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The work of the Bureau of American Ethnology is conducted under act of Con- 
gresa "for continuing ethnologic researchoa among the Ameiicau Indians under the 
direction of the Smithsonian Institution.'' 

Two series of publications have heen issued liy tlu^ Bureau under authority of Con- 
gress, viz, annual reports and bulletins. The annual reports were hitherto author- 
ized by concurrent re.-^olution from time to time, and were published for the use of 
Congress and the Bureau. The present report is published liy authority of section 73 
of the act of Congress approved January 12, 1895, entitled "An act providing for the 
public printing and binding and the distribution of public documents." The publi- 
cation of the series of bulletins was authorized by concurrent resolution first in 18><fi, 
and more definitely in 18!^8, and twenty-four numbers of this series have been issued 
for the use of Congress and the Bureau. In addition, the Bureau has supervised the 
publication of a series of iiuarto volumes bearing the title, "Contributions to North 
American Kthnology," begun in 1877 by the United States Geographical Survey of 
the Rocky Mountain Region. This series comprises Volumes I to VII and IX. 

The above publications are distributed primarily by Congress, and the portions of 
the editions printed for the Bureau are used for exchange with libraries and scien- 
tific and educational institutions and witli si)e(ial investigators in anthropology who 
send their own publications regularly to the Bureau. 

The exchange list of the Bureau is large, and the product of the exchange forma 
a valuable ethnologic library independent of the general library of the Smithsoniau 
Institution. This library is in constant use by the Bureau collaborators, as well aa 
by other anthropologists resident in or visiting Washington. 

Most of the volumes of the annual reports and all of the volumes of the "Contri- 
butions to North American Ethnology" are out of print. 

Exchanges and other contriljutions to the Bureau should be addressed] 
Bureau of American EthnoJixjij, 

Washington, D. C, 

U. S. A. 





J. y^. I>O^V\^ELL 




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Smithsonian Institution, Bureau op Ethnology, 

WosJiington, D. C, Juhj 1, 1894. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit my fifteenth annual report 
as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

The first part consists of an explanation of the plan of the 
Bureau and its operations during tlie fiscal year 1893-94; the 
second part comprises a series of special papers setting forth 
certain results of the work of the Bureau relating to arche- 
ology and the social organization of the American Indians. 
I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and 
your wise counsel relating to the ^\'ork under my charge. 
I am, with respect, your obedient servant, 


Honorable S. P. Langley, 

Secretary of the Institution. 




Introduction xvii 

Monthly reports XX 

Operations during July XX 

Operations during August XXI V 

Ojierations during Sejii ember XXVII 

Operations during October xxxii 

Operations during November xxxvi 

Operations during December XLii 

Operatious duriug January XLVI 

Operations during February L 

Operations during March Liv 

Operations during April i.viil 

Operations during May Lxn 

Operations during June LXV 

Summary report I.xix 

Classification of the work Lxix 

Exploration LXX 

Archeology LXXiii 

Descriptive ethnology LXXIX 


Pictography and sign language i.xxxi 

Linguistics Lxxxn 

Mythology Lxxxv 

Psychology i.xxxxii 

Bibliography Lxxx vii 

Publication Lxxx\iii 

Miscellaneous xci 

Financial statement • xcii 

Characterization of accompanying papers xciii 

Distribution of subjects XCIII 

Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province xci v 

The Sionan Indians xcvii 

.Siouan sociology xcix 

Tusayan Katcinas .^ „ _ c - 

The repair of Casa Grande ruin ' cm 

On regimentation CIV 



Prefatory notes 13 

Chapter I — 1 ntroductory 19 

The field of investigation 19 

The art remains studied 20 



Chapter I — Introductory — Continued. Page 

Character of tlie stone implements 21 

Materials and their distribution 21 

Quarrying 23 

Manufacture 24 

Initial stages 24 

Shaping processes 25 

Chapter II — Manufacture of flaked stone implements 29 

Introductory statement 29 

Quarry- workshops of the District of Columbia _. 30 

History of the research ^. 30 

Geology of the locality 31 

Piny branch quarries 33 

Location of the quarries 33 

Operations on the site 35 

Discovery and reconnoissance 35 

The first trench 36 

The tree pit 44 

The second trench 45 

The third trench 45 

The fourth and fifth trenches 49 

The sixth trench 50 

Other Piny branch sites 51 

Piny branch shops 52 

General features 52 

Special features 53 

The quarry-shop product 53 

Tools used in flaking 58 

Processes of manufacture 58 

Destiny of the quarry blades 62 

The Dumbarton heights quarry-shops 62 

Location 62 

Geology of the site 63 

Distribution of quarry pits 64 

Trenching 64 

Other Rock creek sites 66 

Shop sites of the middle Potomac valley 66 

Falls section of the Potomac 66 

Anacostia valley 69 

The tidewater Potomac 71 

Sites in James river valley 72 

Quarries of the highland 72 

Materials quarried 72 

Location and product 73 

Rhyolite quarries 73 

Flint quarries 77 

Jasper and argillite quarries 78 

Caches 78 

Chapter III — Flaked stone implements 80 

General features 80 

Implements of leaf-blade genesis 82 

Typical characters 82 

Blades — blanks, cutting implements 84 

Specialized blades — j)rojectile points, etc 84 

Narrow-shafted blades — perforators or drills 85 

Specialized blades, etc — scrapers 85 


Chapter III — Flaked stone implements — Continued. Page 

Leal-l)lade implements grouped by material 86 

Quartzite implements 86 

Quartz implements 87 

Rhyolite implements 88 

Flint and jasper implements 89 

Argillite implements ; 89 

Rude flaked imidemeiits 90 

Chapter IV — Battered and abraded stone implements 94 

General processes of manufacture 94 

Special processes 96 

Classes of implements 96 

Materials used _ 96 

Examples of the implements 97 

Manufacturing shops 99 

Comparison of celt making with blade making 102 

Miscellaneous pecked implements 103 

Chapter V — Incised or cut stone utensils 105 

Scope of the topic 105 

Processes and materials 105 

Use of mica 105 

Steatite utensils 106 

Character, use, and distribution of the material 106 

Surface indications of quarrying 106 

Special investigations 107 

Early knovf ledge of steatite 107 

Development of the quarrying industry 108 

Mining and shaping operations 108 

Quarry product 109 

Implements used in quarrying and cutting Ill 

Character of the tools Ill 

Manner of using the tools 112 

Steatite quarries 113 

The Clifton quarry 113 

The Connecticut avenue ijuarries 116 

Literature '. ' 116 

Site and surface indications 117 

Excavations made 118 

Tools recovered 119 

Correlation with bowlder quarries 123 

The Shoemaker quarry 124 

The Little falls sites ■ 124 

The Bryant quarry 125 

Quarries of the Patuxent valley 125 

Quarries near Olney 128 

Falls Church and Holmes ruu quarries 131 

Amelia county quarries 132 

Madison county quarries 132 

Culpeper county quarries 132 

Brunswick county quarries 132 

Relation of clay and steatite pottery 133 

Various articles of steatite 133 

Chapter VI — Distribution of stone implements 134 

The area investigated 134 

Distribution of materials 135 

Geologic distribution of stone 135 

Geology ami art 137 


Chapter VI — Distributiou of stone iiiiplemeuts — Continued. 

Comparative tlistribution of implements 141 

Distribution by classes 141 

Distribution by particular sites 142 

Distribution by genesis and function 143 

Resume 146 

Supplementary notes i loO 


The Siouan stock 157 

Definition 157 

Extent of the stock 157 

Trilial nomenclature 166 

Principal characters 168 

Phonetic and graphic arts 168 

Industrial and esthetic arts....' 170 

Institutions 176 

Beliefs 178 

The development of mythology 178 

The Siouan mythology 182 

Somatology 185 

Habitat 186 

Organization -. 187 

History 189 

Dakota- Asiniboin 189 

Gegiha 191 

Xoiwe re ". 194 

Winnebago 195 

Mandan 196 

Hidatsa 197 

The eastern and southern groups 198 

General movements 198 

Some features of Indian sociology 199 


General features of organization 213 

The Dakota tribes 215 

Designation and mode of camping 215 

The Mdewaka"to"wa" 215 

The Waiipe-kute 216 

The Wai|pe-to°wa" or AVahpetou 216 

The Sisito" wa" or Sisseton 216 

The Ihafikto^wa" or Yankton 217 

The Ihankto"wa"na or Yauktonai 217 

The Tito"wa" or Teton 218 

Tribal divisions 218 

The Sitca-xu 218 

The Itaziptco 219 

The Siha-sapa or Blackfeet 219 

The Minikooju 220 

The Oohe-no"pa or Two Kettles 220 

TheOglala 220 

The HuOkpapa 221 

Dakota social customs 221 

The Asiniboin 222 



The Omaha 226 

The Ponka 228 

The Quapaw or Kwapa 229 

The Kaijze or Kansa 230 

The Osage 233 

The Iowa 238 

The < ito 240 

The Ni-ii -t'a-tci or Missouri 240 

The Ilotcangara or Winnebago 240 

The Mandau 241 

The Hidatsa 242 ' 

The Crow or Absaroka 243 

The Biloxi 243 

The Tutelo 244 

The Catawba 244 


Introduction 251 

Tabular view of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations 255 

Names of months and corresponding ceremonials 256 

Means of determining the time for ceremouials 258 

Classification of ceremonials 260 

Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas 264 

Classification of Katciuas 265 

Elaliorate Katciuas 268 

Soy iluna 268 

Katcina'.i return _ 273 

Powiimii 274 

Paliiliikoriti .' 291 

Nimaukatcina 292 

Abbreviated Katciuas 292 

Characteristics 292 

Siocalako 296 

Pawikkatciua 299 

Auakatcina 303 

Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan 304 


Introduction 321 

Description of the ruins 321 

Condition of Casa Grande in 1891 323 

Plans for the repairs 325 

Execution of the work 326 

Reservation of the land 330 

Specimens found iu the excavations 330 

Exhibits 333 

I. Contract for repairing and preserving Casa Orande ruiu, Arizona 333 

II. Plans aud specifications for the preservation of the Casa Grande ruin, 

Arizoua, 1891 335 

General requirements 335 

Clearing out the debris 335 

Underpinning walls 336 

Filling in openings 336 

Bracing 336 

Wire fencing 337 

Roof 337 


Exhibits — Continued. Page 

III. Plans and sections 337 

IV. Oatli of disinterestedness 338 

V. Bids 338 

VI. Indorsements 339 

VII. Report of Mr H.C.Eizer 340 

Supplement 344 

Correspondence and report relating to the conditiouof Ca8aCrandeinl89.5, 

with recommendations coucorniug its further protection 344 

I. Letter of Reverend Isaac T. Whittemore, custodian of Casa Grande, 
to the Secretary of the Interior, recommending an appropriation 

for further protecting the ruin 344 

II. Indorsement of Mr Whittemore's letter by the Acting Secretary of 

the Interior 344 

III. Letter of the Acting Director of the Bureau of American Ethnol- 

ogy to the Secretary of the Interior suggesting an examination 

of Casa Grande with a view of its further protection 344 

IV. Letter of the Acting Secretary of the Interior to the Director of 

the Bureau of American Ethnology approving the suggestion that 
Casa Grande be visited with a view of determining the desirabil- 
ity of its further protection 347 

V. Letter of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to 
the Secretary of the Interior regarding the examination of Casa 

Grande by Mr "\V J JIcGee » 347 

VI. Report of the Director of the Bureau of American Ethnology to 
the Secretary of the Interior on the examination of the condition 
of Casa Grande by JlrAV.T McGee, with a recommendation con- 
cerning its further protection 348 



Frontispiece. Group in plaster ilhistriitiiif; quarry -shop work 13 

Plate I. llap of the Potomnc-Chesapeake ti<lewater province 14 

II. Map of the Piny branch iinarries 17 

III. Quarry-shop refuse exposed in the bank of the rivulet 18 

IV. View looking north up the rivulet at the foot of the quarry slope.. . 19 
V. View from the bed of the rivulet, showing exploitation pits 20 

VI. Section of quarry exposed by the first trench 21 

VII. Section of ancient pit filled with quarry-shop refuse from above 22 

VIII. Chrracter of quarry-shop refuse at the forty fourth foot 24 

IX. Face of the trench at the seventyseventh foot 26 

X. Character of refuse deposits at the seventyseventh foot 27 

XI. Pocket of refuse deposits at the seveutyseventh foot 28 

Xn. Portion of an extensive deposit of shop refuse near the quarry face.- 30 

XIII. Section showing the irregular qiiarry face 31 

XIV. Roots of a chestnut tree growing in a bed of shop refuse 33 

XV. Section showing deposits filling the quarry exposed by the third 

trench 35 

XVI. Section showing the quarry face exposed by the fifth trench 37 

XVII. Quarry-shop rejects — progressive series 38 

XVIII. Blaile-like rejects from the quarry-shop refuse 40 

XIX. Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop 

refuse., 40 

XX. Rejected blades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop 

refuse 40 

XXI. Broken blades representing the most highly elaborated forms made 

in the quarry-sho]is 43 

XXII. Fragments of blades representing the most highly elaborated forms 

made in the (juarry-shops 44 

XXIII. Relation of the flaked blade to the parent bowlder 44 

XXIV. Two specimens of flaked stone found in ii single cluster 45 

XXV. Core-like forms from which flakes have been taken 47 

XXVI. Site of the Pumbarton quarry, showing refuse-covered slopes 49 

XXVII. Potomac bowlder bed exjiosed in grading U street 51 

XXVIII. Series of rejects from the South mountain rhyolite quarry 52 

XXIX. Rhyolite cache blades from a garden on Frogmore creek, near Balti- 
more 55 

XXX. Rhyolite blades from various caches 55 

XXXI. Qnartzito cache blades from Anacostia and Bennings sites 55 

XXXII. Relation of specialized leaf-blade implements to the original blade.. 56 

XXXIII. Scraping implements of quartz and ([uartzite 56 

XXXIV. Series of flaked forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufac- 

ture of projectile points from quartzite bowlders 59 

XXXV. Quartzite blades of varying size and outline, mainly unspecialized, 

from Potomac village-sites 60 



Plate XXXVI. Specialized rjuartzite blades, probably in the luaiu projectile 

poiutSj from Potomac ^ illage-sites 60 

XXXVII. Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main arrow- 

point>, from Potomac A'illage-sites 60 

XXXVIII. iSeries ot form-s illustratins^ progressive steps in the manufac- 
ture of arrowpoiuts from (juartz pebbles 63 

XXXIX. t^uartz blades showing slight traces of specialization 64 

XL. Specialized (juartz Idades, probably iu the main arrowpoiuts. . 64 

XLI. Specialized quartz blades, probably in the maiu arrowpoiuts. . 64 

XLII. Quartz arrowpoints of eccentric shapes 64 

XLIII. Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in shaping rhyo- 

lite implements 67 

XLIV. Unspecialized rhyolite blades, mainly from Anacostia village- 
sites 68 

XLV. Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely knives and 

speariJoints, mainly from Anacostia village-sites 68 

XLVI. Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely projectile points, 

mainly from Potomac village-sites 70 

XLVII. Rhyolite arrowpoints, mainly from Potomac village-sites 70 

XLVIII. Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in the shaping 

of leaf-blade implements from argillite 72 

XLIX. Shari)en('d bowlders fromPotouuic village-sites 74 

L. Sharpened and battered bowlders from Potomac shell heaps.. 76 
LI. Rude axes made by sharpening and notching quartzite bowl- 
ders by flaking, from Potomac village-sites 78 

