nevada. 

He explains some of the characters as follows : 

(o) Evidently the two different species of mesquite bean. 

(6) Would seem to refer to the bit(^ of the cidatus, and to the use of a certain herb 
for its cure. 

(c) Presjimably tlie olla or water cooler of the Mohaves. 



The whole of this series of petroglyjths is regarded as being 8himimo 
or Moki. They show a general resemblance to drawings in Arizona, 
known to have been made l)y the Moki Indians. The locality is within 
the territory of the Shoshonean linguistic division, and the drawings 
are in all probability the work of one or more of the numerous tribes 
comprised within that division. 


On the nortli wall of Canyon de Ohelly, one-fourth of a mile east of 
its mouth, ai'e .several groups of petroglyphs, consisting chiefly uf vari- 
ous grotesque forms of the human figure, and also numbers of animals, 
circles, etc. A few of them are painted black, the greater portion con- 
sisting of rather shallow lines, which are in some places considerably 
weathered. Further up the canyon, in the vicinity of the cliff" dwell- 
ings, are numerous small groups of pictographic characters, consisting 
of men and animals, waving or zigzag lines, and other odd figures. 

Lieut. James H. Simnson («), in his Journal of a Military lieconnois- 
sance, etc., presents a number of plates bearing copies of inscriptions 
on rocks in the northwestern part of New Mexico, among which are 
those on the so-called "Inscription rock" at El Moro, here reproduced 
as Fig. 57. The petroglyphs are selected from the south face of the 
rock. Lieut. Simpson states that most of the characters are no higher 
than a man's head, and that some of them arc undoubtedly of Indian 

Fid. 57. — Inscription rock, Nt^w Mexico. 

Among the many colored etchings and paintings on rock discovered 
by the Pacific railroad expedition in 1853-'54, Lieut. Whipple (e) notes 
those at Rocky dell creek, New Mexico, which were found between the 
edge of the Llano Estacado and the Canadian river. The stream flows 
through a gorge, upon one side of which a shelving sandstone rock 
forms a sort of cave. The roof is covered with paintings, some evi- 
dently ancient, and beneath are innumerable carvings of footprints, 
animals, and symmetrical lines. lie also remarks (d) that figures cut 
upon a rock at Arch spring, near Zuiii, present some faint similarity 
to those at Rocky dell creek. 


Near Ojo Pescado, in the viciuity of the riiius, are peti'oglpyhs, also 
reported by Lieut. Whipple {d), which are very much weather-worn 
and have "no trace of a modern hand about them." 

Mr. Edwin A. Hill, of Indianapolis, in a letter, notes petroglyphs on 
the Denver and Rio Grande railroad, between Antonite and Bspanola. 
Below Tres Piedias and near Espanola are rude sculptures, lining the 
valley on both sides of the road for a long distance, at least several 
miles. The canyon has a slope of about 45° and contains many 
bowlders, and on every available face pictographs are cut. Figures of 
arrows, hatchets, circles, triangles, bows, sjiears, turtles, etc., are out- 
lined as if with some cutting-tool. The country had two years before 
been occupied by Apaches, but far greater age is attributed to the 

Other peti'oglyphs actually within the geographical area of New 
Mexico are so near the border that they are treated of in connection 
with those of Colorado. 

Prof. E. D. Cope («) gives a copy of figures which he found on the 
side of a ravine near Abiquiu, on the river Chama. They are cut in 
Jurassic sandstone of medium hardness, and are quite worn and over- 
grown with the small lichen which is abundant on the face of the rock. 

Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports his 
observation of petroglyphs at San Antonio springs, 30 miles east of 
Fort Wingate, New Mexico. The human figure, in various forms, occurs, 

Fig. 5H. — Petroglyi>hfl .it Ojn de Benado, Now Mexico. 

as well as numerous other characters, strikingly similar to those fre- 
quent in the country farther west occupied by the Moki Indians. The 
pecidiarity of these figures is that the outlines are incised and that 
the depressions thus formed are filled with red, blue or white pig- 
ments. The interior of the figures is simply painted with one or more 
of the same colors. 

Figs. 58 and 59 are reproductions of drawings of petroglyphs from 
Ojo de Benado, south of Zufii, New Mexico. The manuscripts which 
once accompanied them, and which were forwarded to the Bureau of 
10 ETH 7 



Ethnology in the usual official mauner, have become se])arated from the 
sketches, aud on those there are no indications of the collectors' names. 
The characters are very like others from several localities in the ter- 
ritory and in the adjacent region. The type is that of the Pvieblos gen- 

f-^ ^^°* 

Fl<i. 59. — PetroglyjiliH iit Ojo de Bcnado. Nuw Moxicn. 

Mr. Baudelier, iu conversation, reported having seen and sketched a 
petroglyph at Nambe, in a canyon about 2 miles east of the pueblo, 
also another at (Jueva Pintada, about 17 miles by the trail northwest 
of Cochiti. 


The foUowiug is extracted from Schoolcraft (c) : 

There is a pictogra))bic ludiaii inscription [now obliterated] in tbe valley of the 
Hudnon, above the Highlands, which from its antiquity and character appears to 

Fig. 60.— Petroglyph at Esopus, New York. 


denote the era of the introiluction of firearms ami jjuupowder among the iiliiiriginal 
tribes of that valley. This era, from the well-known historical events of the con- 
temporaneous settlement of New Netherlands and New France, may be with general 
accuracy place<l between the years 1609, the date of Hudson's ascent of that stream 
above the Highlands, and the opening of the Indian trade with the Iroquois at the 
present site of Albany, by the erection of Fort Orange, in 1614. ' * * 

In a map published at Amsterdam, in Holland, in 16,59, the country, for some dis- 
tance both above and below Esopus creek, is delineated as inhabited by the Wara- 
nawankongs, who were a totcmic d ivisi(m or enlarged family clau of the Mohikinder. 
They spoke a well-characterized dialect of thi> Mohigan, and have left numerous 
geographical uiimes on the streams and physical peculi.arities of that part of the 
river coast quite to .and above, Coxsackie. The language is Algou<|Min. 

Esopus itself appears to lie a. word deriveil from .Seepu, the Minsi-Algominin name 
for a river. 

* * * The inscription may be supposed, if the era is properly conjectured, to 
have been made with metallic tools. The lines are deeply and plainly impressed. 
It is in double lines. The plumes from the head denote a chief or man skilled in the 
Indian medico-magical art. The gun is held at rest in the right hand; the left aj)- 
pears to support ii wand. [The position of the arm may be merely a gesture.] 

The leijrodiiction here as I'ig. 60 is from a rock on the western bank of 
the Hudson, at Esopiis landing. It is presented mainly on account of 
the frequent alhi.sions to it in literature. 

NORTH cakoli:;a. 

Mr. James Mooiiey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports petroglyphs 
upon a gray gneissoid rock, a .short distance east of Caney river, on the 
north side of the road from Asheville to Burnsville, North Carolina. The 
face of the surface is at an angle of 30° toward the south, and the 
sculptured area covers about 10 feet square. Tlie characters consist 
chiefly of cup-shaped depressions, some about 2 inches deep, some being 
also connected. There are a few markings which appear to have been 
intended to represent footprints. The characters resemble, to some 
extent, those at Tra^) Eock gap, (ieorgia, and at the Juttaculla rock. 
North Carohna, on a branch of the Tuckasegee river, above Webster. 

The above-described sculptured rock is on the property of Ellis Gard- 
ner, and is known as Gardner's, or the " Garden i-ock." 

Mr. Mooney also reports that at Webster, i^^orth Carolina, there is 
one large rock bearing numerous petroglyphs, rings, cup-shaped depres- 
sions, fish-bone patterns, etc. He further states, upon the authority 
of Dr. J. M. Spainhour, of Lenoir, tliat upon a light gray rock measur- 
ing 4 feet by 30 are numerous cup-shaped petroglyphs, he having 
cotmted 215. The rock is on tJie Yadkin river, 4 miles below Wilkes- 
boro, and is at times partly under water. 

Dr. Hoffman, who in 188G visited western North Carolina, gives the 
following account of colored pictographs found there by him. 

" The locality known as ' Paint rock ' is situated on the east or right 
bank of the French Broad river, about 100 yards above the Tennessee 
and North Carolina state line. The limestone cliff, which terminates 
abruptly near the river, measures about 100 feet in height and covers 



an area from side to side of exposure of at least 100 yards. Tlie accom- 
panying view (Fig. 61), taken fiom across the river, presents tlie wall 
of limestone rock and the position of the petroglyph, which is delineated 
in proper proportion nearly in the center of the illustration. 


Fig. 61 Paiut rock, Is'ortb Carolina. 

" The property belongs to Mr. J. W. Chockley, who has been living in 
the vicinity for about fifteen years. He states that dnring this time 
the pictograph has undergone some change on account of gradual dis- 
integration or fracture of the rock. The first knowledge of the picto- 
graph, according to local tradition, dates back about sixty years, and 
no information as to its import could be learned, either from the white 
residents, who are few in number, or the straggling Cherokee Indians 
who visit the railway station at odd intervals." 

The pictograph is peculiar in design, no animal forms being apparent 
but an indefinite number of short, straight lines at right angles to one 
another, as shown in Fig. 62. One-thirty-sixth actual size. 

Fig. 62. — Petrogly])hs nn Paint roel<, North Carolina. 

The characters are in dark red, probably a ferrous oxide, quantities 
of which are found in the neighborhood. The color appears to have 


penetrated the softer pijrtions of the limestone, though upon the harder 
surfaces it has been removed by exposure to the elements. The lower- 
most figure appears to resemble a rude outline of a human form, with 
one arm lowered and reaching forward, though this is only a suggestion. 
Upon the face of the rock, a few yards to the right of the above, are 
indistinct outlines of circles, several of which indicate central spots, 
and one, at least, has a line extending from the center downward for 
about 8 inches. 


A large number of petroglyphs are reported from this state. It is 
sufficient to present the following examples extracted, with reproduced 
illustrations and abbreviated descriptions, from the Eeport of the Com- 
mittee of the State Archaeological Society, published in the Report of 
the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers. 

Fig 63 is a copy of the petroglyph on the Newark Track rock. 





-" ^ >.^^ 

Fiy. 63. — Newark Track rock, Ohio. 

It is described in the volume cited, pages 94, 95, as follows: 

The Inscriptions near Newark, in Licking county, Ohio, originally covered a ver- 
tical face of conglomerate rock, 50 or 60 feet in length, by 6 and 8 feet in height. 
This rock is soft and, therefore, the figures are easily erased « * *. About the 
year 1800 it became a place where white men sought to immortalize tlfemselves by 
cutting their names across the (dd inscription * " ', 

On the rock faces and detached sandstone blocks of the banks of the Ohio river 
there are numerous groups of intaglios, but in them the style is quite difi'erent from 
those to which I have referred, and which are located in the interior. Those on the 
Ohio river resemble the symbolical records of the North American Indians, such as 
the Kellev Island stone, described in Schoolcraft by Capt. Eastman, the Dighton 
rock, the Big Indian rock of the Susciuehanna, and the "God rock" of the Allegheny 
river. In those the supposed bird track is generally wanting. The large sculptured 
rock near Wellsvllle, which is only visilde at low water of the Ohio, has among the 
figures one that is prominent on the Bamesville stones. This is the fore foot of the 
bear, with the outside toe distorted and set outward at right angles. 

Other sculptured rocks of a similar character have been found in Fairfield, Bel- 
mont, Cuyahoga, and Lorain counties. 



That tho auciont. Ijird-track cliaiactor belonged to the iiioiiu(l-l)uildiTs is evident 
from the fact that it is fouiul aiiioii}; tlieir works, coustiiioted of soil on a largo scale. 

One of biid-ti:ick mounds occurs in the center of the large circular inclosnro 
near Newark, Ohio, now standing in the Licking county fair grounds. Among the 
characters will be noticed the human hand. In one in.stance the hand is open, the 
j)alni lacing the observer, and in the other tlic hand is closed, excejit the index 
finger whicli points downward to tho base of the cliif. Of tho l>ird-track characters 
there are many varleti(^s. There i.s also a character resembling a cross and another 
bearing some resemblance to an arrow. 

Fig. 64 is an illustration of the Independence stone, whicli is de- 
scribed in the same volume, pp. 98, 9!), as follows : 

Great care has been taken to obtain a correct sketch of what remains of this in- 
scriiition. Avery rude drawing of it was published in Schoolcraft'.s great work 
upon the Indian tribes, in 1851. 

The rock here described only coutains a portion of the iuscripti(m. The balance 
was destroyed in (|uarrying. The markings on the portion of the rock preserved 
consist of the human foot, clothed with sometliing like a moccasin or stocking; of 
the naked foot; of the ii]ien hand; of round markings one in front of tho great toe, 
of each representation of the clothed foot; the figure of a serpent, and a peculiar 
character whicli miglit b3 taken for a rude representation of a oral) or crawfish, but 
which bears a closer resomblanc* to an old-fashioned s]»earhead used in capturing 

Flo. 64.— luiti'peudcnci) atone, Ohio. 

Fig. G5 is a copy of tlie drawings on the Track rock, near Barns- 
ville, Belmont county, Ohio, the description of which is in the same 
volume, pp. 89-93. 

The rude cuts of the human faces, part of the human feet, the rings, 
stars, serpents, and some others, are evidently works of art, as in the 
best of them the mai'ks of the engraving instrument are to be seen. In 
all cases, whether single or in groups, the relative dimensions of the 
figures are preserved. The surface of this block is S by 11 feet. 



At the south end of the petroglyphs occurs a flguie of several concen- 
tric rins's, a (lesion by no means (confined to Ohio. The third fi^tire 
right of this resembles ot hers in tlie same group, and evidently indicates 

^9 op 


]']ti. fij. — ISarucsvillc 'rr;u'k rock, Ohio, 

the footprints of tlie buifalo. Human footprints are generally indicated 
by the pronounced toe marks, eitiicr detached as slight dei)rcssi()ns or 
attached to the foot, and are thus recognized as different from bear 
tracks, which frequently have but slight indications of toes or perhaps 
claw marks, and in which also t]w foot is shorter or rounder. Tlio 
arrow-shaped figures are no doubt intended for turkey tracks, charac- 
ters commou to many petroglyplis of the middle and eastern Algonquian 

Fig. 66 gives sevei-al of the above characters enlarged from the i)re- 
ceding figure. 


Fio. (ifi.— CharacterH from BaiucHviUe 'I'rark rock. 


In Fig. 67, referring to another block iiieutioned in tlie same report, 
lying 20 feet south of the one first mentioned, there is a duplication of 
the characters before noted — human footiirints, bear and turkey tracks, 
and the indication of what may be intended to represent a serpent. 


Fig. 67. — Barne.sville Track ruck, No. 

Fig. 08, from p. 105 of the same volume, gives copies of sketches from 
the rocks near Wellsville, Ohio, with remarks as follows: 

On the Ohio side of the river, 1 mile above Wellsville, there is a large groui) of 
sculptures on a flat sand rock of the coal series, scarred by floating ice and flood 
wood. They are only visible in low water, as they are only 2 or 3 feet above the ex- 
treme low stage of the river. * * # They are made in double outline and not by 
a single deep channel. The outlines are a series of dots made with a round-pointed 
instrument, seldom more than half an inch deep. 

The upper design is a rattlesnake with a fancy head and tail. Its length is 4i feet, 
a very clumsy afiair, but intended for the common yellow rattlesnake of the West. 
The head of the snake, which occupies a space 6 inches square, 
is represented in the second character, which is reduced from 
a tracing size of nature. It brings to mind the horned snake 
of the Egyptians, which was an object of worship by them. 

The character at the left hand of the lower line may be an 
uncouth representation of a demon or evil spirit. The right- 
FiQ. «8.— Petroglyphs, hand character is probably an otter carrying a vine or string 
WeUsviUe, OS.O. i„ i^ig month. 

It is more probable that the lines from the mouth of the animal indi- 
cate magic or suiiernatural power, of which many examjiles appear in 
this paper, as also of the device in the region of the animal's heart, 
from which a line extends to the mouth. These characteristics connect 
the glyph with the Ojibwa drawings on bark. 


Many bowlders and rock escarjiments at and near the Dalles of the 
Columbia river, Oregon, are covered with incised or pecked glyphs. 


Some of them are representations of human figures, but characters of 
other forms predominate. 

Mr. Albert S. Gatsclict, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports the dis- 
covery by him, in 1878, of rode etchings 4 miles from Gaston, Oregon, 
and 2J miles from the ancient settlement of the Tualati (or AttYilati) In- 
dians. These etchings are about 100 feet above the valley bottom (m 
six rocks of soft sandstone, i)rqjecting from the gi-assy hillside of Pat- 
ten's valley, opposite Darling Smith's farm, and are surrounded with 
timber on two sides. 

This sandstone ledge extends for one-eighth of a mile horizontally 
along the hillside, upon the projecting portions of which the inscrip- 
tions are found. These rocks differ greatly in size, and slant forward 
so that the inscribed portions are exposed to the frequent rains of that 
I'egion. The first rock, or that one nearest the mouth of the canyon, 
consists of horizontal zigzag lines and a detached straight line, also 
horizontal. On another side of the same rock is a series of oblique 
parallel lines. Some of the most striking characters found upon other 
exposed portions of the rock appear to be human figures, i. e., circles 
to which radiating lines are attached, and bear indications of eyes 
and mouth, long vertical lines running downward as if to represent the 
body, and terminating in a furcation, as if intended for legs, toes, etc. 
To the right of one figure is an arm and three fingered hand (similar to 
some of the Moki characters), bent downward from the elbow, the 
humerus extending at a right angle from the body. Horizontal rows 
of short vertical lines are placed below and between some of the figures, 
probably numerical marks of some kind. 

Other characters occur of v.arious forms, the most striking being an 
arrow pointing upward, with two horizontal lines drawn across the 
shaft, and with vertical lines having short oblique lines attached 

Mr. Gatschet remarks that the Tualati tell a trivial story to explain 
the origin of these pictures, the substance of which is as follows : The 
Tillamuk warriors living on the Pacific coast were often at variance 
with the several Kalapuya tribes. One day, passing through Patten's 
valley to invade the country of the Tualati, they inquired of a woman 
how far they were from their camp. The woman, desirous not to betray 
her own countrymen, said they were yet at a distance of one (or two?) 
days' travel. This made them reflect over the intended invasion, and, 
holding a council, they decided to withdraw. In commemoration of 
this the insci'iption, with its numeration marks, was incised by tlie 

Dr. Charles Ran received from Dr. James S. Denison, physician at 
the Klamath agency, Lake county, Oregon, a communication relative 
to the practice of painting figures on rocks in the territory of the Kla- 
math Indians in Oregon. There are in that neighborhood many rocks 
bearing painted figures; but Dr. Rau's (b) description refers specially 



to a single ruck, called Ktii-i Tiipakshi (standing lock), situated about 
50 yards north of Sprague river and 150 yards from the junction of 
Sprague and Williamson rivers. It is about 10 feet high, 14 feet long, 
and 12 or 11 feet deep. Fig. 09, drawn one-twelfth of the natural size, 
illustrates the character of the paintings seen on the smooth southern 
surface of this rock. The most frequent designs are single or concen- 
tric circles, like Fig. 69, a, which consists of a dark red circle sur- 
rounded by a white one, the center being formed by a round red spot. 
Fig. 69, b, painted in dark red and white colors, exhibits a somewhat 
Mahadeo-like shape; the straight appendage of the circle is provided 
on each side with short projecting lines, alternately red and white, and 
almost producing the effect of the so-called herring-bone ornament. 

Flu. 09. — I'etrotil>-phs in Lake rounty, OrejiiMi. 

Fig. 00, c and (/, executed in dark red, are other designs seen on the 
standing rock above mentioned. The colors, which, as the informant 
thinks, are rubbed in with grease, api)ear quite distinct on the dark 
surface of the rock. 


Along the river courses in northern and western Pennsylvania many 
rocks are found bearing traces of carvings, though, on account of the 
character of the geological formations, some of them are nearly oblit- 

In 1875 Mr. P. W. Shafer published in a historical map of Pennsylvania 
several groups of pictographs. These had before appeared in a rude 
and crowded form in the Transactions of the Anthropological Institute 
of New York, 1871-72, jiage 60, where the localities are mentioned as 
"Big" and "Little" Indian rocks, respectively. One of these rocks is 
in the Susquehanna river, below the dam at Safe harbor, and the draw- 
ing clearly shows its Algonquian origin. The characters are nearly all 
either animals or various forms of the human body. Birds, bird tracks, 
and serx>ents also occur. A part of this pictograph is presented below, 
Fig. 1089. 

Ur. W. J. Hoffman visited this place during the autumn of 1889 and 
made sketches of the petroglyphs. The Algonquian type of delineation 
of objects is manifest. 


The rock kuown as "Big Indian rock" is in tlie Sus(iueliauna river, 
tliree-fourtbs of a mile below tlie nioutli of Oonestoga creek and about 
400 yards from the eastern bank of the Suscjuehanna. It is one of 
many, but larger than any other in the immediate vicinity, measur- 
ing about 60 feet in length, 30 feet in width, and an average height of 
about 130 feet. The upper surface is uneven, though smoothly worn, 
and upon this are pecked the characters, shown in Fig. 7(t. 









Fiii. 70. — Big IniUan rock, Pennsylvania. 

The characters, through exjwsure to the elements, are becoming 
rather indistinct, though a few of them are pecked so deep that they 
still present a depression of from one-fourth to one-half an inch in 
depth. The most conspicuous objects consist of human figures, thun- 
der birds, and animals resembling the panther. 

"Little Indian rock" is also situated in tlie Susquehanna river, one- 
fourth of a mile from the eastern bank an<l a like distance below the 
mouth of Conestoga creek. This rock, also of hard micaceous schist, 
is not so large as the one above mentioned, but bears more interesting 
characters, the most conspicuous being representations of the thunder 
bird, serpents, deer aiul bird tracks, etc. 

Prof. Persifor Frazer, jr., {b) remarks upon the gradual obliteration 
of these pictographs, and adds : 

In addition to these causes of oblitL-ratiou it is a pity to have to record another, 
which is the vandalism of some visitors to the localitv who have thouglit it an e«cel- 



lant practical joke to cut spurious figures alongside of aud sometimes over those 
made by the Indians. It is not unlikely, too, that the ''fish pots" here, as in the 
case of the Bald Friar's inscriptions, a few miles below the Maryland line, may have 
been constructed in great part out of fragments of rock containing these hieroglyph- 
ics, so that the parts of the connected story which they relate are separated and the 
record thus destroyed. 

-^ 9 




Fig. 71. — Little ludiau rock, Pennsylvania. 

Others have cut their initials or full names in these rocks, thus for an obscure 
record whose unriddling would award the antiquarian, substituting one, the correct 
deciphering of which leads to obscurity itself. 

At McCalls ferry, ou tlie Susquebauua river, in Lancaster county, 
and on the right shore near the water's edge, i.s a gray gneissoid flat 
rock, bearing petroglyphs that have been pecked upon the surface. 
It is irregular in shape, measuring about 3i by 4 feet in superficial 
area, upon which is a circle covering nearly the entire surface, in the 
middle of which is a smaller circle with a central point. Ou one side 
of the inner space, between the outer and inner circles, are a number of 
characters resembling human figures aud others of unintelligible form. 
The petroglyph is represented in Fig. 72. 

Fio. 72.— Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania. 

The resemblance between these drawings and those ou DightoH rock 
is to be noted, as well as that between both of them and some in Ohio. 
All those localities are within the area formerly occupied by tribes of 
the Algonquian stock. 




Near WasMugtou, Laucaster county, Pennsylvauia, ou "Mill stream," 
one-foiu'th of a mile above its junction with the Susquehanna river, is a 
largebowlderof gray sandstone (Fig. 73), the exposed portion of which 
bears several deeply incised lines which appear to have served as topo- 
graphic indicators, as several others of like kind occur farther down 
stream. The longest incision is about 28 inches in length, the next one 
parallel to it, about 14 inches, while the third character is V-shaped, 
one arm of which is about 10 inches in length and the other 12. The 
apex of this charat;ter points in a southeast direction. 

One-eighth of a mile farther down is another bowlder, also near the 
water, which bears shorter lines than the preceding, but in general 
pointing almost southeast and northwest. 

The workmanship is similar to that at Conowingo, Maryland, at the 
site of the Bald Friar rocks. Tlie marks appear to have been chipped 
to a considerable depth and then rubbed with sand and some hard sub- 
stance so as to present a smooth and even surface, removing all or 
nearly all of the pecked surface. 

Fig. 73. — Petrofflyph near Wasliington, Pennsylrania. 

Mr. P. W. Shafer, ou the same historical map of Pennsylvania before 
mentioned, pre.sents also a group of pictures copied from the origiuals 
on the Alleghany river, in Venango county, 5 miles south of Franklin, 
on what is known as the Indian God rock. There are but six charac- 
ters furnished in his copy, three of which are variations of the human 
form, while the others are undetermined. 

This rock was visited in ISSG by Dr. Hoffman, who made a number of 
drawings of objects represented, of which only those in Fig. 74 are 
here reproduced. The face of the bowlder bearing the original petro 
glyphs has been much disfigured by visitors who, in endeavoring to dis- 
play their skill by pecking upon the surface names, dates, and other 


designs, have so injured it that it is <litHtult to trace the original 

Fig. 74. — Petroglyplis on "Indiitn Guil rock." 

Fig. 74, a, represents, apparently, a panther. Above and beneath it 
are markings resembling wolf tracks, wliile farther down is a tiu'key 
track, and in the left-hand lower corner is a human form, such as is 
usually found upon rocks in the areas represented by Shoshouiun tribes. 

The design at h is much mutilated and eroded, and may originally 
have been a chai'acter like a, the first of this series. 

The characters at c and d are evidently human faces, the former rep- 
resenting that of the sun, the latter being very much like a mask. That 
at e is found upon other Algouquiau rocks, notably those called "Bald 
Friar," Maryland, in the Susquehanna river, immediately below the 
state line of Pennsylvania. 

The bowlder upon which these petroglyphs are engraved lies at the 
water's edge, and during each freshet the lower half of the surface and 
sometimes even more is under water. At these times floating logs, 
impelled according to the curve in the river immediately above, are 
directed toward this rock, which may explain the worn surface and 
the eroded condition of the sculpture. 

Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela city, describes in correspond- 
ence a rock bearing pictographs opposite the town of Millsboro, in Fay- 
ette county, Pennsylvania. This rock is about 390 feet above the level 
of the Monongahela river, and belongs to the Wayuesburg stratum of 
sandstone. It is detached and rests somewhat below its true horizon. 
It is about 6 feet in thickness, and lias vertical sides; oidy two figures 
are carved on the sides, the principal inscriptions being on the top, and 
all are now considerably worn. Mr. Wall mentions the outlines of 
animals and some other figures formed by grooves or channels cut from 
an inch to a mere trace in depth. No indications of tool marks were 



discovered. The footprints are carved depressions. Tbe character 
marked z, near the lower left-hand corner, is a circular cavity 7 inches 
deep. A copy of the inscription made in 1S82 by Mr. Wall and Mr. 
William Arisou is i-eproduced as Fig. 75 

I'iti, 75. — I't'trugli i>h at Millaburu. Peansj Ivania. 

Again the resemblance between these drawings, those on Digliton 
rock, and some of those in Ohio, introduced above, is to be noted, and 
the fact that all these localities are within the area formerly occupied 
by tribes of the Algonquiau stock. 

Mr. Wall also contributes a group of glyphs on what is known as 
the "Geneva Picture rock,'' in the Monongahela valley, near Geneva. 
These are footprints and other characters similar to those from Hamil- 
ton farm. West Virginia, which are shown in Fig. 1088. 

Mr. L. W. Brown, of Redstone, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, men- 
tions a rock near Layton, in that county, which measures about 1.5 
by 25 feet in area, uijon the surface of which occur a number of petro- 
glyphs consisting of the human tigure, animals, and footprints, some 



ofwliich are difficult to tract'. From a rough sketch reproduced as 
Fig. 70, made by Mr. Brown, these appear to be Algonquiau in type. 

Fig. 76. — PeTroi^Iyph.s near Laytou, I'enDsylvania. 

Mr. Brown also submitted for examination two pieces of chocolate- 
colored, smooth, line grained slate, of hard texture, bearing upon the 
several sides outlines of incised figures. The specimens were found in 
Indian graves in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. The outline of the 

h c 

Fig. 77.— Glyplis in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. 



incisions, although they are not strictly petroglyphs, are reproduced in 
Figs. 77 and 78. 

The designs are made in delicate lines, as if scratched with a sharply 
pointed piece of quartz, or possibly metal. The character d ou Fig, 
78 is the representation of a iish, which has been accentuated by addi- 
tional cutting since found. The characters resemble the Algonquian 
ty[)e, many of them being frequently found among those tribes living 
alonff the Great Lakes. 

Fig. 78.— Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. 

In O. C. Rafn's Autiq. Amer. (c), is the following account : 

Portsmouth rocks. — The rocks, for there are several of them, are situated on the 
western side of the island of Kbode Island, in the town of Portsmouth, on the shore, 
about 7 miles from Newport, taking the western road, and 4 miles from Bristol 
ferry. » * ♦ They are partially, if not entirely, covered by water at high tide; 
and such was the state of thi- tide and the lateness of the hour when the location 
was ascertained, that I was uuable to make a thorough examination of them. I saw 
sufficient, however, to satisfy me that they were formerly well covered with char- 
acters, although a large portion of them have Iiecome obliterated by the action of 
air and moisttire, and probably still more by the attrition of masses of stone against 
them in violent storms aud gales, and by the ruthless ravages of that most destruc- 
tive power of all, the haud of man. 

Tiverton rocks [op. cit. rf]. — Their situation may be thus known: by tracing along 
the east side of the map of Rhode Island until you strike Tiverton, and then follow- 
ing along to the southwest extremity of that town, the Indian name Puneoteast, also 
the English names Almy and High Hill, will be seen. The inscriptions are on nuisses 
of Graywacke. « » » We can only state they were occupied with some kind of 

These two inscriptions are pictured, op. cit., Table xiii. ■ 
10 ETH 8 




Mr. T. H. Lewis (c), gives a description of Fig. 79 as follows : 

This bowlder is on a liigli terrace on the west side of the Minnesota river, 1| miles 
south of Browns valley, and is in Roberts county, South Dakota. It is oblong in 
form, being 3* feet in leugth, 2 feet in width, and is firmly imbedded in the ground. 

Of the characters a aud ft are nndoulitedly tortoises ; c is probably intended to repre- 
sent a bird track ; (J represents a man, and is similar to the one at Browns valley, 
Minnesota, [Fig. 51, supra;] e is a nondescript of unusual form;/ is apparently in- 
tended to represent a headless bird, in that respect greatly resembling certain earthen 
effigies in the regions to the southeast. 

The figures are about one-fourth of an inch in depth and very smooth, excepting 
along their edges, which roughness is caused by a slight uuevenness of the surface 
of the bowlder. 

The same authority, op. cit., describe.s Fig. 79, g. 

This bowlder, i mUes northwest of Browns valley, Minnesota, is in Roberts county. 
South Dakota. 

The figures here represented are roughly pecked into the stone, and were never 
finished ; for the grooves that form the pictograpb on other bowlders in this region 
have been rubbed until they are perfectly smooth. The face of the bowlder ujjon 
which these occur is about 2 feet long and li feet in width. 

'=^M ^4 S 


^ $ 

Fig. 79.— Petroglypha in Roberts county, South Dakota. 

Mr. John Haywood {a) gives the foUowiug account: 

About 2 miles below the road which crosses the HariJeth river from Nashville to 
Charlotte is a large mound 30 or 40 feet high. About 6 miles from it is a large rock, 
on the side of the river, with a iieri)endicular face of 70 or 80 feet altitude. On it, 
below the top some distance and on the side, are painted the sun and moon in yel- 
low colors, which have not faded since the white people first knew it. The figure 
of the sun is 6 feet in diameter; that of the moon is of the old moon. The sun and 
moon are also painted on a high rock on the side of the Cuml)erlaud river, in a spot 
which several ladders placed upon each other could not reach, and which is also in- 
accessible except by ropes let down the summit of the rock to the place where the 
painting was performed. » * * The sun is also painted on a high rock on the 
side of the Cumberland river, 6 or 7 miles below C'larksville ; and it is said to be 
jpainted also at the junction of the Holstou and French Broad rivers, above Knox- 
ville, in East Tennessee ; also on Duck river, below the bend called the Devil's El- 
bow, on the west side of the river, on a bluff; and on a perpendicular flat rock facing 
the river, 20 feet below the top of the bluff and 60 above the water, out of which the 
rock rises, is the painted representation of the sun in red and yellow colors, 6 feet 


in circumference, yellow on the upper sitle anil a yellowish re<l on the lower. The 
colors are very fresh and unfailetl. The rays, hoth yellow and red, are represented 
as darting from the center. It has been spoken of ever since the river was navigated 
and has been there from time immemorial. * * « 

The painting on Big Harpeth, before s])oken of, is more than 80 feet from the 
water and 30 or 40 below the einiimit. All these paintings are in unfading colors, 
and on parts of the rock inaccessible to animals of every description except the fowls 
of the air. The painting is neatly executed, and was performed at an immense haz- 
ard of the operator. 

Mr. W. M. Clarke, in Smithsouiau Report for 1877, page 275, says: 

On tho blujfs of the Big Harpeth many pictures of Indians, deer, buffalo, and bows 
and arrows are to be seen. These pictures are rudely drawn, but the coloring is as 
perfect now as when first put on. 

Haywood (b) says: 

At a gap of the mountains and near the head of Brasstown creek, which is toward 
the head of the Hiawassee, and among the highlands, is a large horizontal rock on 
which are engraved the tracks of deer, bears, horses, w olves, turkeys, and barefooted 
human beings of all sizes. Some of the horses' tracks appear to have slipped for- 
ward. The direction of them is westward. Near them are signs of graves. 

He also (c) gives the following accoiint: 

Ou the south bank of the Holston, 5 miles above the mouth of French Broad, is a 
bluff of limestone opposite the mounds and a cave in it. The bluff is 100 feet in height. 
On it are painted in red colors, like those on the Paint rock, the sun and moon, a man, 
birds, fishes, etc. The paintings have in part faded within a few years. Tradition 
says these paintings were made by the Cherokees, who were accustomed in their 
journeys to rest at this place. Wherever on the rivers of Tennessee are perpendic- 
ular bluffs, on the sides, and especially if caves be near, are often found mounds 
near them, inclosed in intrenchments, with the sun and moon painted on the rocks, 
and charcoal and ashes in the smaller mounds. These tokens seem to be evincive of 
a connection between the mounds, the charcoal and ashes, the paintings and the 


Mr, J. E. Bartlett (b) gives the following account: 

About 30 miles from El Paso del Norte, in Texas, very near the boundary line of 
Mexico, there is an overhanging rock, extending for some distance, the whole sur- 
face of which is covered with rude paintings and sculptures, represeutiug men, ani- 
mals, birds, snakes, and fantastic figures. The colors used are black, red, white, 
and a brownish yellow. The sculptures are mere peckings with a sharp iustrument 
just below the surface of the rock. The accompanying engravings [reproduced in 
Fig. 80] show the character of the figures and the taste of the designers. Hundreds 
of similar ones are painted ou the rocks at this place. Some of them, evidently of 
great age, had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices. 

The overhanging rock, beneath which we encamped, seemed to have been a favorite 
place of resort for the Indi.ans, as it is at the present day for all passing travelers. 
The recess formed by this rock is about 15 feet in length by 10 in width. Its entire 
surface is covered with paintings, one laid on over the other, so that it is difficult 
to make out those which belong to the aborigines. I copied a portion of these fig- 
ures, about which there can l)e lu) doubt as to the origin. They represent Indians 
with shields and bows, painted with a lirownish earth ; horses, with their riders; un- 
couth looking animals, .and a large rattlesnake. Similar devices cover the rock in 
every part, but are much defaced. Near this overhangiug rock is the largest and 
finest tank or pool of water to be found about here. It is only reached by clamber- 



iiig ou the bauds and knees 15 or 20 feet up a steep rock. Over it jirojects a gigantic 
bowlder, wbicb, resting on or \vedged between other rocks, leaves a 8i)ace of about 4 
feet above the surface of the water. On the under side of this bowlder are fantastic 
designs in red paint, which could only have been made by persons lying ou their 
backs in this cool aud sheltered spot. 

Mr. Cliarle.s Hallock, of Wasliiugton, District of Columbia, gives in- 
formatiou that there is a locality termed the Painted caves, "on the 
Eio Grande, near Devil's river, in Crockett county, Texas, on the line 
of the ' Sun.set' railroad. Here the rock is gray limestone and the petro- 
glyphs are for the most part sculptured. They are in great variety, 
ft-om a manifest antiquity to the most recent date ; for these clift' cav- 
erns have been from time immemorial the refuge and resort of all sorts 
of wayfarers, marauders, and adventurer.s, who have painted, cut, and 
carved in every geometrical and grotesque form imaginable." 

FlQ. 80 Petroglyphs near PH Pasn, Texas. 


Carvings and paintings ou rocks are found in such number.s in the 
southern interior of Utah that a locality there has been named Picto- 
graph rocks. 

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, collected in 1S75 
a number of copies of inscriptions in Temple creek canyon, southeastern 
Utah, and noted tlieir finding as follows : 

The drawings were found only on the northeast wall of the canyon, where it cuts 
the Vermillion cliff sandstone. The chief parts are etched, apparently by pounding 
with a sharj) point. The outline of a figure is usually more deeply cut than the 
body. Other marks are produced by rubbing or scraping, and still others by laying 
on colors. Some, not .all, of the colors are accompanied by a rubbed appearance, as 
though the material had been a dry chalk. 

I could discover no tools at the foot of the wall, ouly fragments of ])ottery, flints, 
and a metate. 

Several fallen blocks of sandstone have rubbed depressions that may have Ijeen 


gronnJ out in the shaTpening of toi>ls. There have Tjeeu many dates of inscriptions, 
and each new generation has unscrnimlously run its lines over the jiictures already 
made. Upon the best protected surfaces, as well as the most exposed, there are 
drawings dimmed beyond restoration and others distinct. Tlie period during which' 
the work accumulated was longer by far than the time which has p.issed since the 
last. Some fallen blocks cover etchings on the wall, and are themselves etched. 

Colors are preserved only where there is almost complete shelter from rain. lu 
two places the holes worn in the rock by swaying branches impinge on etchings, 
but the trees themselves have disappeared. Some etchings are left high and dry by 
a diminishing talus (15 to 20 feet), but I saw none partly buried by an increasing 
talus (except in the case of the fallen block already mentioned). 

The painted circles are exceedingly accurate, and it seems incredible that they 
were made without the use of .i radius. 

In the collection coutiibnted by Mr. Gilbert there are at least fifteen 
sei'ies or groups of figures, most of which consist of the human form 
(from the simplest to the most complex style of drawing), animals, 
either singly or in long flle.s — as if driven — bird tracks, human feet and 
hands, etc. There are also circles, parallel lines, and waving or un- 
aulating Hues, spots, and other characters. 

Mr. Gilbert also reports the discovery, in 1883, of a great number of 
pictographs, chiefly in color, though some are only incised, in a canyon 
of the Book cliff' containing Thomp.son's spring, about 4 miles north of 
Thompson's stati( j, on the Denver and Colorado Eailroad, Utah. He 
has also furnished a collection of drawings of pictographs at Black 
rock spring, on Beaver creek, north of Milford, Utah. A number of 
fallen blocks of basalt at a low escarpment are filled with etchings upon 
the vertical faces. The characters generally are of an " unintelligible" 
nature, though the human figure is drawn in complex fi)rms. Foot- 
prints and circles abound. 

Mr. I. C Eussell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, furnisiied rude 
drawings of pictographs at Black rock spring, Utah (see Fig. 1003), 
Mr. Gilbert Thompson also discovered pictographs at Fool creek canyon, 
Utah (see Fig. 109-4). 

Mr. Vernon Bailey, in a letter dated January 18, 1SS9, reports that 
in the vicinity of St. George "all along the sandstone cliffs are strange 
figures like hieroglyphics and pictures of animals cut in the rocks, but 
now often worn dim." 

Mr. George Pope, of Provo city, Utah county, in a letter, kindly gives 
an account of an inscription on a rock in a canyon at the mouth of 
Provo river, about 7 miles from the city named. There is no paint seen, 
the inscription being cut. A human hand is conspicuous, being cut 
(probably pecked) to a depth of at least one-third of an inch, and so 
■with representations of animals. 

Dr. Ran (c) gives the design of a portion of a group carved on a cliff 
in the San Pete valley at the city of Manti, Utah, now reproduced as 
Fig. 81. He says : 

A line drawn horizontally through the middle of tlie parallel lines connecting llie 
concentric circles would divide the figure into two halves, each bearing a close 



resemblance to Prof. Simpson's fifth type of cup stones. A copy of the group in 
question was made and published by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison, in The Mormons or 
Latter-Day Saints, etc., Philadelphia, 18.53, p. 63. The illustration is taken from 
Bancroft's Native Races (Vol. iv, p. 717). In accordance with Lieut. Guunison's 
design, the position of the grotesque human figure is changed to the left of the con- 
centric circle. He also says that the Mormcm leaders made this aboriginal inscrip- 
tion subservient to their religion by giving the following translation of it: "I, 
Mahanti, the second king of the Lamanites, in five valleys of the mountains, make 
this record in the twelve hundredth year since we came out of .Jerusalem. And I 
have three sons gone to the south country to live by hunting antelope and deer." 
* * * Schoolcraft attempts (Vol. in, p. 494) something like an interpretation 
which appears to me fanciful and unsatisfactory. 

Fig. 81. — Petroglyphs near Manti, Utali. 

The following extract is made from The Shinumos by F. S. Dellen- 
baugh (a). 

Some of the least disintegrated ruins are situated on the Colorado river, only 
only a short distance below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river. * * « A level 
shelf varying from about 6 to 10 feet in width ran along for 150 feet or more. In most 
places the rocks above protruded as far as the edge of the lower rocks, sometimes 
farther, tlius leaving a sort of gallery, generally 7 or 8 feet high. Walls that ex- 
tended to the roof had been built along the outer edge of the natural floor, and the 
inclosed space being subdivided by stone partitions to suit the convenience of the 

Fig. 82. — Petroelyphs ou Colorado river, Utuli. 

builders, the whole formed a series of rather comfortable rooms or houses. The back 
walls of the houses — the natural rock — had on them many groups of hieroglyiihics, 
and farther along where there was no roof rock at all the vertical faces had been 
inscribed with seeming great care. Some of the sheltered groups were jiainted in 
various dull colors, but most of them were chiseled. 

The figure [82] gives a chiseled group. It is easy to see that these are signs of no low 
order. Considering their great age, their exposure, many of the delicate touches 
must be obliterated. 



The inscriptious on this ruin might, possibly be the history of the defense of the 
crossing, the stationing of the garrison, the ileath of officers of rank, etc. 

The following sketches of petroglyphs, with the references attached, are 
taken from the sketch book of Mr. F. S. Uellenbaugh, before referred to. 

The petroglyph, of which Fig. 83 is a copy, appears on a horizontal 
rock 5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river, Utah. 

Fio. 83. — Petroglyphs ou Coloiado river, Utah. 

The characters in Fig. 84 from rocks near the preceding group 
are painted red, with the imprint of a hand (on the larger figure) in 

Fig. 84.— Petroglyphs on Colorado river, "Utah. 

The petroglyphs reproduced in Fig. 85 are copied from the vertical 
walls near the two groups immediately before mentioned. 

The characters presented in Fig. 86 are copied from a vertical surface 
10 by 16 feet in area and halfway up the ascent to the geodetic point 
west of " Windsor castle," Pipe Spring. The human forms are similar 
in general design to the greater number of such representations made 
by the Shinumo Indians. 

The human forms represented in Fig. 87 are from the vicinity of 
Colorado river, 5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river. Mr. 



Dellenbaugh notes that the darkest portious of the figuies indicate a 
chiseled surface. 

Fig. 8b. — Petroglyi^bs at Pipe Spring, Utah. 

Fig. 87. — Petroglyplie on Colorado river, Utah. 


Fig. 88 Petroglyphs on Colorado river. Utah. 


Fig. 88 represents a number of petroglyi^hs obtained at tlie same 
locality as the one last mentioned. The greater number of the char- 
acters appear to represent snakes. 

Fig. 89 shows characters from the Shiuumo canyon, which, according 
to the draftsman's general notes, are painted. 



Fig. 89. — Petroglyplis in Shinumo canyon, Utah. 

In 1886 Dr. Hoffman visited a local field 9 miles southwest of Taze- 
well, Tazewell county, Virginia, which can be designated as follows:. 
The range of hills bounding the western side of the valley presents at 
various points low cliffs and exposures of Silurian sandstone. About 
4 miles below the village, known as Knob post-office, there is a narrow 
ravine leading up toward a depression in the range, forming a pass to 
the valley beyond, near the summit of which is a large irregular expo- 
sure of rock facing west-southwest, upon the eastern extremity of which, 
are a number of pictographs, many of which are still in good preser- 
vation. Fig. 90 is a representation. The westernmost object, i. e.^ 
the one on the extreme left, appears to be a circle about IG inches in 
diameter, from the outer side of which are short radiating lines giving 
the whole the appearance of a sun. Beneath and to the right of this is 
the outline of an animal resembling a doe. 

Other figures, chiefly human, follow in close succession to the easteru 

Fio. 90. — Petroglyph.s in Tazewell county, Virginia. 

edge of the vertical face of the rock, nearly all of which present the 
arms in various attitudes, i. e., extended or raised as in extreme sur- 
prise or adoration. Concentric rings appear at one point, while a thun- 
der-bird is shown not far away. About 12 feet east of this place are 
several figures resembling the thunder-bird. 
All of the characters, with one exception, are drawn in heavy or solid 


Hues of dark red paint, presumably a ferruginous coloring material pre- 
pared in the neighborhood, which abounds in iron compounds. The ex- 
ception is one object which appears to have been black, but is now so 
faded or eroded as to seem dark gray. 

The following account of the Tazewell county, Virginia, pictogi'aphs 
is taken from Goale's Life, etc., of Waters: (a) 

111 August, 1871, the writer weut to visit Tazewell county by way of the salt- 
works. Upon this jilace arc found those stangely i)ainted rotks which have been a 
wouder and a mystery to all who have seen them. The grandfather of Gen. Bowen 
settled the cove in 1766, one hundred and ten years ago, and the paintings were 
there then, and as brilliant to-day as they were when first seen by a white man. 
They consist of horses, oik, deer, wolves, bows and arrows, eagles, Indians, and 
various other devices. The mountain upon which these rocks are based is about 
1,000 feet high, and they lie in a horizontal line about half way up and are perhaps 
75 feet broad upon their perpendicular face. 

When it is remembered that the rook is hard, with a smooth white surface, incapa- 
ble of absorbing paint, it is a mystery how the coloring has remained undimmed un- 
der the peltings of the elements for liow much longer than a hundred years no one 
can tell. This paint is found near the rocks, and Gen. Bowen informed the writers 
that his grandmother used it for dyeing linsey, and it was a fadeless color. 

As there was a battle fought on a neighboring mountain, between 1740 and 1750, 
between the Cherokees and Shawnees for the possession of a buffalo lick, the remains 
of the rude fortiticatious being still visible, it is supposed the paintings were hiero- 
glyphics conveying such intelligence to the red man as we now communicate to 
each other througli newspapers. 

It was a perilous adventure to stand upon a narrow, inclined ledge without a shrub 
or a root to hold to, with from 50 to 75 feet of sheer perpendicular descent below to 
a bed of jagged bowlders and the home of innumerable rattlesnakes, but I didn't 
make it. I crawled far enough along that narrow slanting ledge with my fingers 
inserted in the crevices of the rocks to see most of the paintings, and then " coon'd" 
it back with equal care and caution. 

Five miles east of the last-noted locality and 7 west of Tazewell, 
high up against a vertical clift' of rock, is visible a lozenge-shaped 
group of red and black squares, known in the locality as the " Hand- 
kerchief rock," because the general appearance of the colored markings 
suggests the idea of an immense bandana handkerchief spread out. 
The pictograph is on the same range of hills as the preceding, but 
neither is visible from any jilace near the other. The objects can not 
be viewed upon Handkerchief rock excepting from a point opposite to 
it and across the valley, as the locality is so overgrown with large trees 
as to obscure it from any position immediately beneath. The lozenge 
or diamond-shaped figure appears to cover an area about 3 feet in 


Capt. Charles Bendire, U. S. Army, in a letter dated Fort Walla- 
walla, Washington, May 18, 1881, mentions a discovery made by Col. 
Henry C. Merriam, then lieutenant-colonel Second United States In- 
fiiutry, as thus quoted: 

While encamped at the lower end of Lake Chelan, lat. 48° N., he made a trip to 
the upper end of said lake, where he found a perpendicular cliff of granite with a 


perfectly smooth surface, from 600 to 1,000 feet high, rising out of the lake. On the 
cliff he found Indian picture-writings, painted evidently at widely different periods, 
but evidently quite old. The oldest was from 25 to 30 feet above the present water 
level, and could at the time they were executed only be reached by canoe. The 
paintings arc figures, black and red in color, and represent Indians with bows and 
arrows, elk, deer, bear, beaver, aud fish, and are from 1 foot to 18 inches in size. 
There are either four or five rows of these figures, quite a number in each row. 
The Indians inhabiting this region know nothing of the origin of these pictures, 
and say that none of their people for the past four generations knew anything about 

Since the preceding- letter was written a notice of the same rock has 
been published, together with an ilhistration, by Mr. Alfred Downing, 
of Seattle, Washington, in " The Northwest," vii, No. 10, October, 1889, 
pp. 3, 4. The description, conden-sed, is as follows: 

In that part of Washington territory until recent years known as the Moses In- 
dian reservation lies the famous Lake Chelan, 70 miles in length with an average 
width of 2 miles. 

About half a mile from its head, on the western shore and rising from the water, as 
an abrupt and precipitous wall of granite, stands " Pictured rock." 

The most remarkable feature of the Chelan picture is that the figures represent- 
ing Indians, bear, deer, birds, etc., are painted upon the surface of the smooth 
granite, nearly horizontal, but about 17 feet above the lake; the upper portion of 
the picture being about 2 feet higher. The figures depicted are 5 to 10 inches long. 

The difference between high and low stage of water at any period during the year 
does not exceed 4 feet, and this high-water m.ark being well defined along the shore, 
it becomes self-ev ident these signs were ]>laced there ages ago, when the water was 
17 feet higher than it is now. The granite bluff or walls in this instance are smooth, 
being weather and water worn, aud afford no hold for hand or foot either from 
above or below, and from careful observation it would appear to bo a physical 
impossibility for either a white or red man to show his artistic skill on those rocks 
unless at the ancient stage of water and with the aid of a canoe or a " dugout." 

The paint or color used was black aud red, the latter resembling Venetian. How 
wonderfully the color has stood the test in the face of the storms to whicli the lake 
is subject is apparent; only in one or two instances does it to-day show any signs of 
fading or weather-wearing. The signs impressed me as intending to convey the idea 
of the prowess of an Indian chief in the hunt, or as being a page in the history of a 
a tribe, the small perpendicular strokes seen in the lower portion indicating proba- 
bly the number of bear, deer, or other animals slain. 

When referring, in Pacific Eaihoad Keport, vol. i, page 411, to a 
locality on the Columbia river in Washington, between Yakima and 
Pisquouse counties, Mr. George Gibbs mentioned pecked and colored 
petroglyphs which he found there as follows : 

It was a perpendicular rook, on the face of whieli were carved sundry figures, most 
of them intended for men. They were slightly sunk into the sandstone and colored, 
some black, others red, and traces of paint remained more less distinctly on all of them. 
Tliese also, according to their [the Indians'] report, were the work of the ancient 
race ; but from the soft nature of the rock, and the freshness of some of the paint, 
they were probably not of extreme antiquity. 

For another example of petroglyphs from Washington see Fig. 679. 



Mr. Juhu Haywood (d) gives the foUowiug account: 

In the county of Kenhaway [Kanawha] about 4 miles below the Burning spring, 
and near the mouth of Campbell's creek, in the state of Virginia, is a rock of great 
size, on which, in ancient times, the natives engraved many representations. There 
is the figure of almost every indigenous animal — the buffalo, the bear, the deer, the 
fox, the hare, and other quadrupeds of various kinds; fish of the various produc- 
tions of the western waters, fowls of different descriptions, infants scalped, scalps 
alone, and men as large as life. The rock is iu the river Kenhaway, near its north- 
ern shore, accessible only at low water unless by the aid of water craft. 

The following notice of the same locality, but perhaps not of the 
same rock, was published by James Madison (a), bishop of Virginia, 
in 1804: 

I cannot conclude this letter without mentioning another curious specimen of Indian 
labour, and of their progress in one of the arts. This specimen is found within 4 
miles of the place whose latitude I endeavoured to take, and within 2 of what are 
improperly called Burning springs, upon a rock of hard freestone, which sloping to 
the south, touching the margin of the river, presents a flat surface of above 12 feet 
in length and 9 in breadth, with a plane side to the east of 8 or !) feet in thickness. 

Upon the upper surface of this rock, and also upon the side, we see the outlines 
of several figures, cut without relief, except in one instance, and somewhat larger 
than the life. The depth of the outline may be half an inch; its width three-quar- 
ters, nearly, in some places. In one line ascending from the part of the rock nearest 
the river there is a tortoise; a spread eagle, executed with great expression, particu- 
larly the head, to which is given a shallow relief, and a child, the outline of which is 
very well drawn. In a parallel line there are other figures, but among them that of 
a woman only can be traced. These are very indistinct. Upon the side of the rock 
there are two awkward figures which particularly caught my attention. One is 
that of a man with his arms uplifted, and hands spread out as if engaged in prayer. 
His head is made to terminate in a point, or rather, he has the appearance of some- 
thing upon the head of a triangular or conical form; near to him is another similar 
figure suspended by a cord fastened to his heels. I recollected the story which 
Father Henueiiin relates of one of the missionaries from Can.ada who treated in 
a somewhat similar manner, but whether this piece of seemingly historical sculpture 
has reference to such an event can be only a matter of conjecture. A turkey, badly 
executed, with a few other figures may also be seen. The labour and the persever- 
ance requisite to cut those rude figures in a rock so hard that steel appeared to make 
but little impression upon it, must have been great; much more so than making of 
enclosures in a loose and fertile soil. 

Another petroglyph, a copy of which is presented in Fig. 1088, is 
thus described in a letter from Morgan town, West Virginia: 

The famous pictured rocks on the E vansville ' pike, about 4 miles from this place, 
have been a source of wonder and speculation for more than a century, and have 
attracted much attention among the learned men of this country and Europe. The 
cliff upon which these drawings exist is of considerable size and wi>,hin a short dis- 
tance of the highway above mentioned. The rock is a white sandstone, which 
wears little from exposure to the weather, and upon its smooth surface are delineated 
the outlines of at least fifty [?] species of animals, birds, reptiles, and fish, embrac- 
ing in the niunber panthers, deer, buft'alo, otters, beavers, wildcats, foxes, wolves, 
raccoons, opossums, bears, elk, crows, eagles, turkeys, eels, various sorts of fish, 
large and suiall, snakes, etc. In the midst of this silent menagerie of specimens of 
the animal kingdom is the full length outline of a female form, beautiful and per- 


feet in every respect. Interspersed among the drawings of animals, etc., are imita- 
tions of tlie footprints of each sort, the whole space occupied being 150 feet long by 
50 feet wide. To what race the artist belonged or what his purpose was in making 
these rude portraits ranst ever remain a mystery, but the work was evidently done 
ages ago. 

The late P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reported that he 
found petroglyphs in many localities along the Kanawha river, West 
Virginia. Engravings are numerous upon smooth rocks, covered during 
high water, at the prominent fords in the river, as well as in the niches 
or long shallow caves high in the rocky cliffs of this region. Knde 
representations of men, animals, and .some characters deemed symbolic 
were found, but none were observed superior to, or essentially difit'er- 
iug fi-om those of modern Indians. 

On the rocky walls of Little Coal river, near the mouth of Big Horse 
creek, are cliffs which display many carvings. One of the rocks upon 
which a mass of characters appear, is 8 feet in length and 5 feet in 

About '1 miles above Mount Pleasant, Mason county, on the north 
side of the Kanawha river, are numbers of characters, aj)parently to- 
temic. These are at the foot of the hills flanking the river. 

On the cliffs near the mouth of the Kanawha river, opposite Mount 
Carbon, Nicholas county, are numerous pictographs. These appear to 
be cut into the sandstone rock. 

Pictographs were lately seen at various points on the banks of the 
Kanawha river, both above and below Charleston, but since the con- 
struction of the Chesapeake and Ohio railroad some of the rocks bearing 
them have been destroyed. About 6 miles above Charleston there was 
formerly a rock lying near its water's edge ujjon which, it is reported 
by old residents, were depicted the outline of a bear, turkey tracks, and 
other markings. Tradition told that this was a boat or canoe landing, 
used by the Indians in their travels when proceeding southward. The 
tribe was not designated. From an examination of the locality it was 
learned that this rock had been broken and used in the construction of 
buildings. It is said that a ti-ail passing there led southward, and at 
a point 10 miles below the Kanawha river stood several large trees 
upon which were marks of red ocher or some similar pigment, at which 
point the trail spread or branched out in two directions, one leading 
southward into Vu-ginia, the other southwest toward Kentucky. 

On a low escarpment of sandstone facing Little Coal river, or 8 
miles above its confluence with Coal river and about 18 miles south of 
the Kanawha river, are depicted the outlines of animals, such as the 
deer, i^anther ( ? ), etc., and circles, delineated in dark red, but rather 
faint from disintegration of the surface. The characters are similar 
in general appearance to tliose in Tazewell county, Virginia, and ap- 
pear as if they might have been made by the same tribe. There 
are no peculiarities in the topography of the surrounding region that 
would suggest the idea of their having served as topographic indi- 



cations, but tliey rather appear to be a record of a huutiug party, and 
to designate the kinds of game abounding in tlie region. 

Mr. L. V. McWhorter reports pictographs in a cave near Berlin, Lewis 
county. West Virginia. No details are given. 

A i)etroglyph found in a rock shelter in West Virginia is also pre- 
sented in PI. XXXI. 


A large number of glyphs are incised on the face of a rock near 
Odanah, now a village of the Ojibwa Indians, 12 miles northeast from 
Ashland, on the south shore of lake Superior, near its western extrem- 
ity. The characters were easily cut on the soft stone, so were also 
easily worn by the weather, and in 1887 were nearly indistinguishable. 
Many of them appeared to be figures of birds. An old Ojibwa Indian 
in the vicinity told the i^resent writer that the site of the rock was 

Fig. 91. — Petroglypbs in Brown's cave, Wisconsin. 

formerly a well-known halting place and rendezvous, and that on the 
arrival of a party, or even of a single individual, the apju'opriate to- 
temic mark or marks were cut on the rock, much as white men register 
their names at a hotel. 

The Pictured cave of La Crosse valley, called Brown's cave, is de- 
scribed by Kev. Edward Brown (a) as follows: 

This curious cavern is situated in the town of Barre, 4 miles from West Salem and 
8 miles from La Crosse. » » » 

Before the landslide it was au opeu shelter cavern, 15 feet wide at the opening and 
7 feet at the hack end; greatest width, 16 feet: average, 13; length, 30 feet; height, 
13 feet, and depth of excavation after clearing out the sand of the landslide, 5 feet. 
The ])ictHres are nio.stly of the rudest kind, but differing in degree of skill. Except 
several bisons, a lynx, rabbit, otter, badger, elk, and heron, it is perhaps impossible 
to determine with certainty what were intended or whether they rei>resented large 
or small animals, no regard being had to their relative sizes. 

[Examples of the figures are here presented as Fig. 91.] 


Perhaps <( indicates a bisou (ir buti'alo, and is the best executed picture of the col- 
lection. Its size is 19 inches long liy 15i inches from tip of the horns to the feet. 

h represents a hunter, with a boy behind him, in the act of shooting an animal 
with liis liow and arrow weapon. The Avhole representation is 2.5 iuclies long; the 
animal from tip of tail to cud of horn or proboscis \'2 inches, and from top of head 
to feet 7 inches; the hunter 11 inches high, the boy 4J. 

< represents a wounded, with the arrow or weapon near the wound. This 
figure is 21| inches from the lower extremity of the nose to the tip of the tail, 8| 
inches from fore shoulders to front feet, and 8 inches from the rump to the hind feet. 
The weapon is 4i inches long by 5 inches broad from the tip of one prong or barb to 
that of the other. 

rf represents a chief with eight plumes and a war club, H inches from top of head 
to the lower extremity, and 6| inches from the tip of the upper finger to the end of 
the opposite arm; the club GA inches long. 

Dr. Hofftnau made a visit to tliis cave in August, 1888, to compare 
the pictograpbic characters with others of apparently simihir outhiie and 
of known signilicatiou. He found but a limited uumbel- of the figures 
distinct, and these only in part, owing to the rapid disintegration of 
the sandstone upon which they were drawn. Many names and inscrip- 
tion.s had been incised in the soft surface by visitors, who also, by means 
of the smoke of candles, added grotesque and meaningless figures over 
and between the original paintings, so as to seriously injure the latter. 

-Petroylyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsiu. 

Mr. T. H. Lewis ((/) describes the petroglyjihs, a jiart of which is repro- 
dticed in Fig. 92, as follows : 

Last November my attention was called to some rock sculptures located about 2^ 
miles northwest from Trempealeau, AVisconsin. There is at the point in question an 
exposed ledge of the Potsdam sandstone extending nearly one-eighth of a mile along 
the east side of the lower mouth of the Trempealeau river, now known as the bay. 
Near its north end there is a jirojectiou extending out about 7 feet from the top of 
the ledge and overhanging the base about 10 feet. The base of the ledge is 40 feet 
back from the shore, and the toj) of the clitf at this point is 30 feet above the water. 
On the face of the projection, and near the Top, are the sculpture figures referred to. 

The characters designated a a are two so-called canoes, somewhat crescent-shaped, 
but with some vari.atiou in outline; h has the sjime form, but the additional upright 
portion overlaps it ; c and ri! are also of the s.ime form as a, but c is cut in the bottom 
of d; e probably represents a fort, and its length is 18i inches; /is a nondescript, 
and it partly overlaps d; g is a nondescript four-legged animal, its length in a 
straight line from the end of the nose to the tip of the tail being lOA inches; U may 
be intended to represent a foot, but possibly it may be a hand; it is 7i inches in 
length; i is an outspread hand, a little over 13 inches long; j undoubtedly repre- 
.scnts a foot and is 4i inches long; I- k are of the same class as a. 



The floTires ai-e uot mere outlines, but iutaglio, varying in depth from 
a quarter of an incli to fully 1 inch. Although the surface of the rock 
is rough the intaglios were rubbed perfectly smooth after they had been 
engraved by pecking or cutting. 


Several pictographs in Wyoming are described by Capt. William A. 
Jones, U. S. Army (a). They are reproduced here as Figs. 93, 94, 
anid 95. 

Fig. 93, found in the Wind river valley, Wyoming, was interpreted by 
members of a Shoslioni aiul Banak delegation to Washington in 1S80 
as "an Indian killed another." The latter is very roughly delineated 
in the horizontal figure, but is also represented by the line under the 
hand of the upright figure, meaning the same dead person. At the 
right is the scalp taken and the two feathers showing the dead war- 
rior's rank. The arm nearest tlie prostrate foe shows the gesture for 
killed ; couceiJt, to put down, flat. 

FiQ. 9;S.— Petroglyph in Wiuil river valley, Wyoming. 

The same gesture appears in Fig. 94, from the same authority and 
localitj^ The scalp is here held forth, and the numeral (1) is indicated 
by the lowest stroke. 

Fig. 94 Petroglyph in Wind i-iver valley, Wyoming. 


Fig. 9o, tVoiii tlifSiune locality and authority, was also inteipietc^d by 
tlie Shoshoui and Banak. It appears from their description that a 
Blackfiiot had attacked the habitation of some of his own people. The 
right-hand upper figure represents his horse, with the lance suspended 
from the side. The lower figure illustrates the log house built against 
a stream. The dots are the priyts of the horse's hoofs, while the two 
lines running outward from the upper inclosure show that two thrusts 
of the lauce were made over the wall of the house, thus killiug the 
occupant and securing two bows and five arrows, as represented in the 
left-hand group. Tlie right-hand figure of that gnmp shows the hand 
raised in the attitude of making the gesture for kill. 

The Blackfeet, according to the interpreters, were the only Indians 
in the locality mentioned who constructed log houses, and therefore 
the drawing becomes additionally interesting, as an attempt appears 
to have been made to illustrate the crossing of the logs at the corners, 
the gesture for which (log house) is as follows: 

Both hands are held edgewise before tlu^ body, palms facing, spread 
the lingers, and place those of one hand into the spaces between those 
of the other, so that the tips of each protrude about an inch beyond. 

Fr(i. 9n. — I'etroijlyphs in Wiiul ri\ er vuUey. Wyoming. 

Another and more imi)ortant petroglyph was discovered on Little 
Popo-Agie, northwestern Wyonnng, by members of Capt. Jones's party 
in 1873. The glyphs are upon a nearly vertical wall of the yeUow 
sandstone in the rear of Murphy's ranch, and appear to be of some 
antiquity. Further remarks, with specimens of the characters, are 
presented below in tins paper. (See Fig. 1091.) 

Dr. William H. Corbusier, IT. S. Army, in a letter to the writer, men- 
tions the discovery of drawings on a sandstone rock near the head- 
waters of Sage creek, in tbe vicinity of Fort Washakie, Wyonnng, and 
gives a copy which is presented as Fig. 96. Dr. Corbusier remarks 
that neither the Shoshoui nor the Arapaho Indians know who made the 
drawings. The two chief figures appear to be those of the human form, 
10 ETH 9 



witli the hands and arms partly uplifted the whole heiug inclosed 
above and on either side by an irregular line. 

Fni. 9ti. — I*i'tn»j;lyi>li uear Sago crock, Wyoming. 

The method of grouping, together with various accompanying ap- 
pendages, as irregular lines, .spiraLs, etc., observed in Dr. Corbusier's 
drawing, show great similarity to the Algonquian type, and resemble 





Fia. 97. — I*ctroglyph uear Sage crock, Wyuming. 

some engravings found near the Wind river mountains, which were 
the work of Blackfeet (Satsika) Indians, who, in comparatively recent 
times, occupied portions of the country in question, and i)robably also 
sketched the designs near Fort Washakie. 
Fig. 97 is also reported fi'om the same locality. 


S E ( " T I ( > N 3 . 

No adeqiuite iitteution fan be ;i;'iven in the present i)aper to the dis- 
tribution and description of the petroglyphs of Mexico. In fact very 
littie acourate information is accessible regarding them. The distin- 
g'aislie<l exph)rer, 'Slv. A. Haiidelier, in a conversation mentioned that he 
had sketched but not iiublished two petroglyphs in Sonora. One, very 
large and interesting, was at Cai-a Pintada, 3 miles southwest of Huas- 
savas, and a smaller one was at Las Fle<'has, 1 mile west of Iluassavas. 
He also sketched one in Chihuahua on the trail from Casas Grandes to 
the Oerro de ^Montezuma. From the accounts of persons met in his 
Mexican travels he gave it as his opinion that a large number of petro- 
glyphs still remained in the region of the Sierra Mad re. 

The following mention of the paintings of the ancient inhabitants of 
Lower California is translated from an anonymous account, in Docu- 
mentos para la Historia de Mexico {<(), purporting to have been written 
in 171)0: 

TbvoiigUout civilized Califoniiei, I'lom south to iiortli, auil especially in the caves 
and smooth rocks, there remain vario\is rude iiaiutiugs. Notwithstanding their dis- 
proportion and hick of art, the representations of men, tish, bows and arrows, can 
be distinguished and with them different kind of strokes, something like ch.aracters. 
The colors of these paintings are of four kinds; yellow, a reddish color, green and 
black. The greater part of them are painted in high places, and from this it is in- 
ferred by some that the old tradition is true, that there were giants among the 
ancient Califoruians. Be this as it may, in the Mission of Santiago, which is at the 
south, was discovered on a smooth rock of great height, a row of hands stamped in 
red. On the high clifts facing the shore are seen fish painted in various shapes and 
sizes, liows, arrows, and some unknown characters. In other parts are Indians armed 
with bows .and arrows, and v.arious kinds of insects, snakes, and mice, with lines and 
characters of other forms. On a (lat rock about 2 yards in length were stamped in- 
signia or escutcheons of rank .and inscriptions of various ch.aracters. 

Towards Purmo, about 30 leagues beyond the Mission of .Santi.ago del Sur, is a 
bluffs yards in height and on the center of it is seen an inscription which resembles 
Gothic letters interspersed with Hebrew and Chaldean characters [?]. 

Though the Californian Indians have often been asked concerning the significance 
of the figures, lines, and characters, no satisfactory answer has been obtained. The 
most that has been established by their information is that the jiaintings were their 
predecessors, and that they are absolutely ignorant of the signification of thera. It 
is evident that the paintings and drawings of the Califoruians are significant sym- 
l)ols and landmarks by which they intended to leave to posterity the memory, either 
of their establishment in this country, or of certain wars or ^lolitical or natural 
triumphs. These pictures are not like those of the Mexicans, but might have the 
same purpose. 

Several petroglyphs in Sonora are described and ilhistrated infra in 
Chapter xx on Special Comparisons. The following copies of petro- 
glyphs are juesented here as specimens and are markedly difterent from 
those in the northwestern states of Mexico, which represent the Aztec 


Tlu- description of Fig. US is extracted from Viages de Guilleliiio 

GoiuK from tlie town of Tlalniiiuiilco to that of Mecaiuecan, at a distance of a 
league to the east of the latter ami in the c6ntines of the estate of Senor Don Josf; 
Tepatolco, is an isolated rock of yranitic stone artilicially cut into a conical form 
with a scries of six steps cut in the solid rock itself on the eastern side, the summit 
fonninj; a platform or horizontal section suitable for the purpose of observing the 
stars at all points of the compass. It is, tlicrefore, most evident that this ancient 

Flu. 98. — Pi-^trot^lyplis iu Mt-xicu. 

nionnment or observatory was employed solely for astronomical observations, and it 
is further proved by various hieroglyphs cut in the south side of the cone ; but the 
most interesting feature of this side is the figure of a man standing upright and in 
profile directing his gaze to the east with the arms raised, liolding in the hands a 
tube or species of optical instrument. Beneath his feet is seen a carved frieze with 
six compartments or squares and other symbols of a celestial nature are engraved 


on tlieir suri'acos, eviileiitly the product of oliserviitioii and calculation. Some of 
thcni liave coiinoctiou with those fonnd symmetrically aiTani;ed in circles ou the 
ancient Mexican calendar, exposed in this capital to general admiration. In front 
of the observer is a ralihit seated and confronted by two parallel rows of numerical 
figures; lastly two other symbols relating to the same science are seen .at the back. 

Prof. Daniel (t. Briiiton (a), gives an acfount of the illustration liere 
produced on PI. xiv A, which may be thus conden.sed: 

The ".Stone of the Giants" at Escaniela near the city of Orizaba, Mexico, has 
been the subject of much discussion. Father D.amaso Sotonuayor sees in the inscribed 
figures .a mystical allusion to the comiuij of Christ to the Gentiles and to the occur- 
renees supposed in Hebrew myth to have taken place in the Garden of Eden. This 
stone was examined by Capt. Diipaix iu the year 1808 and is figured in the illus- 
trations to his voluminous narr.ative. The figifre he gives [now presented as B 
ou PI. xiv] is, however, so erroneous it yields but a faint idea of the real char- 
acter and meaning of the drawing. It omits the ornament ou the breast and also 
the lines along the right of the giant's face, which as I shall show are distin<tive 
traits. It gives him a girdle where none is delineated, and the relative size and pro- 
portions of all the three figures are quite distorted. 

The rock on which the inscription is found is roughly triangular in sliajie, pre- 
senting a nearly straight border of 30 feet ou each side. It is har<l and uniform in 
texture and of a dark cohu-. The length or height of the principal figure is 21 feet, 
and the incised lines which designate the various objects are deeply .and clearly cut. 

I now approach the decipherment of the inscriptions. Any one versed in the signs 
of the Mexican calendar will at once perceive it contains the date of a certain 
year and day. On the left of the giant is seen a rabbit surrounded with ten circular 
depressions. These depressions are the well-known Aztec marks for numerals, and 
the rabbit represents one of the four astronomic signs Ijy which they adjusted their 
chronologic cycles of fifty-two years. The stone be.ars a carefully dated record, with 
year and day clearly set forth. The year is rei)resented to the left of the figure and 
is that uuml)ered " ten" under the sign of the rabbit; the day of the is number 
"one" under the sign of the fish. 

These precise dates recurreil once, and only once, every fifty-two years, .and had 
recurred only once between the year of our era, 1450, and the Sp.anish conquest of 
Mexico in 1519-'20. Within the period named the year "ten rabbit" of the Aztec 
calendar corresponded with the year 1502 of the Gregorian calendar. It is more dif- 
ficult to fix the day, but it is, I think, safe to say that, according to the most ))rob- 
able computations, the day, "one fish," occurred in the first month of the year 1502, 
which month coincided in whole or in part with our February. 

Such is the date on the inscription. Now, what is intimated to have occurred on 
that date? The clew to this is furnished by the figure of the giant. It represents 
an ogre of horrid mien with a death's-head grin and formidable teeth, his hai ■ wild 
and long, the locks falling down upon the neck. Suspended ou th(^ bre.ast as an 
onuament is the bone of a human lower jaw, with its incisor teeth. The left leg is 
thrown forward as in the .act of walking, and the arms are uplifted, the hands open, 
and the fingers extended as at the moment of seizing the prey or the victim. The 
lines about the umbilicus represent the knot of the girdle which supported the 
maxlli or breechcloth 

There is no doubt as to which personage of the Aztec jjantheon this fear-inspiring 
figure represents. It is Tzontemoc Mictlaitteeiitli, "the Lord of the Realm of the 
Dead, He of the Falling Hair,'' the dread god of death and the dead. His distinctive 
marks are there, the ileath's-head, the falling hair, the jaw bone, the terrible aspect, 
the»giant size. 

We possess several chronicles of the empire before Cortes destroyed it, written in 
the hieroglyphs which the inventive genius of the natives had devised. Taking two 



of these chronicles, one knowu as the Codex Telleriauo-Reiiiensis, the other as the 
Codex Viiticanus, I turn to the year numbered "ten" under the sign of the rabbit 
and I find that both jjiesent the same record whicli I copy in the following figure. 

The tigure so copied is entitled " Extract from the Vatican Codex," 
wliich is a slight error. It is a copy from the Codex Telleriano-Ee- 
meusis, Kingsborough, i, Pt. 4, p. 23, year 1502, whicli is here repro- 
duced as Fig. 99. The record in the Vatican Codex, Kiugsborougli, ii, 
p. 130, differs in some unimportant details. It may also be noted that 
in the text relating to the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kiugsborougli, 
VI, p. 141, the word Ahuitzotl is given as "the name of an acptatic 
animal famous in Mexican mythology." The present opportunity is 
embraced to recognize the acumen displayed by Prof. Brinton in his 
interpretation of the petroglyph. He proceeds as follows : 


", '•- ■■-? 

O O '" 
te?-=^ O 

"*■ r^ , _ 

Fic. 99.— The Emperor Ahuitzotzin. 

The sign of the year (the rabbit) is shown merely by his head for brevity. The 
ten dots, whieh give its number, are beside it. I:muediately beneath is a curious 
quadruped, with what are intended as water-drops dripping from him. The animal 
is the hedgehog, and the figure is to be constructed iconomutieaJhj; that is, it must 
be read as a rebus through the medium of the Nabuatl language. In that language 
water is ail, in composition a, and hedgehog is uitzotl. Combine these and you get 
ahuitzotl, or, with the reverential termination, ahuitzotzin. This was the name of 
the ruler or emperor, if you allow the word, of aucient Mexico before the accession 
to the throne of that Montezuma whom the .Spanish conijiiistado): Cortes, put to 

Returning to the page from the chronicle, we observe that the hieroglypu of 
Ahuitzotzin is placed immediately over a corpse swathed in its mummy cloths, as 
was the custom of interment with the highest classes in Mexico. This siguifie.'? tliat 
the death of Ahuitzotzin took place in that year. Adjacent to it is the figure of his 





successor, his n;imo ioonomiiticiilly represented liy the headdress of the nobles, the 
teciihtli, giving the middle syllables of " Mo-tcciih-:omu." No doubt is left that 
La I'iedra de tos ditjaiitcs of Escamehi is a necrolo-jic tablet commemorating the death 
of the Emperor Ahuitzotzin, some time in February, 1502. 

Mv. Eugene Bobaii {a) uieutions manuscript copies, dating from the be- 
ginning of the century, of various sculptured stones in Mexico. These 
sculpturings represent native ideographic characters, among them the 
teocdiii, the tepctl, the sign ollin, etc. 

On several of the plates which compose this collection are notes indi- 
cating the place where the monument, fragment, or ruin is found, from 
which the characters are copied; for example, one of them bears the 
note: " de la calle R' de la villa de Ouernabaca." Several others bear 
annotations which show that they have been copied in the cemetery, 
in the streets of that town, or in its environs. 

Aside from these notes the plates are not accompanied by any informa- 
tion which could give a trace of the person who drew them, or the pur- 
pose for which they were intended. 

The same author (b) describes a large sculptured stone of Mexico, 
the designs on which have been reproduced in paintings on deerskin. 
After giving a detailed description of the copied MS. he speaks of the 
stone as tollows : 

We deem it of interest to give some notes concerning the famous cylindrical stone, 
both sculptured and painted, known by the name Teoctianhxicall'i (the sacred drink- 
ing vase of the eagles) on which are found the themes of all the designs which have 
been above described. This stone, buried .at the time of the Spanish Conquest, was 
discovered in the first half of this century at the close of a series of excavations 
made in the soil of the Place d'Armes, Mexico. The director of the national museum, 
who was then M. Eafael Gondra, contented himself with taking the dimensions and 
making a hurried sketch of it. It was then reinterred, as the necessary funds were 
lacking to exhume it entirely and transport it to the museum. 

The name Teocuauhxicalli is composed of: Teotl, god; ciiaahtii, eagle, and licalli, 
hemispherical vase formed from the half of a gourd. It may be translated by, 
"The vase of god and the eagles," or, rather, "The sacred drinking cup of the 

"The Mexican mon.arch Axayacatl, Jealous of his pre<lecessor Motecuhzoma I, 
took down the Teocuauhxicalli which was in the upper part of the Great Temple of 
Mexico, and replaced it by another, sculptured by his order ; " so says the eminent 
Mexican archa'ologist and historian, Don Manuel Orozco y Berra, in his excellent 
work, Historia Antigua y de la Conquesta de Mexico (t. Ill, p. 348). This monument 
was also dedicated to the god of war, Huitzilopoehtli. 

According to Durau and Tezozomoe, those stones on which gods were represented 
were design.ated by the name Teocuauhxicalli; i. e., divine cuauhxicalli. They be- 
longed to the class of painted stones, for they were covered with several colors. 

Orozco y Berra adds the following: '' It is evident that the figures sculptured and 
painted do not represent armed warriors preparing for combat. On the contrary, we 
see that they represent gods. Among them is found Huitzilopoehtli (god of war) 
with his arms and attributes, having before him another deity or high priest who holds 
in his hands the emblems of the holocaust. * 

"The tigures of the upper part are not fighting and conld not have known how 
to fight, if we judge by their positions; the chest is turned back, the face r.aised 
toward the sky, in which appears an object which resembles the astronomical sign 


"Everywhere ou the surface of this stoue are noticed syml)ols, birtls, qnadruperts, 
fantastic reptiles, signs of the sun, days, months, and a quantity of objects whose 
charaetcr is imitated in manuscri])ts and rituals. There can l)o no doubt that we are 
in the iireseucc of a monument devoted to the gods and bearing legends relative to 
their worship. M. the minister of Fomento, I). Vicente Rivera Palacio, in 1877 
made several attempts at excavation in the Plaza Mayor of Mexico, to recover this 
important monument, but all search remained unfruitful." 

This stoue is suppos<"d to l)e buried beneath the Place d'Armes at Mexico. 

Mexican petroglyphs are also discussed aud figured by Ohavero (a). 

It would seem from these and other descriptions of and ailusions to 
petroglyphs iu Mexico, that at the time of the Spanish conquest they 
were extant in large numbers, though now seldom found. Perhaps the 
S])aniards destroyed them in the same s])irit which led them to burn up 
many of the Mexican pictographs on paper and other substances. 

A number of illustrations f)f tlie Mexican pictographic writings are 
given below under various headings. 