Lll. Rude ax-like implements from Potomac village-sites 80 

LIII. Rude axes or picks made of quartzite bowlders sharpened and 

notched by llakiug, from Potomac village-sites 83 

LIV. Slightly modified quartzite bowlders used as implements 84 

LV. Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the 

shaping of celts by fracturiug, battering, and abrading 86 

LVI. Group of celt-axes from the tidewater region , 89 

L^'II. Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the 

shaping of the grooved ax 90 

LVIII. Outlines of grooved axes illustrating range of form 92 

LIX. Group of grooved axes from Potomac-Chesapeake village-sites. 94 

LX. Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making .. 96 

LXI. Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making .. 96 

LXIl. Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making 98 

LXIII. Specimens illustrating advanced step in celt making 98 

LXIV. Specimens illustrating breakage in celt making 100 

LXV. Specimen illustrating roughed-out celt, very thick at lowerend 100 
LXA'I. Specimen from celt shop, proljalily rejected on account of 

defective work 103 

LXVII. Specimens illustrating the manufacture of grooved axes 104 

LXVIII. Hammer-stones from the celt shop near Luray 106 

LXIX. Hammerstones from the celt shop near Luray 106 

LXX. Perforated tablets of slate 108 

LXXI. Winged ceremonial stones from the vicinity of Washington.. 110 

LXXII. Pitted stones and mortar from tidewater village-sites 112 

LXXIII. Mortars, pestles, and sinker( ?) from the tidewater province.. 114 

LXXIV. Abrading stones from the vicinity of Washington 116 

LXXV. Hammerstones from Potomac village-sites 118 

LXXVI. Surface of soapstone quarry, showing various phases of the 

cutting operations 121 

LXX VII. Incipient vessels broken during the shaping operations 122 



Plate LXXVIII. Series of forms showinj; stf^K in the steatite-shaping process. 122 
LXXIX. Quany-sho]) rejects showing early stages of the steatite 

shaping work 124 

LXXX. Examples (if untinished steatite vessels 124 

LXXXI. View of the Clifton iiuarry after clearing out 127 

LXXXII. Implements used in cutting steatite 128 

LXXX III. Maji anil sertions of the Connecticut avenue steatite quarries. 130 
LXXXIV. Map showing trenching of the ancient steatite quarries on the 

northern hill 131 

LXXXV. Surface of ancient steatite quarry exposed hy trenching 132 

LXXXVI. Chisei-like implements used in cutting steatite 134 

LXXXVII. Steatite-cutting implements of eruptive rock 134 

LXXXVIII. Fragment of a steati fce quarry implement 134 

LXXXIX. Implements used in cutting steatite 137 

XC. Implements used in cutting steatite 138 

XCI. Massof steatite partially cut out liymeans of stone chisels .. 139 

XCII. Grooved axes used in soapstone quarries 139 

XCIII. Rude grooved pick used in quarrying steatite 140 

XCIV. Implements used in cutting steatite 140 

XCV. Pointed implements used in cutting steatite 140 

XCVI. Steatite pick made by sharpening a grooved ax 142 

XCVII. Grooved ax used and hroken iu asteatite quarry 142 

XCVIII. Grooved axes sharpened by flaking for use in quarryingsteatite 142 

XCIX. Small articles made of steatite 145 

C. Specialized and partially specialized objects of steatite 146 

CI. Graded series of iiaked implements 148 

CII. Quarry group in plaster set up on the Piny branch site 151 

cm. Results of experimental flaking by percussion and pressure. 151 
CIV. A, Shield with star symbol; 11, Soyaluna shield with star 

and unknown symbol ; C, Symbolic sun shield 262 

C V. Tho Nat:icka ceremony at "Walpi 267 

CVI. Hahai wiiiiti, Natiicka, and Soy6kmana 272 

CYII. Doll of Calakomana 278 

CVIII. Katciua mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain- 
cloud symbolism 286 

CIX. Doll of Calakomana (mistakenly given on the plate as CSla- 

kotaka) 294 

ex. Head-dress of Alosoka 301 

CXI. A rowamft mask 306 

CXII. Map of the Casa Grande group 321 

CXIII. Ground plan of Casa Grande ruin 322 

CXI\'. General view of Casa Grande 325 

CXV. Interior wall surface 326 

CXVI. West front of Casa Grande, showing blocks of masonry 329 

CXVII. Plan showing ground-level erosion, tie-rods, limits of work, 

and lines of ground sections 330 

CXVIII. East-and-west ground sections 333 

CXIX. North-and-south ground sections 335 

CXX. South front of the ruin, showing underpinning and ends of 

tie-rods 337 

CXXI. View from the southeast before the completion of the work. 339 

CXXII. Suggested plan of roof and support 340 

CXXIII. Section through ^t-B of roof plan, showing suggested roof 

support S'lS 

CXXIV. Section through C-D of roof plan, showing suggested roof 

support - 345 

CXX^'. Map showing location of Casa Grande reservation and rnin. 346 



Figure l. General section across Rock creek ami finv IjiaiKh valleys 32 

2. Section of the ravine, showing formations and position of quarries. 33 

3. Panoramic view of Piny branch quarry-sites, looking north 34 

4. Section across bed of rivulet at base of quarries 37 

5. Cross section at beginning of the first treneli 3^ 

6. Cross section at the twentieth foot 39 

7. Cross section at the fortieth foot 40 

8. Section of bowlder beils exposed in quarry face 47 

9. Section exposed by trenching on outer angle of terrace 51 

10. First step in bowlder Haking ^ 59 

11. Second step in bowlder flaking 60 

12. Fragment of rliyolite from the Potomac 74 

13. Sujiposed anvil stone and cluster of slightly shaped bitsof rhyolite. 77 

14. Flaking by pressure 81 

15. Flaking by pressure 81 

16. Prol)al)le manner of hafting the smaller chisels 112 

17. Probable manner of hafting the single-pointed and the two-pointed 

chisels or pi cks 113 

18. Sketch map of the Clifton quarry 115 

19. Rnde pick of (juartz, slightly sharpened by flaking 120 

20. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpi-ned by flaking 121 

21. Rude picli; made by sharpening (juartzite bowlder 121 

22. Rude pick made by sharjiening quart zite ))ow]der 122 

23. Implement used in cutting steatite; from (juarry in Howard county, 

Maryland 127 

24. Implement used in cutting steatite ; from (|nnrry in Howard county, 

Maryland 128 

25. Implement used in cutting steatite: from the Olney quarry 129 

26. Implement used in cutting steatite; from Sandysjiring quarry 130 

27. Gonge-like implement grooved for hafting 131 

28. Map showing distribution of rejects of manufacture 138 

29. Map showing distriV)utiou of implements 139 

29a. Cross sectiou illustrating successive removal of flakes from bo wldirs. 152 

30. Sisseton and Wah]>eton camping circle 216 

31. Sisseton camping circle 217 

32. Sitca"xu camping circle 219 

33. Oglala canqiing circle 221 

34. Omaha camping circle 226 

35. Inke-sabe gentile assembly 227 

36. Pouka camping circle 228 

37. Kansa camping circle 230 

38. Osage cam])ing cinle 233 

39. Tablet of the Palahikomana mask 262 

40. The Anakatciua 294 

41. Maskette of Anakatcinamaua 295 

42. Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in Siocalako 298 

43. Mask of Pawikkatcina (front view) 299 

44. of Pawikkatcina (side view) 300 

45. Mask of Pawikkatcinamana 301 

46. Staff of Pawikkatcina 301 

47. Helmets, ear of corn, and spruce bough arranged for reception 

ceremony 302 

48. Symbolism of the helmet of Humiskatcina (tablet removed) 307 




By J. W. Powell, Director 


Researches relating- to tlie American Indians were continued 
throughout the fiscal year ending- June 30, 1894, in conformity 
with act of Congress. 

As set forth in previous reports, ethnic relations, or the rela- 
tions existing among races, peoples, and tribes, are measureably 
unlike those recognized by naturalists in the classification of 
orders, genera, and species of aniujals and plants. In biology 
the primary unit recognized by investigators is an individual 
organism, and the secondary unit is a norm or type (perhaps 
represented by an individual organism of average character- 
istics) standing for the species, genus, or order; hence biology 
is the science of organic things, considered as individuals and 
types of individuals. From one point of view, mankind, like 
other living- things, may be regarded as an assemblage of indi- 
vidual organisms conforming- to certain types, and from this 
standpoint the races of men may be regarded as species of the 
genus Homo, or as varieties of the species Homo sapiens; but 
from a more elevated point of \\e\\ mankind Tuay be seen to 
display distinctive characteristics of great imjjortance by which 
the class is clearly set oft" from that including the plants and 
the beasts. Viewed from this higher standpoint, the races and 
peoples and tribes of the earth are assemblages of interrelated 

15 ETH II 


and more or less intelligent groups; the primary unit of the 
investigator of mankind from this standpoint is not the indi- 
vidual, but the group — the pair, family, clan, gens, tribe, or 
confederacy among primitive men, the family, body-corporate, 
municipality, bodv-politic, state, nation, or alliance among civi- 
lized jieoples — while tlie secondary units are not biotic norms or 
types, but the normal products of collective activity in the vari- 
9US groups, comprising languages, arts of welfare and pleasure, 
institutions, and opinions. Accordingly tlie science of man, 
defined from this standpoint, is primarily and in every essential 
respect superorganie, and is clearly set ajjart from biology as 
from all other sciences. 

There are thus two essentially distinct points of A-iew from 
which the science of man may be regarded: From one stand- 
point nian is an animal, and his kind is an assemblage of indi- 
vidual organisms susceptible of arrangement b}" type into 
varieties, and the science of man, regarded from this standpoint, 
is closely akin to biology; Avhile, from the higher standjioint, 
mankind must be regarded as an assemblage of superorganie 
and essentially collective groups, and may be classified by the 
products of collective activity; and from this standpoint the 
science of man is fundamentally distinct. For certain purposes 
it is desii-able, and indeed necessar}', to regard man alterna- 
tively from the two points of view, and to connect the two 
widely diverse branches of the science of man, and this is com- 
monly done under the general term Anthropology. Sometimes 
it is desirable to study mankind with special reference to racial 
and tribal characteristics, and in such manner as to weigh the 
varietal features of the genus and species, and such studies are 
combined under Ethnology; but it has been found that, after 
the primary division into three, four, or five races, the varietal 
features afford little or no aid in defining and classifying tribes, 
so that ethnologic researches on any given continent are neces- 
sarily carried forward in accordance with the superorganie 
science of man. For most purposes it is found best to study 
both primitive and civilized peoples as superorganie gi'oups, in 
which each individual reflects and is molded by the character- 
istics of his associates, and this is the function of Demology 


or Demonomy (^6ij/uo?, people; Aoyo?, discourse; v6/uo?, law). 
Accordingly, demonomy may be considered as the science of 
humanity, or the science of those attributes which disting-uish 
mankind from the lower organisms; and these attributes may 
be classed as demotic, in contradistinction from the hiofic char- 
acteristics of animals and plants. 

Thus far in the researches relating to the American Indians 
it has not been found necessary to consider in detail the essen- 
tially biotic features which have led systematists to regard 
the American aborigines as a distinct race, since these features 
are in large measure conamon to all of the aborigines of both 
American continents; but it has been found necessary to con- 
sider in detail many of the essentially demotic features displaced 
by the various tribes. Proceeding- with the study of demotic 
characteristics, it was ascertained that all of the native tribes, 
so far as known, are grouped or regimented in similar fashion, 
so that it is inexpedient to discriminate and classify the Indians 
on the basis of their mode of grouping; for classified in this 
way all the known tribes are essentially alike, and collectively 
form but a single category. Further research showed that, 
while the primary demotic units are essentially alike, the 
secondai'v units, representing the ])roducts of collective activity, 
are diverse; and accordingh' the researches concerning the 
relations of the Indian tribes were directed chiefly t()\\ard the 
products of intellectual activity among the tribes. In this way 
the researches were graduallv divided into five princi])al lines, 
with their various subdivisions and ramifications, viz: (1) arts, 
or esthetology ; (2) industries, or technology ; (3) institutions, 
or sociology; (4) language, or linguistics; (5) opinions and 
beliefs, or sophiology. Practical considerations from time to 
time have led to special activity in certain lines or branches 
and to temporar)' inactivity in othei- lines and branches; yet, 
so far as seemed feasible, the work of the Bureau has been so 
conducted as to develop alike the five categories of secondary 
demotic characteristics. 

Tlie }>lans and personnel of the Bureau have remained prac- 
tically unchanged, except that, at the beginning of the fiscal 
year, Mr W J McGee was added to the corps and appointed 


Etliuologitft ill Charge, and entrusted with many administra- 
tive details. 

With the beginning of the fiscal year the method (if prepar- 
ing administrative reports was modified. In lieu of oral monthly 
reports of progress, with more extended annual rejiorts, formal 
nidiitlilv reports have been required, and these have been sum- 
marized periodically for transmittal to the Secretary of the 
Smithsonian Institution. The current oj^erations of the Bureau 
are set forth fully in these reports; and the periodical summa- 
ries are incorporated herein as a detailed exhibit of work and 


Work in sign language and pictography — Colonel Garrick Mal- 
lery ■was occupied throughout the moiitli in correcting and 
revising the proofs of a memoir on the "Picture-writing of the 
American Indians," which forms the greater part of the Tenth 
Annual Report of the Bureau. This memoir, which will occupy 
about 800 octavo pages and will contain about 1,500 figures in 
the text, besides 54 full-page plates, is at this date all in type, 
and the correction, as well as the preparation of lists of contents 
and illustrations, index, etc, is well advanced. 

Work in mounds and earthworks — During the first part of the 
month Professor Cyrus Thomas was engaged in preparing the 
index to his "Report on Monnd Explorations," which accom- 
panies the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau. The greater 
part of the proofs of this volume have been revised, but some 
time was devoted to final proof cori'ection. 

During the month Professor Thomas gave some time to the 
study of the Mava codices, witli the view of settling, if possible, 
the question of the phoneticism of the writing therein, the set- 
tlement of this question being of great importance to American 
archeology. In the course of the work the investigation on 
the "Time Periods of the Mayas" was continued; and it was 
shown from the Dresden codex tliat the civil year used therein 
comprised 365 days, divided into 18 months of 20 days each, 


with 5 supplemeiital days, this usage coinciding with tlie calen- 
dar found in vogue at the time of the Spanisli conquest. Other 
collateral results of interest were obtained. 

Eastern archcologi/ — Professor W. H. Holmes spent the earlier 
part of the month in organizing the work for the A'ear. Later 
he proceeded to difterent |)oints in Delaware vallev for the pur- 
pose of continuing studies of ancient quarries and (plarr^--shop 
rejects in that highly interesting archeologic region. A ne\Y 
quarry-shop was discovered within 15 miles of Trenton, yield- 
ing abundant rejects corresponding preeiselv with the sujiposed 
paleolithic objects found in that localitv. Subsequentlv Pro- 
fessor Holmes proceeded to Chicago for dutv in connection 
with the final arrangement of certain groups in the World's 
Columbian P^xjiosition under the immediate supervision of the 
Director. In the closing davs of the month he visited a num- 
ber of interesting archeologic localities in Ohio, extending in 
particular his detailed observations of the Newcomerstown 
gravels — the only ease now strongly held to indicate the exist- 
ence of man during the glacial jjeriod in this country. 

Mr Gerard Fowke, under Professor Holmes' general super- 
^^sion and under the immediate direction of the Ethnologist in 
Charge, proceeded to the valley of the Tennessee for the pur- 
pose of making collections from the little known but highlv 
interesting interior shell mounds found in that region. His 
work has been successful, several cases of materials have been 
obtained, and Mr Heni'v Walther is now engaged in preparing 
and marking them for dei)osit in the National Museum for 
purposes of ethnologic study. 

Mr William Dinwiddle, under Professor Holmes' immediate 
direction, spent the greater part of the month in collecting 
materials representing the arts and customs of the Indians 
along the shores of Chesapeake bav. While the results of his 
work hardly equal expectations in point of quantity, much of 
the material is of exceptional interest, and his negative determi- 
nations are of value lo the Bureau. 

Western archeohf/i/ — ]\Ir Cosmos ]\Iindeleff was occupied 
during the earlier part of the month in outfitting for several 
months' work in the Pueblo country; afterward he proceeded 


to Holbrook, Arizona, and ])reliniiiiary reports indicate that his 
work is now organized and beginning to yield valuable results 
in the form of material for reports, as well as in the form of 
valuable and sometimes unique collections. 

Work in synonijmii — Mr James Mooney spent the earlier 
portion of the month partly in collecting and revising material 
for tlie Synonymy, partly in preparing for a trip to Oklahoma 
for the purpose of collecting additional material from various 
Indian tribes, notably the Kiowa. Subsequently Mr ^looney 
enjoyed a short vacation. 

Mr F. W. Hodge continued work on the Synonymy, making 
a careful examination of Bandelier's mc )nographs of southwest- 
ern historv and archeology, by which considerable progress 
was made in the location of Pueblo settlements not previously 
identiiied. Final descriptions of the Tiwa and Piro tribes 
(including their history ft-om 1540) were prepared, and several 
minor and collateral subjects were elaborated. 

Work In iii/jtJioJoqi/ — During the eai'lier ])art of the month 
Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson continued the elaboration of mate- 
rial relating to the Zuni for early publication. During the 
later half she began revision of the ])roofs of a memoir on the 
Sia Indians, which constitutes the leading "aceompanving 
paper" of the Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau. The 
illustrations of this memoir are completed, and a third of the 
text has been composed. 

Throughout the month Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing has 
been occupied in the an-angement of exhibits for the World's 
Columbian Exposition, under the immediate supervision of the 

W^ork in linguistics — Mr J. Owen Dorsey continiied the 
arrangement of Biloxi texts, with interlinear and free English 
translations and notes, adding many pages of Biloxi phrases, 
making a total of 245 typewritten foolscap pages, which are 
substantially ready for the printer. Progress was also made 
in the preparation of slips for the Biloxi-English dictionary. 
In addition. Mi Dorsey corrected consideralile portions of the 
galley-proof and second-page revise of Riggs' "Dakota Gram- 
mar, Texts and Ethnography," forming volume ix of Contri- 
butions to North American Ethnolotjy. 


Dr Albert S. Gatschet spent the month in tlie elaboration 
of lield materials j)ertaining to the Peoria langnage. About 
2,000 words were extracted from the notes and placed on slips. 
Progress was made also in extracting the grammatic elements 
and in analyzing prelixes, suffixes, and alterations and per- 
mutations of consonants and vowels within the same word, 
classitiers of the adjective, reduplication of the root, etc. All 
of the grammatic matter also was recorded on slips and in 
books for use in the preparation of a Peoria dictionary and 
grammar. On the whole, satisfactory progress has been made 
in determining the structure of the Peoria lang-uaffe. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt temporarily discontinued his work on the 
lexicography and grammar of the Tuskarora-Iroquoian dialect 
during June, and throughout the last month has been occupied 
in ))reparing a special description of the sociology of the 
Iroquoian peoples. This study has already led to valuable 
results, not only directly, but indirectly through the elucida- 
tion of the meaning of terms determined or moditied by social 
relations. Mr Hewitt's kinship with the Iroquoian peoples 
gives him special advantages in the work. He has been able 
to formulate the rights, duties, privileges, and obligations of the 
two phases of the family group, as well as that pertaining to 
the gens. Collateral results of importance have flowed from 
Mr Hewitt's studies. 

Work in Mhliography — The bibliographic work of Mr James 
C Pilling has been seriously interrupted hy ill health; but a 
part of the month was occupied in a careful examination of 
the Bibliography of the Chinookan Languages recently issued 
from the press, with the purpose of providing for the correc- 
tion of supposed errors due to the illness of the author at the 
time of proof revision. It was found, however, that the con- 
dition of the publication is satisfactory, and it will at once be 

Work in sociology — During the earlier j^art of the month Dr 
W. J. Hoffman was occupied in arranging and classifying data 
and material relating to the Menomini Indians of Wisconsin. 
Subsequently, under instructions of July 15, he set out on a 
trip for research and collection among these Indians. 


The time of the P^thnologist in Charge has been occupied 
chiefllv in administrative work and in examining- sociologic mate- 
rial in the archives of the Bureau and in organizing study 

Publication — The Eighth Annual Rej^ort was received from 
the bindery during the month, and other reports are advancing 

Columhian Exposition — The Director, with Professor Holmes, 
Mr Gushing, -and Mrs Stevenson, has been engaged during part 
of the month in arranging the Bureau exhibit in the World's 
Columbian Exposition at Chicago. 


Work in si()i/ Jaitguarn' and pictograpliy — Colonel Garrick Mal- 
lery has continued, and during the month completetl, the revi- 
sion of proofs of his memoir "on the " Picture-writing of the 
American Indians." He has also completed the preparation of 
table of contents, bibliography, and general index, and these 
have been composed, and he has revised the proofs thereof. 
The stereotype plates were also examined and corrected. This 
work is now on the press as the body of the Tenth Annual 
Report of the Bureau. 

Work in moiuids and curtJi works — Professor Cyrus Thomas 
has continued the revision of proofs of tlie closing portions of his 
"Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy." During the month the lists of contents and illustrations, 
and also the general index, have been re%dsed in proof, and all 
are now stereotA'ped. The monograph, which is the most vol- 
uminous ever prepared on this subject, considerably exceeding 
in this respect the classic work of Squier and Davis, comprises 
730 pages, including 344 cuts in text and 42 plates. It forms 
the body of the Twelfth Annual Report, the introductorv mat- 
ter of which will shortly be printed. 

A part of the month was spent by Professor Thomas in con- 
tinuing his researches concerning the Maya codices. He also 
completed the preparation of a laaper relating to certain objects 
found in mounds, designed for ])ublication as a bulletin and to 
supplement the above-described report. 


Eastern arclicologn — Professor W. H. Holmes, together \\iTli 
liis assistants and collaborators, eoutinued work in eastern arclie- 
ology. jMr William Dinwiddle made an extended collecting 
trip over the countrv about tlie head of Chesaiienke bay, pro- 
curing considerable new material and obtaining valuable infor- 
mation concei-ning the distribution of aboriginal art products 
with respect to waterways and other geographic features. Mr 
Gerard Fowke continued the collection of material from the 
interior shell mounds of Tennessee and forwarded considerable 
quantities of interesting material, which is now beinr cleaned 
and labeled by Mr Henry Walther. Professor Holmes himself 
spent a part of the mouth in special studies concerning the 
development of the shaping arts. His ideas were formulated 
in a preliminary paper, and it is expected that the matter will 
be expanded and suitably illustrated, and that it will then be 
incorporated in a final report on the aboriginal stone art of the 
territory now forming eastern United States. 

Western arrheoJogn — ^Ir Cosmos Mindelefif remains in the 
field eng-affed in surveys of the Pueblo countrv of northern 
Arizona, and his reports indicate satisfactory progress in the 
surveys as well as in the collection of material. 

Work ill si/iioui/iiiy — In the absence of Mr James Mooney 
on field duty, and in the absence of Mr F. W. Hodge on leave, 
little progress was made in this work during the month. 

Work in nujthologi) — Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has been 
occupied in revising proofs of her memoir on "The Sia," which 
forms the leading paper accompanying the Eleventh Annual 
Report of the Bureau. The revision of galley proofs was com- 
pleted, and most of the page proofs, together with the proofs 
of illustrations, have now 1>een revised. 

Work in Unr/uistics — Reverend J. Owen Dorsey continued 
the correction of the proofs of Riggs' "Dakota Grammar, Texts 
and Ethnography," forming volume ix of the Contributions to 
North American Ethnology. The page ijroofs of the l)od}- of 
this Avork have now all been revised, and jjroofs of the list 
of illustrations, index, etc, are in hand. In view of the time 
which has elapsed since the connnencement and even since 
the completion of the original compilation, it has seemed wise 


to supplement the Avork by a brief chapter settinj^ forth the 
resuhs of recent investigations concerning- the Dakota lan- 
guages, and Mr Dorsey has begun the preparation of this 
chapter. lie spent a \)i\vt of the month in an examination of 
the dictionary slips of the various Siouan languages, for the 
purpose of formulating a series of characters absolutely neces- 
sary for recording the words of Indian languages. 

Dr A. S. Gatschet has continued researches on tlie Peoria 
language, chiefly in extracting grammatic elements and in 
studying the permutations of vowels and consonants, in which 
direction interesting results have been obtained. Certain terms 
in the vocabulary have also been found of exceptional interest 
as suggesting, and in some cases explaining, steps in the devel- 
opment of mythic concej)ts. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt has continued work (_)n the Iroquoian- 
English dictionary, making satisfactory progress therein. 

Work in hibliography — ^Ir James C. Pilling was occupied 
throughout the month in preparing cards taken from the Chi- 
nookan and Salishan bibliographies for incorporation in the 
final works on those subjects. In addition, he has critically 
examined plate proofs of the Salishan bibliography for the 
purpose of eliminating minor errors; and some progress has 
been made in the preparation of manuscript for the next num- 
ber of the bibliographic series. 

Work in socioJogij — Dr W. J. Hoffman reports from Keshena, 
Wisconsin, the successful commencement of the season's re- 
searches into the ceremonials of the Menomini, Ottawa, and 
Ojibwa Indians; he has in addition already sent in certain 
collections of importance representing the aboi'iginal arts of 
the Indians of the Lake Superiol* region. One of these, a 
birchbark canoe, typical for that region, has been transmitted 
to the National ]\Iuseum. 

The Etlnn)logist in Charge has been occupied chiefly in 
administrative work, in examining matter designed for publica- 
tion, and in continuing the arrangement of sociologic material 
in the archives of the Bureau. 

MisceUaneous — As incidentally set forth above, publication 
is proceeding satisfactorily. The distribution of the Eighth 


Annual Report and the Bibliograpliy of the Salishan Lang-uages 
has been comnienctMl. The stereotj-ping of the Tenth Annual 
Repoi-t has been completed, and the ])lates are on the press. 
The body of the Twelftli Annual Report has been stereot^-ped, 
and the Eleventh Annual Report is rapidly passing through 
the printer's hands, the first of the three papers l^eing- now in 
page proof, the second ^^•eIl advanced in galleys, and the third 
just coming in. 

Work in the pre])aratiou of illustrations has been continued, 
and a number of remarkalily tine plates designed to illustrate 
re})orts by Mrs Stevenson on Zuni ceremonials, and l)v Mr 
James Mooney on the Ghost dance, have been completed. 

The Bureau has assumed possession of its new (piarters in 
the Adams building, but the transfer of persons and pro})erty 
has been unexpectedly delayed and is not yet completed. 

The Director has continued the installation and arraiig-ement 
of the Bureau exhibit at the World's Colural)ian Exposition, 
and has been aided therein by Mr Cushing, and for a part of 
the month by Professor Holmes and Mrs Stevenson. 


Work ill moiiiids and oflier antiquities — Dr CS'rus Thomas was 
occvi])ied during a ])art of the month in final critical examina- 
tion of proofs of texts and illustrations of his monograph on 
the Indian mounds of eastern United States. The remainino" 
portion of the month was spent in carrying forward the re- 
searches concerning the Maya codices and in work relating 
thereto. The investigation is laborious and slow hx reason of 
the large number of historic, linguistic, and other comparisons 
required at every step. Some time has been occupied in exam- 
ining the literature relating to Central American deities and 
mytholog}', with special reference to the Maya Pantheon, with 
the object of identifying the glyphs describing such deities. A 
new study has also been made of the symbols representing 
days and months, in order to utilize these names in the inter- 
pretation of other characters. The recent work indicates that 
the Maya writing is in some measure ]:)honetic, but also com- 
prises the use of the rebus, or what Brinton characterizes as 
the ikonographic metliod of writing. 


Eastern archeologij — Professor W. H. Holmes has continued 
his researches concerning the aboriginal arts of eastern United 
States, interrupted only by duty in Chicago installing exhibits 
of the Bureau at the World's Fair, from the 1st to the 19th of 
the month. During the closing part of the month substantial 
progress was made in the digestion of field notes and prepara- 
tion of reports for the press. A monograph on aljoriginal pot- 
tery, begun a year or two since and temporarily laid aside, has 
been again taken uj) ^\\t]\ a view to comjdetion for jjuljlication 
as A'olume viii of Contributions to North American Ethnology. 
Satisfactory progress has been made in the rearrangement of 
text and in the preparation of the drawings and photographs, 
which the text is designed to elucidate. 

Mr William Dinwiddle, imder Professor Holmes' supervision, 
was occupied during the greater part of the mouth in collect- 
ing trips along the shores and tributaries of Chesapeake bay, 
with the object of demarking more exactlv, b}' means of art 
products, the territory belonging respectively to the different 
aboriginal peoples; while Mr Gerard Fowke continued collec- 
tion of material from the interior shell mounds of Tennessee 
and Kentucky. This material, together with that sent in by 
Islv Dinwiddle, is now being cleaned and labeled by Mr Henry- 
Walther preparatory to transfer to the National Museum. 

Western archeotoqi/ — Mr Cosmos Mindeleff has continued 
operations in the Pueblo country. On August 28 he left 
Winslow for the Rio Verde by way of Sunset and Chaves 
passes, Stoneman lake, and Rattlesnake tanks. The road was 
difficult, but was traversed without loss. On reaching the 
Verde he Avithdrew his field outfit, which had been stored for 
two years. Progress southward was delayed by mishaps, and 
at Flagstaff' for rejiairs. He left Flagstaff on September 15, 
soon reaching the Little Colorado at the mouth of San Fran- 
cisco wash, where the condition of the roads was such as to 
delay progress, so that he reached Winslow only on the 20th 
and Holbrook on the 24tli. While this journey, necessary to 
obtain the outfit, was tedious, no time was lost, for the course 
pursued described a great circle, and Mr Mindeleff was able to 
examine the country on both sides of the Little Colorado from 


the moutli of the Puereo, and in two lines across the Mogollon 
mountains. The closing days of the month were spent at 
Holbrook, outfitting for further work; l:)ut progress in this 
direction was slow by reason of exceptional rain storms and 

Work in sign hii/f/iKu/c antl pictographji — Having |))-actically 
completed the proof revision of his memoir on the Picture- 
writing of the American Indians, Colonel Garrick Mallery 
has taken up the niaterial relating to sign language, gesture 
speech, pantomime, etc, with a view of monographing this sub- 
ject also, and satisfactory progress has been made in the 
arrangement of the matter. A part of the month was, how- 
ever, spent in field work in the Lake Superior region for the 
purpose of obtaining more precise information concerning cer- 
tain points on which the data at hand are obscure. 

His memoir on Picture-writing, forming the body of the 
Tenth Annual Report, is stereotyped; and it is reported to he 
on the press. 

Work on the Stinonijiiiy of Indian tribes — JVIr F. W. Hodge 
continued the preparation of material for the Synonymy. 
During the month the Jumanos (a formerly important tribe 
occupving an extensive area in what are now the states of 
Chihuahua, in Mexico, and New Mexico, in the United States) 
were described as completely as the material obtainable will 
permit, the work leading to a tentative identification of this 
little-known tribe of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 
with the Comanche of a later period. Work was carried for- 
A^ard also on the Pueblos and on the synonymy of the tribes of 
the Piman stock, much valuable information relating to the pop- 
ulation, mission names, etymology, etc, of the latter tribe being 
obtained from rare publications. Extended correspondence 
in relation to the Pima and other peoples was also conducted. 

Mr James Moouey remains in the field. During the month 
of September he was occupied on the Kiowa reser^-ation in 
Oklahoma, making additions to Kiowa linguistics and ethno- 
logic materials, particularly in collecting mystic songs, which 
were recorded by means of the graphophone. Some material 
for synonymy was obtained. 


Work in mythology — Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson was occu- 
pied in part throughout the mouth in revising the page proofs 
and iUustrations of her memoir on "The Sia," forming part of the 
Eleventh Annual Report. In addition, she was engaged in the 
examination of anthropologic material at the World's Fair in 
Chicago, serving for a time as an honorary judge of exhibits. 

Having completed his work in arranging file exhibits of the 
Bureau of Ethnology at the World's Fair, Mr Frank Hamilton 
Cushing returned to Washington and resumed researches in 
mythology about the middle of September. Since that time 
he has carried forward a stud}^ of the origin of aboriginal 
games, which are largely divinatory. The arro^^s, dice, and 
other objects used in the games, and the symbolism (often 
highly esoteric and significant) employed therein have received 
special attention. Curious coincidences or identities between 
certain di^^natory games of this countr>- and those of the 
Orient have been brought to light. With the collaboration of 
Mr Stewart Culin, of the Uni^'ersity of Pennsylvania, Mr Cush- 
ing has made good progress in the preparation of a bulletin on 
this subject. In addition, Mr Cushing has made researches 
concerning the significance of the Swastika or Fylfot cross, 
long known in the Orient, though its meaning was not inter- 
preted ; and by study of various forms of this object from 
different American localities, in connection with legend and 
myth, he has ascertained that the American swastika is a wide- 
spread wind symbol, and plays an important part in occidental 
mythology. Finally Mr Cushing has prepared an elal)orate 
report on the collections of the Bureau at the World's Colum- 
bian Exposition, particularly those connected with aboriginal 
mvtholog}'. • 

Work ill liiiyiiisfics — Mr J. Owen Dorsev has continued and 
completed the revision of page proofs, illustrations, etc, for 
Riggs' "Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography." He has 
also prepared a supplement thereto in the form of an introduc- 
tory chapter, and of this also the proofs have been revised. 
In addition to this literary work, Mr Dorsev has continued the 
elaboration of linguistic material, especially that of the Biloxi 
Indians of Louisiana. He has given attention also to Indian 


phonetics, with the view of devising a complete alphaljet 
adapted to the representation of the various obscure and deca- 
dent vocatives of primitive hiuguages. 