The valuable paper of A. L. Pinart (a), giving a description of the 
petroglyphs found by liim in the Greater aud Lesser Antilles, is received 
too late for reproduction of the illustrations. He explored a number of 
the groups of the West Indies with varying success, but found that the 
island of Puerto Rico was the one wliich now furnislies the greatest 
amount of evidence of development in the pictographic art. His 
marks translated with condensation appear below. 


The first petroglyph to be mentioned is found at la Cuova del Islote, ou Pnnta 
Braba, about 5 leagues east from Arecibo and ou the north side of the islaud of Puerto 
Rico. The grotto is found in an immense blackish mass of igneous rock, forming a 
point projecting into the sea, which beats furiously against it; it communicates 
with the sea at the foot, au<l the water entering this passage, which is quite narrow, 
produces a terrific roaring followed soon after l>y veritable thunder claps. The 
people of the neighborhood have a superstitions fear of it, and it is only with great 
difficulty that anyone can be found to accompany one there. The entrance on 
the land side is toward the east — a yawning crevasse, tilled jiartly with rub- 
bish and partly by the stunted vegetation of the coast. On penetrating to the in- 
terior we find, after following a short but wide i)assage, a pyriform chamber 20 
meters in diameter. In the ceiling a very narrow crack admits a ray of light which, 
reflected in the water of the sea, filling the bottom of the cave, produces a bluish 
twilight. Notwithstanding this twilight, we are obliged to carry torches to distin- 
guish objects. All around ns, but especially over the point where the sea enters in, 
are to be seen the inscriptions represented here. The incisions are very deep, and 
the edges ar&^enerally dulled by the blows of the hammer; in certain spots, toward 
the lower part of the grotto, several inscriptions are partially eft'aced by the action 
of the sea, but those of the upper part are in a remarkable state of preservation. 
Beneath certain principal figures of the gnraps are little circular basin-like dei)re8- 
sions cut in the rock with a trench running down toward the bottom. 


I will not attemjjt here to give a formal explanation of these inscriptions, but may 
we not rcgaril the spot in wUicli they are fonnd as having served for a rendezvous 
for thi' ancient Borriii([uerios where they performed their sacrifices or the ceremonies 
of tlicir religion f On the otlier hand, the appearance of these inscriptious is very 
peculiar. One of them might be C(uisidered a representation of those little figurines 
and statuettes of stone found in Mexico, in Mixieca, and in the country to thesoufh. 
In another a head is curiously decorated with a diadein of feathers, and ai)|)ar('Utly 
represents one presiding at a feast served in the small circular basin set before him. 
The most noticeable thing in this group of inscriptions is the frequency of the grin- 
ning faces in a circle, often alone, often acccmipanied liy two others ])laped at the 
sides, which are universally met with in every inscription found in the Greater and 
Lesser Antilles. The same may be said of the human figure apparently swaddled 
in cloths like a very young infant, the head and body more or less decorated, which 
is also very frequently found. 

Following these iietroglyplis of Islote, we present a list of others discovered at 
Puerto Rico, hastily descril)ing them and giving a particular description only of those 
which are of the greatest interest. 

In the above-mentioned grotto of Cueva do los Arcbillaa, near the village of 
Ciales, we observed the curious tigures bearing traces of a crown and peculiar ear 
ornaments. In la Cueva de los Conejos, some distance from Arecibo, on the road 
from Utauado, we found a figure partly incised and partly painted in a dark red; it 
is very artistically fashioned, and represents the famous "'guava," the monster 
spider of the Greater Antilles, of which tlie natives haveagreat dread. It is proba- 
ble that the ancient Borrinquenos also considered it with a certain awe, and we find 
images of the same animal in la Cueva del Templo on the coast of Haiti, at Santo 
Domingo. A solitary rock of a reddish color, in a field of the hacienda of Don Pedro 
Pavez at la Carolina, a short distance from the Rio Pedras, bears a series of grima- 
cing faces in circles. On a granitic rock of large dimensions, superimposed on a heap 
of rocks of the .same character, in the midst of a grove of Indian trees and at the en- 
trance of the Cano del Indio into Rio la Ceiba, near Fajardo, on the east side, are 
found three swaddled human figures, the heads decorated with various oruaments. 
On a black rock in the Rio Arriba, one of the branches of the Rio de la Ceiba, is a 
lietroglyph which presents but little that is of interest. 

On the Loma Mumoz, near the Rio Arriba above mentioned, and on the summit of 
th(^ hill, stands a dark rock with smooth face protected by another mass of rock, 
forming a sort of slielter on which is an inscription composed of a number of incised 
grinning faces. At the continence of the Rio Blanco and the Rio de la Ceiba, in the 
district of Fajardo, is a scries of viohuit rapids formed by immense rocks of a granitic 
character, on which are cut a large number of other grimacing faces ami also some 
swaddled figures, and other incisions which are not of interest. 


Lady Edith Blake, wife of Sir Ileniy Arthur Blake, formerly governor 
of the Bahama ishiuds, has kindly furiiislied the followiuji' information 
and sketches (Fig.s. 100, 101, and 102), relating to petroglyphs in the 
Bahama islands. Lady Blake says : 

The carvings are on the walls of an "Indian hole," also called Hartford cave, in 
the northern shore of a small island in Rum Cay, one of the Bahama group. Rum 
Cay measures 5 miles from north to south and about 8 or 9 from east to west. It 
lies '20 miles northwest of Watlings island, the San Salvador of Columbus. 

The cave js situated on the seashore about a mile and a half from the western 
point of the island to the eastward of a blutf, close to which is a "puffing hole," 
through the waves blow when the seas roll in from the north. The cave is 



Bemicirciihu- in sliape and about 20 yards in deptli, and is partially filled with debris 
of rorks, earth, and sand. 

Lil<e all rucks of Avhieh the Bahamas are formed, those in Hartford cave are a mix- 
ture of ooral, detritus, and shell, very rough and full of cracks and indentations, and 
in this cave, from the constant damp of filtration and spray, the walls were coated 
with a deposit of limo atid salt, so that it would be impossible to say if the carvings 
had been c(dorfd. If ever they had been, any traces of coloriuf;' must lonij have 





Fig. 100.— rt'tniglypha in the Biihamas. 

disappeared. Besides the markings copied there were others scattered over the walls 
of the cave, most of which were circles apparently rcsenibling linrnan faces. Un- 
fortunately, we iieijlected to measure the carvings, but I slionlil judge the circles or 
faces to be 10 inches or more across, while others of the figures must have been a foot 


Fig. 101 — Petroglyphs in the Bahamas. 

and a half in length, and the markings must have been nearly half an inch in depth, 
cut into the face of the rock, .and seemed to us such as might havelieen made with a 
shar]) stone implement. Although we visited numerous caves in the various islands 
of the Bahamas, in no other did we find auv apiiear.ance of markings or carvings on 
the walls, nor could we hear of any reported to have sii^ h markings. 


The absence of any traces of carvings in other caves whose situation was better 
adapted for the preservation of markings, had such ever existed, and the proof that 
tlii'inontents afiorded tliat most of tlioso caves had been known to the Lucayans 
and used by them :is biirvin!;' places or otlierwisc, an<l the close proximity of Hart- 
for<l cave to the sea, tiikeu in connection with the great number of markings on its 
Willis, led me to think that possildy this cave hud been the resort of the marauding 
tribes whom the Lucayans gave Columbus to understand were their enemies, and 
who were in the habit of making war upon them ; anil if so, the Caribs, or whatever 
tril>e it may have been, had left these rock markings as mementos of their various 
expeditions anil guides to succeeding ones. 

The above-mentioned petroglyphs bear a remarkable similarity to 
tliose in British Guiana figured and described below, and the author- 
ship would seem to relate to the same group of natives, the Caribs. 

YiQ. 102.— Pctroglyphs in the Bahamas. 

In the Guesde collection of antiquities, described in the Smithsonian 
report for 1884, p. 834, Fig. 208, here reproduced as Fig. 103, is an in- 
scribed slab found in Guadeloupe. It weighs several tons and it is im- 
possible to remove it. In the vicinity are to be seen many other rocks 
bearing inscriptions, but this is the most elaborate of the group. 

The inscriptions may be compared with those from Guiana presented 
in this work. 


Pinart (6) gives the following account, translated and condensed: 

The island of Arnba forms one of the group of the islands of Curafao, on the north 
coast of Venezuela. This group consists of three principal islands, Cnra^ao, Bnen 
Ayre, Aruba, and some isolated rocks. It belongs to Holland. 

Arnba is the most western island of the group and is situated opposite the penin- 
sula of Paraguana, on the mainland. The distance between the two is about 10 
leagues, and from the island the shores of the continent can be seen very distinctly. 

These islands, at the time of the discovery by the Spaniards, were inhabited by an 
Indian race which has left numerous traces of its occujjaucy ; pottery, stone objects, 
petroglj'phs, etc., are met with in large numbers in Oruba and in a less quantity on 
Buen Ayre and Curasao. * * » These potroglyphs are quite diiierent in character 
from those which I have recently described in a brief study of the Greater and Lesser 
Antilles, and their appearance brings to mind those found in Orinoco, in Venezuela, 
in the peninsula of Paraguana, on the border of the Magdalena river, and as far as 
Chiriqui. They diifer from these, however, in several respects, and especially in 
that they are almost always multi-colored. The colors usually employed are red, 


blue, a yellowisli white, and black. They are, moreover, painted and not cut in the 
rock. They show the same decfrce of variance as I have already noticed in North 
America — in Sonora, Arizona, and Chihuahua — between the petroglyph.s whi(^h I have 
designated as Pimo.s, which are always incised, and those in the mountains which 
I designated as Comanche, and which are always painted and in many colors. The 
petroglyphs are, as has already been said, very numerous on the island of Aruba. I 
have personal knowledge of thirty, but, according to my friend Pere van Kolwsjk, 
there must be more than fifty. The most imjiortant groups are as follows: 

(1) Ariknk. An enormous dark ro(dc forms the suunnit of a wooded knob, an<l in 
this rock are two large cavities, one abo\'e the other, on the w.alls of which are the 
petroglyphs represented. 


;'-t ■'•■-jXy,-' i: 


.J- ■■^! ^ n //;><j. 


Fig. 103.— Petroglyph in Guadeloupe. 

(2) Fontehi. On the border of a fresh-water lagoon, a short distance from the 
northeast part of the island, near the sea, is a grotto of coralline origin, whose walls 
are of remarkable whiteness. This grotto is composed of a principal passage, quite 
wide, cut oft' toward the lower end ))y a row of stalactites and stalagmites, which, 
joining together, form a curious grimacing figure. On the wall to the left, as we 
look toward the bottom of the grotto, are found some petroglyphs. They are well 
preserved, thanks to their situatiim and the shelter from inclement weather, and 
they show no indication of painting, being distinctly traced on the walls. 

- (3) I'hirihana. On some granitic spurs of a hill of tlie s.ame name are found curi- 
ous petroglyphs. 

(4) At Lero de Wajukan, near Avikok, and at the foot of a hill, petroglyphs are 
found on some blocks of granite. I notice specially the human figure which in the 
original is outlined in red and bears on the shoulder a hatchet of the Carib type 
with a haft. 

(ii) At Ayo I discovered petroglyphs with figures in bl le and red. 

(6) At Woeboeri inscriptions an? found on the wall of an iuuuCTse mass of granite. 

(7) Some jictroglyphs on the walls of .a grotto at Karasito. 



Some writers have endeavored to draw definite ethnic distinctions 
between the preOohinibian inhabitants of North America and those 
farther south. Tlie opinions and theories which have favored such dis- 
criminations have originated in error and ignorance. Until hitely there 
has been but scanty scientific investigation of the peoples of Central and 
ISoutii America and but a limited exploration of the regions now or 
formerly occupied by them. The latest opinion of the best ethnologists 
is that no suflicient reason can be shown for separate racial classifica- 
tion of the aborigines of the three Americas. The examples of petro- 
glyphs now presented from Central and South America, all of which 
are selected as typical, show remarkable similarity to some of those 
above illustrated and described, especially to those in California, New 
Mexico, and Arizona, This topic is further discussed under the head- 
ing of Special Comparison, Chapter xx, infra. 




Dr. J. F. Bransford («) gives the following 
account : 

On a liillsitle on the southern end of the island of 
Onietepec, Nicaragua, about lA miles east of Point 
San Ramon, are many uregular blocks of basalt with 
marks and figures cut ou them. The hillside faces 
east, and is about half a mile from the lake. There 
were similar markings on many of the shore rocks, 
which, in May, were partially covered with water, 
notwithstanding that that was about the driest sea- 
sou. These markings were excavated about half an 
inch in depth and a little more in width. Human 
faces and spiral lines predominated. There was also 
a crown, a representation of a monkey, and many 
irregular figures. 

Several illustrations from these rocks are FiG.m.-PetrogiyphsinNicarasua. 
presented, infra, in Figs. 1102 and 1103, and one is reproduced in this 
couiiectiou as Fig. 101. 




The following extract is takeu from the work of Dr. S. Habe.l (a) : 

Santa Lucia is a village in the Republic of Guatemala, in the Department of 
Esquintla, near the hase of tho Volcano del Fuego, at the commencement of the 
inclined plane which extends from the mountain range to the coast of the Paciflc 
Ocean. * * » 

The sculptured slabs are in the vicinity of the village. Tlie greater number of 
them form an extended heap, rendering it probable that there are others hidden 
from view that more extended researches would reveal. » » » wi the sculp- 
tures, with the exception of three statues, are in low relief, nearly all being in cavo- 
relievo, that is, surrounded by a raised border, the height of which indicates the 
elevation of the relief. The same kind of relief was practiced by the ancient 
Assyrians and Egyjitians. 

In seven instances the sculpture represents a person adoring a deity of a different 
theological conception in eiich case. One of these seems to represent the sun, another 
the moon, while in the remaining five it is impossible to define their character. All 
these deities are represented by a human figure, of which only the head, arms, and 
breast are correctly portrayed, proving that the religious conceptions had risen to 
anthropomorphism, while the idols of the nations of C'entral America and Mexico, 
which have previously come to our knowledge, are represented by disfigured human 
forms or grotes((ue images. 

Four of the other sculptures represent allegorical sHljjects; two of them the myth 
of the griffin, the bird of the sun. 

The slabs on which the low reliefs are sculptured are of various sizes ; the greater 
number of these, like those representing the deities, are 12 feet in length, 3 feet in 
width, iiud 2 feet in thickness. Nine feet of the upper part of these stones are occu- 
pied by the sculptures, while the lower 3 feet appear to have served as a base. 

Several illustratious of these rock sculptures are presented, iiilra, as 
Figs. 1235 and 1236. It is evident that these very large slabs received 
their markings when they were in the locality in which they are now 
found so can be classed geographically. 


Alexander von Humboldt (a) gives general remarks, now condensed, 
upon petroglyphs in South America: 

In the interior of South America, between the second and fourth degrees of north 
latitude, a forest-covered plain is inclosed by four rivers, the Orinoco, the Atal)ai>o, 
the Rio Negro, and the Cassiquiare. In tliis district are found rocks of granite and 
of syenite, covered with colossal symbolical figures of crocodiles and tigers, and 
drawings of household utensils, and of the sun and moon. The tribes nearest to its 
boundaries are wandering naked savages, in the lowest stages of human existence, 
and far removed from any thoughts of carving hieroglyphics on rocks. One may 
trace in South America an entire zone, extending through more than S"^ of long- 
itude, of rocks so ornamented, viz, from the Eupuniri, Essequibo, and the moun- 
tains of Pacaraima, to the banks of the Orinoco and of the Yupura. These carvings 
may belong to very different epochs, tor Sir Robert Si-homburgk even found on the 
Rio Negro representations of a Spanish galiot, which must have been of a later date 
that the beginning of the sixteenth century; .and tliis in a wilderness where the na- 
tives were probably as rude then as at the present time. Some miles from Encaramada 


there rises in the middle of the savannah the rock Tepu-Meremc, or painted rock. 
It shows several figures of animals and symboliral outlines which resemble much 
those ob.served by us at some distance above Encaramada, near Caycara. Rocks 
thus marked are found between the Cassi(|uiare and the Atabapo and, what is par- 
ticularly remarkable, 560 geographi<'al miles farther to the east, in tlie solitudes of 
Parime. Nicholas Hortsmaun found on the banks of the Rujuiunri, at the spot 
where the river win<ling between the Macarana mountains i'orms several small 
cascades, and before arriving at the district iuimediately surrouudiug lake Amucu, 
"rocks covered with figures." or. as he says in Portuguese, "devariasletras." We were 
shown at the rock of Culimacari, on the banks of the C'assiquiare, signs which were 
called characters, arranged in lines, but they were only ill-shaped tigures of heavenly 
bodies, boa-serjients, and the utensils employed in preparing manioc meal. I have 
never found among these painted rocks (piedras pintadas) any symmetrical arrange- 
ment or any regular even-spaced characters. I am therefore disposed to think that 
the word " Ictras," in Hortsmauu's journal, must not be taken in the strictest sense. 
Schomburgk saw and described other petrogly])lis on the banks of the Essequibo, 
near the cascade of Warraputa. Neither promises nor threats could prevail ou the 
Indi.ans to give a single blow with a hammer to these rocks, the venerable monu- 
ments of the superior mental cultivation of their predecessors. They regard them 
as the work of the Great Spirit, and the different tribes whom we met with, though 
living at a great distance, were nevertheless acquainted with them. Terror was 
p.ainted ou the faces of my Indian companions, who appeared to expect every moment 
that the fire of heaven woulil fall on my head. I saw clearly that my endeavors 
to detach a portion of the rock would be fruitless, and I contented myself with 
bringing away a complete drawing of these memorials. Even the veneration every- 
where testified by the Indians of the present day for these rude sculptures of their 
predecessors show that they have no idea of the execution of similar works. There 
is another circumstance which should be mentioned. Between Encaramada and 
C.aycar.a, on the banks of the Orinoco, a number of these hieroglyphical figures are 
sculptured on the face of precii)ices at a height which could now be reached only by 
means of extraordinarily high sciifiolding. If one asks the natives how these figures 
have been cut, they answer, laughing, as if it were a fact of which none but a white 
man could be ignorant, that "in the days of the great waters their fathers went in 
canoes at that height.'' 


Mr. W. H. Holmes (&), of the Bureait of Ethnology, gives this account 
of petroglyphs in the province of Chiiiqni, state of Panama: 

Pictured rocks. — Our accounts of these objects are very me-ager. The cmly one 
definitely described is the " piedra pintal." A few of the figures engraved ujjon it 
are given by Seemann, from whom the following paragraph is quoted: 

"At Caldera, a few leagues (north) from the town of David, lies a granite block 
known to the country people as the piedra pintal or painted stone. It is 1.5 feet 
high, nearly 50 feet in circumference, and flat on the top. Every part, especially 
the eastern side, is covered with figures. One represents a radiant sun ; it is fol- 
lowed by a series of heads, all with some variations, scorpions, and fantastic figures. 
The top and the other side have signs of a circular and oval form, crosse<l by lines. 
The sculpture is ascribed to the Dorachos (or Dorasques). but to what purpose the 
stone was applied no historical account or tradition reveals." 

These inscriptions are irregularly placed and much scattered. They are thought 
to have been originally nearly an inch deeji, but in places are almost effaced by 
weathering, thus giving a suggestiou of great .antiquity. Tracings of these tigures 
made recently by Mr A. L Pinart show decided differences in detail, and Mr. Mc- 
Niel gives still another transcrip 



Ill Fig. 10.5 Mr. McNiel's sketcli of the southwest face of the rock is 

Fig. 105.— IV'troslypbs in Colombia. 

Other illustrations from Colombia appear as Figs. 151 and 11G6, infra. 


The name of Guiana has been aiiplied to the territory between the 
rivers Amazon, Orinoco, Negro, and Cassiquiare. It was once divided 
into the French, British, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish Guiauas. 
The Portuguese Guiana now belongs to Brazil and Spanish Guiana is 
part of Venezuela. Many petroglyphs have been found in the several 
Guianas. They appear throughout the whole of the part belonging to 
Venezuela, but they are more thickly grouped in parts of the valley of 
the Orinoco. 

The subject is well discussed in the following extract from ^Viuoiig 
the Indians of Guiana, by im Thurii {a): 

Tho pictuved rocks of Guiana are uot all of one kind. In all cases various figures 
are rudely depicted on larger t>r smaller surfaces of rocks. Sometimes tliese figures 
are painted, though such cases are few and of but litth^ moment; more generally 
tUey are graven on the rock, and those alone are of great importance. Rock 8cul]>- 
tnres may, again, be distinguished into two kinds, differing in the depth of incision, 
the apparent mode of execution, and, most important of all, the character of the 
figures represented. 

Painted rocks in British Guiana, are mentioned by Mr. C. Harrington Brown. He 
says that in coming down past Amailah f.ill. on the Cooriebrong river, he passed "a 
large white sandstone rock ornamented with figures in red paint." * » » Mi-. 
Wallace, in his account of his Travels on the Amazons, mentions the occurrence of 
similar drawings in more than one place near the Amazons. » » » 

The engraved rocks must be of some anticjuity ; that is to say, they must certainly 
date from a time before the influence of Europeans was much felt in Guiana. As has 
already been said, the engravings are of two kinds and are probably the work of 
two difl'erent people ; nor is there even .any reason to suppose that the two kinds 
were produced at one and the same tiuu'. 

These two kinds of engravings may, for the sake of convenience, be distinguished 
as "deep" and "shallow." respectively, according as the figures are deejjly cut into 
the rock or are merely scratched on the surface. The former vary from one-eighth 
to one-half of an inch, m- even more, in depth; the latter are of quite inconsiderable 
depth. This ditfereuce probably corresponds with ,i dift'erence in the means by 
which they were produced. The deej) engravings seem cut into the rock with an 
edged tool, probably of stone; the shallow figures were apparently formed by long 




coutiuueil friction with stones and moist sand. Tlie two kinds seem never to occur 
in the same place or even near to each other; in fact, a distinct line may almost be 
drawn between the districts in which the dcej) and shallow kinds occur, resjiectively ; 
the deep form occnrs at several spots on the Mazeruni, Essequibo, Ireng, Cotinga, 
Potaro, and Berbice rivers. The shallow form has as yet only been reported from 
the Cori'utyu river and its tributaries, where, however, examples occur in consider- 
able abundance. But the two kiuds differ not only in the depth of incision, in the 
apparent mode of their ])rii(luction, and in the place of their occurrence, but also — 
and this is the chief difference between the two — in the figures represented. 

F\'fX. 106 is a typical example of tke sliallow carvings. 

Fig. 106.— Shalluw carviuga iu Guiana. 

Fig 1104, infra, is a similar example of the deep carvings. 

The shallow engravings seem always to occur ou comparatively large and more 
or less smooth surfaces of rock, and rarely, if ever, as the deep figures, on detached 
blocks of rock, ])iled one on the other. The shallow figures, too, are generally much 
larger, always combinations of straight or curved lines in figures much more elabor- 
ate than those in the deep engravings; and tliese shallow pictures always represent 
not animals, but greater or less variations of the figure which has been described. 
Lastly, though I am not certain that much significance can be attributed to this, all 
the examples that I have seen face more or less accurately eastward. 

The deep eugraving.s, on the other hand, consist not of a single figure but of a greater 
or less number of rude drawings. » * * These dejiict the hnnuin form, moukeys, 
snakes, and other animals, and also very simple combinations of two or three straight 
10 ETH 10 


or curved lines in a pattern, and occasionally more elaborate (ombinatious. The in- 
dividual figures are small, averaging from 12 to 18 inches in height, but a consider- 
able number are generally represented in a group. 

Some of the best examples of this latter kind are at Warrapoota cataracts, about 
six days' journey up the Es.sequibo. 

* * * The commonest figures at Warrapoota are figures of men or perhaps 
sometimes monkeys. These are very simple and generally consist of one straight linii, 
representing the trunk, crossed by two straight lines at right angles to the body 
line; one aV)out two-thirds of the distance from the top, represents the two arms as 
far as the elbows, where upward lines represent the lower part of the arms; the 
other, which is at the lower end, represent the two legs as far as the knees, from 
which point downward lines represent the lower ])art of the legs. A round dot, or a 
small circle, at the top of the trunk line, forms the head ; and there are a few radiat- 
ing lines where the fingers, a few more where the toes, should be. Occasionally the 
trunk line is produced downwards as if to represent a long tail. Perhaps the tail- 
less figures represent men, the tailed monkeys. In a few cases the trunk, instead of 
being indiiated l>y one straight line, is formed by two curved lines, representing the 
rounded outlines of the body; and the Iiody thus formed is bisected by a row of 
dots, almost invariably nin(^ in number, which seem to represent vertebra*. 

Most of the other figures at Warrapoota are very simple ctmibinations of two, three, 
or four straight lines similar to the so-called " Greek meander pattern," which is of 
such widespread occurrence. Combinations of curved and simple spiral lines also 
frequently occur. Many of these combinations closely resemble the figures which 
the Indians of the present day paint on their faces and naked bodies. 

The same autlior (pj). 368, 369) give.s the following- account of the 
superstitious reverence entertained lor the petroglyplis by the living 
Indians of Guiana : 

Eveiy time a sculptured rock or striking mountain or stone is seen, Indians avert 
the ill will of the spirits of such places by rubbing red peppers {Capsicum) each in 
his or her own eyes. * » » Though the old practitioners inflict this self-torture 
with the utmost stoicism, I liave again and again seen that otherwise rare sight of 
Indians children, and even young men, sobbing under the infliction. Yet the cere- 
mony was never omitted. Sometimes, when by a rare chance no member of the party 
had had the forethought to j)rovide peppers, lime juice was used as a substitute ; and 
once, when neither peppers nor limes were at hand, a piece of blue indigo-dyed 
cloth was carefully soaked, and the dye was then rubbed into the eyes. 

The same author (6) adds: 

It may be as well briefly to sum up the few facts that can be said, with any proba- 
bility, of these rock pictures in Guiana. The engravings are of two kinds, which 
may or may not have had ditterent authors and different intention. They were still 
produced after the first arrival of Europeans, as is shown by the sculptured ship. 
They were, therefore, probably made l)y the ancestors of the Indians now in the 
country ; for, from the writings of Raleigh and other early exjilorers, as well as from 
the statements of early colonists, it is to be gathered that the present tribes were 
already in Guiana at the time of the first arrival of Europeans, though not perhaps 
in the same relative positions as af present. The art of stone-working being de- 
stroyed by the arrival of Europeans, the practice of rock-engraving ceased. Possibly 
the customary figures were for a time painted instead of engraved ; l>ut this degen- 
erated habit was also soon relinquished. As to the intention of the figures, that they 
had some seems certain, but what kind this was is not clear. Finally, these figures 
really seem to indicate some very slight connection with Mexican civilization. 

The following extract from a paper on the Indian picture- writing in 




British Guiana, by Mr. Charles B. Browu (a), gives views and details 
somewhat different from the foregoing: 

These writings or luiirkiiigs .are visible at -.i jireater or less (listau<^e in proportion 
to the depth of the furrows. In some instanees they are distinctly visible upon the 
rocks on the banks of the river at a distance of 100 yards ; in others they are so faint 
that they can only be seen in certain lights by reflected rays from their polished 
surfaces. They occur upon greenstone, granite, (luartz-porphyry, gneiss, and jas- 
perous sandstone, both in a vertical and liorizoutal position, at various elevations 
above the water. Sometimes they can only be seen during the dry season when the 
rivers are low, as in several instances on the Berbice and Cassikytyn rivers. In one 
instance, on the Corentyn river, the markings on the rock are so much above the 
level of the river when at its greatest height, that they could (mly have been made 
by erecting a staging against the face of the rock, unless the river was at the time 
much above its usual level. The widths of the furrows vary from half an inch to 1 
inch, while the dejith never exceeds one-fourth of an inch. » » * xhe furrows 
presentthesame weather-stained .aspect as the rocks upon which they are cut. ♦ » ' 

The ludians of Guiana know nothing about the picture-writing by tradition. 
They scout the idea of their having been made by the hand of mau, and ascribe them 
to the handiwork of the Miikunaima, their great spirit. « « * 

As these figures were evidently cut with great care and at much labor by a former 
race of men, I conclude that they were made for some great purpose, probably a 
religous one, .as some of the figures give indications of phallic worship. 


Prof. R. Hartmann (a) presented a pencil drawing of a South American 
rock, covered with sculptures, sketched by Mr. Anton Goering, a 
painter in Leipzig, which is here reproduced as Pig. 107. The rock is 
situated not far ft-om San Esteban, a village iu the vicinity of Puerto 

Fig. 107. — Sculptured rock in Vent-zui^la. 

Cabello, in Venezuela. C. F. Appun, in Unter den Tropen, i, p. 82, 
remarks as follows in reference to this " Piedra de los Indios" (Indians' 
stone), a large granite block lying by the side of the road : 

These drawings, cut iu the stone to a depth of half an inch, mostljf represent 
snakes and other .animal forms, human heads and spiral lines, and differ from those 
which I afterward saw in Guiana, on the Esseijiiibo and Rupununi, in characters 


and forms, but their execution, like that of the latter, is rude. Though greatly- 
weathered by the influence of rain and the atmosphere, the figures can still be per- 
fectly distinguished and gigantic patience, such as none but Indians possess, was 
surely needed to carve them in the hard, granite mass by means of a stone. 

Dr. G. Marcano (n) gives an account translated as follows, which is 
connected with Fig. 108 : 

ii8. — Rock near Caicara, Venezuela. 

A tradition, the legend of the rock of Tepumereme, has been preserved by Father 
Gili. Some old writers, adhering to the Tamanak acceptation of the word, say 
indifferently tepumeremes or rocas pintadas (painted rocks). Usage has converted 
Tepumereme into a proper noun. At the present day it is ai)plied exclusively to the 
rock situated some leagues from Encaraiiiad;i, in the midst of the savanna, this rock 
having been the Mount Ararat of the Taiuauaks. 

Sup])osing that it is authentic, this legeuil, which we will relate further on [see 
page 33, supra] , yields no information that might aid us in interpreting hieroglyjihs, 
and so we are reduced to describing its ])rincipal characters. 

Not all our pictographs correspond to the region of the Raudals, liut in our igno- 
rance of the peoples who carved them we see no harm in bringing them together so 
long as they all come from the banks of the Orinoco, and so long as the localities 
where they exist are indicated. The copies which we give of them have betm very 
carefully made and reduced to one-tenth. 

The first thing that strikes one on looking at them is that, despite dift'erences in 
detail, the design presents a general common character. In fact, there is question not 
of figures with undecided forms, but with sure lines perfectly traced and combined in 
one and the same style. They are geometric designs rather than objective repre- 
sentations. The illustration [Fig. 108] came from a rock in the vicinity of Caicara, 
a town situated on the right bank of the Orinoco, close to its last great bend. It 
represents three jaguars, one large and two small, the former being separated, from 
the latter by an ornamented sun }daced at the level of their feet. The spotting of 
their hides is rendered by means of angular lines arranged in so regular a manner 
that one might take them to be tigers did he not know that these felines never ex- 
isted in these regi(ms. The jaguars differ in insignificent details which, however, 
must have a purpose, in view of the general regularity. The largest shows six ladi- 
ating lines on the muzzle and a circle in one of the ears. The second shows two 
liooks on the lower part of the body. The third is preceded by an isolated head, 
which is unfinished, without ears, inclined differently from the others. Some differ- 
ences are also noted in the limbs. 

Placed in the attitude of marching, these animals seem to descend from a height 
and to follow the same direction. Perhaps there is question here of a mnemonic 
whole, and, we might add, of a totem, if we knew that that system had been em. 
ployed by the Indians of the region. 

The same author (p. 205) gives a description of the petroglyphs of the 
rapids of Chicagua, here presented as Fig. 109. 

This interesting collection includes the most varied ideographs. 

Alongside of representations analogous to the preceding there appear new charac- 



tors and partial jL''rouj)int^.s wliicli wo Jiad not yet tbnutl. On rnnnini^ ovrr them one 
passes .snccessively I'roni siinpli' jjoints to tignres niarle up oftaugled lines, to objeitive 
representations, and even to letters of the alphabet, a resemblance which, of course, 
is fortuitous. 

The tirst groui) begins by three points similar to those in Fig. ISt [of Marcano. occur- 
ring in Fig. 110.^ in this paper], followed by two cireles with central dots, and termi- 
nates below in a plexus of broken lines. The second group, placed at the right, is 
composed of regular figures of great variety. Among them we note the two lowest, 
one of which resembles a K and the other a reversed A. A.spiral, two circles, one of 
which has two appendices, and a figure in broken lines make up the third group. 
Below is seen a coiled serpent. Its head is characteristic ; it is found in other pre- 
Columbian carvings of the Orinoco. As regards design e, we will merely call atten- 
tion to the sign analogous to th(> E of our aljdiabet. It is found at times in the 
United States of America. [For this remark the author refers to the ideograph for 
pain, in Figs. 824 and 872, infra.] 

Fig. 109. — Petroglyphs of Cliicagua r.-ipida, Venezueli 

Design /is an animal difficult to characterize; its head and tail may be guessed 
at. The body is covered with ornaments and the legs, very incomplete, are in the 
attitude of running. .Design g represents probably a tree with an appendix of un- 
dulating lines; design /i, a head surmounted by a complicated headgear. This is 
the first distinctly human representation that we have found in the country. The 
strange combinations of designs j, k, and I exhil)it the dots at the end of tht^ lines 
which we have already spoken of. Design m resembles an JI; design » shows a 
circle with plane face. 

Thus we see that the statements of some travelers concerning mysterious hiero- 
glyphic combinations are far from being realized. As regards the exaggerations of 


Humboldt, they arise from the fact that he did not content himself with describing 
what he had seen. This is illustrated by the following sentence: "There is even 
seen on a grassy plain near Uruana an isolated granite rock on which, according 
to the account of iriislworthy people, there are seen at a height of 80 feet deeply 
carved images which appear arranged in rows and represent the sun, the moon, iind 
diflferent species of animals, especially crocodiles and boas." Elsewhere he speaks 
of kitchen and household utensils and of a number of objects which he can only 
have seen with the eyes of his imagination. 

Other illustrations- of pictographs in Venezuela are presented as 
Figs. 152, 153, 1105 and 1106, infra. 


Remarks of general applicability to this region are made by Mr. J. 
Whitfield (It), an abstract of which follows: 

The rock inscriptions were visited in August, 1865. Several similar inscriptions 
are said to exist in the interior of the province of Ceara, as vrell as in the provinces 
of Peraambuco and Piauhy, especially in the Sertaos, that is, in the thinly-wooded 
parts of the interior, but no mention is ever made of their having been seen near the 

In the margin and bed only of the river are the rocks inscribed. On the margin 
they extend in some instances to 15 or 20 yards. Except in the rainy season the 
stream is dry. The rock is a silicious schist of excessively hard and flinty texture. 
The marks have the appearance of having been made with a blunt, heavy tool, such 
as might be made with an almost worn-out unison's hammer. The situation is about 
midway between Serra (•irande or Ibiapaba and Serra Merioea, about 70 miles from 
the coast and 40 west of the town Sobral. The nati\ e poimlation attribute all the 
■' Letreiros " (inscriptions), as they do everything else of which they have no informa- 
tion, to the Dutch, as records of hidden wealth. The Dutch, however, only occupied 
the country for a few years in the early part of the .seventeenth century. Along the 
coast numerous forts, the works of the Dutch, still remain ; but there are no authentic 
records of their ever having established themselves in the interior of the country, and 
less probability still of their amusing themselves with inscribing puzzling hiero- 
glyphics, which must have been a work of time, on the rocks of the far interior, for 
the admiration of wandering Indians. 

Mr. Frauz Keller [a) narrates as follows regarding Fig. 110: 

I found a '■ written rock" covered with spiral lines .and concentric rings, evenly 
carved in the black gneiss-like nuiterial, and similar to those of the Caldeirao. 
Looking about for more, I discovered a perfect inscription, whose straight orderly 
lines can hardly be thought the result of lazy Indians' "hours of idleness." These 
characters were incised on a very hard smooth block 3 feet 4 inches in length, and 
3i feet in height and breadth. It lay at an angle of 45*- , only 8 feet above low water, 
and close to the watei-'s edge of the second smaller rapid, the Cachoeira do Ribeirao. 
The transverse section of the characters is not very deep, and their surface is as worn 
as that of (he inscription farther down. In some places they are almost efitaced by 
time and are to be seen distinctly only with a favorable light. A dark brown coiit 
of glaze, found everywhere on the surface of the stones, laved at times by the water, 
covers the block so uniformly well (Ui the concave glyphs .as on the ])arts untouched 
by instrument, that many ages must liave elapsed since some patient Indian spent 
long hoiirs in cutting them out with his quartz chisel. As the lines of the inscrip- 
tion run almost jierfectly horizontally, and as the figures near the Caldeirao and the 
Cachoeira and the Cachoeira das Lages are so little above low-water mark, the 
present position of the 1 dock seems to have bteu the original one. • » * On the 
rocky shores of the Araguaya, that huge tributary of the Tocantino, there are similar 
rude outlines of animals near a rapid called Martirios, from the first Portuguese ex- 



plorers faiipying they recognizeil the instrunu'iits of the Passion in the ehiiusy repre- 


Vui. 110.— Petroglyphs on the Cachoeira do Ribeirao, Brazil. 

Dr. Ladislihi Netto (a) give.s the illustration, reproduced as Fig. Ill, of 
an iuscriptiou discovered by Domingos S. Ferreira Penua on the rock 


Fig. 111. — The rock Itamaraca. Brazil. 

called Itamaraca, on the Eio Xingu. Dr. Netto's description is trans- 
lated us follows : 
This whole'iuscriptiou seems to represent one idea, figuring a collection of villages 



of vast propditions, inclosed by fortitu-ations cm two sides, at wliieli it seems most 
accessilile. On these same sides this eolloctiou of villages has external constrnc- 
tions or means of security, a kind of meanders or symbcdic figures, wbicli perliaps 
signify difliciilties besetting tbe commuuication of tbe inbal)itants witli the sur- 
rounding fields. 

In the lower part of the left-hand side there is a group of figures which seem to 
represent residences of chiefs, war houses, or redoubts, built near the principal 
entrance to the villages or to the city for its defense. There are founil three figures 
of saurians, one with a large tail, on the side of the redoubts or fortified houses, as 
if representing the population, and two with small tails, which seem strange, and 
which walk toward the first. 

This inscription is evidently the most perfect and the most notable of those found 
till now in all America [?], not (mly by its perfect condition and dimensiims, but 
also by the mode in which a series of ideas has here been l>rought together. 

The same aiitliof, on p. 552, furnishes copies 
of inscriptions carved on stones in the valley -(^"^^ 
of the liio Negro, and remarks : " In this series 
there are notable the two crowned personages 
[represented here in Fig. 112], one of whom holds l|llllll 
a staff in the right hand, and below and under j |l|"l 
them there are two figures of capibars (sea-hogs) 
facing each other, and whose representation in 
black color resembles some figures from the in- 
scriptions of North America." 

ThefoHowingaccount is in Dr. B.R. Heath's («) 
Exploration of the River Beni: 

Hieroglyphics were found on rocks at the falls and rapids of the rivers Madeira 
and Mamor^. * * * By accident we found some at the rapids at the foot of Cal- 
dieriio do Inferno. Designs d and b are figures on the same rock side by side, a is 
another face of the same rock 10 feet across, e and /are on the upper surface of 
a rock, and c on one of its sides near the bottom; ff is upon a rock 15 feet above 
the surfaci- of the river. Many more were on the other rocks, but our time did not 
l)ermit further copying. Mr. T. M. Fetterman, my companiim, and myself sketched 
as fast as possible. 

Fig. 113 is a reproduction of the illu.stration given. 


0n ^^ 

. 112. — Petroglvphs on the 
Rio Negro, Brazil. 

Fig. 113 — Petroglypbs .at the L'aUlierao do Inferno, Brazil. 

The moment we arrived at the falls of Girao we searched for stone carvings, find- 
ing a few, and several repetitions of circles similar to those already found. Designs a 
and d are on the west and east side of the same rock, which is 9 feet in length. The 
figure is 21 inches high, the five circles 1 foot across. The cast side was .almost ob- 
literated. Designs h and care on loose stones; b, facing west, is 16 inches long; 
the rock is 50 inches long and 35 wide; c is 22 inches long; the rock 70 inches long 
by 27 inches broad, and was 30 feet above the river at date. The rocks are basaltic, 




dipjiiiiK uortU at an anglo of HH . Many small stones, I and 2 feet in cliaineter, lie 
aliont, with marks on them nearly (lei'aeed. 

Fig-. 114 is a reproduction of the illustration. 

Fifi. 114. — Petroglyphs at the i'alls uf Girao, Brazil. 

At Pederneira all the rocks ou the right side at the foot of the rapids are literally 
covered with figures. Fig. ll.'j a is ou a large bowlder facing the sonth ; 6 has joined 
to its right side, c; ri, e, and /are on the same stone. Most of these rocks are only a 
few feet above low water and are t^overed at least eight months each year. 

-3 ^^ 

Fig. 1 15.— I*etroj;lypha at PedtTiieira, Brazil. 

At Araras rapids the river is very wide, [containing] two islands and a rocky 
ledge crossing the river from the rapid. Nearly all the rocks on the right bank are 
covered with figures. 



These are reproduced in Fig. 116. 

Having no small canoe 
we could not pass a small 
channel so as to gather 
copies of the figures we 
could see at a distance. 
The approaches both above 
and lielow the rapids and 
falls are many times as dif- 
ficult to pass as the rapid 
or fall itself, giving rise to 
the division into "head," 
"body," and "tail." Some 
not only have these divi- 
sions, but also have these 
subdivided into "head, 
body, and tail." One is 
constantly hearing "el ra- 
bo," "el rabo del r.abo," 
"el rabo del cuerpo," or 
"eabeza," and so on. 

Rilieirao. — The tail of the 
rapid is 3 miles in length, 
a continuous broken cur- 
rent and fields of rocks. It 
is here, on a rock but a foot 
or two above the river, 
that tile hieroglyphic 

„,,.„.,,». .J T> M shown in F. Keller's "Ama- 

FiG. 116. — Petroglyphs at Araras rapids, Brazil. 

* zou and Madeira " is found. 

As both Mr. Fetterman .and myself made copies of it, unknown to the other till 
finished, our copies may be relied on, although diff'eriug from Keller's. The length 

Flc;. 1 17.— Pi!troglyplis at Rilieiriio, Bra7,il. 




of the u])])er part is 45 inches ami of the lower 36 inches, with 13 inches (lei)fh of 

The copy mentioned is given here as Fig. 117. 

The character of the lower right-hand corner was at one time as clearly cut as we 
represent it, some of the edges being yet clear and distinct. 

At the rapid of Madeira there were a number of circles similar to 15 and 16 at Ri- 
beiriio. On a ridge of rocks in the middle of the river, just above Larges rapids, are 
figures, and we had only time to sketch one, Fig. 118. 

At Pao Grande we had a better harvest, showing evidently a later period than 
the former. One could easily believe these were made at the time of the Spanish 
conquest, the anchors, shields. an<l hearts being so often found in Sp.-inish religious 
rites. Without iloubt these were notices for navigators, as they were only out of 
water and seen when that passage was dangerous. Where projecting points of rock 
gave a face both up and down stream the same figure was on both faces. These 
locks are syenitic granite and are cut to a depth of a half inch. 

Pig. 119 is a reproduf'tion of the copy published. 

Senhor Tristao de Alencar Araripe (n) gives a large 
number of descriptions with illustrations, a selection 
of which, with translations, is as follows: 

In the province of t'eara, district of luhaniun, ou the plan- 
tation of Carrapateira, is a small hill (or mound). On the 
face of one of its rocks, on the eastern side, near the. edge of 
the road, is the inscription given in Fig. 120 painted in red. 

In the district of Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapa- 
teira, in Morcego, on the top of a mound, is a semicircular 
stone bearing on the face toward the mound the four characters which appear in 
Fig. 121. 

Fig. 118. — Character at 
Madeira rapid. Brazil. 

Fio. 119.— Petroglyidis at Pan (iraude, Brazil. 



In Inhamun. on the plantation of Carrapateira, in Morcego, is a large stone mound, 
the stones being piled up in a form of a tower; and in the inside of this tower, on 
the south or southwest side, are the characters given in Fig. 122 painted in bright, 
cochineal color. 

._C9 ^ ^ ^ 


/-^-^ a f 








Fio. 120. — Petrnglyph In Ceari, Brazil. 

Near the road from Cracara to Favelas, Inhamun, is a large rock, on the face of 
which, at the top of the western side, is the inscription [given on the upper part of 
Fig. 123,] all in red paint, as is also that following. 

®^ p mf^ 

Fig. 121.— Petroglypb in Morcego, Brazil. 


Fi^. 12-.— ri'tin^lyplia in Morn-j, 





The under part of this rock forms a shfiltev, and on the roof of tliis shelter aie all tlie 
remainiuy; characters of the figure. 

To the right or south of the shelter coutainiug the inscriptiou is a stone, with the 
form of the figure represented in the third place iu the lower row of characters, 
counting from left to right, on a small heap, with the rear end raised up and the 
sharp point toward the east, its side inclining toward the west, in such a way that 
it can l>e cliuilied to the end which is erect. 

On the same side, at the south, hut heyond this, on the top of a rise, is a mound iu 
sight, which is represented l)y thi; figure [delineated in the lower part of Fig. 123 at 
the extreme right,] resemlding an inclosure (corral) with the 21 small lines before it. 


r2H. — Ptjtroglyphs in liiliaiuuu, Jir;i/,U. 

Fig. 124 is ii copy of au iiiscriptiou at Pedra Lavrada, Proviiice of 
Parahiba, published loc. cit., but the description by Senlior de Aleucar 
Araripe is very meager, amounting in substance to the following: 

This is au Inscription of vast proportions on a large rock in the town of Pedra 
Lavrada, which takes its name from that of the rock. 

Other petroglyphs iu Brazil are copied in Figs. 1107, 1108, IKtO, 1110, 
1111, 1113, 1114, and also under the heading of Cup Sculptures, Chap- 
ter V, infra. 


F. p. Moreno {a), Museo de La Plata, Catamarca, gives an illustra- 
tion of an inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Meudoza, reproduced as 
Fig. 125. 


The following account is furnished by Messrs. de Rivero and Von 
Tschudi {a): 

Eight leagues north of Arequipa there exist a multitude of engravings on granite 
which represent figures of animals, flowers, and fortifications, and which doubtless 
tell the story of events anterior to the dynasty of the Incas. 



••"•••• •.;."?« ^-.tI^ • 

V ::-••• ^^./ V:^- /^••.•/ 

/,; m:-^ 

Fig. 124.— Petroglyplis at Pedra Lavrada, Brazil. 

Fig. 125.— Inscribed nuk at I'.a.i" dt- ( 'aimta, Argentine Republic. 




The illustration presented is copied here as Fig. 126. 
The account is continued as follows : 

111 the province of Castro- Viveyna, in the town of Huaytara, tliore is found iu tlie 
ruius of a large edifice, of similar oonstrnction to the celebrated palace of old Huanuco, 

FIk- L-6. — IVtrtiglypliN near Arecjuipa, Peru. 

a mass of granite many square yards in size, with coarse engravings like those last 
mentioned near Arequipa. None of the most trustworthy historians allude to these in- 
scriptions or representations, or give the smallest direct information concerning the 
Peruvian hieroglyphics, from which it may possibly be inferred that iu the times of 
the Incas there was no knowledge of the art of writing in characters and that all of 
these sculptures are the remains of a very remote period. * * * In many parts 
of Peru, chiefly in situations greatly elevated above the sea are vestiges of inscrip- 
tions very much obliterated by time. 

The illustration is copied here as Fig. 127. 

Fig. 127.— Petroglyph in Uuaytara, Pern. 

Charles Wiener (<i), in Perou et Bolivie, gives another statement, 

The archeologists of Peru have only found a single point — Tiahiianaco — where 
there wore a limited number, though very interesting, of signs on rocks or stones 
which seemed to all observers to be symbolic. While there are a few ])etroglyphs 
found in Pern there are a large number of inscriptions properly so called on the 
tissues which cover or are found in connection with remains in the gravis. I 

A number of pictographs from Peru are described and illustrated 
infra (see Figs. 688, 720, and 1167). 


Prof Edwyn C. Reed, of Valparaiso, Chile, presented through A. P 
Niblack, ensign U. S. Navy, a photograph of a large bowlder bearing 
numerous sculpturings. No information pertaining to the locality at 
which the rock is situated or details respecting the characters upon it 
were furnished. The photograph is reproduced in Fig. 128. 



Mr. E. A. Philippi, of Santiago, a correspondiug member, made a 
communication to the Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic, session 

Fig. 128. — Sculptured bowlder in Chile. 

of January 19, 1876, page 38, from which the following is extracted and 

I made a visit to tlie valley "Cajon tie los Oipreses" in order to see the glacier 
giving rise to the Rio de los Cipreses, a tributary of theCachapoal, and on that occa- 
sion had a cursory view of a rock with some pictures. I send you herewith a draw- 
ing of the rock and .some of the figures cut on it. The rock, a kind of greenstone, 
lies at an altitude of about 5,000 feet above sea level, and the surface covered with 
figures, gently inclined down to the ground, may be 8 feet long and 5 or 6 feet high. 
The lines are about 4 nun. broad and 1 to | mm. deep. The carved figures on the stone 
are without any sort of order. When I spoke before a meeting of our faculty of physi- 
cal and mathematical sciences concerning this stone which the shepherds of the re- 
gion called piedra marcada, I learned that similar stones with carved figures are 
found in various places. 

The figure mentioned is here reproduced as Fig. 129. 

Flu. 129. — Petroglyph iu Cajoii de los Cipreaes. Cliile. 

(' II A TT K U IV. 

The term "extra-liinital," fiiiniliar to naturalists, refers in its i)rcsi'iit 
coHuection to the sculptures, paintings, and drawings on rocks beyond 
the continents of North and South America, which are now iutioduced 
for comparison and as evidence of the occui-rence throughout the world 
of similar forms iu the department of work now under examination. 



Mr. Edward Gr. Porter («), in "The Aborigines of Australia," says: 
"Their rock carvings are only outline sketches of men, fish, animals, 
etc., sometimes seen on the top of large flat rocks. Two localities are 
mentioned, one on Sydney common and another on a rock between 
Brisbane water and Hawkesbury river." 

Much more detailed information is given by Thomas Worsnop, viz : 

At Chasm island, which lies li mik-s from "(iroote Eylandt," in thesteeii sides of 
the chasms, were deep holes or caverns imdermining' the clitt's, upon the walls ol' 
whii'h are found rude drawings, made with charco:il and som"thing like rod paint, 
upon tile white ground of the rock. These ilrawiugs represented porpoises, trrtlc. 
kangaroos, and a human hand, and Mr. Westall found the representations of a kan- 
garoo with a file of thirty-two persons following after it. 

In the MacDonnell ranges. 6 miles from Alice springs, in a large cave, there were 
paintings made l)y the ahorigiues, well defined parallel lines, intersected with foot- 
prints of the eum, kangaroo rat, and hirds, with the outlines of iguana, hands of 
men, well sketched and almost periect. 

The parallel lines were of deep red and yellow colors, with brown and white I)or- 
ders; the footprints of light red, light yellow, ami black; the outlines of the ani- 
mals and hands were of red, yellow, white, black, wonderfully (considering it was 
done by savages) displayed and blended. All the paintings were in good preserAa- 
tion and evidently touched up occasionally, as they looked quite fresh. 

I can only conjecture that iiaiutiugs were left as a record, a life-hmg charm, 
against the total destruction of the al)0\e animals. The paintings were seen by Mr. 
.S. (iason. of Beltana, iu the year 1873. 

Very interesting groups of native drawings are to be seen iu tlie caves of tlie 
Emily gorge in tlie M.acDoniiell ranges. Many of these drawings represent life-size 

10 ETH 11 1«1 



The same author, page 20, describes the petroglyph copied in Fig. 
130 as follows : 

Mr. Arthur Joliu Giles in the year 1873 discovered, at the junction ol Sullivan's 
creek with the Finke river, carvings iiu rocks. The sketch represents a smooth- 
faced rock, portion of a rock cliff about 45 feet high, composed of hard metamorphic 
slate. The lower portion of the sculptured face has been worn and broken away, 
forming a .sort of cave. From the level of the creek to the lower edge of the sculp- 
tured rock is about 15 feet. The perjiendicular liues are cut out, forming semi- 
circular grooves about 1 J inches in diameter, cut in to a de])th of nearly half au inch ; 
all remaiiiing figures .-ire also carved into the solid rock to a depth of one-fourth of 
au inch. 

^-^^if^'l-^^r^is- -J'^r: 

Fig. 130.-:— Peti'oj^lyi)li ou Finke river. Au.stralia. 

The same author, paj;e 14, gives the following description of some 
pictures discovered between 1831 and 1840 by Oapt. Stokes on De- 
puch island, one of the Forestier group in Dampier archipelago, on 
the western coast of Australia : 

Depuch island would seem to be their favorite resort, auil \vc limud several of 
their huts still standing. The natives are doubtless attracted to the xilace partly by 
the reservoirs of water they find among the rocks after rain ; jiartly that they may 
enjoy the pleasure of delineating the various objects that attrait their attention on 
tlie smooth surface of the rocks. This they do by removing the hard red outer coat- 
ing and baring to view the natural co.or of the greenstone, according to the outline 



tbey liavi; traced. Mmli ability is displayed iu many of these reprisentatiims, the 
subject of which could be discov<Ted at a glauce. The number of specimens are im- 
mense, so that the natives must have been in the habit of amusing themselves iu 
this innocent manner for a long period of time. 

These savages of Australia, who have adorned the rocks of Depuch island with 
their drawings, liave in one thing proved themselves superior to the Egy])tian and 
the Etruscan, whose works have elicited so much admiration and afforded food to 
so many speculations, namely, there is not in them to be observed the slightest trace 
of indecency. 



Fig. lal.— retroiLilyphs in Depuch island, Au.strali.T. 

Fig. 131 shows a number of the characters drawn on these rocks. 
They are supposed to represent objects as follows : 

n, a goose or duck; 6, a beetle; c, a tish, with a quarter mono o\-er, considered to 
have some reference to fishing by moonlight ; d, a native, armed with spear and wom- 
mera or throwing stick, probably relating his adventures, which is usually done by 
song and accompanied with great action and flourishing of weapons, particularly 
when boasting of his powers; e, a duck and a gull; /, a native in a hut, with portion 
of the matting with whicli they cover their habitations; g, shark and jiilot tish; /(, 
a corroboreeo or native dance; i, a native dog; j, a crab; k, a kangaroo; 1, appears 
to be a bird of prey, having seized upon a kangaroo rat. 


The .same autlior, i)age 5, describes another locality as follows: 

In New South Wales, in the neighbdihood of ]5otaiiy bay and port Jackson, the 
figures of animals, of shields and weapons, and even of men, have been found larved 
upon the rocks, roughly, indeed, but sutKciently well to ascertain very fully what 
was the object intended. Fish were often represented, and in one place the foim of 
a large lizard was sketched out with tolerable accuracy. On top of one of the hills 
the ligurc of a uiau, in the attitude usually assumed by them when they begin to 
dance, was executed in a still superior style. 

The figure last meiitioued was probably the god Darainiiliui, see 
Howitt, Australian Customs of Initiation (a). 

A special account of the aboriginal rock carvings at tiie head of 
Bautry bay is furnished by R. Etheridge, jr. (a), as follows, the illus- 
tration referred to being preseuted here as Pig. 132: 

of the numerous traces of aboriginal rock carvings to Im', seen om the shores of I'ort 
Jackson, none probalily eijual in extent or completeness of detail thos<' on the heights 
at the head and on the eastern side of Bautry bay, Middle harbor, Australia. 

The tal)le of sandstone over which the carvings are scattered measures 2 chains 
in one direction by ii in the contrary, and has a gentle slope of 7 degrees to the south- 
west. The high road as now laid out passes over a portion of them. * * 

Fig. 132. — r<'trn<;lypli8 at Bantry Ij; 

Tlie figures are represented in their present state in outline by a continuous inden- 
tation or groove from 1 to Ij inches broail by half an inch to 1 inch in depth. Some 
are single subjects scattered promiscuously over the surface; others form small 
groups, illustrating compound subjects, but all appear to have been executed about 
one and the same time. « » • 

An advance on the other sculptures existing at this place seems to be made in the 
originals of the designs a and ft, from the fact that an attempt was apjiarently made to 
represent a com])oiind idea in the form of a single combat between two warriors. The 
figures are <iuite contiguous to one another. The individual marked a seems to be 
holding in hia right hand a body similar to that re]u-eseiited as c, and the position in 
which it is held would lend color to the belief in its shield-like nature. In the op- 
posite hand are a bundle of rods which have been suggested to be spears, and this 
ex)ilanatioii for the want of a better may be accepted. On the othi'r hand, we are 
confron ted with the fact that these weapons of otfense and defense are held in the 
wrong hands, unless the holder be regarded as sinistral; otherwise it must be con- 
ceived that the warrior's back is iiresentcd to the observer, which is contrary to the 
other evidence existing in the carving. The opponent, marked as /), with legs astride 
and arms outstretched much in the position of an aboriginal when throwing the 
boomerang, is equally definitive. I conceive it ([uite possible that the position of| 1\ NEW ZEAT.ANO. Ihf) 

the boomerang close to the riyht hand conveys tlie idea that tliis man liiis just 
thrown the missih* at the suhjeet of ^/. allowin,i;. of eourse, for the want of a knowl- 
edsje of perspective on the part of the aboriginal artist. » * * 

In several other tifjnres the head is a mere rounded outline, but in b it is presented 
with a rather bird-like appearance. Another peculiarty is the i;reat angularity 
given to the kneecap: this is visible both in ii and h. It is further exenii)lilie(l in 
the elbow of the le<'t arms of Imlh k and h. 


The term "Oceanica" is used here without geographic precision, to 
include several islands not mentioned in other sections of the present 
work, in different parts of the globe, where specially interesting petro- 
giyphs lia\'e been found and made known in publications. Although 
more such localities are known than are now mentioned, the pictographs 
from them are not of sitfflcient importance to justify description or illus- 
tration, but it may be remarked that they show the universality of the 
pictographic practice. 


Dr. .Tubus von Haast (a) published notes, condensed as follows, de- 
scriptive (jf the illustration produced here as Fig. 133 : 

The most remarkable petroglyphs found in New Zealand are situated about I mile 
(ui the western side of the \Veka Pass road in a rock sheltir, which is washeil out of 
a vertical wall of rock lining a small valley for about 300 feet on its right or southern 
side. The whole length of the rock below the shelter has been used for painting, 
and it is ex-ident that some order has been followed in the arrangement of the sub- 
jects and figures. The paint consists of kokowai (red oxide of iron), of which the 
present aborigines of New Zealand make still extensive use, and of some fatty sub- 
stance, such as fish oil. or perhaps .some oily bird fat. It has been well fixed U|iou 
the somewhat porous rock and no amount of rubbing will get it off. 

Some of the principal objects evidently belong to the animal kingdom, and represent 
animals which either do not occur in New Zealan<l or are only of a mythical or fabu- 
lous character. The paintings occur over a face of about 65 feet, and the upperend 
of some reaches 8 feet above the floor, the average height, however, being 4 to .5 
feet. They are all of considerable size, most of them measuring several feet, and (me 
of them even having a length of 1.5 feet. 

Beginning at the eastern end in the left-hand corner is thi' representation a of 
what might be t.aken for a sperm wh.ale with its mouth wide ojien diving downward. 
This figure is 3 feet long. Five feet from it is another figure c, which might also 
represent a whale or some fabnlous two-headed marine monster. This painting is 
3 feet 4 inches long. Below it, a little to the right in (I. we ha\e the representation 
of .a large snake possessing a swolhn head and a long protruding t(mgue. This fig- 
ure is nearly 3 feet long, ami shows numerous windings. 

It is difficult to conceive how the natives in a country without snakes could not 
only have traditions about them but actually be able to picture them, unless thc\ 
had received amongst them innnigrants from tropical countries who had lauiled on 
the coasis of New Zealand. 


Between the two fishes or whales is 6, which iiiiglit represent ii fishhook, and hf- 
low the snake d a swf)r(l e with a curved blade. 

Advancin;,' toward the right is a group which ii of special interest, the ligiire i, 
which is nearly a foot long, having all the appearance of a long-necked bird carry- 
ing the head as the cassowary and enin do, and as tin- nioa h;»s done. If this design 
should represent the moa, I might suggest that it was either a conventional way of 
dr.awing that bird or that it was already extinct when this representation was 
painted according to tradition; in which latter case k might represent the taniwha 
or gigantic fabulous lizard which is said to have watched the moa. h is doubtless 
a quadruped. i)rol)abl\ a dog, which was a contemporary of the moa and was used 
also as food by the moa liunters. j is eviilently a weapon, probably an nd/ or toma- 
hawk, and might, being to the sui)po8cil bird, indicate the manner in which 
the latter was killed during the chase. The post, with the two branches near the top 







n^ ' 

''■ t» 

«' ^^^ 


"^ 1 




Via 13:{. — Petrojriypli in New /i',ilaD<l- 

1, finds a cimnterpart in the remnant of a figure f/ between the figures c and i. 
They might represent some of the means by which the nu)a was caught or indicate 
that it existed in open country between the forest, m. under which the rock in the 
central portion has scaled oft', is like /'. one of the designs which ri-semble ancient 
oriental writing. 

Approaching the middle portion of the wall we find here a well-shaped group of 
paintings, the center of which « has all the appearance of a hat ornamented on the 
crowu. The rim of this broad-brimmed relic measures 2 feet across. The expert of 
ancient customs and habits of the Malayan and South Indian countries might ])er- 
haps be able to throw some light upon this and the snrrounding figures, o to r. 

From (J, which is altogether 3 feet high, evidently issues fire or smoke ; it therefore 
might represent a tree on fire, a lamjp or an altar with incense ottering. 
The figure o is particularly well painted, an<l the outlines are clearly defined, but I 


can make no suggestion as to its meaning. In s we have, iloubtless, the jiicture of 
a huiiiau being who is rnnning away from q, the object from the top of wliich issues 
Are or smoke. I am strengthened in my conviction that it is meant for a man by 
observing a simihir tignre running away from the monster aa. 7>, which has beou 
placed below that group, might be compared to a pair of spectacles, but is proba- 
bly a letter or an imitation of sucli n sign. 

A little more to the riglit a figure 6 feet long is very prominent. It is probably the 
representation of a right whale in the act of spouting. Above it, in r, the figure of 
a mantis is easily recognizable, whilst « and the characters to the right below the sup- 
posed right whale again resemble cyjihers or letters, ir and //, although in many 
respects diftVrent, belong doubtle,ss to the sanu' group, and represent large lizards or 
crocodiles. ^ ic is 4 feet long ; it is unfortunately deficient in its lower por- 

tion, l)Ut it is still sufliciently preserved to show that besides four legs it possesses 
two other lower appendages, of which one is forked and the other has th<> appear- 
ance of a trident. I wish also to draw attention to the unusual form of the head. 
y is a similar animal 3 feet long, but it has eight legs, and head and tail are well de- 
fined. The head is well rounded off, and Ijoth animals represent, without doubt, 
some fabulous animal, such as the taniwha, which is generally described as a huge 
crocodile, of which the ancient legends give so many accounts. 

na. a huge snake-like animal !.■> feet long, is probably a representati(ui of the 
tuna tuoro, a mythical monster. It is evident that the tuna tuoro is in the ait of 
swallowing a man, who tries to save himself by running away from it. 


Mr. A. Langeii («) made a report on the Kei islands and tlieir (rhost 
grottoes, with a plate no^ reproduced as Fig. l.'W. He says: 

The group of the small Kei islands, more correctly Arue islands [southwest from 
New Guinea], is a sea bottom raised by \olcanic forces and covered with corals and 
shells. The corals appear but at a few points. They are in the main covered with 
a layer of shells cemented together, whose cement is so hard and firm that it offers 
resistance to the influence of time even after the shell has been weathered away. 

On the whole, all the figures in similar genre are represented in thousands of 
specimens. [They may be divided into three series, the first including letters a to 
A-; the second, letters / to <; the third, letters « to cc] Many are effaced and unrecog- 
nizable, only letter k, series I; letters m, o, s, I, series 2; and letters cc, series 3, stand 
isolated and seem to have a peculiar meaning. The popular legend ascribes the great- 
est age to the characters of series I and series 2, and it is said that the signs record 
a terrible fight in which the islanders lost many, but yet remained victors. It 
is stated that the signs were produced by the ghosts of the fallen. The signs of series 
3 are said to be the work of a woman named Tewaheru, who was able to converse 
with ghosts as well as with the living. But, when on one occasion she helped a 
living man to recover his dead wife by betraying to him the secret of making the 
sjiirit return to the body, she is said to have been destroyed by the ghosts and 
changed into a blackbird, whose call even at this day indicates death. .Since that 
time no medium is said to exist between the living and the dead, nor do any new 
signs appear on the rock. 

Investigation in place showed me that the color of series 3 consists of ocher made 
up with water. The very oldest drawings seem to have Iteen made with water 
color, as the color has nowhere penetrated into the rock. Most of the figures are 
painted on overhanging rocks in such a w.ay .as to be jirotected as unich as possible 
against wind and weather; whether they bear any relation to the signs on the rocks 
of Papua, anil wliat that relation may be, I am not yet able to judge. 


It may salrly be assumi'd that th(^ <-av»'s as abodes of spirits Avern .saci'pil, lint did 
not servi; as jdaces of biivinl. The lead rings and pieces of copper i;on<;R f(ii\nil in 

Flu. l:i4.~Petroglyi»l)M in Kui islands. 

small unmlicr before some of the eaves seem to be derived from sacritiees offered tn 
tlie spirits. At tlie present day no more sacrifices are offered there, and the' isiaiiderj- 
knew nothini; of tlie existence of these tilings. 





Ill this islaud carved liuiiiaii figures of colossal size have beeu fie 
qiiently noticert in various publications, with and without illustrations, 
but apart from those statues ancient stone houses remain in which 
have been found large stone slabs bearing painted figures. Paymas- 
ter William J. Thoini)son, V. S. Navy («) says of the Orongo houses, 
that the "smooth slabs lining the walls and ceilings were ornamented 
with mythological figures and rude designs painted in white, red, 
and black pigments." The figures i)artake of the form of fish and bird- 
like animals, the exaggerated outlines clearly indicating mythologic 
beings, the type of which does not exist in nature. Fig. 135 is pre- 

't'trn«l\pliM in Easter islnnU. 

sented here, extracted by permission from the work above cited, and it 
may be of interest to know that nearly all, if not all, of the original 
specimens are now deposited in the U. S. National Mnseum. 

While the curious carvings on the wooden tablets which are (lis 
cussed in the work of Paymaster Thompson are not i)etroglyphs, it 
seems proper to mention them in this connection. Fig. 136 is taken 
from Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellsehaft, in Wien {a), 
and shows one of the tablets, which does not appear to be presented 
in this exact form in the work before mentioned. 



Tlie following remarks by Prof, de Lacouperie (b) are quoted ou ac- 
count of the einiueiice of his authority, though the subject is still under 

Tilt! chiiraotci' of eastern India, the Vciigi-Chalukya, was also carried to north 
Celebes islands. The ]>eoi)le have not remained at the level required for the prac- 
tical use of a phonetic writing. It is no more used as an alphabet. C)iriously 
enough, it is employed as pictorial ornaments on the MSS. they now write in a jiicto- 
graphic style of the lowest .scale. This I have seen on the facsimile (Bilderschriften 
des Ostindischen Archipds, I'l. i, 1, 11) published by Dr. A. B. Meyer, of Dresden, 
in his .splendid albinn on the writings of this region. 

In the Easter island, or Vailiu, some fourteen inscrijitions have lieen found incised 
on woollen lioards, perliap.s of driftwood. The cliaractcrs are peculiar. Most of them 
disjilay strange shapes, in which, with a little imagination, forms of men, fishes, 
trees, birds, an<l many other things have been fancied. A cnrious chai'acteristic is 
that the upper part of the signs are shaped somewhat like the head of the herrouia 

Flo. i:tB.— Tiilil.'t frmn Easier ishiuil 

or albatross. A pictorial tendency is obvious in all of Some persons in Eu- 
rope have taken them for hieroglyphics, and have ventured to liml a connection 
with the flora and fauna of the island. The knowledge of this writing is now lost; 
and it is not sure that the few priests and other men of the last generation who 
boasted of being able to read them could do so thoroughly. Anyhow, in 1770, some 
chiefs were still able to write down their names on a ileed of gift when the island 
was taken in the name of Carlos III of Spain. 

In examining carefully the character.* I was struck by the forked heads of many 
of tiiem, which reminded nie of the forked matras of the Vengi-Chalukya inscrip- 
tions. A closer comparison with Pis. i to viii of the Elements of South Indian 
Paleography (A. C. Burnell, Elements of South Indian Paleography, from the 
fourth to the seventeenth century A. D., being An Introduction to the Study of 
South Indian Inscriptions and MSS., 2d edit., London and Mangalore, 1878; Pis. i, vii, 
viii are specially interesting for tlic forked matras) soon showed me that I was on 
the right track, and a further study of the Vaihu characters, and their analysis l>y 
comparing the .small ditt'erences (vocalic notation) exi.sting between several of them, 
convinced me that they are nothing else than .a decayed form of the above writing 
of southern India returning to the stage. With this clue, the in- 


scriptions of Easter island are no more a sealed text. They can easily be read after 
a little training. Their language is Polynesian, and I can say that the voeahnlary 
of the Sainoan dialect has proved very useful to me for the purpose. 


In the more settled and eivilized part.'^ of Eurojie petroglypbs are now 
rarely fonud. Tlii.s is, perliajjs, acconnted fur in part by the many oc- 
casions for use of the inscribed rocks or by their demolition during the 
long period after the glyphs upon them had ceased to have their orig- 
inal interest and signiHcance and liefoi'e their value as now understood 
had become recognized. Yet fnmi time to time such glyphs have been 
noticed, and they have been copijed and described in publications. 

But few of the i)etroglyphs in the civilized portions of Europe not 
familiar by publication have that kind of interest which requires their 
reproduction in the present paper. It may be sufficient to state in gen- 
eral terms that Europe is no excei)tion to the rest of the world in the 
presence of petroglyphs. 

A number of these extant in the British islands and in the Scandi- 
navian peninsula, besides the few examples presented in this chapter, 
are described and illustrated in other jiarts of this work, an<l brief ac- 
counts of others recently noted in France, Spain, and Italy ai'e also 


Nearly all of the petroglyphs found in the British islands, accounts 
of which have been published, belong to the class of cup sculptures 
discussed in (Jhapter V, infra, but several inscriptions showing charac- 
ters not limited to that category are mentioned in "Archaic Kock In 
.scriptions,'" (a) fiom which the following condensed extract referring to 
cairn in county ^leath, Ireland, is taken: 

The ornamentation may lie thus described: .Small circles, with or without a cen 
tral dot; two or many more concentric circles: a small circle with a central dot, 
surrounded by a spiral line; the sinf^le spiral; the double spiral, or two spirals 
startinjt from ilifferent centers; rows of suuill lozenges or ovals; stars of si.x to thir- 
teen rays; wheels of nine rays; flower ornaments, sometimes inclosed in a circle or 
wide oval; wave-like lines ; groujjs of lunittte-sha]ied lines ; pothooks; small squares 
attached to each othei' side by side, so as to form a reticulated pattern ; small attached 
concentric circles ; large and small hollows ; a cup hollow surrounded by one or more 
circles ; lozenges crossed from angle to angle (these and the siiuares ]>roduced by scraj)- 
ings) ; an ornament like the spine of a tish with ribs attached, or the fiber system of 
some leaf; .short equiarmed crosses, starting sometimes from a dot and small circle ; a 
circle with rays round it, and the whole contained in a circle ; a series of compressed 
semicircles like the letters ^J^m inverteil: vertical lines far apart, with ribs sloping 
downwards from them like twigs ; au ornament like the tiber system of a broad leaf, 
with the stem attached ; rude concentric circles with short rays extending from part 
of the outer one; .au ornament very like the simple (!reek fret, with dots in the 


center of the loop; five zigzag lines and two paiallel lines, on each of which, and 
pointing toward each other, is a series of cones ornamented liy lines radiating from 
the apex, crossed l),y others parallel to the base — this design has been ])rodueed by 
scraping, and I propose to call it the Patella ornament, as it strikingly resembles 
the large species of that shell so common on our coasts, and which shell Mr. Conwell 
discovered in numbers in gome of the cists, in connection with fragments of pottery 
and human bimes; a semicircle with three or four straight lines j)roceeding from it, 
but not touching it; a dot with several lines radiating from it; combinations of 
short straight lines arranged either at right angles to or slo)>ing from a central line; 
an oo-sliaped curve, each loop inclosing concentric circles; and a vast number of 
other combinations of the circle, .spiral, line, and dot. which can not be described in 

Some of the ancient "TnrfMonuments" of England are to be classed 
as yetroo'lyplis. Tlie following extracts from the work of Eev. W. A. 
Plenderleath (h) give snfBcient information on these cnrions pictures: 

Although all the White Horses, except one, are in Wiltshire, that one exception 
is the great sire and prototype of them all, which is at Uffington, just 2-k miles out- 
side the Wiltshire boundary and within that of Berkshire. * ' * The one medi- 
aeval document in which the White is mentioned is a cartulary of the Abbey 
of Abingdon, which must have been written either in the reign of Henry II or soon 
after, and which runs as follows : "It was then customary amongst the English that 
any monks who wished might receive money or landed estates and both use and de- 
volve them according to their pleasure. Hence two monks of the monastery at 
Abingdon, named Leofric and (Jodric Cild, appear to have obtained by inheritance 
manors situated upon the banks of the Thames; one of them, Godric, becoming pos- 
sessed of Spersholt, near the pla<e couunonl.y known as the White Horse Hill, and the 
other that of Whitchurch, during the time that Aldhelm was abl>ot of this place." 

This Aldhelm appears to have been abbot from 1072 to 1084, and from the terms in 
which the White Horse Hill is mentioned the name was evidently an old one at that 

Now it was only two hundred years before this time, viz. in 871, that a very 
famous victory had been gained by King Alfred over the Danes close to this very 
spot. "Four days after the battle of Reading," says Asser, "King ^Ethelred, and 
Alfred, his brother, fought against the whole army of the pagans at Ashdown, • * * 
And the flower of the pagan youths were there slain, so that neither before nor since 
was ever such destruction known since the Saxons first gained Britain by their arms." 
And it was in memory of this victory that, we are informed by local tradition, Alfred 
caused his men, the day after the battle, to cut out the AVhite Horse, the standard 
of Hengist, on the hillsiile just under the castle. The name Hengist, or Hengst, 
it.self means Stonr Hm-xc in the ancient language of the Saxons, and Bishop Nichol- 
son, in his " English Atlas," goes so far as to sujipose the names of Hengist and 
Horsa to have been not proper at all, but simply emldematical. 

The T'ffington horse measures 3.53 feet from the nose to the tail and 120 feet from 
the ear to the hoof. It faces to sinister, as do also those depicted upon all British 
coins. The slope of the portion of the hill upon which it is cut is S9°, but the 
declivity is very considerably greater beneath the figures. The exposure is south- 

The autljoi' then describes the White Horse on Bratton Hill, near 
Westbury, Wilts, now obliterated, the dimensions of which were, ex- 
treme length, 100 feet; height, nearly the same; from toe to chest, 54 
feet, and gives accounts of several other Wliite Horses, the antiquit.y 

MAi-i-EKvl IN SWEDEN. 173 

of wliifli is not so well establislii'd. He then {<■) tieuts of the Ked 
Horse in the lordship of Tysoe, in Warwickshire, as follows: 

This is tiiulitioually reiiorted to have been out in 1461. in meniDiy of the exploits 
of Richard, Earl of Warwick, who was for many year.s one of the most prominent 
tigurcs in the Wars of the Koses. The earl had in the early part of the year fonn<l 
himself, with a force of forty thousand men, opposed to yueen Margaret, with sixty 
thousand, at a place called Towton, near Tadcaster. Overborne by numbers, the 
battle was going against him, when, dismounting from his horse, he plunged his 
sword up to the hilt in the animal's side, crying alond that he would henceforth 
tight shoulder to sluuilder with his men. Thereupon the soldiers, animated by their 
leader's example, rushed forward with such impetuosity tliat the enemy gave way 
and Hew precipitately. No less than twenty-eight thousand Lancastrians are said 
to have fallen in tiiis battle and in the pursuit which followed, for the commands of 
Prince Edward were to give no qnarter. It was to this victory that the latter owed 
his elevation to the throne, which took place immediately afterwards. 

The Red Horse used to be scoured every year, upon Palm Sunday, at the expense 
of certain neighboring landowners who held their land by that tenure, and the 
scouring is said to have been as largely attended and to have been the occasion of 
as great festivity as that of the older horse in the adjoining county of Berks. The 
tigure is about 54 feer in extreme length by about SI in extreme height. 

TIk' best known of Turf-Monuments other than horses is the Giant, 
ou Trendle Hill, near Gerue Abbas, in Dorsetshire. This the same 
author (d) describes as follows : 

This is a tigure roughly representing a nuiu, undraped, and with a club in his right 
hand; the height is ISO feet, and the outlines are marked out by a trench 2 feet wide 
and of .about the same de])th. It covers nearly an acre of ground, llntchin imagines 
this tigure to represent the Saxon goil, Heil, and places its date as anterior to A. D. 
600. * * ' Britton, on the other hand, tells us that "vulgar tradition makes 
this figure commemorate the destruition of a giant who, having feasted on sonu' 
sheep in Blackmoor and laid himself to sleep on this hill, was pinioned down like 
another Gulliver and killed by the enraged ]>easants, who imuudiately traced his 
dimensions for the information of posterity." There were formerly discernible some 
markings between the legs of the figure rather above thi^ level of the ankles, which 
the country folk took for the numerals 74S, and imagined to indicate the date. We 
need, perhaps, scarcely remark that Arabic numerals were unknown in Europe until 
at least six centuries later than this period. 


Mr. Paul B. Dii Chaillu («) gives the followinj; (conden.sed) account 
describing, among many more "rock tracings," as he <'alls them, those 
reproduced as Figs. 137 and 138 : 

There are found in Sweden large pictures engraved on the rocks which are of 
great anti(iuity. long before the Roman ))eriod. are of different kinds and sizes, the most numerous lieiug the drawings of 
.ships or boats, c.anoe-shaped and alike at both ends (with figures of men and ani- 
mals), anil of fleets fighting against each othi'r or making an attack upon the shor(\ 
The hero of the tight, or the champion, is generally depicted as niucli larger than the 
other lombatants. who probably wore of one people, though of ditfereuf tribes, for 
their arms are similar and all seem without clothing, though in some cases they are 
represented as wearing a helmet or shieUl. 


(_)n Hoino rocks are reprt'Sentations of tattle, horses, reindeer, turtles, ostriches, 
anil camels, the latter showing that in earlier times these people were aciiuainfeil 
with more southern climes. The greatest number anil the largest and most compli- 
cated in detail of the tracings occur, especially in the present Sweden, in Bohusliin, 
"the ancient Viken of the Sagas," on the coast of the peninsula washed by the Catte- 
gat. They are also found in Norway, esjiecially in Smaalenene, a province contigu- 
ous to that of Bohusliin, but become more scarce in the north, though found on the 
Trondhjeni fjord. 

Fig. 137 is a copy of a petioglypb iu Taniiin parish, Bohuslaii, Swe- 
den. The large figure is a cliampion (ir coininaiider, the ex- 
aggerated size of which is to be uoted iu connection with that of the 


' m 


Fig. 1:j7.— Petroglyph in Bohiishiu, SwiMlen. 

Zixlu chiefs iu Fig. 142, iufra, from South Africa, aud Fig. 1024, infra, 
from North America. There are numerous small holes and footprints 
between the chief and the attacking force. Height, 20 feet; width, 15 

In Bohusliin the tracings are cut in the (juartz, which is the geological formation 
of the coast. They are mostly upon slightly inclined rocks, which are generally 200 
or 300 feet or more above the present level of the sea, and which have been polished 
by the .action of the ice. The width of the lines in the same representation varies from 
1 to 2 inches and even more, and their depth is often only a third or fourth of an 
inch, and at times so shallow as to lie barely perceptible. Those tracings, which 
have for hundreds, perhaps for thousands, of years been laid bare to the ravages of 
the northern climate, arie now most difficult to decipher, while those which have 
been protected by earth are as fresh as if they had been cut to-day. Many seem to 



haveberii cut uciir tlic middle of l>as(! of the hLUs, which were eoverod witli vege- 
tation, aud were iu the course of time cimcealed by the detritus from above. 

Fig. 138 is from the same author (h) and locality. Height, 29 feet; 
width, 17 feet. The large birds and footprints and a chief designated 
by his size will be noticed, and also a character in the middle of the 
extreme upper part of the illustration which may be compared with 
the largest human form in Fiji. flS.3, infra, from Tule valley, California. 





^<^ ^w V. 