Dr A. S. Gatschet continued his researches concerninsr the 
Peoria language along lines already laid down. Over two 
thousand Peoria words are now recorded on cards. In addition, 
he made during- the month a careful examination of an elabo- 
rate English-Nez Perc^ dictionary and Nez Perc<i grammar, 
representing the Avork of the late Miss S. L. McBeth, AA'ho Avas 
for many years a missionar}' teacher among the Nez Percd 
Indians of Idaho. This voluminous manuscript Avork was 
conveyed to the Bureau early in the month by Miss Kate C. 

Mr Hewitt continued the preparation of linguistic material 
already described, and was engaged also for a considei'able part 
of the month in the elaboration of the system of government 
of the Iroquois, the modes of acquiring and conveying infor- 
mation of a political character, and also the primitive methods 
of agriculture. 

TT'o/7.- i)i hihUography — Mr James C. Pilling continued biblio- 
graphic work, completing the portion of his catalog pertaining 
to the Chinookan and Salishan languages, by preparing cards 
taken from the bibliographies (if these stocks. 

Work in sociohgij — Dr W. J. Hoffman continued held work, 
spending the greater part of the month among the Menomiui 
Indians of Wisconsin, with a vicAv t(5 completing a report on abo- 
riginal cult societies, mythology, ancient customs, and linguis- 
tics. Satisfactorv progress was made in this work. In addition, 
he continued the collection of valuable material representing 
the pristine habits and domestic life of the Lake Superior 
Indians, sending in a typical dug-out canoe and also a very old 
mortar and pestle used originally for the grinding of grain and 
latterly for the preparation of medicinal and magic compounds. 
This objective material has been received, and will shortly be 
transferred to the National Museum. 

The Ethnologist in Charge has been occupied chiefly in 
administrative Avork. In addition, a definite aiTangement Avas 
eifected Avith Senor Manuel Antonio Muniz, M. D., surgeon- 


general of the Peruvian army, for the pubUcation of a memoir 
on prehistoric trephining, the memoir being based on tlie finest 
collection of trephined crania (numbering nineteen examples^ 
ever brought together. The condition of the material and the 
nature of Doctor Muniz's work were such as to require consid- 
erable study. 

Fuhlicatioii — An advance copy of the Ninth Annual Report 
was received during the month, and the edition of the report 
is now in the bindery. The Tenth Annual r»ei)ort is still on 
the ])ress. All galley proofs and most of the page proofs of the 
body of the Elleventh Annual Report have been revised, while 
the Twelfth Annual Report is practically ready to be put on 
the press. A concurrent resolution authorizing the pidjlication 
of the Thirteenth Annual Report has been introduced in the 
House of Representatives, and, as already stated incidentally, 
volume IX of the Contributions to North American Ethnology 
has been completed during the month, and is now stereotyped. 

Removal of office — During the month the Bureau was trans- 
ferred to its new quarters on the sixth floor of the Adams 
building, 1333 and 1335 F street. 

Exposition work — The Director remained in Chicago com- 
pleting- the final details of arrangement of the Bureatt collec- 
tion at the World's Columbian Exposition. 


Work in sign language — Colonel Gan-ick ]\Iallery has con- 
tinued the work of assembling-, collecting, and arranging the 
voluminous materials on sign language which lie has gathered 
in connection with other work from time to time diu'ing sev- 
eral years. The work lias jirogressed satisfactorily and the 
preparation of the final report on the subject is under way. 

Work' in mounds and other antiquities — Dr Cyrus Thomas 
has continued researches concerning the Maya codices, together 
with collateral studies relating to this special investigation as 
well as; to the investigation of mounds and other eartliworks. 
Certain results of special interest in the Maya research were 
reached about the end of the month, and will be reported 


^]\>rk ill eastern arclieolo(/i/—Fi-oi'estiOi- W. H. Holmes has 
continued his researches concerning- art in stone and the art of 
pottery making, particidarly in eastern United States. In 
addition, he made during tlie month a field trip to an island in 
Potomac river near Point of Rocks, recently invaded bv a 
freshet in such manner as to la^- bare an ancient villaere site 
and aboriginal workshop. The association of objects in the 
workshop i)roved of special significance, and Professor Holmes 
calls attention to the fact that here for the first time indications 
were found that blocks of stone were used as anvils in the 
production of certain classes of stone implements and weapons. 
This indication will be followed sedulously with the view of 
comparing methods of manufacture in diff"erent sections and 
among different peoples, and possibly of correcting earlier 
inferences concerning- these methods. Professor Holmes' office 
work has yielded satisfactory results in the preparation of 
manuscript and illustrations for reports of the nature already 

The collections made by Messrs Fowke and Dinwiddle con- 
tinue to come in, and are proving of interest and importance. 
Mr Fowke's connection with the Bureau has now been severed; 
and, with the completion of Mr Dinwiddle's field Avork during 
the month, he was transferred to work in connection with the 
Synonymy, under the direction of Mr Hodge. 

Work in ivestern archeology — Mr Cosmos Mindeleff" remained 
in the field. His formal report of the month's (iperations has 
not yet been receiA'ed. but correspondence during the month 
indicates fairly satisfactorj^ progress in survej^s and in making- 
collections, though especially bad weather, including- heavy 
rains and destructive freshets, has interfei-ed with his move- 

Work in sip/oni/nii/ — Mr James Mooney remained in the field 
collecting information among the Kio\'\a, Ai-aj)nho, Caddo, 
and associated tribes of Oklahoma. In the early part of the 
month he had an op}n)i-tunity of -witnessing the great tribal 
ceremony of the Arapaho, the Sun dance, and succeeded in 
making' a numl)er of photographs illustrating it. ]\Ir Mooney 
was also so fortunate as to observe other primitive ceremonials 



no\v dropping- into disuse. Extended data connected with the 
Ghost dance were collected, together with songs and myths 
bearing thereon, as well a vocabularies and notes on the tribal 
organization of the Caddo and other tribes. 

Mr F. W. Hodge, who has been placed in cliarge of the 
library, in addition to his work on the Tribal Synonymy, 
has been occupied chieily in tli,e transfer and arrangement of 
books and ])amphlets from tlie old quai'tei's of the Bureau to 
its present domicile. In addition, he prepared a catalog of and 
general index to publications of the Bureau, which has been 
sent to the printer as a bulletin. Also, he completed the 
Piman synonymy and described the Concho tribe or division 
with its various settlements formerly in the Concho valley of 
eastern Chihuahua. The relations of this peo])le are obscure; 
of their language nothing is known to literature; and it is 
uncertain whether they were connected linguistically with the 
Piman or neighboring tribes, or whether their relations were 
with the peoples of Texas and the interior. 

]]'ork in inifthologi/ — Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson has con- 
tinued the work of preparing a report on certain myths and 
cereuKmials of the Zufii, and has made satisfactory progress. 

Mr Fraidv Hamilton Cushing has been occupied chiefly in 
the study of gaming ajiparatus from Mexico and Indian Terri- 
tory, and in comparing these occidental games with certain 
analogous games of the Orient, as well as various other games 
of divinatory origin or character from different sources. Sat- 
isfactory progress was made in the ^preparation, by Mr Cushing 
jointly with Mr Stewart Culin, of a memoir on "Arrow (lames 
and their Variants in America and the Orient." Many signifi- 
cant facts and relations bearing on the concei)ts have been 
brought to liyht in the course of Mr Cushing's investigations. 
Collateral lines of study have been pursued by Mr Cushiug 
with success. 

Work in linguistics. — Mr J. Owen Dorsey continued the 
revision of proofs of his "Study of Siouan Cults," forming part 
of the Eleventh Annual Rejjort of the Bureau, and also 
revised the galley |)roofs of Riggs' "Dakota Grammar, Texts 
and Ethnography," forming volume ix of the Contributions to 


North Auierican Etliiiolog-y. In addition, liu, has been occupied 
larsjelv in the rtiarrang-enient of the Unguistie material of the 
Bureau, catak^guing the manuscripts and storing them in fire- 
proof vauks in tlie Bureau otfice. During tlie kiter ludf of 
the moutli he was occupied in j)art in conecting Winnel)ago 
texts as dictated l)y Phihj) Lt)ngtail, an intelUgeut rcjircsenta- 
tive of that tribe, and in this way has been abk^ to (dose a 
serious hiatus in knowledge concerning the Siouan ti-ibes. 

Dr A. 8. Gatschet has continued his work on the Peoria 
lana-uaye. He now lias more than three thousand Peoria 
words arranged on slips. In addition, he has a large body of 
information relating to the grammatic structure of the lan- 
guage under not fewer than forty captions, the whole ])eing 
svstematicallv arranged with a A-iev,' first to reference and 
later to Dublication. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt has been steadily employed in the otfice, 
chiefly in describing little-known customs of the Iroquoian 
people, special attention being given to food products, notably 
maize. The etymologic elements of certain geographic terms 
were also investigated. Toward the close of the mouth Mr 
Hewitt was employed, under tke su})ervision of ^Ir Dorsey, 
in arranging the linguistic and other manuscripts of the Bureau 
in fireproof vaults, and in preparing a card catalog to these 

JVork hi biblioffraphi/ — Mr Pilling has been actively engaged 
in l)ibliogi'aphic work. An op])ortunity for comparing his 
elaborate collections with those of other students has just been 
aftbrded through the publication of a " Bibliografi'a Espanola 
de Lenguas Indigenas de America" by Count Vinaza. The 
result of the comparison tends to establish \he substantial 
completeness of the Pilling collection. After making this 
comparison, Mr Pilling continued the preparation of the main 
bibliograpliic catalog, adding titles taken from the Chinookan 
and Salishan bibliographies, and has introduced certain modi- 
fications in the arrangement of the catalog with the -siew of 
facilitating- reference. 

Work in sorioloffi/ — The Ethnologist in Charge has been 
occupied largely in administrative work and in the editing and 
proof revision of the puldications i>{ the Bureau. 


Dr W. J. Hotfmaii was occupied throughout the month in 
the ehiboration of the material gathered among the Menomini 
Indians dui-ing the last four years, and especially during the 
last season, and satisfactory progress has been made in the 
preparation of this material as a monograph of that tribe among 
reports of tlie Bureau. 

Publication — The Ninth Annual Report has been received 
and the distribution has been commenced. The Tenth Annual 
Report is leaving the press. The greater part of the Kle^'enth 
Annual Report has been stereotyped, and the remaining portion 
is passing rapidly tlirough the printer's hands. The Twelfth 
Annual Report will be put on the press so soon as conditions in 
the ])rinting office permit, ^^olume ix of the Contriliutions to 
Nortli American Ethnology also is practically ready for print- 
ing. A liuUetin devoted to the Pamunkej- Indians of Virginia, 
by Mr J. Garland Pollard, has been edited during the month, 
and is just going to tlie printer. 

Removal of office — While the transfer of the office was practi- 
cally completed during September, the removal and rearrange- 
ment of the library have occujjied attention during the present 


Work in sign language — Colonel Garrick Mallery has con- 
tinued the preparation of a monograph on gesture signs and 
signals, which will embrace the material gathered since the 
publication of the preliminary essay on this subject in 1881 
in the First Annual Report of the Bureau. In addition, some 
time was spent in work on the administrative portion of the 
Eleventh and Twelfth annual reporte, now in press. 

Work in mounds and other antiquities — Dr Cyrus Thomas has 
been occupied chiefly in researches concerning the Maya hiero- 
glyphs and calendars, and a ])aper designed for publication as 
a bulletin was prepared. This essay deals with the time series 
recorded in the Dresden codex. In it Dr Thomas is able to 
give what would appear to be the iirst positive evidence that 
the year used in the Maya codices consisted of 365 days and 
that a four-year series was recognized. The Maya year was 


made' up of 18 months of 20 days each, l)ut these days were 
used iu series or groups of 13, thus forming a highl}^ complex 
calendar system, involving many interesting relations. 

Work ill eastern arclteohgij — Professor W. H. Holmes lias 
remained in the office, busily employed iu the preparation of 
papers relating to stone implements and ceramics. Among the 
special subjects dealt with during the montli are (1) an exam- 
ination and comparative stud}' of the use of animal forms and 
symbols in the development of pottery ornamentation; (2) a 
study of certain aberrant forms of ornamentation of pottery in 
southeastern United States, by which a prehistoric invasion of 
the Caribs may be demonstrated; and (3) a studv of mortuary 
utensils, including pots, etc, which, after breaking, were buried 
with the dead, as well as similar utensils manufactured either 
as fragments or as pierced kettles, etc, made in similitude of the 
utensils destroyed by piercing before burial. The last-named 
study is of especial significance, in that it would indicate unex- 
pected recency of many arts and structures hitherto regarded 
as prehistoric, if not of remote antiquity. 

Work in ivestern archeologi/ — The report of Mr Cosmos Min- 
deleff, covering the period from October 20 to November 25 
indicates that he has actively continued surveys and collec- 
tions among the cliff ruins of Arizona. Thirty-five ruins were 
visited, ground plans procured of all but two or three, and 
photographs and notes were freely taken. The work is yield- 
ing results beyond anticipation, and Mr Mindelefl^ is now of 
opinion that it will be possible to classify the ruins and estal)- 
lish a chronologic sequence throughout a series commencing 
perhaps in pre-Columbian time, certainly in pre-Spanish time, 
in this region, and extending thence well into the time of 
definite history. One of the ruins seemed to record in its 
stiTicture and characteristics a transition between measurably 
distinct culture stages. Again the work was somewhat re- 
tarded, though less seriously than earlier in the season, by bad 

Work in si/noni/iny — Mr James Mooney continued field work 
tlu'oughout the month. The early days were spent with tlie 
Caddo and affiliated tribes north of the Washita in Oklahoma, 


iuvestigating tlie Ghost dance and collecting the songs used 
therein by means of a graphophone. Ghost-dance songs, 
together with songs of war and games, were obtained also 
from the Kiowa and Wichita Indians, and from all of the 
tribes other songs were collected by means of the grapho- 
phone, botli in single voice and chorus effects. The mescal 
cei-emony of the Gomanche was studied, and a large quantity 
of the interesting drug used tlierein was procured for chemical 
analysis and physiologic experiment, the mescal acting appar- 
ently as a stimulant or paratriptic of reraarkal)le potency. 
A number of photographs illustrating ceremonials, as well as 
individual characteristics, customs, costumery, etc, were pro- 
cured, and Mr Mooney was able to obtain a considerable and 
highly interesting collection of objective material for office 
study and preservation in the National Museum. Some data 
for the Tribal Synonymy were also gathered. 

Mr F. W. Hodge has been able to give a portion only of his 
time during the month to work on the Synonymy, his energies 
being expended chiefly in the ai'rangement of the library and 
in enlarging the scientific exchange list of the Bureau. The 
work in the latter direction has met with gratifying success, the 
regular accessions of the library being largely increased. Mr 
Dinwiddie has aided in the work pertaining to the library. 

Work in nii/tholoffi/ — Mr F. H. Gushing has continued the 
study of primitive games, divinatory and ceremonial, and his 
report on the subject, prepared in conjunction with Mr Stewart 
Culin, is nearly i-eady for publication. Meantime he has carried 
forward his more general studies in mythology, giving special 
attention to the origin and j)rimitive use of fire. Fire myths 
are nearly universal and fire worship common among primitive 
peoples; and it is the possession of tlie art of fire making which, 
perhaps more than any other characteristic, distinguishes man- 
kind from the lower animals. The beginning of human con- 
quest of fire has not yet been traced clearly, but Mr Cushing's 
researches are contributing materially to knowledge of the 

During the earlier part of the month Mrs Matilda Coxe 
Stevenson continued the preparation of an important paper 


on Zufii cerem()iii;ils, making- satisfactory progress therein. 
Throughout thi- Inter portion of tlic month licr work was 
unfortunately interrupted bv serious ilhiess. 