V 1% 


l-'iu. 138 Petroglypli in BoUuslan, Swcdeu. 


Perrier du Carne («), gives the following account (translated and con- 
densed) of signs carved on the dolmen of Trou-aux-xVnglais, in fipone : 

This dolmen, situated iu the commune of Epoue, in a place called Le Bois de la 
• iarenne, was constructed beneath the ground; it was concealed from view and it is 
to this circumstance, uo doulit, that its preservation is due. Nothing indicates that 
it has been surmounted by a tumulu.s; in any case this tumulus had long since dis- 


appeared, and the gronud was entirely leveled when the diggiiis was iimimenced 
some years ago. * * * 

The characters (Fig. 139) are carved in iutaglii> nu the farthest stone of the en- 
trance, ou the left side. The whole of the inscription measnres 1'", 10 in height 
and H'2 centimeters in width, and may he divided into two groups, an npper and a 
lower one. 

The upper character represents a rectangular figure divided into three transverse 
.sections; in the third section and almost in the center is a cupnle. 

The lower character is more complicated and more difficult to describe. The first, 
or left-hand portion, represents a stone hatchet with a shaft; there is no doubt as 
to this, in my mind, as the outlines are perfectly clear, the design of the hatchet 
lieing very distinct. This hatchet measures 0'", 108 in length and 38""' in width to the 
edge of the blade. These are precisely the most common dimensions of the hatchets 
of onr country. As to the remainder of the character, I think an iuterjiretation of 
it difficult and premature. 

I)u the whole, th(^ result of an examination of these inscriptions leaves the im- 
])ression tluit the author did not seek to cover a stone with ornamentation, for these 
outlines have nothing whatever of the ornamental, but that he wished to represent 
(> his people, by intelligible symbols, some particular idea. 

fi. Cartailliac {(i) begins an account of petrofr- 
lyplis in tiie Departiuent of Morbilian, in the old 
|)rovince of Brittauy, translated and condensed as 
follow.s : 

It is hardly possible to give a description of the designs 
in the covered way of (iavr' inis. They are various linear 
combinations, the lines being straight, curved, undulating, 
isolated, or parallel, ramified like a fern, segments of con- 
centric circles, limited or not. and decorating certain com- 
partments with close winding spirals, recalling vividly the 
figures produced by the lines on the skin in the hollow of 
the hand .and on the tips of the fingers. 
Fi(i. i:i9.-l\ ii. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^j^^^^ ^^ accumulated and very oddly grouped 

Epoiie, France. , , , i i ' i. ii 

lines, which no doubt are merely decorative, tuere are 

found signs which must have had a meaning, and some figures easy to determine. 

The hatchet, the stone hatchet and no other, the large hatchet of Tumiac, of 
Mane-er-Hroeg, and of Mont Saint Michel, is reiireseuted in intaglio or in relief, 
real size. A single pillar of Gavr' inis bears eighteen of them. Less nuinerous 
groups are seen on some other blocks of the same covered way. 

On a little block placed under the ceiling in order to wedge up one of the covering 
slabs, is seen the image of a hatchet witli handle, conformable to a tyjio found in the 
marsh of Ehenside in Cumberland, England. On many other monuments the pres- 
ence of the same figures of hatchets, with handles or without, has been observed. 
The most curious slab is certainly that of Mani-er-Hroeg. It had been broken, and 
its three pieces had been thrown in disorder before the threshold of the crypt. One 
of its faces, very well smoothed ott', bears a cartouche in the form of a stirrup, filled 
with enigmatic signs and surrounded above and below by a dozen hatchets with 
handles, all engraved. 

One other sign, the imprint of the naked foot, is to be noted, found only once on 
this slab. Two Iminan footprints are traced on one of the pillars of the crypt of the 
of the I'etit-Mont in Arzon. They are said to be divided off, by a slight relief, from 
the rest of the granite frame on which they are sculptured, and which contains 
other drawings. Similar figures, engraved on rock or on tombstones, an' cited from 
abroad, in lauds far apart. In Sweden, the prints of naked or sandaled feet are 


ooniiiioii among the rock sculptures of the age of bronze which represent the curious 
scenes of the life of the people of that period. It is proper to note that these Scandi- 
navian and Morhihau sculptures are not synchronous; the idea of an immediate iu- 
Uucncc of one people on the other can not be entertained. One might, however, 
maintain the identity of origin. 

The other inscriptiims of Brittany are enigmatic in every respect. But they 
probably had a conventional value, a determined meaning. There is lirst of all a 
sort of complicated cartouche, plainly define<l, having the appearance of a buckler 
or heraldic shield. Among the isolated signs it is proper to note a figure of the 
shape of the letter U with the ends spread wide apart and curved in opposite direc- 
tions. It recalls, with some aid from the imagination, the character which on the 
Scandinavian rocks represents more plainly ships and barks. 

The sculpturing of hands and feet is to be remarked in connection 
with siniihu' characters on the rocks in America, many ilhistrations of 
which appear in the present work. 

B. Souche (rt) in 1879 described and illustrated curious characters on 
the walls of the cry|)t of the tumulus of Lisieres (Deux- Sevres), France, 
some of which in execution markedly resemble several found in the 
United States and figured in this work. 


Mr. T. Jagor (a) communicated a brochure in reference to the Cueva 
de Altamira, transmitted to him by Prof. Vilanova in Madrid : " Short 
notes on some prehistoric objects of the province of Santander," in 
which Don Marcelino de Sautuola describes the wall pictures and other 
finds in the cave discovered by him at Altamira. Mr. Jagor remarks 
as follows on the subject : 

The reproductions of the large wall pictures discovered in that cave displayed, in 
I)art, so excellent technique that the question arose how much of this excellence is 
to be attributed to the prehistoric artist, and how much to his modern copyist. Mr. 
Vilanova, who visited the cave soon after its discovery, and who regards the wall 
pictures as prehistoric, being about equal in age to the Danish Kjiikken-moddings, 
states that the pictures given are pretty faithful imitations of the originals. The 
pubrished drawings are all found on the ceiling of the first cave ; on the walls of the 
subse(inent caves are seen sketches of those jiicturcs, which the artist afterwards 
completed. The outlines of all the drawings have l)een cut in the wall with coarse 
instruments, and nearly all the bone implements found in the cave show scratches, 
which render it probable that they were used for this purpose. The colors used con- 
sist merely of various kinds of ocher found in the province, without further prepara- 
tion. Finally Mr. Vilauo^'a reports that in the cave farthest back there was found, 
in his presence, an almost perfect specimen of Ursits spelwun. 

Don Manuel de Gongora y Martinez (a) gives the account translated 
as follows : 

The inscriptions of Fnencaliente are of great interest and importance. About one 
league east of the towu, on a spur of the Sierra de Quiutaua, at the site of the Piedra 
Escrita, there is an almost inaccessible place, the home of wild beasts and mountain 
goats. Beyon 1 the river de los Batanes and the river de las Piedras, looking toward 
sunset and toward the town, the artisans of a remote age cut skillfully and sym- 
metrically with the point of the pickax into the flank of the rock and of the 
mountain, which is of fine flint, leaving a facade or frontispiece 6 yards in height 
10 ETH 12 


an<l twice as wide, and excavatiug there two contiguous caves, which are wide at 
the mouth and end in a point, niakinj; two triangular niches polished on their four 
faces. On the two^uter fronts to the left and right appear more than 60 symbols or 
hieroglyphs, written in a simple and rustic way with the index finger of a rude hand, 
and with a reddish bitumino)is pigment. The niches, al)out a yard and a half in 
height, 1 yard deep, and half a yard at the mouth, are covered by the exceedingly 
hard and immense rock of the mountain. There is formed, as it were, a vestibule or 
esplanade before the monument, and it is defended by a rampart made of the rocks 
torn from the niches, strengthened with juniper, oaks, and cork trees. The half- 
moon, the sun, an ax, a bow and arrows, an ear of corn, a heart, a tree, two human 
figures, and a head with a crown stand out among those signs, the foreshadowings of 
primitive writing. 

The inscriptiou t)ii the first triangular face of the second cave is 
reproduced here as the h'fthaiid group of the upper part of Fig. 1108, 
iufra, and that " on the outer plane to the right, which already turns 
pyramidally to the north," is reproduced as the right-hand group of the 
same figure. They are inserted at that place for convenient compari- 
son with other characters on the figure mentioned and with those in 
Figs. 1097 and 1107. 


Mr. Moggridge (in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., VIII, p. 65) 
observes that one of the designs, q^ reported by Dr. Yon Haast from 
New Zealand (see Fig. 133), was the same as one which had been seen on 
rocks 6,900 feet above the sea in the northwest corner of Italy. He adds : 

The inscriptions are not in colors, as are those given in Dr. Von Haast's paper, but 
are made by the repeated dots of a sharp pointed instrument. It is probable that if 
we knew how to read them they might convey important information, since the same 
signs occur in dittereut combinations, just as the letters of our alphabet recur in 
different combinations to form words. Without the whole of these figures we can 
not say whether the same probability applies to them. 

S E C! T I O N 4 . 

The following examples are selected trom the large number of petro- 
glyphs known to have been discovered in Attica apart from those in 
Egypt, which are more immediately connected with the first use of 
syllabaries and alphabets, with symbolism and with gesture signs, un- 
der which headings some examples of the Egyptian hieroglyphics ap- 
pear in this work. 


In the Eevue Geographique Internationale {a) is a communication 
upon the rock inscriptions at Tyout (Fig. 140) and Moghar (Fig. 141) 
translated, with some condensation, as follows : 

On the last military expedition made in the Sahara Gen. Colonieu made a careful 
restoration of the inscriptions on the rocks, whoso existence was discovered at Tyout 
and Moghar. At Tyout these inscriptions are engraved on red or Vosgian sandstone, 




and at Moghar ou a hard compact calcareous stoue. At Moghar the designs are 
more complicated than those at Tyout. An attempt has been made to render ideas 
by more learned processes ; to the simplicity of the line, the artlessness of the poses 
which are seen at Tyont, there are added at Moghar academic attitudes difficult to 
render, and which must be intended to represent some custom or ceremony in use 
among the peoples who then inhabited this country. The costume at Moghar is also 
more complicated. The ornaments of the head recall those of Indians, and the 
woman's dress is composed of a waist and a short skirt fastened by a girdle with 
flowing ends. All this is very decent and elegant for the period. The infant at the 
side is swaddleil. The large crouching figure is the face view of a man who seems 
to be bearing his wife on his shoulders. At the right of this group is a girafl'e or 
large antelope. In the compositiou above may be distinguished a solitary indi- 
vidual in a crouching attitude, seen in front, the arms crossed in the attitude of 
prayer or astonishment. The animals which figure in the designs at Moghar are 
cattle and partridges. The little quadruped seated on its haunches may be a ger- 
boise (kind of rat), very common in these parts. 

In the inscriptions at Tyout we easily recognize the elephant, long since extinct 
In these regions, but neither horse nor camel is seen, probablj' not having been yet 
imported into the .Sahara country. 


Fig. 140. — Petrojjlypha .it Tyout. Algeria. 


While the picture-writings of Egypt are too voluminous for present 
discussion and fortunately are thoroughly presented in accessible pub- 
lications, it seems necessary to mention the work of the late ]\Irs. A. 
B. Edwards («). She gives a good account of the petrogljijhs on the 
rocks bounding the ancient river bed of the ]^ile below Phila-, which 
show their employment in a miinner similar to that in parts of North 
America : 

These inscriptions, together with others found in the adjacent quarries, range over 
a period of between three and four thousand years, beginning with the early reigns 



of the ancient pmiiire and eutliug with the Ptolemies iiml Ciesars. Some are mere 
autographs. Others run to a lonsiilerable length. Many are headed with figures of 
gods and worshii)i)ers. These, however, are for the most part mere graffiti, ill 
drawn and carelessly sculptured. The records they illustrate are chiefly votive. 
The pa88er-T)y adores the gods of the cataract, implores their protection, registers 
his name, and states the object of his journey. The votaries are of various ranks, 
periods, .and nationalities; but the formula in most instances is pretty much the 
same. Now it is a citizen of Thebes performing the pilgrimage to Phibe, or a gen- 
er.11 at the head of his troops returning from a foray in Ethiopia, or a tributary 
prince doing homage to Rameses the Great and associating his suzerain with the 
divinities of the ])lace. 


Dr. Richard Aiidrt'e, iu Zeiclieu bei deu Niiturvolkerii (a), ])reseuts 
well-considered remarks, thus translated: 

The Hottentots and the Bantu peoples of South Africa produce no drawings, 
though the latter accomplish something iu indift'ereut sculptures. The draftsmen 

Fig. 141.— PetroglypLa at Mogliar. Algeriii. 

and painters of South Africa are the Bushmen, who in this way, as well as by m.any 
other striking ethnic traits, testify to their Independent ethnic position. The ex- 
traordinary multitude of figures of men and animals drawn by this people within 
its whole area, now greatly reduced, from the cape at the south to the lands and 
deserts north of the Orange river, .and which they still draw at this day in gaudy 
colors, testify to an uncommonly firm hand, a keenly ol)Serving eye, and a very 
effective characterization. The Bushman artist mostly selects the surfaces of the 
countless rock bowlders, the walls of caves, or rock walls ]>rotected by overhanging 
crags, to serve as the canvas whereon to practice his art. He either painted his fig- 
ures with colors or chiseled them with a hard sharj) stone on the rock wall, so that 
they ajipear in intaglio. The number of these figures nuiy be judged from the fact 
that Fritsch at Ho])etown found "thousands" of them, often twenty or more on one 
block; Hubner, at ''Gestoi)pte Fontein," in Transvaal, saw two hundred to three 
hundred together, carved in a soft slate. The earth colors employed are red, ochre, 
white, black, mixed with fat or .also with blood. instrument (lirnsh?) is em- 
ployed in ap]ilyiug the colors has not yet l)een ascBrtained, since, so far as I know, 
no Bushman artist lias yet been observed at his work. As regards the paintings 


themselves, various classes may l)c distinguished, but iu all cases tlie subjects are 
representations of figures ; ornaments and plants are excluded. First of all, there 
are fights and hunting scenes, in wliich white men (boers) play apart, demonstrating 
the modern origin of these paintings. Next there are representations of animals, 
both of domestic animals (cattle, dogs) anil of game, especially the various antelope 
species, giratt'es, ostriclies, elephants, rhinoceroses, monkeys, etc. A special class 
consists of representations of obscene nature, and, by way of exception, there has 
been draun in one instance a ship or a palm tree. 

Dr. Emil Holul) (a) says: 

The Bushmen, who are regarded as the lowest type of Africans, in one tiling excel 
all the other South African tribes whose acquaintance I made between the south 
coast and lO' south latitude. Tliey draw heads of gazelles, elephants, and hippo- 
potami astouishingly well. They sketch them in their caves and paint them with 
ochre or chisel them out in rocks with stone implements, and on the tops of moun- 
tains we may see representations of all the animals which have lived in those parts 
iu former times. In many spots where hipjiopotami are now unknown 1 found beau- 
tiful sketches of these animals, and in some cases fights between other native races 
and Bushmen are rejiresented. 

(t. Weitzecker («) gives a report of a large painting, in a cave at 
Tliaba Phatsoiia district of L(^ribe, here presented as Fig. 142, contain- 
ing eighteen characters, with the addition of eight boys' heads. It 
represents the flight of Bushman women before some Zulu Kaffirs 
(Matebele). The description, translated, is as follows: 

As usual, the Bushmen are represented as dwarfs and painted in bright color as 
contrasted with the Kaffirs, who are painted large and of dark cidor. The scene is 
full of life, a true artistic conception, aud iu the details there are many important 
things to be noted. For this reason I add a sketch of it, with the figures numbered, 
iu order to be able to send yon some lirief annotations. 

1 will premise that as far as the women are concerned, iu the small figures, no 
mistaken notion should be entertained iu regard to the anterior appendages which 
catch, or rather strike, the eye in soijic of them. There is (piestion simply of the pu- 
dendal coverings of the Bushman women, consisting of a strip of skin, and flapping 
in the wind. 

a seems to represent a woman in an advanced interesting condition, who iu her 
headlong flight has lost even her mantle. She holds in her hand a mogope (dispro- 
portionate) ; that is to say, a gourd dipper, such as are found, I believe, among all 
the south African tribes. 

h. This figure, besides the mogope whicli she holds in her left hand, carries away 
in her flight, steadying it on her head with her right hand, a nkho (sesuto), a baked 
earthenware vessel, in wliich drinks are kept, and of which the ethnographic nni- 
seum now contains some specimens. This woman, too, has lost all her clothing 
except the pudendal covering, and she looks pregnant. The attitudes of flight, 
while maintaining equilibrium, I deem very fine. 

c, f. g, h, I, m, and perhaps /. Women carrying their babies on their backs, as is 
the practice of the natives, iu the so-called than; that is, a sheepskin so prejiared 
that they can fasten it to their bodies and hold it secure, even while bent to the 
ground or running. 

I and m. Women vritli twins. It may be worthy of note tliat the painter has 
placed them last, hampered as they are with a double weight. 

c. Apparently a woman who has fallen in her flight. Figures e and I represent 
men, who by their stature might be thought to ))e Bushmeu, as also by their color, 
which, so far as I remember, is not the same as that of the men coming up after 
them, being rather similar to that of the women. In that case e would stoop to raise 


the woiiiau c who h;i» fallen, and i would ))oiiit the way to the others. Otherwise, 
if there is question of Matebeles, which is rendered )>laii»ible by the fact that » 
(which evidently represents an enemy) is not larger in stature than those two, then 
ewould stoop to snatch the haby of the fallen woman, and i would strive to catch 
up with the two women g and h, who flee before it. 

j. I can not explain this unless as a diffusion of color, which has transformed into 
something unrecognizable the figure of the child carried by its mother, who has 
fallen, like h. 

k seems to be a woman resigned to her fate, who touches her neck with the left 
hand, unless, in<leed, the line which I take to be the arm is the sketch of the thari 
with the baby. 

I. A woman who runs toward the looker-on. 

m reTiresents a wonuin who has sat down, ])erhaps in order to her twins 
better in the thari, while behind her u arrives, preparing to spear her. With n the 
band of enemies begins plainly, o seeming to be the leader, who, standing still, gives 
the signal. But this figure must have been altered by the water, which by diluting 
the color of the body has made it appear as a garment. 

j> and q. These admirable jiortraits of impetuosity and menace are a pictorial 
translation of the saying "having long legs so as to run fast." 

r. A line type of an attitude in the poise of running. 

The iiuthor's discussion respecting the dift'erence in size between the 
male human figures mentioned as indicating their respective tribes 
would have been needless had he considered the frequent exi)edient of 
representing chiefs or prominent warriors by figures of nuich larger 
stature than that of common soldiers or subjects. This device is com- 
mon in the Egyptian glyphs, and examples of it also appear in the 
present work. (See Fig.s. 138, 139, and 1024.) 


#Mil t 

Fig. 142.— Petroglyph in Li?rib6. South Africa. 

The same author, loc. cit., gives a brief account of two petroglyphs 
found by him near Leribo, in Basntoland, South Africa. They were 
on a large hollow rock overlooking a plain where the bushmen might 
spy game. The rock was all covered with pictures to a man's height. 
Many of them were entirely or almost entirely spoiled, l)oth by the 
hands of herdsmen and by water running down the walls in time of 
i-aiii. Some of them, however, are still very well i)reserved. They are 
shown on Fig. 143. 

The left hand character represents a man milking an animal; the 
latter, judging by the back part, especially by the legs, was at first 
taken for an elephant; but the fore parts, esjjecially the fore legs, evi- 
dently arc those of a bovine creature or of an elk (eland). Tlie enormous 
proportions of the back part are probably <lue to diffusion of colors. 



through the action of water ruimiiig down the rock. The right hand 
character represents the sketch of an elk (eUmd), on which and under 
whicli are depicted four monkeys, admirable for fidelity of expression. 
The legs, with one exception, are not finished. 

Fl<;. 14:1.— Pi'tro^lyi>li8 in Husiitoland. South Atrit^a. 

These islands arc considered in connection with the continent of 

S. Berthelot («) gives an account, referring to Figs. 144 and 145, 
from which the following is extracted and translated : 

A site very little frctiueuted, designated l).v tbe name of Los Letreros, appears to 
have been inhabited in very ancient times by one of the aboriginal tribes ostab- 

000.00®. ©'pe®©® ©.^.^-^ 9-^- 

0c6 (°f. 9.6.0. ^% 

HQ.v^.\f. ^>eo.a] i!/me.&. °eJ^. i^. p_ 


Fig. 144.- Petni^lylibs in the Cau:iry ialands. 

lislied on the Island of Fer. one of the Canary islands. At a distance of abont tliree- 
(jnarters of a league from the const all tlie land sloping and broken by vob'anic 
monnds extends in nudnlations to tlie edge of the cliffs which Hanli the coast. It 
is on this desert site, called Los Letreros, that inscriptions are found engraved on an 
ancient How of basaltic lava, with a suu)oth surface, over an extent of more than 400 
meters. On all this surface, at various ilistances and without any relation to each 




otlier, lint i)lace(l where the lava preseuts the smoothest spots, rendered shining and 
glassy by the light varnish left by the volcanic matter in 
cooling, are the various groups of characters. 

When we examine closely these different signs or char- 
acters so deeply engraved [pecked] ou the rock, doubtless 
liy means »{ some hard stone (obsidian or basalt), the first 
thing observed is that several identical signs are repro- 
duced several times in the same group. These are, first, 
round and oval characters, more or less perfect, sometimes 
simple and isolated, again agglomerated in ' one group. 
These characters so often reproduced are again seen in 
juxtaposition or united, sometimes to others which are 
similar, sometimes to different ones, and even Inclosed in 
others similar to them ; for example, a in Fig. 144. 

Round or more or less oval characters reappear several 
times in h. 

Others, which are not met with more than once or twice 
among the groups of signs, also present notable variations ; 
examples in c. 
Of these are formed composite groups d, which l)elong, 
„■ however, to the system of round signs. 
g Other analogous but not identical signs appear to assume 
2 ratherthe ovoid form than the round, and seem to have been 
£> so traced as not to be confounded with the round symbols. 
g Some of them resemble leaves or friiit. 

^ Another system of simple characters is the straight line, 
'Z which can be represented by a stroke of the pen, isolated 
o. or repeated as if in numeration, and sometimes accompanied 
« by other signs. 

■J Other peculiar signs shown in e, which are not repeated, 
''i' figure in the different groups of characters which the author 
^ has reproduced. 

" We notice further, in /, a small number of signs which 
£ bear a certain analogy to each other, and several of which 
are accompanied by other and more simple characters. 

Several others still more complicated are in eccentric 
shapes which it is attempted to present in g. 

Including the common oval characters often rejieated and 
those consisting of a simple stroke similar to the strokes 
made by school children, all the various engraved charac- 
ters scarcely exceed 400. 

Fig. 145 gives a view of a series of different groups of 
signs in the length of the whole lava flow. The copyist 
has expressed by dots those symbols which were confused, 
partly defaced by the weather, or destroyed by fissures in 
the rock. 

The same author {b) gives an account of several 
strange characters foitnd engraved on a rock of 
the gi'otto of Belmaco, in the ishmd of La Palma, 
one of the Canaries. He says : 

These drawings, presented that they may be compared 
with those of Fer Island (Los Letreros), show some fifteen 
signs, some of which are repeated several times and others partly effaced by weather, 
or at least feebly traced. But what seems most remarkable is that six or seven 








signs are recognized as exactly similar to those of Letreros, of the island of Per, 
and almost all the others are analogous, for we lecognize at once In comparing them 
the same style of bizarre writing, formed of hieroglyphic characters, mainly rude 


8K('TI()N .i. 

A considerable uuniber of petroglyphs found in Asia are described 
and illustrated under other Leadings of this work. The following' are 
presented here for geographic grouping : 


Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (c) says: 

It is apparently to the art of the aboriginal non-Chinese that the following inscrip- 
tion [not copied] belongs, should it be proved to be primltivt! ; and it is the only 
precise mention I have ever found of the kind in my researches. 

Outside of Li-tch'eng (in N. Shangtaug), at some .WO li on the west towards the 
north, is a stone cliff mountain, on the upper parts of which may be seen marks and 
lines representing .animals and. horses. They are numerous and well drawn, like a 


Prof. Edward S. Morse (a) kindly furni.shes the illustration, reduced 
from a drawing made by a Japanese gentleman, ]\[r. Morishima, which 
is here reproduced {.,-(, original size) as Fig. 145 o: 

Fig. 145 n — Petroglyph in Yezo, Japan. 

Prof. Morse in a letter gives further information as follows: 
" The inscri])tions are cut in a rough way on the side of the clift' on the 
northwestern side of the bay of Otaru. Otarii is a. little town on the 
western coast of Yezo. The cliffs are of soft, white tufa about 100 feet 
high, and the inscriptions were cnt possibly with stone axes, and were 
1 in(^h in width and from ^ to i of an inch in depth. They are about 4 
feet from the ground." 

Prof. John Milne {a) remarks upon the same petroglyph, of which he 
gives a rude copy, as follows: 

So far as I could learn the Japanese are quite unable to recognize any of the char- 
acter?, and they regard them as being the work of the Ainos. 
I may remark that several of the characters are like the runic m. It has been sug- 


gested that tliey have a resemblance to old Chinese. A second suggestion was that 
they might be drawings of the insignia of rank carried by certain priests; a third 
idea was that they were phallic; a foiirth that they were rough representations of 
men and animals, the runic m being a bird ; and a fifth that they were the handi- 
craft of some gentleman desirous of imposing upon the credulity of wandering 

I myself am inclined to think that they were the work of "the peoples who have 
left so many traces of themselves in the shape of kitchen middens and various im- 
plements in this locality. In this case they may be Aino. 

Auotlier illu.stratioii from Japan is presented in PI. Lii. 


Mr. Eivett-Carna«, in Arcliitologic Notes on Ancient Sculptnriugs on 
Eocks in Kumaou, India (a), gives a description of the glyphs copied in 
Fig. 146: 

At a point about two miles and a half south of Dwara-Hath, and twelve miles 
north of the military station of Ranikhct in Kumaon, the bridle-road leading from 
the plains through Naini Tal and Ranikhct to Baijnath, and thence on to the cele- 
brated shrine of Hidranath, is carried through a narrow gorge at the month of which 
is a temple sacred to Mahadeo, * » « which i^ locally known by the name of 

About two hundred yards south of the temple, toward the middle of the defile, 
rises a rock at an angle of forty-five degrees presenting a surttice upon which, in a 
space measuring fourteen feet in height by twelve in breadth, more than two hun- 
dred cups are sculptured. They vary from an inch and a half to six; inches in diame- 
ter and from half an inch to an inch in depth, and are arranged in groups composed 
of approximately ])arallel rows. 

The cups are mostly of the simple types and only exceptionally sur- 
rounded by single rings or connected by grooves. 


N. S. Shtukin («) referring to certaki picture-writings on the cliffs of 
the Yenisei river, in the Quarterly Isvestia of tlie Imperial Geograph- 
ical Society for 1882, says: "These are ligured, but are not particularly 
remarkable, except as being tlie work of invaders from the far south, 
perhaps Persians. Camels and pheasants are among the animals repre- 

Philip John von Strahlenberg, in An Historico-Geographical Descrip- 
tion of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia, etc., reported 
inscriptions relating to the chase, on the banks of the river Yenesei. 
He says of one: " It takes its cliaracteristic features from the tiatural 
history of the region ; and we may suppose it to embrace rude repre- 
sentations of the Siberian hare, the cabarda or musk deer and other 
known quadrupeds." 

He also furnishes a transcript of inscriptions found by him on a pre- 
cipitous rock on the river Irtish. This rock, which is 36 feet high, is 
isolated. It has four sides, one of which faces the water and has a 
number of tombs or sepulchral caves beneath. All of the fcmr faces 




have rude rei>ieseutations of the liuman form, and other uniutelligible 
characters are drawn in red colors in a durable kind of pigment, which 

Flu. 146. — Petroglypba at Cliandeshwar, ludia 


is found to be almost indestructible and is mucli used for rock inscrip- 

Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., makes the following remarks: marks, incised or drawn graftitti, not jnopiTly sjieaking inscriptions, 
have been fonnd in Siberia, but they are not the expected primitive remains of ancient 
writings. Some are purely Tartar, being written in Mongolian and Kalmuck ; others, 
obviously the work of common people, may be Arabic, while some others found on 
the left bank of the Jenissei river are much more interesting. They seem to me to 
be b.adly written in Syriac, from right to li'ft horizontally, before the time of the 
adaptation of this writing to the Uigur and Mongol. The characters are still separated 
one from the other. Ou one of these graffitti found at the same place several Chinese 
characters, as written by common people, are recognizable. 

Some hieroglyphical graffitti liave been^liscovered on rocks above Tomsk, on the 
right bank of the Tom river, in Siberia. They are incised at a height of more than 
20 feet. They are \'ery rude, and somewhat like the famous Livre de Sauvages of 
merry fame in pala'Ography. Quadrupeds, men, heads, all roughly drawn, and some 
indistinct lines, are all that can be seen. It looks more like the pictorial figures 
which can be used as a means of notation by ignorant ])eople at any moment than 
like an historical beginning of some writing. There is not the slightest appearance 
of any sort of regularity or conventional arrangement in them. 

The last we have to speak of are quite peculiar and altogether different from the 
others. The signs are painted in red. They are made of straight lines, disposed like 
drawings of lattices and wiudow shades, and also like the tree characters of the 
Arabs and like the runes. They are met with near the Irtisch river, on a rock over 
the stream Smolank. 

Figs. 513, 721, 722, and 733, infra, have relation to this geographic 

It is to be remarked that some of the Siberian and Tartar characters, 
especially those reproduced by Schoolcraft, 1, Pis. 65 and GG, have a 
strong resemblance to the drawings of the OJibwa, some of which are 
figured and described in the present work, and this coincidence is more 
suggestive from the reason that the totem or dodaim, which olteu is 
the subject of tliose drawings, is a designation which is used by both 
the OJibwa and the Tartar with substantially the same sound and sig- 


The simplest form of rock iu.scriptiou is almost ubiquitous. In Eu- 
I'ope, Asia, Africa, America, and Oceauica, shallow, round, cup-like 
depressions are found, sometimes in rows, sometimes singly, sometimes 
surrounded by a ring or rings, but often quite plain. The cup markers 
often arranged their sculpturings in regularly spaced rows, not infre- 
quently surrounding them with one or more clearly cut rings ; some- 
times, again, they associated them witli concentric circles or spirals. 
Occasionally the sculptors demonstrated the artificial character of their 
work by carving it iu spots beyond the reach of atmospheric influences, 
such as the interiors of stone cists or of dwellings. It must, however, 
be noted that, although there is thus established a distinction between 
those markings which are natural and those which are artificial, it is 
possible that there may have been some distant connection between the 
two, and that the depressions worn by wind and rain may have sug- 
gested the idea of the devices, now called cup-markings, to those who 
first sculptured them. 

Vast numbers of these cup stones are found in the British islands,- 
often connected with other petroglyjihs. In the county of Northum- 
berland alone there are 53 stones charged with 350 siulptures, among 
which are many cup depressions. So also in Germany, France, Den- 
mark, and indeed everywhere in Europe, but these forms took their 
greatest development in India. 

The leading work relating to this kind of sculpture is that of Prof. 
J. Y. Simpson (a), afterward known as Sir James Simjison, who reduces 
the forms of the cup sculptures to seven elementary types, here repro- 
duced in Fig. 147. His classification is as follows : 

First type. Single cups.— They are the simplest type of these ancient stoue-cnt- 
tings. Their diameter varies from 1 inch to 3 inches antl more, while they are often 
only half an inch deep, hnt rarely deeper than an inch or an inch and a half. 
They commonly appear in different sizes on the same stone or rock, and althouirh 
they sometimes form the only sculptures on a surface they are more frequently asso- 
ciated vrith figures of a different character. They are in general scattered without 
order over the surface, hut occasionally four or five or more of them are placed in 
more or less regular groups, exhibiting a constellation-like arrangement. 

Second type. Cii]>s surrounded bij a nhujle ring. — The incised rings are usuallv much 
shallower than the cups and mostly surround cups of comparatively large size. The 
ring is either complete or broken, and iu the latter case it is often traversed by a 
radial groove which runs from the central cup through and even beyond the ring. 




Thinl type. Oiyw surrounded by a series of concentric complete rinijs. — lu thi.s com- 
pleto annular form the central cup is geuerally more deeply cut than the surrouml- 
ing rings, hut not always. 

Fourth type. Cups surrounded bi/ a series of concentric, but inconqtlete rings having a 
straight radial groove. — This type constitutes perhaps the most common form of the 

TYPE \. 

© © €) 

© c 


TYPE 3. 




TYPE 5. 

TYPE 6. 

TYPE 7. 

FlG."147. — Types of cup sculptures. 

circular carviugs. The rings generally touch the r.idial line at both extremities, 
but sometimes thej' terminate on each side of it without touching it. The radial 
groove occasionally extends considerably beyond the outer circle, and in most cases 




it runs in a more or less downward direction on tlie stono or rock. Somctiiues it 
runs on and unites into a. common line with other ducts or grooves coming from 
other circles, till thus several series of concentric rings are conjoined into a larger 
or smaller cluster, united together by the extension of their radial branch-like 


148. — Viiriaiits uf cup sculptures. 

Fifth type. Ciijik surrounded hy concenlric riiiijs and flexed lines. — The number of in- 
closing or concentric rings is generally fewer in this type thau in the two last pre- 
ceding types, and seldom exceeds two or ihree in number. 



Sixtli Concentric rings wilhont a central cup. — In mauy cases the conceutric 
rings of the types already described appear without a central cup or deiiression, 
which is most frequently wanting in the com])let(' concentric circles of the third 

Fig. 149 Cup sculpture's at Aucliuabreach, .Si-otland. 

Seventh type. Concentric circular lines of the form of a spiral or ruliite. — The central 
beginning of the spiral line is usually, but not always, marked by a cup-like exca- 



It ofteu occurs that two, three, or more of these various tyjies are 
found on the same stoue or rock, a fact iudicatiug that they are iuti- 
mately allied to each other. 

Prof. Simpson presents what be calls "the chief deviations from the 
principal types " reproduced here as Fig. 148. 

The first four designs represent cups connected by grooves, which is 
a noticeable and frequently occurring feature. In Fig. 149 views of 
sculptured rock siirfaces at Auchnabreach, Argyleshire, Scotland, are 

given. Simple cups, cups sur- 
rounded by one ring or by con- 
centric rings, with radial grooves 
and spirals, appear here promiscu- 
ously mingled. Fig. 150 exhibits 
isolated as well as connected cups, 
a cui> surrounded by a ring, and 
concentric rings with radial 
grooves, on a standing stoue (men- 
hir), belonging to a group of seven 
at Ballymenach, in the parish of 
Kilmichacl Glassary, in Argyle- 
shire, Scotland. 

Dr. Berthold Seem an remarks 
concerning the characters in Fig. 
105, supra, copied from a rock in 
Chiriqui, Panama, that he discov- 
ers in it a great resemblance to 
those of Northumberland, Scot- 
land, and other parts of Great 
Britain. He says, as quoted by 
Dr. Kau((/): 

It is siugular that, thousands of miles away, iu a remote corner of tropical America, 
we should tind the concentric rings and several other characters typically identical 
with those engraved on the British rocks. 

The characters in Chiriqui are, lilie those of Great Britain, incised on large stones, 
the surface of which has not previously undergone any smoothing process. The in- 
cised stones occur iu a district of Veraguas (Chiriqui or Alanje), which is now thinly 
inhabited, but which, judging froui the numerous tombs, was once densely i)eopled. 

From information received during my two visits to Chiriqui and from what has 
been published since I first drew attention to this subject, I am led to believe that 
there are a great many inscribed rocks in that district. But I myself have seen 
only one, the now famous piedru piiilal (i. e., painted stone), which is found on a 
plain at Caldera, a few leagues from the town of David. It is 15 feet high, neatly 50 
feet in circumference, and rather tiat on the top. Every part, especially the eastern 
side, is covered with incised characters about an inch or half au inch deep. The 
first figure on the left hand side represents a radiant sun, followed by a series of 
heads or what appear to be heads, all with some variation. It is these heads, par- 
ticularly the appendages (perhaps intended for hair?), which show a certain resem- 
blance to one of the most curious characters fouiul ou the British rocks, and calling 
10 ETH lo 

Fig. 15U.— t'uii 

dculi»tiir<-,s ut 




to mind the so-called "'Ogham characters." These "heads" a,re succeeded by scov- 
))iou-like or brauchcil aud other fantastic figures. The top of the stone and the other 
sides are covered with a great number of concentric rings and ovals, crossed by 
lines. It is esjieoially these which bear so striking a resemblance to the Northum- 
brian characters. 

Fig. 151 presents five selected characters from tlie rock mentioned: 
a attacbed to the respective numbers always refers to the Ohiriqui and 


Fi'i. 151. — Ciqi si'nli>tun-.s in Cliiritnii. 

h to the British type of the several designs; la and 16 represent radi- 
ant suns; 2fl aud 2b show several grooves, radiating from an outer arch, 
resembling, as Dr. Seeman thinks, the Ogham characters; 3a aud 3// 
show the completely closed concentric circles; ia and 4/j show how the 
various characters are connected by lines; o« and 56 exhibit the groove 
or outlet of the circle. 

Mr. G. n. Kinahan, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute of 
Great Britain and Ireland, ISS'J, p. 171, gives an account of Barues's 
Inscribed Dallaus, County Donegal, Ireland. One of his figures bears 
four cups joined together by lines forming across. The remainder of 
the illustrations consist of conceutric rings aud cups resembling others 
already figured in this paper. 



Marcano (c) describes Fig. loU as follows: 

The chain of Cuchivei-o, situated in Venezuela between the Orinoco and the Caiua, 
shows on its flanks small plateans on which are numerous stones which seem to have 
been aligned. Tliis chain is separated by a deep valley from that of Tiramnto, from 
which were copied the petroglyphs here presented. The one represents a single sun, 

Fig. 152. — Cup sculptures iu Venezuela. 

the other two suns joined together. The rays of the former run from one circumfer- 
ence to the other. The other two are joined together by a central stroke, and the 
rays all start from the outer circumference. 

The same author (loc. cit.) tlms describes Fig. 153: 

These designs, taken on the little hills of the high Cuchivero, difter altogether 
from the preceding, n is a very regular horizontal groiiping. It begins by a spiral 

Fig. 15;}.— Clip sculptures in Venezuela. 

joined to three figures similar among themselves, and similar also to the eyes of 

jaguars which we have often met with. There follows a sort of isolated fret; at 

its right is another, larger and joined to a circle diftereut from the 

preceding; it has a central point, and the second circumference is 

interrupted. The tigure terminates in a spiral like the one at the 

beginning of the line, and which, being turned in the opposite 

direction, serves at its pendant. 

6 is formed of two horizontal rows one above the other. We 
there find first of all two frets united by a -vertical stroke ending iu 
aliook. The character.^ whicli follow, resembling those of a, are 
distinct in each row, but ou closer inspection they are seen to 
have a peculiar correspondence. 

Dr. LadisMu Netto (6) gives copies of carvings on the 
rocks in Brazil on the banks of the Eio Xegro, from 
Moura to the city of Manaus, and remarks upon the characters reiiro- 
dnced here as Fig. 154, that tliey represent the figure of the multi- 
ple concentric circles joined together two by two, as were found 

Fici. l.>i. — Cup sculp- 
tures in Brazil. 


ou several other rocks in the same regiou, and as they appear in 
many iuscriiitions of Central America and at various points of 2^ortU 
Senhor Araripe (b) gives the following acconnt: 

In Banabuiu, Bnizil, about three-quarters ol' a league from the plantation of Caza- 
uova, on the road to C'astelo, is a stone resting upon another, at the height of a man, 
which the inhabitants call Peilra-furada (pierced stone) having on its western face 
the inscription in Fig. 155. 

The characters have been much effaced by the rubbing of cattle against them; 
the stone has also cracked. Some fragments lying at the foot of it bear ou their 
upper faces round holes made by a sharp tool, and resembling those shown in this 



Fig. 155. — Cup sculiilmi-:-; in J'.rtizil. 

Cup stones, called by the Fren<:\^ pierrets a ccitellos and pierres a 
eiipules and by the Germans 8:^.aienstei'ie, are found throughout Hin- 
dustan, on the banks of the Indus, at the foot of the Himalayas, in 
the valley of Cashmere, and on the many cromlechs around Nagpoor. 
At this very day one may see the Hindu women carrying the water of 
the Gauges all the way to tlie mountains of the Punjab, to pour into 
the cupules and thus obtain fi-om the divinity the boon of motherhood 
earnestly desired. 

The cup sculptures often become imposing by their number and com- 
bination. In the Kamaon mountains there are numerous blocks that 
support small basins. One of them is mentioned as being 13 feet in 
length by in breadth and 7 in height, and showing five rows of cupules. 
At Chandeswar (see Fig. 146) the rocks themselves are covered with 
these signs. They iiresent two ditterent types. One of the most fre- 
quent groups shows a simple round cavity; in the others, the cupels 
are encircled by a sort of ring carved in intaglio and encircling figures. 
One of these figures recalls the swastika, the sacred sign of the Aryans. 
The present Hindus are absolutely ignorant of the origin of these sculi^- 
tures; they are fain to attribute them to the Goalas, a mysterious race 
of shepherd kings who preceded the great invasions which imprinted 
an indelible stamp on the Indies as well as on Europe. These cupels 
are correlated with the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names 
given to Siva, the third god of the Hindu triad, whose emblem is the 




serpent. Chaiideswai' is reached through a narrow gorge; at the en- 
trance is found a temple sacred to Mahadeo. The columns and slabs 
bear cupules similar to those seen on the rocks. 

Some of the Mahadeo designs 
engraved on stone slabs in this 
temple (see Eivett-Carnac, loc. cit.) 
are represented in Fig. 15G, show- 
ing a marked resemblance to and 
appi'oachingidentity with this class 
of cuttings on bowlders, rocks, and 
niegalitliic monuments in Europe. 
A large number of stones with 
typical cup markings have been 
found in the I'nited States of 
America. Some of those illustrated 
in this i)aper are presented in PL v, 
and Figs. 19 and 48. 

Among the many attempts, all 
hitherto unsatisfactory, to explain 
the significance of the cu]i stones 
as distributed over nearly all parts 
of the earth, one statement of Mr. 
Eivett-Carnac (6) is of value as 
furnishing the meaning now at- 
tached to them in India. He says : 

H.aviiig seen sketches and notes on 
lock sculptures in India wbicli closely 
resenilile unexplained rock carvings in 
.Scotland, and having myself fouud one 
of the Scotch forms cut on a liowlder in 
K;ingril, » » * being at Ayodhy^ 
with a Hindu who speaks good English, 
I got a fakir and drew on the sand of the 

Oogra the ligure (©) . I asked what 

that meant. The fakir at once answered, 

Dim " • 
iinill I, 'III 

'Mahadeo." I then drew 

and got 

tlie same answer. At Delhi my old 

accjuaintance, Mr. Shaw, told me that 

these two signs are chalked on stones 

in Kiingraliy people marching in marriage 

processions. The meaning given to these 

two symbols now in India is familiarly 

known to the people. 
Flu. 156.— Cup sculptures in India. 

Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is the god of generation. He 
is worshiped by the Sawas, one of the nitmerous Hindit sects, under the 


form of a pliallxis, often represented by a simiile column, which some- 
times is placed on the yoni or female organ. It is suggested that in a 
common form of the sculptures the inner circle represents the Mahadeo 
or lingam, and the outer or containing circle the yoni. Xo idea of 
obscenity occurs from this representation to the Hindus, who adore 
under this form the generative power in nature. 

Prof. Douglas, in the Saturday Eeview, Xoveml)er 24:, 1883, fiu-nishes 
some remarks on the topic now considered: 

In Palestine anil the country beyouil Jordan some of the marks found are so large 
that it has been supposed that they may have been used as small presses of wine, or 
as mortars for pounding the gleanings of Tvheat. But there is an olyection to these 
theories as accounting for the marks generally, 'which is fatal to them. To serve 
these purposes the rocks on which the marks occur should be iu a horizontal posi- 
tion, whereas in a majority of cases all over the world the ''cups " are found either 
on shelving rocks or ou the sides of perpendicular stones. This renders worthless 
also the ideas which have at different times been put forward that they may have 
been used for some sort of gambling game, or as sun-dials. A Swiss arch:Hologist 
•who has lately devoted himself to the question believes that he has recognized, in 
the seulpturings under his observation, maps of the surrounding districts, the 
"cups" iudicating the mountain peaks. In the same way others have thought that 
similar markings may have been intended as maps or plans pointing out the direc- 
tion and character of (dd circular camps and cities in their neighborhood. But if 
any such resemblances have been discovered they can hardly be other than fortuitous, 
since it is difficult to understand how I'ows of cup marks, arranged at regular 
intervals and in large numbers, could have served as representatives either of the features of a country or of camps and cities. But a closer resemblance may 
be found in them as maps if we suppose that they were intended to represent things 
in the heavens rather than on earth. The round cup-lilce marks are reasonably sug- 
gestive of the sun, moon, and stars, and if only an occasional figure could lie found 
representing a constellation, some color might be lield to be given to the idea; but 
unfortunately this is not the case. Nevertheless the shape of the marks has led 
many to believe that they are relics of the ancient sun worship of Pha-nicia, and 
that their existence in Europe is due to the desire of the Phteniciau colonists to con- 
vert our forefathers to their faith. But there are raanj' reasons for regarding this 
theory, though supjiorted by the authority of Prof. Nilsson, as untenable. The 
observations of late years have brought to light cup marks and megalithic circles in 
parts of Europe on which a Ph(cnician foot never trod; and it is a curious circum- 
stance that in those portions of the British Isles most frequented by these indefatiga- 
ble traders there are fewer traces of these monuments than iu the northern and 
inland districts, which were comparatively inaccessible to them. 

The Swiss archteologist mentioned above by Prof. Douglas is Fritz 
Koediger («), of whose theory the following is a translated abstract: 

What renders the deciphering of these sign stones exceedingly difficult (I piu- 
posely avoid the words "map stones" because not all are such) is their great variety in 
size, position, material, workmanship, and meaning. I will here speak of the latter 
only, inasmuch as there are stones which in their smallest and their largest form 
are yet frequently nothing else than boundary stones, whose origin can often not be 
definitely established as prehistoric, while on the other hand again we discover 
well-marked boundary stones, which at the same time show the outline of the piece 
of ground which they guard. Similarly we find prehistoric (Gallic) '' Leuk " stones, 
difiei'iug from the meter-high communal and state boundary stones of modern times 
in nothing but this, that they have stHUe indistinct groo\cs and one or two books, 


while on the other haud we meet "Leuk" stones, which on their restricted heads, 
often also on the side walls, indicate their environs for (Leuk) miles aronud, uj>, 
down, and sidewise, while a third class of this form merely adorn crossroads, and 
indicate deviations by means of lines and points (waranden). Thus we find quite 
extensive slabs or structures that signify only some hectares, often only one, while 
we meet very small ones, or, at any rate, of moderate size, which one man can move, 
that represent very large districts, some presenting only lines and grooves, others 
with shells of various sizes, a third kind with both kinds of ornaments and samples 
of ornaments, and again others with no sign at all, but yet respected as sttmes of 
special meaning by the population, and called "hot stone." "pointed stoue," 
"heath stone," "child's stone," etc. Other stones have basin-like or platter-like 
depressions, and finally there are outcropping rocks with marks of one kind or 
another, holes, rents, clefts, etc. A further great diflSculty hampering the deciphering 
of these wonderftil stones is the lack of opportunities for comparison and experience. 
I have been markedly favored in this respect by my sojourn and wanderings in 
valley, mountain and alp. Western Switzerland is a very paradise for investiga- 
tions of this kind, especially the lake country and the upper part of the canton of 
Solothuru (Soleure). A third difficulty, often insuperable, lies in the nonexist- 
ence of appropriate good maps for comparison. In this respect too we are well oft" 
in Switzerland. 

According to my observations in this field, now continued nearly 12 years, pre- 
historic man had: (1) His land or province survey; (2) his circle, district, and com- 
munal surveys, in reference to which (3) the Alpine surveys deserve special mention, 
in cantons which down to the jiresent day know nothing of such surveys ; (4) private 
and special surveys. Thus it seems that my observations lend full contirmation to 
the oldest historic or traditional statements concerning the tenure of land of the 
Kelto-Germans or Germano-Kelts. 

Among the Ojibwa coiicentrif circles, according to Schoolcraft {(1), 
CQnstituted the sjaubol of time. It would be dangerous to explain the 
many markings of this character by the suggested symbolism, wluch 
also recalls that of Egypt in relation to the circle-figure. Inquiries 
have often been made whether the North American Indians have any 
superstitious or religious practices connected with the markings under 
consideration, e. g., in relation to the desire for offsjiring, whicli un- 
doubtedly is connected with the sculpturing of cup depressions and 
furrows in the eastern hemisphere. No evidence is yet produced of 
any such correspondence of practice or tradition relating to it. In the 
absence of any extrinsic explauation the pro.saic and disappointing 
sitggestion intrudes that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and 
that the act of drawing them suggests the accentuation of depressions or 
hollows within their curves. Much stress is laid upon the fact that the 
characters are found in so many i^arts of the earth, with the implica- 
tion that all the sculptors used them with the same significance, thus 
afltbrdiug ground for the hypothesis that anciently one race of people 
penetrated all the regions designated. But in such an implication the 
history of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines is 
forgotten. The cross is as common as the cup-stone, and has, or an- 
ciently had, a different signification among the different people who 
used it, beginning as a mark and ending as a symbol. Therefore, it 
may readily be imagined that the rings in question, which are drawn 


nearly as easily as the cross, were at one time favorite but probably 
meaningless designs, perhaps, in popular expression, "instinctive" com- 
mencements of the artistic practice, as was the earliest delineation of 
the cross figure. Afterward the rings, if emi)loyed as symbols or ejn- 
blems, would naturally have a different meaning applied to them in 
each region where they now appear. 

It must, however, be noted that the tigures under discussion can be 
and often are the result of conventionalization. A striking remark is 
made by Mr. John ^furdoch («), of the Smithsonian Institution, that 
south of Bering strait the design of the ''circle and dot," which may be 
regarded as the root of the cup sculpture, is the conventionalized rep- 
resentation of a flower, and is very frequentlj^ seen as an ornamental 

An elucidation of some of the most common forms of cup sculptures 
is given, without qualification and also without authority, but with the 
serene consciousness of certainty, by the Rev. ('harles Rogers, "d. i>., 
LL. D., F. S. A., Scot., etc.," as follows: 

Tlio sculptuies are sacred books, which the awc-iuspircd worshiiiper was rtquireJ 
to revere and, pi'obably, to salute with reverence. A single circle represented the 
sun. two circles in union the sun and moon — Baal and Ashtaroth. The wavy groove 
passing across tlie circle pointed to the course of water from the clouds, as discliarged 
upon the earth. Groups of pit marks pointed to the stars or, more probably, to the 
oaks of Ihe primeval teni]iles. 


Ill leaviug the geographic distribution of petroglyphs to examine 
the comprehensive theme of pictogrnphs in general, the first and correct 
impression is that the mist of the arohaic and unknown is also left and 
that the glow of current significance is reached. The pictographs of 
the American Indians are seldom if ever cryptograplis, though very 
often conventional and sometimes, for special reasons, v>i'econcerted, 
as are their signals. They are intended to he understood without a 
key, and nearly all of those illustrated below in the present work are 
accompanied by an Interpretation. As the art is in actual daily use it 
is free from the superstition pending from remote anticpiity. 

It will be noticed that a large proportion of the pictographs to be now 
presented, which are not petroglj^ihs, are Micmac, Abnaki, Dakota, and 
Ojibwa, although it is admitted that as many more could be obtained 
from other tribes, such as the Zuni and the Navajo. The reason for the 
omission of details regarding the latter is that they are already pub- 
lished, or are in the course of publication, by Mrs. Stevenson, Dr. 
Matthews, Mr. Gushing, Mr. Fewkes, and other writers, who have 
specially devoted themselves to the peoples mentioned and the region 
occupied by them. 

The present writer obtained a valuable collection of birch-bark picto- 
graphs immemorially and still made by the Passamaquoddy and Pe- 
nobscot tribes of Abnaki in Maine, showing a similarity in the use of 
picture-writing between the members of the widespread Algonquian 
stock in the regions west of the great lakes and those on the north- 
eastern seaboard. He also learned that the same art was common to 
the less known Montagnais and Nascapees in the wooded regions north 
of the St. Lawrence. This correlation of the pictographic practice, in 
manner and extent, was before inferentially asserted, but no satisfac- 
tory evidence of it had been furnished until the researches of the liureau 
of Ethnology, in 1887 and 1888, made by the writer, brought into direct 
comparison the pictography of the Ojibwa with that of the Micmacs 
and the Abnaki. Many of the Indians of the last named tribes stiU use 
marks and devices on birch bark in the ordinary affairs of life, especially 
as notices of departure and direction and for warning and guidance. 
The religious use of original drawings among them, which is still prom- 
inent among the Ojibwa, has almost ceased, but traces of it remain. 



The most iuterestiiiji of all the accounts regarding the jjictographs 
of the Xorth American Indians published before the last decade was 
contained in the works of Henry 11. Schoolcraft, issued in lSij3 and 
subsequent years, and the most frequently ([uoted part of his contri- 
butions on this subject describes the pictographs of the Ojibwa. He 
had special facilities for obtaining accurate information with regard to 
all matters relating to that tribe on account of his marriage to one of 
its women, a granddaughter of a celebrated chief, Waub-o-jeeg and 
daughter of a European named Johnson. She was educated in Ireland 
and had sufficient intelligence to understand and describe to her hus- 
band the points of interest relating to her tribe. 

The accounts given by Mr. Schoolcraft, with numerous illustrations, 
convey the impression that the Ojibwa were nearly as far advanced iu 
hieroglyphic writing as the Egyptians before their pictorial repre- 
sentations had become syllabic. The general character of his volu- 
minous publications has not been svrch as to assure modern critics of 
his accuracy, and the wonderful combination of minuteness and compre- 
hensiveness attributed by him to the Ojibwa "hieroglyidis" has of late 
been generally regarded with suspicion. It was considered iu the 
Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain how much of truth 
existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that purpose the writer, 
with Dr. Hoffman as assistant, examined the most favorable points in 
the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern regions of ISIin- 
nesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be discovered. 

The general results of the comparison of Schoolcraft's statements 
with what is now found show that he told the truth in substance, but 
with much exaggeration and coloring. The word "coloring" is par- 
ticailarly appropriate, because in his copious illustrations various colors 
were used freely and with apparent significance, whereas, in fact, the 
general rule in regard to the birch-bark rolls was that they were never 
colored at all; indeed, the bark was not adapted to coloration. The 
metaphorical coloring was also flourished by him in a manner which 
seems absurd to any thorough student of the Indian jihilosophy and 
religions. Metaphysical concepts are attached by him to Some of the 
devices which he calls "symbols," which could never have been enter- 
tained by a peoi^le in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa. While some 
symbolism, in the wide sense of the term, may be perceived, iconog- 
raphy and ideography are more apparent. 

The largest part of the bark rolls and other pictographs of the Ojibwa 
obtained by the Bureau, relates to the ceremonies of the Mide' and of 
the shaman istic orders; another division refers to the Jessakid per- 
formances, which can be classed under the head of jugglery ; and a third 
part embraces the more current and practical uses. Examples of all of 
these are given, infra. 

The difficulties sometimes attending the pursuit of ceremonial picto- 
graphs were exemplified to the writer at Odanah, Wisconsin. Very 


few of tlie Ojibwa in that ueighborliood, who are generally civilized 
and in easy circumstances, Lad any more than a vague knowledge that 
such things as inscribed bark rolls had ever existed. Three, however, 
were traced and one was shown. The owner, an uncompromising hea- 
then, was called Kitche-sha-bads. "Kitche"' means big, "sha" is an 
attempt at the French form of John, and "bads" is a bad shot at Bap 
tiste, the whole translation, therefore, being "Big John the Baptist.'' 
This old fellow, though by no means as enterprising or successful as 
some of the younger generation, had a snug house and farm and $300 
in the savings bank at Ashland. One thing, however, he needed, viz, 
whisky. The strictest regulations prevailed on the reservation, really 
prohibitory to the introduction of spirits, and, indeed, there was at 
the nearest town, Ashland, a severe penalty for selling any form of 
liquor to an Indian. To obtain whisky, therefore, was the only consid- 
eration which would tempt him to allow a coi^y of the roll to be taken or 
by which he could be induced to recite or rather to chant it in the man- 
ner prescribed. He was undoubtedly accomplished in the knowledge 
of the Mide' rites, and the roll, which was shown in his hands, but not 
out of them, is substantially the same as one of those copied in the 
present work, which was discovered several hundred miles farther 
northwest among a ditferent division of the same tribe. The shaman 
began rather mildly to plead that he M'as an old man and could not 
remember well unless his spirit was made good by a little whisky. 
This difflculty might have been obviated by a traveler's pocket flask, 
but his demands increased witli great rapidity. He said that the roll 
coixld only be sung at night, that he must have another old man to help 
him, and the old man must have whisky; then that there must be a 
numl)er of young men, who would Join in the chorus, and all the young 
men must have whisky too. These demands made it evident that he 
was intending to have a drunken orgy, which resulted in a cloture of 
the debate. And yet the idea of tlie old shaman was in its way correct. 
The ceremonial chants could be advantageously pronounced only under 
inspiration, which was of old obtained by a tedious form of intoxica- 
tion, now expedited l)y alcohol. 

The fact that this work shows a large proportion of pictographs from 
the Siouan linguistic family, and especially from the Dakota division of 
that family, may be explained partly by the greater familiarity of the 
present writer with it than with most other Indian divisions. Yet 
probably more distinctive examples of evolution in ideography and in 
other details of picture-writing are found still extant among the Dakota 
than among any other North American tribe. The degree of advance 
made by the Dakota was well exi^resscd by the Rev. S. I). Hinman, who 
was born, lived, married, and died in their midst, and, though unfortu 
nately he committed to writing but little of his knowledge, was more 
thoroughly informed about that peojile than any other man of European 


To express liis \iews clearly lie gave to this writer in a mauuseri]it 
communication bis own classification of jiictof-raphy (which isnot in all 
respects approved) as follows: 

7. Picturing. — [This is the method called by Prof. Brinton (6) icono- 
graphic writing.] This shows a simple representation of a thing or 
event in picture, as of a bear, a man's hand, a battle. 

II. Ideography. — This arbitrarily, though signiflcantly,recalls an idea 
or abstract quality, as love or goodness. 

III. Pictiireirritiufi. — This will, in picture and character, arbitrarily 
or otherwise, recite a connected story, there being a picture or charac- 
ter for every word, even for conjunctions and prepositions. 

IV. Phonetic writing. — This gives phonetic value to every picture 
and spells out the words by sound, almost as in later alphabets, as if 
a lion should stand for the "1" .sound, a bear for the "b" sound, etc., 
and from this last by modification came alphabets. [This is the familiar 
theory, which is accurate so far as it is api)licable, of the initial sound, 
but other elements are disregarded, such as the "rebus," for which 
special class Prof. Brinton, loc. cit., has invented Lhe title of the Icono- 
matic method.] 

Accepting this chronologic if not evolutionary arrangement, Mr. 
Hinman decided that the Dakota picture-writing had passed through 
.stage I and was already entering upon stage II when it was first 
observed by the European explorers. Of III and IV he found no ex- 
amples in Dakota pictography, though in sign language the Dakota 
had progressed further and had entered upon III. 

As a summary of the tcjpic it seems tliat pictographs other than pe- 
troglyi>hs which presumably are more modern than most of the lat- 
ter, can be studied, not by geographic distribution, but by their ascer- 
tainable intent and use. Unless the classification of the remaining 
part of this work under its various headings has been defective, further 
discussion in this chapter is unnecessary. 



Substances ou which pictographs are made may be divided into — 
1. The human body. 
II. Natural objects other than tlio human body. 
III. Artificial objects. 



Markings on Iniuian bodies are — (1) Those expressed by painting 
or such coloration as is not permanent. It has been found convenient 
to treat this topic under the heading of "Significance of Colors," Cha]). 
XVIII, Sec. 3. (2) Those of intended permanence upon the skin, gen- 
erally called tattoo, but including scarification. This enormous and 
involved topic is discussed, so far as space allows, under the heading of 
"Totems, Titles, and Names," Chapter xiii, Sec. 3, where it seems to be 
most convenient in the general arrangement of this work. Though 
logically it might have been divided among several of the headings, 
that course would have involved much repetition or cross reference. 


Other natural objects may be divided into — (1) Stone; (2) bone; (3) 
skins; (i) feathers and quills; (5) gourds; (6) shells; (7) earth and 
sand; (8) copper; (9) wood. 


This caption comprises the pictographs upon stone surfaces or tab- 
lets which are not of the dimensions or in the ijositiou to be included 
under the heading of petroglyphs, as elsewhere defined. Accounts, 
with and without illustrations, have been published of several engraved 
tablets, regarding which there has been much discussion, and some ex- 
amples appear, infra, under the appropriate heading. (See Chapter xxii, 
Sec. 1.) Other examples, in which the genuine aboriginal character of 
the work is undisputed, ajipcar in the present work, and a large number 
of other engraved and incised stone objects could be referred to, some 
of which are in the jiossession of the Bureau of Ethnology, unpublished, 




otbers being figured iii its several reports. It is sufficieut uow lor illus- 
tration of this subject to refer to tbe account accompanying PI. li, infra, 
describing au<l cojiyiug the Thruston tablet, which is, perhaps, the 
most interesting of any pictograph on stone yet discovered, the genuine- 
ness of which as Indian woik has not been called in question. 


For instances of the use of bone, several Alaskan and Eskimo carv- 
ings figured in tliis work may be referred to, e. g., Figs. 334, ■459-4;GU, 
534, 703, 704, 742, 771, 844, and 121i8. 

Fig. 157, copied from 
Schoolcraft (e), is taken 
fi-om the shoulder-blade of 
abufi'alo found on the plains 
in the Comanche country 
of Texas. He says : 

It is a symbol showiuii; the 
strife for tlie liufFalo existing 
between the Indian ami white 
races. The Indian (1) presented 
on horseback, protected by his 
ornamented shield and armed 
with a lance, (2) kills a Spaniard 
(3) after a circuitous chase (6), 
the latter being armed with a 
gun. His companion (4), armed 
with a lance, shares the same 

It may be questioned 
whether Mr. Schoolcraft 
was not too active in the 
search for symbols in his 
exj^lanation of (6) as a cir- 
cuitous chase. The device 
is either a lasso or a lariat, 
and relates to the posses- 
sion or attempt to take pos- 
session of the buffalo. The 
design (5), however, well 
expresses ideographically 
the fact that the buttalo at 
Fig. i57.-Comanche drawing on shouWer-i.iade. the time was in Contention, 

and therefore was the property half of the Indians and half of the 



A large number of pictograph s upon the hides of animals are men- 
tioned in the present paper. PI. xx, with its description in the Dakota 


Winter Counts, infra, Chap, x, Sec. 2, Im one instance. Eawhide drum- 
heads are also used to paint upon, as by the shamans of the Ojibwa. 

The use of robes made of the hides of buffalo and other large animals, 
painted with biographie, shamanistic, and other devices, is also men- 
tioned in various parts of this work. A description of very early ob- 
servation is now introduced, taken from John Eibault in Hakluyt («). 

The king gaue oiiv Captaiiie at his departure a j)lume or fanue of Hernshawes 
feathers dieil in red, and a basket made of Palmeboughes after the Indian fasliiou, 
and wrought very artilieially and a great tskinne jiaiuted and drawen throughout 
with the pictures of diners wilde beasts so liuelydrawen and ]iourtrayed, tliat noth- 
ing lacked but life. 

With the American use of pictographic robes may be compared the 
following accouTit of the same use by Australian natives by Dr. Richard 
Andree (b). 

The inner side of the opossum skius worn liy the blacks is also often ornamented 
with figures. They scratch lines into the skin, which afterward are rubbed over 
with fat and charcoal. 


Edward M. Kern, in Schoolcraft (/), reports that the Sacramento 
tribes of California were very expert in weaving blankets of feathers, 
many of them having beautiful figures worked upon them. 

The feather work in Mexico, Central America, and the Hawaiian 
Islands is well known, often having designs jiroperly to be considered 
among pictograplis, though in moderu times not often passing beyond 

Worsnop (op. cit.) mentions that on grand occasions of the " Mindarie" 
(i. e., peace festival) the Australian natives decorate the bodies, face, 
legs, and feet with the down of wild fowl, stuck on with their owu blood. 
The ceremony of taking the blood is very painful, yet they stand it 
without a murmur. It takes five or six men four to five hours to 
decorate one man. Tlie blood is put on the body wet and the down 
stuck on the blood, showing, when finished, outlines of man's head, face, 
feet, snakes, emu, fish, trees, birds, and other outlines representing the 
moon, stars, sun, and Aurora Australis, the wliole meaning that they 
are at peace with the world. 

Mr. David Boyle (n) gives an account of a piece of porcupine quill 
work, with an illustration, a part of which is copied in Fig. 158. 

Among the lost or almost lost arts of the Canadian Indians is that of employing 
porcupine quills as in the illustration. Partly on account of scarcity of material, 
but chiefly, it is likely, from change of habits and of taste, there are comparatively 
few Indian women now living who attempt to produce any fabric of this Ivind. * * * 

The central figure is meant to rejjrcscnt the eagle or great thunder-bird, the belief 
in which is, or was, widely spread among the Indians over the northern part of this 
continent. » * » 

This beautiful piece of quill work was produced from Ek-wah-satch, wlio lesides 
at Baptiste lake. He informed me that it liad belonged to liis grandfatlier. who 
resided near Georgian bay. 



See also Fig. 683 for auotlier illustiatiou of iiictographic work by 
colored porcupine (luills. 


After gourds have dried the contents are removed and small pebbles 
or bones placed in the empty vessel. Handles are sometimes attached. 
They serve as rattles in dances and in religious and shamanistic rites. 

The representations of natural 
or mythical objects, connected 
with the ceremonies, for which 
the owner may have special 
reverence are often depicted 
upon their outer surfaces. 
This custom prevails among 
the Pueblos generally, and 
also among many other tribes, 
notably those of the Siouau 
linguistic stock. 

Fig. 159 is a drawing of the 
Sci-Mauzi or "Mescal Wo- 
man " of the Kiowa as it ap- 
pears on a sacred gourd rattle 
in the mescal ceremony of that 
tribe, and was ijrocured with 
Fill. 158.— Quill imtosiaiib. f^^ explanations in the-winter 

of 11S9()-'91 by Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

It shows the rude semblance of a woman, with divergent rays about 
hei' head, a fan in her left hand, and a star under her feet. 

The peculiarity of the drawing is its hermeiicutic character, which is 
rarely ascertained by actual evidence as existing among the North 
American Intlians. it has a double meaning, and 
while apparently only a fantastic figure of a woman, it 
conveys also to the minds of the initiated a symbolic 
rei)resentation of the interior of the sacred mescal 
lodge. Turning the rattle with the handle toward the 
east, the lines forming the halo about the head of the 
figure represent the circle of devotees within the lodge. 
The head itself, with the spots for eyes and mouth, 
represents the large consecrated mescal which is placed 
upon a crescent-shaped mound of earth in the center of 
the lodge, this mound being represented in the figure 
by a broad, curving line, painted yellow, forming the 
shoulders. IJelow this is a smaller crescent curve, 
the original surface of the gourd, which symbolizes the smaller 
crescent mound of ashes built up within the crescent of earth as the 
ceremony progresses. The horns of both crescents ))oint toward the 


Fig. I'll).- Picto- 
j;raph ou ;;our(l. 

curve of the 


door of the lodge on the east side wliicli, iu the figure, is toward 
the feet. In the chest of the body is a round globule painted red, 
emblematic of the fire within the horns of the crescent in the lodge. 
The lower part of the body is green, symbolic of the eastern ocean 
beyond which dwells the mescal woman who is the ruling spirit or 
divinity to whom prayers are addressed in the ceremony, and the star 
under her feet is the morning star which heralds her approach. In her 
left hand is a device representing the fan of eagle feathers used to 
shield the eyes from the glare of the fire during the ceremony. 


The admirable and well ilkistrated paper, Art in Shell of the Ancient 
Americans, by Mr. W. H. Holmes, in the Second Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology, and a similar paper, Burial Mounds of the North- 
ern Section of the United States, by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in the Fifth 
Annual Eeport of the same Bureau, render unnecessary present ex- 
tended discussion under this head. 

One example, however, which is unique in character and of estab- 
lished authenticity, is presented here as PI. xv. 

Dr. Edward B. Tylor {a) gives a description of the mantle copied 
upon that plate, which is condensed as follows: 

Among specimens illustrative of native North American arts, as jet tintouched by 
Euroiiean influence, is the deerskin mantle ornamented with shellwork, recorded to 
have belonged to the Virginian chief, Powhatan. Of the group of Virginian mantles 
iu Tradescant's collection there only now remains this shell embroidered one. It is 
entered as follows in the MS. catalogue of the Ashmoleon Museum, in the handwriting 
of the keeper, Dr. Plot, the well-known antiquary, about ItiSo: "205 Basilica Pow- 
hatan Regis Virginiani vestis, duabus cervorum cutibus consiita, et nunimis indicia 
vulgo cori's dictis splendide exornata." He had at first written " Roanoke," but 
struck hie pen through this word, and wrote "cori's " (i. e. cowries) above, thus by 
no means improving the accuracy of his description. 

The mantle measui'cs abont 2.2'" in length by 1.6"' in width. The two deerskins 
forming it are joined down the middle; no hair remains. The ornamental design 
consists of an upright human figure iu the middle, divided by the seam; a pair of 
animals; 32 spirally-formed rounds (2 in the lowest line have lost their shells) ,and 
the remains of some work in the right lower corner. The marks where shellwork 
has come away plainly show the hind legs and tapering tails of both animals. It is 
uncertain whether the two quadrupeds rejireseut in the conventional manner of pic- 
ture-writing some real animal of the region, or some mythical composite creature 
such as other Algonquin tribes are apt to figure. The decorative shellwork is of a 
kind well known in North America. The shells used are Marginella; so far as Mr. 
Edgar A. Smith is able to identify them in their present weathered state, M. nivosa. 
They have been prepared for fastening ou, in two different ways, which may be dis- 
tinguished in the plate. In the animals and rounds, the shells have been perforated 
by grinding on one side, so that a sinew thread can be passed through the hole thus 
made and the mouth. In the man, tlie shells are ground away and rounded oft' at 
both ends into beads looking roughly ball-like at a distance. 

The artistic skill of the North American Indians was not, as a rule, 
directed to represent the forms of animals with such accuracy as to 
allow of their identification as portraitures. Instead of attempting 
10 ETH 14 


such accuracy they geuerally selected some prominent feature such as 
the claws of the bear, which were drawn with exaggeration, or the tail 
of the mountain lion which was portrayed of abnormal length over the 
animal's back. Those animals were, therefore, recognized by those 
selected features in much the same manner as if there had been a 
written legend — "this is a bear" or "a mountain lion," the want of 
iconographic accuracy being admitted. In the animals represented 
on, the mantle no 'such indicating feature is obvious, and the general 
resemblance to the marten is the only guide to identification. 

The habitat of the marten does not include Virginia as a whole, but 
the animal is found in the elevAted regions of that state. This local 
infi'equeucy is not, however, of much significance. If regarded as a 
clan totem, as is probable, it may well be that the clan of Powhatan was 
connected with the clans of the more northern Algouquian tribes among 
whom the maiten frequently appears as a clan totem. What is generally 
termed the Powhatan confederacy was a union, not apparently ancient, 
of a large number of tribal divisions or villages, and it is not known to 
which dan (probably extending through many of these tribal divisions) 
the head chief Powhatan belonged. There is almost nothing on record 
of the clan system of those Virginian Indians, but it is supposed to be 
similar to that of the northern and eastern members of the same lin- 
guistic family, among whom the marten clan was and still is found. 

The topic of wampum which, considered as to its material, belongs to 
the division of shellwork, is with regard to the purposes of the present 
paper, discussed under the head of "Mnemonic," Chap, ix, Sec. 3. 


The highly important work, The Mountain Chant, a Navajo Cere- 
mony, in the Fifth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Dr. 
Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, and that of Mr. James Stevenson, 
Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the 
Navajo Indians, in the Eighth Annual Report of that Bureau, give 
accounts of most interesting sand paintings by the Navajo Indians, 
which were before unknown. These paintings were made upon the 
surface of the earth by means of sand, ashes, and powdered vegetable 
and mineral matter of various colors. They were highly elaborate, 
and were fashioned with care and ceremony immediately preceding the 
observance of specific rites, at the close of which they were obliterated 
with great nicety. The subject is further discussed by Dr. W. H. Cor- 
busier, U. S. Army, in the present paper (see Chap, xiv, Sec. 5). 

Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing, of the Bureau of Ethnology, kindly 
contributes the following remarks with special reference to the Zufii : 

A study of characteristic features in these so-called saud pictures of the Navajos 
would seem to indicate a Pueblo origin of the art, this notwithstanding the fact that 
it is to-day more highly developed or at least more extensively practiced amongst 
the Navajos than now, or perhaps ever, amongst the Pueblos. When, during my first 





sojiniiu with the Zuni, I found tliis art practice iu vogue amoug iho tribal prioHt 
magicians anil members of cult societies, I named it dry or powder painting. I 
could see at a glance that this custom of powder painting had resulted from the 
effort to transfer from a vertical, smooth, and stable surface, which could be painted 
on, to a horizontal and unstabh? surface, unsuited to like treatment, such syiiibolic 
and sacramental pictographs as are painted on the walls of the kivas, temporarily, 
as appurtenances to the dramaturgic ceremonials of the cult societies, and as sup- 
posed aids to the magical incantations and formuhc of all the monthly, semiannual, 
and (juadrennial observances and fasts of the tribal priests; sometimes, also, in the 
curative or "Betterment" ceremonials of these priests. It is noteworthy that, with 
the exception of the invariable "Earth terrace," "Pathway of (earth) life," and a 
few other cimventioual symbols of mortal or earthly things (nearly alw.ays made of 
scattered prayer meal), powder painting is resorted to amongst the Zufii only in 
ceremonials pertaining to all the regions or inclusive of the lower region. In such 
cases paintings typical of the North, West, South, and East are made on the four 
corresponding walls of the kiva, whilst the lower region is represented by appropri- 
ately powder or paint colored sand on the lloor, and the upper region either by 
paintings on the walls near the ceiling or on stretched skins suspended from the lat- 
ter. Thus the origin of the practice of floor powder paintiug may be seen to have 
resulted from the eifort to represent with more dramatic ajipropriateness or exact- 
ness the lower as well as the other sacramental regions, and to have been imident 
to the growth from the quaternarj' of the sextenary or septenary system of world 
division so characteristic of I'ueblo culture. Hence it is that I attribute the art of 
powder or sand painting to the Pueblos, and believe that it was introduced both by 
imitation and by the adoption of Pueblo men amongst the Navajos. Its greater 
prevalence amongst them to-day is simply due to the fact that having, as a rule, no 
suitable vertical or wall surfaces for ])ictorial treatment, all their larger ceremonial 
paintings have to be made on the ground, and can only or best be made, of course, 
by this means alone. 

It is proper to add, as having a not inconsiderable hearing on the absence gen- 
erally of screen or skin painting amcmg the Navajos, that, with the Pueblos at least, 
these pictures are — must be — only temporary ; for they are supposed to bo spiritually 
shadowed, so to say, or breathed upon by the gods or god animals they represent, 
during the appealing incaiitatious or calls of the rites; hence the paint substance of 
which they are composed is in a way incarnate, an<l at the end of the ceremonial uiust 
be killed and disposed of as dead if evil, eaten as medicine if good. 

Further light is thrown on this practice of the Zuni in making use of these sup- 
positively vivified paintings by their kindred practice of painting not only fi-tiches 
of stone, etc., and sometimes of larger i<lols, then of washing the paint oft' for use as 
above described, but also of powder j)aiiiling in relief; that Is, of modeling ethgics iu 
sand, sometimes huge in size, of hero or animal gods, sacramental mountains, etc., 
powder painting them in common with the rest of the pictures, and afterwards re- 
moving the paint for medicinal or further ceremonial use. 

The convstruction of the effigies in high relief last above mentioned 
should be compared with the effigy mounds mentioned below in this 

In connection with the ceremonial use, for temporary dry painting 
on the ground, of coloi'ed earth and sand and also that of sacred corn 
meal, a remarkable parallel is found in India. Mr. Edward Carpenter 
(a) mentions that the Devadasis, who are popularly called Nautch girls, 
as a part of their duty, ornament the floor of the Hindu temples with 
quaint figures drawn in rice flour. 


The well known mounds or tumuli more or less distinctly represent- 
ing animal forms and sometimes called efBgy mounds, found chiefly in 
Wisconsin and Illinois, come in this category, but it is not possible to 
properly discuss them and also give space to the many other topics in 
this paper, the facts and autlKuities upon which are less known or less 
accessible. A large amount of information is published by Rev. S. D, 
Peet (a). Other articles are by Mr. T. H. Lewis in Science, September 
7, 1888, and No. 318, 1889. One upon the Serpent mound of Ohio, by 
Prof. F. W. Putnam («), is of special interest. It maybe suggested as 
a summation that there is not sufficient evidence of the erection of this 
class of effigy mounds merely for burial purposes. They seldom ex- 
ceeded 6 feet in height and varied in expanse from 30 to 300 feet. The 
animals most frequently recognizable in the constructions are lizards, 
birds, and several more or less distinct quadrupeds; serpents and 
turtles also are identified. The species of fauna represented are those 
now or lately found in the same region. There is a strong probability 
that the forms of the mounds in question were determined by totemic 
superstitions or tribal habitudes. 

In England the pictographs styled "turf monuments" are sometimes 
made by cutting the natural turf and filling with chalk the part of the 
surface thus laid bare. Sometimes the color depends wholly upon the 
limestone, granite, or other rock exposed by removing the turf. Rev. 
W. C. Plenderleath {«) gives a full account of this variety of pictograph. 


This is the only metal on which it is probable that the North American 
Indians made designs. To present comparisons of pictures by other 
peoples on that or other metals or alloys would be to enter into a field, 
the most interesting part of which is classed as numismatic, and which 
would be a departure from the present heading. That virgin copper 
was used for diverse purposes, generally ornamental, by the North 
American Indians, is now established, and there is a presentation of 
the subject in Prof. Cyrus Thonuxs's («) Burial Mounds. The most dis- 
tinct and at the same time surprising account of a true pictographic 
record on copper is given b.v W. W. Warren («), an excellent authority, 
and is condensed as follows: 

Ttio Ojibwa of the Crane family- hulil in tlicir possession a circular plate of virgin 
copper, on which are rudely marked indentations and h ierogly phics denoting the uum- 
b("r of generations of the family who have passed away since they first pitched their 
lodges at Shaug-a-waum-ik-ong and took possession of the adjacent country, in- 
cluding the island of La Pointe. 

When I witnessed this curious family register in 1842 it was exhibited to my 
father. The old chief kept it carefully buried in the ground and seldom displayed 
it. On this occasion he brought it to view only at the entreaty of my mother 
■whose maternal uncle he was. 

On this plate of copper were marked eight deep indentations, denotiug the number 
of his ancesters who had passed away since they first lighted their fire at Shaug-a- 
waum-ik-ong. They had all lived to a good old age. 


By the rmle figure of a man with a hat on its head, placed opposite oue of tliese 
in<lentations, was denoted the period when the white race first made its appearance 
among them. This mar'K occurred in tlie third generation, leaving five generations 
which had passed away since that important era in their history. 

Mr. I. W. Powell («), ludian superintendent, in the report of the 
deputy superintendent-general of Indian affairs of Canada for 1879, 
gives an account of some tribes of the nortliwest coast, especially the 
Indians called in the report Newittees, a tribe now known as the 
Nai(i(jniqUis of the Wakaslian family, who treasure pieces of copper 
peculiarly shaped and marked. The shajje is that of one face of a trun- 
cated pjTamid with the base upward. In the broad end appear marks 
resembling- the holes for eyes and mouth, which are common in masks of 
the human face. The narrower end lias a rough resemblance to an or- 
namental collar. These copper articles were made by the Indians origin- 
ally from the native copi)er, and in 1879 a few were held by the chiefs 
who used them for presentation at the potlaches or donation feasts. The 
value which is attached to tliese small pieces of copper, which are 
intrinsically worthless, is astounding. For one of them 1,200 blankets 
were paid, which would at the time and place represent $1,800. Some- 
times a chief in presenting one of them, in order to show his utter dis- 
regard of wealth, would break it into three or four pieces and give 
them away, each fragment being perhaps repurchased at an exorbitant 
sum. This competition in extravagance for display, under the guise of 
charity and humility, has had jjarallels in the silver-brick and flour- 
barrel auctions in parts of the United States, when the actors were 
white citizens. Apart from such x^ublic exhibitions, the copper tokens 
seem to partake of the natures both of flat money and of talismans, 


This division comprises: 

(1) The Ui'ing tree, of the use of which for pictographic purposes 
there are many descriptions and illustrations in this paper. In addi- 
tion to them may be noted the remark made bj^ Bishop De Schweinitz {a) 
in the Life and Times of Zeisberger, that in 1750 there were numerous 
tree carvings at a place on the eastern sliore of Cayuga lake, the mean- 
ing of which was known to and interpreted by the Cayuga Indians. 

This mode of record or notice is so readily suggested that it is found 
throughout the world, e. g., the "hieroglyph" in New Guinea, described 
by D'Albertis («), being a drawing in black on a white tree. 

(2) Barl\ — The Abnaki and Ojibwa have been and yet continue to 
be in the habit of incising pictographic characters and mnemonic 
marks upon birch bark. Many descriptions and illustrations of this 
style are given in this paper, and admirable colored illustrations oT it 
also appear in PI. xix of the Seventh Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology. 
The lines appear sometimes to have been traced on the inner surtace of 
young bark with a sharply pointed instrument, probably bone, but in 
other examples the drawings are made by simple puncturing. The 



.strips of bark, varying from au inch to several feet in length, roll up 
after drying, and are by heating straightened out for examination. 

Another mode of drawing on birch bark which appears to be peculiar 
to the Abnaki is by scratching the exterior surface, thus displaying a 
difference in color between the outermost and the second layer of the 
rind, which difference forms the figure. The lower character in PI. 
XVI shows this mode of picturing. It is an exact copy of part of an old 
bark record made by the Abnaki of Maine. 

They also use the mode of incision, many examples of which appear 
in the present work, but their mode of scratching produced a much 
more picturesque effect, as is shown also in Fig. 6.59, than the mere linear 

(3) Manufactured wood. — The Indians of the northwest coast gener- 
ally emijloy wood as the material on which their pictographs are to be 
made. Totem posts, boats, boat paddles, the boards constituting the 
front wall of a house, and wooden masks, are among the objects used. 

Many drawings among the Indians of the interior parts of the United 
States are also found upon pipestems made of wood, usually ash. 
Among the Arikara boat paddles are used upon which marks of per- 
sonal distinction are reproduced, as shown in Fig. 578. 

Mortuary records are also drawn upon slabs of wood. (See Figs. 728 
and 729). Mnemonic devices, notices of departure, distress, etc., are 
also drawn upon slips of wood. 

The examples of the use of wood for pictographs which are illustrated 
and described in this paper are too numerous for recapitulation; to 
them, however, may be added the following from Wilkes's (a) Explor- 
ing Expedition, referring to Fig. 160. 

Near an encampment on Chickeeles river, near Puget Sound, Washington, were 
found some rudely carved painted jjlanks, of which Jlr. Eld made a draiving. These 
planks were placed upright and nothing could be learned of their origin. The col- 
ors were exceedingly bright, of a kind of red pigment. 





D c 

Fig. 160. — PicCographs on wood, Washington. 

Mr. James O. Pattie (a) gives an account of a wooden passj^ort given 
to him in 1824 by a Pawnee chief. He describes it, without illustra- 
tion, as a small juece of wood curiously painted with characters some- 
thing like '' hieroglyphics." The chief told Mr. Pattie's party if they saw 
any of his warriors to give them the stick, in which they would be 
kindly treated, which promise was fulfilled a few days later when the 
party met a large band of the same tribe on tlie warpath. 



Artificial objects may be classified, so far as is important for the 
present work, into, I, fictile fabrics and, II, textile fabrics. 


A large number of articles of iiottery bearing pictographs are fig- 
ured in the illustrated collections by Mr. James Stevenson in the 
Second Annual Report, and by Mr. Stevenson and Mr. William H, 
Holmes in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Pipes 
on which totemic designs and property marks appear are also common. 

The art of pottery was at first limited to vessel-making. In the 
earlier stages of culture, vases were confined to simple use as receptacles, 
but as culture ripened they were advanced to ceremonial and religious 
offices and received devices and representations in color and in relief 
connected with the cult to which they were devoted. Among some tribes 
large burial vases were fashioned to contain or cover the dead. An in- 
finite variety of objects, such as pipes, whistles, rattles, toys, beads, 
trowels, calendars, masks, and figurines, were made of pottery. Clays 
of varying degrees of purity were used, and sometimes these were tem- 
pered with powdered quartz, shell, or like materials. The vessels 
were frequently built by coiling. The surface was smoothed by the hands 
or the modeling implement or was polished with a stone or other 
smoothing tool. Much attention was given to surfoce embellishment. 
The finger nails and various pointed tools were used to scarify and in- 
dent, and elaborate figures and designs were incised. Stamps with 
systematically worked designs were sometimes applied to the soft clay. 
Cords and woven fabrics were also employed to give diversity to the 
surface. With the more advanced tribes, though these simple processes 
were still resorted to, engraving, modeling in relief and in the round, 
and painting in colors were employed. 


Textile fabrics include those products of art in which the elements 
of their construction are filamental and mainly combined by using their 
flexibility. The processes employed are called wattling, interlacing, 
plaiting, netting, weaving, sewing, and embroidery. The materials 
generally used by primitive people were pliable vegetal growths, such 
as twigs, leaves, roots, canes, rushes, and grasses, and the hair, quills, 
feathers, and tendons of animals. 

Unlike works in stone and clay, textile articles are seldom long pre- 
served. Still, from historic accounts and a study of the many beauti- 
ful articles produced by existing Indian tribes, a fair knowledge of the 
range and general character of native fabrics may be obtained. In 
many cases buried articles of that character have been preserved by 
the impregnation of the engirding earths with preservative salts, and 



also some fabrics which had beeu wrapped about buried utensils, or 
ornaments of copper remained without serious decay. Charring has 
also been a means of preservinj;' cloth, and much has been learned of 
the weaving done by ancient workers through impressions upon pottery 
which liad been made by applying the texture while the clay was still 
soft. The weaving appliances were simple, but the results in ijlain and 
figured fabrics, in tapestry, in lace-like embroideries, and in feather- 
work are admirable. 


Fig. 161._Haida basketry liat. , 

This subject is discussed by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his paper, A Study 
of the Textile Art, etc., in tbe Sixth Annual Eeport of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, in a manner so comprehensive as to embrace the field of 
pictography in its relation to woven articles. 

Several examples of this applicaticm also appear in the present work. 
See Figs. 821, 070 and 1167. In addition the following are now pre- 



Some of the California tribes are trxpert workers in grass and roots 
in the manufacture of baskets, upon which designs other thau for mere 
ornameutation are frequently worked. The Yokuts, at Tule river 
Agency, in the southeastern i)art of the State, sometimes incorporate 
various human forms in which the arms are susiicnded at the sides of 
the body with the hands directed outward to cither side. Above tlie 
head is a heavy horizontal line. 

The following is extracted from Prof. O. T. Mason's (a) paper on 
basket work, describing Pig. l(il: 

a is a rain hat of twined basketry in spruce rciot t'roin Haiila Indians. This figure 
is the upper view and shows the oruamentatiou iu red aud black paiut. The de- 
vice in this instance is tlie epitomized form of a bird, perhaps a duck. Omittiug 
the red cross on the top the beak, Jaws, aud nostrils are shown; the eyes at the 
sides near the top, and just behind them the ears. The wings, feet, aud tail, inclos- 
ing a human face, are shown on the margin. The Haida, as well as other coast In- 
dians from Cape Flattery to Mount Saint Klias, cover everything of use with totemic 
devices in painting and carving. 

b shows the conical shape of n. The painted ornameutation on these hats is laid 
on in black and red in the con\entional manner of ornamentation in vogue among 
the Haidas and used in the reproduction of their various totems on all of their houses, 
wood and slate carvings, and implements. 

Mr. iSTiblack (6) says, describing Fig. 1G2: 

The Chilkat .and cedar-bark blankets are important factors in all ceremonial 
dances aud functions. Other forms of ceremonial blankets or mantles are made from 
Hudson Bay Company blankets, with totemic ligures worked on them in a variety 
of ways. The usual method is to cut out the totemic figure iu red cloth and sew it 
on to the garment (ornamenting it with borders of beads and buttons) by the method 
known as applique work ; another method is to .sew pieces of bright iibalone or pearl 
shell or pearl buttons on to the garment in the totemic patterns. The illustration 
is a drawing of a vestment which hangs down the back, representing the toteui or 
crest of the wearer. 

This specimen is mentioned as the workmau.ship of the Tsimshiau 
Indians, at Point Simpson, Columbia, and represents the halibut. 

Fig. 1(12 Tsimshian blauket. 




So far as appears on ancient pictograpliic works the kind of instrn- 
meiits and materials with whicli they were made can be inferred only 
from its aspect, though microscopic examination and chemical analysis 
have sometimes been successfully applied. A few examples relating 
to the topic are given as follows, though other descriptions appear else- 
where in this treatise. 

S E T I O N 1 . 


This title, as here used, is intended to include cutting, pecking, 
scratching, and rubbing. The Hidatsa, when srratching upon stone or 
rocks, as well as upon pieces of wood, employ a sharply pointed piece 
of hard stone, usually a fragment of quartz. The present writer suc- 
cessfully imitated the Micmac scratchings at Kejimkoojik lake, Nova 
Scotia, by using a stone arrow point upon the slate rocks. 

The bow-drill was largely used by the Iiinuit of Alaska in carving 
bone and ivory. Their present method of cutting figures and other 
characters is by a small steel blade, thick, though sharply pointed, re- 
sembling a graver. 

Many petroglyphs, e. g., those at (Jonowingo, Maryland, at Machias- 
port, Maine, and in Owens valley, California, i)resent every evidence 
of having been deepened if not altogether fashioned by rubbing, either 
with a piece of wood and sand or with pointed stone. 

To incise or indent lines upon birch bark the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and 
other Algouquian tribes used a sharply pointed piece of bone, though 
they now j)refer an ii'on nail. Examples of scratching upon the outer 
surface of bark are mentioned elsewhere. 

Several examples of producing characters on stone by pecking with 
another stone are mentioned in this paper, and Mr. J. D. McGuire («), of 
Ellicott City, Maryland, has l^een remarkably successful in forming 
petrogljqjhs with tlie ordinary Indian stone hammer. Some of the re- 
sults established by him are published in The American Anthropologist. 




Drawings upon small slabs of wood, found among the Ojibwa, were 
made with a piece of red-hot wire or thin iron rod hammered to a point. 
Such tigures are blackened by being burned in. 

When in haste or when better materials are not at hand, the Hi- 
datsa sometimes drew upon a piece of wood or the shoulder-blade of a 
buftalo with a piece of charcoal from the fire or with a piece of red 
chalk or red ocher, with which nearly every warrior is at all times 

Mr. A. W. Howitt, in Manuscrij)t Notes on Australian Pictographs, 
says : 

Not having auy process such as is used liy some of the savage tribes to softeu skins, 
the harshness of these rugs is remedied by marking upon them lines and patterns, 
which being partly cut through the skin give to it a certain amount of suppleness. 
In former times, before the white man enabled the black fellow to supplement his 
meager stock of implements with those of civilization, a Kumai made use of the sharp 
edge of a mussel shell (unio) to cut these patterns. At the present time the sharpened 
edge of the bowl of a metal spoon is used, partly because it forms a convenient in- 
strument, partly, perhaps, because its bowl bears a resemblance in shape to the 
familiar ancestral tool. 


Painting upon robes or skins is executed by means of thin strips of 
wood or sometimes of bone. Tufts of antelope hair are also used, by 
tying them to sticks to make a brush, but this is evidently a modern 
innovation. Pieces of wood, one end of which is chewed so as to pro- 
duce a loose fibrous brush, are also used at times, as has been specially 
observed among the Teton Dakota. 

Tlie Hidatsa aiul other Northwest Indians usually employ a piece of 
buffalo rib or a piece of hard wood having an elliptical form. This is 
dipped in a solution of glue, with or without color, and a tracing is 
made, wliich is subsequently filled up and deepened by a repetition of 
the process with the same or a stronger solution of the color. 

Of late years in the United States colors of civilized manufacture 
are readily obtained by the Indians for painting and decoration. Fre- 
quently, however, when the colors of commerce can not be obtained, 
the aboriginal colors are still prepared and used. The ferruginous 
clays of various shades of brown, red, and yellow occur in nature so 
widely distributed that these are the most common and leading tints. 
Black is generally prepared by grinding fragments of charcoal into a 
very fine powder. Among some tribes, as has also been found in some 
of the "ancient" pottery from the Arizona rnins, clay had evidently 
been mixed with charcoal to give better body. The black color made by 
some of the Innuit tribes is made with blood and charcoal intimately 


mixed, wliich is afterwards applied to incisions in ivory, bone, and 

Anions' the Dakota, colors for dyeing- porcuijine quills were obtained 
chiefly from plants. The vegetable colors, being solnble, penetrate the 
substance of the quills more evenly and beautifully than the mineral 
colors of eastern manufacture. 

The black color of some of the Pueblo pottery is obtained by a special 
burning with pulverized manure, into which the vessel is placed as it is 
cooling after the first baking. The coloring matter — soot produced by 
smoke — is absorbed into the pores of the vessel, and does not wear otf 
as readily as when colors are applied to the surface by brushes. 

In decorating skins or robes the Arikara Indians boil the tail of the 
beaver, thus obtaining a viscous fluid which is thin glue. The figures 
are first drawn in outline with a piece of beef-rib, or some other flat 
bone, the edge only being used after having been dipped into the 
liquor. The various pigments to be employed in the drawing are 
then mixed with some of the same liquid, in separate vessels, when 
the various colors are apijlied to the objects by means of a sharpened 
piece of wood or bone. The colored mixture adheres firmly to the 
original tracing in glue. 

When similar colors are to be applied to wood, the surface is fre- 
quently pecked or slightly incised to receive the color more readily. 

Jacques Cartier, in Hakluyt {b), reports the Indian women of the Bay 
of Chaleur as smearing the face with coal dust and grease. 

A small pouch, discovered on the Yellowstone river in 1873, which 
had been dropped by some fleeing hostile Sioux, contained several frag- 
ments of black micaceous iron. The latter had almost the appearance 
and consistence of graphite, so soft and black was the result upon rub- 
bing with it. It had evidently been used for decorating the face as 

Mr. Wni. H. Dall («), treating of the remains found in the mammahan 
layers in the Amakuak cave, Unalaska, remarks: 

In the remaius of a woman's work-basket, found in the uppermost layer in a cave, 
were bits of tins resin [from the bark of pine or spruce driftwood], evidently care- 
fully treasured, with a little birch-bark case (the bark also derived from drift logs) 
containing pieces of soft hematite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper, with 
which the ancient seamstress ornamented her handiwork. 

The same author reports (/') : 

The coloration of wooden articles with native pigments is of ancient origin, but all 
the more elaliorate instances that have come to my knowledge bore marks of com- 
paratively recent origin. The pigments used were blue carbonates of iron and cop- 
per; the green fungus, or peziza, found in decayed birch and alder wood; hematite 
and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky earlh; black charcoal, graphite, and mi- 
caceous ore of iron. A species of red was sometimes derived from pine bark or the 
cambium of the ground willow. 

Stephen Powers (a) states that the Shastika women " smear their faces 
all over daily with choke-cherry juice, which gives them a bloody, cor- 
sair aspect " 


Mr. A. 8. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Etliiiology, revxn'ts that the 
Khimaths of southwesteru Oregou employ a bhick color, Igii, made of 
burnt plum seeds and bulrushes, which is applied to the cheeks in the 
form of small round s|(ots. This is used during' dances. Red paint, for 
the foce and body, is prepared from a resin exudiug from the spruce 
tree, pauam. A yellow mineral paint is also employed, consisting prob- 
ably of ocher or ferruginous clay. He also says that the Klamath 
spal, yellow mineral paint, is of light yellow color, but turns red when 
burned, after which it is applied in making small round dots upon the 
face. The white infusorial clay is applied in the form of stripes or 
streaks over the body. The Khvmaths use charcoal, Igum, in tattooing. 

Mud and white clay were used by the Winnebago for the decoration 
of the human body and of horses. Some of the California Indians in the 
vicinity of Tulare river used a white coloring matter, consisting of in- 
fusorial eai'th, obtained there. The tribes at and near the geysers 
north of San Francisco bay procured vermilion from croppings of cin- 
nabar. The same report is made with probability of truth concerning 
the Indians at the present site of the New Almaden mines, where tribes 
of the Mutsun formerly lived. Some of the black coloring matter of 
pictographs in Santa Barbara, California, proved on analysis to be a 
hydrous oxide of manganese. The Mojave pigments are ocher, clay, 
and charcoal mingled with oil. 

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, i-eports regarding 
the Osage that one of their modes of obtaining black color for the face 
was by burning a quantity of small willows. When these were charred 
tliey were broken in small pieces aud placed in pans, with a little 
water in each. The hands were then dipped into the pan aud rubbed 
together and finally rubbed over the parts to be colored. 

Dr. Hoffman reports that among the Hualpai, living on the western 
border of the Colorado plateau, Arizona, some persons appeared as if 
they had been tattooed in vertical bands from the forehead to the 
waist, but upon closer examination it was found that dark and light 
bands of the natural skin were produced in the following manner : When 
a deer or an antelope had been killed the blood was rubbed over the 
face aud breast, after which the spread and curved fingers were 
scratched downward from the forehead over the face and breast, thus 
removing some of the blood; that remaining soon dried and gave the 
appearance of black stripes. The exposed portion of the skin retained 
the natural dark-tanned color, while that under the coating of coagu- 
lated blood became paler by being protected against the light and air. 
These persons did not wash off the marks and after a while the blood 
began to drop off by desquamation, leaving lighter spots and lines 
which for a week or two appear like tattoo marks. Similar streaks 
of blood have been held to have originated tattoo designs in several 
parts of the world to record success in hunting or in war, but such 
evolution does not appear to have resulted from the transient decora- 
tion in the case mentioned. 


It is well known that the meal of maize called kuuqiie is yet com- 
monly used by the Zuiil for ceremonial coloration of their own persons 
and of objects used in their religious rites. Hoddentin is less famil- 
iarly known. It is the pollen of the tule, which is a variety of cat-tail 
rush growing in all the ponds of the southwestern parts of the United 
States. It is a yellow powder with which small buckskin bags are 
filled and those bags then attached to the belts of Apache warriors. 
They are also worn as amulets by members of the tribe. In dances for 
the cure of sickness the shaman applied the powder to the forehead of 
the patient, then to his bi-east in the figure of a cross; next he sprinkles 
it in a circle around his couch, then on the heads of the chanters and 
the assembled friends of the patient, and lastly upon his own head and 
into his own mouth. 

Everard F. im Thurn (c) gives the following details concerning Brit- 
ish Guiana: 

The dyes used by the Indians to paint their own bodies, and occasionally to draw 
patterns on their implements, are red faroah, purple caraweera, blue-black lana, 
white felspathic clay and, though very rarely, a yellow vegetable dye of unknown 

Faroah is the deep red pulp around the seed of a shrub {Bixa orellana) which 
grows wild on the banks of some of the rivers, and is cultivated by the Indians in 
their clearings. It is mixed with a large quantity of oil. When it is to be used 
either a mass of it is taken in the palm of the hand and rubbed over the skin or 
other surface to be painted, or a pattern of tine lines is drawn with it by means of 
a stick used as a pencil. 

Caraweera is a somewhat similar dye, of a more purplish red, and by no means 
80 commonly used. It is prepared from the leaves of a yellow-flowered bignonia 
{B. chicka) together with some other unimportant ingredients. The dried leaves are 
boiled. The pot is then taken from the fire and the contents being poured into 
bowls are allowed to subside. The clear water left at the top i.s poured awiiy and 
the sediment is of a beautiful purple color. 

Lana is the juice of the fruit of a small tree (Genipa niitericana) with which with- 
out further preparation, blue-black lines are drawn in patterns, or large surfaces 
are stained on the skin. The dye thus applied is for about a week indelible. 

Paul Marcoy (n), in Travels in South America, says the Passes, Yuris, 
Barr6s and Ohumanas of Brazil, employ a decoction of indigo or genipa 
in tattooing. 

F. S. Moreat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc, xxxii, 1862, p. 125, 
says that the Andaman Islanders rubbed earth on the top of the head, 
l)robably for the purpose of ornamentation. 

Dr. Richard Andree {b) says: 

Long before Europeans came to Australia, the Australian blacks knew a kind of 
pictorial representation, exhibiting scenes from their life, illustrating it with great 
fidelity to nature. An interesting specimen of that kind was found on a piece of 
bark that had served as cover of a hut on Lake Tyrrell. The black who produced 
this picture had had intercourse with white people, but had had no instruction 
whatever in drawing. The bark was blackened by smoke on the inside, and on 
this blackened surface the native drew the figures with his thumb nail. 


This is the most obvious and probably was the earliest use to which 
picture-writing was applied. The contrivance of drawing the rei'.e- 
sentations of objects, to fix in the memory either the objects themselves 
or the concepts, facts, or other matters connected with them, is prac- 
ticed early by human individuals and is found among peoples the most 
ancient historically or in the horizons of culture. After the adoption 
of the characters for purely mnemonic purposes, those at first intended 
to be iconographic often became converted into ideographic, emblem- 
atic, or symbolic designs, and perhaps in time so greatly conventional- 
ized that the images of the things designed could no longer be perceived 
by the imagination alone. 

It is believed, however, that this form and use of picturing wei-e pre- 
ceded by the use of material objects which afterwards were reproduced 
graphically in paintings, cuttings, and carvings. In the present paper 
many examples appear of objects known tohavebeen so used, the graphic 
representations of which, made with the same purpose, are explained 
by knowledge of the fact. Other instances are mentioned as connected 
with the evolution of pictographs, and they possibly may interpret some 
forms of the latter which are not yet understood. 

This chapter is divided into (1) knotted cords and objects tied; 
(2) notched or marked sticks; (3) wampum; (4) order of songs; (5) tra- 
ditions; (6) treaties; (7) appointment; (8) numeration; (9) accounting. 


Dr. Hoffman reports a device among the Indians formerly inhabiting 
the mountain valleys north of Los Angeles, California, who brought or 
sent to the settlements blankets, skins, and robes for sale. The man 
trusted to transport and sell those articles was provided with a number 
of strings made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one string for each 
class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every one confiding an 
article to the agent fixed the price, and when he disposed of it a single 
knot was tied to the proper cord for each real received, or a double 
knot for each peso. Thus any particular string indicated the kind of 
goods sold, as well as the whole sum realized for them, which was dis- 
tributed according to the account among the former owners of the 



Mr. George Turner (a) says that among' the South Sea Ishiuders ty- 
ing a number of knots in a piece of cord was a common way of noting 
and remembering things in the absence of a written hiugnage. 

A pecuhar and ingenious mode of expressing thoughts without pro- 
nouncing or writing them in language is still met with among the In- 
dian shepherds in the Peruvian Cordilleras, thongli it is practiced 
merely in the accounts of the flocks. This system consists of a peculiar 
intertwining of various strings into a net like braidwork, and the di- 
verse modes of tying these strings form the record, the knots aaid loops 
signifying definite ideas and their combination the connection of these 
ideas. This system of mnemonic device, which was practiced by the an- 
cient Peruvians, was called quipu, and, though a similar knot-writing 
is found in China, Tartary, eastern Asia, on many islands of the Pacific, 
and even in some parts of Africa, yet in Peru, at the time of the Incas, 
it was so elaborately developed as to permit its employment for offi- 
cial statistics of tlie government. Of course, as this writing gave no 
picture of a word and did not suggest sounds, but, like the notched 
stick, merely recalled ideas already existing, the writing could be 
understood by those only who possessed the key to it; but it is note- 
worthy that when the Jesuit missions began their work in Peru they 
were able to use the quipus for the purpose of making the Indians 
learn Latin prayers by heart. 

A more detailed account of the ancient quii)u is extracted from Dr. 
von Tschudi's Travels in Peru (a) with condensation as follows: 

This method consisted in tlie dexterous iiitertwiuinn' of knots ou strings, so as to 
render them auxiliaries to the memory. Thu iustriiment was composed of one thick 
head or top string, to which, at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The 
top string was much tliicker than these pendent strings and consisted of two douhly 
twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound. The branches, or 
pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by a single loop ; the knots were 
made in the pendent strings and were either single or manifold. The length of the 
strings was various. The transverse or top string often measures several yards, 
and sometimes only a foot; the branches are seldom more than 2 feet long, and in 
general they are much shorter. 

The strings were often of differ<mt colors, each having its own particular signifi- 
cation. The color for soldiers was red ; for gold, yellow ; for silver, white ; for corn, 
green, etc. The ([uipu was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables ; 
each single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one hundred; each 
triple knot for one thousand, etc. ; two single knots standing together made twenty ; 
and two double knots, two hundred. 

In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their army. On on,, 
string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on another the spearmen; on 
a third, those who carried clubs, etc. In the same manner the military reports 
were prepared. In every town some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of 
the quipu and to explain them. These men were called qiiipmamatjocuua (literally, 
officers of the knots. ) The appointed officers required great dexterity in unriddling 
the meaning of the knots. It, however, seldom happened that they had to read 
a quipu without some verbal commentary. Something was always required to be 
added if the quipu came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to 
the numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, etc. This method of calcu- 


latioii is still practiceil by the shepherds of Puna. Ou the first Ijranch (ir string 
they usually place the number of the bulls; ou the second, that of the cows, the 
latter being classed into those which were milked and those which were not milked ; 
on the next string were nuiiibered the calves according to their ages and sizes. Then 
came the sheep, in several stil)divisions. Next followed the number of foxes killed, 
the ([uantity of salt cousunuil, and, finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. 
Other quipus showed the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, etc. Each 
list was distinguished by a particular color or by some peculiarity in the twisting 
of the string. 

Other accounts tell that the de.scenilauts of the Quiches .still use the 
quipu, perhaps as modified by themselves, for iiuuieratioii. They pierce 
beans and hang them by different colored strings, each of which repre- 
sents one of the column places used in decimal arithmetic. A green 
string .signifies 1,000; a red one, 100; a yellow, 10, and a white refers 
to the 9 smaller digits. Thus if 7 beans are on a green, 2 on a red, S 
on a yellow, and 6 on a white string, and the whole tied together, the 
bundle expresses the number 7,280. 

Before the time of their acquaintance with the quipus, the Peruvians 
used in the same way pebbles or maize-beans of various colors. The 
same practice was known in Europe in the prehistoric period. The 
habit of many persons in civilized countries to tie a knot in the hand- 
kerchief to recall an idea or fact to mind is a familiar example to show 
how naturally the action would suggest itself for the purpose, and per- 
haps indicates the inheritance of the practice. 

Dr. Andree (/>) gives an illustration of a quipu (here reproduced as 
part of PI. XVI), which he represents as taken fi-om Perez, and states 
that the drawing was made soon after the exhuming of the object from 
an ancient Peruvian grave. 

Capt. Bourke («) gives descriptions and illustrations of varieties of 
the izze-kloth or medicine cord of the Apache. A condensed extract 
of his remarks is as follows: 

These cords, in their perfection, are decorated with l>eads and shells strung along 
at intervals, with pieces of the sacred green chalchihuitl, which has had such a mys- 
terious ascendancy over the minds of the American Indians — Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, 
as well as the more savage tribes like the Apache and Navajo; with petrified wood, 
rock crystal, eagle down, claws of the hawk or eaglet, claws of the bear, rattle of 
the rattlesnake, buckskin bags of hoddentin, circles of buckskin iu which are in- 
closed pieces of twigs and branches of trees which have been struck by lightning, 
small fragments of the abalone shell from the Pacific coast, and much other sacred 
paraphernalia of a similar kind. 

That the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred and important occa- 
sions I soon learned. They were iu>t to be seen on occasions of no moment, but the 
dances for war, medicine, and summoning the spirits at once brought them out, and 
every medicine man of any conseiiueuce would appear with one hanging from his 
right shoulder over his left hip. 

These cords will protect a man while on the warpath, and many of the Apache 
believe firmly that a bullet will have no eti'ect upon the warrior wearing one of 
them. This is not their only virtue by any means; the wearer can tell who has 
stolen ponies or other property from him or from his friends, can help the crops, and 
cure the sick. If the circle attached to one of these cords is placed upon the head 
it will at once relieve any ache, while the cross attached to another prevents the 

10 ETH 15 


wearer from going astray, uo matter where he may be; in other words, il lias some 
connection with cross-trails and the four cardinal jiointB, to which the A]iache pay 
the strictest attention. 

I was at first inclined to associate these cords with the quipiis of the INMiivians and 
also with the wampnm of the aborigines of the Atlantic coast, and Investigation 
only confirms this first suspicion. 

The praying beads of the Buddhist.s and of many Oriental peoples, 
who have nsed them from high autiqnity, are closely allied to the qnipu. 
They are more familiar now in the shape of the rosaries of Roman 
Catholics. In the absence of manufactured articles, arranged on wires, 
the necessary materials were easily procured. Berries, nuts, pease, or 
beans strung in any manner answered the purpose. The abacus of the 
Chinese and Greeks was connected in origin with the same device. 

B. F. im Thurn {(1) says of the Xikari-Karu Indians of Guiana: 

At last, after four <hiys' stay, vfo got off. The two or three people from Euwari- 
manakuroo who came with us gave their wives knotted strings of quippus, each 
knot representing one of the days they expected to be away, and the whole string 
thns forming a calendar to be used by the wives until the return of their husbands. 
That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing 
in the qulpn was actually used pictorially is indicated in the illustra- 
tions of the .sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalliuai)a in Guatemala 
given by Dr. S. Habel (6). Ui)on these he remarks: 

It been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America had nowhere arisen 
high enough in civilization to have characters for writing anil numeral signs, but 
the sculjitures of Santa Lucia exhibit signs which indicate a kind of cipher-writing 
higher in form than mere lileroglyphlcs. From the mouth of most of the human 
beings, living or dead, emanates a staff, variously bent, to the sides of wliiih nodes 
are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and shapes, and variously distrib- 
uted on the sides of the staff', either singly or In twos and threes, the last named 
either separated or In shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates 
that the person is s])eaklug or iiraying, but also indicates the very words, the con- 
tents of the speech or pr.ayer. It Is quite certain that each staff, as bent and orua- 
mented, stood for a well-known petition, which the priest could read as easily as 
those acquainted with a cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may 
be allowed to conjecture that the various curves of the staves served the purpose of 
strength and rhythm, .just as the poet chooses his various meters for the same purpose. 

The following notices of the ancient muemonic use of knotted cords 
and of its survival in various parts of the world are extracted from the 
essay of Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (d): 

The Yang tung, south of Khoteu, and couseq\iently north of Tibet, who first eom- 
muuieated with China in A. D. 6-tl, had no written characters. They only cut 
notches in sticks and tied knots in strings for records. 

The Uratyki and liuriats of Siberia are credited with the use of knotted cords. 

The Japanese aie also reputed to have employed knots on strings or liind-weeds 
for records. 

The Li of Hainan, being unacquainted with writing, use knotted lords or notched 
sticks in place of lionds or agreements. 

In the first half of the present century cord records were still generally used In 
the Indian arihipelago .and Polynesia proper. The tax-gatherers in the Island of 
Hawaii by this means kept aciounts of all the articles loUeited by them from the 
inhabitants. A rope 100 fathoms long was used as a revenue book. It was divided 

Bureau of Elhnolo^y. 

Tenth Annual Report. Plate XVi. 



into iHimeroue portions corrospouding to tho varions districts of the islaud ; the por- 
tions wore under the care of the tax-gatherers, wlio, with the aid of loops, knots, 
and tufts of ditterent shapes, colors, and sizes, were enabled to keep an accurate ac- 
count of the hogs, pigs, and pieces of sandal wood, etc., at which each person was 

In Timor islaud, according to the Chinese records in 1618. the people had no writ- 
ing. When they wanted to record something they did it with flat stones, and a 
thousand stones were represented by a string. 

Knotted cords were originally used in Tibet, but we have no information about 
their system of using them. The bare statement comes from the Chinese anuals. 

The following statement regarding the same use by the Chinese is 
made by Ernest Faber (a). He says : " In the highest antiquity, govern- 
ment was carried on successfully by the use of knotted cords to pre 
.serve the memory of things. In subsequent ages, the sages substituted 
for these written characters. By means of these the doings of all the 
officers could be regulated and the affairs of all the people accurately 


The use of notches for mere numeration was frequent, but there are 
also instances of their special significance. 

The Dakotas, Hidatsa, and Shoshoni have been observed to note the 
number of days during which tliey journeyed from one place lo another 
by cutting lines or notches upon a stick. 

The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors often bear a number of 
small notches, which refer to the number of the victims hit with the 
stick after they had been wounded or killed. 

The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, 
Dakota, fretiuently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every 
bird killed during a single exi)edition. 

In Seaver's («) life of Mary Jemison it is set forth that the war chief 
in each tribe of Iroquois keeps a war-post, in order to commemorate 
great events and preserve the chronology of them. This post is a 
peeled stick of timber 10 or 12 feet high, and is erected in the village. 
For a campaign they make, or rather the chief makes, a perpendicular 
red mark about 3 inches long and half an inch wide. On the opposite 

side from this, for a scalp taken, they make a red cross, thus =L 

On another side, for a prisoner taken alive, they make a red cross in 
this manner S<' with a head or dot, and by placing these significant 

signs in so conspicuous a situation they are enabled to ascertain with 
great certainty the time and circumstances of past events. 

It is suggested that the device first mentioned represents the scalp 
severed and lifted from the head, and that the second refers to the 



manner in which the prisoners were secured at night, 
pegged and tied in the style called spread-eagle. 

Rev. Richard Taylor (a) notes that the Maori had 
neither the quipus nor wauipum, Init only a board 
shaped like a saw, which was called "he rakau 
wakapa paranga," or genealogical board. It was, 
in fact, a tally, having a notch for each name, and a 
blank space to denote where the male line foiled 
and was succeeded by that of the female; youths 
were taught their genealogies by repeating the 
names of each ancestor to whom the notches referred. 

It is supposed that the use by bakers of notched 
sticks or tallies, as they are called, still exists in 
some civilized regions, and there is an interesting 
history connected with the same wooden tallies, 
Avhich until lately were used in the accounts of the 
exchequer of Great Britain. They also api)ear more 
recently and in a difi'erent use as the Khe mou cir- 
culated by Tartar chiefs to designate the number of 
men and horses required to be furnished by each 

s E c T I o N 3 . 


Prof. Robert E. G. Stearns (a) says that wampum 
consisted of beads of two principal colors having a 
cylindrical form, a (luarter of an inch, more or less, 
in length, the diameter or tliickness being usually 
about half the length. The color of the wampum 
determined its value. The term wampum, wampon, 
or wampom, and wampumpeege was apparently ap- 
jilied to these beads when strung or otherwise con- 
nected, fastened, or woven together. The illustra- 
tion given by him is now reproduced as Fig. 103. 

In the Jesuit Relations, 1656, p. 3, the lirst pre- 
sent of an Iroquois chief to Jesuit missionaries at a 
council is described. This was a great figure of the 
sun, made of 6,000 beads of wampum, which ex- 
plained to them that the darkness shall not infiuence 
theminthe councils ami the sun shall enlighten them 
even in the depth of night. 

Among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes wam- 
pum lielts were generally used to record treaties. 
Mr. John Long (a) describes one of them: 

The wamimiii belts f;ivi!ii to Sir William .Joliiisoii, of iiii- 
iiiortal Indian mcuioiy. were in several rows, lilaok on each 
side and white in the middle; the white lieinj,' i)laced in the 
center was to express peace and that the path between them 
was fair and open. In the center ol' the belt was a tignve of 
adiamondmadeof wliite wampnui, which the Indians call the 
conucil fire. 


111 the Jesuit Reliitious, 1042, p. 53, it is said that among the northern 
Algonqnius a present to deliver a prisoner consisted of three strings of 
wampum to break the three bonds by which he was supposed to be 
tied, one around the k^gs, one around the arms, and the third around 
the middle. 

In the same Relations, 1053, p. Ifl, is a good example of messages 
attached to separate presents of wampum, etc. This was at a council 
in 1053 at the Huron town, 2 leagues from Quebec : 

The tirst was given to dry the tears which are usually shed :it the news of brave 
warriors massacred iu cDiiibat. 

The second serve<l as an agreeable drink, as an antidote to whatever bitterness 
might remain in the heart of the Frencli on account of the death of their people. 

The third was to furnish a piece of bark or a covering for the dead, lest the 8i<;ht 
of them should renew the old strife. 

Th(^ fourtli was to inter them and to tread well the earth upon their graves, in 
order that nothing should ever come forth from their tombs which could grieve their 
friends and cause the spirit of revenge to arise in their minds. 

The fifth was to serve as a wrapping to pack up the arms which wer(^ henceforth 
not to be touched. 

The sixth was to cleanse the river, soiled with so much lilood. 

The last, to exhort the Hurons to agree to what Oninitio, the great captain of the 
French, .should decide upon touching the peace. 

As a rule there was no intrinsic significance iu a wampum belt, or 
collar, as the French sometimes called it. It was not understood 
except by the memory of those to whom and by whom it was delivered. 
This is well expressed in a dialogue reported by Oapt. de Lamothe 
Cadillac («) in 1703: 

[Council of Hurons .at Kort PonrlLartrain, June :i, 17o:{.] 
. QUARANTE-SoLS. I Come on my way to tell you what I propose to do at Montreal. 
Here is a collar which has been sent to us by the Iroquois, and which the Ottawas 
have brought to us; we do not know what it signifies. 

M. de Lamothe. How have you received this collar without knowing tbc jmrpose 
for which it was sent you? 

QuAKANTE-SoLS. It has already been long since we received it. I was not there, 
and our old men have forgotteu what it said. 

M. de Lamothe. Your old men are not regarded as children to have such a short 

QrAKANTE-.SOLS. We do not accept this collar; but we are going to take it to 
Sonuontouau [the Seneca town] to find out what it means; because it is a serious 
matter not to respond to a collar; it is the custom among us. The Ottawas tell 
you what it is, because our people have forgotten it. 

M. de Lamothe. The Ottawas will reply that having received it you should 
remember it, but since this collar is dumb and has lost its speech I am obliged to be 
silent myself. 

In the Diary of the Siege of Detroit (a) it is narrated that after receiv- 
ing a belt of wampum from the commanding officer the Pottawatomi 
chief called it the officer's " mouth," and said that those to whom it 
was sent would believe it when " they saw his mouth.'' 

But wampum designs, besides being mere credentials, and thus like 
the Australian message sticks, and also mnemonic, became, to some 



extent, conveutioiiiil. The predomiiiauce 
of white beads iudicated peace, and piir- 
pk' or violet meant war. 

On the authority of Sir Daniel Wilson 
(a) a string of black wampum sent ronnd 
the settlement is still among the Indians 
of the Six Nations the notice of the death 
of a chief. 

The Iroquois belts had an arrangement 
of wampum to signify the lakes, rivers, 
mountains, valleys, portages, and falls 
along the path of trail between them and 
the Algoukins, who were parties to their 
treaty in 10.53. 

On the anthority of a manuscript letter 
from St. Augeto D'Abbadie, September 9, 
1704, quoted by Parkman (((), Pontiac's 
grea t wampum belt was G feet long, 4 inches 
wide, and was wrought frrmi end to end 
with the symbols of tribes and villages, 47 
in number, which were leagued with him. 

In addition to becoming conventional 
the designs in wampum, jterhaps from ex- 
pertness in their workmanship, exhibited 
ideographs in their later development, of 
which tlie following description, taken 
from Kev. Peter Jones's (a), " Histoiy of 
the Ojebway Indians" is an instance: 

.lohusoii tlieii expliuueil tlic emblems contained 
in tlm wampum Ixlt brought by Ytllowhead, 
which, lio said, they acknowledged to be the acts 
of their lathers. Firstly, the council lire at the 
.Sault .Ste. Marie has no emblem, because then the 
conncil held. .Secondly, the council tire .at 
Mamtouliii has the emblem of a beautiful white 
tish ; this signities purity, or a clean white heart — 
that all our hearts ought to be white toward each 
other. Thirdly, the emblem of a bea\ er, placed at 
an island on I'eiietauguishew bay, denotes wis- 
dom — that all the acts of our fathers were done 
in wisdom. Fourthly, the emblem of a white deer, 
placed at Lake Simcoe, signified superiority ; the 
dish and ladles at the same place iudicated abun- 
dan<-e of game iiiid food. Fifthly, the eagle perched 
on a tall pine tree at the Credit denotes watch- 
ing, and swiftness in conveying messages. The 
eagle was to watch all the council fires between 
the Six Nations and the Ojebways, and being far- 

, 11J4.— I'ciin.wuniinuii IjL'lt. 

in the face of the sun, by whom they swore tluat 
tlicy would forever after observe th<' treaties 
iiiadr between tlie two ]>ai"ties. 


In the same work, p. 119, is a description of a wampum belt that 
recorded the first treaty between the Ojibwa and the Six Nations of 
the Iroquois confederacy. It has the figure of a dish or bowl at its 
middle to represent that the Ojibwa and the Six Nations were all to 
eat out of the same dish, meaning, ideographically, that all the game 
in the region should be for their common use. 

^Ir. W. H. Holmes (<•) gives an illustration of the well-known I'enn 
wampum belt, reproduced here as Fig. 164, with remarks condensed as 
follows : 

It is believed to be the original belt delivered by the Leni-Lenape sachems to 
^Villiam Peiin at the celebrated treaty under the elm tree at Schackamaxon in 1682. 
Up to the year 1857 this belt remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 
1857, it was presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John 
Penn, a great-graudsou of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on this occasion, 
states that there can be no donl)t that this is the identical belt used at the treaty, 
and presents his views in the following language: 

"In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those used on more ordinary 
occasions, of which we have one still in our possession — this belt being composed of 
18 strings of wampum, which is a proof that it was the record of some very impor- 
tant negotiation. In the next place, in the center of the belt, which is of white 
wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a rude, but graphic style, two 
figures — that of an Indian grasping with the hand of friendship the hand of a man 
evidently intended to be represented in the European costume weariug a hat, which 
can only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and friendship 
which was then concluded between William Penn and the Indians, and recorded by 
them in their own simple but descriptive mode of expressing their meaning liy the 
employment of hieroglyphics." 


The Indian songs or, more accurately, chants, with which pictography 
is connected, have been preserved in their integrity by the use of 
pictured characters. They are in general connected with religious 
ceremonies, and are chiefly used in the initiation of neophytes to secret 
religious orders. Some of them, however, are u.sed in social meetings 
or ceremonies of cult societies, though the distinction between social or 
any other general associations and those to be classified as religious is 
not easily defined. Religion was the real life of the tribes, permeating 
all their activities and institutions. 

The words of these songs are invariable, even to the extent that by 
their use for generations many of them have become archaic and form 
no part of the colloquial language. Indeed, they are not always un- 
derstood by the best of the shaman songsters, which fact recalls the 
oriental memorization of the Veda ritual through generations by the 
priests, who thus, without intent, preserved a language. The sounds 
were memorized, although the characters designating or, more cor- 
rectly, recalling them, were not representations of sound, but of idea. 

Practically, the words — or sountls, understood or not, which passed 


for words — as well as the notes, were memorized by the singers, and 
their memory, or that of the shaman, -vho acted as leader or conductor 
or precentor, was assisted by the charts. Exoteric interpretation of 
any ideographic and not merely conventional or purely arbitrary char- 
acters in the chart, which may be compared for Indistinctuess with the 
translated libretto of operas, may suggest the general subject-matter, 
perhaps the general course, of the chant, but can not indicate the exact 
words, or, indeed, any words, of the language chanted. 

A simi)le mode of exjilaining the amount of symbolism necessarily 
contained in tlie charts of the order of songs is by likening them to the 
illustrated songs and ballads lately published in popular magazines, 
where every stanza has at least one appropriate illustration. Let it be 
supposed that the text was ol>literated forever, indeed, the art of read- 
ing lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to some persons 
of the Winds of the ballad. Tlie illustrations, kept in their original 
order, would always supply the order of tlie stanzas and also the par- 
ticular subject-matter of each particular stanza, and that subject-matter 
would be a reminder of the words. This is what the rolls of birchbark 
supply to the initiated Ojibwa. Schoolcraft pretended that there is 
intrinsic symbolism in the characters employed, which might imply 
that the words of the chants were rather interpretations of those char- 
acters than that the latter were reminders of the words. But only 
after the vocables of the actual songs and chants have been learned 
can the mnemonic characters be clearly understood. Doubtless the 
more ideographic and the less arbitrary the characters the more read- 
ily can they be learned and retained in the memory, and during the 
long period of the practical use of the mnemonic devices nuvny exhib- 
iting ideography and symbolism have been invented or selected. 

The ceremonial songs represented pictorially in Pi. xvii, A, B, C, 
and D, were obtained from Ojibwa shamans at White Earth, Minne- 
sota, by Dr. Hofl'man, and pertain to the ceremony of initiating new 
members into the Mide' wiwin or Grand Medicine Society. The lan- 
guage, now omitted, differs to some extent from that now spoken. The 
songs and ritual are transmitted from generation to generation, and 
although an Indian who now receives admission into the society may 
compose his own songs for use in connecticm with his profession, he 
will not adopt the modern Ojibwa words, but employs the archaic when- 
ever practicable. To change the ancient forms would cause loss of 
power in the charms which such songs are alleged to possess. 

The translation of the songs was given by the Ojibwa singers, while 
the remarks in smaller type further elucidate the meaning of the phrases, 
as afterwards explained by the shaman. 

The characters were all drawn upon birch bark, as is usual with the 
"medicine songs" of the Ojibwa, ;iud the words suggested by the in- 
cisions were chanted. The incompleteness of some of the phrases was 
accounted for by the shaman by the fact that they are gradually 






being forgotten. The ceremonies are now of infrequent occnrrence, which 
tends to substantiate this assertion. 

One song, as presented on a singh> piece of birch bark, really consists 
of as many songs as there are mnemonic characters. Bach phrase, cor- 
responding to a character, is repeated a number of times; the greater 
the number of repetitions the greater will be the power of inspira- 
tion in the singer. One song or phrase may, therefore, extend over a 
period of from two to ten or more minutes. 

The song covers much more time when dancing accompanies it, as is 
the case with the first one presented below. The dancing generally 
commences after a paiise, designated by a single vertical bar. 

The following characters are taken from A, PI. xvil, and are here 
reproduced sei)arately to facilitate explanation: 

The earth, spirit that I am, 1 take medicine out of 
the earth. 

The upper fignre 
the earth, searehiu' 

represents the arm reaehing down towaril 
lor hidden remedies. 

(Because of) a spirit that I am, my son. 

The headless human figure emergiui; from the circle is a mys- 
terious being, representing the power possessed by the speaker. 
He addresses a younger and less experienced Mide' or shaman. 

Bar or rest. 

The vertical line denotes a slight pause iu the song, after which 
the chant is renewed, accompanied by dancing. 

They have pity on me, that is why they call us to the 
Grand Medicine. 

The iriner circle represents the speaker's heart ; the outer circle, 
the gathering place for shamans, wliile the short lines indicate 
the directions from which the shamans come together. 

I want to see you, medicine man. 

The figure of a head is represented with lines running down- 
ward (and forward) from the eyes, donating sight. Tlie speaker is 
looking for the shaman, spoken to, to make his appearance within 
the .sacred structure where the Midi' ceremonies are to take place. 

My body is a spirit. 

The character is intended to represent the liody of a bear, with 
a line across the body, signifying one of the most powerful of the 
sacred Mau'idOs or spirits, of the Mide' wiwin or " Grand Medicine 

You would [know] it, it being a spirit. 

The figure of a head is shown with lines extending both upward 
and downward from the ears, denoting a knowledge of things iu 
realm of the Man'idos above, and of the secrets of the earth be- 



As I am dressed, I am. 

The otter is emerging from the sacred Midr-' iiiclosure ; the otter 
typifies the sacred Mau'idO wlio received instruction for the peo- 
ple from Mi'nabo'zho, the intermediary between the " Great 
Spirit " and the Aulshinabeg. 

That is what ails me, I fear my Mide' brothers. 

The arm reaching into a circle denotes the power of obtaining 
mysterious influence from Kitsehi Man'ido, but the relation be- 
tween the pictograpli and the jihrase is obscure ; unless the speaker 
fears such power as possessed by others. 

The following- is the order of another Mide' song. The general style 
of the original resembles the specific class of songs which are nsed when 
digging medicines, i. e., plants or roots. The song is shown in PI. xvii, 
B as the character appears on the bark. 

As I arise from [slnmber]. 

The speaker is shown as emerging from a double circle, his 
sleeping place. 

What have I unearthed*? 

The speaker has discovered a Itear Man'ido, as shown Ijy the 
two hands grasping that animal by the back. 

Down is the bear. 

The bear is said to have his legs cut off, by the outline of the 
Mide' structure, signifying he has become helpless because he is 
under the influence of the shamans. 

Big, 1 am big. 

The speaker is great in his own estimation ; his power of obtain- 
ing gifts from superior beings is .shown by the arm reaching for 
an object received from above; he has furthermore overcome the 
bear Man'ido and can employ it to advantage. 

You encourage me. 

Two arms are shown extended toward a circle containing spots 
of niT'gis, or sacred shells. The arms represent the assistance of 
friends of the speaker encouraging him with their assistance. 



I can aligiit in the niediciue pole. 

The eagle or thuuiler-l)ir(l in perchod iijion the medicine pole 
eierted near the shamans' sacred structure. The speaker pro- 
fesses to have the power of flight equal to the thunder-bird, that 
he may transport himself to any desired locality. 

The following' is another example of a pictured Mide' song, and is 
represented in PI. xvii, C. 

I know you are a spirit. 

The figure is represented as having waving lines extending 
from the eyes downward toward the earth, and indicating search 
for secrets hidden beneath the surface of the earth. The hands 
extending upward indicate the person claims supernatural poweis 
liy which he is recognized as •• equal to a spirit." 

I lied to my son. 

The signification of the phrase could not be explained by the 
informant, especially its relation to the character, which is an 
arm, reaching beyond the sky for power from Ki'tshi Man'ido. 
The waving line upon the arm denotes mysterious power. 


Spirit I am, the wolf. 

The speaker terms himself a wolf spirit, possessing peculiar 
power. The animal as drawn has a line ac^ross the body signify- 
ing its spirit character. 

At last I become a spirit. 

The circle denotes the spot occupied by the speaker; his hands 
extendeil are directed toward the source of his powers. 

I give you the mi'gis. 

The upper character represents tlie arm reachiag down giving 
a sacred shell, the mi'gis, the sacred emblem of the "Grand Medi- 
cine Society." The "giving of tlie mi'gis" signifies its "being 
shot" into the body of a new member of the society to give him 
life and the power of communing with spirits, or Man'idos. 

You are speaking to me. 

An arm is extended toward a circle containing a smaller one, 
the latter representing the spot occupied by Mide friends. 



The cliaracters next explained are taken from the last line, D, of the 
series given in PI. xvii. The sjieaker appears to have great faith in' his 
own powers as a Mide'. 

Spirit I am, I enter. 

The otter, which Man'ido, the speaker, professes to represent, is 
euteringthe sacred structure of Mide' lodge. 


Mide' friends, do you hear me? ' 

The circles deuote the locality where the Mide' are supposed to 
be congregated. The waving lines signify hearing, when, as in 
tliis case, attached to the cars. 

The first time I heard you. 

The speaker asserts that he heard the voices of the Man'idos 
When he wont through his tirst initiation into the society. He is 
Still represented .as the otter. 


The spirit, he does hear ( '? ) 

Tlie interpretation is vague, but could not be otherwise ex- 
plained. The linos from the ears denote hearing. 

They, the Mide' friends, have paid enough. 

The arm in the attituile of giving, to Ki'tshi Man'ido, signifies 
that the Mide' have made presents of sufficient value to be enabled 
to possess the secrets, which they received in return. 

They have pity on me, the chief Mide'. 
The arms of Ki'tshi Man'ido are extended to the Mide' lodge, giv- 
ing assistance as besought. 

The song ninemonically represented in PI. xviii A (reproduced from 
PI. X A. of the Seventh Ann. Eep. Bur. of Ethii.) is sung by the Ojibwa 
preceptor who has been instructing the candidate for initiation. It 
praises the preceptor's eftbrts and the (jharacter of the knowledge he 
has imparted. Its delivery is made to extend over as much time as 

The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas'sigg, and are a copy 
of an old birchbark scroll, which has for many years been in his posses- 





«=o ~- 



sum, iiiid which was a transcript of one in the possession of his 
father Baiedzik, cue of the leading Mide' at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. 

My arm is almost pulled out with digging medicine. 
It is fiill of medicine. 

The short zigzag lines signifying magic inllucuie, urroueouslv 
designated "medicine." 

Almost frying because the medicine is lost. 

The lilies extending downward from the eye signify weep- 
ing; the circle beneath the figure, the place where the " medi- 
cine " is supposed to exist. The idea of " lost " signifies that 
some information has been forgotten through death of those who 
possessed it. 

Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for. 
Refers to that which is yet to be taught. 

Yes, I see there is plenty of it. 

The Mide' has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but 
reserves tliat knowledge for a future time. The lines of ' ' sight " 
ruu to various medicines which he perceives or knows of. 


When I come out the sky becomes clear. 

When the otter-skin Mide' sack is iiroduced the sky becomes 
clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed. 

The spirit has given me iiower to see. 

The Mide' sits on a mountain the lietter to eomiuuue with the 
good Man'ido. 

I brought the medicine to bring life. 

The Mide' Manido', the Thunderer, after bringing some of the 
plants — by causing the rains to fall — returns to the sky. The 
short line represents part of the circular line usually employed 
to designate the imaginary vault of the sky. 

I too, see how much there is. 

His power elevates the Mide' to the rank of a Man'ido, from 
whose position he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth. 



I am going to the medicine lodge. 

The vertical, left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the 

I take life from the sky. 

The Mide' is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from 
Ki'tshi Man'ido' the means of prolonging life. The circle at 
tlie top <lenotes the sacred migis or shell. 

Let us talk to one another. 

:4"^/~/i-'v~T®J The circles denote the places of the speaker (Mide) and the 

^-^ hearer (Ki'tshi Man'ido), the short lines signifying magic influ- 
ences, the Mide' occupying the left hand an<l smaller seat. 

The spirit is iu my body, my friend. 

The migis, given by Ki tshi Man'ido, is in contact with the 
body, and he is possessed of life and ])ower. 


111 the order of .song, PI. xviii, B, reproduced from PI. ix, 0, of the 
Seventh Ann. Eep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the preceptor appears 
to feel satisfied that the candidate i.s prepared to receive the initiation, 
and therefore tells him that the Mide' Man'ido announces to him the 
assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises 
of the fulfillment of his highest desires: 

I hear the spirit speaking to us. 

The Mide'-singcr is ofsu]icrior power, as design.ited by the 
horns and pointer upon his head. The lines from the ears indi- 
late hearing. 

1 :im going into the medicine lodge. 

The Mide'wigiin is .shown with a line through it, to signify 
that the preceptor is going through it in imagination, as in the 

I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. 

The disks indicate the sacred objects sought for, which are 
successively obtained by the speaker, who represents the offici- 
ating shaman. 



I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. 

The Mitti"'', as the persouator of Makwii Man'ido, is eiiii>owered 
to ofi'er this privilege to the caudidate. 

I am flying into my lodge. 

Represeuts the thiindei--hiid, a deit.v tlyiiij; into the arch of 
the sky, the abode of spirits or Mau'idos. The short Hues cut- 
ting; the curve are spirit lines. 

The spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where 
we can get it. 

The line from the sky. diverging to various points, indicates 
that the sacred objects fall in scattered places. 

I have the medicine in my heart. 

The singer's heart is filled with knowledge relating to sacred 
objects from the earth. 

The song depicted in PI. xviii C, was drawn by "Little Frenchman," 
an OJibwa Mide' of the tirst degree, who reproduced it from a bark 
record belonging to his preceptor. "Little Frenchman" had not yet 
received instruction in these characters, and consequently could not 
sing the songs, but from his familiarity with mnemonic delineations of 
the order of the Grand Medicine of ideas he was able to give an outline 
of the signification of the figures and the phraseology which they sug- 
gested to his mind. In the following description the first line pertain- 
ing to a character is the objective description, the second being the 

It is furthermore to be remarked that in this chart and the one fol- 
lowing the interpretation of characters begins at the right hand instead 
of the left, contrary to rule. The song is reproduced from PI. xxii, A, 
of the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology: 

From the place where I sit. 

A man, seated and talking or singhif; 



The big tree in the middle of the eartli. 

Tree; inclosure represents the world as visil)le fruin a niveii 
spot of observatiou — liorizou. 

I will float down the fast runuiug stream. 

stream of water; the spots indicate progress of traveler, aud 
may be rude indications of canoes or equally rude foot tracks, 
the usual pictograj)!! for traveling-. 

The place that is feared I inhabit; the swift run 
ning stream. 

A spirit surrounded by a line indicating the shore. 

Yoli who speak to me. 
Two spirits communing. 

I have long horns. 
Horned water monster. 

Rest; dancing begins with next character. 

I, observing, follow your example. 

Man listening to water monster (spirit). 

You are my body; you see anybody; you see my 
nails are worn off in grasjiing the stone (from which 
medicine is taken). 

Bear, with claws, scratching; depression shown by line under 
claws, where scratching has been done. 

You (i. e., the spirits who are there), to whom 1 am 

f^pirit panther. 


I am floating- down smoothly. 

Spirit otter, swimmiug; outer Hues an- river liaiilcs. 

I have tinished my drum. 

Spirit bdUliui; drum: sound ascending. 

My body is like unto you. 

This is the mi'gis shell — the special symbol of the Hide' wiwin. 

Hear me, thou, who art talking to me. 
Listening, and wanting others (spirits) to hear. 

See what I am taking. 
Spirit (Mide') taking "medicine root. 

See me whose head is out of the water. 
Otters, two spirits, the left-hand one being the ''siieiiker." 

The Mide' song, PI. xviii, D, was aLso copied by "Little Frenchman" 
upon birchbark, from one in the possession of his ])receptor, but upon 
which he had not yet received careful instruction; hence the incom- 
pleteness of some of his interpretations. It is reproduced from PI. xxii, 
B, of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology. 

I am sitting down with my pipe. 

Man sitting, holding a pipe. He has been called upon to 
■'make medicine."' The short lines beneath the body repi'esent 
that he is seated. He holds a filllcd pipe which he is not yet 

I, me the spirit, the spirit of the owl. 

Owl, held byMide' ; arm above bird. This character appears s(?>~~j/ 

upon the Grand Medicine chart from Red Lake, as passing from ^~— S 

the mide' lodge to the ghost lodge. 

10 ETH 16 



It stands, that which I am going after. 

Tree ; showing tracks madt; by bear spirit. The speaker terms 
himself eqvial with this spirit ami represents himself .seeking 

I, who fly. 

Medicine bag, flying. The tignre is that of the thunder bird 
(eagle) whose skin was used for a bag. The trees beneath show 
the bird to have ascended beyond their tops. 

Kiblnan is what 1 use — the magic arrow. 

An arrow, held by hand. 

I am coming to the earth. 

otter spirit. Circle denotes the surrounding sky in which is 
the spirit. The earth is shown by the horizontal line above 
which is the Indian hut. The speaker likens himself to the 
otter spirit who first received the rites of the Mide' initiation. 

I am feeling for it. 

Man (spirit) seeking for hiildeu medicine, 
sents a hole in the earth. 

The circle rejire- 

I am talking to it. 

Medicine bag made of an owl skin is held by shaman ; latter 
is talking to the magic elements contained therein. 

They are sitting in a circle ("around in a row"). 

Mide' lodge; Mide' sitting around. The crosses represent the 
persons present. 

You who are newly hung, and you who have reached 
half, and you who are now full. 

Full moon, oue half, and quarter moon. 

1 am going for my dish. 

Footprints leading to dish (ghost society dish). The circular 
iibjects here each denotes a "feast," usually represented by a 
" dish." 



I go through the medicine lodge. 

Grand medicine lo<lge; tracks leading through it. The 
speaker, after having prepared a feast, is entitled to enter for 



Let us conimnne witli one auother. 

Tlie muemouic order of song, PI. XIX a, is another example from Eed 
Lake, prepared by tbe Ojibwa last mentioned: 

"Carved images." 

Carved images. These represent the speaker to say that he ^yf/ 

prepares fetishes for hunting, love, etc. 

I am holding my grand medicine sack. 

Man holding "medicine bag." 

'' Wants a woman." [No interpretation was ventured 
by " Little Frenchman."] 

Hear me, great spirit. 

Lines from the ears, to denote hearing. 

I am about to climb. 

Medicine tree at grand lodge. The marks on either side are 
bear tracks, the footprints of the bear spirit — the speaker repre- 
senting him. 

I am entering the grand medicine lodge. 

The Mide'wigau, showing footprints of the bear Mau'ido which 
are simulated by the boastful shaman. 

I am making my tracks on the road. 
Footprints ou the path. 

I am resting at my home. 

Human figure, with "voice'' issuing — singing. 

PI. XIX b is a similar song, also made by "Little Frenchman," and 
relates to magic remedies and his powers of incantation : 

The stars. 

Stars, preceded liy a mark of rest or beginning. It may be 
noticed that one star has eight and the other six rays, showing 
that their number is not significant. 



The wolf that runs. 

Wolf; the banded tail distinguishes it from the otter. 

See me what I have; what I have (goods given iu the 
inide' wigwau). 
Man holding bow. 

See what I am about to do. 
Arm, holding a gun. 

The house of the beaver. 

Beaver, in his house. 

I, who make a noise. 

A frog, croaking, shown by '•voice" lines. 

My white hair. 

Head with hair. The siguiticatiou iifAvhitc hair is great age, 
though there is no way to ascertain this without oral stateuient 
by the siuger. 

The house of the otter. 

Otter iu his burrow. 

Hear me, you, to whom I am talking. 

Mi'gis, sijoken to by man, lines showing hearing. The sacred 
emblem of the Mide'wiwin is implored for aid in carrying out a 
desired scheme. 

I stoop as I walk. 

An old man. Age is deuoted by tlie act of walking with a staff. 

I stand by the tree. 

standing near medicine tree. The speaker kuows of valued 
remedies which he desires to dispose of for payment. 

I am raising a rock. 

Man with stone for Mide' lodge. Carrying stouc t<i Midr- liMlge. 
against which to place a patient. 



- feaa.0 

> ^ ^ 






1 am holding my pail. 

Vessel of medicine; arm le.icliini; down to it. 


My arrow point is of iron, and abont to kill a male '^TV^ 


liear, above arrow. Bow — lower character 

1 am about to speak to tbe sky. 

Speaking to the "sky." Power of commnuiug with the Great 
Spirit, Ki'tshi Man'ido'. 

I am about to depart; 1 will liken myself to a bear. 

Bear, tracks and path. 

1 am walking on the hard sand beach. 
Body of water, and lynx. The ellipse denotes a lake. 



Another song of a similar character, reproduced from birchbark on 
PI. XIX c, is explained below. It was also made by "Little French- 
man," and relates to the searching for and preparation of objects used 
in sorcery. 

It is fiery, that which I give you. 

Vessel, with flames on top. Contains strong water wi-bin', a 
magical decoction. 

It is growing, the tree. 

Midc'wigan, with trees growing aronnd it at fonr corners. 

I cover the earth with my length. 
Snakes; gnardians of the first degree. 

The bear is contained within me. 

Bear spirit within the man — i. e., the speaker. This indicates 
that he possesses the jjower of the Bear Man'ido, one of the most 
powerful of the guardians of the Mide' society. 

He has Man'ido (spirit) in his mouth. 

Possessing the power of curing by "sucking" bad spirits from 
patienfs body. This is the practice of the lower shamans, known 


\~^^ The hawk geuiis et sp. 

^ Ki-ui-en', the hawk from which •'raetlicine" is dbtaiiied. 

I, who am about to talk. 
Head of mau; Hues from mouth deuote speech. 

The interpretation uow again proceeds from right to left. 


I am about to walk. 

■5*-\ I ^) Bear spirit, talking. The lines upon the back iudicatc his 

spirit character. 

I am crawling away. 

Mi'a;i8 shell. The sacred eml)lem of the Mide' society. 




From this, I wish to be able to walk. 

Taking "medicine'' trail (lieliindnian). The speaker is address- 
iufi' a Man'ido which he holds. 

I am being called to go there. 

Sacred lodges, with spirits within. 

I am going. 

Footprints, leading toward a wigwam. 


The Ojibwa chart, u.sed in the " Song for the Metai, or for Medicine 
Hunting," is taken from Tanner's {a) Narrative and reproduced iu 
Fig. 165. It should be noted that the Metai of Tanner's intopretation, 
which follows, is the same as the Mide' in the foregoing interpretations : 

a. Now I hear it, my fi-ieuds of the Metai, who are sitting about me. 

This and the three following are sung by the principal chief of the 




Metai, to the beat of bis bwoiii ah-keek, or dram. The Hue from the 
sides of tlie head of the figure indicate heariug. 

b. Who makes this river flow? The Spirit, he makes this river flow. 
The second flgure is intended to represent a river, and a beaver 

swimming down it. 

c. Look at me well, my friends; examine me, and let us understand 
that we ai'e all companions. 

This translation is by no means literal. The words express the 
boastful claims of a man who sets himself up for the best and most 
skillful in the fraternity. 

d. Who maketh to walk about, the social people? A bird maketh 
to walk about the social people. 

By the bird the medicine man means himself; he says that his voice 

Fig. 165 — Sonj^ for Medicine Hunting. 

has called the people together. Weej-huh uisha-nauba, or weeja- 
nish-a-nau-ba seems to have the first syllable fi'om the verb which 
means to accompany. The two lines drawn across, between this tigare 
and the next, indicate that here the dancing is to commence. 

e. 1 fly about and if anywhere I see an animal, I can shoot him. 

This flgure of a bird (probably an eagle or haAvk) seems intended to 
indicate the wakefulness of the senses and the activity required to in- 
sure success in hunting. The flgure of the moose which immediately 
follows, reminding the singer of the cunning and extreme shyness of 
that animal, the most difticult of all to kill. 

/. I shoot your heart; I hit your heart, oh, animal — your heart — I hit 
your heart. 

This apostrophe is mere boasting aud is sung with much gesticula- 
tion and grimace. 

(J. I make myself look like Are. 


This is a medicine man disguised in the skin of a bear. The small par- 
allelogram under the bear signifies fire, and the shamans, by some com- 
position of gunpowder, or other means, contrive to give the ajipearance 
of fire to the mouth and eyes of the bear skin, in which they go about 
the village late at night, bent on deeds of mischief, oftentimes of blood. 
We learn how mischievous are these superstitions when we are in- 
formed that they are the principal men of the Metai, who thus wander 
about the villages in tlie disgnise of a bear, to wreak their hatred on a 
sleeping rival or their malice on an unsusiiccting adversary. But the 
customs of the Indians require of anyone who may see a medicine man 
on one of these excursions to take his life immediately, and whoever 
does so is accounted guiltless. 

h. I am able to call water from above, from beneath, and from around. 

Here the medicine man boasts of his power over the elements, and 
his ability to do injury or benefit. The segment of a circle with dots 
in it represents water and the two short lines touchmg the head of the 
figure indicate that he can draw it to him. 

i. I cause to look like the dead, a man I did. 

I cause to look like the dead, a woman I did. 

I cause to look like the dead, a child I did. 

The lines drawn across the face of this figure indicate poverty, dis- 
' tress, and sickness; the person is supposed to have suffered from tlie 
displeasure of the medicine man. Such is the religion of the Indians. 
^Its boast is to put into the hands of the devout supernatural means 
by which he may wreak vengeance on his enemies whether weak or 
powerful, whether they be found among the foes of his tribe or the 
people of his own village. This Metai, so much valued and revered by 
them, seems to be only the instrument in the hands of the crafty for 
keeping in subjection the weak and the credulous, which may readily 
be supposed to be the greater part of the people. 

1c. I am such, I am such, my friends; any animal, any animal, my 
friends, I hit him right, my friends. 

This boast of certain success in hunting is another method by which 
he hopes to elevate himself in the estimation of his hearers. Having 
told them he has the jiower to put them all to death, he goes on to speak 
of his infallible success in hunting, which will always enable him to be 
a valuable friend to such as are careful to secure his good will. 

The following chart for the " Song for beaver hunting and the Metai," 
is taken from the same author, loc. cit., and reproduced in Fig. 160, 
with interpretations as follows: 

a. I sit down in the lodge of the Metai, the lodge of the Spirit. 

This figure is intended to rej)resent the area of the Metai- we- gaun, or 
medicine lodge, which is called also the lodge of tlie Man'ido, and two 
men have taken their seats in it. The matter of I he song seems to be 
merely introductory. 



b. Two days must you sit fast, luy frieud; four days must you sit 
fast, my friend. 

The two perpeiidiculiir liues ou tlie breast of this figure are read ue- 
o-goue (two days), but are understood to moan two years; so of the 
four lines drawn obliquely across the legs, these are four years. The 
heart must be given to this business for two years, and the constrained 
altitude of the legs indicates the rigid attention anji serious considera- 
tion which the subject requires. 

c. Throw off, woman, thy garments, throw off. 

The power of their medicines and the incantations of the Metai are 
not confined in their effect to animals of the chase, to the lives and 


Fig. 166. — Song for beaver biintiug. 

health of men ; they control also the minds of all and overcome the 
modesty as well as the antipathies of women. The Indians firmly be- 
lieve that many a woman who has been unsuccessfully solicited by a 
man is not only by the power of the Metai made to yield, but even in 
a state of madness to tear off her garments and pursue after the man 
she before despised. These charms have greater power than those in 
the times of superstition among the English, ascribed to the fairies, 
and they need not, like the plant used by Puck, be applied to the per- 
son of the unfortunate being who is to be transformed ; they operate at 
a distance through the medium of the Miz-zinneneens. 

d. Who makes the jjeople walk about ? It is I that calls you. 

This is in praise of the virtue of hospitality, that man being most 
esteemed among them vvho most frequently calls his neighbors to his 

e. Anything I can shoot with it (this medicine) even a dog, I can 
kill with it. 

/. I shoot thy heart, man, thy heart. 

He means, perhaps, a buck moose by the word e-nah-ne-wah, or man. 

(/. I can kill a white loon, I can kill. 

The white Iodu (raraavis nigroque similimo cygno) is certainly a rare 
and most difficult bird to kill; so we may infer that this boaster can 
kill anything, which is the amount of the meaning intended in that 


part of his song recorded bj' the five hist figures. Success iu hunting 
they look i\pou as a virtue of a higher chai'acter, if we may judge from 
this song, than the i)atience under suffering or the rakishness among 
women, or even the hospitality recommended in the former part. 

h. My friends 

There seems to be an attempt to delineate a man sitting with his 
hands raised to address his friends; but the remainder of his speech 
is not remembered. This is sufiicient to show that the meaning of the 
characters in this kind of picture Avriting is not well settled and re- 
quires a traditional interpretation to render it intelligible. 

i. I open my wolf skin and the death straggle must follow. 

This is a wolf skin used as a medicine bag and he boasts that when- 
ever he opens it something must die in consequence. 

Tanner's Narrative (b) says of musical notation drawn on bark by 


Many of these songs are noted down by a method probably peculiar to the Indians, 
on birch bark, or small flat pieces of wood : the ideas beiuj; conveyed by emblematic 
figures, somewhat like those * * * used in communicating ordinary information. 

Rev. P. J. De Smet (a) gives an account of the mnemonic order of 
songs among the Kickapoo and Pottawatomi. He describes a stick li 
inches broad and 8 or 10 long, upon which are arbitrary characters 
which they follow with the finger iu singing the prayers, etc. There 
arc five classes of these characters. The first represents the heart, the 
second heart and flesh (chair), the third life, the fourth their names, 
and the fifth their families. 

A. W. Howitt (h) says: 

The makers of the Australian songs, or of the combined songs and dances are the 
poets or bards of the tribe and are held in great esteem. Their names are known 
to the neighboring peoples, and their songs are carried from tribe to tribe until the 
very meaning of the words is lost as well as the original source of the song. 

Such an instance is a song which was accompanied by a carved stick painted red, 
which was held by the chief singer. This traveled down the Murray river from some 
unknown source. The same song, accompanied by such a stick, also came into 
Gippslaud many years ago from Melliourne and may even have been the above men- 
tioned one (lu its return. 



Even since the Columbian discovery some tribes have employed 
dcN-ices yet ruder than the rudest pictorial attempt as markers for the 
memory. An account of one of these is given in E. Wiuslow's Relation 
(A. D. 1624), Col. Mass. Hist. Soc, 2d series, ix, 1822, p. 99, as foUows: 

Instead of records and chronicles they take this course : Where any remarkable 
act is done, in memory of it, either in the place or by some pathway near adjoining, 
they make a round hole iu the ground about a foot deep and as much over, which, 
wheu others passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, 
which, biing once known, they are careful to acquaint all men as occasion serveth 
therewith. And lest such holes should be filled or grown over by any accident, as 







nieu pass by they will often renew the same, by which means many things of great 
antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man traveleth, if he can umlerstand his 
guide, his journey will be the less tedious by reason of the many historical dis- 
courses which will be related unto him. 

Ill connection with this section students may useftilly consult Dr. Brin- 
ton's (/) Lenapc and their Legends. 

As an example of a chart used in the exact repetition of traditions, 
Fig. 1G7 is presented with ttie following explanation by Eev. J. Owen 
Dorsey : 

The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret society of the 
Osage tribe. It was drawn by .an Osage, Red Corn. 

The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows a river. The tree 
and the river are described hiter in the degrees. 
^Yhen a woman is initiated she is required by the 
head of her gens to take four sips of water (sym- 
bolizing the river), then he rubs cedar (m the palms 
of his hands, with which he rubs her from head to 
foot. If she belongs to a gens on the left side of a 
tribal circle, her chief begins on the left side of her 
head, mating three passes, and pronouncing the 
sacred name three times. Then he repeats the pro- 
cess from her forehead down ; then ou the right side . 
of her head ; then .at the back of her head ; four times 
three times, or twelve passes in all. 

Beneath the river are the following objects : The 
Watse :ju3[a, male slaying animal ( ?), or morning 
star, which is a red star. 2. Six stars called the 
"Elm rod" by the white people in the Indian terri- 
tory. 3. The evening star. 4. The little star. 
Beneath these are the moon, seven stars, and suti. 
Under the seven stars are the peace pipe and war 
hatchet ; the latter is close to the sun, and the former , 
and the moon are on the same side of the chart. 
Four parallel lines extending across the chart, rep- ' 

resent four heavens or upper worlds through which , 

the ancestors of the Tsiou people passed before they 
came to this earth. The lowest heaven rests on an 
oak tree ; the ends of the others appear to be sup- 
ported by pillars or ladders. The tradition begins 
below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the 
chart, under the peace pipe. Each space on the 
pillar corresponds with a line of the chant ; and each 
stanza (at the opening of the tradition) contains 
four lines. The first stanza precedes the arrival of 

the first heaven, pointing to a time when the chil- Tig. ic7.— Osage cbart. 

dren of the "former end" of the race were without human bodies as well as human 
souls. The bird hovering over the arch denotes an advance in the condition of the 
people; then they had human souls in the bodies of birds. Then followed the pro- 
gress from the fourth to the first heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The 
ascent to four heavens and the descent to three, makes up the number seven. 

AVhen they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when the earth was covered with 
luxuriant vegetation. From that time the paths of the Osages separated; some 
marched on the right, beiug the war gentes, while those on the left were peace 
gentrs. including the Tsiou, whose chart this is. 










Then the TsiDU met the black be.ur, called iu the tradition Kaxe-wahii-sa"' (Crow- 
bone- white), in the distance. He offered to become their messenger, so they sent him 
to the different stars for aid. According to the chart he went to them in the follow- 
ing order: Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star. 

Then the black bear went to the Waoinjia-oli^se, a female red bird sitting on her 
nest. This grandmother granted his request. She gave them human bodies, making 
them out of her own liody. 

The earth lodge at the end of the chart denotes the village of the Han5iauta^:a"!)8i, 
who were a very warlike people. Buffalo skulls were on the tops of the lodges, and 
the bones of the animals on which they subsisted whitened on the ground. The very 
air was rendered offensive by the decaying bodies and ofJ'al. 

The whole of the chart -was used mnemonically. Parts of it, such as the four 
heavens and ladders, were tattooed ou the and chest of the old men belong- 
ing to the order. 

Th& tradition relating to Minabo'zlio and the sacred objects received 
from Kitslai Maii'ido is illustrated in Fig. 168, which represents a copy 
(one-third original size) of the record preserved at White Earth. This 
record is read from left to right and is. briefly, as follows : 

Fig. 108.— ilicU' record. 

a represents Minabo'zho, who says of the adjoioiug characters repre- 
senting the members of the Mid^win: "They are the ones, they are the 
ones who put into my heart the life." Minabo'zho holds in his left 
hand the sacred medicine bag. 

h and c represent the drummers ; at the sound of the drum everybody 
rises and becomes inspired, because the Great Spirit is then present in 
the lodge. 

d denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members 
of the Mid(''win. This figure holds a snake-skin "medicine bag" in her 
left hand. 

e represents the tortoise, the good spirit, who was the giver of some 
of the sacred objects used in the rite. 

/"the bear, also a benevolent spirit, but not held in so great venera- 
tion as the tortoise. His tracks are visible in the lodge. 

g the sacred medicine bag, Bifi-ji-gu-san, which contains life and can 
be used by the Mide/ to prolong the life of a sick person. 

h represents a dog given by tlie spirits to Minabo'zho as a com- 

Fig. 169 gives copies, one-third actual size, of two records in posses- 
sion of different Mide' at Eed lake. The characters are almost identical, 
and one record appears to have been copied from the other. The lower 
figure, however, contains an additional character. The following is an 




incomplete interpretation of the characters, the letters applying equally 
to both: 

h '^ 

Fig. 169. — Mide' records. 

a, Esh'gibo'ga, the great uncle of the ITuish'-in-ab'-aig, the receiver 
of the ]Mid(''win. 

ft, the drum and drumsticks. 

c, a bar or rest, observed while chanting the words pertaining to the 

(/, the biu'-ji-gu'-saii, or sacred medicine bag. It consists of an otter 
skin, and is the mi'gis, or sacred symbol of the mide'wigan' or grand 
medicine lodge. 

e, a Mide' shaman, the one who holds the mi'gis while chanting the 
Mide' song in the grand medicine lodge, /. He is iusiiired, as indicated 
by the line extending from the heart to the mouth. 

/, representation of the grand medicine lodge. This character, with 
slight addition, is usually employed by the southern division of the 
Ojibwa to denote the lodge of a jessakki'd, and is ordinarily termed a 

;/, a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the 
mide'wig;'iii', shown in the preceding cliaracter. 

A, a pause or rest in the chant. 

», the sacred snake-skin bag, having the power of giving life through 
its skin. This jiower is indicated by the lines radiating from the head 
and the back of the snake. 

j represents a woman. 

A", another illustration of the mi'gis, represented by the sacred otter. 

/denotes a woman who is inspired, as shown by the line extending 
from the heart to the mouth in the lower chart, and simply showing the 
hcait in the ujnier. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with 
magic plants. 

m represents a Mide' shaman, but no explanation was obtained of the 
special character delineated. 



Ill Fig. 170 is piefseuted a vaiiaiit of the tliaracters shown 
in a of Fig. 1G9. The fact that this denotes the power to 
ciu'e by the use of plants woukl appear to Indicate an okler 
and more appropriate form tlian the delineation of the bow 
and arrow, as well as being more in keeping Mith the gen- 
eral rendering of the tradition. 
Fig. 171, two-thirds real size, is a reprodnctiou, introduced here for 
comparison and exi)lanation, of a record illustrating the alleged power 
of a Mide'. 

Fig. 70— Mi- 





Fig. 171. — Mide' practicing incantation. 

a, the author, is the Mide', who was called upon to take a man's life 
at a distant camp. The line extending from the Mide' to i, explained 
below, signifies that his power extended to at least that distance. 

b, an assistant Mide'. 

c, d, e, and / represent the four degrees of the Midewin, of which 
both shamans are members. The degrees are also indicated by the 
vertical lines above each lodge character. 

g is the drum used in the ceremoTiy. 

h is an outline of the victim. A human ligiu'e is drawn upon a piece 
of birchbark, over which the incantations are made, and, to insure 
the death of the subject, a small spot of red paint is rubbed upon the 
breast and a sharp instrument thrust into it. 

i, the outer line represents a lake, while the inner one is an island, 
upon which the victim resides. 