Work in liur/iiistics — During tlie earher liah" of tlie montli 
Mr J. Owen Dorsey was occupied cliiefly in recording the Win- 
nebago myths dictated by Pliilip Long-tail, who has been found 
to possess a wealth of information relating to the language, 
beliefs, and customs of his tribe. Elight important texts and 
many explanatory- notes were acquired through lii.s aid. Dur- 
ing the later portion of the month Mr Dorsey completed proof 
revision of his "Study of Siouan Ckdts," forming part of the 
Eleventh Annual Report, and began the preparation of the 
index. He also completed the correction of the final proof 
of the preface to volume ix of the Contributions to North 
American Ethnology, and brought to substantial completion 
the index to this volume. Meantime he continued arrano-ino- 
and supervising the ari-angement of linguistic and other manu- 
sci'ipts in the fireproof vaults in the office. More than half of 
these manuscripts, most of which are imique and invaluable 
to ethnologic students, are now arranged in the vaults and 
a systematic catalog thereof prepared with a view of future 

Dr Albert S. Gatschet continued work on the Peoria lan- 
guage, giving special attention to its grammar. A large amount 
of material has been extracted from manuscript notes and ar- 
ranged in categories based on the animate and inanimate forms 
of adjective and verb; on the modes of forming plurals in the 
substantive, adjective, and ^Jronoun; on the differences in inflec- 
tion of transitive verbs without object, with object in the sin- 
gular, and with object in the plural; on comparisons of Peoria 
inflection with parallel forms in other Algonquian languages, 
etc. Durino- the last fiscal year Dr Gatschet beg-an the com- 
pilation of a comprehensive table of Algonquian dialects, em- 
bracing a series of terms in twenty-five tribal branches of that 
stock. Important contributions to this comparative list have 
been made during the last two months. These comprise names 
for parts of the human and animal body, for a number of ani- 
mals, plants, and implements, for meteoric phenomena and 


elementary concepts, for color adjectives, and for divisions of 
time. With great zeal Dr Gatscliet also continued at home 
the preparation of vocabularies of the Natchez language of 
Mississippi, l)eing efficiently aided by Mrs Gatschet. His 
Natchez ^•ocabular^', conibined with that of the late Albert 
Pike (which is in need of correction as to phonetics), comprises 
about 4,000 vocables. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was engaged during the earlier part of 
the month with Mr Dorsev in the classitication of linguistic 
manuscripts with a view to arrangement in the vaults. The 
later portion of the month was occupied largely in transcribing 
on cards the Cayuse (Umatilla) vocabulary of Reverend J. B. 
Brouillet. At the same time a comparative study of this lan- 
s:uao-e with tliat of the Nez Perce was carried forward with 
interesting results. Among other relations, it was found that 
at least six of the numeral digits are formed from apparently 
common liases. 

Work ill hibliograplii/ — Mr James C. Pilling carried forward 
with energy his work on linguistic bibliograph}*. Finding it 
necessary to consult rare works not to be found elsewhere,, he 
visited the Lenox and Astor libraries during the month, thereby 
verifying references relating to different numbers of the series 
and enabling him to complete the Wakashan bibliography, 
which is now practically ready for the press. After his return 
he was engaged continuously in completing this bulletin and 
in preliminary work on other numbers of the series. 

Work ill sociology — The chief sociologic work during the 
month was that conducted by Dr W. J. Hoffman, who has been 
engaged on the ethnography of the Menomini Indians. He 
has completed a detailed description of the ritual and drama- 
tized ceremonials of the several cult societies of this tribe, and 
he has also arranged in form for publication a number of myths 
and folk-tales. 

Publication — The publications in press in various stages and 
for the greater part nearly ready for issue are the following: The 
Tenth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Annual reports, volume ix of 
the Contributions to North American Ethnology, and the bul- 
letin, hv J. Garland Pollard, on the Pamunke}' Indians of 


Tlu're are in hand and nearly or (|nite Fead\- for llie press 
tlie Tliirteentli Annual Keport and material for the Fourteenth 
Annual ; Mr Filling's liJibliogTaphy of the Wakashan Lan- 
guages; a monograph on Aboriginal Pottery of Eastern United 
States, by Professor Holmes; and a paper on Prehistoric 
Trephining in l^eru, by Dr Manuel Antonio Mufiiz; a bulletin 
on the ]\Iaya Calendar System deduced from the Dresden 
Codex, by Dr Cyrus Thomas; and a Ijulletin on Primitive 
Gaming, Ijy Mr F. II. Cushing and Mr Stewart Culin. In addi- 
tion, various other re})orts are approaching completion. 

Resume of field itnirk — Field Avork was continueil during the 
month in Oklahoma and Arizona; in the former ilr Mooney 
was engaged in studies and collections pertaining to the Kiowa, 
Comanche, and Caddo Indians; in the latter Mr Cosmos 
Mindeleff made important surveys and researches among" the 

Resume of office work — A large part of the energies of the 
Bureau have been devoted to work in linguistics and sign lan- 
guage. Colonel ^lallery has continued the preparation of the 
report on the latter subject; Mr Dorsey, Dr Gatschet, and Mr 
Hewitt have been engaged in linguistics and have made pi"og- 
ress in recording vocabularies and grammars of the rapidly 
passing peoples native to this country. Contributions to the 
same subject have been made by Mr i\Iooney and Dr Hoffman. 
Mr Pilling's bibliographies of Indian linguistics have already 
come to be recog'iiized as the standard throughout the world, 
and his work thereon has been continvied with increased 

The arts of our aborigines continue to receive attention. 
Professor Holmes has continued researches and the prepara- 
tion of reports on the arts of eastern United States, while Dr 
Thomas has been occupied with reports relating- to A^arious 
arts of the interior and the southwest. ^Ir Cushing, Mr Din- 
widdle, and others liav^e contributed to this subject. 

The beliefs of the aborigines remain under investigation, 
from which fruitful results have already flowed, though the 
richest product lias yet to be garnered. Mrs Stevenson, Mr 
Cushino' ]\Ir MooneA', and Dr Hoffman have all contributed to 
the stock of knowledge concerning these primitive beliefs. 


The institutions of the Indians, including tribal organiza- 
tions, etc, have received some attention. The chief work on 
this subject has been that relating to the synonymy or cyclo- 
pedia of tribal names, Avhicli must form one of the bases for the 
researches in sociology. Mr Hodge has gi^^en much energj-, 
and Dr Hoffiiian a part of his time t<> researches relating to 
primitive institutions. 

The administrati^•e work of the Bureau has been carried 
forward in such manner as to minimize expenditure of time 
and energy on the j^art of the scientific collaborators. 


Work ill sign language — Colonel Grarrick Mallery has con- 
tinued the arrangement for publication of material collected 
during- several years past relating to gesture signs and signals. 
His progress in the preparation of text and illustrations for the 
monograph on this subject has been highly satisfactory. 

Wovli in mounds and related antiquities — Dr Cyrus Thomas 
early in the month critically read the introductory character- 
ization of his monograph on mounds, which was prepared by 
the Director. The greater part of the month was occupied in 
examining the various calendar systems of Central America and 
in making comparative studies of these calendars in connec- 
tion with those of Polynesia, and especially of Hawaii. His 
recent work has enabled him to revise and make important 
additions to his memoir on "The Maya Year," just going to 
press as a bulletin. 

Work ill eastern archeoJogg — Professor W. H. Holmes has 
continued work in the office on his monograph relating to 
aboriginal ceramics, and satisfactory progress has been made 
in preparing tlie text and illustrations for the press. His re- 
searches are conducted in a comprehensive manner and serve 
to indicate significant relations between the development and 
ethnic relations of dift'erent peoples and arts, both indigenous 
and derived from neighboring tribes. His previous discovery 
of the influence of Carib art on the natives of the southeastern 
portion of the country proves only a forerunner tif a series of 
discoveries in ethno-technic relations. This important subject 
will be discussed at length in Professor Holmes' report. 


Work ill ircfifcrn arcJieoJcy/i/ — Writing under date (if Decem- 
ber 24, Mr Cosmo.s ]Mindoleflf reports satisfactory progress in 
the iuvestigations of the cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly and 
Canyon del Muerto. During the mouth a number of ruins were 
visited and examined, and several new points were developed. 
Special attention was given to the tillable lands in the canyon, 
and 3Ir Mindeleff believes that the data thus olitained will 
tlirow light on the character, mode of life, and devehtpmental 
lnstor\- i>f the cliff-house peoples. 

Although the operations in this region have been retarded 
by snow storms, sand storms, and tlie ])artl\ -frozen condition 
of the streams, rendering- them impassable to animals, the 
progress of these • researches has 1 teen satisfactor-s*. Mr Min- 
deleff has now so plaimed his work that during the worst 
weather he remains in camp engaged in mapping and in the 
elaboration of his notes, with a view to their publication on his 

Work in si/noni/nii/ — Mr James Moouey, having returned 
from the field, was occupied thnmghout the month in office 
work in the ])rocess of dig-esting iield I'ecords relating espe- 
cially to the Ghost dance and the IMessiah religion. He has con- 
stanth^ borne in mind the needs of the work on synonymy 
and has taken out and carded tribal names, definitions, etc. 
In this wa}' material progress has been made in this branch of 
work. At the same time substantial progress has been made 
in the preparation of the memoir on the Ghost dance. 

Mr F. W. Hodge has remained at work in the office, dividing 
his energies between the library and the synonymy. Through 
his efforts the exchange list of the library continues to increase; 
the regular accessions have been augmented nearly 50 per 
cent ; the additions to the library since installation in the pres- 
ent quarters fill three large cases. Mr Dinwiddle aided in the 
library work during a part of the month, a part being' occu- 
pied in jihotographing ceramics for Professor Holmes. Mr 
Hodge was able to carry forward to some extent the jjrepara- 
tion of material for the 8ynonym^•: and some progress in the 
same direction was made also liy Mr Dorsey and Dr Gatschet. 

Work i)i mi/tJiolor/if — ]\Ir Frank Hamilton Oushing was en- 
gaged in the office continuing the preparation of his paper on 


"Arrow Games and their Variants in America and the Orient."' 
Many curious and presumptively significant rehitions are 
brought to light l)y means of this study. Mr Stewart Culin, 
who is engaged jointly with Mr Gushing in this w(irk, has 
obtained additional data relative to early Chinese games of 
similar character. Mr Cushing says: " A stud}' of these games 
reveals the fact that they were actually played with arrows or 
were still recognized as arrow games by the plavers them- 
selves as late as during the eleventh and t\'\'elfth centuries 1^. C, 
and thus a historic evidence of the arrow orig-in of lot and 
dice games in the Orient, confirming conclusivelv, in i\Ir Culin's 
estimation, my hypothesis, founded on a studv of specimens 
only, as to the identical origin of such games in America and 
as to their extremely archaic character, has been secured." 
Just before the end of the month Mr Cushing was so fortunate 
as to come in contact with an educated ^-oung Aztec-Spanish 
Mexican, Louis 0. Moctezuma, from whom he will doubtless 
be able to obtain much additional information in relation to 
the jijrimitive g-ames of southwestern United States and Mexico. 
This studv by Messrs Cushingf and Culin is ^-ieldiu"- results of 
unexpected, and it would appear remarkably high, etlmic value. 

Mrs M. C. Stevenson's work has unfortunateh* suffered inter- 
ference through serious illness, but progress has been made in 
the arrangement of illustrative material and text for a report 
on Zufii ceremonials. 

Work in liufjul'itics — During tlie earlier part of the month 
Mr Dorsey continued the arrangement of manuscripts in the 
fireproof vault. He also made progress in the preparation of 
the index to A-(^lume ix of the Contiibutions to North American 
Ethnology, and was occupied for some time in transcribing 
Kwapa material for use in the field in January and February. 
Some time was spent also in indexing his memoir on "A Study 
of Siouan Cults," now in press in the Eleventh Annual Re- 
port. Some days were spent also in preparing for a field trip. 

Dr Albert S. Gatschet continued work on his notes relating- 
to the Peoria language, and practically completed the extrac- 
tion of terms for the vocabular^-, and nearly completed the 
extraction of granimatic elements. His work on this language 


Avill, it is tliouglit, form a standard treatise on aboriginal Ameri- 
can linguistics. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occu|>io(l a ])art of the mouth in 
arranging manuscripts in tlie fireproof ^aidt, under the direc- 
tion of Mr Dorsey. The later part of the nn)nth was spent in 
the study of the "Old Cayuse" language, the affinities of which 
have not hitherto been understood The results of liis study 
tend to indicate that the Waiilatpuan family is really a l)ranch 
of tlie Shahaptian. kShould further research indicate this to be 
tree, it will be an important addition to knowledge of the dis- 
tribution of linguistic stocks in northwestern United States. 

IVork ill hihliograpliy — During the earlier part of December 
Mr Pilling was engaged in completing for the ])ress the manu- 
script of his Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages. This 
treatise was transmitted for publication on the 8th and is now 
in press, and proofs of the earlier poi'tion have been received. 
The remainder of the month Avas occupied in con-espoudence 
and in researches relating- to the litei'ature of several liuijuistic 
families not yet completed, and progress was made in the 
preparation for the press of the manuscript of the Bibliography 
of the Shahaptian Languages. 

Work in sociologi/ — The chief work in this direction during 
the month Avas that of Dr W. J. Hoffman, who has contiimed 
the preparation of his report on the Menomini Indians. Dur- 
uig the month the chapters relating to the cult ceremonials and 
mythology have been prepared, and illustrative material has 
been brought together. 

Besinne of field ivork — Field work Avas continued in only one 
region, namely, in the Pueblo country of the southwest, where 
Mr Cosmos Mindeleff has been engaged in surveys and re- 
searches pertaining to the cliff ruins. 

Resmne of office work — The researches in the office have per- 
tained chiefly to linguistics, including gesture language. A 
monograph on gesture speech among the Indians is approach- 
ing completion ; three linguists have made substantial progress 
in researches relating to the languages of tribes in different 
parts of the country, and Uvo other students, engaged in related 
work, have elaborated t^ie linguistic material of other tribes ; 


and Mr Pilling has carried forward his researches relating- to 
the bibliography of aboriginal linguistics and has sent another 
memoir to press. 

The arts of the American Indians have remained under inves- 
tigation by Professor Holmes and Dr Thomas, and incidentally 
by other collaborators of the Bureau, and a large number of 
facts have been arranged and systeraized for publication. 

The beliefs of the aborigines have been studied by Mrs 
Stevenson, Mr Gushing, Mr IVIooney, and Dr Hoffman, and 
thereby knowledge concerning this interesting subject has been 
extended and classified. 

The institutions of the American Indians have continued to 
receive attention chiefly by the Ethnologist in Charge, and the 
synonvmv of Indian tribes, which nmst form a basis of definite 
research relating to this subject, has been advanced and is in 
part practically ready for publication. 

The adnnnistrative wtirk of the Bureau has been conducted, 
as heretofore, with the aim of facilitating to the fullest extent 
the scientific researches. The library is arranged in such man- 
ner that the books, pamphlets, and manuscripts are readily 
accessible. All the linguistic manuscripts and a part of the 
other manuscript documents are systematically aiTanged in 
fireproof vaults and a reference catalog is in preparation, and a 
simple and definite system of time records has been introduced. 

PiMications — No reports have been issued during the month, 
though the printing of the Tenth Annual was advanced and the 
adnnnistrative portions of the Eleventh and Twelfth were com- 
posed. The bulletin on the "Pamunkey Indians," by J. Gai-- 
land Pollard, is in proof, and Mr Pilling's Bibliography of the 
Wakashan Languages was sent to the printer and a batch of 
galley proofs has been received. Two l)ulletins were prepared 
for the press during the month, viz, "Chinook Texts," l>y Dr 
Franz Boas, and "The Maya Year," by Dr Cyrus Thomas. 


Work in sign langiuKje — Colonel Grarrick Mallery has con- 
tinued the collation of material relating to gesture signs and 
signals collected by him and other officers of the Bureau dur- 
ing the last decade. The arrangement of tliis matter is now 


SO far completed as to i-ender definite the ])lan for the niono- 
grapli on tlie subject, ;uid the writing- daily iiroduccd will 
serve as cop}' for the jirinter. .Meantime progress has been 
made in tlie preparation of the drawings reqnired to illustrate 
the text, for from the nature of the case graphic illustration 
must constitute a large and essential part of tlie work. The 
discussion of the subject includes comparison with gestures 
and pantomimes of other peoples in different parts of the world, 
including instructed and noninstructed deaf mutes. 

Work in Indian Jiierofjh/phs — Dr Cyrus Thomas was era- 
ployed tlu'oughout the month in examining and comparing 
the various Central American and Mexican calendars and 
calendaric inscriptions, and in studying the relations of these 
to the Polynesian calendars. This comparative work is yield- 
ing results of interest and suggestiveness. A part of the work 
included the preparation of supplementary matter for aud 
revision of proofs of a memoir on "The Maya Year," now in 
press as a bulletin. The linguistic data bearing on the sub- 
ject have been placed in the hands of Dr Gatschet for critical 

Work in eastern archeology — Professor W. H. Holmes has 
continued the preparation of texts and illustrations for his 
monographs on ceramics and stone art, and has made satisfac- 
tory progress. As collateral to the last-named research he 
has during the month arranged for publication a bulletin 
relating to an aboriginal (juarry, the product of which was 
used for the manufactvire of stone implements, on the Peoria 
reservation, Indian Territory. 

Work in western arclieolofjij — Mr Cosmos Mindeleif remains 
in the field continuing researches relating to the clift' ruins of 
Arizona. Progress in exploration was in some measure re- 
tarded, but the plan of work was such that no time was lost, 
the hours and days of storm being occupied in arrangement 
of notes, execution of plans, and other (»ffice work in camp. 