The ceremony indicated in the above description actually occurred at 
White Earth during the autumn of 1884, and, by a coincidence, the In- 
dian "conjured" died the following spring of pneumonia resulting from 
cold contracted during the winter. This was considered as the result 
of the Mide"s power, and naturally secured for him many new ad- 
herents and believers. 

Fig. 172 represents a jfssakki'd, named Ne-wik'-ki, curing a sick 
woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube. It 
is introduced here for comparison, though equally ap- 
propriate to Chap. XIV, sec. 3. The left-hand charac- 
ter represents the Mide' holding a rattle in his hand. 
Around his head is an additional circle, denoting quan- 
tity (literally, more than an ordinary amount of knowl- 
edge), the short line projecting to the right therefrom 
indicating the tube used. The right-hand cliaracter is the patient 
operated upon. 

Fig. 172 Jgssak- 

ki'd curing a 


Tbejuggliug trick of removiug disease by sucking it through tubes 
is performed by the Mide' after fasting and is accompanied with many 


Sikas'sige, one of the officiating priests of the Mide' society of the 
Ojibwa at White Earth, Minnesota, gives the following explanation of 
Fig. 173, which is a reduced copy of a pictorial representation of a tra- 
dition explaining the origin of the Indians: 

In the beginning, Ki'tshi Man'ido — Dzhe Man'ido, « — made tlie Mide' Man'idos. 
He first created two men, 6 and c, and two women, d and e, but they had no power 
of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man ido made them reasoning beings. He then 
took them in his liands so that they should multiply ; he paired them, and from this 
sprung the Indians. Then, when there were people, he placed them upon the earth ; 
but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and 
that uuless he provided them with the sacreil medicine they would soon become 

Between the position occupied by Dzhe'ido and the earth were four lesser 
spirits, /, g, h, and i, with whom Dzhe Man'ido decided to commune, and to impart 
the mysteries by which the Indians could be benefited; so he first spoke to a spirit 
at/, and told him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information 
to ff, aud he in turn to li, who also communed with i. Then they all met in council 
and determined to call in the four wind gods a,tj, k, t, and m. After consulting a" 
to what would be best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits 
agreed to ask Dzhe Man'ido to communicate the mystery of the sacred medicine to 
the people. 

Dzhe Man'ido then went to th'e Sun Spirit («) aud asked him to go to the earth and 
instruct the peoiile as had been decided upon by the council. The Suu Spirit, in the 
form of a little boy, went to the earth and lived with a woman (p) who had a little 
boy of her own. 

This family went away in the autumn to hunt, and during the winter this woman's 
son died. The parents were so much distressed that they decided to return to the 
village and bury the body there ; so they made preparations to return, and as they 
traveled along they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body 
was placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead hoj' was 
thus hanging upon the poles the adopted child — who was the Sun Spirit — would 
play about the camp aud amuse himself, aud finally told his adopted father he 
pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring 
his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents expressed great surprise and desired 
to know how that could be accomplished. 

The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he said, " Get the 
women to make a wig'iwam of bark (</), put the dead boy in a covering of birch 
bark and place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig'iwam.'' On the 
next morning, when this had been done, the family aud friends went into this lodge 
and seated themselves around the corpse. 

After they had all been sitting quietly for some time they saw, through the door- 
way, the approach of a bear (r), which gradually came toward the wig'iwam, entered 
it, and placed itself before the dead body, aud said hii', hu', hu', hu', when he p.assed 
around it toward the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so the body 
began quivering, which increased as the bear continued, until he had passed around 
four times, when the body came to life and stood up. Then the called to the 




you an- 


iiian'-i-do iiiu-gi'-sis. 

a spirit son. 

i-zhi'-gwa tshi-gi'-a-we-au'. 

now as you are. 

. A'-mi-kun'-dem mi-e'-ta 








fixther, who wiis sittinj; iu the distant rii;lif-h:niil ciirner of the wig'hvam, and 
addressed to him the following words : 

Nos Ka-wi'-iia ni'-sbi-ua'-bi wis'si 

Mjf father is not an Indian not 

Be-mai'-a-mi'-iiik ni'-dzhi maii'-i do 

Insonuieli my fellow spirit 

Nos a-zlii'-gwa a-se'-ma tshi-a'-to-yek 

My father now tobacco you shall ]iut. He speaks of 

a-wi-dink' dzhi-gosh'-kwitdt' weu'-dzlii-bi-ma'-di-zid'o-ma 

once to be able to do it why ho shall li\e here 

bi-ma'-di-zid'-mi-o-ma'; ui'-dzhi man'-i-do mi'-a-zlii'-gwa tslii-gi'-we-an'. 

that he seareely lives; my fellow spirit now I shall go home. 

The little hear boy (r) was the one who did this. 
He then remained among the Indians (») and 
tanght them the mysteries of the Grand Medicine 
(0, and after he had finished ho told his adopted 
father that as his mission had been fnlfilled, that 
he Avas to return to his kindred spirits, the Indians 
would have no need to fear sickness, as they now 
pos.sessed the Grand Medicine which would assist 
them to live. Ho also said that his spirit could 
liring a body to life but once, and he would now 
return to the sun from which they would feel his 

This is called Kwi'-wi-sens' wed-di'-shi-tshi' 
ge'-wi-nip' — "Little boy, his work." 

From subsequent information it was learned 
tliat the line (lo) denotes the earth, and that, 
being considered as one step in the course of initia- 
tion into tlie Mide'wiwin, three others must be 
taken before a candicfate can be aiUnitted. These 
steps, or rests, as they are denominated, are typi- 
fied by four distinct gifts of goods, which must 
be remitted to the Mide' priests before the cerc- 
luouy can take place. 

The characters .<i and / are repetitions of the 
figures alluded to in the tradition (</ and j) to 
signify that the candidate must personate tbi^ 
Makwa' Man'ido — bear spirit — when entering the 
Mide'wiwin (t) ; t is the Mide' Man'ido, as Ki'tshi 
Man'ido is termed by the Mide' priesta. Tlie 
device of horns, attached to the head, is a com- 
mon symbol of superior power, found in con- 
nection with the figures of human and divine 
forms in many Midi-' songs and other mnemonic 
records; r represents the earth's surface, similar 
y, and c represent the four degrees of the grand 




ni I II y 1 1 1 

Fig. 17:j. — Origin of the Intlian.s 

to that designated as w. w, 


Fig. 171 is t-opy of a birclibark record which was made to com- 
memorate a treaty of peace between the Ojibwa and Assinaboin In- 
dians. The drawing on bark was made by an Ojibwa chief at White 
Earth, Minnesota. 


The figure ou the left, hohliiig a ihiiX, represents the Ojibwa chief, 
while that on the right denotes the t-hief acting on the part of the 
Assinaboins. The latter holds in his left 
hand the pipe which was used in the prelimi 
naries, and smoke is seen issuing from the 
mouth of the Assinaboin. He also holds in 
his right hand the drum used used as an ac- 
companiment to the songs. 

The Ojibwa liolds a flag used as an emblem V„ 

of peace. Fig. l-i.— Kecord of treaty. 

A considerable number of pictographic I'ecords of treaties are pre- 
sented in different parts of the present work (see under the headings 
of Wampum, Chap, ix, Sec. 3; Notices, Chap, xi; History, Chap, xvi; 
Winter Counts, Chap, x, Sec. 2. 


Le Page Du Pratz (b) says in describing the council of consiiiracy 
which resulted in the Natchez war of 1729 : 

An aged councillor advised that after all the nations had been informed of the 
necessity of taking this violent action, each one should receive a bundle of sticks, 
all containing au equal number, and which were to mark the number of days to 
pass before that on which they were all to strike at once; that in order to guard 
against any mistake it would be necessary to take care to extract one stick every 
day and to break it and throw it away; a man of wisdom shoultl be charged with 
this duty. All the old men approved of his advice and it was adopted. 

Pere Nicholas Perrot {a) says: 

Celui qui, chcz les Hurons, preuait la parole en cette circonstance, recevait un 
petit faiscean de pailles d'pied de long qui luy servoient comme de jetons, poar sup- 
puter les uombres et pour ayder la m^moire des assistans, les distribuant en divers 
lots, suyvant la diversitiS des choses. Dans l'Am(5rique du Sud, les Galibis de la 
riviire d'Amacouron et de I'Orenoque usaient du mome procede mn^motechnique, mais 
perfectionne. Le capitaiue [Galibis] et moy, ccrit le P. la Pierre (Voyage en torre- 
fermeet ilia coste de Paria, p. I5du Ms. orig.), eusmcs tin grand discours . . . luy 
ayant demand^ ce qu'il alloit fairc a Barime, il me respondit qu'il alloit avertir tons 
les capitaines des aultres rivieres, du jour qu'il en faudroit sortir pour aller douner 
I'attaque a leurs ennemis. Et, pour me faire compreudre la fa^on dont il s'y prenoit 
il me montra vingt petites buches li6es ensemble cjui so plieut a la fagou d'un rouleau. 
Les six premieres estoient d'uno couleur particuliere; elles siguifloent que, les six 
premiers jours, il falloit preparer du magnot [manioc] pour faire vivres. Les quatre 
suivantes estoient d'une aultre couleur pour marque qu'il falloit avertir les hommes. 
Les six d'aultre couleur et ainsi du reste, marquant par leur petites buches, faites 
en fafon de paiUe, I'ordre que chaque capitaine doit faire observer a ses gens pour 
estre prest tous en mesme temps. La sortie devroit se faire dans vingt jours; car 
il n'y avoit que cest [vingt] petites buches. 

Im Thurn {e) tells of the Indians of Guiana as follows: 
When a paiwari feast is to be held, invitations are sent to the people of all neigh- 
boring settlements inhabited by Indians of the same tribe as the givers of the feast. 
10 ETH 17 


The latter prepare a number of strings, each of which is knotted as many times as 
there are days before the feast day. One of these strings is kept by the headman of 
the settlement where the feast is to be held ; the others are distributed, one to the 
headman of each of the settlements from which guests are expected. Every day 
one of the knots, on each of the strings, is untied, and when the last has been un- 
tied guests and hosts know that the feast day has come. 

Sometimes, instead of knots on a string, notches on a piece of wood are used. 
This system of knot-tying, the quippoo system of the Peruvians, which occurs in 
nearly identical form in all jjarts of the world, is not only used as in the above in- 
stance for calendar-keeping, but also to record items of any sort; for instance, if 
one Indian owes another a certain number of balls of cotton or other articles, debtor 
and creditor each has a corresponding string or stick, with knots or notches to the 
number of the owed article, and one or more of these is oblitered each time a pay- 
ment is made until the debt is wiped out. 

Darius (Herodot. iv, 98) did sometbiug of the kind when he took a 
thong and, tying sixty knots in it, gave it to the Ionian chiefs, that they 
might untie a knot every day and go back to their own land if he had 
not returned when all the knots were undone. 

Chaniplain (a) describes a mode of preparation for battle among the 
Canadian Algonquins which partook of the nature of a military drill 
as well as of an appointment of rank and order. It is in its essentials 
mnemonic. He describes it as foUows: 

Les chefs prennent des batons de la longueur d'un pied autant en nombre qu'ils 
sent et signalent par d'autres un pen plus grands, leurs chefs ; puis vont dans le bois 
et esplanadent une place de cinq on six pieds en quarro oil le chef comme Sergcut 
Major, met par ordre tons ces batons comme bon luy somble; puis appelle tons ses 
compagnons, qui viennent tous armez, et leur monstre le rang et ordre qu'ils deuvont 
tenir lors qu'ils se battront avec leurs eunemis. 

The author adds detail with regar<l to alignment, breaking ranks, 
and resumption of array. 



D. W. Eakins, in Schoolcraft I, p. 273, describes the mnemonic nu- 
meration marks of the Muskoki thus : 

Each perpendicular stroke atood for one, and each additional stroke marked an 
additional number. The ages of deceased persons or number of scalps taken by 
them, or war-parties which they have headed, are recorded on their grave-posts by 
this 8y.stem of strokes. The sign of the cross represents ten. The dot and comm.a 
never stood as a sign for a day, or a moon, or a month, or a j'ear. The chronologi- 
cal marks that were and are in present use are a small number of sticlis made gen- 
erally of cane. Another plan sometimes in use was to make small holes in a board, 
in which a peg was inserted to keep the days of the week. 

Capt. Bourke (b) gives the following account of an attempt at com- 
promise between the aboriginal method of numbering days, weeks, and 
months, and that of the civilized intruders to whose system the Indians 
found it necessary to conform. 

The Apache Bcouts kept records of the time of their absence on campaign. There 
were several methods in vogue, the best being that of colored beads which were 


strung on a string, sis white ones to represent tlie days of tlie week, and one lilack, or 
other color, to stand for Sundays. This method gave rise to some eontusion, because 
the Indians had been told that there were four weeks, or Sundays C'Domingos"), in 
each '■ Luna," or moon, and yet they soon found that their own method of determining 
time by the ajipearauce of the crescent moon was much the more satisfactory. Among 
the Zuni I have seen little tally sticks with the marks for the days and months in- 
cised on the narrow edges, and among the Ajiache another metliod of indicating the 
flight of time by marking on a piece of paper along a horizontal lino a number of 
circles or of straight lines the horizontal datum line to represent the full days 
which had passed, a heavy straight line for each Sunday, and a small crescent for 
the beginning of each month. 

It is not necessary to discuss tlie obvious method of repeating strokes, 
dots, liuots, human heads or forms, weapons, and totemic designs, to 
designate the number of persons or articles referred to in the picto- 
graphs \vhere they appear. 



Tlie Abiiaki, in especial the Passamaquoddy division of the tribe in 
Maine, during late years have been engaged in civilized industries in 
which they have found it necessary to keep accounts. These are in- 
teresting as exhibiting the aboriginal use of ideographic devices which 
are only partially supplemented by the imitation of the symbols pecu- 
liar to European civilization. Several of these devices were procured 
by the present writer in 1888, and are illustrated and explained as fol- 

<p (p (p p ^ p 
•\'-:'::' X--T 

Fig. 175. — Shop .accouDt. 

A deer hunter brings 3 deerskins, for which he is allowed $2 each, 
making $6; 30 pounds of venison, at 10 cents per pound, making $3. 
In payment thereof he purchases 3 pounds of powder, at 40 cents per 
pound; 5 pounds of pork, at 10 cents per pound; and 2 gallons of mo- 
lasses, at 50 cents per gallon. The debit foots .$3.30, according to the 


Indian account, but it seems on calculation to be 30 cents in excess, an 
overcharge, showing the advance in civilization of the Passamaquoddy 

The following explanation will serve to make intelligible the char- 
acters employed, which are reproduced in Fig. 175; The hunter is 
shown as the first character in line «, and that he is a deer-hunter is 
furthermore indicated by his having a skiu-stretcher upon his back, as 
well as the figure of a deer at which he is shooting. The three skins 
referred to are shown stretched upon frames in line b, the total num- 
ber being also indicated by the three vertical strokes, between which 
and the drying frames are two circles, each with a line across it, to de- 
note dollars, the total sum of $G being the last group of dollar marks 
on line b. 

The 30 pounds of venison are represented in line c, tlie three crosses 
signifying 30, the T-shaped character designating a balance scale, 
synonymous with pound, while the venison is indicated by the drawing 
of the hind quarter or ham. The price is given b.y uniting the X, or 
numeral, and the T, or jjound mark, making a total of $3 as completing 
the line e. 

Ill II 

v:> ^ 

Fig. 170, — shop account. 

The line d refers to the purchase of 3 pounds of powder, as expressed 
by the three strokes, the T, or scale for pound, and the powder horn, the 
price of which is four Xs or 40 cents per jjound, or-T; and 3 pounds of 
powder, the next three vertical strokes succeeded by a number of spots 
to indicate grains of powder, which is noted as being 10 cents per 
pound, indicated by the cross and T, respectively. The next item, 
shown on line c, charges for 5 pounds of pork, the latter being indi- 
cated by the outline of a pig, the price being indicated by the X cr 10, 
and T, scale or pound; then two short lines preceding one small oblong 
square or quart measure, indicates that 2 quarts of molasses, shown by 
the black spot, cost 5 crosses, or 50 cents per measure, the sum of the 
whole of the purchase being indicated by three rings with stems and 
three crosses, equivalent to $3.30. 

Another Indian, whose occupation was to furnish basket wood, 
brought some to the trader for which he received credit to the amount 
of •'$1.15, taking in exchange therefor pork snfiBcient to ecjual the above 

In Fig. 176 the Indian is shown with a bundle of basket wood, the 
value of which is given in the next chai'acters, consisting of a ring with 


ii line across to denote 81, a cross to represent 10 cents, and the five short 
vertical lines for an additional 5 cents, making a total of $l.lo. The 
pork received from the trader is indicated by the outline of a pig, while 
the crossed lines to the right denotes that the "account" is canceled. 

Another customer, as shown in Fig. 177, was an old woman, the 
descendeut of an ancient name — one known before the coming of white 
people. She was therefore called the "Owl," and is represented in the 
"account" given below. She bad bought on credit 1 plug of smoking 
tobacco, designated by one vertical stroke for the quantity and an oblong 
square figure corresponding to the shape of the package, which was to 
be used for smoking, as indicated by the sxiiral lines to denote smoke. 
She had also purchased 2 quarts of kerosene oil, the quantity desig- 
nated by the two strokes ju'ecediiig the small squares to represent (juart 
measures, and the liquid is indicated by the rude outline of a kerosene 
lamp. This is followed by two crosses, representing 20 cents, as the 
value of the amount of her purchases. This account was settled by 
giving one basket, as shown in the device nearly beneath the owl, half 
of which is marked with crossed lines, connected by a line of dots or 
dashes with the cancellation mark at the extreme right of the record. 


' //^'-^ ^ x-^x^ .^ 

JL Q. 

Fig. 177.— Sliop account. 

Another Passamaquoddy Indian, unable to read or write, carries on 
business and keeps his books according to a method of his own inven- 
tion. One account is reproduced in Fig. 17S. It is with a very slim 
Indian, as will be observed from tlie drawing, who carries on "truck- 
ing" and owns a horse, that animal being I'epresented in outline and 
connected by lines with its owner. For services he was paid f 5.J:5, 
which sum is shown in the lower line of characters by five dollar-marks — 
i. e., rings with strokes across them — i crosses or numerals signifying 10 
cents each, and five short vertical lines for 5 cents. The date is shown in 
the upper line of characters, the 4 short lines in front of the horse signify- 
ing 4, the oval figure next, to. the right and intended for a circle, de- 
noting the moon — i. e., the fourth moon, or April — while the 10 short 
strokes signify the tenth day of the month — i. e., he was paid .$5.4i3 in 
full for services to April 10. 

Another account was with a young woman noted as very slim, and 
is shown in Fig. 179. The girl brought a basket to the store, for which 


slie was allowed 20 cents. She received credit for 10 cents on account 
of a plug of tobacco bought some time previously. 

In the illustration the decidedly slim form of the girl is portrayed, 
her hands holding out the basket which she had made. The unattached 
cross signifies 10 cents, which she probably received in cash, while the 
other cross is connected by a dotted line with the piece of plug tobacco 

Flu. 178. — Book account. 

for which she had owed 10 cents. The attachment of the plug to the 
unpaid dime is amusingly ideographic. 

\_ Another Indian, descended from the ])rehistoric 

jlndians, was called "Lox," the evil or tricksy deity, 

\ appearing as an animal having a long body and tail 

^\!5^^ and short legs, which is probably a wolverine, under 

which form Lox is generally depicted by the Passa- 
maquoddy. His account with the trader is given in 
Fig. 18(1, and shows that he brought 1 dozen ax 
handles, for which he received s^LSO. 

Beneath the figure of Lox are 2 axes, the 12 short 

lines denoting the number of handles delivered, while 

Fm. 17^ .'-Book account, the dotted liuc to the right connects them with the 

amount received, which is designated by 1 one dollar mark and 5 

crosses or dime marks. 

Dr. Hoffman found in Los Angeles, 
California, a number of notched sticks, 
which had been invented and used by 
the Indians at the Mission of San 
Gabriel. They had chief herders, wlio 
had under their charge overseers of 
^__J3 the .several classes of laborers, herders, 
'etc. The chief herder was supplied 
with a stick of hard wood, measuring 
*xx/.x ■' about 1 inch in breadth and thick- 
FiG. i8o.-Bookaccouut. BBSS aud from 20 to 24 inches long. 

The corners were beveled at the handle. The general form of the stick 
is given in the upper character of Fig. 181, with the exception that 
the illustration is intentionally shortened so as to show both ends. 





Upou each of the bevelled surlaces on the handle are marks to indi- 
cate the kiud of horned cattle referred to. The cross indicates that 
the corner of the stick upon which it is incised relates to heifers, each 
notch designating one head, the long transverse cut denoting ten, with 
an additional three cuts signifying that the herder has in charge thir- 
teen heifers. Upon the next beveled edge appears an arrow-pointed 
mark, to denote in like manner which edge of the stick is to be notched 
for indicating the oxen. Upon the third beveled surface is one trans- 
verse cut for the record of the number of bulls in the herd, while upon 
the fourth bevel of the handle are two notches to note the number of 

The stick is notched at the end opi)osite the handle to signify that 
it refers only to horned cattle. That used to designate horses is sharp- 
ened from two sides only, so that the end is wedge-shaped, or exactly 


Fig. 181.— Nutched sticks. 

the reverse of the one tirst mentioned. The marks upon the handle 
would be the same, however, with this exception — that one cut would 
mean a stallion, two cuts a mare, the cross a gelding, and the arrow- 
shaped figure a colt. Sticks were also marked to denote the several 
kinds of stock and to record those which had been branded. 

Another class of sticks were also used by tlie overseers, copies of 
which were likewise preserved by the laborers and herders, to keep an 
account of the niunber of days on which labor was performed, and to 
record the sums of money received by the workman. 

The lower character of Fig. 181 represents a stick, upon the beveled 
edge of the handle of which is a cross to denote work. The short 
notches upon the corner of the stick denote days, each seventh day or 
week being designated by a cut extending across the stick. 

Upon the opposite side of the handle is a circle or a circle with a 
cross within it to denote the number of reals paid, each real being indi- 
cated upou the edge of the stick by a notch, while each ten reals or 
peso is noted by making the cut all the way across that face of the 


Mr. Ball (a) .says that the Inuuit frequently keep accouuts by tying 
knot.s in a string or notching a stick. Capt. Coinke (c) reports : 

In the Mexican state of .Souora I was shown, some twenty years ago, a piece of 
buckskin, upon which certain Opata or Yacjui Indians— 1 forget exactly which tribe, 
but it matters very little, as they are both industrious and honest— had kept account 
of the days of their labor. There was a horizontal datum line as before, with com- 
plete circles to indicate full days and half circles to indicate half days, a long heavy 
black line for Sundays and holidays, and a crescent moon for each new month. 
These accounts had to be drawn up by the overseer ur superintendent of the rancho 
at which the Indians were emploj'cd before the latter left for home each night. 

Terrieu de Lacouperie [e) says of the Southals of Bengal: 
Their accounts are either notches on a stick, like those formerly used by the rus- 
tics for keeping scores at cricket matches in country villages in England, or knots 
on a piece of grass string, or a number of bits of straw tied together. I well remem- 
ber my astonishment while trying my first case between a grasping Mahajun and a 
Sonthal when I ordered them to produce their accounts. * « * 'Plje Sonthal pro- 
duced from his back hair, where it had been kept, I suppose, for ornament, a dirty 
bit of knotted grass string and threw it on the table, requesting the court to count 
that, as it had got too long for him. Each knot represented a rupee, a longer space 
between two knots represented the lapse of a year. 

Many modes of accounting in a pictorial manner are noted in Europe 
and America among people classed as civilized. Some of these are very 
curious, but want of space prevents their recital here. A valuable 
description of the survival of the system in Brittany is given by M. 
Armaud Laiidrin (a), translated and condensed as follows: 

In the department of Finisterre the farmers, in keejiing accouuts, made bags of 
their old socks and coat sleeves, of ditierent colors, each color representing one of 
the divisions of farm outlay or receipt, as cows, butter, milk, and corn. Each amount 
received was placed in coin in the appropriate bag. When any coins were taken 
out the same number of small stones or of peas or beans was put in to replace the 
coins. Other farmers substituted for the Ijags small sticks of different length and 
thickness in which they made cuts representing the receipts. 

In the accounts with the laborers and farm hands the women were designated by 
the triangle, intended to represent the Breton head dress a grandes barbes. The 
kind of work performed was expressed by the tool connected with it, e. </., a horse- 
shoe denoted the blacksmith, a scythe the mower, an ax the carpenter, a saddle the 
harness-maker, and a tub the cooper. The bill of a veterinary surgeon was rendered 
by drawing the figures of the several animals treated united in one group by a line. 

Until quite recently the important accounts of the British exchequer 
were kept by wooden tallies, and some bakers in the United States yet 
persevere in keeping their accounts with their customers by duplicate 
tallies, one of which is rendered as a bill and is verified by the other. 



It is not within the scope of the present work to examine the several 
systems of chronology of the American Indians, but only those pic- 
torially exhibited. The Mexican system, much more scientific and 
more elaborate than that employed by the northern tribes, resembled 
it in the graphic record or detail of exhibit, and is highly interesting 
as compared with the Dakota Winter Counts. Although the principle 
of designating the years was wholly different, the mode of that desig- 
nation was often similar, as is shown by collatiug the Codex Vaticanus 
and the Codex Telleriano Eemensis with the Winter Counts of Lone 
Dog and Battiste Good, infra. It is also desirable to note the remarks 
of Prof. Briuton (e) with regard to the Chilan Balam. At the close 
of each of the Maya larger divisions of time (the so-called "Katum"), a 
"chilan" or inspired diviner uttered a prediction of the character of 
the year or epoch which was about to begin. This prophetic designa- 
tion of the year was like a Zadkiel's almanac, while the Dakotan method 
was a selection of the most important events of the past. 


Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, gives the following 
information : 

The Dakotas make use of the circle as the symbol of a cycle of time ; a small one 
for a year and a large one for a longer period of time, as a life time, one old man. 


Fig. ]82. — Device deiiotiug successiou of time. Dakota. 

Also a round of lodges or a cycle of seventy years, as in Battiste Good's Winter 
Count. The continuance of time is sometimes indicated by a hue extending in a di- 
rection from right to left across the page when on paper, and the animal circles are 
suspended from the line at regular intervals by short lines, as in Fig. 182, upper 
character, and the ideograph for the year is placed beneath each one. At other times 
the line is not continuous, but is interrupted at regular intervals by the yearly cir- 
cle, as in the lower character of Fig. 182. 

Under other headings in this paper are presented graphic expres- 
sions for divisions of time — month, day, night, morning, noon, and 
evening. See, for some of them. Chap, xx. Sec. 2. 




In the preliminary paper ou " Pietographs of the North American 
Indians," published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology, 58 pages of text and 46 full-page plates were devoted to the 
winter counts of the Dakota Indians. The minute detail of explana- 
tion, the systematic comparison, and the syuoptic presentation which 
seemed to be necessary need not now be repeated to establish the genu- 
ine character of the invention. This consisted in the use of events, 
which were in some degree historical, to form a system of chronology. 
The record of the events was only the device by which was accom- 
plished the continuous designation of years, in the form of charts 
corresponding in part with the orderly arrangement of divisions of 
time termed calendars. It was first made public by the present writer 
in a paper entitled "A CaU dar of the Dakota Nation," which was 
issued in April, 1877, in Bui; rin HI, No. I, of the United States Geo- 
logical and Geographical Su vey. The title is now changed to that 
adopted by the Dakotas thei selves, viz, Winter Counts — in the origi- 
nal, wan'iyetu wo'wapi. 

The lithographed chart pub hed with that paper, substantially the 
same as PI. xx, Lone-Dog's ^ inler Count, now much better presented 
than ever before, is the winter cc .nt used by, or at least known to, a 
large portion of the Dakota iieople, extending over the seventy-one 
years commencing with the winter of A. D. 1800-'01. 

The copy from which the lithograph was taken is traced on a strip 
of cotton cloth, in size 1 yard square, which the characters almost 
entirely fill, and is painted in two colors, black and red, used in the 
original, of which it is a facsimile. The plate is a representation of 
the chart as it would appear on the buffalo robe. It was photographed 
from the copy on linen cloth, and not directly from the buffalo robe. 
It was painted on the robe by Lone-Dog, an Indian belonging to the 
Yanktonais tribe of the Dakotas, who in the autumn of 1876 was near 
Fort Peck, Montana. His Dakota name is given in the ordinary Eng- 
lish literation as Shunka-ishnala, which words correspond nearly with 
the vocables in Eiggs's lexicon for dog-lone. Lone-Dog claimed that, 
with the counsel of the old men of his tribe, he decided upon some event 
or circixmstance which should distinguish each year as it passed, and 
marked what was considered to be its appropriate symbol or device 
upon a buffalo robe kept for the purpose. The robe was at convenient 
times exhibited to other Indians of the tribe, who were thus taught the 
meaning and use of the signs as designating the several years. 

It is not, however, supposed that Lone-Dog was of sufiQcient age in the 
year 1800 to enter upon the work. Either there was a predecessor from 
whom he received the earlier records or, when he had reached man- 


■i ■f 

• ir 

du of Ethnology. 

Tenth Annual Report. Plate XX 

*y^^ A. 

B^ IIP v^^ ^ 





bodd, be gatbered tbe traditions from bis elders and worked back, tbe 
object eitber tben or before being to establisb some system of cbronol- 
ogy for tbe use of the tribe or more probably in tbe first instance for 
the use of bis own baud. 

Present knowledge of the winter-count systems shows that Lone-Dog 
was not their originator. They were started, at the latest, before the 
present generation, and have been kept up by a number of independ- 
ent recorders. The idea was one specially appropriate to the Indian 
genius, yet tbe peculiar mode of record was an invention, and it is not 
probably a very old invention, as it has not been used beyond a defi- 
nite disti'ict and people. If an invention of that character had been of 
great antiquity it would probably have spread by intertribal channels 
beyond tbe bauds or tribes of the Dakota, where alone the copies of 
such charts have been found and are understood. 

The fact that Lone-Dog's Winter Count, tbe only one known at the 
time of its first publication, begins at a date nearly coinciding with 
the first year of the present century, as it is called in the arbitrary com- 
putation that prevails among most of the civilized peoples, awakened 
a suspicion that it might be due to civilized intercourse and was not a 
mere coincidence. If tbe influence of missionaries or traders started 
any plan of chronology, it is remarkable that they did not suggest one 
in some manner resembling the system so long and widely used, and 
tbe only one they knew, of counting the numbers from an era, such as 
tbe birth of Christ, tbe Hegira, tbe Ab Urbe Condita, or the first Olym- 
piad. But tbe chart shows nothing of this nature. The earliest char- 
acter merely repi'esents tbe killing of a small number of Dakotas by 
their enemies, an event neither so important nor interesting as many 
others of the seventy-one shown in tbe chart, more than one of which, 
indeed, might well have been selected as a notable fixed point before 
and after which simple arithmetical notation could have been used to 
mark the years. Instead of any plan that civilized advisers would 
naturally have introduced, tbe one actually adopted was to individu- 
alize each year by a specific recorded symbol. Tbe ideograijbic record, 
being jireserved and understood by many, could be used and referred 
to with ease and accuracy. Definite signs for the first appearance of 
the smallpox and for tbe first capture of wild horses were dates as 
satisfactory to tbe Dakota as the corresponding expressions A. D. 
1S02 and 1813 are to the Christian world, and far more certain than the 
chronology expressed in tei-ms of A. M. and B. C. Tbe arrangement of 
separate characters in au outward spiral starting from a central point 
is a clever expedient to dispense with tbe use of numbers for noting 
the years, yet allowing every date to be determined by counting back- 
ward or forward from any other known. The whole conception seems 
one strongly characteristic of the Indians, who in other instances have 
shown such expertness in ideography. The discovery of several other 
charts, which differ in their times of commencement and ending from 


that of Loue-Dog aud from each other, removed any inference arising 
fi'om the above-mentioned coincidence in beginning with the present 
century. The following copies of charts, substantially the same as that 
of Lone-Dog, are now or have been in the possession of the present 
writer : 

1. A chart made and kept by Bo-i'-de, The-Flame, a Dakota, who, in 
1877, lived near Fort Snlly, Dakota. 

The facsimile copy is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and in 
black and red, thus far similar to the copy of Lone-Dog's chart, but 
the arrangement is different. The character for the first year men- 
tioned appears in the lower left-hand corner, and the record proceeds 
toward the right to the extremity of the cloth, then crossing toward 
the left and again toward the right at the edge of the cloth, and so 
throughout, in the style called boustrophedon. It thus answers the 
same purj)ose of orderly arrangement, allowing constant additions, like 
the more circular spiral of Lone-Dog. This record is for the years 
1786-87 to 1876-'77, thus commencing earlier and ending later than 
that of Lone- Dog. 

2. A Minneconjou chief, TheS wan, kept another record on the dressed 
skin of an antelope or deer, claiming that it had been preserved in his 
family for seventy years. 

The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog's 
chart, but more oblong in form. The course of the spiral is from left 
to right, not from right to left. 

3. Another chart was kindly loaned to the writer by Bvt. Maj. 
Joseph Bush, captain Twenty-second U. S. Infantry. It was procured 
by him in 1870 at the Cheyenne Agency. This copy is one yard by 
three-fourths of a yard, spiral, beginning in the center, from right to 
left. The figures are substantially the same as those in Lone-Dog's 
chart, with which it coincides in time, except that it ends at 1869-'7(», 
but the interpretation differs from that accompanying the latter in a 
few pai'ticulars. 

4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black-Bear. He was a Minneconjou 
warrior, residing in 18G8 and 18G9 on the Cheyenne Agency reserva- 
tion, on the Missouri river, near the mouth of the Cheyenne river. 

This copy is on a smaller scale than that of Lone-Dog, being a flat 
and elongated spiral, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. The spiral 
reads from right to left. This chart, which begins like that of Lone- 
Dog, ends with the years 1868-'6(). 

5. A most important and interesting Winter Count is that made by 
Battiste frood, a Brule Dakota, which was kindly contributed by Dr. 
WiJiam H. Corbusier, surgeon U. S. Army. It begins with peculiar 
cyclic devices from the year A. D. 900, and in thu'teen figures embraces 
the time to A. D. 1700, all these devices being connected with myths, 
and some of them showing European influence. From 1700-'01 to 
1879-'80 a separate character is given for each year, with its interpre- 


tatioii,iii mucli tlie same style as shown in the other charts mentioned. 
Several Indians and liall'-hreeds said that this count formerly embraced 
about the same number of years as the others, but that Battiste Good 
gathered the names of many years from the old people aud placed 
them in chronological order as far back as he was able to learn them. 

Another Winter Count, communicated by Dr. Corbusier, is that in 
the possession of American-Horse, an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine 
Eidge agency in 1879, who asserted that his grandfather began it, and 
that it is the production of his grandfather, his father, and himself. 

A third Winter Count is communicated by Dr. Corbusier as keirt 
by Cloud-Shield. He was also au Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Eidge 
agency, but of a different band from American-Horse. The last two 
counts embrace nearly the same number of years, viz, from A. D. 1775 
to 1878. Two dates belong to each figure, as a Dakota year covers a 
portion of two of the calendar years common to civilization. 

Dr. Corbusier also saw copies of a fourth Winter Count, which was 
kept by White Cow-Killer, at the Pine Eidge agency. He did not ob- 
tain a coijy of it, but learned most of the names given to the winters. 

With reference to all the Winter Counts and to the above remarks 
that a Dakota year covers a portion of two calendar years, the follow- 
ing explanation may be necessary: The Dakota count their years by 
winters (which is quite natural, that season in their high levels and lati- 
tudes i)ractically lasting more than six mouths), and say a man is so 
many snows old, or that so many snow seasons have passed since au 
occurrence. They have no division of time into weeks, and their months 
are absolutely lunar, only twelve, however, being designated, which 
receive their names upon the recurrence of some prominent physical 
phenomenon. For examiile, the period partly embraced by February is 
called the " raccoon moon ; " March, the " sore-eye moon ; " and April, that 
"in which the geese lay eggs." As the appearance of raccoons after 
hibernation, the causes inducing inflamed eyes, and oviposition by geese 
vary with the meteorological character of each year, and as the twelve 
lunations reckoned do not bring back the point in the season when 
counting commenced, there is often dispute in the Dakota tipis toward 
the end of winter as to the correct current date. In careful examina- 
tion of the several counts it often is left in doubt whether the event 
occurred iir the winter months or was selected in the months immedi- 
ately before or in those immediately after the winter. Ko regularity 
or accuracy is noticed in these particulars. 

In considering the extent to which Lone-Dog's chart is understood 
and used, it may be mentioned that every intelligent Dakota of full 
years to whom the writer has shown it has known what it meant, and 
many of them knew a large part of the years portrayed. When there 
was less knowledge, there was tlie amount that may be likened to that 
of an uneducated person or a child who is examined about a map of the 
United States, which had been shown to bini before, with some expla- 


natiou only partially apprehended or remembered. He would tell that 
it was a map of the United State.s; would probably be able to point out 
with some accuracy the state or city where he lived; perhaps the cap- 
ital of the country; probably the names of the states of peculiar posi- 
tion or shape, such as Maine, Delaware, or Florida. So the Indian 
examined would often point out in Lone-Dog's chart the year in which 
he was born, or that in which his father died, or in which there was 
some occurrence that had strongly impressed him, but which had no 
relation whatever to the signiflcance of the character for the year in 
question. It had been pointed out to him before, and he had remem- 
bered it, while forgetting the remainder of the chart. 

On comparing all the Winter Counts it is found that they often corre- 
spond, but sometimes difl'er. In a few instances the differences are in 
the sitccessiou of events, but they are ucually due to an omission or to 
the selection of another event. When a year has the same name in all 
of them, the bands were probably encamped together, or else the event 
fixed upon was of general interest; and when the name is different 
the bands were scattered, or nothing of general interest occurred. 
Many of the recent events are fresh in the memory of the ijeople, as 
the warriors who strive to make their exploits a part of the tribal tra- 
ditions proclaim them on all occasions of ceremony, count their coups, 
as the performance is called. Declarations of this kind partake of the 
nature of affirmations made in the invoked presence of a supposed 
divinity. War shirts, on which scores of the enemies killed are kept, 
and wuich are carefully transmitted trom generation to generation, 
help to refresh their memories in regard to some of the events. 

The study of all the charts renders plain some points remaining in 
doubt while the Lone-Dog chart was the only example known. It be- 
came clear that there was no fixed or uniform mode of exhibiting the 
order of continuity of the year-characters. They were arranged spu'ally 
or lineally, or in serpentine curves, by boustrophedon or direct, start- 
ing backward from the last year shown or proceeding uniformly for- 
ward from the first year selected or remembered. Any mode that 
would accomplish the object of continuity with the means of regular 
addition seemed equally acceptable. So a theory advanced that there 
was some symbolism in the rightto-left circling of Lone-Dog's chart 
was abandoned, especially when an obvious reproduction of that very 
chart was made by an Indian with the spiral reversed. It was also 
obvious that when copies were made, some of them probably from 
memory, there was no attempt at Chinese accuracy. It was enough to 
give the graphic or ideographic character, and frequently the character 
is better defined on one of the charts than on the others for the corre- 
sponding year. One interpretation would often throw light on the 
others. It also appeared that, while different events were selected by 
the recorders of the different systems, there was sometimes a selection 
of the same'event for the same year and sometimes for the next, such 


as would be natural iu the progress of a famine or epidemic, or as an 
event gradually became known over a vast territory. 

A test of the mode of selecting events for designating the Winter 
Counts may be found in a suggestion made by the present writer in his 
account of Lone-Dog's chart, i>ublished in 1877, as follows : 

The year 1876 has furuishod good store of events for the recorder's choice, and it 
\vill be interesting to learn whether he has selected as the distinguishing event the 
victory over Custer, or, <as of still greater interest, the general seizure of ponies, 
whereat the tribes, imitating Rachel, weep and will not be comforted, because they 
are not. 

It now appears that two of the Counts made for 187G and observed 
by the writer several years later have selected the event of the seizure 
of the ponies, and that none of them make any allusion to tlie defeat of 

After examination of all the charts it is obv'ious that the design is not 
narrative, that the noting of events is being subordinated to the mark- 
ing of the years by them, and that the i)ictographic serial arrangements 
of sometimes trivial though generally notorious incidents having been 
selected with special adaptation for use as a calendar. That in a few 
instances small personal events, such as the birth of the recorder or the 
death of members of his family, are set forth, may be regarded as inter- 
polations in or unauthorized additions to the charts. If they had ex- 
hibited a complete national or tribal history for the years embraced in 
them, their discovery would have been in some respects more vjiluable, 
but they are interesting to anthropologists because they show an at- 
tempt before unsuspected among the northern tribes of American 
Indians to form a system of chronology. 

While, as before mentioned, it is not now necessary to recapitulate 
the large amount of matter before published concerning the Winter 
Counts of the Dakota, it has been decided to present iu an abbre- 
viated form the characters and interpretations of the Lone-Dog chart 
as being the system which was first discovered, and the publication of 
which occasioned the discovery of all the other charts mentioned. The 
Winter Count of Battiste Good has not hitherto been published, and it 
possesses siiecial importance and interest apart from its chronology, for 
which reason it is inserted in the present paper, see infi-a. 

The several charts of The-Plame, The-Swan, American-Horse, and 
Cloud-Shield, published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, are omitted, but selections from all of them are presented 
under the headings of Ideography, Tribal and Personal Designations, 
Eeligion, Customs, History, Biography, Conventionalizing, Compari- 
son, and in short are interspersed through the present paper where 
they appropriately belong. 

The reader of the Lone-Dog and Battiste Good charts may find it 
convenient to note the following brief account of the tribal names fre- 
quently mentioned : 


The great liugiiistic stock or family which embraces not only the 
Sioux or Dakota proper, but the Missouri, Omaha, Ponka, Osage, 
Kausa, Oto, Assinaboiu, Gros Ventre or Miuuitari, Crow, Iowa, Man- 
dan, and some others, has been frequently styled the Dakota family. 
Maj. J. W. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, from 
consideration of priority, has lately adopted the name Siouan for the 
family, and for the gTand division of it popularly called Sioux has used 
the term Dakota, which the people claim for themselves. 

The word "Dakota" is translated in Riggs's dictionary of that lan- 
guage as " leagued" or "allied." The title Sioux, which is indignantly 
repudiated by the people, is either the last syllable or the last two syl- 
lables, according to pronunciation, of " I^adowesioux," which is the 
French i)lural of the Algonkin name for the Dakotas " Nadowessi," 
"hated foe." The Ojibwa called the Dakota "Nadowessi," which is 
their word meaning rattlesnake, or, as others translate, adder, with a 
contemptuous or diminutive termination ; the plural is Nadowessiwak 
or Nadawessyak. The French gave the name their own form of the 
plural and the voyagers and trappers cut it down to " Sioux." 

The more important of the tribes and organized bands into which the 
Dakotas are now divided, being the dislocated remains of the "Seven 
Great Council Fires," are as follows : 

Yankton and Yanktonai or Ihankto"wa", both derived from a root 
meaning " at the end," alluding to the former locality of their. villages. 

Sihasapa, or Blackfeet. 

Oheno"pa, or Two-Kettles. 

Itazipti'o, Without Bow. The French equivalent Sans Arc is more 
commonly used. 

Minneconjou, translated " Those who plant by the water," the physi- 
cal features of their old home. 

Sitca'gu, Burnt Hip or Brule. 

Sautee, subdivided into Wahpeton, Men among Leaves, i. e., among 
forests, and Sisseton, Men of Prairie Marsh. Two other bands, now 
practically extinct, formerly belonged to the Santee, or as it is more 
correctly spelled, Isanti tribes, frona the root "Issan," knife. Their 
former territory furnished the material for stone knives, from themauu- 
tacture of which they were called the " knife people." 

Uncpapa, once the most warlike and probably the most powerful of 
all the bands, though not the largest. 

Oglala. The meaning and derivation of this name and of Uncpapa 
have been the subjects of controversy. 

Hale, Gallatin, and Eiggs designate a "Titon tribe" as located west 
of the Missouri, and as much the largest division of the Dakotas, the 
latter authority subdividing into the Sicha"gu. Itazipcho, Sihasapa, 
Minneconjou, Oheuonpa, Oglala, and Huucpapa, seven of the tribes 
specified above, which he calls bands. "Titon," (from the word tiHan, 
meaning "at or on land without trees or prairie,") was the name of a 



tribal division, but it has become only au expression for all those tribes 
whose ranges are on the prairie, and thns it is a territorial and acci- 
dental, not a tribular distinction. One of the Dakotas at Fort Rice 
spoke to the present writer of the "hostiles" as "Titons," with obvionsly 
the same idea of locality, " away on the prairie," it being well known 
that they were a conglomeration from several tribes. 


Fig, 183, 1800-'01.— Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. 
The device consists of thirty parallel black lines in thi'ee columns, 
the outer lines being united. In this chart, such black lines 
always signify the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies. 

The Aljsaroka or Crow tribe, although belonging to the 
Siouan family, has nearly always been at war with the Da- 
kotas proper since the whites have had any knowledge of 
either. They are noted for the extraordinary length of their Fm. iss. 
hair, which frequently distinguishes them in pictographs. 

Fig. 184, 1811-'02. — Many died of smallpox. The smallpox broke 
out in the tribe. The device is the head and body of a man 
covered with red blotches. In this, as in all other cases where 
colors in this chart are mentioned, they will be found to corre- 
spond with PI. XX, but not in that respect with the text figures, 
which have no coloration. 

Fig. 185, 1802-'03. — A Dakota stole horses with shoes on, i. e., stole 
them either directly from the whites or from some other Indians 
who had before obtained them from whites, as the Indians 
never shoe their horses. The device is a horseshoe. ^■°- 1*'-'"- 

Fig. 184. 


Fig.l86,1803-m.— They stole some "curly horses" 
from the Crows. Some of these horses are still on 
the plains, the hair growing in closely curling tufts. 
The device is a horse with black marks for the tufts. 
The Crows are known to have been early in the pos- 
session of horses. 

FlO. 180. 

Fig. 187, 1804-'05. — The Dakota had a calumet dance and then went 
to war. The device is a long ])ipestem, ornamented with feathers and 
streamers. The feathers are white, with black tips, evidently the tail 
feathers of the adult golden eagle ( Aquila chrysaetos), highly prized by 
the Plains Indians. The streamers anciently were colored 
strips of skin or flexible bark; now gayly colored strips 
of cloth are used. The word calumet is a corruption of 
the French chalumeau. Capt. Carver (c) in his Three Years' 
Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America, 
after puzzling over the etymology of " calumet," describes 
the pipe as "about 4 feet long, bowl of red marble, stem of no. m. 
10 ETH 18 


a light wood curiously painted with hierogl3-pliic'S in various colors and 
adorned with feathers. Every nation has a different method of decorat- 
ing these pipes and can tell at once to what band it belongs. It is used 
as an introduction to all treaties, also as a Hag of truce is among Euro- 
lieans." Among the Indian tribes generally the pipe, when presented 
or ottered to a stranger or enemy, was the symbol of peace, yet when 
used ceremonially by members of the same tribe among themselves 
was virtually a token of impending war. For further remarks on this 
point see the year 1842-'43 of this Winter Count. 

Fig. 188, 1805-'06.— The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the 
short parallel black lines, tliis time eight in number, united 
by a long stroke. The interpreter, Fielder, says that this 

Fia. 188. character with black strokes is only used for grave marks. 

Fig. 189, 1806-'07.— A Dakota killed an Arikara (Eee) as he was 

Y about to shoot an eagle. The sign gives the head and 
*ihoulders of a man with a red spot of blood on his neck, 
an arm being extended, with a Une drawn to a golden 
The drawing represents an Indian in the act of catch- 
ing an eagle by the legs, as the Arikara were accus- 
tomed to catch eagles in their earth traps. These were 
Fig. 189. holes to which the eagles were attracted by baits and in 
which the Indians were concealed. They rarely or never shot war 
eagles. The Arikara was shot in his trap just as he put his hand up 
to grasp the bird. 


Fig. 190, 1807-'08.— Eed-Coat, a chief, was killed. The 
figure shows the red coat pierced by two arrows, with blood 
dropping from the wounds. 

FlQ. 190. 

Fig. 191, lS08-'09.— The Dakota who had killed the Eee shown in 
this record for 1806-07 was himself killed by the Eees. He is repre- 
sented running, and shot with two arrows, blood dripping. These two 
figures, taking in connection, afford a good illustration of the method 
pursued in the chart, which was not intended to be a continu- 
ous history, or even to record the most important event of 
each year, but to exhibit some one of special peculiarity. 
There was some incident about the one Eee who was shot 
when, in fancietl security, he was bringing down an eagle, and 
whose death was avenged by his brethren the second year 
Fig. 191. afterward. It would, indeed, have been impossible to have 
graphically distingushed the many battles, treaties, horse-stealings, 
big hunts, etc., so most of them were omitted and other events of greater 
individuality and better adapted for portrayal were taken for the year 
count, the criterion being not tliat they were of historic moment, but 



that they were of general notoriety, or perhaps of special interest to 
the recorders. 

Fig. 192, 1809-'10.— A chief, Little-Beaver, set fire to a trad- 
ing store, and was killed. The character simply designates 
his name-toteu]. The other interpretations say that he was a 
white trapper, but probably he had gained a new name among 
the Indians. 

Fig. 192. 

Fig. 193, ISlO-'ll. — Black-Stone made medicine. The expression 
medicine is too common to be successfnlly eliminated, though it is 
altogether misleading. The " medicine men" have no connection with 
therapeutics, feel no pulses, and administer no drugs, or, if sometimes 
they direct the internal or external use of some secret prepara. >» 
tion, it is as a part of superstitious ceremonies, and with main <T> 
reliance upon those ceremonies. Their incantations are not 
only to drive away disease, but for many other i>urposes, such 
as to obtain success in war, avert calamity, and were very fre- 
quently used to bring within reach the bufialo, on which the 
Dakotas depended for food. The rites are those known as 
shamanism, noticeable in the ethnic periods of savagery and ^■°- i^^- 
barbarism. In the ceremonial of " making medicine," a buffalo head, 
and especially the head of an albino bufl'alo, held a prominent place 
among the plains tribes. Many references to this are to be found 
in the Prince of Wied's Travels in the Interior of North America. Also 
see infra. Chap. xiv. The device in the chart is the man figure, with 
the head of an albino bufialo held over his own. 

Fig. 194, 1811-'12.— The Dakota fought a battle with the Gros 
Ventres and killed a great many. Device, a circle inclosing ^^ 
three round objects with flat bases, resembling heads severed (-H 
from trunks, which are too minute in this device for decision of fiq 194. 
objects represented; but they appear more distinct in the record for 
1864:-'65 as the heads of enemies slain in battle. In the sign language 
of the plains, the Dakota are denoted by drawing a hand across the 
throat, signifying that they cut the throats of their enemies. The 
Dakota count by the fingers, as is common to most peoples, but with 
a peculiarity of their own. When they have gone over the fingers and 
thumbs of both hands, one finger is temporarily turned down for one fen. 
At the end of the next ten another finger is turned, and so on to a hun- 
dred. Opaicinge {Opawi".vc), one hundred, is derived from pawinga 
(pawi^xa), to go round in circles, to make gyrations, and contains the 
idea that the round of all the fingers has again been made for their 
respective tens. So the circle is never used for less than one hundred, 
but sometimes signifies an iudeflnite number greater than a hundred. 
The circle, in this instance, therefore, was at first believed to express 
the killing iu battle of many enemies. But the other interpretations 
removed all symbolic character, leaving the circle simply as the rude 


drawing of a dirt lodge to which the Gros Ventres were driven. The 
l^reseiit writer, by no means devoted to symbolism, had supposed a 
legitimate symbol to be indicated, which supposition further informa- 
tion on the subject showed to be incorrect. 

Fig. 195, 1812-13. — Wild horses were first run and caught by the 
Dakotas. The device is a lasso. The date is of value, as showing 
when the herds of prairie horses, descended from those animals 
introduced by the Spaniards in Mexico, or those deposited by 
them on the shores of Texas and at other points, had multiplied 
so as to extend into the far northern regions. The Dakotas 
undoubtedly learned the use of the horse and perhaps also that 
of the lasso from southern tribes, with whom they were in con- 
tact; and it is noteworthy that notwithstanding the tenacity with 
which they generally adhere to ancient customs, in only two gen- 
FiG. since they became familiar with the horse tliey bad been 
so revolutionized in their habits as to be utterly helpless, both in war 
and the chase, when deprived of that animal. 

Fig. 196, 1813-'14. — The whooping-congh was very jireva- 
lent and fatal. The sign is suggestive of a blast of air 
coughed out by the man-figure. 
The interruption in the cough peculiar to the disease is 
Fig. 197. more clearly delineated in the Winter Count of The-Flame 
for the same year. Fig. 197, and still better in The-Swan's 
Winter Count, Fig. 198. 

Fm. 198. 

Fig. 199, 1814-'15.— A Dakota killed an Arapaho in 
his lodge. The device represents a tomahawk or battle- 
ax, the red being blood from the cleft skull. 

Tm. 199. 

Fig. 200, 181.5-'16.— The Sans Arcs made the first attempt at a dirt 

K lodge. This was at Peoria Bottom, Dakota. Crow Feather 

I ) was their chief, which fact, in the absence of the other charts, 

U seemed to explain the fairly drawn feather of that bird por- 

^^k truding from the lodge top, but the figure must now be ad- 

^flHk nutted to be a badly drawn bow, in allusion to the tribe Sans 

1 1 1 1 1 1 ^^^^ without, however, any sign of negation. As the inter- 

FiG. 200. preter explained the figure to be a crow feather and as Crow- 



Feather actually was the chief, Loue-Dog's chart with its interpreta- 
tion may be independently correct. 

Pig. 201, 1816-'17.— "Bufifalo belly was plenty." The device 
rudely portrays a side of buffalo. 

Fig. 202, 1817-'18.— La Framboise, a Canadian, 
built a trading store with dry timber. The dry- 
ness is shown by the dead tree. La Framboise 
was an old trader among the Dakota, who once 
established himself in the Minnesota valley. His 
name is mentioned bv various travelers. 

Fio, 202. 

Fig. 203, 1818-'19. — The measles broke out and many died. The de- 
vice in the copy is the same as that for 1801-'02, relating to the small- 
pox, except a very slight difference in the red blotches ; and, though 
Lone-Dog's artistic skill might not have been sufficient t^ distinctly 
vary the appearance of the two ijatients, both diseases being 
eruptive, still it is one of the few serious defects in the chart 
that the sign for the two years is so nearly identical that, sepa- 
rated from the continuous record, there would be confusion be- 
tween them. Treating the do cument as a mere aide-de-m6moire 
no inconvenience would arise, it probably being well known no. 203. 
that the smallpox epidemic preceded that of the measles; but care is 
generally taken to make some, however minute, distinction between 
the characters. It is also to be noticed that the Indian diagnosis makes 
little distinction between smallpox and measles, so that no important 
pictographic variation could be expected. The head of this figure is 
clearly distinguished from that in 1801-02. 

Fig. 204, 181!»-'20. — Another trading store was built, this 
time by Louis La Conte, at Fort Pierre, Dakota. His tim- 
ber, as one of the Indians consulted especially mentioned, 
was rotten. 

Fig. 205, 1820-'21.— The trader. La Conte, gave Two- 
Arrow a war dress for his bravery. So translated an 
interpreter, and the sign shows the two arrows as the 
warrior's name-totem; likewise the gable of a house, 
which brings in the trader; also a long strip of black 
tipped with red streaming from the roof, which possibly 
may be the piece of parti-colored material out of which F1Q.205. 

the dress was fashioned. Tiiis strip is not intended for sparks and 



smoke, which at tiist sight was suggested, as in that case the red wouhl 
have been nearest the roof instead of farthest from it. 

Fig. 206, 1821-'22.— The character represents the falling to 
earth of a very brilliant meteor. 

Fig. 207, 1822-'23. — Another trading house was built, which 
was by a white man called Big-Leggings, and was at the 
moutli of the Little Missouri or Bad river. The drawing is 
ilistinguishable from that for 1819-'20. 

FlO. 207. 

Fig. 208, 
the region. 

1823-24. — White soldiers made their first appearance in 
So said the interpreter, Clement, but from the unanimous 
m interpretation of others the event portrayed is 
^^^ f^j^ Q the attack of the TTuited States forces accom- 

^^^^\W^^~^^^B piii'ied by Dakotas upon the Arikara villages, 
1 1 i I ' • I ^V tlie historic account of which is given in some 

,Mm f^<'^=i'I i" Chap. XVI, infra. 
Fiu. 20B. The device represents an Arickara palisaded 

village aiid attacking soldiers. J^ot oidy the remarkable character and 
triumphant result of this expedition, but the connection that theDakotas 
them.selves had with it, made it a natural subject for the year's totem. 
All the winter counts refei- to this expedition. 

Fig. 20U, 1824-'2o.— Swan, chief of the Two-Kettle 
tribe, had all of his horses killed. Device, a horse 
pierced by a lance, blood flowing from the wound. 

Fig. 209. 

Fig. 210, 1825-'20. — There was a remarkable flood in the 

Missouri river and a number of Indians were drowned. 

n M Hq With some exercise of fancy the symbol may suggest 

Fig. 210. heads appearing above a line of water, and this is more 

distinct in some of the other charts. 

Fig. 211, 1826-'27.— "An Indian died of the dropsy." So Basil 

Clement said. It was at first suggested that this circumstance was 

noted because the disease was so unusual in 1826 as to excite remark. 

.-"^J Baron de La Hontan (c), a good authority concerning the Korth- 

r J western Indians before they had been greatly aflected by iuter- 

I / course with whites, specially mentions dropsy as one of the dis- 

FiG.2n. eases unknown to them. Carver, op. cit., also states that this 

malady was extremely rare. The interpretations of other charts ex- 




plained, however, that some Dakotas on the warpath had nearly 
perished witli iiuuger when they found and ate the rotting carcass of 
an old butt'alo on which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized 
soon after with pains in the stomach, their abdomens swelled, and gas 
poured from the mouth. This disease is termed tympanites, the ex- 
ternal appearance occasioned by it much resembling that of dropsy. 

Fig. 212, 1827-'2S. — Dead- Arm was stabbed with a knife or 
dirk by a Mandan. The illustration is quite graphic, show- 
ing the long-handled dirk in the bloody wound and withered 

Fig. 213, 1828-29. — A white man named Shadrau, who 
lately, as reported in 1877, was still living in the same 
neighborhood, built a dirt lodge. The hatted head ap- 
])ears under the roof. This name should probably be 
spelled Chadron, with whom Catlin hunted in 1832, in the 
region mentioned. 

Fig. 214, 182n-'30.— A Yanktonai Dakota was killed by 
Bad Arrow Indians. 

The Bad- Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota 
name for a certain band of Blackfeet Indians. 

Fig. 312. 

Fig. 213. 


FiQ. 2U. 

Fig. 215, 1830-'31.— Bloody battle with the ('rows, of whom 
it is said twenty-three were killed. Nothing in the sign de- 
notes number, it being only a man figure with red or bloody 
body and red war bonnet. 

Fig. 216, 1831-'32.— Le Beau, a white man. killed 
another named Kennel. Le Beau was still alive at 
Little Bend, 30 miles above Fort Sully, in 1877. 

Fig. 217, 1832-'33.— Lone-Horn had his leg "killed," as 
the interpretation gave it. The single horn is on the figure, 
and a leg is drawn up as if fractured or distorted, though 
not unlike the leg in the character for 1808-'09, where run- 
ning is depicted. 

Fia. 217. 


Fig. 218, 1833-'34.— "The stars fell," as tlie In- 
dians all agreed. This was the great meteoric 
/[ shower observed all over the United States on the 
night of November 12 of that year. In this chart 
the moon is black and the stars are red. 


2 Fij 

^^1 devi< 
■^1 whic 

Fig. 219, 1834-'3r).— The chief Medicine-Hide was killed. The 
device shows the body as bloody, but not the war bonnet, by 
which it is distinguished from the character for 1830-'31. 

Fig. 219. 

Fig. 220, 1835-'3U. — Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; 
^ydvew it out and shot him again with the same arrow. The 
-j^/ hand is drawing the arrow from the first wound. This 

f yV ^® another instance of the principle on which events were 

I r selected. Many fights occurred of greater moment, but 

I J with no incident precisely like this. Lame-Deer was a dis- 

Fio. 220. tinguished chief among the hostiles in 1876. His camp of 
five hundred and ten lodges was surprised and destroyed by Gen. Miles, 
and four hundred and fifty horses, mules, and ponies were captured. 
Fig. 221, 183C-'37.— Band's-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, died. 

QThe device is nearly the same as that for 1S1C-'17, denoting 
plenty of buflalo belly. 
Interpreter Fielder throws light on the subject by saying that 
this character was used to designate the year when The- 
j-iQo.j Breast, father of The-Band, a Minneconjou, died. The-Band 
himself died in 1875, on Powder river. His name was O-ye-a-pee. The 
character was, therefore, the Buffalo-Breast, a personal name. 

Fig. 222, 1837-'38. — Commemorates a remarkably suc- 
cessful hunt, in which it is said 100 elk were killed. 
The drawing of the elk is good enough to distinguish it 
from the other quadrupeds in this chart. 

Fig. 222. 

Fig. 223, 1838-'39.— A dirt lodge was built for Iron- Horn. The other 

^^k dirt lodge (1815-'16) has a murk of ownership, which this has 

^IH^ not. A chief of the Minneconjous is mentioned in Gen. Har- 

1 1 1 1 1 1 ney's I'eport in 1856 under the name of Tlie-One-Iron-Horn. 

Fig. 223. The word translated " iron " in this case and api)earing thus 

several times in the charts does not always mean the metal of that name. 

According to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey it has a mystic significance, in some 

manner connected with water and with water spirits. In pictographs 

objects called iron are i)ainted blue when that color can be obtained. 


Fig. 224, 1839-'40.— The Dakotas killed au entire village 
of Snake or Sliosboui Iiuliaus. The character is the ordi- 
nary tipi pierced by arrows. 

Fig. 224. 

Fig. 225, 1840-41.— The Dakotas made peace 
with the Cheyennes. The symbol of peace is the 
common one of the approaching hands of two per- fig. 

sons. The different coloration of the two hands and arms shows that 
they belonged to two different persons, and in fact to difierent tribes. 
The mere nnceremonial hand grasp or "shake" of friendship was not 
used by the Indians before it was introduced by Europeans. 

Fig. 226, 1841-'42.— Feather-in-the-Ear stole 30 
spotted ponies. The spots are shown red, distin- 
guishing them from those of the curly horse in the 
character for 1803-'04. 

A successful theft of horses, demanding skill, 
patience, and daring, is generally considered by 
the Plains Indians to be of equal merit with the nc- -'-<'• 

taking of scalps. Indeed, the successful horse thief is more popular 
than a mere warrior, on account of the riches gained by the tribe, wealth 
until lately being generally estimated in ponies as the unit of value. 

Fig. 227, 1842-'43.— One-Feather raised a large war 
party against the Crows. This chief is designated by 
his long solitary red eagle feather, and holds a pipe with 
black stem and red bowl, alluding to the usual ceremo- 
nies before starting on the warpath. For further infor- 
mation on this subject see Chap. xv. The Red-War-Eagle- 
Feather was at this time a chief of the Sans Arcs. fig. 227. 

Fig. 228, 1843-'44.— Th Sans Arcs made medicine to 
bring the buffalo. The medicine tent is denoted by a 
buffalo's head drawn on it, which in this instance is not 
the head of au albino buffalo. 

Fig. 229, 1844-'45. — The Minneconjous built a pine 
fort. Device, a pine tree connected with a tipi. 
Another account explains that they went to the woods 
and erected their tipis there as affording some pro- 
tection from the unusually deep snow. This would 
account for the pine tree. 

FlQ. 229. 



Fig. 230, 1845-'46.— Plenty ofbuttalo meat, which 
is represented as hung upon jioles and trees to 
dry. This device has become the conventional 
sign for plenty and frequently appears in the sev- 
eral charts. 

Fig. 231, 1846-'47.— Broken-Leg died. Rev. Dr. Wilhani- 
son says he knew him. He was a Brule. There is enough 
difference between this device and those for 1808-'09 and 
1832-'33 to distingnish each. 

PlO. 231. 

Q >-. Fig. 232, 184:7-''18.— Two-Man was killed. His totem is drawn, 
\]f] two small man figures side by side. Another interi>retation 
Fio. 232. explains the figure as indicating twins. 

rFig. 233, 1848-'49.— Humpback was killed. An 
ornamented lance ]<ierces the distorted back. Other 
records name him Broken-Back. He was a distin- 
guished chief of the Minneconjous. 

Fig. 233. 

The Crows stole a large drove of 


Fig. 234, 1849-'o0 
horses (it is said eight hundred) fi-om the Brules. The 
circle is a design for a camp or corral from which a number 
of horse-tracks are departing. 

Fia. 234. 

Fig. 235, 1850-'51. — The character is a distinct drawing of a buffalo 
containing a human figure. Clement translated that 
"a buffalo cow was killed in that year and an old 
woman found in her belly;"' also that all the Indians 
believed this. Good- Wood, examined through an- 
other interpreter, could or would give no explanation except that it was 
*' about their religion." The Dakotas have long believed in the appear- 
ance from time to time of a monstrous animal that swallows human 
beings. This superstition was perhaps suggested by the bones of mas- 
todons, often found in the territory of those Indians; and, the buffalo 
being the largest living aLiimal known to them, its name was given to 
the legendary monster, in which nomenclature they were not wholly 
wi'ong, as the horns of the fossil Bison latifrom are 10 feet in length. 

Fig. 235. 




Major suggests that perhaps some old squaw left to die sought 
the carcass of a buffalo for shelter and then died. He has known this 
to occxir. 

Fig. 236, 1851-52.— Peace with the Crows. Two In 
dians, with differing arrangement of hair, showing] 
two tribes, are exchanging pipes for a peace smoke. 

Fm. 236. 

Fig. 237, 1852-'53. — The Nez Percys came to Lone- Horn's lodge at 
midnight. The device shows an Indian touching with 
a pipe a tipi, the top of which is black or opaque, sig- 
nifying night. 

Touch-the-Clouds, a Minneconjou, son of Lone- 
Horn, when this chart was shown to him by the pres- 
ent writer, designated this character as being partic 
ularly known to him froiu the fact of its being liis< 
father's lodge. He remembered all about it from talk Ym. 237. 

in his family, and said it was the Nez Percys who came. 

Fig. 238, 1853-'54:. — Spanish blankets were first brought 
to the country. A fair drawing of one of those striped 
blankets is held out by a white trader. 

Fig. 239, 1854-'55.— Brave-Bear was killed. His ex- 
tended arms are ornamented with pendent stripes. 


Fig. 240, 1855-'56.— Gen. Harney, called by the Dakota Putinska 
("white beard" or "white mustache"), made peace 
with a number of the tribes or bauds of the Dakotas. 
The figure shows an officer in uniform shaking hands 
with an Indian. 

Executive docun'ientNo. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, ■^"*- -*"• 

first session. Senate, contains the " minutes of a council held at Fort 
Pierre, Nebraska, on the 1st day of March, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. 
William S. Harney, U. S. Army, commanding the Sioux expedition, 
with the delegations from nine of the bands of the Sioux, viz, the Two 
Kettle band, Lower Yankton, Uncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Miunecon- 
jous, Sans Arcs, Yanctonnais (two bands), Brules of the Platte." 

Fig. 241, 18o6-'57. — Four-Horn was made a calumet or medicine man. 



FlO. 34:. 

thority tells this, 

A man with four horns holds out the same kind of 
ornamented liipestem shown in the character for 
ISOi-'Oo, it being his badge of office. Four-Horn 
was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas, and was 
introduced to Gen. Haruey at the council of 18.56 
by Bear-Eib, head chief of that tribe. 

Interpreter Clement, in the spring of 1874, said 
that Four-Horn and Sitting-Bull were the same 
person, the name Sitting-Bull being given him 
after he was made a calumet man. No other au- 

Fig. 242, 1857-'58.— TheDakotas killed a Crow squaw. 
She is pierced by four arrows, and the peace made with 
the Crows in 18ol-'53 seems to have been short lived. 

Fig. 243. 

Fig. 243, 1858-'59.- 

-Lone-Horn, whose solitary horn 
appears, made buffalo " medicine," doubtless on account 
of the scarcity of that animal. Again the head of an al- 
bino bison. One-Horn, probably the same individual, is 
recordetl as the head chief of the Minneconjous at this 

Fig. 244, 1859-60.— Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was 
killed by the Crows. He had received his name from 
killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. 

Fig. 245. 

Fig. 244. 

Fig. 245, 1860-61. — Device, the head and neck of an elk, similar to 
that part of the animal for 1837-'38, with a line extend-, 
ing from its mouth, at the extremity of which is the 
albino buffalo head. "The elk made you understand 
the voice while he was walking." The interpreter per- 
sisted in this oracular rendering. This device and its interpretation 
were unintelligible to the wiiter until examination of Gen. Harney's 
report, above referred to, showed the name of a prominent chief of the 
Minneconjous set forth as "The Elk that HoUoes Walking." It then 
became probable that the device simply meant that the aforesaid chief 
made buffalo medicine, which conjecture, published in 1877, was veri- 
fied by the other records subsequently discovered. 

Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walk- 
ing, then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail's camp. 
His father was Ked-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. 
His name is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, translated The Elk's Voice 
Walking; compounded of heha-ka, elk, and omani, walk; this ac- 
cording to Lavary's literation. The correct literation of the Dakota 
word meaning elk is heqaka; voice, ho; and to walk, walking, mani. 


Their coiuiwuud would be heqaka lio-iuaui, the traushitiou being the 
same as above given. 

Fig. 240, 18Cl-'(>2.— Bnflalo were so plentiful that 
their tracks came close to the tipis. The cloven-hoof 
mark is cleverly distinguished from the triicks of 
horses in the character for 1849-'50. ^<5 ^ 

Fig. 246. 

Fig. 247, 1862-'(i3. — Red-Feather, a Minneconjou, was killed. His 
feather is shown entirely red, while the "one-feather" in 
1842-'43 has a black tip. 

It is to be noted that there is no allusion to the great Minne- 
sota massacre, which commenced in August, 1862, and in which 
many of the Dakotas belonging to the tribes familiar with these 
charts were engaged. Little-Crow was the leader. He escaped 
to the British pos.sessions, but was killed in July, 1863. Perhaps ^'"' "" 
the reason of the omission of any character to designate the massacre 
was the terrible retribution that followed it. 

Fig. 248, 1863-'64.— Eight Dakotas were killed. Again 
the short, parallel black lines united by a long stroke. In |///J |I I 

Flo. 248. 

this year Sitting-Bull fought General Sully in the Black 

Fig. 249, lS(54-'65.— The Dakotas killed four Crows. 
Four of the same lounded objects, like severed heads, 
shown in 1825-26, but these are bloody, thus distinguish- 
ing them from the cases of drowning. 

ft ft A^ 

FlQ. 249. 

Fig. 250, 1865-'66. — Many horses died for want of 
grass. The horse here drawn is sufiflciently distinct 
from all others in the chart. 


Fig. 250. 

Fig, 251, 1866-'67.— Swan, father of Swan, chief of the 
Miuneconjous in 1877, died. With the assistance of the 
name the object intended for his totem may be recog- 
nized as a swan swimming on the water. 

FiQ. 251. 

Fig. 252, 1867-'68. — Many flags were given them by the Peace Com- 
mission. The flag refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, 
among whom were Generals Sherman, Terry, and other promi- 
nent military and civil officers. Their report apj)ears in the 
Annual Eeport of the Commis.sioner of Indian Affairs for 1868. 
They met at Fort Leavenworth, August 13, 1807, and between 
August .30 and September 13 held councils with the various bands 
of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, and also at 


FiQ. 252. 


the Yaukton, Poiika, and Sautee reservatious. These resulted in the 
Dakota treaty of 1868. 

Fig. 253, 1868-'6t).— Texas cattle were brought 
into the country. This was done by Mr. William 
A. Paxton, a well known business man, resident 
in Dakota in 1877. 

Fig. 253. 

Fig. 2.54, 1869-'70. — An eclipse of the sun. This was the solar 
^ eclipse of August 7, 1869, which was central and 

'^^^ total ou a line drawn through the Dakota country. 

This device has been criticised because Indians gener- 
ally believe an eclipse to be occasioned Ijy a dragon or 
aerial monster swallowing the sun, and it is contended 
that they would so represent it. An answer is that 
Fig. 254. the design is objectively good, the sun being painted 

black, as concealed, while the stars come out red, i. e., bright, and 
graphic illustration prevails throughout the charts where it is possible 
to employ it. 

Dr. Washington Matthews, surgeon, U. S. Army, communicated the 
fact that the Dakotas had opportunities all o\er their country of receiv- 
ing information about the real character of the eclipse. He was at Fort 
Eice during the eclipse and remembers that long before it occurred the 
officers, men, and citizens around the post told the Indians of the com- 
ing event and discussed it with them so much that they were on the 
tip-toe of expectancy when the day came. Two-Bears and his baud 
were tlien encamped at Fort Rice, and he and several of his leading 
men watched the eclipse along with the whites and through their 
smoked glass, and then and there the phenomenon was thoroughly 
explained to them over and over again. There is no doubt that similar 
explanations were made at all the numei'ous posts and agencies along 
the river that day. The path of the eclipse coincided nearly with the 
course of the Missouri for over a thousand miles. The duration of 
totality at Fort Eice was nearly two minutes (1' 48"). 

Fig. 255, 1870-'71.— The 

y 1'') ij Uncpapas had a battle 

^ ,« 1] Ap/ with the Crows, the former 

\^ 'X V ' u ( r / / , / losing, it is said, 14, and 

\j^ . \ y \^ y IjA killing 29 out of 30 of the 

*** ^X ^\X^ II ^ /_y ^ latter, though nothing ap- 

^^ "^ ^^'XX-J^ ^ / 5j^ pears to show those num- 

'^ ..**. ^ '*^x5^'^-^^ '^ 0*^2^ bers. The central object is 


not a circle denoting mul- 
'*^ ^ ^"'^l-^ titude, but an irregularly 
rounded object, perhaps 
Fig. 255. intended for one of the 


wooden inclosures or forts frequently erected by the Indians, and 
especially the Crows. The Crow fort is shown as neai'ly surrounded, 
and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This is the first instance 
in this chart in which any combat or killing is protrayed where guns 
exi)licitly appear to be used by Indians, though nothing in the chart 
is at variance with the fact that theDakotas had for a number of years 
been familiar with firearms. The most recent indications of any 
weapon were those of the arrows piercing the Crow squaw in 1857-'58, 
and Brave-Bear in 18r)4-'55, while the last one before those was the 
lance used in 1848-49, and those arms might well have been employed 
in all the cases selected, although rifles and muskets were common. 
There is an obvious practical difficulty in picturing, by a single char- 
acter, killing with a bullet, not arising as to arrows, lances, dirks, and 
hatchets, all of which can be and are shown in the chart projecting 
from the wounds made by them. Other pictographs show battles iu 
which bullets are denoted by continuous dotted lines, the spots at 
which they take effect being sometimes indicated, and the fact that 
they did hit the object aimed at is expressed by a specially invented 
symbol. It is, however, to be noted that the bloody wound on the Eee's 
shoulder {1806-'07) is without any protruding weapon, as if made by a 

More distinct information regarding this fight, the record of which 
concludes the original Lone-Dog chart, has been kindly communicated 
by Mr. Luther S. Kelly, of Garfield County, Colorado. 

The war party of Uncpapas mentioned charged upon a small trading 
post for the Crows on tlie Upper Missouri liver, at the mouth of Mus- 
selshell river. Usually this post was garrisoned by a few frontiersmen, 
but on that particular day there happened to be a considerable force 
of freighters and hunters. The Indians were afoot and, being concealed 
by the sage brush, got within shooting distance of the fort before being 
discovered. They were easily driven off, and going a short distance 
took shelter trom the rain in a circular washout, not having any idea 
of being followed by the whites. Meanwhile the whites organized and 
followed. The surprise was comijlete, the leading white man only being 
killed. The Indians sang their song and made several breaks to escaiie, 
but were shot down as fast as they rose above the bank. Twenty-nine 
were killed. 


Ur. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, while stationed in 
1879 and 1880 at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near the Pine Ridge Indian 
Agency, Dakota, obtained a copy of this Winter Count from its recorder 
Baptiste, commonly called Battiste Good, aBrule Dakota, whose Dakotan 
name is given as Wa-po-cta"-xi, translated Brown-Hat. He was then liv- 
ing at the Rose Bud Agency, Dakota, and explained the meaning of the 
pict^jgraphs to the Rev. Wm. J. Cleveland, of the last named agency, 
who translated them into English. 


The copy made by Battiste Good from liis original record, of which 
it is said to be a facsimile, is painted in five colors besides black, in 
■which the ontlines are generally drawn, but with the exception of red 
blood-marks these colors do not often appear to be significant. This 
copy, which was kindly contributed by Dr. Corbusier, is made in an 
ordinary paper drawing-book, the last page of which contains the 
first record. This is represented in Fig. 256, and pictures what is 
supposed to be an introduction in the nature of a revelation. The 
next page, reading backwards and corresponding with PI. xxi, is 
a pretended record of a cycle comprising the years (presumed to be in 
the Christian chronology) from 901 to 930. Eleven similar pages and 
cycles bring the record down to 1700. These pages are only interesting 
from the mythology and tradition referred to and suggested by them, 
and which must be garnered from the chaft" of uncomprehended mis- 
sionary teaching. From 1700 to 1880, when the record closes, each 
year, or rather winter, is represented by a special character according 
to the Dakota system above explained. 

Battiste Good, by bis own statement in the present record, was born 
in the year 1821-'22. Any careful examination of the figures as worked 
over by his own hand shows that he has received about enough educa- 
tion in English and in writing to induce him to make unnecessary 
additions and presumptuous emendations on the pictographs as he 
found them and as perhaps he originally kept and drew the more recent 
of them. He has written English words and Arabic numerals over and 
connected with the Dakota devices, and has left some figures in a state 
of mixture including the methods of modern civilization and the 
aboriginal system. To prevent the confusion to the reader which might 
result from Battiste's meddlesome vanity, these inteipolated marks are 
in general omitted from the plates and figures as now presented, but, 
as specimens of the kind and amount of interference referred to, the 
designs on the copy for the years 1700-'01, 1701-'02, and 1707-'08 are 
given below as furnished. 

The facts stated to have occurred so long ago as the beginning of 
the last century can not often be verified, but those of later date given 
by Battiste are corroborated by other records in the strongest manner — 
that is, by independent devices which are not mere copies. Therefore, 
notwithstanding Battiste's mythic cycles and English writing, the body 
of his record, which constitutes the true Winter Counts, must be regarded 
as genuine. He is simply the bad editor of a good work. But whether 
or not the events occurred as represented, the pictography is of unique 
interest. It may be remarked that Battiste's record is better known 
among the Oglala and Brule, and Lone-Dog's Winter Count among 
the Minneconjou. 

It should be noted that when allusions are made to coloration in 
Fig. 256, and in any one of the other figures in the text which illustrate 
this Winter Count, they must be understood as applicable to the orig- 




inal. PLs. xxi, xxii, and xxiii are colored copies of those furnished 
by Battiste Good, reduced, liowever, in size. 

Fig. 250 illustrates Battiste Good's introduction. He is supposed to 
be Tiarrating his own experience as follows: "In the year 1856, I went 
to the Black Hills and cried, and cried, and cried, and suddenly I saw 
a bird above nie, which said: 'Stop crying-; I am a woman, but 1 will 
tell you something : My Great-Father, Father God, who made this 
place, gave it to me for a home and told me to watch over it. He put 

Fig. 256— Battiate Good's Revelation. 

a blue sky over my head and gave me a blue flag to have with this 
beautiful green country. [Battiste has made the hill couutry, as well 
as the curve for sky and the flag, blue in his copy.] My Great-Father, 
Father God (or The Great-Father, God my Father) grew, and his flesh 
was part earth and part stone and part metal and part wood and part 
water; he took from them all and placed them here for me, and told 
me to watch over them. I am the Eagle- Woman who tell you this. 
1(» ETH 19 


The wliites know that there are four black flags of God; that is, four 
divisions of the earth. He first made the earth soft by wetting it, then 
cut it into four parts, one of which, containing the Black Hills, he gave 
to the Dakotas, and, because I am a^ woman, I shall not consent to the 
pouring of blood on this chief house (or dwelling place), i. e., the Black 
Hills. The time will come that you will remember my words; for after 
many years you shall grow up one with the white people.' She then 
circled round and round and gradually i)assed out of my sight. I also 
saw prints of a man's hands and horse's hoofs on the rocks [here he 
brings in petroglyphs], and two thousand years, and one hundred mil- 
lions of dollars (-$100,000,000). T came away crying, as I had gone. I 
have told this to many Dakotas, and all agree that it meant that we 
were to seek and keep peace with the whites." 

(Note by Dr. Corbusier. — The OgUlas and Brules say that they, 
with the rest of the Dakota nation, formerly lived far on the other side 
of the Missouri River. After they had moved to the river, they lived 
at first on its eastern banks, only crossing it to hunt. Some of the 
hunting parties that crossed at length wandered far oil' from the rest 
and, remaining away, became the westernmost bands.) 

PI. XXI A. The record shown by tliis figure dates from the appear- 
ance of TheWoman-from-Heaven, 901 A. D.; but the Dakotas were a 
people h)ng before this. The circle of lodges represents a cycle of 
thirty years, from the year 901 to 930, and incloses the "legend" by 
which this period is known. All the tribes of the Dakota nation were 
encamped together, as was then their custoni, when all at once a beau- 
tiful woman appeared to two young men. One of them said to the 
other, "Let us catch her and have her for our wife." The other said, 
"No; she may be something waka"" (supernatural or sacred). Then 
the woman said to them, " I came froni Heaven to teach the Dakotas 
how to live and what their future shall be." She had what appeared 
to be snakes about her legs and waist, but which were really braids of 
grass. She said, "1 give you this pii)e; keep it always;" and with the 
pipe she gave them a small package, in which they found four grains 
of maize, one white, one black, one yellow, and one variegated. The 
pipe is above the buffalo. She said, " I am a buffalo. The White-Buf- 
falo-Cow. I will spill my milk all over the earth, that the people may 
live." She meant by her milk maize, which is seen in the picture drop- 
ping from her udders. The colored patches on the four sides of the 
circle are the four quarters of the heavens (the cardinal i)oints of the 
compass). In front of the cow are yellow and red. She pointed in this 
direction and said, "When you see a yellowish (or brownish) cloud 
toward the north, that is my breath; rejoice at the sight of it, for you 
shall soon see buffalo. Red is the blood of the buffalo, and by that you 
shall live. Pointing east [it will be noticed that Battiste has placed 
the east toward the top of the page], she said, "This pipe is related to 
the heavens, and you shall live with it." The line running from the 

Bureau of Ethnolqdy- 

Tenth Annual Report. PI ate XX I 

A 901 - 930 B 931 - 1000. 


l)il)c to the blue piitch denotes the rehitioii. Tlic Dakotas have always 
supposed she meant by this that the blue smoke of the x)ipe was one with 
or nearly related to the blue sky; hence, on a clear day, liefore smoking, 
they often point the stem of the pipe upward, in remembrance of her 
words. Pointing south, she said, "Clouds of many colors may come 
up from the south, but look at the pipe and the blue sky and know 
the clouds will soon pass away and all will become blue and clear 
again." Pointing west, i. e., to the lowest part of the circle, she said, 
"When it shall be blue in the west, know that it is closely related to 
you through the ])ipe and the blue heavens, and by that you shall grow 
rich." Then she stood up before them and said, "I am The White-Buf 
falo-Cow; my milk is of four kinds; I spill it on the earth that you may 
live by it. You shall call me Grandmother. If you young men will 
follow me over the hills you shall see my relatives." She said this four 
times, each time stepping back from them a few feet, and after the 
fourth time, while they stood gazing at her, she mysteriously disap- 
peared. [It is well known that four is the favorite or magic number 
among Indian tribes geuerally, and has reference to the four cardinal 
points.] The young men went over the hills in the direction she took 
and there found a large herd of buffalo. 

(Note by Dr. Corbusier. — Mr. Cleveland states that he has heard 
several different versions of this tradition.) 

The man who first told the people of the appearance of the woman 
is represented both inside and outside the circle. He was thirty years 
old at the time, aiul said that she came as narrated above, m July of 
the year of his birth. Outside of the circle, he is standing with a pipe 
in his hand; inside, he is squatting, and has his hands in the position 
for the gesture-sign for pipe. The elm tree and yucca, or Spanish bayo- 
net, both shown above the tipis, indicate that in those days the Dakota 
obtained fire by rapidly revolving the end of a dry stalk of the yucca 
in a hole made in a rotten root of the elm. The people used the bow 
and stone-pointed arrows, which are shown on the right. From time 
immemorial they have ke])t large numbers of sticks, shown by the side 
of tlie pii>e, each one about as thick and as long as a lead-pencil (sic), 
for the purpose of counting and kcejjing record of uumbers,'and they 
cut notches in larger sticks for the same purpose. 

(Note by Dr. Corbusier. — They commonly resort to their fingers 
in counting, and the V of the Roman system of uotation is seen in the 
outline of the thumb and index, when one hand is held up to express 
five, and the X in the crossed thumbs, when both hands are held up 
together to express ten.) 

The bundle of these sticks drawn in connection with the ceremonial 
pipe suggests the idea of an official recorder. 

PI. XXI B, 931-10((0. From the time the man represented in PI. xxi A 
was seventy years of age, i. e., from the year 031, time is counted by cycles 
of seventy years until 1700. This figure illustrates the manner of killing 
buffalo before and after the appearance of The- Woman. When the 


Dakotas had found the buft'alo, they moved to the herd and corralled 
it by spreading their camps around it. The MauWho-Dreamed-of a- 
Wolf, seen at the upper part of the circle, with bow and arrow in hand, 
then shot the chief bull of the herd with his medicine or sacred arrow; 
at this, the women iill cried out with joy, " He has killed the chief bull !" 
On hearing them shout the man with bow and arrow on the opposite side, 
The-Man- Who-Dreamed-of the-Thunder and ■ received - au - arrow- from • 
the-Thunder-Bird (wakinyau, accurately translated " the flying one") 
shot a buffalo cow, and the women again shouted with joy. Then all the 
men began to shout, and they killed as many as they wished. The 
buffalo heads and the blood-stained tracks show what large numbers 
were killed. They cut oft" the head of the chief bull, and laid the pipe 
beside it until their work was done. They prayed to The-Woman to 
bless and help them as they were following her teachings. Having no 
iron or knives, they used sharp stones, and mussel shells, to skin and 
cut up the buffalo. They rubbed blood in the hides to soften and tan 
them. They had no horses, and had to pack everything on their own 

The cyclic characters that embrace the period from 1001 to 1140 illus- 
trate nothing of interest not before presented. Slight distinction ap- 
pears in the circles so that they can be identified, but without enough 
significance to merit reproduction. 

PI. XXII A, 1111-1210. Among a herd of buffalo, surrounded at one 
time during this period, were some horses. The people all cried out, 
"there are big dogs with them," having never seen horses before, hence 
the name for horse, sunka (dog) tanka (big), or sunka (dog) wakan (won- 
derful or mysterious). After killing all the buffalo they said "let us 
try and catch the big dogs;" so they cut a thong out of a hide with a 
sharp stone and with it caught eight, breaking the leg of one of them. 
All these years they used sharpened deer horn for awls, bone for needles, 
and made their lodges without the help of iron tools. [All other 
Dakota traditions yet reported in regard to the first capture of horses, 
]»lace this important event at a much later period ana long after horses 
were brought to America by the Spaniards. See this count for the 
year lS02-'03, aud also Lone-Dog's Winter Count for the same year.] 

PI. XXII B, 1211-11380. At one time during this period a war party 
of enemies concealed themselves among a herd of buft'alo, which the 
Dakotas surrounded and killed before they discovered the enemy. 
No one knows what people, or how many they were; but the Dakotas 
killed them all. The red and black lodges indicate war, and that the 
Dakotas were successful. 

The pages of the copy which embrace the period from 1281 to 1420 
are omitted as valueless. 

PI. XXIII A, 1421-1490. " Found horses among the buffalo again 
and caught six." Five of the horses are represented by the hoof prints. 
The lasso or possibly the lariat is shown in use. The bundle of sticks 
is now in the recorder's hands. 

Bureau of Ethnology 

Tenth Annual Report. Plate XXII 

A 1141 - 1210. B 1211 - 1280. 


-Battiste's pages which embrace the period from 1491 to 1630 are 
omitted for the same reason as before oftered. 

PI. XXIII B, 1031-1700. This represents the first liilliug of butt'alo 
on liorseback. It was done in tlie year 1700, inside the circle of lodges 
pitched around the herd, by a man who was tied on a horse with thongs 
and who received the name of Ilunts-inside-the-lodges. They had but 
one horse then, and they kept him a long time. Again the bundle of 
count-sticks is in tlie recorder's hands. 

This is the end of the obviously mythic part of the record, in which 
Battiste lias made some historic errors. From this time forth each 
year is distinguished by a name, the explanation of which is in the 
realm of fact. 

It must be again noted that when colors are referred to in the de- 
scription of the text figures, the language (translated) used by Battiste 
is retained for the purpose of showing the coloration of the original and 
his interpretation of the colors, which are to be imagined, as they can 
not be reproduced by the process used. 

Fig. 257, 1 700-'01. — ■ ' The-t wo killed-on - going - back - to - the - hunting- 
ground winter (or year)." Two Dakotas returned to 
the hunting graund, after the hunt one day, and were 
killed by enemies, of what tribe is unknown. Theblood- 
stained arrow in the man's side signifies killed; the 
. numeral iJ over his head, the number killed; and, the, 
buffalo heads, the carcass of a buffalo — which had been 
left behind because it was too poor to eat- — together with 
the arrow pointing toward them, the liunting-grouud. 
The dot under the figure 2, and many of the succeeding 
ones, signifies. That is it. This corresponds with some F10.257. 
gesture signs for the same concept of declaration, in which the index 
finger held straight is thrust forward with emphasis and repeatedly as 
if always hitting the same point. 

With regard to the numeral 2 over the head of the man see remarks, 
page 288. 

Fig. 258, 1701-'02.— •' The-three-killed-who went-fish- 
ing winter." The arrow pointing toward tlie 6', indi- 
cates that they were attacked ; the arrow in the man's 
arm, and the blood stain, that they were killed; the 
pole, line, and fish which the man is holding, their 
occupation at the time. 

Fig. 258. 

Fig. 259, 1702-'03. — " Camped-cutting-the-ice-through winter." A long 
lake toward the east, near which the Dakotas were encamped, was 
frozen over, when they discovered about one thousand buffalo. They 



Fig. 259. 

secured them all by driving them on the ice, through 
whii'li they broke, and in which they froze fast. Wheu- 
ever the people wanted meat, they cut a buffalo out of 
the ice. In the figure, tlie wave lines rei>resent the water 
of the lake; the straiglit lines, the shore; the blue lines 
outside the black ones, trees; the blue patc^hes inside, 
the ice through which the heads of the buffalo are seen; the line across 
the midiUe, the direction iu which they drove the buffalo. The supply 
of meat lasted one year. (XoTE by Dr. Oorbusier. — The Apache of 
Arizona, the OJibwa, an<l the Ottawa, also represent water by means 
of waved lines.) 

i Fig. 2G0, 1703-'04.— "The-burying winter," or "Many- 

1 \^^^ hole winter." — Tliey killed a greatmanybuffaloduringthe 
Nj^^^^ summer, and, after drying the meat, stored it iu pits for 
■ ^^^^^ winter's use. It lasted them all winter, and they found 
^^^m^ Y it all in good condition. The ring surrounding tlie buf- 
^^^^^^S falo head, in fnmt ofthc^ lodge, represents a pit. The 
^^^^Hr^S'^toiked stick, which is the symbol for meat, marks the 
^^^^Pb^^ pit. [Other authorities suggest that the object called 
^^^^^ by Battiste a pit, which is more generally called " cache," 

is a heap, and means many or much.] 
1704-'()5. — "Killed-tifteenPawuees-wlio-came-to-flght win- 
ter." The Dakotas discovered a party of Pawnees coin- 
ing to attack them. They met them and killed fifteen. 
In this chart the Pawnee of the Upper Missouri (Ari 
kara or liee), the Pawnee of Nebraska, and the Oma- 
ha are all depicted with legs which look like ears of corn, 
but an ear of corn is symbol for the Eees only. The 
Pawnee of Nebraska may be distinguished by a lock of 
hair at the back of the head; the Omaha, by a cropped 
head or absence of the scalp-lock. The absence of all 
signs denotes Dakota. Dr. W. Matthews, in Ethnography 
Fio.jiii. jj,„| Philology of the Hidatsa Indians, states that the 
Arikara separated from the Pawnee of the Platte valley more than a 
century ago. [To avoid confusion the literation of the tribal divisions 
a.s given by tlie translator of Battiste Good are retained, though not 
considered to be accurate.] 

Pig. 262, 170r.-'0C.— ''They-came-aiid-killed-seven-Da- 

kotas winter." It is not known what enemies killed 


FlO. 260. 


Fifl. 2(12. 

Bureau of Ethnolo_^y. 

Tenth Annual Report. Plate XXIII. 


A 1421 - I4-90. B 1631 - 1700. 



Fig. 263, 1706-07.— "Killed-the-Gros-Ventre-witb- 
snowslioes-on winter." A Gros-Veutie (, while 
bnuting buffUlo on snowshoes, was chased by the Da- 
kotas. lie accidentally dropped a snowshoe, and, being 
then unable to get through the snow fast enough, they 
gained on him, wounded him in the leg, and then killed 
him. The Gros- Ventres and the Crows are tribes of tlie 
same nation, and are therefore both represented with 
striped or spotted hair, which denotes the red clay they 
apply to it. Fio. 26;i. 

Fig. 264, 1707-'08. — "Many-kettle winter." A man— 1 man- 
named Corn, killed (3) his wife, 1 woman, 

and ran off. He remained away for a year, ,• ^>H&ny "^7>v -jp C 
and then came back, bringing three guns ___ _ i/ 3 

with him, and told the people that the English, ^^^^'^^'^^''^ 
who had given him these guns, which were the 
first known to the Dakotas, wanted him to 
bring his friends to see them. Fifteen of the 
people accordingly went with him, and when 
they returned brought home a lot of kettles or 
pots. These were the first they ever saw. Some 
numerical marks for reference and the written 
words in the above are retained as perhaps 
the worst specimens of Battiste's mixture of civilized methods with the 
aboriginal system of pictography. See remarks above, page 288. 

Fig. 265, 1708-'09. — "Brought-home-Omaha-horses win 
ter." The cropped head over the horse denotes Omaha. 

Fig. 266, 1709-'10. — "Brought- home -Assiniboiu-horses 
winter." The Dakota sign for Assiniboin, or Hohe, which 
means the voice, or, as some say, the voice of the musk ox, 
is the outline of the vocal organs, as the Dakotas conceive 
them, and represents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, 
the tongue, the lower lip and chin, and the neck. 

Fig. 267, 1710-'ll.—" The- war-parties-met, or killed- 
three-oneach-side winter." A war party of Assini- 
boins met one of Dakotas, and in the fight which 
ensued three were killed on each side. 

FlQ. 267. 



Fig. 268. 

Flu. 270. 

Fig. 268, 1711-'12. — '' Four-Iodges-drowned winter." When the thun- 
ders returned in the summer theDakotas were still in their 
winter camp, on the bottom lands of a large creek. Heavy 
rains fell, which caused the creek to rise suddenly ; the bot- 
tom.s were floo<led, and the occupants of four lodges were 
swept away and drowned. Water is represented by waved 
lines, as before. The lower part of the lodge is submerged. 
The human figure in the doorway of the lodge indicates how unconscious 
the inmates were of their peril. 

Fig. 209, 1712-'13.—" Killed -the Pawnee- who- 
was eagle-hunting winter." A Pawnee (Eee) was 
crouching in his eagle-trap, a hole in the ground 
covered with sticks and grass, when he was sur- 
prised and killed by the Dakotas. This event is 
substantially repeated in this count for the year 
Fig. 209. 1806-07. 

Fig. 270, 1713-'14.— "Came-and-shot-them-in-the- 
lodge winter." The Pawnee (Rees) came by night, 
and, drawing aside a tipi door, shot a slee]iing man, 
and thus avenged the death of the eagle-hunter. 

Fig. 271, 1714-'1.5. — " Came -to-attack-on-horse- 
back -but killed-nothing winter." The horseman 
has a pine lance in his hand. It is not known 
what tribe came. (Note by Dr. Corbusier. — It 
is probable that horses were not numerous among 
any of the Indians yet, and that this mounted at- 
tack was the first one experienced by the Brule.) 

Fig. 272, 1715-16.— " Came ■ and - attacked on- 
horseback - and - stabbed-a-bi ty - near-the-lodge win- 
ter." Eaigle tail-teathers hang from the butt end 
of the lance. 

7. — " Much-pemmican winter." A year of peace and 
prosperity. Buffalo were plentiful all the fall and 
winter. Large quantities of pemmican (wasna) 
were made with dried meat and marrow. In front 
of the lodge is seen the backbone of a buffalo, the 
marrow of which is used in wasna; below this is 
the buffalo stomach, in which wasna is packed for 

Fig. 274, 1717-'18.— "Brought-home-flfteen-As- 
siniboin-horses winter." The sign for Assiniboiu 
is above the horse. 

Fig. 271. 

Fig. 272. 

Fig. 273, 1716-'l 

Fig. 274. 




Fig. 275, 1718-'19. — " Brouolit - lionie - Pawuee- 
horses winter." The sijju for Kee, i. e., an ear of 
corn, is in front of the horse. 

Fig. 270, 1719-'20. — " Wore-snowshoes winter." 
The snow was very deep, and the people hnnted 
buiialo on snowshoes with excellent success. 

Fig. 277, 1720-'21.—" Three -lodges -starved to- 
death winter." The bare ribs of the man denote 
starvation. [The gesture-sign for poor or lean in- 
dicates that the ribs are visible. In the OJibwa 
and Ottawa pictographs lines across the chest de- 
note starvation. 1 

Fig. 278, 1721-'22.— "Wore-snowshoes-and-dried- 
much-bufl'alo-meat winter." It was even a better 
year for butialo than 1719-20. 

Fig. 279, 1722-'23.— " Deep - snow - and - tops • of- 
lodges-only-visible winter." The spots are intended 
for snow. 


Fig. 275. 


Flfi. 278. 

Fio. 27B. 



Fill. 281. 

I'm, 282. 

Fio. 283. 

Fio. 2.S4. 

Fig. 280, 1723-'24.— " Mauy-drying-sticks-set-up 
winter." They .set ui) more than the u.sual num- 
ber of .sticks for scaffolds, etc., as they dried the 
buffalo heads, hides, and entrails, as well as the 
meat. This figure is repeated with differentiation 
for the year 1745-'46 in this chart. 

Fig. 2.S1, 1724-'2r). — "Blackens-himsolf died win- 
ter." This man was in tlie habit of blacking his 
whole body with charcoal. He died of some kind of 
intestinal bend [sic] as is indicated by the stomach 
and intestines in front of him, which represent the 
bowels in violent commotion, or going round and 

Fig. 282, 172r)-'20.— "Brought home-ten-Omaha- 
horses winter." The sign for Omaha is the head, 
as before. 

Fig.2S3, 1726-'27.— " Killed-two-Pawnees-amoug- 
tlie-lodges winter." The Pawnees (Rees) made an 
assault on the Dakota Village, and these two ran 
among the lodges without any arrows. The sign 
for Ree is, as u.sual, an ear of corn. 

Fig. 284, 1727-'28.— " Killed-six-Assiniboins win- 
ter." Two signs are given here for Assiniboin. 
There is some nncertainty as to whether they were 
Assiniboins or Arikaras, so the signs for both are 

Fig. 285, 1728-'29.— "Brought-home-Gros- Ventre- 
horses winter." A Gros Ventre head is shown in 
front of the horse. 

Fid. 285. 




Fig. 28r), 172y-'30.— "Killcd-tliePawnees-camped- 
alone-with-tbeir-wives winter." Two Pawuees and 
aud living iu one lodge, were siiri)rised and killed 
by a war party of Dakotas. 

Fig. 287, 1730-'31. — " Came-from-opposite-ways- 
and-camped- together winter i" By ai singular coin- 
cidence, two bands of Dakotas selected tlie same 
place for an encampment, and arrived there the 
same day. They had been separated a long time, 
and were wholly ignorant of each others move- 
ments. The caps of the tipis face one another. 

Fig-. 28S, l731-'32.— " Came - from - killing - one- 
Omahaand-danced winter." This is the customary 
feast at the return of a successful war party. The 
erect arrow may stand for "one," and the Omaha 
is drawn at full length with his stiff short hair and 
painted cheeks. 

Fig. 289, 1732-'33.— "Broughthonie-Assiniboin- 
hoiscs winter." The sign for Assiuiboin is as before, 
over tlic horse. 

Fio. 287. 

Flii. 288. 

Fig. 289. 

Fig. 2no, 1733-'34.— "Killedthree-Assiniboins 
winter." There is agaiii uncertainty as to whether 
they were Assiniboins or Arikaras, and both signs 
are used. 

Fio. 290. 



Fir;. 291. 

Fig. 291, 1734-'.3;j.— "ITsed-tliem-up-with-belly- 
ache winter." xVbont lifty of tlie people died of an 
eruptive disease which was accompauied by paius 
in the bowels. The eruption is shown on the man 
in the figure. This was probably the first experi- 
ence by the Daliotas of the smallpox, which has 
been so great a factor in the destruction of the 

flve winter." A war party of Dakotas were chased 
by some enemies, who killed five of them. The 
arrows flying from behind at the man indicate pur- 
suit, and the number of the arrows, each with a 
bloody mark as if hitting, is five. 

Fig. 293, 1736-'37.—" Brought -home- Pawnee- 
hoi'ses winter." This date must be considered in 
connection with the figure in this record for lS02-'03. 
There is a distinction between the wild and the shod 
horses, but the difference in tribe is great. The ear 
of corn showing the husk is as common in this record 
for Pawnee as for Arikara. 

Fig. 293. 

Fig 294. 

Fig. 294, 1737-'3S. — "Killed-seven-Assiniboins- 
bi'inging - them - to - a - standunder-a-bank winter." 
The daub, blue in the original, under the crouching 
figure, represents the bank. 

Fig. 295, 1738-'39.— "The-four-who-went-on-the- 
war-path-starved to-tleath winter." Starvation is 
indicated as before. 

Fig. 295. 




Fig. 2!)(>. 17;?9-'4().— "Fouiul-niaiiy-horses win- 
ter." The horses had thongs aronnd their necks, 
and had evidently been lost by some other tribe. 
Hoof prints are represented above and below the 
horse, that is all around. 

Fig. 206. 

Fig.297,1740-'4:1. — "The-two-came-home-having- 
killed-an-enemy winter." They took his entire 
scalp, and carried it home at the end of a pole. 
Only a part of the scalp is ordinarily taken, and 
that from the crown of the head. 

Fig. 21)8, 1741-'-i2.—"Attackcd-them- while-gather- 
ing-turnips winter." Some women, who were dig- 
ging turni])s (pomme blanche) near the camp, were 
assaulted by a party (►f enemies, who, after knock- 
ing them down, ran off without doing them any 
further harm. A turnip, and the stick for digging 
it, are seen in front of the horseman. 

FlQ. 297. 

Fig. 2! 

Fig. 29a. 

Fig. 299, 1742-'43.—" Killed- them-on-the-way-home-from-the-hunt 
winter." The men were out hunting, and about 
100 of their enemies came on horseback to attack 
the camp, and had already surrounded it, when a 
woman poked her head out of a lodge and said. 
" They have all gone on the hunt. When I heard 
you, I thought they had come back." She pointed 
toward the hunting ground, and the enemies going 
in that direction, met the Dakotas, who killed many of them with their 
spears, and put the rest to flight. Hoof-prints surround the circle of 
lodges, and are on the trail to the hunting-ground. 

Fig. 300, 1743-'44.— "The- Omahas- came -and -killed 
them-in-the-night winter." They wounded many, but 
killed only one. The Dakotas were all encamped to 

FlQ. 300. 


S K„ 

:. 'M\. 1744-'40. — "Brought-home-Omaha-horses 


ir^ Fiy. 3013, 1745-'4(>. — " Maiiy-dryinji .scatthlds winter. 
; Y\ '^^^ ♦^^'611 ii- better year lor biillalo tlian 1723-'24. 


Fig. 3U2. 

Fig. 304. 

P'ig. 30.1, 174(j-'47. — " Catue-linme-having-killed-one-Gros- 
Ventre winter. 

FiK.304, 1747-48.— "Froze-to death attho-hunt winter." 
Tlie arrow jjointing toward tlie ))ulila]() head indicates they 
were hunting, and the crouching figure of the mail, together 
witli thesnowabove find below him, that he suflered severely 
from cold or froze to death. 

Fig. 305, 174S-'49.— -'Eat-frozen (isli winter." They 
discovered large nuini>ers of lisli frozen in the ice, and 
subsisted on thcni all winter. 

Fig. 300, 174!)-'.'")0.—"Many-)iole-cainp- winter." The 
same explanation as for Fig. UOO, for tlie year 1703-04. 
The two figures are different in execution th(mgh the 
same in concept. There would, however, be little con- 
fusion in distinguishing two seasons of exceptional suc- 
cess in the hunt that were separated by forty-six years. 

Fig. 307 

Fig. 307, 1750-'51. — ''Killedtwo-wliite-lnitt'alo-cows win- 
ter." (Note by Dr. Corbusier: Two white luiffalo are so 
raiely killed one .season that the event is considered worthy 
ol'rec(n'd. Most Indians regard the albinos among ani- 
mals with the greatest reverauce. The Ojibwas, who look 
ui)on a black loon as the most worthless of birds regard a 
white one as sacred.) 




Fig. 308, 17ol-'52. — " Omahas-came-and-killed-two-iu-the- 
lodge winter." An Oinalia war jiarty surprised tlieui in the 
uiglit, shot into the lodge, wounding two, aud then tied. 
The two shot died of their wounds. 


;500, 1 7."52-'5;?. — " Destroyedthree-lodges-of-Omalias 
" The Dakotas went to retaliate on the Omahas, 
and finding three lodges of them killed them. It will be 
noticed that in this figure the sign for Omaha is connected 
with the lodge, aud in the preceding figure with the arrow. 

Fio. 303. 

Fig. 309. 

Fig. 310, 17.53-54. — "■Killed-two-Assiuiboines-ou-the-huut 

Fig. 311, 17.54:-'.55. — " Pawnees shouted-over-the-ijeo- 
]ile winter." The Pawnees (Rees) came at night, and 
standing on a Idufif overlooking tht.' Dakota village shot 
into it with arrows, killing one man, and alarmed the 
entire village by their shouts. 

FlQ. 310. 

Fig. 311. 


Fig. 313, 1755-'56.— " Killcdtwo-Pawneesat-the-lumt 
wiuter." A warparty of Dakotas surprised .some Pawnee 
(Ree) hunters aud killed two of them. 

Fig. 313, 1756-57. — ''The- whole -peoiilc- were- jmrsucd 
aud-two-killed winter." A tribe, name unknown, attacked 
aud routed the whole band. The man in the figure is 
I'etreating, as is shown by bis attitude; the arrow on bis 
bow i)oints backward at the enemy, from whom he is 
retreating. The two blood-stained arrows in his body mark 
the number killed. 

Fig. 312. 

Fig. 313. 



Fig. 314. 

Fig. 314, 1757-58. — " Went ou-thc-waipatli-oii-horse- 
back-to-camp-of-enemybut-killed-iiotbiug winter." The 
lack of success may have been due to inexperience in 
mounted warfare as the Dakotas bad probably for the 
first time secured a sufficient number of horses to mount 
a war party. 

Fig. 315, 1758-59. — " Killed-two-Omahas-who-came-to- 
the-camp-on-war path winter," 

Fig. 315. 

Fig. 31(), 1759-60.— "War-parties-met-and-killeda- 
tt'won-both-sides wiuter." The attitude of the opposed 
figures of the Dakota and Gros Ventre and the foot- 
prints indicate that tlie xiarties met; the arrows in oppo- 
sition, that they fought; and the blood-stained arrow in 
each man that some were killed on both sides. 

Fig. 317, 1760-'61. — Assiniboins-canie-and-attacked-the 
cainp-again winter;" or "Assiniboins-shot-arrows-through- 
the-camp wiuter." 

Fig. 317. 

Fig. 318, 1761-'62.— " Killed-six-Fawnees (Eees) winter." 
Besides the arrow sticking in the body another is flying near 
the head of the man figure, who has the tribal marks for 
Pawnee or Eee, as used in this record. 

Fig. 318. 

Fig. 319. 1762-'63.—" The- people -were -burnt winter." They were 
living somewhere east of their present country when a prairie fire de- 



stroyed their entiie village. .Miiuy of their children and a mau and his 

wife, who were on foot some distance away from the village, 

were burned to death, as also were many of their horses. 

AH the people that could get to a long lake, which was 

near by, saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of 

these were badly burned about the thighs and legs, and 

this circumstance gave rise to the name Sican-zhu, burnt 

thigh (or simply burnt as translated Brule by the French), 

by which they have since been known, and also to the gesture sign, as 

follows: "Rub the upper and outer part of the right thigh in a small 

circle with the open right hand, fingers pointing downward." 

Fig. 320, 1763-'64.— " Many-sticks-fordrying-beef win 
ter. They dried so much meat that the village was crowded 
with drying poles and scaffolds. 

Fig. 321, 1764-'65.—"Stole-their- horses- while- they- ^ 

were -ou- the -hunt winter." A Dakota war jjarty 
chanced to find a hunting party of Assiniboins asleep 
and stole twenty of their horses. It was storming at 
the time and horses had their i)acks ou and were 
tied. The marks which might appear to rejiresent a 
European saddle on the horse's back denote a pack 
or load. Hunting is symbolized as before, by the 
buffalo head struck by an arrow. 

Fig. 322, 1765-'66.—"Killed-a -war- party-of- four- 
Pawnees winter." The four Pawnees (Rees) made an 
attack ou the Dakota camj). 

Fig. 323, 1766-'67.— " Brought - home - sixty- Assini- 
boiu-horses (one spotted) winter." They were all 
the horses the Assiniboins had and were on an island 
in the Missouri river, from which the Dakotas 
cleverly stole them during a snowstorm. 

10 ETH 20 

FlQ. 322. 


Fig. 323. 



Fig. 324. 

Fig. :i25. 

Fio. 326. 

FlQ. 327. 


Kia. 32«. 

Fig. 324, 17G7-'68.— " Went-out-to-ease-themselves- 
with-their-bowson winter." The Dakotas were in 
constant fear of an attack by enemies. When a man 
left his lodge after dark, even to answer the calls of 
nature, he carried his bows and arrows along with 
him and took good care not to go far away from the 
lodge. The squatting figure, etc., close to the lodge 
tells the story. 

Fig.'325, 1708-'69.— " T wo-horses-killed-something 
winter." A man who had gone over a hill just out 
of the village was run down by two mounted enemies 
who drove their spears into him and left him for dead, 
one of them leaving his spear sticking in the man's 
shoulder, as shown in the figure. He recovered, how- 
ever. (Note by Dr. (Jorbusier : They frequently speak 
of persons who have been very ill and have recovered 
as dying and returning to life again, and have a 
gesture sign to exjjress the idea.) 

Fig. 326, 1 769-'70. — ' ' Attacked - thecamp - from ■ 
both-sides winter." A mounted war party — tribe un- 
known — attacked the village on two sides, and on 
each side killed a woman. The footprints of the 
enemies' horses and arrows on each side of the lodge, 
which represents the village, show the mode of attack. 

Fig. 327, 1770-'71.— " Came-and-killed the - lodges 
winter." The enemy came on horseback and assailed 
the Dakota lodges, which were pitched near together, 
spoiling some of them by cutting the hide coverings 
with their spears, but killing no one. They used 
spears only, but arrows are also depicted, as they 
symbolize attack. No blood is shown on the arrows, 
as only the lodges were "killed." 

Fig. 328, 1771-'72.— "Swam-after-the-buft'alo win- 
ter." In the spring the Dakotas secured a large 
supply of meat by swimming out and towing ashore 
buftalo that were floating past the village and which 
had fallen into the river on attempting to cross on 
the weak ice. 



Fig. 329, 1772-'73.— "Killed-aii-Assiniboin-and-his- 
wife winter." 

Fig. 330, 1773-'74.—" Killed - two - Pawnee - boys- 
while-playing winter." A war party of Dakotas sur- 
prised two Pawnee (Ree) boys who were wrestling 
and killed them while they were on the gi-ouud. 

^ ^ 

Fig. 331, 1774-'75. — "Assiniboius-made-au-attack 
winter." They were cowardly, however, and soon 
retreated. Perhaps the two arrows of the Assini- 
boins compared with the one arrow of the attacked 
Dakotas suggests the cowardice. 

Fig. 332, 1775-70. — " Assiniboins-weut-home-and- 
came-back-mad-to -make-a-fresh-attack winter." They 
were brave this time, being thoronghly aroused. 
They fought with bows and arrows only. 

Fig. 333, 1776-'77.— "Killedwith-war-club in-his- 
hand winter." A Dakota war club is in the man's 
hand and au enemy's arrow is eutering his body. 

Fig. 334, 1777-'78.—"Speut-the -winter -in -no -par- 
ticular-place winter." They made no permanent 
camp, but wandered about from place to place. 

rio. 332. 




Fig. 335, 1778-79. — ''Skiuned-i)euis-used-in-the-game-of-liaka win- 
ter." A Dakota uamed as mentioned was killed in 
a figlit witli tlie Pawnees and his companions left 
his body where they supposed it would not be found, 
but the Pawnees found it and as it was frozen stiff 
they dragged it into theii- camp and played haka with 
it. The haka-stick which, in ijlaying the game, they 
cast after a ring, is represented on the right of the 
man. This event marks 1777-78 in the Winter Count 
Fig. 3M. of American-Horse and 1779-80 in that of Cloud- 

Shield. The insult and disaraee made it remarkable. 

Fia. 336. 

Fig. 336, 1779-'80.— " Smallpox-used-them-up win- 
ter." The eruption and pains in the stomach and 
bowels are shown as before. 

Fig.337, 1780-81. — "Sniallpox-nsed-them-up-again 
winter." There is in this tigure uo sign for pain but 
the spots alone are shown. An attempt to discrim- 
inate and distinguish the year-devices is perceived. 

Fig. 337. 

Fig. 338, 1781-'82.— " Came-and-attacked-on-horse- 
back-for-the-last-time winter." The name of the tribe 
is not known, but it is the last time they ever attacked 
the Dakotas. 




Fig. 339, 1782-'S3.— •' Killed-tbe-maii-witb-tlie-scar- 
let-bhmket-ou winter." It is not known what tribe 
killed him. 

Fig. 340, 1783-'84.— <'Soldier-froze-to-death winter." 
The falling snow and the man's position with his legs 
drawn up to his abdomen, one hand in an armpit 
and the other in liis mouth, are indicative of intense 

Fig. 340. 

Fig. 341, 1784-'85.— "The-Oglala-tookthe-cedar winter." 
great feast an Oglala declared he was wakan and could 
draw a cedar tree out of the ground. He had previously 
fastened the middle of a stick to the lower end of a 
cedar with a piece of the elastic ligament from the neck 
of the buffalo and then planted the tree with the stick 
crosswise beneath it. lie went to this tree, dug away a 
little earth from around it and pulled it partly out of 
the ground and let it spring back again, saying "the 
cedar I drew from the earth has gone home again." 
After he had gone some young men dug up the tree and f 
shallow trick. 

During a 

I'm. :hi. 

X posed the 

Fig. 342, 17S5-'86.— "The-CheyenneskilledShadow's-father winter." 
The umbrella signifies, shadow; the arrow which touches 
it, attacked ; the three marks under the arrow (not shown 
in the copy), Cheyenne; the blood-stained arrow in the 
man's body, killed. Shadow's name and the umbrella in 
the figure intimate that he was the first. Dakota to carry 
an umbrella. The advantages of the umbrella were soon 
recognized by them, and the first they obtained from the 
whites were highly iirized. It is now considered an in- 
dispensable article in a Sioux outfit. They formerly wore 
a wreath of green leaves or carried green boughs, to 
shade them from the sun. The marks used for Chey- 
enne stand for the scars on their arms or stripes on their sleeve.-^, which 
also gave rise to the gesture-sign for this tribe, see Fig. i'Jo. infra. 



Fig. 343, 178G-'S7. — "IronHeadBand-killedoii-war- 
path -winter." Tboy formerly carried burdens on their 
backs, hung from a band passed across the forehead. This 
man had a band of iron which is shown on his head. So 
said the interpreter, but probably the baud was not of the 
metal iron. The word so translated has a double mean- 
ing and is connected with religious ideas of water, spirit, 
and the color blue. 

Fig. 344, 1787-'88. — " Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter." A certain 
man was heyoka — that is, his mind was disordered and 
hi went about the village bedecked with feathers singing 
to himself, and, while so, joined a war party. On sighting 
the enemy the party fled, and called to hini to turn back 
also; as he was heyoka, be construed everything that was 
said to him as meaning the very opposite, and therefore, 
instead of turning back, he went forward and was killed. 
If they had only had sense enough to tell him to go on, 
he would then have run away, but the thoughtless people 
talked to him just as if he had been in an ordinary condition and of 
course were responsible for his death. The mental condition of this 
man and another device for the event are explained by other records 
(see Fig. C51). 


Fro. :m5- 


Fig. 345, 1788-'80.— " Many-crowsdied winter." Other 
records for the same year give as the explanation of the 
tigure and the reason for its selection that the crows froze 
to death because of the intense cold. 

Fig. 346. 

Fig. 346, 1789-'90.— " Killed-two-Gros- Ventres-on-the- 
ice winter." 

Fig. 347, 1790-'91.— " Carried-a-flag-about-with-them 
winter." They went to all the surrounding tribes with 
the flag, but for what purpose is unknown. So said the 
interpreter, but The-Flame's chart explains the figure 
by the statement: "The flrst United States flags in the 
country brought by United States troops." 

Flu. :il 



Fig. 348, 17!ll-'92. — " Saw-a-wliite-woiiiaii winter." 
The dress of the woman indicates that she was not an 
Indian. This is obvionsly noted as being the first occa- 
■sioii when tlie Dalvotas, or at least the bauds which tliis 
record concerns, saw a white woinaii. 

Fig. :i48. 

Fig. 3-1:9, 1792-'93. — " Camped-iiear-the-Gros- Ventres 
winter." They were engaged in a constant warfare dur- 
ing this time. A Gros Ventre dirt lodge, with the en- 
trance in front, is depicted in the figure and on its roof 
is a Gros Ventre head. 

Fig. 349. 

Fig. 350, 1793-'94:.— '' Killed - a - long - haired - man-at-Rawhidebutte 
winter." TheDakotas attacked a village of 58 lodges 
and killed every soul in it. After the fight they found 
the body of a man whose hair was done up with 
deer-hide in large rolls, and, on cutting them open, 
found it was all real hair, very thick, and as long as 
a lodge-pole. [Mem. Catlin tells of a Crow called 
Long-Hair whose hair, by actual measurement, was 
10 feet and 7 inches long.] The fight was at Eaw- 
hide butte (now so called by the whites), which the 
Dakotas named Buffalo-Hide butte, because they 
found so many buttalo hides in the lodges. Accord- 
ing to Cloud-Shield, Long-Hair was Icilled in 1780-87, and according 
to Americau-Horse, Long-Hair, a Cheyenne, was killed in 179()-'97. 

Fig. 351, 179i -'95. — "Killed -the -little -taced- 
Pawnee winter." The Pawnee's face was long, fiat, 
and narrow, like a man's hand, but he had the body 
of a large man. 

White-Cow- Killer calls it: " Little- Face-killed 

FlO. 351. 



Fig. 352, 1795-'9G. — "The-Eees-stood-tlie-frozeii- 
man-up-witli-tbcbuftalo-stomach - iu - his - hand win- 
ter." The body of a Dakota who had been killed 
in an enconnter with the Eees (Pawnees), and had 
been left behind, frozen. The Eees dragged it into 
their village, propped it up with a stick, and hnng 
a buffalo stomach filled with ice iu one hand to 
make sport of it. The buflalo stomach was in com- 
mon use at that time as a water -jug. 

Fig. 353, 1796-'97.— " Wears-the-War-Bonnet-died 
winter." He did not die this winter, but received 
a wound in the abdomen from which the arrowhead 
could not be extracted, and he died of the "belly- 
ache" years after. 

Fig. :i53. 

Fig. 354, 1897-'98.— "Took-the-God-Woman-captive winter." A Da- 
kota war party captured a woiium — tribe unknown — who, in order to 
gain their respect, cried out, "I am a Wakan- 
Tauka," meaning that she belonged to God, where- 
upon they let her go unharmed. This is the origin 
of their name for God (Wakan Tauka, the Great 
Holy, or Supernatural One). They had never heard 
of a Supernatural Being before, but had offered their 
prayers to the sun, the earth, and many other objects, 
believing they Mere endowed wath spirits. [Those 
Fio.354. are the remarks of Battiste Good, who is only half 

correct, being doubtless influenced by missionary teaching. The term 
is much older and signifies mystic or unknown.] 

Fig. 355, 1798-'99. — "Many-women-died-in-child- 
birth winter." They died of bellyache. The con- 
voluted sign for pain in the abdominal region has 
appeared before. Cloud-Shield's winter count for 
the same year records the same mortality among 
the women which was ]ierhaps an epidemic of puer- 
peral fever. 



Fig. 356. 

winter." Seven 

Fig. 350, 1799-1800.— "Don't-Eat-Buffalo Heart-made-a-commemora- 
tion of-tbe-ilead winter." A buffalo heart is repre- 
sented above the man. Don't Eat is expressed by 
the gesture sign for negation, a part of which is 
indicated, and the line connecting the heart with 
liis mouth. The red ilag which is used in the cere- 
mony is employed as its symbol. The name Don't 
Eat-Bufitalo-Heart refers to the man for whom that 
viand is taboo, either by gentile rules or from per- 
sonal visions. The religious ceremony of commem- 
oration of the dead is mentioned elsewhere in this 
work, see Chapter xiv, section (i. 

Fig. 357, 1800-'01.— " The Good- White-Man-came 
white men came in the spring of the year to their 
village in a starving condition; after feeding them 
and treating them well, they allowed them to go on 
their way unmolested. The Dakotas [of the re- 
corder's band] had heard of the whites, but had 
never seen any before. In the fall some more came, 
and with them, The-Good-White-Man, who is repre- 
sented in tlje figure, and who was the lirst one to 
trade with them. They became very fond of him 
because of his fair dealings with them. The gesture 
made by his hands is similar to benediction, and 
suggests a part of the Indian gesture, sign for " good." 

Fig. 358, 1801-'02. — " Smallpox -used -them- up- 
again winter." The man figure is making a part of 
a common gesture sign for death, which consists 
substantially in changing the index from a perpen- 
dicular to a horizontal i^ositiou and then pointing to 
the ground. 

Fig. 359, 1802-'03. — "Brought-home-Pawuee- 
horses-with-iron-shoes-on winter.'' The Dakotas 
had not seen horseshoes before. This agrees with 
and explains Lone-Dog's Winter Count for the 
same year. 

. 357. 



Fig. 36n, 1803-'04.—" Brought liomc-Pawnee- 
horse.s with-tbeir - bail- - rougb - aud - curly win- 
ter." The curly hair is indicated by the curved 
marks. Lone-Dog's Winter Count for the same 
year records the same incident, but states that 
the curly horses were stolen from the Crows. 

Kia. .JSO. 

Fig. 361, 1804-'05.— " Sung-over-each-other-while- 
on-tbe-war-patb winter." A war party while out 
made a large pipe and sang each other's praises. 
The use of an ornamented pipe in connection with 
the ceremonies of organizing a war party is men- 
tioned in Chapter xv. 

Fig. 362, 1805-'06.— "Tbey-came-aiid-killed-eight 
winter." The enemy killed eight Dakotas, as shown 
by the arrow and the eight marks beneath it. 

Fig. 302. 

Ing. 363, 1806-'07.— "Killed-them-while-huuting- 
eagles winter." Some Dakota eagle buntws were 
killed by enemies. See Lone-Dog's Winter Count 
for the same year. 

Flu. 3ti:i- 



Fig. 364, 1807-'08.— " Came-aiid-killed-mau-witli- 
red-sbirt-on winter." Other records say that Eed- 
Shirt killed in this year was au Uncpapa Dakota, 
aud that he was killed by Arikaras. 

Fig. 365, 1808-'09.— "Pawnees-(Rees)■killed•Blue■ 
Blauket's-father winter." A blanket, which iu the 
original record is blue, is rejii-esented above the ar- 
row aud across, the man's body. 

Fig. 366, 1809-'10.— " Little-Beaver's-house-burued 
winter." Little-Beaver was au English trader, and 
his trading bouse was a log one. 

Fig. :uj4. 

Fig. :!fl5. 

Fig. 366. 

Fig. 367, ISlO-'ll.— "Brought-home-horse- 
with-his-tail-braided-witheagle-feathers win- 
ter." They stole a ba ud of horses beyond the 
South Platte. One of them was very fleet, 
and had his tail ornamented as described. 

Fig. 3(58, 1811-'12.— " First-huuted-horses 
winter." The Dakotas caught wild horses in 
the Sand Hills with braided lariats. 

Fig. 368. 


Fig. 369, 1812-'13.—"Rees-killed-Big-in-tlie- Mid- 
dle's- fathei- winter." Other records call this warrior 
Big- Waist aud Big-Belly. 

FlO. 370. 

Fig. 370, 1813-'14.— " Killed-six-Pawuees (Bees) 
inter." Six strokes a 
uot shown in the copy. 

winter." Six strokes are under the arrow, but are 

Fig. 371, 1814-'15.— "Sniashed-a-Kiowa's-head in 
winter." The tomahawk with which it was done is 
sticking in the Kiowa's head. 

Fig. 372. 

Fig. 372, 1815-'16.—"The-Sans- Arcs-made-large- 
houses winter." 

Fig. 373, 1816-'17. — " Lived-again-in-their-Iarge- 
liouses winter." 

Fig. 373. 

Fig. 374, 1817-'1S.— "Choze-built-a-honse-of-dead- 
logs winter." The house was for trading purposes. 
The Frenchman's name is evidently a corruption. 




Fig. 375, 1818-'19.— "Smallpox -used -them -up - 
again- winter." They at this time lived on the Little 
White river, about 20 miles above the Uosebud 
agency. The two fingers held up may mean the 
second time the fiital epidemic appeared in the par- 
ticular bodv of Indians concerned in the record. 

Flii. 376. 

Fig. 376, 1819-'20.— "Choze-built-a-house-of-rot- 
ton-wood winter." Another trading house was built. 

Fig. 377, 1820-'21.— "They-made-bands-of-strips- 
of-blanket-in-the-winter." These bands were of 
mixed colors and reached from the shoulders to the 
heels. They also made rattles of deer's hoofs by 
tying them to sticks with bead-covered strings. 
The man has a sash over his shoulders and a rattle 
in his hand. 

Fig. 377. 

Fig. 378, 1821-'22. — " Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter," "iNIuch- 
whisky winter," and "TJsed-up-the-Omahas winter." 
In the figure the meteor, its pathway, and the cloud 
from which it came are shown. Whisky was fur- 
nished to them for the first time and without stint. 
It brought death to them in a new form, many since 
then having died from the excessive use of it, Ked- 
Cloud's father among the number. Battiste Good, 
alias Wa-po 'stan-gi, more accurately Wa-po-cta"-xi 
(Brown-Hat), historian and chief, was born. He 
says that Omaha bullets were whizzing through the 
village and striking and piercing his mother's lodge as she brought 
him forth. Eed-Cloud was also born. In the count of American-Horse 
for this year he makes no mention of the meteor, but strongly marks 
the whisky as the important figure for the winter. 

Fig. 379, 1822-'23.— '• Peeler-froze-his-leg winter." 
Peeler was a white trader, and his leg was frozen 
while he was on his way to or from the Missouri 
river. The name is explained by White Cow Killer's 
record as follows: "White-uian-peels-the-stick-in- 
his-hand-brokehis-leg winter." He was probably 
a Yankee, addicted to whittling. 



F.o. 378. 

Pig. 379. 



Fig. 380, 1823-'24.— " General- - 

Fi(i. :f8o. 

— flrst-appeared- 
ancl - the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-tbeRees wia- 
ter." Also "Muclicorn wiuter." The gun and the 
arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both 
whites and Indians fought the Rees. This refers to 
Gen. Leavenworth's expedition against the Arikara 
in 1823, when several hundred Dakotas were his al- 
lies. This expedition is Mentioned several times in 
this work. 

Fig. 381, 1824-'25.— "Killed-two-picking-plnms win- 
ter." A Dakota war party surprised and killed two 
Pawnees who v.ere gathering plums. 

Fn.. 381. 


Fui. a«; 

;?82, 1825-'26. — " Many- Yanktonais- drowned winter." The 
river bottom on a bend of the Missouri river, whei'e 
they were encamped, was suddenly submerged, when 
the ice broke and many women and children were 
drowned. All the Winter Counts refer to this flood. 

Fig, 383, 1826-'27.— "Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter." 
Six Dakotas on the war jjath (shown by bow and 
arrow) had nearly perished with hunger, when they 
found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on 
which the wolves had been feeding. They were seized 
soon after with pains in the stomach, the abdomen 
swelled, and gas poured from Drouth and anus, and 
they died of a whistle or froui eating a whistle. The 
sound of gas escaping from the mouth is illustrated 
in the figure. 

Fig.3S4, 1827-'28.— " Wore-snowshoes winter." The 
snow was very deep. 

Fig. Xi. 



Fig. 385, 1828-'29.— "Killecl-tw()-hundred-Gro.s Ven- 
tres (Hidatsas) winter." 

Fifi. 385. 

Fig. 386, 1829-30. — "Old-Speckled-Face-cluug-to-lii.s-sou-in-law win- 
ter." The daughter of Speckled-Face, who was coming 
out second best in an altercation with her husband, 
called to her father for help. The latter ran and 
grabbed his son-in-law around the waist, and, crying 
"That is my daughter," stabl)ed him. The son-in-law 
fell and the old man fell ou top of him, and, clinging 
to him, begged the lookers on to put an end to him 
also, as he wished to bear his beloved son-in-law com- -pm. ssb. 

pany to the spirit land. No one, however, was in the humor to si^eed 
him on the journey, and he remained witli the living. 

Fig. 387, 1830-'31. 

' Shot-many- white-buffalo-cows 


Fig. 388, 1831-'32.— "Killed-him-while-lookiug-about-on-the- 
ter." A Dakota, while watching for buffalo at Buf- 
falo Gaj), in the Black Hills, was shot by the Crows. 
The man is represented ou a hill, which is dotted with 
pine trees and patches of grass. Battiste makes the 
grass blue. Blue and green are frequently confounded 
by other Indians than Battiste, and some tribes have 
but one name for the two colors. 


hill win- 

Fig. 389, 1832-'33.— " Stiff-Leg- with- War-Bon- ^ 
net-on-died winter." He was killed in an en- 
gagement with the Pawnees on the Platte river, - 
in which the Brules killed one hundred Pawnees. -. 

Flu. :iS3. 



X + 

Fia. 390. 

Fig. 390, 1833-'34.— " Stormof-stars winter." All 
the Winter Counts refer to this great meteoric dis- 
play, whicli occurred on the night of November 12, 
1833, and was seen over most of the United States. 

Fig. 391, 1834-'3r>.— "Killed -the -Cheyenne -who- 
came-to-the-camp winter." A Cheyenne who stole 
into the village by night was detected and killed. 
The village was near what is now the Pine Eidge 

FlQ. 392. 

4^ + 

Fig. 393. 

Fig. 392, 1835-'36.—" Killed -the -two -war-party 
leaders winter." A Dakota war party met one of 
Pawnees and killed two of their leaders, whereupon 
the rest ran. 

Fig. 393, lS3G-'37.—" Fight -on -the -ice winter." 
They fought with the Pawnees on the ice, on the 
Platte river, and killed seven of them. The two ver- 
tical marks, which are for the banks of the river, and 
the two opposed arrows, signify that the tribes were 
on opposite sides of the river. 

Fig. 394, 1837-'38.— " Spread-out-killed winter.'' A 
Santee man, whose name is indicated by his spread 
hands, was killed by soldiers. 

Fig. 394. 



Fig. S'.)5, 1838- '39.— " Came-aiul-killedtiveOglcUas 
winter.'" They were killed by Pawnees. The man in 
the figure has on a capote, the hood of which is drawn 
over his head. This garment is nsed here as a sign 
for war, as the Dakotas commonly wear it on their 
war expeditions. 

Fig. 396, 1839-'-iO.—" Game -home- from-the-starve- 
to-death-war-path winter." All of the Dakota tribes 
united in an expedition against the Pawnees. They 
killed one hundred Pawnees, but nearly perished 
with hunger. 

Flu. 'Mb. 

Fig. 397, 1840-'41.— " Came-and-killed-flve-of-Little- 
Thunder's-brothers winter," and '• Battiste-alone-re- 
turns winter." The five were killed in an encounter 
with the Pawnees. Battiste Good was the only one 
of the party to escape. The capote is shown again. 

Fig. 398, 1841-'42. — " Pointer- made -a -commemora- 
tiou-of-the-dead winter." Also "Deep -snow winter." 
The extended index denotes the man's name, the ring 
and spots deep snow. 

Fig. 399, 1842-'43.— "Killed-four-lodges-of-Shoshoni- 
and-brought-home-many-horses winter." 

10 ETH 21 

Fig. 398. 

FlS. 399. 



FlC. 400. 

Fig. 401. 

Fig. 400, 1843-'44. — "Brought-home-the-iiiagic-arrow 
winter." This arrow origiually belonged to the Chey- 
ennes from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas 
captured it this winter from the Pawnees and the 
Oheyennes then redeemed it for one hundred horses. 

Fig. 401, 1844-'45.—"The-Crows -came -and -killed - 
thirty-eight-Ogli'ilas winter." The Ogl^las were on the 
warpath, as indicated by the capote. 

Fig. 402, 1845-46.— "Broke -out on -faces -had- sore- 
throats-and-campedunder-the-bluif winter." "Also- 
had-bellyache." The position of the camp is shown, 
also the suggestive attitude of the man. 

Fig. 403, 1846-'47. — "Winter -camp -broke -his -neck 
winter." He was thrown from his horse while on a 
hunt. The red on his neck is the break. 

Fig. 404, 1847-'48.—"The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter." 
His arm is lengthened to direct attention to his leg. 
The Ciiinese radical and phonetic character for the 
same concept, Fig. 1193, infra, maybe compared, as also 
Fig. 231, supra. 

Fig. 404. 



Fig. 405, 1S48-49.—" Killed -the -hermaphrodite winter" and "Big- 
horse-stealing winter." They captured a Crow who 
pretended to be a woman, but who proved to be a man, 
and they killed him. It is probable that this was one of 
the men, not nucommon among the Indian tribes, who 
adopt the dress and occupation of women. This is 
sometimes compulsory from failure to pass an ordeal 
or from exhibition of cowardice. Eight hundred horses 
were stolen from the Dakotas, but seven hundred of 
them were recovered. The Crows killed one Dakota, as is indicated 
by the arrow in contact with the red spot in the hoof print. 

Fig. 406, 1849-'50.— "Brought-the-Crows-toa 
stand winter." This was done at Crow Butte, 
near Camp Kobinson, Nebraska. It is said 
that a party of Crows, who were flying from 
the Dakotas, took refuge on the Butte about 
dark and that the Dakotas surrounded them, 
confident of capturing tLiem the next morning, 
but the Crows escaped duiing the night, very 
much to the chagrin of the Dakotas. The Crow's 
head is just visible on the summit of the hill, as 
if the body had gone down. 

FlQ. 406. 

Fig. 407, 1850-'.51.— "The-big-smallpox winter." 

Fig. 408, 1851-T)2.— " First -issue -of- goods winter." 
patches outside the circle are at the four cardinal 
points, the colored patches inside the circle are meant 
for blankets and the other articles issued, and the circle 
of strokes the people sitting. The Dakotas were told 
that flfty-flve years after that issue they would have to 
cultivate the ground, and they understood that they 
would not be required to do it before. 

Fig. 4U7 

The colored 

i'lo. 408. 

Fig. 409, 1852-53. — "Deep-snow-used-np-the-horses 
winter." The spots around the horses represent snow. 


Fig. 409. 




Fig. 410, 1853-'54.— " Cross-Bear-died-ou-tbe-liuut winter." The trav- 
ail means they moved; the buifalo, to huntbuttalo; the 
bear with mouth open and paw advanced, Cross-Bear; the 
— stomach and intestines, took the bellyache and died. 

The gesture sign for bear is made as follows: Slightly 
crook the thumbs and little fingers, and nearly close the 
other fingers; then, with their backs upward, hold the 
fr;.4io. hands a little in advance of the body or throw them sev- 
eral times quickly forward a. few inches. The sign is sometimes made 
with one hand only. 

For explanation of the word " travail,'' applied to the Indian sledge 
made of the joined tent poles, see Fig. 764 and accompanying remarks. 
Fig. 411, 1854-'5.j.— "Killed-flve-Assiniboins winter."' The Dakotas 
are ashamed of the part they took in the following 
deplorable occurrence and it is not therefore noted in 
the record, although it really nuirks the year. In con- 
sequence of a misunderstanding in regard to an old 
footsore cow, which had been abandoned on the road by 
some emigrants and which the Dakotas had innocently 
appropriated, Lieut. Grattan, Sixth U. S. Infantry, 
killed Conquering Bear (Mato-way'uhi, Startling Bear 
properly) about ten miles east of Fort Laramie, August 10, 1854. The 
Dakotas then, in retaliation, massacred Lieut. Grattan and the thirty 
men of Company G, Sixth U. S. Infantry, he had with him. 

The figure without the above statement tells the simple story about 
the killing of five Assiniboins who are denoted by the usual tribal sign, 
the number being designated by the five strokes below the arrow. 

yll^ Fig. 412, 1855-'.5(J.— "Little-Thunder-andBattiste- 

j W^a . Good - and - others - taken - prisoners -at-Ash-HoUow-on- 
M ^^ W^ the Blue-creek winter," and one hundred and thirty 
\J^^L\ k Dakotaswerekilledby the white soldiers. Also called 
i^^^U /^ "Many-sacrificial-rtags winter.'' The last- mentioned 
^^^Ki^l name for the winter is explained by other records and 
Fig. 41J. by Executive Document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Con- 

gress, lirst session. Senate, to refer to a council held on ^larcli 18, 1856, 
by Brevet Brig. Gen. W. S. Harney, V. S. Army, with nine of the bands 
of the Dakotas. 

Fig. 413, 1856-'o7. — " Bad -Four -Bear- trades -with- 
Battiste-Good-for-furs-all winter." Bad-Four-Bear, a 
white trader, is represented sitting smoking a pipe in 
front of Battiste's tipi under a bluff at Fort Eobinson, 

Fig. 414, 1857-'o.S.—" Hunted -bulls -only winter." 
They found but few cows, the bufl:alo being comjwsed 
principally of bulls. The travail is shown. 

I'lQ. 414 




Fig. -415, 1858-59. — " Mauy-Navajo-blankets winter." 
A Navajo blanket is shown in the figure. Several of 
the records agree in the explanation about the bring- 
ing of these blankets at that time. 

Fig. 416, 1859-'60.—"Came-and-killecl-Big-Grow win- 
ter." The two marks under the arrow indicate that 
two were killed. 

Fig. 417, 1860-'G1.— "Broke-out-with-rash-aud-died- 
with-pains-in-the-stomach winter." 

Fig. 418, 1861-62.—'' Killed- Spotted- Horse winter." 
Spotted Horse and another Crow came and stole many 
horses from the Dakotas, who followed them, killed 
them, and recovered their horses. 

Fig. 419, 1862-'63.— "Cut-up-the-boy-inthe-camp 
winter." The Crows came to the lodges and cut up the 
boy while the people were away. The knife above his 
head shows that he was cut to pieces. 

Fig. 420, 1863-'64. — " Crows - came - and - killed - eight 
winter." Some of the eight were Cheyennes. The 
marks below the arrow represent the killed. 

Fig. 421, 1864-"65. — ''RoastBr-made-a-commemora 
tion-of-the-dead winter." A piece of roasted meat is 
shown on the stick in the man's hand. The Dakotas 
roast meat on a stick held in front of the fire. 

Fig. 415. 

Fig. 416. 

Fig. 417 

Fig. 418. 

Fig. 419. 

Fig. 420. 



^iy- ^MdwM ht| Fig. 4213, 1S65-'GC. — " Deep-siiow-usecl-iii>tlie-lioises 
(8*^5% "r winter." The horse is obviously in a deplorable cou- 
'^ >.>••" dition. 

riQ. i2)i. 

Fig. 423. 

Fio. 424. 

Fio. 425. 

Fig. 423, 1866-'67.— " Beaver's-Ears-killed winter." 

Fig.41!4, 1867-'(JS. — ''Battiste-Good-made-peace-with- 
General-Hamey-for-the-people winter." This refers to 
the great Dakota treaty of 1808 in which other general 
officers besides Gen. Harney were active and other 
Indian chiefs much more important than Battiste took 
part. Tlie assumption of his intercession is an exhibi- 
tion of boasting. 

Fig. 42.5, 1868-'«9.—"KilledLong-Fish winter" and 
"Killed- fifteen winter." TheCrows killed fifteen Sans 
Arcs and Long-Fish also, a Lower Brule. The long 
tish is shown attached by a line to the mouth of the 
man figui'C in the manner that ijersonal names are fre- 
(luently portrayed in this pa])er. 

Fig. 420, 186!)-'70.—"Trees-killed-them winter, 
tree falling on a lodge killed a woman. 

Fig. 426. 

Fig. 427. 

Fig. 427, 1870-71. — " tJame-and-killed-High-Back- 
Bone winter." He was a chief. The Crows and Sho- 
shoni shot him at long range, and the pistol with which 
he was armed was of no service to him. 

Fig. 428, 1871-'72.- 
died of the bellyache. 

• Grav-Bear-died winter." He 

Fig. 428. 



Fig. ^29, 1S72-'V3.— -' Issue-year winter." A blanket 
is shown near the tipi. A blanket is often used as the 
sjnubol for issue of goods by the United States Gov- 


Fig. 430, 1873-74. 
the-peoijle winter." 

-' ' Measles-and- sickness-used-up 

Fig. 431, 1874-75. — •• TJtes- stole -horses winter." 
They stole five hundred horses. The Utes are called 
"black men, "hence the man in the figure is represented 
as black. He is throwing his lariat in the direction of 
the hoof prints. 

Fig. 433, 1875-76. — " BuU-Head-made-a-conimemora- 
tion-of-the-dead winter." 

Fig.433,1876-'77.— "Female-Elk-Walks-Crying-died 
winter." For some explanation of this figiu'e see Lone 
Dog's Winter Count for 1860-'61. 

Fig. 434, lS77-'78. — ''Crazy- Horse-came-to-make- 
peace-and-was-killed-with-his-hands-stretchedout win- 
ter." This refers to the well-known killing of the chief 
Cfrazy-Horse while a prisoner. 

Fig. 429. 

Fig. 430. 

Fig. 431. 

Fig. 432. 

Fig. 433. 


Fig. 435, 1878-'79. — " Brought-the-Cheyenues-back-aud-killed-them- 
in-the-house winter." Tiie Cheyennes are shown in prison surrounded 
by blood stains, and with guns pointing toward them. 
The Cheyennes referred to are those who left the 
Indian Territory in 1878 and made such a determined 
eflort to reach their j^eople in the north, and who, after 
committing many atrocities, were captured and taken 
to Fort Eobinson, Nebraska. They broke from the house in which they 
were confined and attempted to escape January 9, 1879. Many of them 
were killed; it was reported at the time among the Dakotas that they 
were massacred in their prison by the troops. 

^X Fig. 436, 1879-'80. — "Sent-the-boys-and-girls-to- 

^^ school winter." A boy with a peTi in his hand is rep- 

j\ resented in the picture. 

i'lu. 4:ji). 



This is an iiiipoitaut division of the purposes for which pictographs 
are used. The pictogi'aphs and the objective devices antecedent to 
them under this head maybe grouped as follows: 1st. Xotice of visit, 
departure, and direction. 2d. Direction by drawing topographic 
features. 3d. Notice of condition. -Ith. Warning and guidance. 




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t. %4r' 

.r-^ ^ <- ^ £ ^ ^*'. V*" VlV v..^ \ \ 

4 \ & & 1^ >s a f> s) (i<, n 

^^ 6BB/?(^^ 

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III llu^ 

V7 /<t ^ 





Fig. 437. — Petroglypli-s at Oakley spring. Arizona. 

Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, discovered draw- 
ings at Oakley spring, Yavapai County, Arizona, in 1878. He remarks 
that an Oraibi chief explained them to him and said that the " Mokis 
make excursions to a locality in the canyon of the Colorado Chiquito 
to get salt. On their return they stop at Oakley spring and each Indian 
makes a picture on the rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem, 
the symbol of his gens (? ). He draws it once, and once only, at each 
visit." Mr. Gilbert adds, further, that — 

There are prob.ibly some exceptions to this, Ijut the drawings show it.s general 
truth. There are a great niiiny repetitions of the same sign and from two to ten will 



often appear in a row. In several iustauces I saw the end ilrawiugs of a row quite 
fresh while the others were not so. Much of the work seems to have been performed 
by pounilini; with a hard point, but a few pictures aie scratched on. Many drawings 
are Aveather-worn 1>eyond recognition, and others are so fresh that the dust left by 
the tool has not been washed away by rain. Oakley spring is at the base of the 
Vermilion clift', and the etchings are on fallen blocks of sandstone, a homogeneous, 
mas.sive, solt sandstone. Tubi, the Oraibi cliief above referred to, says his totem is 
the rain cloud, but it will be made no more, as he is the last survivor of the gens. 

A group from Oakley spring, of which Fig. 437 is a copy, furnished 
by Mr. Gilbert, measures 6 feet in length and 4 feet in height. Inter- 
pretations of several of the separated characters are given in Chapter 
XXI, infra. 

Champlain (h) reports: 

Quelqiie marque ou signal par oil ayont passtS leurs ennemis, ou leurs amis, ee 
qu'ils cognoissent par de certaiues marques que les chefs se douuent d'une nation a 
I'antre, qui ue sout pas toujonrs semblables, s'advertisans de temps en temps quand 
lis en changent; et par ce moyen ils recognoissent si ce sent amis ou ennemis qui 
out pass6. 

A notice of departure, direction, and purpose made in 1810 by Algon- 
quins, of the St. Lawrence River, is described by John Merrick in the 
Collections of the Maine Historical Society (a), of which the following 
is an abstract: 

It was drawn with charcoal on a chip cut from a spruce tree and wedged firmly 
into the top of a stake. It represented two male Indians paddling a canoe in an 
attitude of great exertion, and in the canoe were bundles of baggage and a squaw 
with a papoose; over all was a bird on the wing ascertained to be a loon. The 
whole was interpreted by an Indian pilot on the St. Lawrence, to be a Wickheegan 
or Awickhecgan, and that it was left by a party of Indians for the information of 
their friends. The attitude of exertion showed that tlie party, consisting of two men, 
a woman, and a child, were going upstream. They intended to remain during the 
whole period allotted by Indians to the kind of hunting which was then in season, 
because they had all their furniture and family in the canoe. The loon expressed 
the intention to go without stopping anywhere before they arrived at the liuuting 
ground, as the loon, from the shortness of its legs, walking with great difficulty, 
never alighted on its way. 

The foUowing accottnt is from Doc. Hist. N. Y. (a). 

When tliey go to war and wish to inform those of the party who may pass their 
path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his 
dexter paw ; sometimes a saber or a club ; and if there be a number of tribes together 
of the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a 
tree from whieli they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe which heads the 
expedition is always the foremost. 

The three following figures show the actual use of the wikhegan by 
the Abnaki in the last generation. Wikhegan is a Passamaquoddy 
word which corresponds in meaning nearly to our missive, or letter, 
being intelligence conveyed to persons at a distance by marks on a 
piece of birch bark, which may be either sent to the person or party 
witli whom it is desired to hold communication, or may be left in a con- 
spicuous place for such persons to notice on their expected arrival. In 
the cases now figured the wikhegan was left as notice of departure 
and direction. They were made at dift'erent times by the brother, now 


dead, of Big' Raven, Itaptized as Xoel Josepb, who lived all aloue on 
Long Lake, a few miles from Princeton, Maine. He wonld not have 
anything to do with civilization, and subsisted by hunting and fishing 
in the old fashion, nor would he learn a word of French or English. 
When he would go on any long expedition his custom was to tie to a 
stick conspicuously attached to his wigwam a small loll of birch bark, 
with the wikhegan on it for the information of his friends. 

The upper device of Fig. iSS means, I am going across the lake to 
hunt deer. 

The middle device means, I am going towards the lake and will turn 
off at the point where there is a pointer, before reaching the lake. 

The lower device means, I am going hunting — will be gone all winter, 
the last information indicated by snowshoes and packed sledge. 


ria. 438.— Hunting notices. 

The following description of a pictograph on the Pacific coast is ex- 
tracted from Dr. Gibbs' (a) account, " Tribes of Western Washington," 
etc., Contrib. to N. A. Ethn. I, p. 222, of the Sound tribes. 

A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed liorses. A figure of a man, Trith a long 
queue or scalp lock, reaching to his heels, denoted Slioshoue; that trihe being in 
the habit of braiding horse or other hair into their own in that manner. A number 
of marks follow, signifying the strength of the party. A footprint, pointiug in the 
direction they take, shows their course, and a hoof mark turned backward, that 
they expect to return with animals. If well armed, and expecting a possible attack, 
a little powder mixed with saud tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about 
the figures indicates that they have fortified. These pictographs are often an object 
of study to decipher the true meaning. The shrewder or more experienced old men 
consult over them. It is not everyone that is sufficiently versed in the subject to 
decide correctly. 

Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained the original of the accompanying draw- 


ing, Fig. 439, horn Nanmolf, an Alaskau, in San Francisco in ISSl'; 
tlie iuteriiretation. 

The drawing wa« iu imitation of similar ones made by tlie natives to 
iutorm tlieir visitors or friends of tlieir departure for a purpose desig- 
nated. Tliey are depicted upon strips of wood, which are placed in 
conspicuous places near the doors of the habitations. 

X T X (^ iC ^ f ^ ^ -f -^ -^^ 

a h e (I e / <i h / / /.■ / 

l*'l(i. 4:t9. — Alaskiin notice of liinit. 

The following is the explanation of the characters: «, the speaker, 
with the right hand indicating himself and with the left pointing in the 
direction to be taken ; &, holding a boat-paddle, going by boat ; c, the 
right hand to the side of the head, to denote sleep, and the left elevated 
with one finger erect to signify one night; d, a cu-cle with two marks in 
the middle, signifying an island with huts upon it; e, same as a; f, a 
circle to denote another island; gr, same as e, with an additional finger 
elevated, signifying two nights; h, the speaker, with his harpoon, mak- 
ing the sign of a sea lion with the left hand. The flat hand is held 
edgewise with the thumb elevated, then pushed outward from the body 
in a slightly downward curve. At ; is represented a sea-lion ; J, shooting 
with bow and arrow; A-, the boat with two persons in it, the paddles 
projecting downward; ?, the winter or permanent habitation of the 

The following. Fig. 440, is of a similar nature to the preceding, and 
was obtained under similar circumstances. 

* ^ ^ *r ii fT ft ie 

a h V d c / (/ li 

Fig. 440 Alaskan notice of departure. 

The explanation of the above characters is as follows: 

The letters a, c, e, g, represent the person spoken to. 

b. Indicates the speaker with his right hand to the side or breast, in- 
dicating self, the left hand pointing in the direction in which he is going. 

d. Both hands elevated, with fingers and thumbs signifies many, ac- 
cording to the informant. When the hands are thus held up, in sign- 
language, it signifies ten, but when they are brought toward and back- 
ward from one another, m<my. 

f. The right hand is placed to the head to denote sleep — many sleeps, 
or, in other words, many nif/hts and days; the left hand points down- 
ward, at that place. 

h. The right hand is directed toward the starting point, while the left 
is brought upward toward the head — to go home, or whence he came. 

The drawing j)resented in Fig. 441 was made by a native Alaskan, 
and represents information to the effect that the artist contemplates 




making a journey to hunt deer. The drawing is made upon a narrow 
strip of wood, and placed on or near the door of the house, where visi- 
tors will readily perceive it. 

-Alaskan notice of liuut. 

In this figure the curves a a represent the contour lines of the country 
and mountain peaks; h, native going away from home; c, stick placed 
on hilltop, with bunch of grass attached, pointing in the direction he 
has taken; d, native of another settlement, with whom the traveler 
remained over night; e, lodge; /, line representing the end of the first 
day, i. e., the time between two days; rest; g, traveler again on the 
way; h, making signal that on second day (right hand raised with two 
extended fingers) he saw game (deer, i,) on a hilltop, which he secured, 
so terminating his .journey; /, deer. 

Figs. 4-1:2, 443, and 444 were drawn by Nauinoff and signify '' Have 
gone home." 

Via. 442. — Alaskan uotiri' ul' direction. 

His explanation of this figure is as follows: 

When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to 
inform his companions that he has started, he ascends the hilltoi> 
nearest to which they became separated, where he ties a bunch of grass 
or other light-colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. The 
lower end of the stick is placed firmly in the ground, leaning in the 
direction taken. When another hill is ascended, another stick with 
similar attachment is erected, again leaning in the direction to be taken. 
These sticks are placed at proper intervals until the village is sighted. 
This device is employed by Southern Alaskan Indians. 

He explained Fig. 443 as follows : 

Seal hunters thus inform their comrades 
that they have returned to the settle- 
ment. The first to return to the regular 
landing place sometimes sticks a piece 
of wood into the ground, leaning toward 
the village, upon which is drawn or 
scratched the outline of a baidarka, or 
skin canoe, heading toward one or more 
outlines of lodges, signifying that the 
occupants of the boat have gone toward 
their homes. 

Fig. 443.— Alaskan notice oldiiecti 


This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak, 
He exi^lained Fig. 444 as follows : 

When hunters become separated, the one first re- 
turning to the forks of the trail puts a piece of wood 
in the ground, on the top of which he makes an inci- 
sion, into which a short piece of wood is secured hori- 
zontally, so as to point in the direction taken. 

Fig. 444.— Alaskan no- 
tice of direction, 

Maj. Long — Keating's Long («) — saysi 

When we stopped to dine, White Thunder (the Winnebago chief that accompanied 
me), suspecting that the rest of his party were in the neighborhood, requested apiece 
of paper, pen, and ink, to communicate to them the intelligence of his having come 
up with me. He then seated himself and drew three rude figures, which, at my re- 
quest, he explained to me. The first represented my boat with a mast and flag, with 
three benches of oars and a helmsman. To show that we were AmericanB, our heads 
were represented by a rude cross, indicating that we wore hats. The representation 
of himself was a rude figure of a bear over a kind of cipher, representing a hunting 
ground. The second figure was designed to show that his wife was with him; the 
device was a boat with a squaw seated in it; over her head lines were drawn in a 
zigzag direction, indicating that she was the wife of White Thunder. The third 
was a boat with a bear sitting at the helm, showing that an Indian of that name [or 
of the bear gens] had been seen on his way up the river and had given intelligence 
where the party were. This paper he set up at the mouth of Kickapoo creek, up 
which the party had gone on a liuntiug trip. 

An ingenious mode of giving intelligence is practiced at this day by 
the Abnaki, as reported by H. L. Masta, chief of that tribe, lately liv- 
ing at Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the woods, to say "I am 
going to the east," a stick is stuck in the ground jjointing in that direc- 
tion. Fig. 445, a. "I am not gone far," another stick is stuck across 
the former, close to the ground, same figure, h. "Gone far" is the 
reverse, same figure, c. The number of days' journey of proposed ab- 
sence is shown by the same number of sticks across the first ; thus, 
same figure, d, signifies five days' journey. 

Fig. 44(i, scratched on birch bark, was given to the present writer at 
Fredericton, New Brunswick, in August, 1888, by Gabriel Acquiu, an 
Amalecite, then 06 years old, who spoke English quite well. The cir- 
cumstances under which it was made and used are in the Amalecite's 
words, as follows: 

"When I was about 18 years old I Uved at a village 11 miles above 
Fredericton and went with canoe and gun. I canoed down to Washa- 
demoak lake, about 40 miles below Fredericton ; then took river until 
it became too narrow for canoe; then 'carried' to Buctoos river; fol- 
lowed down to bay of Chaleur; went up the northwest Mirimachi, and 




'carried' into the Nepisigiut. There spent the summer. On that river 
met a friend of my time; we camped there. 

"One time while I was away my friend had gone down the river by 
himself and had not left any wikhe'gan for me. I had planned to go off 
and left for him this wikhe'gan, to tell where I would be and how long- 
gone. The wigwam at the lower left-hand corner showed the one used 
by us, with the river near it. Tlie six notches over the door of the 
wigwam meant that I would be gone six days. The canoe and man 


Fig. 445. — Abuaki notice of direction. 

nearest to the wigwam referred to my friend, who had gone in the oppo- 
site direction to that I intended to travel. Next to it 1 was represented 
in my own canoe, with rain falling, to show the day I started, which 
was very rainy. Then the canoe carried by me by a trail through woods 
shows the 'carry' to Nictaux lake, beside which is a very big mountain. 
I stayed at that lake for six days, counting the outgoing and returning. 
As I had put the wikhe'gan in the wigwam before I started, my friend 
on his return luiderstood all about me, and, counting six from and in- 



Fir.. 446.. 

cludiug' the rainy day, kuew just 
wlieu I wa,s coming back, and was 
waiting for me." 

The chief point of iuteiest in this 
notice is the ingenious mode of fixing 
the date of departure. The marks 
for rain are nearly obliterated, but it 
flows from the man's hair. The topo- 
grapyh is also delineated. 

The following is extracted fromi 
James Long's Expedition {h): 

On the bank of the Platte river was a 
.semicircular row of sixteen bison skulls, 
with their noses pointing down the river. 
Near the center of the circle which this row 
would describe, if continued, was anothei 
skull marked with a number of red lines. 

Our iuteiiireter informed us that this 
arrangement of skulls and other marks here 
discovered were designed to communicate 
the following information, namely, that the 
camp had been occupied by a war party of 
the Skeeree or Pawnee Louj) Indians, who 
had lately comt^ from an excursion against 
the t'umancias, letans, or some of the 
western tribes. The number of red lilies 
traced on the painted skull indicated the 
number of the party to have been thirty- 
six ; the position in which the skulls were 
placed, that they were on their return to 
their own country. Two small rods stuck 
in the ground, with a few hairs tied in two 
parcels to the end of each, signified that 
four sc.'il])S had been taken. 

When a hunting party of the 
Ilidatsa arrived at any temporary 
camping ground from which some of 
them had leftpn a short reconnoit 
ering expedition, the remainder, hav- 
J~2^jm|jNx<^ing occasion to move, erect a pole 
"^ and cause it to lean in the direction 
taken. At the foot of this pole a 
buffalo shoulder blade or other flat 
bone is jjlaced, upon which is depic- 
ted the reason of departure; e. g. 
shoukl buflalo or antelope be seen, 
the animal is drawn with a piece of 
charred wood or rod lead. 
When a Hidatsa party has gone 
Amaicciteiinticcoftrip. ou the warpath, aud a certain num- 


ber is detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is 
taken as the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the 
rendezvous, should the second not come up in a reasonable length of 
time, they will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be 
taken, and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to repre- 
sent the number of nights spent there by the waiting party. 

A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose 
whatever often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to 
their respective lodges. Should one of the party retiu-u to the rendez- 
vous before any others and wish to make a special trip, he will, for the 
information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 feet in length in 
the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is cut, or perhaps a 
split made for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or branch having 
a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is inserted at one 
end, so that the whole may point in the direction to be taken. Should 
he wish to say that the trail would turn at a right angle, to either 
side, at about half the distance of the whole journey in prospect, the 
horizontal branch is either bent in that direction or a naturally curved 
branch is selected having the turn at the middle of its entire length. 


- X 

Fui. 447. — Ojibwa notice of direction. 

thus corresponding to the turn in the trail. Any direction can be indi- 
cated by curves in the top branch. 

No prescribed system of characters is used at the present time by the 
Ojibwa, in the indication of direction or trav^el. When anyone leaves 
camp or home for any particular hunting or berry ground, a concerted 
arrangement is made by which only those interested can, with any cer- 
tainty, recognize "blaze" or trail marks. 

Three characters cut upon the bark of large pine trees observed in 
the forest near Red Lake, Minnesota, are shown in Fig. 447. The 
Ojibwa using such a mark will continue on a trail leading from his 
home, until he leaves the trail, when a conspicuous tree, or in its ab- 
sence a piece of wood or bark, is selected upon which a human figure is 
cut, with one arm elevated and pointing in the diiection to be taken. 
These figiu'es measure about 18 inches in height. Those represented 
on the two sides of the copy were cut into the bark of a ''jack pine" 
without coloration, and the one in the middle had been rubbed with 
red chalk upon the wood of the trunk after the bark had been removed 
and the incision made. The middle figure indicates the direction by 
its bearings, although the pointers are differently arranged. 
10 ETH 22 



Plain sticks are soiuetimes used by the Ojibwa to indicate direction. 
These vary in length according to the fancy of the person and the 
requirements of the case. They are stuck into the ground, and lean iu 
the direction to which notice is iavited. 