Work in synonymy — Mr James Mooney was occujiied in the 
office in the preparation of his final report on the Grhost dance 
and, in connection therewith, in the accumulation of material 
relating to the tribal synonymy of the eastern division of the 
Siouan stock. 

3;lviii report of the bureau of ethnology 

Mr F. W. Hodge has coutinued to divide his attention 
between work on the Synonymy and tlie arrangement of *the 
■contents of the library. A considerable amount of manuscript 
of the Synonymy has been made ready for publication. The 
accessions to the library continue to increase at a highly 
satisfactory rate. 

Work in mytJiology — Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing has contin- 
ued the preparation of his monograph on "Arrow Games and 
their Variants in America and the Orient," in the preparation 
of wliich he has had the collaljoration of Mr Stewart Gulin. Mr 
Gushing has received great benefit from information relating 
to Mexican games derived from Mr Louis 0. Moctezuma, a 
well-educated A'oung Aztec-Spanish Mexican, well acquainted 
with the native Indian games of his country. The importance 
of this study of games becomes more apparent as the Avork 
progresses, for among the aborigines games were played not 
for amusement, as among civilized jjeople, but chiefly for 
diAanation, which was practiced in comiection with industries 
and enterprises of all sorts; so that divinatory games occupied 
a large place in the thought and exercised an important influ- 
ence in the daily life of these people. 

Mrs M. G. Stevenson, though not completely restored to 
health, has continued work on her monograph on the Zuni, and 
^ood progress has been made in the preparation of both text 
and illustrations. 

Work in linguistics — The month was spent by Reverend J. 
Owen Dorsey in the field, chiefly at the Kwapa Mis.sion in 
Indian Territory. The trip, which was a hasty one, ending 
with Mr Dorsey's return about the end of the month, yielded 
important results, including (1) the revision of Kwapa lin- 
guistics previously recorded; (2) jjartial revision of the list of 
Kwapa gentes; (3) an important list of local geographic 
names; (4) a list of 254 personal names; (5) detailed informa- 
tion respecting the wapina", or chief deity of the Kwapa 
tribe; (6) a list of Kwapa dances; (7) a revision of the 
Kwapa words and phrases recorded by Lewis F. Hadley; (8) 
ten Kwapa texts, accompanied by explanator)' notes; (9) a 
series of distinctions in pronunciation not previously known ; 


nnd (10) a g-ood series of photographs of the survivors of the 
KwMj)a tnl)e. 

Dr Albert S. Gatsehet puslied forward practically to comple- 
tion, so far as present data will permit, his work on the Peoria 
lano'uag-e, and after comparison with certain rare or unique 
vocabularies and grammars of related languages the matter will 
be ready for the press. In the later portion of the month he 
utilized an opportunity- for collecting additional material per- 
taining- to the Algonquian Linguages among the youtli of the 
Indian school in PIiiladelj)hia. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the greater part of 
the month in the preparation of a report on the linguistic rela- 
tions of the Shahaptian and Waiilatpuan families and in exam- 
ining the affinities of these groups with the Lutuamiau. This 
study was undertaken for the especial use of the Director in 
determining fundamental relations among- linguistic stocks of 
the northwest, and the research was conducted in an eminently 
sati sfa c tor y manner. 

WorJ: hi hihliography — During the month Mr James C. Fil- 
ling's energy was divided between the collection of material 
for the Shahaptian bibli(ig-ra[)hy and the revision of proofs of 
the Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages. The proof 
revision of bibliographic matter is especially laborious and nec- 
essarily proceeds slowly. Galley proofs of nearh- all of the 
matter, with page proofs of a considerable portion and page 
revises of a quarter of the volume, were examined, corrected, 
and returned to the printing office during the month. 

Publications — The printing of the Tenth Annual Report is 
announced to be substantially completed and the sheets jn-acti- 
cally ready for the binder. The Twelfth Armual Report is 
ready to go on the press immediately, and the Eleventh is ready, 
except the index, which will be completed within a few days. 
The revision of proofs of the liulletin on the Pamunkey Indians, 
by J. Garland Pollard, was completed during the month, and 
the document has been directed to go on the press. The bul- 
letin comprising- Mr Pilling's Bibliography of the Wakashan 
Languages is well advanced in composition. All of the bulle- 
tin on "The Maya Year," by Dr Thomas, is in type, and most of 

15 ETH IV 


the galley proofs and a part of the page j^roofs have been revised. 
The bulletin on Chinook Texts, by Dr Franz Boas, is partly 
comjiosed, and the earlier galley proofs have been revised.' 
The text and illustrations for the Thirteenth Annual Reiwrt 
were examined and in great part "prepared" during the month, 
and the bulletin on "An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Terri- 
tory" was also made ready for transmittal to the printer. 


The field operations for the month were limited to the work 
of two parties, A'iz, that of Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo 
country and that of Mr William Dinwiddle, under the direction 
of Professor Holmes, in Virginia, the work of the former being 
part of a systematic exploration and that of the latter being of 
a special character designed chiefly to yield material for addi- 
tion to the collections in the National Museum. 

Work in skin language — Colonel Garrick Mallery has con- 
tinued the preparation of a monograph on this subject. During 
the month substantial progress was made not only in the i)rep- 
aration of copy for the text, but also in the execution of draw- 
ings requii-ed to illustrate the text, the subject being one which 
can be presented in satisfactory manner only by the free em- 
ployment of the graphic method. 

TFo/7i' ill Indian hieroglyphs — Dr Cyrus Thomas has con- 
tinued researches relating to the Maya codices. During the 
month especial attention was given to the symbols and names 
for days and months of the Maya calendar, with the view of 
preparing a bulletin on the subject, and during the later portion 
of the month satisfactory- ])rogress was made in the ])reparation 
of this bulletin. Meantime the proofs of the bulletin on "The 
Maya Year" were revised. Hitherto there has been some dis- 
crepancy between the aboriginal ]\Iaya codices on the one 
hand, and the post-Columbian Maya books and the Spanish 
chronicles on the other, as to the duration of the year in the 
calendar of these people and concerning' certain other matters; 
but Dr Thomas' researches are resulting in the explanation and 
clearing away of these discrepancies and thus in establishing 


more clearly than ever before the authenticit}' and trustworthy 
character of the codices. 

Work in eastern archeology — Professor AV. H. Holmes lias 
been fiiUv occupied in the preparation of reports embodxiny 
the results of his researches in the held and museum extend- 
ing over several years. In seeking to discover the methods 
employed in aboriginal inanufacture he has not been content 
with inferences from the form, structure, and markings of the 
art products, but has tested these inferences by repeating the 
process and with his own hands manufacturing utensils and 
implements in imitation of aboriginal objects, and in this way 
he has in many cases obtained more exact knowledge of the 
methods employed than would be possible by other means. 
The general tendency of this stud}' is toward simplification of 
the processes represented in the products — e. g., he has shown 
that pottery, formerly supposed to have been molded in bas- 
kets or bags, was really wrought in mxxch simpler fashion, the 
markings supposed to indicate the texture of baskets or bags 
being produced by beating or pressing with simple sticks or 
paddles wrapped with cord, and he finds that this beating or 
pressing greatly improves the texture of the clay and was thus 
a useful adjunct to pottery making. This discovery suggests 
that the supposed ornamentation was really incidental rather 
than primary in the minds of the potters. During the month 
the bulletin by Professor Holmes on "An Aboriginal Quarry in 
Indian Territory," with the requisite illustrations, was com- 
pleted and transmitted to the Public Printer. 

Earh' in the month intelligence came to this office to the 
effect that an aboriginal soapstone quarry of remarkable extent 
had been discovered at Clifton, Virginia, and that the owners 
of the quarr}- were willing to have the site examined and the 
material found therein conveyed to the National Museum. 
Mr William Dinwiddle was immediately dispatched to the 
locality, under the direction of the Ethnologist in Charge and, 
being impressed with the promise of a rich reward in relics of 
the soapstone implement makers, ]iromptly made an arrange- 
ment with the owners, ^lessrs Hunter Brothers, for detailed 
examination and for the removal of specimens. The contract 


proved tiniel}', for within an hour representatives from another 
institution a})peared on the ground, prepared to arrange for 
the removal of the inaterial. Work was at once begun and 
was continued throughout the month. The quarry has been 
largely cleared of de'bris and refuse and lias been found to be 
the tinest example of aboriginal soapstone quarry known in 
eastern United States. A large amount of material, including 
some eighty partly complete soapstone pots, a number of 
im])lements used in the work, and many of the pits or depres- 
sions from which pots have been removed have already been 
collected, and a good series of photographs and drawings 
representing the quarry and the mode of operation lias been 
made. The work is still under way. The indications are that 
the Clifton soapstone quarry will come to form the tv\)e for 
eastern United States, and that the collection therefrom in the 
National Museum will become the standard for that class of 
aboriginal industry. 

Work in western archeology — Mr Cosmos Mindeleff remains 
ii^ the field and reports satisfnctory progress in working up 
the results of explorations and sm-vevs. Inclement weather 
during most of the month prevented field operations, so that 
the explorer's time was spent chiefly in camp, arranging notes, 
executing ])lans, etc. 

Work ill synonymij — ^Ir James Mooney spent the month in 
elaborating the material for the synonymy of the eastern 
Siouan peoples and in an-anging copy for text and illustrations 
of his rej)ort on the Ghost-dance religion of the plains tribes 
In connection with the work on svnonvmv he brought together 
a considerable amount of collateral material unsuital)le for in- 
troduction in the condensed work, and this was put in the form 
of a })aper on tlie Siouan Tribes of the East, which was ])ar- 
tially completed. 

Mr F. W. Hodge continued to divide his energies between 
the work on s3aionymy and his duties as librarian. He, too, 
in his researches for the synon^'my, found collateral material 
which he brought together in the form of a separate paper 
on the Jumano Indians, which was nearly comjileted during 
the month. 


The growth of the Hbrary (hiring the mouth has l)oen quite 
satisfactory, aud a large uumber of pubHcatious of standard 
character, including several complete series, have been obtained. 

Work ill iniitliolofin — Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has, so far as 
the state of her health ])erniitted, continued the ])reparation of 
her report on tlie Zufii. Most of the illustrations for this mono- 
graph are now completed, and the final re^'ision of the cop}' for 
text is Avell advanced. 

Mr Frank Hamilton ( -ushing has continued the preparation 
of text and illustrations relating to the arrow games of Amer- 
ica; and Mr Stewart Culin, who is Avriting on the arrow g-aines 
of the Orient with the view to joint publication, has also made 
satisfactory progress. Mr Cushing has not allowed his re- 
searches relating to divinatory games completely to interrupt 
his more general studies relating to Zufii mvthologv; his work 
in this direction, being- stimulated anew by the appearance of 
Nordensldold's magnificent work on the Cliff-dwellers of Mesa 
Verde, is yielding valuable results, whicli will l)e set forth in 
subsequent reports. 

Worl: ill liiif/idstics — During the greater part of the month 
Mr J. Owen Dorsey was engaged in arranging the Kwapa 
texts collected in January and in writing the interlinear trans- 
lations therefor. The material proves quite rich and is suffi- 
ciently complete for publication in case it be found inexpedient 
to collect additional data; the texts, with interlinear and free 
translations, would form a volume of fair size. Some days wei'e 
spent by Mr Dorsey in the arrangement of the Winnebago 
texts collected earlier in the winter. 

Dr A. S. Gatschet during the first half of the month remained 
in. Philadelphia, and during this period, us well as during the 
later portion of the month, he was occupied in constructing a 
vocabulary of the Shawnee language. At the same time the 
grammatic elements were extracted and arranged. About 
2,500 terms have already been extracted for the Shawnee 

3Ir J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the greater part of 
the mouth in studying the relations between the Shahaptian 
and Waiilatpuan groups of languages, as well as the I'elations 


between these and the Lutuamian group. These studies, made 
under immediate instructions from the Director, have an impor- 
tant bearing- on the classification of the linguistic stocks, and 
have already materially clarified knowledge concerning the 
relations of a number of tribes of northwestern United States. 

Work ill hihlio[/ra2)Jii/ — ]\Ir James C. Pilling was occupied 
mainly in reading and correcting proof of the Bibliographv 
of the Wakashan Languages — now nearly finished — and in 
preparing a chronologic index of the same. Some time was 
given also to the collection of material for the Shahaptian 

Publications — The printing of the Tenth Annual Report is 
completed, and the sheets are in the bindery; the Twelfth 
Annual Report is on the press, Avliile the Eleventli is practically 
ready to follow. On February 16 the Thirteenth Annual 
Report was transmitted through the Secretary to the Public 
Printer, and work thereon has already been commenced. 

The bulletin on the Pamunkey Indians, by John Garland 
Pollard, is completed, and the edition lias been delivered and 
distribution commenced. Mr Pilling's Bibliography of the 
Wakashan Languages is all in pages, and the revision of the 
proofs is neai'ly completed. Dr Thomas' bulletin on The Maya 
Year has also reached the stage of page proofs, and all of the 
first and part of the second page proofs have been revised. 
The bulletin on Chinook Texts, by Dr Franz Boas, is mainly 
in type, and about half of the proofs have been revised. A 
bulletin by Professor Holmes on "An Ancient Quarry in 
Indian Territory," alluded to in pre\4ous reports, was sent to 
press during the month. 


The chief work of the month has been in the ofiice. Field 
operations have been earned forward only by Mr Cosmos 
Mindeletf in the Pueblo country of Arizona, and by Mr Wil- 
liam Dinwiddle, under the direction of Professor Holmes, in 

TT7;;7.: in ■'iif/ii huu/iiar/e — Colonel Gan-ick Mallery has con- 
tinued the preparation of a monograph on Gesture Signs and 


Signals, and satistactoiy progress has been made in the com- 
pletion of the text of this monograph, and the execution of 
illustrations has been forwarded with energ}^, over fifty impor- 
tant drawings having been made. 

During the month the printed sheets of the monograph on 
pictography were received from the printing office for the 
purpose of placing the plates. 

Wo)~k in Indian hieroglyphs — Early in the mouth Dr Cjtus 
Thomas finished the revision of proofs of the bulletin on the 
Maya year. The remainder of the month was occupied in 
the preparation of a memoir on the signification of the sym- 
bols and names of days and months in the Central American 
calendar. The task has proved of unexpected magnitude, and 
extended comparisons and studies have been found necessary. 
This work is approaching completion. 

Work in eastern archeoloc/i/— Professor W. H. Holmes has 
continued the preparation of monographs on the fictile ware 
and stone art of eastern United States, and both works are 
approaching- completion, a large number of illustrations, both 
photographic and drawn in pen and ink, having been prepared 
and arranged. In addition, some time has been devoted to the 
arrangement of material in the National Museum, such material 
being in part newly collected and in jiart that returned from 
the A^'orld's Columbian Exposition ;it C'hicago. Also he re^^sed 
and prepared an introduction for a bulletin by Gerard Fowke 
on "Archeologic Investigations in James and Potomac Val- 
leys." Furthennore, some days were spent in the field at the 
Clifton soapstone quarry. 

Mr Dinwiddle was occupied throughout the mouth in clearing 
the Clifton soapstone quarry noted in the last report, in study- 
ing the methods employed by the aboriginal quarrymeu, in 
making pliotographs of the quarry, etc. The locality proves 
to be of great interest. By reason of the abundance of mate- 
rial in the form of implements, partially completed or imperfect 
vessels, together with pitted surfiices from which the blanks 
Avere taken, the quarrv may be regarded as a type. The remark- 
ably rich collection of objects will greatly enhance tlie material 
relating to aboriginal industry already in the National Museum. 


Work in western archeolof/i/ — Mr Cosmos Mindeleff" remains in 
the field, engaged chiefly in tlie ehxboraticin of maps and notes 
relating to ruins examined dm'ing the preceding months (tf the 
fiscal year. 

Work in synonymy — In the course of his work relating to the 
synonymy of the eastern Siouan peoples, Mr Mooney brought 
together a large amount of information relating to these tribes, 
a part of which is new, while another })art is recorded only in 
rare literature and finds its explanation in the newer informa- 
tion. He has been able to identify several tribes whose hab- 
itations were recorded In' earlier explorers and to trace the 
migrations of each. This information, which is too elaborate 
for introduction in the Synonymy, Init which nevertheless elu- 
cidates thatAvork, has been brought together in a paper on the 
"Siouan Tribes of the East, "which will shortly be transmitted for 
publication as a bulletin. Meantime Mr Mooney has continued 
his general work on the synonymy and lias at the same time 
carried forward the preparation of his work on the Ghost dance- 
Mr Hodge continued work on the synonymy of the south- 
western tribes, and also kept charge of the library. In addition, 
he made during the month a journey to New York for the pur- 
pose of examining a collection of manuscript documents relat- 
ing to equatorial America in possession of Professor Le Metayer 
de Guichainville. The accounts and samples of these docu- 
ments which had reached Washington indicated that they might 
prove of great value to students of the early history of the 
Spanish conquerors and their relations to the aborigines. Con- 
siderable information of importance was obtained from the 
examination of the collection. 

The accessions to the library continue numerous and valu- 
able, the current literature of anthropology in the dift'erent 
countries being especially well represented. 

TTV;rA; in mythology — Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing has con- 
tinued his study on the arrow games of America, and satisfac- 
tory })rogress has been made in the ])reparation of text and 

Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson is still engaged in the preparation 
of her report on the Zuui, though progress has been hindered 


by ill health. Tlie nivtlis of the aliorigines of the soutlnvest 
are of exceptional interest, since they exemplify in many cases 
the influence of environment on the minds of the devotees, and 
in some cases, moreover, tliex' indicate the migrations of the 
peoples among whom they are found. Accordingh*, the studies 
seem of exceptional im})ortance in American anthropology. 

Work ill Hii(/ttisfics — Dr A. S. Gats.chet continued the extrac- 
tion of vocables and grainmatic elements of the Shawnee lan- 
guage from the material collected by him in 1892 and 1893. 
The systematicalh' arrange<l material is now inscribed on 
somewhat over two thousand cards, in condition for ready 
examination or puljlication. Several vocabularies and gram- 
mars submitted to the Bureau during the month ^^'ere also 

Mr J. Owen Dorsev completed the arrangement of the Win- 
uebao-o texts with interlinear translations early in the month. 
These texts, collected during the present fiscal year from Philip 
Longtail, lune proved a rich source of information relating to 
language, customs, and beliefs of the tribe to which they j)er- 
tain. The later portion of the month was spent in preparing 
an introduction to the synonymy of the Siouan family and 
to the study of the connection between onomatology and 
mythology as exemplified in the Siouan languages. In both 
these directions satisfactory progress was made. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt sjjent a considerable part of the month 
in the study of the relations of the Lutuamian language for 
the immediate use of the Director. This study affords an 
important basis for the classification of linguistic stocks of 
northwestern United States. It has been conducted with zeal 
and success. 

Worl- ill hihliography — Mr James C. Pilling has continued 
the revision t>f the proofs of the Wakashan bibliography, which 
is now substantially completed. Meantime he has gone on with 
the preparation of material for the Sliahaptian bibliography, 
now nearly ready for the press. The completion of this 
work is delayed by some uncertainty concerning the relations 
of certain northAvestern languages, upon which Mr Hewitt has 
been at work; l)ut while this delay affects the issue of the 


Shahaptian bibliooTaphy it does not retard the biblioo-rapliic 
work iu g-eueral, for the study of hterature and the collection 
of titles relating- to other western stocks receive constant 
attention. A large number of titles relating to the languages 
of Mexico have recently Ijeen brought together. 

Piihlications — The Tenth Annual Report has passed through 
the folding room and the Twelfth is going through the press, 
while the Eleventh will at once follow. The Thirteenth Re- 
port is in tlie printer's hands and proofs are daily expected. 
Tlie bulletin on the Pamunkey Indians by John Garland Pol- 
lard has been distributed. The revision of the proofs of Dr 
Thomas' bulletin on The Maya Year has been completed and 
the work has been ordered stereotyped. Mr Pilling's Bibliog- 
raphy of the Wakashan Languages has been revised, and most 
of the matter is stereotyped. Three signatures of the bul- 
letin on Chinook Texts by Dr Franz Boas are in pages, and 
both page and galley proofs are passing rapidly through the 
liands of the author and through this office. Proofs of 
the bulletin by Professor Holmes on "An Aboriginal Quany in 
Indian Ten-itory" are daily expected. Two bulletins, respec- 
tively by Mr James Mooney on "Siouan Tribes of the East" 
and Mr Gerard Fowke on "Archeologic Investigations in 
James and Potomac Valleys," have been prepared during the 
month and will be transmitted for printing so soon as the illus- 
trations have been completed. 


The field work of the month has been limited to that carried 
forward bv Mr Cosmos Mindeletf in the Pueblo country, and 
restricted operations in Virginia by the Ethnologist in Charge, 
Professor W. H. Holmes, and Mr ^Villiam Dinwiddle ; with 
these exceptions, the operations represent work conducted in 
the office. 

TT"o;-A- in sir/ii Janr/uage — Colonel Garrick Mallery has made 
satisfactory progress in the pi-eparation of his monograph on 
gesture signs and signals. A number of the requisite di'aw- 
ings have been executed and a jjortion of the text has been 
made ready for the printer. 


JVorJc ill Iiirliaii Jiicror/Ji/jilis — Dr Cyrus Tlionms luis con- 
tinued his researches rehitiug to the Maya hier^iglvphs. During 
the montli he brought to substantial completion the text of the 
bulletin relating to the day names and syuibols of the Maya 
calendar ; at the same time he supervised the execution of the 
requisite illustrations. Among the interesting questions con- 
nected with the ]Maya calendar is the origin and significance of 
the hieroglyphs used as symbols for days. Some of these 
have already been interpreted by Brinton, Seler, and others, 
and it has been inferred from these interpretations that the 
entire system of synd:)ols rejjresents a system of mythologic 
concepts ; so that the calendric inscriptions not only comprise 
chronologies akin to those of the plains Indians, l)ut also 
embody records of the beliefs of the writers. Dr Thomas has 
been able to confirm some of the conclusions reached bv other 
investigators and to correct others. 

Work ill easfent arclieohM/i/ — Professor W. H. Holmes has 
completed the ^preparation of his monographs on fictile ware 
and stone art. Both of these works are substantialh' com- 
pleted as to text and illustrations. During the month a large 
number of objects previously collected have been examined, 
and the results of the examination are incorporated in the 
report. A few additional trips by Professor Holmes and Mr 
Dinwiddie were made to the Clifton soapstone quarrj^ for the 
purpose of completing the collections of material from this 
point, and some of this material has been used as subjects of 
discussion and illustration in Professor Holmes' monographs. 
In addition, the Ethnologist in Charge and Professor Holmes 
repaired to the Pass creek site, near Luray, Virginia, for the 
purpose of collecting additional data relating to the stone art 
products in the large mound on this site. A considerable addi- 
tional collection of stone work was found in the mound and 
vicinity; also an aboriginal cemetery was discovered in the 
plowed field, and a typical collection of mortuary pottery was 
made. The stone implements are of exceptional interest in 
that the turtleback forms are rejects from the manufacture of 
celts — the rejects hitherto studied by Professor Holmes repre- 
sent predominantly or exclusively the manufacture of narrow, 


pointed oljjects, sucli as spearpoints or arrowheads. The col- 
lections at Pass creek prove rich, and several of the objects 
have already been drawn foi- incorporation in Professor 
Holmes' report. The geologic relations of the matei'ial used 
in the manufacture of the implements are also of exceptional 
interest, and were worked out in detail. 

Work in western archeoJofiij — Mi- Cosmos Mindeleff has con- 
tinued operations in New Mexico. By reason of the approach- 
ing exhaustion of liis allotment, tlie ex])loratory operations were 
somewhat curtailed and the elaboration of notes and diagrams 
proportionately extended. 

Mr Mindeleff finds the Pueblo country overrun by specula- 
tors in primitive pottery and otiier relics, which are collected 
and sold as j^roducts of Aztec art. The operations of these 
speculators are ruinous; the material is collected without ade- 
quate study of association, so that its value as a record of 
aboriginal conditions is largely lost; and in addition the meth- 
ods employed are destructive of all material except that of 
portable character and commercial value. Mr Mindeleff is 
making every attempt to forestall these destructive operations; 
and to enable him to do so advantageously he is continued in 
the field at some sacrifice in efficiency of work on reports and 

Work hi synonymy — ]\Ir F. W. Ilodge has continued work on 
the synonymy of the southwestern families and tribes in addi- 
tion to the routine work of the librar}^, and in both directions 
his work has been eminently satisfactor}'. The preparation of 
the synonymy involves extended literary research, and prog- 
ress is necessarily slow; but the collection of data has now 
reached such a condition as easily to permit preparation for 
the press, and it is ])lanned to begin ])ublication as soon as 
practical)le in bulletin form by linguistic stocks. 

Mr James Mooney completed the preparation of his bulletin 
on the "Siouan Tribes of the East," and this work will be for- 
warded for publication so soon as the map required fiir its 
illustration is completed. Since the completion of this manu- 
script, Mr Mooney has been engaged on the final chajjters of 
his report on the "Ghost-dance Keligion," which is approaching 


Work hi mijthoJofiy — Mr Frank ITaiiiiltdii Cusliino- lias cou- 
tiuued the preparation of a nunuoir on tlie arrow o-ames of 
America, and ^Ir Stewart Culin, wlio has shared and snp])le- 
mented Mr Cushing^'s Avork by researclies reUiting cliietly to 
divinatory games in other countries and comparative .studies 
in primitive gaming in all comitries, has completed liis contri- 
bution to the subject. The researches of Messrs Cushin<>- and 
Culin have brought to light many significant facts bearing on 
the usages, beliefs, and ethnic relations of early peoples. 

Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson lias continued the preparation of 
her report on the Zuiii. 

Work ill linguistics — Mr J. Owen Dorsey divided the month 
between (1) recording on dictionary slips the words of the 
Winnebago texts recorded last year, and (2) the extension of 
the phonetic alphabet required for the utterance of primitive 
languages. In the former work good progress was made; and 
in the latter, thanks to the aid furnished bv the venerable 
Archdeacon John Joseph Noari, of the Eastern Church under 
the Chaldean Patriarch of Babylon, excellent progress also 
was made. 

Dr A. S. Gratschet continued the extraction of Shawnee 
vocables and graramatic elements; in addition, he gave some 
time to perfecting" the Peoria, to making additions to the com- 
parative vocabulary of the Algonquian languages, and to the 
study of the Mexican material recently collected bv Dr Carl 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt continued general linguistic studies 
relating to the northwestern families, and in addition made, in 
connection with Dr Gatschet, critical examination of the Lum- 
holtz Mexican material and transcribed a considerable part of 
the Tarahumari vocabulary, with a view to publication. The 
material collected by Lumholtz is of great interest, since sev- 
eral of the tribes examined yet retain the primitive condition 
in many respects, the language in particular being hardly 
modified through the advent of white men. In one case his 
linguistic material represents a decadent dialect, only three or 
four individuals remaining wdio are familiar with it. 

Work in hibliofiraphij — Mr James C Pilling has continued 
the preparation of materijil for the Shahaptian l)ibliography, 


wliifli would l)e read}' for the press Avere it not deemed well to 
withhold it for possible moditi cation, growing out of a change 
in classitication of the northwestern families. Meantime he 
has made good pi'ogress in the collection and arrangement of 
the elaborate material for bibliogi'aphies of the Mexican fam- 
ilies. Dm'ing the month the revision of page })roofs of the 
Wakashan bibliography was completed, and that document has 
been stereotyped and sent to the jjress. 

Puhlications — The Tenth Annual Report is in the bindery; 
the Twelfth, including its illustrations, has been printed and is 
now in the folding room; the Eleventh is on the press. Proofs 
of the process illustrations of the Thirteenth Report have been 
received and gallev proofs of the text are daily expected. The 
bulletin on "The Maya Year" by Dr Cyrus Thomas has been 
delivered and the distribution is under Avay. Mr Filling's Bib- 
liography of the Wakashan Languages has been ordered on 
the press. The bulletin on "Chinook Texts" by Dr Franz Boas 
is passing through the printer's hands somewhat slowly by 
reason of the highly technical character of the composition 
and the limited type available for it, and by reason of the fact 
tluit the author finds it necessary to revise two proofs at his 
}n-esent residence in Chicago. Froofs of the illustrations of 
Professor Holmes' bulletin on "An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian 
Territory "have been received, and the text will doubtless follow 
in a few days. The bulletins by Messrs Mooney and Fowke 
are in the hands of the artist for the final arrangement of 


As during preceding months the chief Avork has been con- 
fined to the office, field operations being limited to the surveys 
by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in the Pueblo country, together A\dth 
a single field trip by the Ethnologist in Charge. 

Worh in sir/n language- — Colonel Gamck Mallery has con- 
tinued the preparation of his monograph on " Gesture Signs and 
Signals," Avhich is uoav Avell advanced. In the progress of the 
work A'arious significant points are brought out, which Avill be 
duly elaborated in the final report Among recent results may 


be mentioned a body of evidence tending to explain the sup- 
posed community of sign language not <>idy among very dis- 
tinct tribes, but among primitive peoples of widely diverse 
nationalities. The recent comparison of facts indicates that 
the ready interchange of ideas by gestures among primitive 
jieoples is simply the outcome of sense training in a certain 
direction, and that the apparent mystery in the interchange is 
due only to the fact that the cultured observers to whom it 
appeals lack this particular sense training. This and other 
l)roblems connected with sign language are receiving close 
attention from Colonel Mallery. 

Work in Indian hleroghjphs — Dr Thf)mas continued his 
researches relating to the Maya symbols and other Mexican 
and Central American hieroglyphs. His bulletin on this sub- 
ject is completed in accordance witli the initial plan, but is 
withheld pending the settlement of certain philologic ques- 
tions suggested in the course of the inquiry. The researches 
in hieroglyphs are of peculiar difficulty, but Dr Thomas has 
made satisfactory progress during the month. 

Work in eastern archeology — During the month Professor 
W. H. Holmes terminated his work in this Bureau and repaired 
to Chicago to assume charge of the department of antliropol- 
ogy in the Field Columbian Museum, his resignation taking 
effect with the close of the month. Before departing" he turned 
in the manuscripts and illustrations for two monographs — one 
on fictile ware, the other on stone art. 

Work in western arckcologij — Mr Cosmos Miudelelf has con- 
tinued operations in New Mexico, though by reason of the 
exhaustion of his allotment the work has been less extensive 
than during the earlier months. Satisfactory progress has 
been made in the preparation of maps, plans, and other 

Work in synonymy — Mr F. W. Hodge has continued the 
l)re])ai-ation of manuscript for the synonymy of the south- 
western tribes. Diii'ing the month advantage Avas taken of 
the presence in Washington of Dr Carl Lundioltz, who has 
spent some seasons among the tribes of Chihuahua, Mexico, 
and much valuable information regarding tlie Tarahumari and 


Tepeliuani Indians and their settlements Avas obtained from 
him for use in the synonymy of the Piman stock. Meantime 
Mr Hodge continued the administration of the hbrary, and 
reports A^aluable additions by gift and exchange. 

Mr James Mooney has continued work on the synonymy, 
and has also nearly brought to completion liis memoir on the 
Messiah religion and the Ghost dance, which it is proposed to 
incorporate in the Fourteenth Annual Report. During the 
month the map required to illustrate his bulletin on the eastern 
Siouan trilies has been completed, and the data will be for- 
warded for pid^lication within a few days. 

Work in mijthoJofijj — Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing lias been 
employed on his memoir relating to primitive arrow games. 
Some time was spent also by him, with the a.ssistance of Mr 
William Dinwiddie, in arranging figures and groups and other 
materials in the National Museum, and in making photographs 
of the most significant of these for the Museum collection. 

Mrs iVIatilda C. Stevenson has made satisfactory progress on 
her memoir relating to the Zufii, and it is expected tliat this 
elaborate report will within a few months he ready for the press. 

Worh in linguistics — Mr J. Owen Dorsey completed the pre[)- 
aration of tlie index to volume ix of the Contributions to North 
American Ethnology, and also made a critical examination of 
a paper by Dr Thomas concerning supposed loan words from 
Polynesian languages, found among the Indians of Mexico 
and southwestern United States. His chief work, liowever, 
was that on the Winnebago dictionary, already noted. A large 
number of dictionary slips, with notes, grammatic elements, 
and free English translations, were prepai'ed. 

Dr A. S. Gatschet was employed chiefly in the extension of 
his Shawnee dictionary and in extracting grammatic elements 
from the 750 manuscript pages of text and other material relat- 
ing to this lanouas-e. Meantime material additions were made 
to his comparative Algonquian vocabulary. He, too, made an 
examination of the ling'uistic material sent in bv Dr Thomas. 

iMr J. N. B. Hewitt spent the fii-st half of the month in trans- 
literating the Tarahumari material collected by Dr Carl Lum- 
holtz, part of the time with the assistance of the collector. 