When a preconcerted arrangement is made, scrolls of birch bark are 
used, upon which important geographic features are delineated, so that 
the reader can, with little difficulty, learn the course taken by the 
traveler. For instance, a hunter upon leaving his home, deposits there 
a scroll bearing marks such as appear in Fig. 448 : 


Fig. 448. — Ojibwa notice of direction. 

a is a stream to be followed to a lake b, where the hunter will erect 
his lodge c, during his stay. The dodem (totem) is added, used be- 
tween persons or parties communicating, to show who was the one that 
drew it. It is in the nature of a signature. 

Fig. 449 .shows a still existing use of the wikhegan between a Penob- 
scot Indian and his nephew. It is copied from the original, incised on 
birch bark, by Nicholas Francis, a Penobscot, of Oldtown, Maine, which 
was obtained and kindly presented by Miss A. L. Alger of Boston. 

JTlG. 449. — Penobscot notice ot direction. 

Pitalo (Roaring Lion), English name, Noel Lyon, and his old uncle, 
aged over 70 years, went trapping for beaver in 1885 and camped at d, 
near Moosehead Lake h, having their supply tent at e. They visited 
the ponds a and b and knew there were beaver there, and set traps 
for them,//. The beaver dams are akso shown extending across the 
outlets of the streams. Noel came back fi-om pond b one day to the 



camping tent and fonnd this biivli-bark wikbegau made by the old 
uncle, wlio still used the pictograpbic method, as he does not know how 
to write, and by this Noel knew his uncle had gone to pond c to see if 
there were any beaver there and would be gone one night, the latter 
expressed by one line g drawn between the two arrows pointing in op- 
posite directions, showing the going and returning on the same trail. 

The notable part of the above description is that the wikhegan con- 
sisted of the chart of the geographic features before traversed by the 
two trappers, with the addition of new features of the country undoubt- 
edly known to both of the Indians, but not before visited in the present 
expedition. This addition exhibited the departure, its intent, direction, 
and duration. 

Fig. 450. — Paasainaquoddy notice of direction. 

Sapiel Selmo, a chief of the Passamaquoddy tribe, who gave to the 
writer the wikhegan copied as Fig. 450, in 1887, was then a very aged 
man and has since died. He lived at Pleasant point, 7 miles north of 
Eastport, Maine. He was the son of a noted chief, Selmo Soctomah 
(a corruption of St. Thomas), who, as shown by a certificate exhibited, 
commanded 600 Passamaquoddy Indians in the Eevolutionary war. 
When a young man Sapiel, with his father, had a temporary camp, «, 
at Machias Lake. He left his father and went to their permanent 
home at Pleasant Point, b, to get meat, and then returned to the first 
camp (route shown by double track) and found that his father had 
gone, but that he had left in the temporary wigwam the wikhegan on 
bu-ch bark, showing that he had killed one moose, the meat of which 
Sapiel found in the snow, and that the father was going to hunt moose 


on the other lake (East Macbias lake) and would cainp there three 
days, shown by the same number of strokes at c; so be waited for bim 
until he came back. 

Josiah Gregg (a) says of the Plains tribes: 

Wlieii traveliug they will also pile Leaps of stones upo;i mouiuls or couspicuous 
points so arranged as to be understood by their passing comrades ; and sometimes 
they set up the bleached buffalo heads, which are everywhere scattered over those 
plains, to indicate the direction of their march, and many other facts which may 
be communicated by those simple signs. 

Putnam (a) gives one example of this character: 

A family of five persons were killed — a tall man, a short, fat woman, and three 
children — at someplace to the north. Five sticks were cut of various lengths. The 
longest being forked or split indicated the man, the thick short one the woman, 
and three of smaller sizes and lengths the children. They were all scalped, as is 
Hhown by the peeling of the bark. There were thirteen Indians, as we are informed 
by the sticl< with stripes and thirteen notches; and they have fled south with two 
prisoners, as we Judge from tlie pointer and little strips of bark seemingly tied 
together. Sometimes all the iutimitions would V>e on one stick or piece of bark. A 
spy finding, at places well known, some of these mysterious articles, would bring 
them to the station, where a consultation would be held and conclusion drawn as to 
the meaning. A spy or hunter would intimate to his friend his want of powder or 
lead or other want and the place at which he would look for supplies. • 

Hind (a) speaks of a special form of notice by the natives of the Lab- 
rador peninsula: 

To indicate their speed and direction ou a march, the Nasquapees of the Labrador 
peninsula thrust a stick in the ground, with a tuft of grass at the top, pointing 
toward their line of route, and they show the rate at whi<h thev are traveliug Ijy 
the greater or less inclination of the stick. This mode of communicating intelligence 
to those who may follow is universal among Indians; Ijut the excellent and simple 
contrivance for describing the speed at whidi they travel is not generally employed 
as far as I am aware, by other nations. 

Mr. Charles G. Leland, in a letter, tells that the English gypsies, at 
a crossroad, drew the ordinary Latin cross with the long arm pointing 
in the direction taken. Others pulled up three bunches of grass by the 
roots and laid the green points in the direction. Others again, at the 
present time, take a small stick and set it up inclining at an angle of 
45 degrees in the line of travel. 

Dr. George M. Dawson («) re]iorts of the Shuswap people of British 
Columbia — 

A rag of clothing, particularly a small piece or pieces of colored or other easily 
recognizable material from a woman's dress, left in a forked twig, indicates that a 
person or party of persons has passed. If the stick stands upright, it means that 
the hour was noon, if inclined it may either point to the direction of the sun at the 
time or show the direction in which the person or party went. If it is desired to 
show both, a larger stick points to the position of the sun, a smaller to that of the 
route followed. If those for whose information the signs are left arc likely to arrive 
after an interval of several days, a handful of fresh grass or a leafy branch may be 
left, from the condition of which an estimate of the time which has elapsed can be 
formed. Such signs are usually placed near the site of the camp fire. 

The device to indicate the time of depositing the notice may be cofu- 
pared with that showfi in Fig. 44(5. 



Fig. 451 is a uotice by Micmac scouts, wliicli tribe was then at war 
witli the Passamaqxioddy, erected on a tree, to warn the rest of the 
tribe that ten Passamaquoddy Indians have been observed in canoes 
on the lake going toward the outlet of the lake and probably down 
the river. The Passamaquoddy tribal pictograph is shown and the 
whole topography is correctly drawn. 

Notes in literature relating to the skill of the North American Indi- 
ans in delineating geographic features are very frequent. The follow- 
ing are selected for reference: 

Champlain (c), in 1605, described how the natives on the coast drew 
with charcoal its bays, capes, and the mouths of rivers with such 
accuracy that Massachusetts bay and Merrimack river have been iden- 

I ( f t ( ( C c it 

Fig. 451 — Micmac notice of direction. 

Lafitau (d) says of the northeastern tribes of Indians — 

lis tracent grossierenient sur iles decrees, ou sur Ic sable, des Cartes exactes, et 
ausquelles il ne manque que la distinction dcs dejjrds. lis couserveut meme de ces 
sortes de Cartes Geograpliiques dans leur Tr^sor pnblir, pour les consulter dans le 

Sir Alexander Mackenzie, (a) in 1793, spoke of the skilled manner of 
cliart-making by an Athabascan tribe, in which the Columbia river was 

An interesting facsimile of a map with which the treaty of Hopewell, 
in 1875, made by the Cherokees, is connected, appears in American 
State Papers, Indian Affairs, i, 40. 

Hind (6) writes: 

On lake Tasli-ner-nus-kow, Labrador, was found a "letter" stuck in a cleft pole 
overlianging the bank. It was written ou birchbark, and consisted of a small map 
of the country, with arrows showing the direction the writer had taken, some crosses 
indicating where he had camped, and a large cross to show where he intended to 
make his first winter quarters It was probably written by some Nasquapees as a 
guide to others who might be passing up the river or hunting in the country. 

The Tegua Pueblos, of New Mexico, "traced upon the ground a 
sketch of their country, with the names and locations of the pueblos 
occupied in New Mexico," a copy of wTiich, " somewhat improved," is 
given by Lieut. Whipple [c). 



A Yuma map of the Colorado river, with the name.s and locations of 
tribes within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume, 
page 19. The map was originally traced upon the ground. 

A Piute map of the Colorado river, which was obtained by Lieut. 
Whipple, is also figured in the same connection. 

Lean- Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Pig. 452 
is a copy, made a trip on foot from Fort Bertliold to Fort Buford, 
Dakota, to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The return- 
ing horse tracks show that he was successful and that he rode home. 
The following is his explanation of the characters : 

Lean-Wolf is represented at a by the head only of a man to which is attached 
the outline of a wolf; b, Hidatsa earth lodges, circular in form, the spots represent- 
ing the pillars supporting the roof— Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota; c, 
human footprints, the course taken by the recorder; d, the Government buildings 
at Fort Buford (square); e, several Hidatsa lodges (round), the occupants of which 

Fig. 452.— Lean-Wolf 8 map. Hidatsa. 

had intermarried with the Dakotas; /, Dakota lodges; y, a small square — a white 
man's house — with a cross marked upon it to represent a Dakota lodge, which 
denotes that the owner, a white man, had married a Dakota woman, who dwelt 
there; ft, horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold; », the Missouri river; j, Tule 
creek; k, Little Knife river; I, White Earth river; m, Muddy creek; «, Yellowstone 
river; o, Little Missouri river; p. Dancing Beard creek. 

The following illustration. Fig. 453, is the chart of the field of a bat- 
tle between Ojibwas and Sioux with its description. The illustration, 
made by Ojibwa, the old Indian elsewhere mentioned, was drawn on 
birch bark, while the details of the description were oral. The locality 
referred to is above the mouth of Crow river, near Sauk rapids, Min- 

The chart refers to an episode of war in 1854, when 3 Ojibwa were 
pursued by 50 Dakota. Many of the lakes appear to be duplicated in 
name, simply because no special name for them was known. 



Dr. Hoflmaii tells how at Grapevine springs, Nevada, in 1871, the 
Paiute living at that locality informed the party of the relative i^osition 
of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon the sand and 
with his hands formed an oblong ridge to represent Spring mountain, 
and southeast of this ridge another gradual slope, terminating on the 
eastern side more abruptly; over the latter he passed his fingers to 
represent the side valleys running eastward. He then took a stick and 

Fig. 453.— Chart of battle field. 

In the description a is the Mississippi river; h. Crow river; c, branch of Crow 
river; d, e,f, Crow lalces; </, Rico lake; h, Water lake; »', Clear Water river; 
j, Sauk river; k, Big Sauk lake; I, Big prairie lake; m, Osakis lake; n, Sauk rapids; 
and 7), canoe and deer-hunting and fishing grounds; q, 1 man and 2 women killed 
(Ojibwas); r, Sauk Center; «, copses of timber — known as timber islands — on the 

showed the direction of the old Spanish trail running east and west 
over the lower portion of the last-named ridge. When this was com- 
pleted, with a mixture of English, Si)anish, Paiute, and gesture signs, 
he told that from where they were now they would have to go south- 
ward east of Spring mountain to the camj) of Paiute Charlie, where they 
would have to sleep ; then indicated a line southeastward to another 
spring (Stump's) to complete the second day; then he followed the line 
representing the Spanish trail to the east of the divide of the second 
ridge above named, where he left it, and passing northward to the first 
valley he thrust the short stick into the ground and said, ' Las Yegas." 
Mr. W. von Streeruwitz, of the Geological Survey of Texas, contrib- 


ntes the copy of a map, evidently the work of Indians, which is received 
too late for reproduction. The map is roughly scratched into the flat 
surface of a large granite block, and is an appi'oximately con-ect sketch 
of a pass and the nearest surrounding. The rock is situated in the pass 
above the so-called rattlesnake or mica tank, in a spur on the west side 
of the Van Horn mountains. El Paso county, Texas. An Indian trail 
passes near the very rough and weathered rear part of the rock, which 
on this side shows weak traces of some scratchedin drawings, which 
are nearly weathered off, made no doubt with the purpose to lead the 
attention of passing parties to the other side of the rock upon which 
the map is drawn. An old trail leads from the Eio Grande across the 
Eagle mountains to this pass and in the shortest line from the Green 
river valley to the northern main range of the Van Horn and from 
there east to the Davis mountains, formerly Apache mountains, and 
thence through the southern extension of the Guadeloupe mountains 
to this range and into New Mexico; also through the Sierra Carrizo to 
the Sierra Diablo; so that this trail must be regarded as one of the 
best warpaths for raids across the Rio Grande. An arrowhead at the 
upper end of the trail points out water (small or doubtful sujiply), as 
far as could be ascertained from drawings made by Apaches. 

r * i 1. » 

Fi&. 454.— Topographic features. 

Following are modes of exhibiting i>ictographically tojxigrapic fea- 
tures, Eig. 454: 

r(, from Copway's OJibway Nation, p. 130, represents "mountains." 

h is the Chinese character for ''mouutam," from Edkius, p. 14. "A 
picture of the object. More anciently, two upright cones or triangles 
connected at their bases." 

c is the representation by the Dakotas of a gap in the mountains, 
taken from Red-Cloud's census. 

d, from Copway, p. 135, i-epresents "islands." 

e, from the same, p. 134, is a representation of the character for "sea" 
or "water," probably a large body of water, e. g., lake, such as the 
Ojibwa were familiar with. 

/ is from the same authority, p. 134. It shows the character for 
"river" or "stream." 

g gives two Chinese characters for "river," "stream," from Edkins, 
p. 14. Three parallel lines drawn downward express "flowing" in all 



h is the Chinese cliaracter for "liowiiij; water," from Eilkius, p. 23. 
"lu the Chwen weu three strokes descending indicate the appearance 
of flowing water as seen in a river. The two outside strokes are broken 
in the middle." 

The same authority, ji. 155, gives anotlier character, /, with the same 

FlG.455. — Greeiilaud mai 

meaning as the last. The author says: "It is supposed to be turned 
on end. It is better to regard the old form with its three descending- 
lines as a picture of water flowing downward." 

A-, from Copway (a), represents the character for "land." It is a tur- 


tie, and refers to a common cosmologic myth concerning the recovery 
of land after the deluge. 

G. ndm («) give.s the following account, translated and condensed, 
descriptive of Fig. 4oo, a wooden map made by the natives of the east 
coast of Greenland : 

In refereuce to map making 1 will only remark tliat many are incliueil to enlarge 
the scale as they api>roaeli the l>etter known places, which iu fact is quite natural, 
as they would not otherwise find room for all details. As a natural result, map draw- 
ing in the form of ground plat is something quite new to them. Their mode of 
representing their land is by car\ing it on wood. This haa the advantage that not 
only the contour of the land, but also its appearance and rock forms, can in a certain 
degree be represented. 

The block of wood brought back represents the tract between Kangerdluarsikajik, 
east of Sermiligak, and Sieralik. north of Kangerdlugsuatsiak. The mainland con- 
tinues from one side of the wooden block to the other, while the islands are located 
on the accompanying block without regard to the distance between them in refer- 
ence to the mainland. All places where there are old ruins of houses, and therefore 
good storage places, are marked on the wood map, which also shows the points 
where a kayak can be carried over the ground between two fiords when the sea ice 
blocks the headland outside. This kind of models serves to represent the route the 
person in question has followed, iua.smuch as during his recital he moves the stick, 
so that the islands .ire shown in their relative positions. The other wooden map, 
which was prepared by request, represents the jieninsula between Sermiligak and 

A and B represent the tract between Kangerdluarsikajik (immediately east of 
Sermiligak) and Sieralik (slightly north of Kangerdlugsuatsiak). IJ represents the 
coast of the mainland, .and is continuous from one side of the block to the other, 
while the outlying islands are represented by the wooden block of A, on which the 
connecting pieces between the various isLinds must be imagined as being left out. 
While the narrator explains the map he moves the stick to and fro, so as to get the 
islands into the right position in reference to the mainland. 

Kuuit explained the map to me. The names of the islands on A are: a. .Sardler- 
miut, on the west side of which is the site of an old settlement; b, Nepinerkit (from 
napavok), having the shape of a pyramid; c, Ananak, having the site of an old set- 
tlement on the southwest point. (Note. — Others give the name Ananak to the cape 
on the mainland directly opposite, calling the island Kajartalik,) d. Aputitek; e, 
Itivdlersuak ; /, Kujutilik; g, Sikivitik, 

For B I obtained the following names, beginning at tlie north, as in the case of 
the isl.ands : h, Itivdlek, where there are remains of a house ; i, Sierak, a small fiord, 
in which salmon are found; k, Sarkarraiut, where theie are remains of a house; !, 
Kangerdlugsuatsiak, a fiord of such length that a kayak can not even in a whole 
day row from the mouth to the head of the fiord and back again; m, Erserisek, a 
little fiord; «, Nutugat, a little fiord with a creek at the bottom; o, Merkeriak, 
kayak portage from Nutugkat to Erserisek along the Iiank of the creek, when the 
heavy ice blocks the headland between the two fiords; }>, Ikerasakitek, a bay in 
which the land ice goes straight out to the sea; q. Kaugerajikajik, a cape; r, Kavd- 
lunak, a bay into which runs a creek; s, ApvLsinek, a long stretch where the land 
ice passes out into the sea; t, Tatorisik; «, Iliartalik, a fiord with a smaller creek; 
r, Nuerniakat; x, Kugpat; y, Igdluarsik; :, Sangmilek, a little fiord with a creek; 
a<i, Nutugkat; bb. Amagat; cc, Kangerdluarsikajik, a smaller fiord; dd, Kernertu- 
arsik . 

C represents the peninsula between the fiords Sermiligak and Kangerdluarsikajik. 



In the curious manuscript of Gideon Liucecum, written with Eoman 
characters in the Choctaw language about 181S, and referring to the 
ancient customs of that tribe, appears the following passage (p. 276) : 

They had a significant and very ingenious method of markinj; the stakes so that 
each iksa could know its place as soon as they saw the stake that had been set 
up for them. Every clan had a name, which was known to all the rest. It was a 
species of heraldry, each iksa having its coat of arms. The iksas all took the name 
of some animal — bulfalo, panther, dog, terrapin, any race of animals — and a little 
picture of whatever it might be, sketched on a blazed tree or stake, indicated the 
clan to which it belonged. They could mark a tree when they were about to leave 
a camp, in their traveling or hunting excursions, with a set of hieroglyphs, that any 
other set of hunters or travelers who might jiass that way could read, telling what 
iksa they belonged to, how long they had remained at that camp, how many there 
were in the company, if any were sick or dead, and if they had been successful or 
otherwise in the hunt. Thus, drawn very neatly on a peeled tree near the camp, a 
terrapin; five men marching in a row, with bows ready strung in their hands, large 
packs on their backs, and one man behind, no pack, bow unstrung; one circle, 
half circle, and six short marks in front of the half circle ; below, a bear's head, a 
buft'alo head, .and the head of iin antelope. The reading is, "Terrapin iksa, 6 men 
in company, one sick; successful hunt in killing bear, buffalo, and antelope; that 
they remained at the camp a moon and a half and six days, and that they have gone 

Among the Abnaki of the Province of Quebec, as reported by Masta, 
their chief, cutting the bark off from a tree on one, two, three, or four 
sides near the butt means "Have had poor, poorer, poorest luck." 
Cutting it off all around the tree means " T am starving." Smoking a 
piece of birch bark and hanging it on a tree means " I am sick." 

Tanner's Narrative (c) mentions regarding the OJibwa that, in cases 
where the information to be communicated is that the party mentioned 
is starving, the figure of a man is sometimes drawn, and his mouth is 
painted white, or white paint may be smeared about the mouth of the 
animal, if it happens to be one, which is his totem. 

Fig. 456 is a copy of a drawing incised on birch bark by the old 
Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, who made comments upon it as 
follows: Two hunters followed the river a until it branches off b, c. 
Indian d takes one river and its lakes and small branches, and the 
other hunter (not figured in the chart) follows the other branch and 
also claims its small streams and lakes. Sometimes during the winter 
they visit one another. If it happen that the other hunter was away 
from his wigwam e and if the visiting hunter wishes to leave word with 
his friend and wishes to inform him of his luck, he makes a picture on a 
piece of birch bark and describes such animals he has killed with the 
number of animals as seen in /and g (figure of moose's head) which, 
with two crosses to each, means 20 moose. He killed in each hunt 
altogether 40. h is a whole moose, also with two crosses, and means 
20, and also the figure of a caribou / with one cross means 10 caribou. 



and also a figure of a bear with four crosses j means 40 bears, and k 
shows a figure of bear with one cross which means 10 bears, and also a 
sable I with five crosses means 50 sables. If he wish to inform him 
he is in poor luck and hungry, he marked a figure of an Indian with a 
pot on one hand, the pot upside down ; this means hunger. A figure 
of an Indian in lying j)osition means sickness. 

Fig. 457 was also incised on birch bark by Sapiel Selmo and de- 
scribed by him. 

Two Indian hunters follow the river to hunt. They go together as 
far as the river's forks and then separate. One went to the river c. 
The other follows river e and kills a moose. They both build their 
winter wigwams. 

Fig. 45G, — Paa8aiiia<iiH)dd\' wikhegau. 

Indian l> went to hunt and found a bear's den under the foot of a big 
tree. He attempted to stab the bear, but missed the vital part. The 
bear got hold of him, bit him severely, and mortally wounded him. He 
went to his wigwam h and thinks he is going, to die, so he makes his 
mark or wikhegau on a birch-bark. He makes notches./ on the bark 
to mean his tracks and also marks a tree as in / and also a bear as in ff. 
His friend d came to visit him and found him lying dead in his wigwam, 
and also found the marks on the piece of birch-bark, which he read and 
knew at once his partner was killed by the bear, and he followed his 
bear tracks, and he also found the bear dead. 

a. Main river, h. One of the Indians who goes up c, branch of river. 




(I. The other liidiau who goes on c, auotlier branch of river. /. Tree 
above the bear's den. g. Bear. h. Wigwam of Indian b. i. Moose 
which Indian f7 killed. J. Tracks of Indian &. Jc. Bear's den under the 
tree. /. Indian f?'.s wigwam. 

Fig. 458 originally scraped on birch bark tells its own story, but was 
described by Sapiel Selmo, who drew it, thus : 

Two Indian hunters, b and (;, went to hunt and follow river, a. They 
continued together as far as d, where the river branches off'. Indian 
c follows the east bi'anch e. He went as far as lake/, where he built 

Fig. 457.— Passamaquoddy wikliey:.'iu. 

his wigwam g. Indian c is very unlucky; he doesn't kill any bears or 
moose, so he became very hungry. Indian b, who had followed the 
north branch and built his wigwam, I, near lake Jc, went to visit Indian 
V, who was away at the time, but b found mark on the bii'ch bark, a 
pot upside down, h; this means hunger. He also makes his own mark, 
/, a moose's head, showing .success. He appoints lake j, wbere he killed, and wants him, c, to come to his, 6's, wigwam I. 
0, lower lake, not connected with the story, but doubtless drawn 



to complete the topography. The two trails, m and n, are designated 
by notches showing foot-path or snow-shoe tracks. The Abuaki have 
footpaths or snow-shoe tracks where the line of kelliign sisel, or sable 
dead falls, extends from one hunting camp to another, between two 
lakes or rivers. 

The Ottawa and the Pottawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starva- 
tion by drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the figure 
of a man. (See Fig. 1046.) This drawing is either incised upon a piece 

Fig. 458. — Passamaquoddy wikhegan. 

of wood, or drawn on it with a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue 
water, or red ocher. The piece of wood is then attached to a tree or 
fastened to a pole, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where it will 
be observed by passers by, who are thus besought to come to the rescue 
of the sufferer who erected the notice. 

Fig. 459 illustrates information with regard to distress in another 
village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the notifi- 
cation. The drawing was made in 1882 by the Alaskan, Naumofl', in 
imitation of drawings used at his home. The designs are traced upon 


a strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the roof of the house belong- 
ing to the draftsman. 

a, the summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to 
be taken ; b, the baidarka, containing the residents of the house ; the 
first person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they "go by- 
boat to the other settlement"; c, a grave stick, indicating a death in 
the settlement; d, e, summer and winter habitations, denoting a village. 


A b e (t e 

Fig. 459. — Alaskan notii-e of distress. 

The drawing, Fig. 460, also made in 1882, by a native Alaskan, in 
imitation of originals familiar to him in Alaska, is intended to be 
placed in a conspicious portion of a settlement which has been attacked 
by a hostile force and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares 
the drawing upon a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the 

a represents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken 




a b c d e J 

Fig. 460. Alaskan notice of departure and refxigt-. 

would carry tliem beyond that number of hills or mountains; b, the 
draftsman, indicating tlie direction, witli the left hand pointing to the 
ground, one hill,' and the right hand indicating the number two, the 
number still to be crossed; c, a circular piece of wood or leather, with 
the representation of a face, placed upon a pole and facing the direction 
to be taken from the settlement; in this instance the drawing of the 
character denotes a hostile attack upon the town, for which misfortune 
such devices are sometimes erected; d, e, winter and summer habita- 

a b c d ^ f ,'/ '' 

Fig. 461. — Notice of departure to relieve distre8.s. Alaska. 

tions ; /, storehouse, erected upon upright poles. The latter device is 
used by Alaskan coast natives generally. 

The design shown in Fig. 461 is in imitation of drawings made by 
natives of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information 
that the draftsman had gone away to another settlement, the inhab- 
itants of which were in distress. The drawings were made on a strip 
of wood which was placed at the door of the house, where it might be 
seen by visitors or inquirers. 


Naumoff gave the following explanation: a, a native making the 
gesture of indicating self yfith the right hand and with the left indi- 
cating direction of (/oing; b, the native's habitation; c, scaffold used 
for drying flsh; upon the top of a pole is placed a piece of wood tied 
so that the longest end points in the direction to be taken by the re- 
lief party; d, the baidarka conveying it; e, a native of the settlement 
to be visited; /, summer habitation; (/, "shaman stick," or grave stick, 
erected to the memory of a recently deceased person, the cause which 
has necessitated the journey ; /;, winter habitation. This, together with 
f, indicates a settlement. 

Fii;. 102, iil!~o drawn by Naumoff, means "ammunition wanted." 

When a hunter is tracking game and exhausts his 

1^.,^^^,^^ ammunition, he returns to the nearest and most con- 

j-^^l^ spicuous part of the trail and sticks his ihti'Tik in the 

^.-'~ ground, the top leaning in the direction taken. The 

- — - ihu°uk is the pair of sticks arranged like the letter 

wanted. Alaska. A, uscu as a guu-rcst. Ihis method of transmitting 

the request to the first passer is resorted to by the coast people of 

Southern Alaska. 

Fig. III.'!, .ilso drawn by Naumoff, means "discovery of bear; assist- 
ance wanted." 

When a hunter discovers a bear and requires assist- 
ance, he ties together a bunch of grass, or other fibrous 
matter, in the form of the animal and places it upon a 
long stick or pole which is erected at a conspicuous 
point. The head of the efiigy is directed toward the 
FIG. 4B3.-As.'>i8tance locality whcrc the animal was last seen, 
wanted in huDt. Alaska. TWs devicc is used by most of the Alaskan Indians. 
Fig. 464 was also drawn by Naumoff", and signifies "starving hunt- 

Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger, 
scratch or draw on a piece of wood characters similar to those figured, 
and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the trail where 
there is the greatest chance of its discovery. The stick is inclined 

(( h V (( 

I''l(i. 404. — starving huutei-8. Ala.sUa. 

toward their shelter. The following are the details of the information 
contained in the drawing: 

a, A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be 
fishermen ; b, a man with both arms extended signifying nothirif), corre- 
siwnding with the gesture for negation; c, a person with the right hand 
to the month, signifying to eat, the left hand pointing to the house 
occupied by the hunters; d, the shelter. 



Tlie whole siguifies that there is nothnui to cat iu the house. This is 
used bv natives of Southern Ahiska. 



(( b <■ il 

l''u;. -HJ').— Sturving hunters. Alaska. 

Fig. 465, with the same sijjaiticatiou aud tioiu the same hand, is 
similar to the preceding iu general design. This is placed in the ground 
near the lauding place of the eanoemen, so that the top points toward 
the lodge. The following is the explanation of the characters : 

a, Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two 
men, owners, in the boat; />, a man making the gesture for nothing 
(see in this connection Fig. 983) ; c, gesture drawn, denoting to eat, 
with the right hand, while the left points to the lodge; d, a winter habi- 

This is used by the Alaskan coast natives. 


The following description of an Ojibwa notice of a murderer's being 
at large is extracted ft'om Tanner's Narrative: (d). 

As I was one moruing passing- one of our usual eucamping places I saw on shore a 
little stick standing in the bank and attached to the top of it a piece of birchbark. 
On examination I found the mark of a rattlesnake with a knife, the handle touching 
the snake and the point sticking into a bear, the head of the latter being down. 
Near the rattlesnake was the mark of a 1 leaver, one of its dugs, it being a female, 
touching the snake. This was left for my information, and I learned from it that 
Wa-me-gon-a-biew, whose totem Slie-she-gwp.b, the rattlesnake, had killed a 
man whose totem was Jluk-kwah, the bear. The murderer could Ije no other than 
Wa-me-gon-a-biew, as it was specified that he was the son of a woman whose totem 
was the beaver, aud this I knew could be no other than Net-uo-kwa. 

An amusing instance of the notice or warning, "No thoroughfare," 
is presented in Fig. HM. It was taken in 1880 from a rock drawing in 
Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, by Mr. J. K. Hillers, photographer of 
the U. kS. Geological Survey. 

The design on the left is undoubtedly a notice hi the nature of warn 
iug, that, although a goat can climb up the rocky trail, a horse would 
tumble down. 

During his connection with the geographic siu'veys west of the one 

hundredth meridian, Dr. Hoft'inan observed a practice among the 

TivAtikai Shoshoni, of Nevada, of erecting heaps of stones along or near 

trails to indicate the direction to be taken and followed to reach springs 

10 ETH 23 



of water. Upou slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail 
branched into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two 
trails, a heap of stones would be placed varying in height according to 
the elevation requisite to attract attention. Upon the top of this would 
be fixed an elongated piece of rock so placed that the most conspicuous 
point projected and pointed in the course to be followed. This was 

Fig. 466. — No thoroughfare. 

continued sometimes at intervals of several miles unless indistinct 
portions of a trail or intersections demanded a repetition at shorter 
distances. A knowledge of this custom proved very beneficial to the 
early prospectors and pioneers. 

Fig. 467 is a copy, one-sixteenth actual size, of colored petroglyphs 
found by Dr. Hoffman in 1884 on the North fork of the San Gabriel 
river, also known as the Azuza canyon, Los Angeles county, California. 

Fig. 467. — Rock jfaiutiu;;, Azuza cauyon. Calitornia. 

The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet long, 
about 4 feet high, and the same in width. The figures are on the 
eastern side of the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on the 
right points toward the north. 




Fig. 4(i.s i.-, n map drawn on a scale of 1,000 yards to the incli, sbow- 
iug the topograpliy of the immediate vicinity and the relative positions 
of the rocks bearing the paintings. 

Fig. 4ti8.— Site of paintings iu Azuza cauyuu, Caliibrnia. 

The stream is hemmed in by precipitons mountains, with the excep- 
tion of two points marked ce, over which the old Indian trail passed 
in going from the Mojoive desert on the north to the San Gabriel valley 
below, this course being the nearest for reaching the mission settle- 
ments at San Gabriel and Los Angeles. In attempting to follow the 
water course the distance would be greatly increased and a rougher 


Fig. 469. — SkeU'lies from Azuza canvou, California. 

trail encountered. Fig. 467, painted on the rock marked b on the map, 
shows characters in pale yellow upon a bowlder of almost white granite 
partly obliterated by weathering and annual floods, though still enough 
remains to indicate that the right-hand ligure is directing the observer 
to the northeast, although upon taking that course it would be neces- 
sary to round the point a sliort distance to the west. It may have been 


jjliiccd as u uotitication of direction to those ludiaus w Liu might have 
come up the canyon instead of on the regular trail. Farther west, at 
the spot marked a on the map, is a granite bowlder bearing a large 
number of paintings, i»art of which have become almost obliterated. 
These were drawn with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these 
is shown in Fig. 4G0. 

This is on the almost vertical western lace of the rock. These char- 
acters also appear to refer to the course of the trail, which might 
readily be lost on account of the numerous mountain ridges and sjiurs. 
Tlie left-hand human figure appears to place its hand upon a scries of 
ridges, as if showing pantomimicall,y the rough and ridged country 
over the mountains. 

The middle figure is making a gesture which in its present connec- 
tion may indicate direction of the trail, i. c, toward the left, or north- 
ward in an uphill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and south- 
ward, or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the leg 
and lower foreai'm and hand on the right of the painting. 

These illustrations, as well as other ijictographs on the same rock, 
not now represented, exhibit remai'kable resemblance to the general 
type of Shoshonean drawing, and from such evidence as is now attain- 
able it is probable that they are of Chemehuevi origin, as that tribe at 
one time ranged far to the west, though north of the mountains, and also 
visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles to trade. It is also 
known that theMojaves came at stated periods to Los Angeles as late 
as 1845, and the trail indicated at point a of the map would appear to 
have been their most practicable and convenient route. There is strong 
evidence that the Moki sometimes visited the Pacific coast and miglit 
readily have taken this same course, marking the important portions 
of the route by drawings in the nature of guideboards. 

The following curious account is taken from The Redman, Carlisle, 
October, 1888: 

A ranchman visiting a deserted camp of I'iegans found the following 
notice : 

Wc called at this rancli at diuner tiuie. They treated us badly, giving us no din- 
ner and sending us away. There is a head luan who has two dogs, one of which has 
no tail. There are two larger men who are lahorers. They have two pairs of large 
horses and two large colts, also another smaller pair of horses and two ponies which 
have two colts. 

The notice was composed thus : A circle of round stones represented the horses 
and ponies, the latter being smaller stones; the stones outside of the circle meant 
there were so many colts. Near the center was a long narrow stone, upon tlie end 
of which was a small one. This denoted the head man or owner, whose two dogs 
were shown by two pieces of bark, one with a square end while the other had a twig 
stuck in for a tail. Two other long narrow stones, larger than the first, stood for 
the laborers; these had no small stones on them. .Some sticks of wood, upon which 
was a small pile of bufialo chijis, meant that dinner was ready; and empty shells 
turned upside down told they got nothing to eaf. but were sent away. 

Mr. Charles W. Cunningham, formerly of Phcenix, Arizona, rejiorts 



tlie fliuling' of petioglyphs in Rowe canyon, oiie-hnlf mile IVoni the base 
of'Bradsliaw monntain, Arizona. The characters are pecked npon its 
vertical wall of hard porphyry, covering a space between 12 or 15 feet 
in length and abont 30 feet above the snrface of the earth. They con- 
sist of human tignres with outstretched arms, apparently driving ani- 
mals resembling sheep or goats, while at the head of the procession 
appears the ligure of a bear. The explanation given seems to be a 
notification to Indian herders that in going through the canyon they 
should be careful to guard against bears or possibly other dangenms 
animals, as the trail or canyon leads down to some water tanks where 
the herders may habitually have driven the stock. 

D'Albertis (l>) mentions of the Papuans that a warning not to enter a 
dwelling is made by erecting outside of it a stick, on the top of which 
is a piece of bark or a cocoanut, and in Yitle island these warnings or 
taboo sticks are furnished with stone heads. 

When a Tartar shaman wished to be undisturbed he placed a dried 
goat's-head, with its prominent horns, over a wooden peg outside of his 
tent and then dropped the curtain. No one would dare to venture in. 

The following is quoted from Franz Keller (h) : 

In the imineuse iirimeval forests, extending between the Iv;ihy and the Paraua- 
jianama, the Parana and the Tihagy, the rich hunting grounds of numerous Coroado 
hordes, one frequently eurounters, chiefly near forsaken palm sheds, a strange col- 
lectiou of objects hung up between the trees on thin cords or cip(5s, such as little 
pieces of wood, featliers. bones, and the claws and jaws of dift'erent animals. 

In the opinion of those well versed in Indian lore these hieroglyphs are designed 
as epistles to other members of the tribe regarding the produce of the chase, the 
number and stay of the hiintsmeu, domestic intelligence, .and the like; but this 
strange kind of composition, reminding one of the (piippus (knotted cords), of the 
old Pcruviaus, has not yet been quite unraveled, though it is desirable that it should 
bi', for the naive sou of the woods also uses it sometimes in his intercourse with the 
white man. 

Settlers in this country, on going in tlie morning to look after their very primitive 
mills near their cottages, have frequently discovered them going bravelj', but bruis- 
ing pebbles instead of the maize grains, while on the floor of the open shed names 
and purposes of the unwelcome nocturnal visitors have been legibly written in the 
sand. Among the well-drawn zigzag lines were inserted the magniticent long tail 
feathers of the red and blue macaw, which are generally used by the Coroados for 
their arrows; and, as these are the symbols of war au<l uight attacks, the whole was 
probably meant for a warning and admonition ad homiueni: "Take up your bundle 
and go or beware of our arrows.'' 



Under this heading: notes and ilhistrations are grouped of transmitted 
drawings, which were employed as letters and missives now are by peo- 
ple who possess the art of writing. To the drawings are added some 
descriptions of objects sent for the same purposes. These are sometimes 
obviously ideographic, but often appear to be conventional or arbitrary. 
It is probable that the transmittal or exchange of such objects anteceded 
the pictorial attempt at correspondence, so that the former should be 
considered in connection with the latter. The topic is conveniently 
divided by the purposes of the communications, viz, (1) declaration ot 
war, (2) profession of peace and friendship, (3) challenge, (i) social and 
religious missives, (5) claim or demand. 



Le Page du Pratz (a), in 1718, reported the following: 

The Natchez make a declaration of war by leaving a liieroglypliic picture against 
a ti'ee in the enemy's country, and in front of the picture they place, saltierwise, two 
red arrows. At the upper part of the picture at the right is the hie. o^Iyphic. sign 
which designates the nation that declares war ; next, a naked man, easy to recog- 
nize, who has a casse-tete in his hand. Following is an arrow, drawn so as in its 
flight to pierce a woman, who flees with her hair spread out and flowing in the air. 
Immediately in front of this woman is a sign belonging to the nation against which 
war is declared ; all this is on the same line. That which is below is not so clear or 
so much relied upon in the interpretation. This line begins with the sign of a moon 
(j. e., mouth) which will follow in a short time. The days that come afterward are 
indicated by straight strokes and the moon by a face without rays. There i.s also a 
man who has in front of him many arrows which seem directed to hit a woman who 
is in flight. All that announces that when the moon will be so many days old they 
will come in great uumbers to attack the designated nation. 

Lahontan (a) writes: 

The way of declaring war by the Canadian Algonquian Indians is this : They send 
laaek to the nation that they have a mind to quarrel with a slave of the same country, 
with orders to carry to the village of his own nation an axe, the handle of which is 
painted red and black. 

The Huron-Iroquois of Canada sent a belt of black wampum as a 
declaration- of war. 

Material objects were often employed in declaration of war, some of 
which may assist in the interpretation of pietographs. A few instances 
are mentioned: 


Capt. Laudoiiniere (a) says: ''Arrows, to whit-li louy hairs are at- 
tached, were stuck up aloug the trail or road by the Florida ludians, 
iu 1505, to signify a dedaratiou of war." 

Dr. Georg. Schweiiiftirth (a) gives the following: 

I may here allude to the remarkable symbolism by which war was declared against 
us ou the froutiers of Wando's territory. » » * Close on the path, aud in full 
view of every passenger, three objects were supendcd from the branch of a tree, viz, 
an ear of maize, the feather of a fowl, and an arrow. * « » Our guides readily 
comprehended and as readily explained the meaning of the emblems, which were 
designed to signify that whoever touched an ear of maize or laid his grasp upon a 
single fowl would assuredly be the victim of the arrow. 

In the Notes on Eastern Equatorial Africa, by MM. V. Jacques (a) 
and fi. Storms, it is stated that when a chief wishes to delare war he 
sends to the chief against whom he has a complaint an ambassador 
bearing a leaden bullet and a hoe. If the latter chooses the bullet, war 
ensues; if tlie hoe, it means that he consents to enter into negotiations 
to maintain i)eace. 

Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., pp. 420, 421, reports: 

The following instance in Tibeto-Chiua is of a mixed character. The use of mate- 
rial objects is combined with that of notched sticks. Wheu the Li-su are minded 
to rebel they send to the Moso chief (who rules them ou behalf of the Chinese Gov- 
ernment) what the Chinese call a muhki aud the Tibetans a shing-tchram. It is a 
stick with knife-cut notches. Some symbols are fastened to it, such, for instance, 
as a feather, calcined wood, a little tish, etc. The bearer must explain the meaning 
of the notches and symbols. The notches may indicate the number of hundreds or 
thousauds of soldiers who are coming; the feather shows that they arrive with the 
swiftness of a l>ir<l; the l)urnt wood, that they will set fire to everything on their 
way: the fish, that they will throw everybody into the water, etc. This custom is 
largely used .among all the savage tribes of tlie vi'gion. It is also the usual manner 
in which chiefs transmit their orders. 


The following account of pictorial correspondence leading to jx'ace 
was written by Governor Lewis Oass, while on one of his numerous 
missions to the Western tribes, before 1820 : 

Some years before, mutually weary of hostilities, the chiefs of the Ojibwas and 
the Dakotas met and agreed upon a truce. But the Sioux, disregarding the solemn 
contract which they had formed, and actuated by some sudden impulse, attacked the 
Qjibwas and murdered a number of them. 

On our arrival at Sandy lake I proposed to tlie Ojibwa chiefs that a deputation 
should accompany us to the mouth of the St. Peters, with a view to establish a per- 
manent peace between them and the Sioux. The Ojibwas reailily acceded to this, and 
ten of their principal men descended the Mississippi with us. The computed distance 
from Sandy lake to the St. Peters is 600 miles. As we neared this part of the country 
wc found our Ojibway friends cautious and observing. 

The Ojibwa landed occasionally to examine whether any of the Sioux had recently 
visited that quarter. In one of these excursions an Ojibwa found iu a conspicuous 
place a piece of birch b.ark. made flat by fastening between two sticks at each end, 
aud about 18 inches long bv 2 broad. 


This bavk eoutained the answer of the Sioux nation. So sanguinary had been tbo 
contest between these two tril)es that no personal communication ronld take phice. 
Neither the sanctity of office nor the importance of the message couhl protect the 
ambassador of either party from the vengeance of the other. 

Some time preceding, the Ojibwas, anxious for peace, had sent a number of their 
young men into these plains with a similar piece of bark, upon which they re]ire- 
sented their desire. This bark had been left hanging to a tree, in an exposed situ- 
ation, and had been found and taken away by a party of Sioux. 

The proposition had been examined and discussed in the Sioux villages, and the 
bark contained their answer. The Ojibwa explained to us with great facility the 
intention of the Sioux. 

The junction of the St. Peters with the Mississippi, where the ]irin(ipal part of the 
Sioux reside, was represented, and also the Amerieau fort, with a sentinel on duty, 
and a flag flying. 

The principal Sioux chief was named The-Six, alluding, I believe, to the baud of 
villages under his influence. To show that he was not present at the deliberation 
upon the subject of peace, he was represented on a smaller piece of bark, which 
was attached to the other. To identify him, he was drawn with six heads and a, 
large medal. Another Sioux chief stood in the foreground, holding a pipe in his 
right hand and his weapons in his left. Even we could not misunderstand that; 
like our own eagle with the olive branch and arrows, he was desirous for peace, but 
prepared for war. 

The Sioux party contained tifty-nine warriors, indicated by lifty-nine guns, drawn 
upon one corner of the bark. 

The encampment of our troops had been removed from the low grounds ujion the 
St. Peters to a high hill upon the ilississiiipi. Two forts were therefore drawn upon 
the bark, and the solution was not discovered until our arrival at St. Peters. 

The eft'ect of the discovery of the bark upon the minds of the Ojibwas was visible 
and immediate. 

The Ojiliwa bark was drawn in the same general manner, and Sandy lake, the 
principal place of their residence, was represented with unich accuracy. To remove 
any doubts respecting it, a view was given of the ohl northwestern establishment, 
situated upon the .shore, and now in the possession of the American Fur Company. 

No proportion was preserved in their attempt at delineation. One mile of the Mis- 
sissippi, including the mouth of the St. Peters, occupied as much space as the whole 
distance to Sandy Lake, nor was there anything to show that one part was nearer 
to the spectator than another. 

The above pictorially professed attitude of being ready for either 
peace or war may be compared with the aceouut in Cham plain — Voyages 
(f?) — of the chief whose name was Maristou, but he assumed that of Ma- 
higan Atticq, translated as Wolf Deer. He thereby proclaimed that 
when at peace he was mild as a deer, but when at war was savage as 
a wolf. 

In Davis' Conquest of New Mexico («) it is stated that Vargas" Ex- 
pedition in 1694 was met by the TJtes, who hoisted a deerskin in token 
of peace. 

The following " speech of an Ojibwa chief in negotiating a peace with 
the Sioux, ISOC," from Maj. Pike's (a) Expeditions, etc., shows the pic- 
tographic use of the pipe as a profession of peace: 

My father, tell the Sioux on the upper part of the river St. Peters that they mark 
trees witb the figure of a calumet ; that we of Red lake who may go that way should 
■we see them, that we may make peace with them, being assured of their pacific dis- 
position when we shall see the calumet marked on the trees. 



D'lbt'iville, ill l*i09, as piiuted in Margry, iv, l.-)3, said tliat tbe 
ludiaus met by liiiu near the nioutli of tlie Mississippi river indicated 
their peaceful and friendly purposes by holding up in the air a small 
stick of -whitened wood. Tlie same authority, in the same volume, p. 
175, tells that the Oumas bore a white cross as a similar declaration; 
and another journal, in the .same volume, p. 239, describes a stick also 
so borne as being' fashioned like a pipe. The actual use of the pipe in 
profession of peace and friendship is mentioned in several parts of the 
present paper. See, also, the passjiort mentioned on p. 214 and wam- 
pum, p. 225. 

Lieut. Col. Woodthorpe, in Jour. Authr. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., xi, x). 
211 , says of the wild tribes of the Naga Hills, on the northeastern fron- 
tier of India : 

On the road to Niao Ave saw on the giounil a curious mud figure of a man in slight 
relief presenting a ,>;oug in the direeti(m of Senua. This was supposed to show that 
the Niao men were willing to come to terms with Senua, then at war with Niao. 
Another mode of evincing a desire to turn away the wrath of an approaching enemy 
and induce him to open negotiations is to tic up in his path a couple of goats, some- 
times also a gong, with the universal symbol of peace, a palm leaf planted in the 
ground hard by. 


.!.<,-=;: -.^ 

Flii. 470.— Weat Alricau message. 

G. W. Bloxam («) gives the following description of Fig. 470: 

It represents a message of peace and good news from the Jving of Jebu to the King 
of Lagos, after his restoration to the throne on the 28th of December, 1851. It ap- 
pears complicated, but the interpretation is simple enough. First we find eight 
cowries arranged in pairs, and signifying the people in the ibiir corners of the world, 
and it will be observed that, while three of the pairs are arranged with their faces 
upwards, the fourth and uppermost, i. e., the pair in the most important position, 
are facing one another, thus siguifyiug that the correspondents, or the people of 
.lelm and Lagos, are animated by friendly feeling towards each other; so, too, there 
arc two each of all the other objects, meaning, " you and I," "we two." The two 
large seeds or warres, «, n, express a wish that "you and I" should play together as 
intimate friends do, at the game of " warre," in which these seeds are used and which 
is the common game of the country, holding very much the same position iis chess or 
draughts with us; the two fiat seeds. 6, h, are seeds of a sweet fruit called " osan," 
the name of which is derived from the verb, " san," to please [Mem. Notice the 
rebus] they, therefore, indicate a desire on the part of a sender of the message to 
please and to be pleased; lastly, the two jiieces of spice, c, c, signify mutual 
The foUowiug is the full meaning of the hieroglyphic: 

Of all the people by which the four corners of the world are inlialiited. the Lagos 
and Jebu i)eople are the nearest. 


As "wane" is the common Jilay of the couutiv. so the Jeliiis an<l Laf^os shouhl 
aUva.ys play and he I'rieudly with each other. 

Mutual pleasantness is my desire: as it is pleasant with uie so may it he jdeasaut 
■with you. 

Deceive me not, hecause the spice wonld vielil nothing else l)nt a sweet and 
genuine odor unto god. I shall never deal doiildy with yon. 

S K ( ' T I ( ) N S. 

H. H. Bancroft («), in Native Eaces, says tbat the Sbumeias chal- 
lenged the Pomos (in central California) l)y ])lacing three little sticks 
notched in the middle and at botli ends, on a mound which marked the 
boundary between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept they tie a string 
round the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and 
place and the battle comes oft' as appointed. 

The sending of material objects was the earliest and most natural 
mode for low cultured tribes to communicate when out of sight and 
bearing. Such was the system in use among the Scythians at the time 
of the invasion of their land by Darius. The version of the story in 
Herodotus is that commonly cited, but there is another by Pherecydes 
of Heros, who relates that Idanthuras, the Scythian king, when Darius 
had crossed the Ister, threatened hini with war, sending him not a 
letter, but a composite symbol, which (-onsisted of a mouse, a frog, a 
bird, an arrow, and a plow. When tliere was much discussion con- 
cerning the meaning of this message, Oroiitopagas, the chiliarch, main- 
tained tbat it was a surrender; for he conjectured the mouse to mean 
their dwelling, the frog their waters, the liird their air, the arrow their 
arms, and the plow their country. But Xiphodres offered a contrary 
interpretation, thus : " Unless like birds we fly aloft, or like mice burrow 
under the ground, or like fi'ogs take ourselves to the water, we shall 
never escape their weapons, for wc are not masters of their country." 

sEcrmx 4. 


Fig. 471 is a letter, one-half actual size, written by an Ojibwa girl, 
the daugliter of a Mide', to a favored lover, requesting him to call at 
her lodge. This girl had taken no Mide' degrees, but had simply 
acquired her pictographic skill from observation in her home. 

The explanation of the figure is as follows : 

<(. The writer of the letter, a girl of the Bear totem, as indicated by 
that animal, h. 

<>and/. Tlie companions of <(, the crosses signifying tliat the three 
girls are Christians. 

<■ and (J. The lodges occupied by the girls. The lodges are near a 
large lake,,/, a trail leading from // to /), which is a well-traveled road. 



The letter was written to a inau of the Mud Puppy totem, as indicated 
in '/. 

/. The road leading to the lodge occupied by the recipient of the 

k and /. Lakes near which the lodges are built. 

In examining c, the writer's hand is seen ])r()truding- from an opening 
to denote beckoning and to indicate which lodge to visit. The clear 
indications of the locality serve as well as if in a city a young woman 
had sent an invitation to her young man to call at a certain street and 

Fig. 4715 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named 
Turtle-following-his-Wife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, In- 
dian Territory, to his son Little-Man, at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. 
It was drawn on a half sheet of ordinary writing paper, without a word 

Flti. 471.— Ojibwa love letter. 

written, and was inclosed in an envelope, which was addressed to 
" Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Eidge Agency," in the ordinary manner, 
written by some one atthe first named agency. The letter was evidently 
understood by LittlcMun, as he immediately called upon Dr. Y. T. 
McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and was aware 
that the sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the purpose of 
enabling him to pay his expenses in going the long Journey to his 
father's home in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by the same 
mail, received a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and explaining 
the reason for its being sent, which enabled him also to understand the 
pictographic letter. With the above explanation it very clearly shows, 
over the head of the figure to the left, the turtle following the turtle's 
wife united with the head of the figure by a line, and over the head of 
the other figure, also united by a line to it, is a little man. Also over 
the right arm of the last-mentioned figure is another little man in the act 
of springing or advancing toward Turtle-foIlowing-his-Wife, from whose 



moutli proceed two liiie.s, curved or hooked at the end, as if drawing 
the little figui'e tovfard him. It is suggested that the last mentioned 
part of the pictograph is the substance of the communication, i. e., " come 
to me," the larger figures with their name totems being the persons ad- 
dressed and addressing. Between and above the two large figures 
are fifty-three round objects intended for dollars. Both the Indian fig- 
ures have on breechcloths, corresponding with the information given 
concerning them, which is that they are Cheyeunes who are not all civ- 
ilized or educated. 

Sagard (a) tells of the Algonkins of the Ottawa river, that when a 
feast was to be given, the host sent to each person whose presence was 

Fig. 472. — Cheyeuiie letter. 

desired a little stick of wood, peculiar to them (i. e., probably marked 
or colored) of the length and thickness of the little finger, which he 
was obliged to show on entering the lodge, as might be done with a 
card of invitation and admission. The precaution was seemingly 
necessary both for the host's larder and the satisfaction of the guests, 
as on an occasion mentioned by the good brother, each of the guests 
was provided with a big piece of sturgeon and plenty of " sagamite 
huyMe." There was probably some principle of selection connected 
with totems or religious societies on such occasions, not told by the 
narrator, as the ordinary custom among Indians is to keep open house 



to ill! coiner.s. wLo geuerally were the aboriginal " tiamps," witli tlie 
result of waste and subsequent famine. 

The Eev. Peter Jones (6), an educated Ojibwa missionary, in speak- 
ing of tbc eastern bands of the Ojibwa says: 

Their method of iiiiiiloriug' the favor or appeasing tlie auger of their deities is by 
ortering sacrifires to them in the following order: When an Indian meets with ill- 
luek in hunting, or when afflictions come across his path, he fancies that by the 
neglect of some duty he has incurred the displeasure of his munedoo, for which he 
is angry with him; and in order to appease his wrath, he devotes the first game he 
takes to making a religious feast, to which he hivites a number of the principal men 
and women from the other wigwams. A young man is generally sent as a messenger 
to invite the guests, who carries with him a bunch of colored quills or sticks, about 
4 inches long. On entering the wigwam he shouts out '■ Keweekomegoo; '' that is. 
"You are bidden to a feast.'' He then distributes the quills to such as are invited; 
these answer to the white people's invitation cards. When the guests arrive at the 
feast-maker's wigwam the quills are returned to him ; they are of three colors, red, 
green, and white ; the red for the aged, or those versed in the wahbuhnoo order ; the 
green for the media order, and the white for the common people. 

Mr. David Boyle (&) refers to the above custom, and quotes Rev. Peter 
Jones, also giving as illustrations copies of the quills and sticks pre- 

Klii. i7'i. — (Ijibwa invitjitious. 

.seuted by Dr. 1'. E. Jones whicli had been brought by his fatlier, the 
author above mentioned, from the Northwest fifty years ago. These 
are reproduced in Fig. 473. 

When the ceremony of the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa is 
to be performed, the chief mide' jiriest sends out a courier to deliver to 
each member an invitation to attend. These invitations of 
sticks of cedar, or other wood when that can not be found, measuring 
from 4 to 6 inches in length and of the thickness of an ordinary lead 
pencil. They may be plain, though the former cu.stom of having one 
end painted red or green is sometimes continued. The colored band 
is about the width of one-fifth of the length of the stick. It is stated 
that ill old times these invitation sticks were ornamented with colored 
liorcui)iue quills, or strands of beads, instead of with paint. 

The courier detailed to deliver invitations is also obliged to state the 
day, and locality of the jjlace of meeting. It is necessary for the invited 
meml)er to jneseut himself and to deposit the invitation stick upon the 
floor of the inclosure in wliich the meeting is held; should he be deprived 



of the privilege of atteuding, he must return the stick with au explana- 
tion accoianting for his absence. 

Fiij. 474.— O.jiliwa iiivitatii)n sticks. 

Fig. 4V4 exhibits tbe sticks without coloratinn. 


Another mode of giving invitations for the same ceremony is by 
sending aronnd a i)iece of birch baric bearing characters similar to 
those in Fig. 475, taken from Copway, p. 136. 

X mmm ¥A\% ^<t^^^ 

Fig. 475. — Summons to Mi<li'' cereriiniiy. 

The characters, beginning at the left hand, signify as follows: Medi- 
cine house; great lodge; wigwam, woods; lake: river; canoe; come; 
Great Spirit. 

C'opway remarks as follows : 

" In the above, the wigwam ami the medicine pale, or worship, repre- 
sent the depositories of medicine, record, and work. The lodge is 
represented with men in it; the dots above indicate the nnmber of days. 

"The whole story would thus read: 

• Hark to the words of theSa-ge-mah . The Great Mediciue Lodge will be ready in 
eight days. Ye who live iu the woods and near the lakes and by streams of water 
oouie with yonr canoes or by land to the worship of the (ireat Siiirit.' " 

The above interpretation is too much adapted to the ideas and 
language of Christianity. The more simple and accurate expression 
would change the rendition from " worship" and "Great 5 

Spirit" to the simple notice about holding a st^ssion of the (^ 

Grand Medicine Society. 

Fig. 47(>, drawn by a Passamaquoddy, shows how the In- 
dians of the tribe would now address the President of the 
United States, or the governor of Maine for help, and for- 
merly would have made wikhegan for transmittal to a great 
chief having power over them. They say by this: "You 
are at the top of the pole, so no one can be higher than 
you. From this pole you can see the farthest of your 
country and can see all your children, and when any of 
yonr children come to see you they must work hard to get 
where you are, on top of the high pole. They must climb 
up this jiole to reach you. You must pity them because they 
come long ways to see you, the man of power on the high 
pole." This kind of wikhegan the old men called kinjoiicsiri 
walkjoh, homage or salutation to the great chief. It was fig.47b.-i>;is. 
always in the old time accompanied by a belt of wampum. wSg™!''^ 

A highly interesting illustration and account of a diplomatic packet 
from the pueblo of Tesuque appears in Schooloaft ((/), and in the same 
series {h) is a pictograph from the Caroline islands still more in point. 

A. W. Howitt ((•) reports: 

Messengers in central Australia were sent to gather people together for dance.s 
from distances even up to 100 siiles. Such messengers were painted with red ocher 
and wore a headdress of feathers. 


In (■;illiii]L;peoiili- together for the cereiuduies of Wilyiiru or Miudari the messengers 
were painted with diagonal stripes of yellow oeher, and had their beards tied tightly 
into a i>oint. They carried a token shaped like a Prince of Wales feather, and made 
of emu feathers tied tightly with string. 

The sending of a handful of red ocher tied up in a small bundle signifies the great 
Miudari or peace festival. In giving notice of the intention to "make some young 
men" the messenger takes a haudful of charcoal and places a piece in the mouth of 
each i>ersou present without saying a word. This is fully understood to mean tli<- 
"making of young men" at the Wilyaru ceremony. 

The following is a description of a Turkish love letter, which was 
obtained by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (a) in 1717: 

I have got for you a Turkish love letter. * The translation of it is literally 

as follows. The first jjieee you should ])iill out of the purse is a little pearl, which 
must be understood in this manner : 

Pearl Fairest of the young. 

Clove You are as slender as the clove. 

You are an uublown rose. 

Ihave longloved you and you have not known it. 

.Jonquil Have pity on my passion. 

Paper I faint every hour. 

Pear Give me some hope. 

Soap I am sick with love. 

Coal May I die and all my years be yours. 

A rose May you be pleased and your sorrows mine. 

A straw Sufter me to be your slave. 

Cloth Y'cmr price is not to be found. 

Cinnamon But my fortune is yours. 

A match I burn, I burn ! My flame consumes me. 

Gold thread Don't turn away your face from me. 

Hair Crown of my head. 

Grape My two eyes. 

Gold wire Idle: come qniekly. 

And, by way of postscript : 

Pepper .Send me an answer. 

You see this letter is all in verse, and I can assure you there is as much fancy 
shown in the choice of them as in tlie most studied expressions of our letters, there 
being. I believe, a million of verses designed for this use. There is no color, no 
flower, no weed, no fruit, herb, pebble, or feather that has not a verse belonging to 
it; and yon may (juarrel, reproaih, or seud letters of passion, friendship, or civility, 
or even of news without ever inking your fingers. 

The use by Turks and Persians of flower letters or communications, 
the significance of which is formed by the selection and arrangement 
of flowers, is well known. A missive thus composed of flowers is called 
selam, but the details are too contradictory and confused to furnisli 
materials for an accurate dictionary of the flower language, though 
dictioiKuies and treatises on it liave been i)ublished. (See Magnat.) 
Individual fancy and local convention, it seems, tix the meanings. 

A Japanese girl who decides to discourage the farther attentions of 
a lover sends to him, instead of the proverbial " mitten " of N'ew England, 
a sprig of maple, because the leaf changes its color more markedly than 
any other. In this connection it is told that the Japanese word for love 
also means color, which would accentuate the lesson of the changing leaf. 



The following extracts are made Iroin Curr's (a) Australian Race: 

I believe every tribe iu Australia has its messenger, whose life, whilst he is in the 
perfonnanee of his duties, is helil sacred in peace and war by the neighboring tribes. 
His duties are to convey the messages which the tribe desires to send to its neigh- 
bors, and to make arrangements about places of meeting on occasions of fights or 
corroborees. In many tribes it is the custom to supply the messenger when he sets 
out with a little carved stick, which he delivers with his message to the most inllu- 
eutial man of the tribe to which he is sent. This carved stick he often carries whilst 
traveling stuck in the netted band which the blacks wear round the head. I have 
seen many of them, and been present when they were received and sent, and have 
some from Queensland in my possession at present. They are often flat, from 4 to 6 
inches long, an inch wide, and a third of an inch thick; others are round, of the 
same length, and as thick as one's middle finger. When flat their edges are often 
notched, and their surface always more or less carved with indentations, transverse 
lines, and squares; in fact, with the same sort of figures with which the blacks 
ornament their weapons throughout the continent; when round, fantastic lines are 
cut around them or lengthwise. I have one before me at this moment which is a 
miniature boomerang, carve<l on both sides, notched at the edges, and colored with 
red ocber. Any black could fashion sticks of this sort in an hour or two. S(une of 
my correspondents have spoken of them as a sort of writing, but when pressed on 
the subject have admitted that their surmise, all the circumstances weighed, was 
not tenable. The flat sticks especially have that sort of regularity and repetition 
of pattern which wall papers exhibit. That they do not serve the ]iurpose of writing 
or hieroglyphics I have no hesitation in asserting; and I may remark that in all 
cases which have come under my notice the messenger delivered his message before 
he presented the carved stick. That done the reeijjient would attempt to explain to 
those about him how the stick portrayed the message. Still fliis eminently childish 
proceeding leads one to consider whether the most savage minddoes not contain the 
germ of writing. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, in his Discovery and Conquest of New 
Spain, relates that, when his country sent verlial messages by Mexican bearers to 
distant tribes, the messengers who had seen the Spaniards write always asked to be 
supplied with a letter, which, of course, neither they nor the people to whom they 
were sent could read. 

Fig. 477 reproduces the illustratiou of the message sticks published 
in the work above mentioned. 

Vol. I, p. 306. — In the Majanua tribe messengers are sent with a notched or carved 
stick, and the bearer has to explain its meaning. If it be a challenge to fight, and 
the challenge is accepted, another stick is returned. 

Vol. II, p. 183. — The liearer of an important communication from one party to another 
often carries a message stick -(vith him, the notches and lines on which he refers to 
whilst delivering his message. This custom, which prev.ails from the north coast to 
the south, is a very curious one. No black fellow ever pretends to be able to under- 
stand a message from a notched stick, but always looks upon it as confirmatory of 
the message it accompanies. 

Vid. 11, p. 427. — Message sticks are in use, the marks carved on them being a guar- 
anty of the messenger, the same as a ring with us in former times. 

Vol. Ill, p. 263. — Message sticks are used by the Jlaranoa river tribe. An itiform- 
ant has in his possession a reed necklace attached to a piece of flat wood aliout 5 
inches long; on the wood are carved straight .and curved lines, and this piece of 
wood was sent by one portion of the tribe to another by a messenger, the two par- 
ties being about 60 miles apart. The interpretation of the carving was: "My wife 
has been stolen; we shall have to fight; bring your spears and boomerangs." The 

10 ETH 24 



straight lines, it was explained, meant spears and the curved ones boomerangs ; but 
the stealing of the wife seems to have been left to the messenger to tell. 

A. W. Howitt (rt) gives a further account on this topic: 

The messenger carries with him as tlie emblems of his missions a complete set of 
male attire, together with the sacred humming instrument, which is wrapped in a 
skin and carefully concealed from women and children. It is, therefore, in such 
cases, tlie totem which assembles the whole community. 

In the Adjadnra trilie of South Australia the ceremonies are ordered to be held by 
the headman of the whole tribe by his messenger, who carries a message stick 
marked in such a manner that it serves to illustrate his message; together with this 
there is also sent a sacred humming instrument. 

Drs. Houz6 and Jacques («) give a different view of the significance 
of the marks on message sticks : 

Fig. 477.— Anstr.ilian measagu sticks. 

It proves very difficult to discover the signification of the notched message sticks. 
The Europeans have not succeeded in deciphering them. Some marks may repre- 
sent a whole history. The following anecdote on this subject is reported by M. 
Cauvin (according to J. M. Davis, Aborigines of Victoria, v. i, p. 356, note) : A Eu- 
ropean, having formed the project of establishing a new station, started from Edward 
river with a herd of cattle and some Indians. When, all being arranged, the colo- 
nist was on the point of returning home, one of the young blacks requested him to 
take a letter to his father, and, on the consent of his patron, he gave him a stick 
about a foot long covered Avith notches and signs. On arriving home the colonist 
went to the camp of the blacks and delivered the letter to the father of his young 
follower, who, calling around him the whole encampment, to the great surprise of 
the European, read from this stick a daily account of the doings of the company 
from the departure from Edward river until the arrival at the new station, describ- 



ing the country which they had trtiversed and the places where they liad camped 
each night. 

The Queeuslaiuleis did not give Dr.s. Ilonze and Jacques such a long 
translation of their message sticks, but they informed them that one of 
the sticks related to the crossing from Australia into America, which is 
recounted by Tambo, the author of the message. An illustration of it 
is presented on p. 93 of the above cited work of Houze and Jacques, but 
is not sulBciently distinct for reproduction. 


G. W. Bloxam (b) says of the aroko, or symbolic letters, used by the 
tribe of Jebu, in West Africa, describing Fig. 478 : 

This is a message from a native general of the Jebu force to a native prince 
abroad. It consists of six cowries. Six in the Jebu language is E-fu, which is de- 
rived from the verb f.a, to draw. They are ar- 
ranged two and two, face to face, on a long string; 
the pairs of cowries set face to face indicate friendly 
feeling and good fellowship; the number exiiresses 
a desire to draw close to the person to whom the 
message is sent [note the rebus] ; while the hmg 
string indicates considerable distauc(r or a long 
road. This is the message: ".Vlthough the road 
between us be very long, yet I draw you to myself 
and set my face towards you. .So I desire you to set your face towards me and 
draw to me." 

Fig. 478.— West African .iroko. 

On p. 298 he adds: 

Among the Jebu in West .\frica odd numbers in their message are of evil import, 
while even numbers express good will. Thus a single cowrie may be sent as an un- 
favorable answer to a request or message. 

The same author writes, on p. 297, describing Fig. 479: 

It is a message from His Majesty Awnjale, the King of Jebu, to his nephew abroad ; 
and here we find other substances besides cowries included in the aroko. Taking 

West African aroko. 

the various articles in order, commencing from the knot, we observe four cowries 
facing in the same direction, with their backs to the knot; this signifies agreement. 
Next a piece of spice, «, which produces when burnt a sweet odor and is never un- 
pleasant ; then come three cowries facing in the same direction ; then a piece of mat, 


h; then ii piece of feather, c; and, lastly, a single cowrie turned in tlie same direc- 
tion as all the others. The interpretation is: 

"Your ways agree with mine very much. Your ways are pleasini^ to me and I 
like them. 

"Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing else but a sweet and gen- 
uine odor unto («od. 

"I shall never deal doubly witli yon all my life long. 

"The weight of your words to me is beyond all description. 

"As it is on the same family mat we have been sitting and lying <lo\vn together, I 
send to you. 

"I am, therefore, anxiously awaiting and hoping to hear from you." 

The following accoiiut of "African Symbolic Messages," condensed 
from the paper of the Eev. 0. A. Gollmer, which appeared in Jour. 
Anthrop. Inst, of Gr. Bii. and I., xiv, p. 169, et. seq., is highly interest- 
ing as showing the ideography attached to the material objects trans- 
mitted. The step in evolution by which the graphic delineation of 
those objects was substituted for their actual presence was probably 
delayed only by the absence of convenient material, such as birch bark, 
parchment, or other portable rudimentary form of paper on which to 
draw or paint, or at least by the want of a simple invention for the 
application of such material : 

The natives in the Yoruba country. West Africa, iu the absence of writing, and as 
a substitute for it, send to one another messages by means of a variety of tangible 
objects, such as shells, feathers, pepper, corn, stone, coal, sticks, powder, shot, razors, 
etc., through which they convey their ideas, feelings, and wishes, good and bad, and 
that in an unmistakable manner. The object transmitted is seen, the import of it 
known and the message verbally delivcreil by the messenger sent, and repeated by 
one or more other persons accompanying the messenger for the purpose as the im- 
portance of the message is considered to reijuire. 

Cowry shells iu the symbolic language are used to convey, by their numljer and 
the way in which they are strung, a variety of ideas. One cowry may indicate 
"defiance and failure; " thus: A cowry (having a small hole made at the back part, 
so as to be able to pass a string through it and the front opening) strung on a short 
bit of grass fiber or cord, and sent to a person known as a rival, or one aiming at 
injuring the other, the message is: "As one finger can not take up a cowry (more 
than one are required), so you one I defy ; you will not be able to hurt me, your evil 
intentions will come to nothing." 

Two cowries may indicate " relationship and meeting ; " thus: Two cowries strung 
together, face to face, and sent to an absent brother or sister, the message is: " We 
are children of one mother, were nursed l)y the same breasts." 

Two cowries may indicate "separation and enmity;'' thus: Two cowries strung 
back to back and sent to a person gone away, the message is: "You and I are now 

Two cowries and a feather may indicate " speedy meeting;" thus: Two cowries 
strung face to face, with a small feather (of a chicken or other bird) tied between 
the two cowries, and sent to a friend at a distance, the message is: "I want to see 
you, as the bird (represented by the feather) tlies straight and quickly, so come as 
quickly as you ciin." 

The following fivefold painful symbolic was sent by D., whilst in cap- 
tivity at Dahomey, to his wife, who happened to be staying with Mr. Gollmer, at 
Hadagry, at the time. The symbols were a stone, a coal, a pepper, corn, and a rag. 
During the attack of the King of Dahomey, with his great army of Amazons and 


other soldiers, upon Abeokuta iu March, 1852, D., one of the native Christians and 
defenders of his town, home, and family, was taken captive and carried to Dahomey, 
where he sutt'ered much for a lonj; time. Whilst waiting for weeks to know the 
result his wife received the syniliolii- letter which conveyed the following message: 

The stone indicated ' ■ health " ( the stone was a small, comm<in one from the street) ; 
thus the message was : "'As the stone is hard, so my body is hardy, strong — i. e., well." 

The coal indicated "gloom" (the coal was a small piece of charcoal); thus the 
message was: "As the coal is black, so are my j>rospects dark and gloomy." 

The pepjier indicated "heat" (the pepper was of the hot cayenne sort) ; thus the 
message was: "As the pepper is hot so is ni}^ mind heated, burning on account of 
the gloomy prospect. — i. e., not knowing what day I may be sold or killed." 

The corn indicated "leanness" (the corn was a few parched grains of maize or 
Indian corn); thus the message was: "As the corn is dried up by parching, so my 
body is dried up or become lean through the heat of my affliction and suffering." 

Tlie rag indicated "worn out;" thus (the rag was a small piece of worn and torn 
native cloth, iu which the articles were wrapped) the message was: "As the rag is, 
so is my cloth cover — i. e., native dress, worn and torn to a rag." 

A tooth brush may indicate "remembrance;" thus: It is a well-known fact that 
the Africans in general can boast of a finer and whiter set of teeth than most other 
nations. And those Europeans who lived long among them know from ccmstant 
observation how much attention they pay to their teeth, not only every morning, 
but often during the day. The tooth brush made use of is simply a piece of wood 
about 6 to 9 inches long, and of the thickness of a finger. One end of the stick, 
wetted with the saliva, is rnbbed to and fro against the teeth, which end after 
awhile becomes soft. This sort of tooth brush is frequently given to friends as an 
acceptable present, and now and then it is made use of as a symbolic letter, and in such 
a case the message is: "As I remember my teeth the first thiug iu the mornin'.;, and 
often during the day, so I remember and think of you as soon as I get up, and often 

Sugar may indicate "peace and love;" in the midst of a war this good disposition 
was made known from one party to another l>y the following symbol: A loaf of 
white sugar was sent by messengers from the native church at A. to the native 
church at I., and the message was: "As the sugar is white, so there is no blackness 
(i. e., enmity) iu our hearts towards ,vou; our hearts are white (i. e., pure and free 
from it). And as the sugar is sweet, so there is no bitterness among ua against you ; 
we are sweet (i. e., at peace with you) and love you." 

A fagot may indicate "fire and destruction; " when a fagot (i. e., a small bundle 
of bamboo poles, burnt on one end) is found fastened to the bamboo fence inclosing 
a compound, or premises, it conveys the message: "Your house will be burnt 
down" — i. e., destroyed. 

Powder and shot are often made use of and sent as a symbolic letter; the message 
is to either au individual or a people, viz: "As we cau not settle the quarrel, we 
must tight it out" (i. e., " wo shall shoot you, or make war upon you"). 

A razor may indicate " murder." A person suspected and accused of having by 
some means or other been the cause of death of a member of a family, the representa- 
tive of that family will demand satisfaction by sending the symbolic objects, viz, a 
razor or knife, which is laid outside the door of the house of the accused oft'euder 
and guilty party, and the message is well understood to be : " You have killed or 
caused the death of N., you must kill yourself to avenge his death." 

The following examples indicate a still further step in evolution by 
which the names of the objects or of the numbers are of the same sound 
as words in the language the significance of which constitutes the real 
message. This objective rebus corresponds with the j^ictorial rebus .so 
common in Mexican pictographs, and which is well known to have 


borue a chief part in the development of Egyptain and other ancient 
forms of writing. 

Three cowries with some pepper may indicate "deceit;" thus: Three cowries 
strung with their faces all looking one way (as mentioned before) with an alligator 
pepper tied to the cowries. Era is the name of the pepper in the native language, 
which in English means "deceit." The message maybe either a "caution not to 
betray one another," or, more frequently, an accusation of having deceived and de- 
frauded the company. 

Six cowries may indicate " attachment and affection ;" thus : Efa in the native 
language means "six" (cowries implied); it also means "drawn," from the verb fa, 
to draw. Mora is always implied as connected with Efa; this means " stick to you," 
from the verb mo, to stick to, and the noun ara, body — i. e. you. Six cowries 
strung (as before mentioned) and sent to a jierson or persons, the messiige is : " I ara 
drawn (i. e. attached) to you, I love you," which may be the message a young man 
sends to a young woman with a desire to form an engagement. 

Rev. Richard Taylor [b) says : 

The Maori used a kind of hieroglyphical or symbolical way of communication; a 
chief, inviting another to Join in a wur party, sent a tattooed potato and a fig of 
tobacco bound up together, which was interpreted to mean that the enemy was a 
Maori and not European by the tattoo, and by the tob.acco that it represented 
smoke ; he therefore roasted the one .and eat it, and smoked the other, to show he ac- 
cepted the invitation, and would join him with his guns and powder. Another sent a 
waterproof coat with the sleeves made of patchwork, red, blue, yellow, and green, 
intimating that they must wait until all the tribes were united before their force 
would be waterproof, i. e., able to encounter the European. Another chief sent a 
large pipe, which would hold a pound of toliaoco, which was lighted in a Large 
assembly, the emissary taking the first whift', and then passing it around; whoever 
smoked it showed that he. joined in the war. 

S E C T I O N 5. 

Stephen Powers {h) states that the Nishinam of California have the 
following mode of collecting debts : 

When an Indian owes another, it is held to be in bad taste, if not positively insult- 
ing, for the creditor to dun the debtor, as the brutal Saxon does, so he devises a 
more subtle mi'thod. He prepares a certain niimber of little sticks, according to 
the amount of the debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries 
and tosses into the delinquent's wigwam without a word and goes his way; where- 
upon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and destroys the sticks. 

The San Francisco (California) Western Lancet, xi, 1882, p. 443, 
thns reports: 

When a patient has neglected to remunerate the shaman [of the Wikchumni tribe 
of the Mariposan linguistic stock] for his services, the latter prepares short sticks 
of woo 1, with bands of colored porcupine quills wrapped around them at ime end 
only, and every time he passes the delinquent's lodge a certain number of them are 
thrown in as .a reminder of the indebtedness. 

C W. Bloxam (c) decribes Fig. 480 thus: 

Among the Jebu of West Africa two cowries facing one another signify two blood 
relations; two cowries, however, back to back may be sent as a niess.age of reproof 


for luinpaymeiit of (leV)t, meaning: "Yon have sivfii me the hack altogether; after 
we have oouic to an arrangement about tlio debt you have owed me, I will also turn 
my back against yon." 

elm coinplaiiit. 

The same authority, p. 299, describes Fig. 481 : 

It consists of two cowries face to face, followed by one above facing upwards, and 
is a message from a creditor to a bad debtor, meaning: '"After you have owed me a 
debt yon kicked against me; I also will throw yon off, because I did not know that 
you conld liavo treated me thus." 

Fig. 481.— Jebu complaiut. 

Prof. Anton Schrifner (a) describing- Fig. 482, says: 

On this plank the cuts marked h signify the number of reindeer required. Oppo- 
site these cuts are placed the hand marks, a, of various Samoyeds of whom the reindeer 

Fig. 482. — Samoyeil requisition. 

are demanded. At the bottom is found the otiicial mark, c, of the Samoyed chief who 
forwarded this board to the various Samoyed settlements in place of a written 

H A P T I'] R XIII. 

The employment of pictograplis to designate tribes, groups within 
tribes, and individual persons lias been the most frequent of all the 
uses to which they have been appliecL Indeed, tlie constant need 
that devices to represent- the terms styled by grammarians proper 
names should be readily understood for identification has, more than 
any other cause, maintained and advanced jiictography as an art, and 
in some parts of the world has evolved from it syllabaries and after- 
wards alphabets. From the same origin came heraldry, which in time 
designated with absolute accuracy persons and families for the benefit 
of letterless people. Trademarks have the same history. 

From the earliest times men have used enilileuis to indicate tlieir 
tribes or clans. Homer makes no clear allusion to tlieir manifestation 
at the poetic siege of Troy; but even if his Greeks did not bear them, 
other nations of the period did. The earlier Egyjitians carried images 
of bulls and crocodiles into battle, probably at first with religious senti- 
ments. Each of the twelve tribes of Israel had a special ensign of its 
own, which is now generally considered to have been totemic. The 
subjects of Semiramis adopted doves and pigeons as their token in 
deference to tlieir queen, whose name meant "dove." 

At later dates Athens chose an owl for her sign, as a compliment to 
Minerva; Corinth, a winged horse, in memory of Pegasus and his 
fountain; Carthage, a horse's head, in homage to Neptune; Persia, the 
sun, because its people worshiped tire; Itome, an eagle, in deference 
to Jupiter. These objects appear to have been carved in wood or metal. 
There is no evidence of anything resembling modern Hags, except, per- 
haps, in parts of Asia, until the Eomaus began to use something like 
them alxmt the time of Ciesar. But these small signs had no national 
or public character so as to be comparable with the eagles on the Eo- 
man standard; nor was any floating banner associated with ruling 
power until Constantine gave a religious meaning to the labarum. 

Emblems also were often adopted by jiolitical and religious parties, 
e. g., the cornstalks and slings of the Mazarinists and anti-Mazarinists 
during the Fronde, the caps and hats in the Swedish diet in 1788, the 
scarf of the Armaguacs, and the cross of the Burgundians. The topic 
of emblems is further discussed in Chapter xviii. 

As with increased culture clans and tribes have become nations, 
80 there has been an evolution by which the ensigns of bands and 


orders bave been discontinued and replaced by the emblems of 
nationalities. Frederic Marshall («) well says: "Images of animals, 
badges, war cries, cockades, liveries, coats of arms, tokens, tattooing, 
are all replaced practically by national ensigns." This change is 
toward the higher and nobler significance and employment, all mem- 
bers of the community being protected and designated by the simple 
exhibition of a single emblem. 

This chapter is naturally divided into (1) Pictorial tribal designa- 
tions, (2) Gentile and clan designations, (3) Significance of tattoo, (4) 
Designations of individuals. 


Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac («) writing in the year 109G of the Al- 
gonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., desciibes the 
emblems on their canoes as foHows: ''On y voit la natte de guerre le 
corbeau. Tours ou quelque autre animal * * * estant I'esjjrit qui 
doit conduire cette enterprise." 

This, however, was a mistake as applicable to the time when it was 
written. The animals used as emblems may originally have been re- 
garded as supernatural fotemic beings, but had i^robably become tribal 


Bacqueville de la Potherie (c) says that a treaty with the French in 
Canada, about 1700, was "sealed" with the "proper arms," pictorially 
drawn, of the Indian tribes which were parties to it. The following is 
a copy of the original statement in its archaic form: 

Monsieur de CalUeres, de Champigui, & de Vaudreiiil, en signerent le Trait*', que 
eliaciue Nation seella de ses propres armcs. Les Tsonnontouans & les Onnmitaguez 
designereut uue araignoe, le Goyogouin uu calumet, les Ouneyouts nu morceau de 
liois en fonrche, une piorre au milieu, uu Onaontaguo init uu Ours pour les Auiez, 
qudi qu'ils ne vinrent pas. Le Rat mit uu Castor, les Abenaguis uu Cbevreiiil, les 
Outaouaks un Llevre, ainsl des autres. 

From this it appears that — 

The kSeneca and Onondaga tribes were represented by a ".spider." 
[This was doubtless a branching tree, so badly drawn as to be mistaken 
for a spider.] 

The Cayuga tribe, by a calumet. 

The Oneida tribe, by a forked stick with a stone in the fork. [The 
forked stick was really designed for the fork of a tree.] 

The Mohawk tribe, by a bear. , 

Le Rat, who was a representative Huron of Mackinaw, by a beaver. 

The Abnaki, by a deer. 

The Ottowa, by a hare. 

Several other accounts of the tribal signs of the Iroquois are pub- 


lislied, often with illustrations, e. g., in Documents relating to the Colo- 
nial History of New York {n), with the following remarks: 

When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the )>arty who may pass their 
path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his 
dexter paw; sometimes a saber or a ehib; and if there be a number of tribes to- 
gether of the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all 
on a tree, from wliieh they remove the bark. The animal of tlie tribe which heads 
the expediti(m is always the foremost. 

Another account of interest, which does not appear to have been 
published, was traced and contributed by Mr. William Young, of Phil- 
adelphia. It is a deed from the representatives of the Six Nations (the 
Tuscaroras then being admitted) to the King of Great Britain, dated 
November 4, 1768, and recorded at the recorder's office, Pliiladclpliia, 
in Deed Book i, vol. 5, p. Ii41. Nearly all of these accounts and illus- 
trations are confused and imperfect. An instructive blunder occurs in 
the translated signature representing the Mohawk tribe in the above 
mentioned deed. It is called "The Steel," which could hardly have 
been an ancient tribal name, but after study it was remembered that 
the Mohawks liave sometimes been called by a name properly trans 
lated the "Flint people." By some confusion about flint and steel, 
which were still used in the middle of the last century to produce sparks 
of lire, perhaps assisted by the ijautoniime of striking those objects 
togethci', the one intended to be indicated, viz, the flint, was under- 
stood to be the other, the steel, and so these words were written under 
the flgure, which was so roughly drawn that it might have been taken 
for a piece of flint or of steel or, indeed, anything else. 


The illustrations in Fig. 483 were drawn in 1888 by a Passamaquoddy 
Indian, in Maine, near the Canada border. The Passamaquoddy, Pe- 
nobscot, and Amalecite are tribal divisitms of the Abnaki, who for- 
merly were also culled Tarrateens by the more southern New England 
tribes and Owenunga by the Iroquois. The Micmacs are congeners of 
tlie Abnaki, but not classed in their tribal divisions. All the four 
tribes belong to the Algonquian linguistic stock. 

Fig. 483 a is the tribal emblem of the Passamaquoddy. It shows two 
Indians in a canoe, both using paddles and not poles, following a fish, 
the pollock. The variation which will appear in the represented use 
of poles and paddles in the inarks of the Algonquian tribes in Maine, 
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, etc., is said to have originated in the 
differing character of the waters, shoal or deep, sluggish or rapid, of 
the regions of the four bodies of Indians whose totems are indicated as 
next follows, thus requiring the use of pole and i)addle, respectively, in 
a greater or less degree. The animals figured are in all cases repeated 
consistently by each one of the several delineators, and in all cases 
there is some device to show a difference between the four canoes, either 
in their structure or in their mode of propulsion, but these devices are 


uot always cousistent. It is therefore probable that the several animals 
designated constitnte the true and ancient totemic emblems, and that 
the accompaniment of the canoes is a modern differentiation. 

h The Maresquite or Amalccite emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, 
both with poles, following a muskrat. 

e The Micmac emblem. Two Indians, both with paddles, in a canoe 
built with high middle parts familarly called ''humpback," following a 

(1 The Penobscot emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, one with a pad- 
dle and the other with a pole, following an otter. 

In Margry (a) is an account, written about 171i2, of the "Principal 
divisions of the Sioux and their distinctive marks," thus translated : 

There aro from twenty to tweuty-six villages of Soioiix and they coiiipriso the 
nations of the prairies: 

(1) The Ouatabatouha, or Scioux des Riviferes, living on tlie St. Croix river or 
Lake de la Folle-Avoine which is below, and 15 leagues from the Serpent river. 
Their distinctive sign is a bear wounded in the neck. 

Fig. 483.— Eastern Algonquian tribal designations. 

(2) The Menesouhatoba, or Scioux des Lacs, having for their mark a bear wounded 
in the neck. 

(3) The Matatoba, or Scioux des Prairies, having for their mark a fox with au 
arrow in its mouth. 

(4) The Hictoba, or Scioux de la Chasse, having for their symbol the elk. 

(5) The Titoba, or Scioux des Prairies, whose emblem is the deer. It bears a bow 
on its horns. 

We have as yet had no commerce save with five nations. The Titoba live 80 
leagues west of Sault Saint-Antoine. 

The above early, though meager, notice will serve as an introduction 
to the following series of pictorial tribal signs, all drawn by Sioux 
Indians, and many of them representing tribal divisions of the Siouan 
linguistic stock. The history and authority of the several "Winter 
Counts" mentioned are referred to supra, chapter x, section 2. Eed- 
Cloud's census and the Oglala roster are also described below. Ex- 
planations of some figures are added which have no reference to the 
present topic, but which seemed necessary and could not be separated 
and transferred to more appropriate division without undue multiplica- 
tion of figures and text. 





Fig. 484.— Dakota and Crow, Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, lS19-'20. 
In an engagement between the Dakotas and the Crows both sides 
expended all of their arrows, and then threw dirt at each other. A 

Crow is represented on the right, and 
is distinguished by the manner in 
which the hair is worn. Hidatsa 
and Absaroka are represented with 
striped or spotted hair, which denotes 
the red clay they apply to it. 

The custom which prevails among 
these tribes, aud is said to have origi- 
nated with the Crows, is to wear a 
wig of horse hair attached to the 
occiput, thus resembling the natural 
growth, but much increased in length. 
These wigs are made in strands having the thickness of a finger, varying 
from eight to fifteen in number, and held apart and in ])lace by means of 
thin cross strands, thus resembling coarse network. At every inter- 
seetion of strands of hair and crossties, lumps of pine gum are attached 
to prevent disarrangement and as in itself ornamental, and to these 
lumps dry vermilion clay is applied by the richer classes and red ocher 
or powdered clay by the poorer people. 

Pictures drawn by some of the northern tribes of the Dakota show 
the characteristic and distinctive features for a Crow Indian to be the 
distribution of the red war paint which covers the forehead. 

Fig. 485.— Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1830-'31. The Crows were 
approaching a village at a time when there was a great deal of snow 
on the ground and intended to surprise it, but, some herders 
discovering them, the Dakotas went out, laid in wait for 
the Crows, surprised them, and killed many. A Crow's 
head is represented in the figure. 

The Crow is designated not only by the arrangement of 

back hair, before mentioned, but by a topknot of hair ex- 

'■'satokZ ' tending upward from the forehead, brushed upward and 

slightly backward. See also the seated figure in the record of Euuning 

Antelope, in Fig. 820, infra. 

Fig. 486. — The Dakotas surrounded and killed ten 
Crows. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1857-'58. 

The hair is somewhat shortened and not intentionally 
foreshortened, which was beyond the artist's skill. 

FlQ. ISO Absaroka. 



Fig. 487. — The Diikota.s killed a Ciow and liis squaw 
who were found on a trail. Cloud-Shield's Winter 
Count, 1839-40. 

This is a front view. The union line signities hus 
band and wife. 

Fig. 487. — Absaroka. 


Fig. 488. — Arapalio, in the Dakota language, niagpi- 
yato, blue cloud, is here shown by a circular cloud, drawn 
iu blue iu the original, inclosing the head of a man. Bed- 
Cloud's censu!s. 

Fig. 488.— Ara- 

.\I!IKA1!.\ OU HEE. 


489 is the tribal sign of the Arikara, made by the 
Dakota, taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good 
for the year 1823-'-4, which he calls ''General first- 
appeared - and -the-Dakotas- aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees 
winter," also "Much corn winter." 

The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn 
show that both whites and Indians fought the Eees. The 
ear of corn signifies "Ree" or Arikara Indians, who are 
designated in gesture language as "corn shellers." 

Fig. 490.— A Dakota kills one Ree. The-Flame's Winter 
Count, 1874— '75. Here the ear of corn, the conventional 
sign for Arikara, has become abbreviated. 


Fig. 490.— An- 

Fig. 491 is the tribal designation for Assiniboin or Holie made by 
the Dakota, as taken from the Winter Count of Battiste 
Good for the year 1709-'10. 

The Ilohe means the \oice, or, as some say, the voice of 
the musk ox, and the device is the outline of the vocal 
organs, according to the Dakotii concept, and represents 
the upper lip and roof of the month, the tongue, the lower lip, and chin 
and neck. The view is lateral, and resembles the sectional aspect of 
the mouth and tonsfue. 

Fig. 491. -As- 



Fig. 492. — A Brul6, who had left the viUage the night 
before, was found dead in the morning outside the vil- 
lage, and the dogs were eating his body. Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 1822-'23. 

The black spot on the upper part of the thigh shows 
he was a Brule. 

FiG. 492.— Bruit. 

Fig. 493. A Brule was found dead under a tree, which liad fallen on 

him. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, ISOS-'Kt. 

Again the burnt thigh is suggested by the black spot. 

The significance of these two figures is explained by 
the gesture sign for Brule as follows: Rub the upper 
and outer part of the right thigh in a small circle with 
the open right hand, fingers pointing downward. These 
Indians were once caught in a prairie tire, many burned 
to death, and others badly burned aboiit the thighs; 
hence the naine Si-ca"-gu, burnt thigh, and the sign. 
According to the Brule chronology, this fire occurred in 
Fig. 493.-Bruit. 176.3^ which they call " Thepeople-were-burned winter." 


Fig. 494. — The Cheyenne who boasted that he was bullet and arrow 

proof was killed by white soldiers, near Fort 
Robinson, Nebraska, in the intrenchments 
behind which the Cheyeunes were defending 
themselves after they bad escaped from the 
„ , . , fort. Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 187S-'79. 
'■ ^ * The marks on the arm constitute the 

tribal pictographic emblem. It is exjjlained 
by the gesture sign as follows: Pass the 
idnar side of the extended index finger 
^ \— tTl--^ I repeatedly across extended finger and back 
_^/ X'^"^/ of the left hand. Fig. 495 illustrates this 
gesture sign. Frequently, however, the in- 
dex is drawn across tlie wrist or forearm, or 
the extended index, ijalm upward, is drawn 
Fig. 494.— Cheyenne. across the forefinger of the left hand (palm 

inward), several times, left hand stationary, right hand is drawn to- 
/^^~—_^ ^->- ward the body until the in- 

^7^^"^**^^ y ^^ ^ '•') dex is drawn clear off; then 

^\^^ ' -".iN.. y^-'^S^T^^ ^' L'-^" repeat. Some Cheyeunes be- 

^^''-•^.S'^^''^^ Z^'^^r^^.^j^ lieve this to have reference 

'^^"'^AlJ} to the former custom of cut- 

FiG. 495.-ciK-^^ t'lig the arms as offerings to 

spirits, while others think it refers to a nicne ancient custom of cutting 



off the enemy's Augers for necklaces, and sometimes to cutting off the 
whole hand or forearm as a trophy to be displayed as scalps more gen- 
erally are. 

Fij;-. 49() is from the Winter Count of Battiste Good 
for the year I78.j-"8(J. In that record this is the only 
instance where the short vertical lines below the ar 
row signify Cheyenne. In all others those Jiiarks are 
numerical and denote the number of persons killed. 
That these short lines here signify Cheyenne is ex- 
plained by the foregoing remarks. 

Fui. 496. — Cheyenne. 

Fig. 497. — Picket-Pin went against the Clieyennes. 
A picket-pin is represented in front of him and is 
connected with his mouth by the usual line. Cloud- 
Shield's Winter Count, 1790-'9]. 

Tlie black band across his face denotes that he was 
brave and had killed enemies. The cross is the sym- 
bol for Cheyenne. This mark stands for the scars on 
their arms or stripes on their sleeves, and also to the 
gesture sign for this tribe. The cross is, therefore, 
the conventionalized form both for the emblem and 
the gesture. 



Fig. 498. — Stauding-BuU, the great grandfather of the present Stand- 
ing-Bull, discovered theBlack Hills. American -Horse's 
Winter Count, 177.5-'7(). He carried home with him 
a pine tree of a species he had never seen before. In 
this count the Dakotas are usually distinguished by 
the braided scalp lock and the feather they wear at 
the crown of the head, or by the manner in which 
they biush back and tie the hair with ornamented 
strips. Many illustrations are given in the present 
paper in which this arrangement of the hair is shown 
more distinctly. 

With regard to the designation of this tribe by 
paint it seems that pictures made by the northern Dakotas represent 
themselves as distinguished from otlier Indians by being painted red 
from below the eyes to the end of the chin. But this is probably rather 
a special war painting than a tribal design. 

Flu. 498.— Dakota. 




Fig-. 499 shows the ti'ibal designation of the Gros Ventres by the 
Dakotas, on the authority of Battiste Good, 17S9-'90. 

Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the 
Dakotas. The two are designated by two spots of 
blood on the ice, and killed is expressed by a blood- 
tipped arrow against the tigure of the man above. 
The long hair, with a red forehead, denotes the Gros 
Fic=. 4;,...-Hiaatsa. Ventre. In other Dakota records the same style of 
painting the forehead red designates the Arikara and Absaroka Indians. 
The horizontal band, which is blue in the original, signifies ice. 

Fig. .500 shows tbe tribal designation of the Kaiowa by the Dakota, 

Ts taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good, 

1814-'15. He calls the winter "Smashed-a Kaiowa's- 

head-in winter." Tlie tomahawk with which it was 

done is in contact with the Kaiowa's head. 

The sign for Kaiowa is sometimes made by passing 
one or both hands, naturally extended, in short hori- 
zontal circles on either side of the head, together 
with a shaking motion, the conception being '"rattle- 
¥w. 5oo.-Kaiow:.. brained" or "crazy heads." The picture is drawn to 
represent the man in. the attitude of making this gesture, and not the 
involuntary raising of the hands upon receiving the blow, such atti- 
tudes not appearing in Battiste Good's system. 

Fui, 501. -Kaiowa. 

This gesture is illustrated in Fig. .501. 



Fig. 502. — Two Maiidans killed by Minnecoiijous. 
The peculiar arraugement of the liair (listiiiguishes the 
tribe. The-Flame's Winter Count, 17S9-'90. 

Fig. 502.— Maudan. 


Fig. 503. — The Mandans and Recs made a charge on a Dakota vil 
lage. An eagle's tail, which is worn on the head, 
stands for Mandan and Eee. American-Horse's Winter 
Count, 1783-'84. 

The mark on the tipi, which represents a village, is 
not, as it at tirst sight appears, a hatchet, but a con- 
ventional sign for " it hit." See Fig. 987 and accom- 
panying remarks. 

Fk:. 503.— Mandan 
and Arikara. 

Carver («), writing in 177()-'78, tells that an Ojibwa drew the desig 
nation of his own tribe as a deer. The honest captain of proviucial 
troops may have mistaken a clan mark to be a tribal mark, but the 
account is mentioned for what it is worth, and the context serves to 
support the statement. 

Fig. 504 is the tribal designation of the Oniahas 
by the Dakotas, taken from the Winter Count of 
Battiste Good, for the year 1744-'45. Thepictograph 
is a human head with cropi)ed hair and red cheeks. 
It is a front view. This tribe cuts the hair short and 
uses red paint upon the cheeks very extensively. 
This character is of frequent occurrence in Battiste 
Good's count. 

Fig. 505.— The Dakotas killed an Omaha in the 
night. Cloud Shield's Winter Count, lS(»6-'07. 

This is a side view of the same. The illustration 
does not show the color of the cheeks. 

Fig. 50G. — The Dakotas and Omahas made peace. 
Cloud-Shield's Winter Count, 1791-'92. 

The Omaha is on the right and the Dakota on the ''"'' 

Fig. 504. — Omaha. 

Fig. 508.— Omaha. 

10 ETH- 




Fig. 507.— Pawnee. 

Fig. 507 is the tribal designation of tlie Pawnee by 
tbe Dakotas, taken from Battiste Good's Winter 
Count for tlie year 1704-05. 

He says: Tbe lower i^art of tbe legs are orna- 
mented witb sligbt projections resembling tbe busks 
on tbe bottom of an ear of corn. 

Fig. 508. — Brules kill a number of Pawnees. 
Tbe-Flame's "Winter Count, 1873-'74. 

Tbis is tbe abbreviated or conventionalized form 
of tbe one preceding. 

Fir. 508 Pawnee. 

Fig. 509. — They killed many Pawnees on tbe 
Republican river. Cloud- Shield's Winter Count, 

Here tbe arrangement of tbe bair makes tbe dis- 

Fir,. 509.— Pawnee. 

In tbis connection it is useful to quote Dunbar {a): 

The tribal mark of tbe Pawnees in their pictci^raphic or historic painting was the 
scalp lock dressed to stand nearly erect or curving slightly backwards, somewhat 
like a horn. This, in order that it should retain its position, was filled with Ver- 
million or other pigment, and sometimes lengthened by means of a tuft of horse hair 
skillfully appended so as to form a trail back over the shoulders. This usage was 
undoubtedly the origin of tbe name Pawnee. • • • It is most probably derived 
from pd-rik-i, a horn, and seems to have been once used by the Pawnees themselves to 
desifuate their peculiar scalp lock. From the fact that tbis was the most noticeable 
feature in their costume, the name came naturally to be the deuomiuative term of 
the tribe. 

Fig. 510. — The Ponkas came and attacked a village, 
notwithstanding peace had just been made with them. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1778-79. 

Some elk bair which is used to form a ridge about 
8 inches long and 1.' in breadth, worn from the fore- 
head to the back of tbe neck, and a feather, represent Ponka. Horse 
tracks are used for horses. Attack is indicated by marks which repre- 
sent bullet marks, and which convey the idea that the bullet struck. 
The marks are derived from the gesture-sign "it struck." See Chapter 
XVIII, section 4, 

Fib. 5111. —Ponka. 



FiQ. 511.— Ponka. 


Fig. 511. — Au Iiidiau womau, wbu had been uii- 
faitlif'nl to a white inau to whom she was married, 
was killed by an Indian named Ponka. American- 
Horse's Winter Connt, lS04-'0.^. 

The emblem for Ponka is the straight elk hair 

Fig. 512. — A Ponka, who was captured when a boy 
by the Oglalas, was killed while outside the village 
by a war party of Poiikas. American-Horse's Win- 
ter Count, 1793-'94. 

The artificial headdress, consisting of a ridge of 
elk hair, is again portrayed. 


Dr. George Gibbs (h) describes a pictograph made by one of the 
Indian tribes of Oregon and Washington, upon which "the figure of a 
man with a long queue or scalp lock reached to his heels denoted a Sho- 
shoui, that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or other hair into 
their own in that manner." 

This may be correct regarding the Shoshoui Indians among the 
extreme northwestern tribes, but the mark of identification could not be 
based upon the custom of braiding with their own hair that of animals, to 
increase the length and appearance of the queue, as this custom also pre- 
vails among the Absaroka, Hidatsa, and Arikaa Indians, respectively, 
as before mentioned in this work. 

Tanner's Narrative (e) gives additional information ou this topic 
regarding the absence of any tribal sign in connection with a human 

The men of the same tribe are extensively ncqiiainted with the totems which be- 
long to each, and if on any record of this kind the figure of a man aijjiears without 
any designatory mark, it is immediately understood thiit he is a Sioux or at least a 
stranger. Indeed, in most instances the figures of men are not used at all, merely 
the totem or surname, being given. * * * It may be observed that the Algon- 
kins believe all other Indians to have totems, though from the necessity they are 
in general under of remaining ignorant of those hostile bauds, the omission of the 
totem in their picture writing serves to designate an enemy. Thus, those liands of 
Ojibbeways who border ou the country of the DahCotali or Sioux, always under- 
stand the figure of a man without totem to mean one of that people. 



■^ N I liiirnrl I 


a he d c f 

Fig. 513.— TaniRa of Kirghisi' tribes. 

In Sketches of Northwestern Mongolia, («) are the tam^a or seals of 
Kirghise tribes, of which Fig. 513 is a copy. 


The cxplanatioa given is as follows: <t. Kipehaktamga : letter alip. 
h. Arguin tamga: eyes. c. Naimau tamga : posts (of door), d. Kong- 
rat, Kirei, tamga: vine. e. Nak tamga: prop. /. Tarakti tauiga: 
comb. (/. Tyulimgut tamga : pike. 


The clan and totemic system formerly called the gentile system un- 
doubtedly prevailed anciently in Europe and Asia, but first became 
understood by observations of its existence in actual force among the 
aborigines of America and Australia, and typical representations of it 
are still found among them. In Australia it is called kobong. An animal 
or a plant, or sometimes a heavenly body was mytliologically at lirst 
and at last sociologically connected with all persons of a certain stock, 
who believe, or once believed, that it was their tutelar god and they 
bear its name. 

Each clan or gens took as a badge or objective totem the representa- 
tion of the tutelar daimou from which it was named. As most Indian 
tribes were zootheistic, the object of their devotion was generally an 
animal — e. g., an eagle, a panther, a buft'alo, a bear, a deer, a raccoon, a 
tortoise, a snake, or a fish, but sometimes was one of the winds, a celes- 
tial body, or other impressive object or phenomenon. 

American Indians once generally observed a prohibition against kill- 
ing the animal connected with their totem or eating any part of it. 
For instance, most of the southern Indians abstained from killing the 
wolf; the Navajo do not kill bears; the Osage never killed the beaver 
until the skins became valuable for sale. Afterward some of the ani- 
mals previously held sacred were killed ; but apologies were made to 
them at the time, and in almost all cases the prohibition or taboo sur- 
vived with regard to certain parts of those animals which were not to 
be eaten on the princii^le of synecdoche, the temptation to use the food 
being too strong to permit entire abstinence. The Cherokee forbade the 
use of the tongues of the deer and bear for food. They cut these mem- 
bers out and cast them into the fire sacramentally. A practice still 
exists among the Ojibwa as follows: There is a formal restriction 
against members of the bear clan eating the animal, yet by a subdivi- 
sion within the same clan an arrangement is made so that sub-clans 
may among them eat the whole aninnil. AVhen a bear is killed, the 
head and paws are eaten by those who form one branch of the bear 
totem, and the remainder is reserved for the others. Other Indian 
tribes have invented a differentiation in which some clansmen may 
eat the ham and not the shoulder of certain animals, and others the 
shoulder and not tlie ham. 

It follows, therefore, that sometimes the whole animal is designated 
as a clan totem, and also that sometimes only parts of it is selected. 



Many of the devices given in this paper nnder the heading of personal 
names have this origin. The following ligures show a selection of parts 
of animals that may further illustrate the subject. It must, however, 
be borne in mind that some of the cases may be connected with indi- 


Fig. 514. — D.ikota gentile designations. 

vidual visions or with personal adventures aud not directly with the 
clan system. In the absence of detailed information in each instance 
discrimination is impossible. 
Schoolcraft says that the Ojibwa always placed the totemic or clau 



pictorial mark upou the adjedatig or grave-post, thereby sinking the 
personal name which is not generally indicative of the totem. The 
same practice is found in other tribes. The Pueblos depict the gentile 
or totemic pictorial sign upon their various styles of ceramic work. 

Fig. 514, gives examples taken from Dakota drawings, which appear 
to be i)ictured totemic marks of gentes or clans. If not in every in- 
stance veritable examples, they illustrate the mode of their represen- 
tation as distinct from the mere personal designations mentioned below, 
and yet without positive information in each case, it is not possible to 
decide on their correct assignment to this section of the present chapter. 

Fio. 515. — KwakiutI carvings. 

a. Bear-Back. Eed-Cloud's Census. 

Tliis and the six following figures exhibit respectively the portions 
of the bear, viz, the back or chine, the ears, the head, the paw, tlie 
brains, and the nostrils or muzzle, which are probably the subject of 
taboo and are the sign of a clan or subclan. 

b. Bear's-Ears, a Brule, was killed in an Oglala village by the Crows. 
American-Horse's Winter Count, 1785-80. 

c. Bear's-Ears was killed in a fight with the Rees. Cloud-Shield's 
Winter Count, 179;3-'94. 


This is another aud more graphic deliiieatioTi ofttie animal's ears. 

d. Bear-Heart. Kert Cloud's Census. 

e. Bear-Paw. Red-Cloud's Census. The paws of the bear are con- 
sidered to be a delicacy. 

/. Bear-Braiiis. Red-Cloud's Census. 

l). Bear-Nostrils. Red-Cloud's Census. 

/(. Hump. Red-Cloud's Census. The hump of the buftalo has been 
often praised as a delicious dish. 

/. Elkllead. Red-Cloud's Census. 

Fig. 515 represents carved uprights in a house of the Kwakiutl Indi- 
ans, British Columbia, taken from a work of Dr. Franz Boas (h). 

The author says that these uprights are always carved according to 
the crest of the gens of the house owner, and repi'esent men standing 
on the heads of animals. This use of the term " crest" is not herald- 
ically correct, as literally it would require the men to be standing on 
the coverings of their own heads, but the idea is plain, the word being 
used for a device similar in nature and significance to the crest in 
heraldry, and it was adopted by the ancestors of the Kwakiutl gentes in 
relation to certain exploits that they had made. Both human figures 
show painting and probably also tattooing on their faces. 

The character on the left hand also shows a design on the breast. 
That on the right hand presents a curious artifice of carving by which 
the legs and an arm are exhibited while preserving the solidity of the 

S E C T I O N 3 . 


Tattooing proper is a permanent marking of the skin accomplished 
by the introduction of coloring matter under the cutaneous epidermis. 
In popular expression and often in literature it includes penetration 
of the skin by cuts, gashes, or sometimes burns, without the insertion 
of coloring matter, the cicatrix being generally whiter than the sound 
skin of the people, most frequently of the dark races, among whom the 
practice is found. This form of figuration is distinguished as scarifica- 
tion and some examples of it are given below. The two varieties of 
tattoo may, however, for the jmrpose of this paper, be considered 
together and also in relation to painting the human body, which in its 
early use differs fi'om them only in duration. 

Mr. Herbert Spencer («) considers all forms of tattoo to be originally 
tribal marks, and draws from that assna]i)tion additional evidence for 
his favorite theory of the deification of a dead tribal chief. Miss A, 
W. Buckland (a), in her essay on tattooing, follows in the same track, 
although recognizing modern deviations from the rule. A valuable 
article in the literature of the subject entitled "Tattooing among 
civilized people," by Dr. Robert Fletcher should be consulted. Also A 
tatuagem em Portugal, by Rocha Peixoto. 


Dr. C. N. Starcke (a) lays down the law still mure distinctly, thus: 
The tattoo-marks make it possible to discover the remote connection between 
clans, and this token lias such a powerful inllucuce on the mind that there is no 
feud between tribes which arc tattooed in the same way. » » * Tattooing may 
also lead to the formation of a group within the tribe. 

Prof. Frederick Starr (a) makes these remarks: 

As a sign of war prowess the gash of the Kaffir warrior may be described. After 
an act of bravery the priest cuts a tleep gash in the hero's thigh. This heals bine 
.and is a prized honor. To realize the value of a tribal mark think for a moment of 
the sav.age man's relation to the world outside. He is a very Ishmaelite. 80 hing 
as he remains on his own tribal territory he is safe ; when on the land of another 
tribe his life is the legitimate prey of the first man he meets. To men in such social 
relations the tribal mark is the only safety at home; without it he would be slain 
uureyognized by his own tribesmen. There must have been a time when the old 
Hebrews knew all about this matter of tribe marks. By this custom only can we 
fully understand the story of Cain (Gen. iv, 14, 1.5), who fears to bo sent from his 
own territory lest he be slain by the first stranger he meets, but is protected by the 
tri))al mark of those among whom he is to wander being put upon him. But in 
scarring, as in so many other cases, the original idea is often lost and the mark be- 
comes merely ornamental. This is particularly true among women. Among men 
it more frequently retains its tribal significance. 

After careful study of the topic, less positive and conclusive authority 
is found for this explanation of tattooing than was expected, consider- 
ing its general admission. 

The great antiquity of tattooing is shown by reference to it in the 
Old Testament, and in Herodotus, Xenophou, Tacitus, Ammianus, and 
Herodian. The publications on the topic are so numerous that the 
notes now to be presented are by no means exhaustive. They mainly 
refer to the Indian tribes of North Amei'ica with only such compara- 
tively recent reports from other lands as seem to afford elucidation. 


G. Holm (b) says of the Greenland Innuit that geometric figures con- 
sisting of streaks and points, are used in tattooing on the breasts, arms, 
and legs of the females. 

H. H. Bancroft [b) says: 

The Eskimo females tattoo lines on their chins ; the plebeian female of certain 
bands has one vertical line in the center and one parallel to it on either side The 
higher classes mark two vertical lines from each corner of the mouth. * * » 
Young Kadiak wives tattoo the breast and adorn the face with black lines. The 
Kuskoquim women sew into their chin two parallel blue lines. 

William H. Gilder (a) reports: 

The Esquimau wife has her face tattooed with lampblack and is regarded as a 
matrork in society. * • « The forehead is decorated with the letter V iu double 
lines, the angle very acute, passing down between the eyes almost to tlie liridge ot 
the, and sloping gracefully to the right and left before reaching the roots 
of the hair. Each cheek is adorned with an egg-shaped pattern, commencing near 
the wing of the nose and sloping upward toward the comer of the eye ; these lines 
are also double. The most ornamented part, however, is the chin, which receives 
a gridiron pattern ; the lines double from tlie edge of the lower lip, and reaching to 




the throat toward the corners of the mouth, sloitiuj; outward to the angle of the 
lower jaw. This is all that is required by custom, but some of the belles do not 
stop here. » * » None of the men are tattooed. 

Au early notice of tattooing in the territory now 0(!cui)ied by the 
United States, mentioned in Ilaklnyt ((J), is in the visit of the Florida 
ehief, Satouriona, in 1504, to liene Landouniere. His tattooed figure 
was drawn by Le Moyne, Tabulie viii, ix. 

Capt. John Sniitlj («) is made to say of the Virginia Indians: 

They adoine themselues most with copper beads and paintings. Their women, 
some haue their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly imbrodered with divers 
workos, as beasts, serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with blacUc spots. 

Thomas Hariot (a), in PI. xxiii, liere reproduced as Fig. 516, Dis- 
coveries of 1585, discussing " The Marckes of sundrye of the Chief 
meue of Virginia," says: 

The inhabitats of all the cuntric for the most parte haue marks rased on their 
backs, wherby yt may be knoweu what Princes subiects they bee, or of what place 

I >»• a. 





Flo. 516. — Viriiinian tattoo designs. 

they haue their originall. For which cause we haue set downe those marks in this 
figure, and haue annexed the names of the places, that they might more easelye be 
discerned. Wliich Industrie liath god indued them withal although they be verye 
simple, and rude. And to confesse a truthe I cannot remember, that euer I saw a 
better or qtiietter i)eoi>le than they. 

The marks which I observed amonge them, are heere put downe in order folowinge. 

The marke which is expressed by A. belongeth tho Wiiigiuo, the cheefe lorde of 

That which hath B. is the marke of Wingino his sisters husbande. 

Those which be noted with the letters of C. and D. belonge vnto diverse chefe 
lordes in Seeotan. 

Those which haue the letters E. F. G. are certaine cheefe men of Pomeiooc, and 

Frfere Gabriel Sagard (6) says (about 1636) of the Hurons that they 
tattooed by scratching with a bone of bird or fish, a black powder being 
applied to the bleeding wounds. The operation was not completed at 


once, but required several renewals. The object was to show bravery 
by supporting great pain as well as to terrify enemies. 

In the Jesuit Relation for 1041, p. 75, it is said of the Neuter Nation 
that on their bodies from head to foot tliey marked a tliousand diverse 
figures with charcoal pricked into the fiesh on which beforehand they 
have traced lines for them. 

Lemoyne D'Iberville, in 1649, Margry (b), remarked among the Bay- 
ogoulas that some of the young women had their faces and breasts 
pricked and marked with black. 

In the Jesuit Kelation for 16(53, p. 28, there is an account that the head 
chief of the Iroquois, called by the French Nero, had killed sixty enemies 
with his own hand, the marks of which he bears printed on his thigh, 
which, therefore, appears covered over with black characters. 

Joutel, in Margry ((•), spealis of tattooing among the Texas Indians 
in 1687. Some women make a streak from the top of the foreliead to 
chin, some make a triangle at the corners of their eyes, others on the 
breast and shoulders, others prick tlie lips. The marks are indelible. 

Bacqueville de la Potherie (b) says of the Iroquois: 

They paint several colors on the face, as black, white, yellow, blue, and yermillion. 
Men paint snakes from the forehead to the nose, 1)ut they prick the greater part of 
the body with a nccille to draw blood. Bruised gunpowder makes the first coat to 
receive the other cidors, of which they make such figures as they desire and they are 
never effaced. 

M. Bossu {a) says of tatooing among the Osages in 1756: 

It is a kind of knighthood to which they are only entitled by great actions; they 
suffer with pleasure in order to pass for men of courage. 

If one of them should get himself marked without having previously distinguished 
himself in l)attle he would be degraded, and looked upon as a cow.ard, unworthy of 
an honor. ♦ ♦ • 

I saw an Indian, who, though he hail never signalized himself in defense of the 
nation, got a mark made on his body in order to deceive those who only Judged from 
appearance. The council agreed that, to obviate such an al>use, which would con- 
found brave men with cowards, he who had wrongfully adorned himself with the 
figure of a club on his skin, without ever having struck a blow at war, should have 
the mark torn oft'; that is, the place should be flayed, and that the same should be 
done to all who would offend in the same case. 

The Indian women are allowed to make marks all over their body, without any 
bad consequences; they endure it firmly, like the nieu, in order to i)lease them, and 
to appear handsomer to them. 

James Adair («) says of the Chikasas in 1720: 

They readily know achievements in war by the blue marks over their breasts and 
arms, they being as legible as our alphabetical characters are to us. Their iuk is 
made of the root of pitch pine, which sticks to the insi<ie of a greased earthen i)ot; 
then delineatirtg the parts, they break through the skin with gairtish teeth, and rub 
over them that dark composition, to register them among the brave, and the impres- 
sion is lasting. I have been told by the Chikasah that they formerly erased any 
false marks their warriors proudly and ])ri vately gave themselves, in order to engage 
them to give real proofs of their martial virtue, l)eing surrounded by the French .and 
their red allies; and that they degraded them in a public manner, by stretching the 
marked parts, and rubbing them with the juice of green corn, which in a great 
degree took out the impression. 


Sir Alex. Maciienzie (/>) tells that the Slave and Dog Kib Indians of 
the Athabaskan stock practiced tatooiug. The men had two duul)le 
lines, either black or blue, tattooed upon each cheek from the eai' to the 

In James's Long (c) it is reported that^ — 

The Oni;ihas are often neatly tattooed in straight lines, anil in angles on the breast, 
neck, and arms. The daughters of chiefs and those of wealthy Indians generally are 
denoted by a small ronnd spot tattooed on the forehead. The process of tattooing 
is performed by persons who make it a business of profit. 

Eev. J, Owen Dorsey {a) says: 

In order that the ghost may travel the ghost-road in safety it is necessary for each 
Dakota, during his life, to be tattooed either in the middle of the or on the 
wrists. In that event his spirit will go directly to the " Many Lodges." 

The female ]Mide' of the Ojibwa frequently tattoo the temples, fore- 
head, or cheeks of sufferers from headache or toothache, which varieties 
of pain are believed to be caused by some malevolent manido or spirit. 
By this operation such demons are expelled, the ceremony being also 
accompanied by songs and gesticulations of Belief is some- 
times actually obtained through the counterirritant action of the tat- 
tooing, which is ell'ected by using a small bunch of needles, though 
formerly several spicules of bone were tied together or used singly. 

One old Ojibwa woman who was ob.served in 1887 had a round spot 
over each temple, made there to cure headache. The spots were of a 
bluish-black color, and about five-eighths of an inch in diameter. An- 
other had a similar spot upon the nasal eminence, and a line of small 
dots running from the nostrils, horizoutallj' outward over either cheek, 
two-thirds of the distance to the ears. 

The men of the Wichita wore tattoo lines from the lips downward, 
and it is a significant fact that their tribal sign means " tattooed peo- 
ple," the same expression being used to designate them in the language 
of several neighboring tribes. This would imply that tattooing was 
not common in that region. The Kaiowa women, liowever, frequently 
had small circles tattooed on their foreheads, and the Sixtown Choctaws 
still are distinguished by perpendicular lines tatooed on the chin. 

Mr. John Murdoch {b) reports of the Eskimo: 

The custom of tattooing is almost universal among the women, but the marks are 
confined almost exclusively to the chin, and form a very simple pattern. This con- 
sists of one, three, five, or perhaps as many as seven vertical lines from the under 
lip to the tip of the chin, slightly radiating when there are more than one. When 
there is a single line, which is rather rare, it is generally, and the middle line 
is sometimes broader the others. The women, as a rule, are not tattooed until 
they reach a marriageable age, though there were a few little girls in the two 
villages who had a single line on the chin. I rememlier seeing but one nuxrried in cither village who was not tattooed, and she had come from a distant 
settlement, from Point Hope, as well as we could understand. 

Tattooing on a man is ,a mark of distinction. Those men who are, or have been, 
cajitains of whaling umiaks that have taken whales have marks to indicate this tat- 
tooed somewhere on their persons, sometimes forming a definite tally. For instance, 
Anoru had a broad band across each cheek from the corners of the mouth, made up 


of many indistinct lines, which was said to indicate "many whales." Amaiynna 
had the "flukes'' of seven whales in a line across his chest, and MflTiialu had a 
couple of small marks on one foreai-m. Nifiksara, the wife of Anoru, also had a little 
mark tattooed in each corner of her mouth, which she said were " whale marks," 
indicating that she was the wife of a successful whaleman. Such marks, according 
toPetitot (Monographic, etc., p. 15), are a part of the usual i)attern in the Mackenzie 
district — "deux traits .aux commissures de la bonche." One or two men at Nuwnk 
had each a narrow line across the face over the bridge of the nose, which were proba- 
bly also "whale marks," though we never could get a definite answer concerning 

The tattooing is done with a needle and thread, smeared with soot or gunpowder, 
giving a peculiar pitted appearance to the lines. It is rather a painful operation, 
producing considerable inflammation and swelling, which lasts several days. The 
practice of tattooing the women is almost universnl among the Eskimo from Green- 
land to Kadiak, including the Eskimo of Siberia, the only exception being the 
natives of Smith sound, though the custom is falling into disuse among the Eskimo 
who have much intercourse with the whites. 

The simple pattern of straight, slightly diverging lines on the chin seems to prevail 
from the Mackenzie district to Kadiak, and similar chin lines apjiear always to form 
part of the more elaborate jiatterns, sometimes extending to the arms and other 
parts of the body, in fashion among the eastern Eskimo and those of Siberia, St. 
Lawrence island, and the Diomedes. 


During the summer of 1884 Dr. Hoffman met, at Port Townsend, 
Washiugtou, a party of Haida Indians from Queen Charlottes island, 
who were encamped there for a short time. Most of them were tattooed 
after the manner of the Haidas, the breast, back, forearm, and legs 
bearing partial or complete designs of animate forms relating to totems 
or myths. Some of the persons had been tattooed only in part, the fig- 
ures upon the forearms, for instance, being incomplete, because the 
operation at a inevious "potlatch" or festival had to be suspended on 
account of the great length of time required, or on account of an extra 
inflammatory c(jndition of the affected parts. 

Among this party of Haidas was Makde'gos, the tattooer of the tribe, 
whose work is truly remarkable. The designs made by him are sym- 
metrical, while the lines are uniform in width and regular and graceful 
in every respect. In persons tattooed upon the breast or back the part 
operated upon is first divided into halves by an imaginary vertical line 
upon the breast through the middle of the sternum and upon the back 
along the middle of the vertebral column. Such designs are drawn 
double, facing outward from this imaginary line. One side is first 
drawn and completed, while the other is merely a reverse transfer, 
made immediately afterwards or at such future time as the operation 
of tattooing may be renewed. 

The colors are black and red, the former consisting of finely powdered 
charcoal, gunpowder, or India ink, while the latter is Chinese vermil- 
ion. The operation was formerly performed with sharp thorns, spines 
of certain fishes, or spicules of bone; but recently a small bunch of 
needles is used, which serves the purpose to better effect. 



As is well known, the blaek pigments, when jjicked into the human 
skin, become rather bluish, which tint, when beneath the yellowish tinge 
of the Indian's cuticle, appears of an olive or sometimes a greenish-blue 
shade. The colors, immediately after being tattooed upon the skin, 
retain more or less of the blue-black shade; but by absorption of the 
pigment and the persistence of the coloring matter of the pigmentary 
membrane the greenish tint soon appears, becoming gradually less con- 
spicuous as time progresses, so that in some of the oldest tattooed 
Indians the designs are greatly weakened in coloration. 


JB'IG. 517. — Haida tattoo, sciilpin and dragon fly. 

Upon the bodies of some persons examined the results of ulceration 
are conspicuous. This destruction of tissue is the result of inflamma- 
tion caused by the tattooing and the introduction under the skin of so 
great a quantity of irritating foreign matter that, instead of designs in 
color, there are distinct, sharply detined figures in white or nearly white 
cicatrices, the pigmentary membrane having been totally destroyed by 
the ulceration. 



The figures represented uijon the several Indians met with, as above- 
mentioned, were not all of totemic sisniftcation, one arm, for instance, 
bearing the figure of the totem of wliich the person is a member, while 
the other arm presents the outline of a mythic being, as shown in Fig. 
.'517, copied from the arms of a woman. Tlie left device is taken 
from the left forearm, and represents kul, the skulpin, a totemic animal, 
whereas the right hand device, taken from the right arm of the same 
subject, represents mamathlona, the di-agon fly, a mythic insect. 

In Fig. 518 two forms of the thunderbird are presented, copied from 

Fig. 518.— Haida tattoo, tliundt-r-bird. 

the right and left forearms and hands, respectively, of a Haida woman. 
The right hand device is complete, but that on the left, copied from the 
opposite forearm and hand, is incomplete, and it was expected that the 
design would be entirely finished at the "potlatch" which was to be 
held in the autumn of 1884. In the conipkited design the transverse curve 
in the body of the tail was red, as also the three diagonal lines upon the 
body of the bird running outward from the central vertical toward the 
radial side of the hand. The brace-shaped lines within the head orna- 
ment had also been tattooed in red. 



In some iustauces the totem and mythic cliaracter are shown upon 
the same member, as is represented in Fij;. T)!!!. This tattooing was cop- 
ied from the left arm of a woman, the complete figure upon the forearm 
and hand being tliat of a thunder bird, wliile the four heads upon the 
fingers represent that of the tshimo's, a mythic animal. The thunder- 
bird had been tattooed upon the arms a number of years before the 
heads were added, lu'obably because the protracted and painful oper- 
ation of tattooing so large a figure deterred the sufferer from further 

^ oF 

FlQ. 519.— Haiila tattoo, tliundcr-bird .iiiil (»liimn'a. 

Fig. 520.— Haida tattoo, boar. 

sitting. Sometimes, however, such postponement or noncom]iletion of 
an operation is the re.sult of inability on the jiart of the subject to de- 
fray the exxjense. 

Another instance of tlie interrupted condition of tattooed designs is 
presented in Fig. C^'IO. Tlie figure upon the forearm and hand is that 
of the bear tot em, and was made first. At a subsequent festival the 
bear heads were tattooed upon the fingers, and, last of all, the body 
was tattoed upon the middle finger, leaving three yet to be completed. 



Fig. 521 shows tattoo designs upoji the leg. These represent met, the 
moviiitain goat. 

It is seldom that double designs occur on the extremities, such being 
reserved for the breast and back, but an instance was noted, repre- 
sented in Fig. 522, whicli is a representation of helinga, the thunder- 
bird, and was on the left arm of a man. 

One of the most conspicuous examples of the art observed among the 
X)arty of traveling Haidas mentioned, was that of a double raven tattooed 
upon the breast of Makde'gos, copied here as Fig. 52.'i. 

Flu. 521 Haida tattoo, mountaiu 

FiQ. 524.— Haida tattoo, dogfish 

Upcni the back of this Indian is also the flgure of kahatta, the dog-fish. 
Fig. 524. In achlitiou to these marks he bears also upon his extremi 
ties totemic and mythic animals. 

Sometimes the 8imi)le outlines designs employed in tattooing are 
painted upon property belonging to various persons, such as boats, 
housefronts, etc. In such instances colors are eniployed that could 
not be used in tattooing. One fine example of such is presented in PI. 
XXIV and another of more elaborate design in PI. xxv. 




10 ETH ^26 

Fig. 523 Haida tattoo, double raven. 



Mr. James Gr. Swau made a valuable contributiou on tattoo marks 
of the Haida Indians of Qneen Charlotte islands, British Columbia, 
and the Prince of Wales archipelago, Alaska, published in the Fourth 

Flu. 525.— 'i'attoofd Haidas. 

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, which, much condensed, is 
reproduced as follows: 

Amoug all the tribes or bands belongiug to the Haida family, the practice of tat- 
tooing the per.son in some manner is common; but the most marked are the Haidas 
jjroper, or those living on Queen Charlotte islands, and the Kalganis, of Prince of 
Wales archipelago, Alaska. 










I ;im of the opinion, judfiinj; from my own observation of over twenty years 
among the coast tribes, that but few females can be found among the Indians, not 
only on Vaneoiivers island, but all along the coast to the Columbi.a river, and per- 
haps even to California, that are not marked with some device tattooed on their 
hands, arms, or ankles, either dots or straight lines ^ but of all of the tribes men- 
tioned, the Haidas stand preeminent for tattooing, and seem to be excelled only by 
the natives of the Fiji islands or the King's Mills group in the south seas. The 

1"IG. 526.— TiittoOfU Haidas. 

tattoo marks of the Haidas are heraldic designs or the family totem, or crests of the 
wearers, and are similar to the carvings depicted on the pillars and monuments 
around the homes of the chiefs, which casual observers have thought were idols. 

These designs are invariably placed on the men between the shoulders just l>elow 
the back of the neck, on the breast, on the front part of both thighs, and on the 
legs below the kneo. On the women they are marked on the breast, on tioth shoul- 



ders, on botli forearms, froni the elbow down over thu back of the hands to the 
knuckles, and ou both legs below the knee to the ankle. 

Almost all of the Indian women of the northwest coast have tattoo marks on their 
hands and arms, and some on the face; but as a general thing these marks are mere 
dots or straight lines having no particular significance. With the Haidas, however, 
every mark has its meaning; those on the hands and arms of the women indicate 
the family name, whether they belong to the bear, beaver, wolf, or eagle totems, or 
any of the family of fishes. As (me of them quaintly remarked to me, "If yon were 
tattooed with the design of a swan, the Indians would know your family name." 

In order to illustrate this tattooing as correctly as possible I inclose herewith 
sketches of the tattoo marks on two women and their husbands, taken l)yme at Port 

The uiau on the left haud of Fig. 525 is a tattooed Haida. On his 
breast is the cod (kahatta), split from the head to the tail and laid ojien ; 
on each thigh is the octopus (noo), and below each knee is the frog 

Fig. 527.— Two forma of akulpin, Haida. 

The woman in the same figure has on her breast the head and fore- 
paws of the beaver (tsching) ; on each shoulder is the head of the eagle 
or thunder-bird (skamskwin) ; on each arm, extending to and covering 
the back of the hand, is the halibut (hargo) ; on the right leg is the 
skulpin (kuU); on the left leg is the frog (flkamkostan). 

The woman in Fig. 526 has a bear's head (hoorts) on her breast. On 
each shoulder is the eagle's head, and on her arms and legs are figures 
of the bear. 

The back of the man in the same figure has the wolf (wasko), split in 
halves and tattooed between his shoulders, which is shown enlarged in 
Fig. 531. Wasko is a mythological being of the wolf species, similar 
to the chu-chu-hmexl of the Makah Indians, an antediluvian demon sup- 
posed to live in the mountains. 




The skulpiu, on the right leg of the woman in Fig. .525, is shown 
enlarged in Fig. 527; the frog on the left leg in Fig. 528. The codfish 
on the man in Fig. 525 is shown enlarged in Fig. 529; the octopus or 
squid in Fig. 530. 

As the Haidas, both men and women, are very light-colored, some of 
the latter — full blooded Indians, too — having their skins as lair as 
Europeans, the tattoo marks shoM- very distinct. 

Fio. 528.— Frog, Haula. 

Fig. 529.— Cod, Haida. 

The same author continues: 

Tills tattooing is not all done at one time, nor is it everyone wlio can tattoo. Cer- 
tain ones, almost always men, have a natural gift which enables them to excel in 
thi.s kind of work. One of the young chiefs, named Geueskelos, was the best designer 
I knew, and ranked among his tribe as a tattooer. 

He told me the plan he adopted was first to draw the design carefully on the per- 
son with some dark pigment, then prick it in with neetlles, and then rub over the 
wound with some more coloring matter till it acquired the proper hue. He had a 
variety of iustruments composed of needles tied neatly to sticks. His favorite one 
was a fiat strip of ivory or bone, to which he had firmly tied five or six needles, with 
their points projecting beyond the end just far enough to raise the skin without 
inflicting a dangerous wound, but these needle points stuck out quite suificiently to 

Fig. 530 Squill, Haida. 

Fig. 531.— Wolf, Haida. 

make the operation very painful, and although he applied some substance to deaden 
the sensation of the skin, yet the eft'ect was on some to make them quite sick for a few 
days; consequently, the whole process of tattooing was not done at one time. As 
this tattooing is a mark of honor, it is generally done at or just prior to a Tomanawos 
performance and at the time of raising the heraldic columns in front of the chief's 
houses. The tattooing is done in open lodge and is witnessed by the company as- 
sembled. Sometimes it takes several years before all the tattooing is done, but when 
completed and the person well ornamented, then they are happy and can take their 
Beats among the elders. 


Other notices about the tattooing of the Indians of the Pacific slope 
of Xorth America are subjoined. 

Stephen Powers (c) says the Karok (California) squaws tattoo in blue 
three narrow fern leaves perpendicularly on the chin, one falling from 
each corner of the mouth and one in the middle. 

The same author reports, page 7<i : 

Nearly every (Hup^, California) man has ten lines tattooed across the inside of the 
left arm about halfway between the wrist and the elbow ; and in measurinj; shell 
money he takes the string in his right hand, draws one end over his left thumb nail, 
.ind if the other end reaches to the uppermost of the tattoo lines the five shells arc 
worth $25 in gold, or $5 a shell. Of course, it is only oue in ten thousand that is long 
enough to reach this high value. 

Also on page 96: 

The Patawut (California) squaws tattoo in blue three n.arrow pinnate leaves per- 
pendicnliirly on their chins, and also lines of small dots on the backs of their hands. 

On page 148, of the Kastel Pomo: 

The women of this and other tribes of the Coast range frequently tattoo a rnde 
representation of a tree or other object covering nearly the whole abdomen and 

Of the VVintuns he says, page 233: "The sqimws all tattoo three nar- 
row lines, one falling ft-om each corner of the mouth and one between." 
The same author says, on page 109: 

The M.attoal, of California, differ from other tribes in that the men tattoo. Their 
distinctive mark is a round blue spot iu the center of the forehead. The women 
tattoo jiretty much all over their faces. 

In respect to this matter of tattooing there is a theory entertained by some old 
pioneers which may be worth the mention. They hold that the reason why the 
women alone tattoo iu all other tribes is that iu case they are taken cai)tives their 
own people may be alile to recognize tliem when there comes an opportunity of ran- 
som. There are two facts which give some color of probability to this reasoning. 
One is that the California Indians are rent into such infinitesimal divisions, any 
oue of which may be arrayed in deadly feud against another at any moment, that the 
sli "ht differences in their dialects would not suflice to distinguish the captive squaws. 
The second is that the squaws almost never attempt any ornamental tattooing, but 
adhere closely to the plain regulation miirk of the trilie. 

Blue marks tattooed upon a Mohave woman's chin denote that she 
is married. See Whipple (_/'). 

Mr. Gatschet reports that very few Klamath men now tattoo their 
faces, but such as are still observed have but a single line of black run- 
ning from the middle of the lower lip to the chin. Half-breed girls 
appear to have but one perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin 
while the full-blood women have four perpendicular lines on the chin. 

In Bancroft's Native Eaces (c), it is stated that the Modoc women 
tattoo three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the center and 
corners of the lower lip to the chin. 

The same author on pages 117 and 127 of the same volume says: 

The Chippewas have tattooed cheeks and foreheads. Both sexes have blue or 
black bars or from one to four straight lines to distinguish the tribe to which they 


belong. They tiitton by entering an iiwl or needle under the skin and drawing it 
out, immediately rubbing powdered ehareoal into the wounds. ^ * * On the 
Yukon river among the Kutchins, the men draw a: black stripe down the forehead 
and the nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red lines and streak- 
ing the chin alternately with red and black, and the women tattoo the chin with a 
black pigment. 

Stephen Powers, in Overland Monthly, XTI, 537, 1S74, s.iys of the 
Normocs : 

I saw a S(iuaw who had executed on her cheeks the only representation of a living 
object which I ever saw done in tattooing. It was a couple of bird's wings, one on 
each cheek, done iu blue, bottom-edge up, the butt of the wing at the corner of the 
mouth, and the tip near the ear. It was (jnite well wrought, both in correctness of 
form and in delicateness of execution, not only separate feathers but even the fila- 
ments of the vane, being Huely i)rieked in. 

Dr. Franz Boa.s {<■) says: 

Tattooiugs are found on arms, breast, back, legs, and feet among the Ha Ida; on 
arms and feet among the TsUimshian, Kwakiutl and Bilqula; on breast and arms 
among the Nootka; on the jaw among the Coast Salish women. 

Among the Nootka scars may frequently be seen running at regular intervals from 
the shoulder down the breast to the belly, and in the same way down the legs and 
arms. » » « 

Members of tribes practicing the Hamats'a ceremonies show remarkable scars pro- 
duced by biting. At certain festivals it is the duty of the Hamats'a to bite a piece 
of fiesh out of the arms, leg, or breast of a man. 


Dr. im Thnrn (c) says: 

Tattooing or any other permanent interference with the surface of the skin by 
way of ornament is practiced only to a very limited extent by the Indians; is usfed, 
in fact, only to produce the snuill distinctive tribal mark which many of them 
bear at the corners of their mouths or on their arms. It is true that an adult Indian 
is hardly to be fouml on whose thiglis and arms, or on other parts of whose body 
are not a greater or less numljer of indelibly incised straight lines ; but these are scars 
originally made for surgical, not oruamental purposes. 

Herudon and Gibbon (a), p. 319, report: 

Following the example of the other nations of Brazil (who tattoo themselves with 
thorns, or pierce their nose, the lips, and the ears,) .and obeying an ancient law 
which commands these different tortures, this baptism of blood, « » * the 
Maliues have preserved * * * the great festival of the Tocandeira. 

Paul Marcoy (b) says of the Passes, Yuris, Barres, and Chumanas, 
of Brazil, that they mark their faces (in tattoo) with the totem or em- 
blem of the nation to which they belong. It is possible at a few steps 
distant to distinguish one nation from another. 


Ancient monarchs adopted special marks to distinguish slaves; like- 
wise for vengeance as an indelible and humiliating brand, a <'ertain 
tattoo denounced him who liad fallen into disgrace with a sovereign. 
Two monks having censured the iconoclastic frenzy of the emperor 



Theopliilus, lie ordered to be impriuted on theirforeheads eleven iambic 
verses; Philip of Macedon, from whom a soldier had solicited the 
possession of a man saved by him from shipwreck, ordered that on 
his forehead should be drawn signs indicative of his base greed; Cali- 
gula, without any object, commanded the tattooing of the Roman 

In the period of the decline of Rome, tattooing was extensively prac- 
ticed. Regulative laws prescribed the adopted symbols which were a 
proof of enlistment in the ranks and on which the military oath was 
taken. The purpose of this ordinance, which continued in force for a 
long time, was similar to that which authorized the marking of the 
slaves, since, the spirit of the jjeople having become degenerated, the 
army was composed of mercenaries who, if they should run away, must 
be recognized, pursued, and ca])tured. Until recently the iiractice, 

Fig. jli'J. — .Vii.straliau ,:intve aud carved trees. , 

though more as a mark of manhood, was followed by the soldiers of 
the Piedmontese army. 
Elisee Reclus (a) says: 

Tattooing x» as in Polynesia -widespread, and so highly developed that the artistic 
designs covering the body served also to clothe it. In certain islands the operation 
lasted so long that it had to be begun before the children ivere six years old, and 
the pattern -n-as largely left to the skill and cunning of the professional tattooers. 
Still traditional motives recurred in the ornamental devices of the several tribes, 
who could usually be recognized by their special tracings, curved or parallel lines, 
diamond forms and the like. The artists were grouped in schools like the old masters 
in Europe, and they worked not by incision as in most Melanesian islands, but by 
punctures with a small comb-like instrument slightly tapped with a mallet. The 
pigment used in the ]iainful and even dangerous operation was usually the tine char- 
coal yielded by the nut of Aleurites triloba, an oleaginous plant used for illumina- 
ting purposes throughout eastern Polynesia. 



The followiug is from Eev. Richard Taylor (e) about the New Zea- 

landers, Te Ika a Maui : 

Before they weut to fight, the youth were accustomed to mark their countenances 
with charcoal in difierent lines, and their traditions state that this was the hegiuning 
of the tattoo, for their wars Ijeeaine so continuous, that to save the trouble of thus 
constantly painting the face, they made the lines permanent by the moko; it is, how- 
ever, a question whether it did not arise from a difterent cause; formerly the grand 
mass of men who went to light were the black slaves, and when they fought side by 
side with their lighter colored masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal to 
make it appear they were all one. 

Fiti. 53J.— New Zcalaud tattooed bead and chin mark. 

Whilst the males had every part of the face tattooed, and the thighs as well, the 
females had chiefly the chin and the lips, although occasionally they also had t.hoir 
thighs and breasts, with a few smaller mtirks on different parts of the body as well. 
There were regular rules for tattooing, and the artist always weut systematically to 
work, beginning at one spot and gradually proceeding to another, each particular 
part haviug its distinguishing name. 

Fig. 532 is an illustration from the same work, facing page 378. It 
shows the " grave of an Australian native, with his name, rank, tribe, 
etc., cut in hieroglyphics on the trees," which " hieroglyphics" are sup- 
posed to be connected with his tattoo marks. 

FiQ. 534. — Tattoo design on bone, New Zealand. 

Fig. 533 is a copy of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, and also of 
the tattooing on a woman's chin, taken from the work last cited. 

The accompanyhig illustration, Fig. 534, is taken from a bone ob- 
tained from a mound in New Zealand, by Prof. I. C. Russell, formerly 
of the U. S. Geological Survey. He says that the Maori formerly 
tattooed the bones of enemies, though the custom now seems to have 
been abandoned. The work consists of sharp, shallow hues, as if made 



witli a sbarp-pointed steel instrument, into which some blackish pig- 
ment Las been rubbed, filling up some of the markings, while in others 
scarcely a trace remains. 

In connection with the use of the tattoo marks as reproduced on ar- 
tificial objects see Fig. 734. 

Fig. 53;") is a copy of a photograph obtained in New Zealand by Prof. 
Russell. It shows tattooing upon the chin. 

Prof. Russell, in his sketch of New Zealand, published in the Am. 
Naturalist, xiii, 72, Feb., 1879, remarks, that the desire of the Maori 
for ornament is so great that they covered their features with tattooing. 

1''1G. iJUO. — 'lattuucd wuiiiaii, New Zealand. 

transferring indelibly to their faces complicated patterns of curved and 
spiral lines, similar to the designs with which they decorated their 
canoes and their houses. 

E. J. Wakefield («) reports of a man observed in New Zealand that 
he was a tangata tabu or sacred personage, and consequently was not 
adorned with tatu. He adds, p. 155, that the deeds of the natives are 
signed Avith elaboratedrawings of the moko or tatu on the chiefs' faces. 

Dr. (Jeorge Turner (b) says: 

Herodotus fouud among the Thracians that the man who wa8 not tattoed was not 
respected. It was the same iu Samoa. Until a young man was tattooed he was con- 
sidered in his minority. He could not think of marriage, and he was constantly 
exposed to taunts and ridicule, as heiug poor and of low birth, and as having uo 


right to speak in the society of men. But as soon as he was tattooed he passed into 
his majority, and considered himself entitled to the respect and privileges of mature 
years. When a youth, therefore, reacthed the age of 16, he and his friends were 
all anxiety that he should be tattooed. He was then on the outlook for the tattoo- 
ing of some young chief with whom ho might unite. On these occasions six or a 
dozen young men would be tattooed at one time, and for these there might be four 
or five tattooers employed. Tattooing is still kept up to some extent and is a 
regular profession, just as house-building, and well paid. The custom is traced to 
mythologic times and has its presiding deities. 

In Revue d'Ethnograpliie {a) (translated) it is published that — 

Tattoo marks of Papuan men in New Guinea can be worn on the chest only when 
the man has killed an enemy. Fig. 36, p. 101, shows the marks upon the chest of 
Waara, who had killed five men. 

Tattoo marks upon parts other than the chest of the bodies of men and women do 
not seem to h.ave significance. They are made according to the fancy of the designer. 
Fre(iuently the professional tattooers have styles of their own, which, being popular 
and generally applied, become customary to a tribe. 

The illustration above mentioned is reproduced as Fig. 53G, 

Fig. 536. — Tattoo on Papuau chief. 

In the same article, ]». llli, is the following, referring to Fig. 537: 
Among the Papuans of New Guinea tattooing the chest of females denotes that 
they are married, though all other parts of the body, including the face and legs, 
may be tattooed long before; indeed the tattooing of girls may begin at 5 years of 
age. Fig. 39, p. 112, gives au illustr.ation of a married woman. ♦ » » The dif- 
ferent forms of tattt>o depend upon the style of the several artists. Family marks 
are not recognizable, but exist. 

De Clercq (a) gives further particulars about tattooing among the 
Papuans of New Guinea. Among the Seget it is only on women. 
They call it "fadjau," and tlie figures con.sist of two rows of little cir- 
cles, oil each side of the abdomen toward the region of the arm-pit, with 
a few cross' strokes on the outer edge; it is done by pricking with a 
needle and afterwards the spots are fumigated with the smoke of burn- 
ing resin. It is said to be intended as au ornament instead of dress, 
and that young girls do it because young men like to see it. 

At Roembati tattooing is called "gomanroeri" and at Sekar "beti." 
They do it there with bones of fish, with which they prick many holes 



in the skin until the blood flows, and then smear on it in spots the soot . 
itoin pans and pots, which, after the staunchiug of the blood, leaves an 
inett'aceable bluish spot or streak. Besides the breast and upper arm 
they also tattoo in the same way the calf of the leg, aud in some cases 
the forehead, as a mere ornamentation, both of men and women — chil- 
dren ouly in very exceptional cases. 

The Bonggose and Sirito are much tattooed over the breast and 
shoulder. At Saoekorem, a Dore settlement, a few women were seen 
tattooed on the breast and in the face. At Dore it is called "pa," and 
is done with thorus, and charcoal is rubbed 
over the bloody spots; only here and at Man- 
sinamis it a sign of mourning; every where else 
it merely serves as ornamentation. 

At Ansoes it does not occur much, and is 
principally in the face; it is there called "toi." 
It is found somewhat more commonly on Noord- 
Japen, and then on shoulder and upper arm. 
In Tarfia, Tana-merah, and Humboldt bay but 
few persons were tattooed, mostly on tlie fore- 

The tattooing is always the work of women, 
generally members of the family, both on men 
aud on women. First the figure is drawn with 
charcoal, and if it suits the taste then begins 
the pricking with the thorn of a citrus or a fine 
bone of some animal. It is very iiainful and 
only a small spot can be pricked at one time, 
so long as the tattooee can stand it. If the 
pain is too violent, the wounds are gently pressed 
with a certain leaf that has been warmed, in 
order to soothe the pain, and the work is con- 
tinued only after three or four days. No special 
names are given to the figures; those are chosen 
which suit the taste. Children are never tat- 
tooed at the wish of the parents ; it is entirely 
a matter of individual choice. 
Mr. Forbes, in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. G. B. 
and I., Augiist, 1883, p. 10, says that in Timor Laut, an island of the 
Malay archipelago — 

Both sexes tattoo a few simple devices, cireles, stars, and pointed crosses, on the 
breast, on the brow, ou the cheek, and on the wrists, and scar themselves on the 
arms and shoulders with red-hot stones, in imitation of immense smallpox marks, 
in order to ward off that disease. * ■ * j have, however, seen no one variola- 
marked, nor can I learn of any epidemic of this disease among them. 

Prof. Brauns, of Halle, reports, Science, in, Ko. 50, p. 69, that among 
the Ainos of Yazo the women tattoo their chins to imitate the beards 
of the men. 

j'd'. — Tatlnot'd Piiupau 


Carl Bock («) says: 

All the married women here are tattooed on the hands and feet and sometimes on 
the thighs. The decoration is one of the privileges of matrimony and is not per- 
mitted to unmarried girls. 

In Myths aucl Sougs from the South Pacific, Loudon, 187<), p. 94, it is 
said that in Mangaia, of the Hervey group, the tattoo is in imitation of 
the stripes ou the two kinds of fish, avini and paoro, the color of which 
is blue. The legend of this is kept in the song of Ina. 

Elisee Redus (b) says : 

Most of the Dayaks tattoo the arms, hands, feet, and thighs; occasioiuilly also 
breast and temjiles. The designs, generally of a beautiful blue color ou the coppery 
ground of the body, display great taste, .and are nearly .always disposed in odd num- 
bers, which, as among so many other peoples, are supposed to be lucky. 

In L' Anthropologic (a), 1890, T. i, No. 6, p. 693, it is thus reported: 

Tradition tells that the Giao chi, the alleged ancestors of the Annamites, were 
fishermen and in danger from marine monsters. To prevent disasters from the genii 
of the waters the king directed the people to tattoo their ))odies with the forms of 
the marine monsters, and aftcrw.ards the dragons, crocodiles, etc., ceased their jterse- 
cution. The custom became universal, and even the kings tattooed a dragon on 
their thighs as a sign of power and nobility. The s.ame idea was in the painting of 
eyes, etc., ou the prows of Annaraite boats, which strongly resembled the sea monsters. 

Mr. O'Reilly, the professional tattooer of New York, in a letter, says 
that he is familiar with the tattoo system of Burmah, and that, besides 
the ruling principle of ordeal, the Burmese use special tattoo marks to 
charm and to bring love. They also believe that tattooing the whole 
person renders the skin impenetrable to weapons. 

In Zeitschrift tiir Ethnologic («) it is recounted of the Badagas in 
the Nilgiri mountains, India: 

All the women are tattooed ou the forehead. The following [Fig. 538] o is the 
most usual form : 


o i o 

Besides this there occur the following (same Fig., ft, c, d, and e): 

Besides the forehead, the tattooing of which is obligatory for women, other parts 
of the body are often tattooed thus (same Fig., /) 

• • • • • • 

• • • • • • 
••• • • • 


Fig. .'^SS.— Badaga tatt<io marks. 

on each shoulder. Other forms not infrequently found are variously grouped dots, 
also those shown in the same Fig., 7, on the forearm and the back of the hand. 



Nordenskiold («) gives the follo\vi)ig account of tattooing among 
the Chukchis of Siberia : 

It is principally the -n-omeii that tattoo. The operation is perfonneil by means of 
pins and soot; perhaiis also graphite is employed, which the Chnkchis gather. The 
tattooing of the women seems to be the same along the whole Chukchi coast from Cape 
Shclagskoy to Bering strait. The nsnal mode of tattooing is found represented iu 
Nordenskiold's "Voyage of the Vega around Asia and Europe," second part, p. 104. 
Still the tattooing on the cheek is not rarely more compound than is there shown. 
The picture given below [Fig. 339] represents a design of tattooing on the cheek. 

Girls under nine or ten years are never tattooed. On reaching that age they 
gradually receive the two streaks running from the point of the nose to the root of 
the hair ; next follow the vertical chin streaks and lastly the t.attooing on the cheeks, 
of which the anterior anhes are tirst formed and the posterioi" part of the design 
last. The last named iu fact is the part of the design which is oftenest wanting. 

The accompanying picture (the left hand of the same Fig.) represents the tattoo- 
ing of the arms of a woman from the town of T'iipka. The design of the tattooing 
extends from the shoulder joint, where the upper triple ring is situated, to the hand 
joint at the bo'-tom. As appears from the drawing, the tattooing on the right an' 
left arm is different. 



Fig. 5^9. — Chukchi tattoo marks. 

Tlio men at the winter station of the Vega tattooed themselves only with two 
short horizontal streaks across the root of the nose. Some of the men .it Rerkaypiya 
(C. North), on the other hand, had a cross tattooed on each cheek bone; others had 
merely painted similar ones with red mold. Some Chukchis at the latter place had 
also the upper lip tattooed. 

The Chukchi designs are much simpler than those of the Eskimo. 

Dr. B;tzin, in "fitude sur le Tatouage dans la R^gence de Tunis," in 
L'Anthropologie {b), tells that the practice of tattooing is very wide- 
spread and elaborate in Tuni.sia, but chiefly among the natives of 
Arab race, who are nomads, workmen in the towns, and laborers, and 
also among the fellahs. The Berbers, on the contrary, who have re- 
mained mountaineers, the merchants of the coast towns, and the rich 
proprietors are little or not at all tattooed. In regard to the last class 
this proves that tattooing has become nothing but an ornament, since 
the members of this class are clothed in such a way that the legs and 
arms are completely covered, so that it would be useless to draw fig- 
ures which would be invisible or almost entirely hidden. He adds 


that the notables "du Tinge" do not disfigure themselves by ineisious. 
The distinctive sign of the lower classes is the presence of three incis- 
ions on the temples, three on the cheeks, and three also on the lower 
part of the face. 

Notes on East-Equatorial Africa, in Bull. Soc. d'Anthro. de Brux- 
elles {(() contains the following memoranda: Tattooing is done by 
traveling artists. Perhaps at first it showed tribal characteristics, 
but now it is difficult to distinguish more than fancy. The exception 
is that Wawenba alone tattoo the face. The local fetiches bear- marks 
of tattoo. 

Gordon dimming {a) says: 

One of the "geuoraiN" ot'Mosiolcly, Kiuj; of the Bakatlas group of tho Bechuaua 
tribe, had killed about twenty men in battle with his own hand,, and bore a mark of 
honor for every man. This mark was a line tattooed on his ribs. 

David Greig Rutherford (a) makes remarks on the people of Batanga, 
West Tropical Africa, from which the following is extracted : 

Tattooing evidently originated in certain marks being applied to the face and 
other parts of the body in order to distinguish the members of one tribe from those 
of another. Tho same marks would be used for both sexes, but as the tendency to 
ornamentation became developed, they would be apt to observe some artistic method 
in making them. Among the Dualles the custom at one time appears to liave ob- 
tained with both sexes, with a preponderance, however, in the practice of it on the 
side of the women. The men did not always see the force of giving themselves 
needless pain, but the women, with a shrewd idea that it added to their charms, 
persisted in having it done. The men (and it is significant that in places where tho 
men have ceased to tattoo themselves they continue to do it for the women) tattooed 
their children at an early age, but as the girls approached a marriageable age they 
added, on their own account, various ornameutatious to those already existing. As 
an example that tattooing in its later stages is regarded as an increase of beauty, I 
may mention an instance given me by the wife of a missionary here. A woman belong- 
ing to some neighboring tribe having come to stay at the mission, was presented 
with a dress of some showy material as an inducement to her to discard the loin 
cloth she had been in the habit of wearing and as an introduction to the habits of 
civilized life. She objected to wear the dress, however, upon the ground if 
she did so she would thereby hide her beauty. It appears certain that the unmar- 
ried woman who is most linely tattooed wins most admiration from the men. 

Oscar Peschel (a) describes tattooing as another substitute for rai- 
ment and remarks: "That it actually takes away from the impression 
of nudity is declared by all who have seen fully tattooed Albanese." 
As bearing in the same direction Mr. Darwin, iu " Voyage of the 
Beagle," may be quoted, who, when at New Zealand, speaking of the 
clean, tidy, and healthy appearance of the young women who acted as 
servants within the houses, remarks: "The wives of the missionaries 
tried to persuade them not to be tattooed, but a famous operator hav- 
ing arrived from the vSouth they said: 'We really must have a few 
lines on oiu' lips, else when we grow old our lips will shrivel, and we 
shall be so very ugly.' " 

In September, 1S91, a Zulu, claiming to be a son of the late Cetewayo, 
gave to a reporter of the Menqihis Avalanche the following account: 

When some one expressed a doubt of his coming from Zululaud he promptly rolled 


up his sleeve and showed on his right arm the hrand of the tribe. The brand is just 
below the elbow-joint, and it is of a bright red color, showing conclusively that it 
had been burned into the flesh. The design is very much on the principle of a double 
heart with a cross running through the center. The same design has been branded 
over his left eye in a somewhat smaller shape. When questioned about these brands 
he said : 

"lu our country all the men have to have the brand of their tribe burned into 
their skin so that they can never desert us, and no matter where they are found, you 
can always tell a Zulu by the brand. Always look for it just over the left eye and 
on the inside of the right arm. Does it hurt? Oh, no: you see they just take the 
skin together in their fingers and when the brand is red hot touch it once to the 
skin and it is all done, and the brand can never wear away." 


The following uotes regarding scarification are presented : 
Edward M. Curr (b), p. 94, says: 

The principal and nu)st general oruament throughout Australia consists of a num- 
ber of scars raised on the skin. They are made by deep incisions with a flint or 
shell, which are kept powdered with charcoal or ashes. The wounds thus made 
remain open for about three months, and, when covered with skin, scars sometimes 
almost as thick and long as one's middle finger remain raised above the natural sur- 
face of the skin. The incisions are made in rows on various parts of the body, prin- 
cipally on the chest, back, and on the upper muscle of the arm, and less frequently 
on the thighs and stomach. The breasts of the female are often surrounded with 
smaller scars. In some tribes dots cut in the skin take the place of scars. The oper- 
ation is a very painful one, and is often carried out yells of torture. Both 
sexes are marked in this manner, but the male more extensively than the female. 

In the same volume, p. 338, is the following : 

When, as often happens, a young man and girl of the Whajook tribe in Australia 
elope and remain away from the tril)e for a time, it is not unusual for them to scar 
each other in the interim as a memorial of their illicit loves; a singular proceeding 
when one remembers the agony caused by the operation and the length of time re- 
quired to get over it. This proceeding is a great aggravation of the original offense 
in the eyes of husbands. 

In Vol. II, p. 414, the same author says : 

Men of the Cape river tribe scar their backs and shoulders in this way. Scars are 
made generally on the left thigh both of the men and women, continues Mr. Chat- 
field, but occasionally on the right, for the purpose of denoting the particular class 
to which they belong; but as such a practice would conflict with the custom prev- 
alent throughout the continent as far as known, which is to make these marks for 
ornament alone, the statement cannot be received without further evidence. 

Thomas Worsnop, in the Prehistoric Arts of the Aborigines of Aus- 
tralia, says: 

This practice of tattooing by scarification was common all over the continent, 
varying in character amongst the respective tribes, each having its own distinctive 
marks, although all patterned upon one monotonous idea. 

This is far from evidence of distinct tribal marks, the slight varieties 
of which may be only local or tribal fashions. 

Alfred 0. Haddon [a), p. 30G, says: 

Tattooing is unknown, but the body used to be ornamented with raised cicatrices. 
* * ' The Torres strait islanders are distinguished by a large, complicated, oval 


scar, ouly slifjlitly raiseil and of neat constructiou. This, whitU I have been told 
has some connection with a turtle, occupies the right shoulder and is occasionally 
vejieated on the left. I suspect that a young was not allowed to bear a cicatrice 
until he killed his first turtle or dugong. 

The same author, op. cit., says of the Mabiiiag of Torres straits: 

The people were formerly divided up into a number of clans. » * * A man be- 
longing to one clan could not wear the badge of the totem of another clan. » » » 
All the totems appear to have been animals — as the crocodile, snake, turtle, dugong, 
dog, cassowary, shark, sting-ray, kingfish, etc. 

Tlie same writer, in Notes on Mr. Beardsmore's paper, in Jour. Au- 
throp. Inst, of Gr. Br. and I. (a), says: 

A large number of the women of Mowat, New Guinea, have a /\-shaiied scar above 
the breasts. » • » Maino of Tud told me that it was cut when the brother 
leaves the father's house aud goes to live with the men ; and another informant's stcuy 
was that it was made when a brother harpooned his first dugong or turtle. Maino 
(who, by the by, married a Mowat woman) said that a mark on the eh^ek recorded 
the brother's prowess. 

D'Albertis (c) tells that the people of New Guinea produced scars 
"by making an incision in the skin aud then for a lengthened jieriod 
irritating it with lime and soot. * * * They use some scars as a 
sign that they have traveled, and tattoo an additional figure above the 
right breast on the accomplishment of every additional journey. * * * 
lu Yuli island women have nearly the whole body covered with marks. 
Children arc seldom tattooed ; slaves never. Men are hardly ever tat- 
tooed, though they have frequently marks on the chest and shoulders; 
rarely ou the face. Tribes and families are recognized by tattoo marks." 

^Ir. Griffith, in his ijaper ou Hierra Leone, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst, of 
Gr. Br. and I. (/>), says: 

The girls are cut on their backs and loins in sucli a manner as to leave raised scars, 
which project al)0ve the surface of the skin .ibout one-eighth of an inch. They then 
receive Boondoo names, and after reco%ery from the painful operation are released 
from Boondoo with great ceremony and gesticulation by some who personate Boon- 
doo devils. They are then publicly pronounced marriageable. 

Dr. Holub {!)), speaking of three cuts on the breast of a Korauna of 
Central South Africa, says : 

They have among themselves a kind of freemasonry. Some of them have on their 
chest three cuts. When they were asked what was the reason of it they generally 
refused to answer, but after gaining their confidence they confessed that they be- 
longed to something like a secret society, and they said, "I can go through all the 
valleys inhabited by Koraunas and Griquas, aud wherever I go when I open my coat 
and show these three cuts I am sure to be well received." 

Mr. H. II. Johnston {a) tells us that scarification is piacticcd right 
along the course of the Congo up to the Stanley falls. The marks thus 
made are tribal. Thus the Bateke are always distinguished by five or 
six striated lines across the cheek bones, while the Bayansi scar their 
foreheads with a horizontal or vertical band. 

E. Brussaux, in L'Anthropologic (c), reports that scarifications in 
Congo, which arc chiefly ou the back, are made for therapeutic reasons. 

10 ETH 27 


Julian Thomas {a) gives the following descriptiou of a New Hebrides 

Sho hart a i>attern tiacert ovur licr throat ami bn-ast like a seaif. It was done 
with a shark's tooth wheu a child. The women's skins are blistered nj) into flowers 
and ferns. The skin is cut and earth and ashes placed inside the gashes, and the 
flesh grows into these forms. Of course tliey do not cover up these beauties by 

According to Mr. Man, Joiirn. Antlmip. Inst, of Gr. Br. and 1. (c), 
the Andamanese, who also tattoo by mcan.s of gashing, do so first by 
way of ornament, and, secondly, to prove the conrage of the individual 
operated upon and his or her power of enduring pain. 


Many notes on the topic are omitted, especially those lelatiiig mainly 
to the, methods of and the instruments used in the operation. But from presented above it appears that tattooing still is or very lecently 
was used in various parts of the world for many purposes besides the 
specific object of designating a tribe, clan, or family, and also apart 
from the general intent of ])ersonal ornament. The most notable of are as foUows: 1, to distinguish between free and slave 
without reference to the tribe of the latter; 2, to distinguish between 
a high and low status in the same tribe; 3, as a certificate of bravery