Although satisfactory progress was made, this hodv of Hiigiiistic 
material is not yet ready for the press. The later portion of 
the month was spent in critical study of the comparative list 
of Maya and Polynesian words sent in by Dr Thomas. The 
results of the examination were put together in an elaborate 
report, which, though not designed for publication, will greatly 
facilitate dealing with related questions by the collaborators of 
the Bureau in the future. 

Work in hihliographii — ]\Ir James C. Pilling practically 
brought to completion his Shahaptian bibliograpl y and spent 
a portion of the month in the extraction of title cards from the 
recently published Wakashau bibliography. The greater part 
of the month, however, was spent in collecting titles relating 
to the languages of extreme southwestern United States and 

Publications — During the month the Tenth Annual Report 
has been delivered from the Government bindery and the dis- 
tribution is well under way. The Eleventh and Twelfth 
reports are in tlie bindery; galley proofs of nearly half of the 
Thirteenth Annual Report have been received and revised. 
The Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages has been 
delivered and distribution is in progress. The bulletin on 
"Chinook Texts" by Dr Bt)as is still passing through the prin- 
ter's hands. Galley proofs of Professor Holmes' bulletin on 
"An Aboriginal Quarry in Indian Territory" have been re- 
ceived and are undergoing revision. The illustrations for the 
bulletins by Messrs Moonev and Fowke have been completed 
and they will shortly be sent forward for publication. Pro- 
vision has been made for publishing a bulletin by Dr Boas on 
the physical characteristics of the Siouan peoples, the text of 
which, however, has not yet been received. 


The work has been confined chiefly to the office, field 
operations being limited to the surveys by Mr Cosmos 
Mindeleff in the Pueblo country. 

Work in sign language — Colonel Garrick Mallery has been 
occupied throughout the month in comparative study and 
writing on gesture signs and signals. 

15 ETH V 


The recent publication of Colonel Mallery's monograph on 
pictography in the Tenth Annual Report has stimulated 
interest in the general subject of picture writing and sign 
language, and many inquiries and suggestions in regard to 
the subject are received through correspondence. This fact is 
at once a gratifying indication of the interest felt in the 
subject by the people of the country and an incentive to the 
author to complete at the earliest possible date tlie monograph 
on which he is now engaged. 

Work in Indian hieroghjphs — Dr Cyrus Thomas has con- 
tinued researches relating to the symbols used in the codices 
and other inscriptions of the Maya and related peoples. The 
month was occupied in comparative studies of calendric and 
other terms of southwestern America, a liuUetin on this subject 
being practically ready for publication and withheld only for 
the pui-pose of verifying certain provisional conclusions. 

Worh in eastern arclicology — Tlie work on this subject during 
the month was limited to the preparation of illustrations for 
some of Professor Holmes' reports by photographing groups 
at Pinv branch, which work Mr F. H. Cushiug kindly super- 
vised, Mr William Dinwiddie assisting. 

Worh in ivestern archeology — Mr Cosmos Mindeleflf has con- 
tinued survevs and the collection of objective material in the 
Pueblo country. During the month he examined a number of 
ruins in the valley of San Juan river, finding all of the types 
so abundantly represented on the Rio Verde (described in his 
report on that district in the Thirteenth Annual, and termed 
"bowlder-marked sites"). Though commonly small, some of 
the ruins are extensive; all are located with reference to adja- 
cent areas of tillable land, and none are defensive. The ruins 
are usually found on low, irregular terraces, skirting the river 
chiefly on the northern side, where the conditions are more 
favorable to irrigation. Most of the ruins are now marked 
only b}' heaps of the water-worn bowlders, sometimes showing- 
wall lines, but generally lying in confused heaps, often dis- 
turbed by prosjDectors and relic hunters. Here and there 
definite structures remain; in one of these Mr Mindeleft" was 
surprised to find masonry constructed of tabular sandstones, 
an anomalous phenomenon requiring further study. 


Mr Miudeletf concludes t'roiu his researches of the year tliat 
the first settlenieuts in the reg'ion are marked by the bowlder- 
marked sites; that these were followed by small settlements 
and easily defended sites, accompanied by cliff dwellings, 
cavate lodges, etc; and that larger settlements were subse- 
quently formed and valley sites located, not defensible as 
regards site, though the structures were defensive. These 
conclusions are in harmony with those deduced froni the struc- 
tures of Canyon de Chelly, where, however, the sequence is 
more complete. Detailed information concerning the different 
types of structure is reported l)y Mr Mindeleff. 

Work in synonymy — Mr F. W. Hodge has continued work on 
the descriptions and synonymy of the southwestern tribes for 
incorporation in the cyclopedia, the chief work during the pres- 
ent month being the amplification of the Piman synonymy. 
He has remained in charge of the library, and, in addition, 
.spent a pail of the month in revising proofs of the Thirteenth 
Annual Report and of Professor Holmes' bulletin on "An 
Ancient Quarry in Indian l^erritory." 

Mr James Mooney has l^rought to completion his memoir 
on "The Ghost-dance Religion," which is incorporated in the 
Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau. Meantime he has 
continued the arrangement of the material for the synonj^my 
of the eastern Siouan tribes. His bulletin on these tribes was 
reexamined during the month and is forwarded herewith for 

Work in mythology — Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing spent a 
portion of the month in revising his memoir on 2)rimitive arrow 
games, to which reference has Ijeeu made in previous monthly 
reports. Some time was spent also in revising and supple- 
menting his paper on "Zuni Creation Myths" now in press as 
part of the Thirteenth Annual Report. In addition, he was 
occupied for some days in the arrangement of figures and 
groups in the National Museum. 

Mrs Matilda C. Stevenson has continued the preparation of 
her monograph on Zuni ceremonials, making satisfactory 
progress therein. 

Work in. liinjidsfics — Mr J. Owen Dorsey continued work on 
the Winnebago dictionary, together with the notes to his large 



collection of Winnebasjo texts and the free English translation 
of the texts, making satisfactory progress. In addition, lie 
prejjared a list of ethnologic manuscripts relating to Indian 
languages, including a considerable part of the linguistic mate- 
rial in the archives of the Bureau. 

I)r A. S. Gatschet continued the preparation of the Shawnee 
dictionary, giving especial attention to comparisons between 
this dialect and forty or fifty other dialects of the Algonquian. 
He calls attention to the astonishing multiplicity of the Algon- 
quian dialectal forms and points out that, while the linguistic 
stock rests on a purely nominal basis morphologically, the dia- 
lectic diversification is great. Other interesting features of 
these languages have received attention. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt continued the transliteration of Tarahu- 
mari and Tubari material collected by Dr Carl Lumholtz, with 
a view to publication, at least of the latter, in bulletin form. 

Work in hihUograpliy — Mr James C. Pilling spent the month 
in arranging material for bibliographies of the southwestern 
languages in and contiguous to Mexico. Th-e alphabetic 
arrangement of the material has now progressed to the end 
of the letter R, the notes and collations having been made as 
complete as possible with the information at hand. He ex- 
presses acknowledgment to Bishop Hurst, whose rich library 
contains much material collected by missionaries and others 
relating to the Indian languages. 

PuhUcatlons — The Eleventh and Twelfth Annual reports are 
still in the bindery, but well advanced, and the editions 
are looked for daily; nearly a third of the Thirteenth An- 
nual is in pages; the material for the Fourteenth Annual is 
ready and only awaits the passage by the Senate of the con- 
current resolution authorizing publication, this resolution hav- 
ing already passed the House. Material for the Fifteenth 
Annual is in hand and practically ready for the press when- 
ever publication is authorized. Dr Boas' voluminous bulletin 
on "Chinook Texts" is still passing through the printer's hands, 
96 pages being stereotyped. The proofs of text and plates of 
Professor Holmes' bulletin on an aboriginal quarry have been 
approved and ordered stereoty})ed and printed. Bulletins by 
Messrs Mooney and Fowke have been sent forward and recom- 
mended for publication. Volume ix of the Contributions to 


North American Ethnology, comprising Rig-gs'" Dakota Clram- 
mar, Texts and Etlmography," lias been completed by the 
preparation of the index, and the document is now on the 



As set forth on an earlier })age, live primary lines of research 
relating to the collective or demotic characteristics of the 
American aborigines are pursued in the Bureau. These lines, 
with the corresponding branches of knowledge, comprise (1) 
arts, or esthetology ; (2) industries, or technology; (3) institu- 
tions, or sociology; (4) forms of expression, or linguistics; and 
(6) opinions and beliefs, or sophiology. In addition, two 
primary lines of research relating to the aborigines considered 
as organisms are recognized, viz, somatology and psychology. 
Each of these seven lines of research is of such extent and 
importance as to form the basis for a distinct science ; and each 
comprises a number of principal branches, any one of which 
is sufficiently extended to form an important specialty. Since 
there are oidy about a dozen scientific collaborators in the 
Bureau, it follows that there are more specialties than collabo- 
rators ; and it has been found necessary to select those special 
lines of research which seemed of most importance, and to 
assign them to the collaborators best equipped for carrying 
them forward. Sometimes, on the other hand, it has been 
found desirable temporarily to combine two or more primary 
lines of investigation in the assignment of a single collabo- 
rator, for the purpose of utilizing o])portunity — e. g., to obtain 
general information at a minimiun cost or to procure data con- 
cerning a disappearing tribe. To meet these practical condi- 
tions, a somewhat arbitrary classification of the work has been 
adopted and has varied from time to time. During the year 
the researches have related chiefly to (1) archeology; (2) de- 
scriptive ethnology; (3) sociology; (4) pictography and sign 
language; (5) general linguistics; (6) mythology, or sojAiol- 
ogy; (7) psychology, and (8) bibliography. 

Classified by method, the ()))erations of the Bureau com- 
prise (1) field woi'k, including exploration; (2) office researches, 


and (3) publication, together with the requisite administrative 
work and ancillary operations. 


The most extended exploratory work of the 3^ear was that 
of Mr Cosmos Mindelefif in connection with archeologic sur- 
veys in the Pueblo country of New Mexico and Arizona. He 
left Washington early in July, 1893, and, outfitting at Hol- 
brook, proceeded to the Hopi villages of Tusayan, and toward 
the end of August to the valley of the Little Colorado, which 
he explored in some detail. Contrary to expectations, tliis 
region was found to be poor in relics of the aborigines; only 
a few small and unimportant ruins are scattered over the 
valley, and the sites were apparently occupied for short peri- 
ods only. It is noteworthy that, according to Hopi tradition, 
it was along a valley tributary to the Little Colorado tliat the 
large timbers used in the construction of tlie Spanish cliurches 
and mission buildings prior to 1680 were transported on the 
backs of Indians from San Francisco mountains, nearly 100 
miles away; and tliis tradition appears to find corroboration 
in Mr Mindeleft's observation of a party of Tusayan Indians 
transporting poles from the foot-hills of the same mountains 
over the same route by the use of burros. The reason for the 
dearth of ruins gradually became apparent as the explorations 
were continued; the topography about the Little Colorado 
and the character of the stream itself are such that its waters 
could not be controlled for jjurposes of irrigation by any 
means at the command of ancient pueblo builders; even mod- 
ern engineering skill has thus far failed to control the stream, 
although many efforts in this direction have been made. 

Only at intervals are there floodplain lands suitable for 
primitive cultivation and within easy reach of irrigation de- 
vices, and in such places ruins are usually found. This is 
notably the case near the old Sunset crossing, where, jierched 
on the hills overlooking the floodplain, can be seen the ruins of 
ten or more villages, the largest of which would have accom- 
modated a population of 200. The ground plan of this vil- 
lage shows a number of rectangular rooms, the whole bearing 


a strong- resemblance to the plan of ruins found near the Tu- 
sayan villages. Tradition recites that this villag-e (or possilily 
a neighboring one) was called Homolobi, and was occupied 
by the Water clan, the last to reach Tusayan. The indica- 
tions are that the ])eriod of occupancy was short. 

Mr Mindelett" found the river at Mormon crossing, or "The 
Crossing of the Fathers," too high for fording, and his party 
proceeded with difficulty along the northern bank to the old 
Sunset crossing near Winslow. After fording at this point, the 
party proceeded to Verde, crossing the Mogollon mountains by 
way of Sunset and Chaves passes. At Verde an old held outfit 
was taken up, and the party returned by way of Flagstaff, 
reaching Little Colorado river at the mouth of San Francisco 
wash. This region was formerly a favorite hunting ground of 
the Tusayan, large parties leaving the callages to hunt antelope 
and other game so recently as ten years ago; but the game has 
nearly disappeared, and the annual hunting parties of the Tusa- 
yan Indians are now but a memory. From San Francisco 
wash the party followed the southern branch of the river to 
Winslow, and the northern side thence to Holbrook. 

Leaving Holbrook early in October, Mr Mindeleff proceeded 
northward toward Canyon de Chelly. Advantage was taken 
of the 'opportunity to examine the locality of a supposed ruin 
some 35 miles north of Holbrook, concerning which rumors 
have been current for several years, and the supposed ruin was 
found to be a natural dike rising from the summit of a low hill 
as a wall of black basalt over ' UO feet long, generally less than 
2 feet thick, and sometimes 1 8 feet high. Near its western end 
the remains of a habitation consisting of one or two rooms was 
found, the ground being strewn with potsherds. So striking is 
this dike that the Navaho guide insisted, even when standing 
before it, that it is artificial; yet examination leaves no doubt 
as to its real character. Canyon de Chelly was reached about 
the middle of October, and detailed examination of its cliff 
ruins was begun at once and continued nearly to the end of 
December. More than sixty ruins were examined, ground 
plans of many of them were made and a large series of photo- 
graphs were taken. The results of this interesting survey will 
be incorporated in the Sixteenth Annual Report. 


Leaving Canyon de Clielly in December, the party proceeded 
by way of Pueblo Colorado, and Fort Defiance to San Juan 
river, A\here it was planned to winter. In crossing Timiclia 
mountains a snowstorm of unprecedented severity for the 
season was encountered, and the party missed the trail and 
for a time were lost; among other accidents a wagon was over- 
turned in such manner that Mr Mindeleff was caught beneath it 
and his shoulder dislocated, whei-eb)^ he was disabled for some 
months. Fortunately the expedition was rescued by a pai'ty 
of ranchmen from Fort Defiance, organized for the purpose 
when the severity of the storm was realized. The success of 
the expedition and even the preservation of the lives of its 
members must be ascribed largely to the humanity which in- 
spired the rescue party and the energy with which they pushed 
into the mountains, i-endered almost impassable by the snow 
and wind. The expedition reached San Juan river a few days 
later, and soon afterward disbanded. 

Wlien able to resume work Mr Mindeleff" began a reconnois- 
sance of San Juan valley, not completed at the end of the fiscal 
year. This district was found rich in ruins, mainly of a type 
resembling the oldest ruins in Canyon de Chelly. San Juan 
valley is terraced, and the river itself is a swift mountain stream, 
and conditions are thus favorable for irrigation by primitive as 
well as by civilized men. The detailed surveys here were 
accordingly extended, and resulted in substantial contributions 
to the archeology of southwestern United States. 

Mr James Mooney spent some months, beginning vsnth July, 
on the Kiowa reservation in Indian Territory, and subsequently 
visited the Arapaho and Cheyenne Indians for the purpose of 
collecting information concerning habits and customs as well as 
beliefs and languages. He was provided with a graphophone, 
by means of which he was able to record a number of aborig- 
inal songs, both with and without instrumental accompaniments, 
and in single voice eff'ects as well as in chorus. Altogether he 
spent five months in field work, of which part was exploratory. 

Colonel Garrick Mallery spent the greater jjart of the month 
of September among the Indians of northern Wisconsin and 
northeastern Minnesota for the purpose of verifying and cor- 
recting notes obtained through correspondence. 


Dr W. J. Hotfinau spent July ami August and a portion of 
September among the Ottawa Indians near Petoskey, Michi- 
gan, the Ojibwa Indians at La Pointe reservation, Wisconsin, 
and the Menomini Indians at Keshena in the same state, and 
among the several tribes information pertaining to customs 
and lieliefs was obtained. 

Mr J. Owen Dorsey spent the month of January, 1894, on 
the Kwapa reservation in Indian Territory, investigating the 
social organization of the tribe and recoi'ding their mytlis and 

During the earlier part of the year the Director took advan- 
tage of opportunities growing out of work in connection with 
the Geolosrical Survey on the Pacific Coast to visit several 
Indian tribes and to continue his researches relating to their 
habits, myths, and languages. 


Professor W. H. Holmes was occupied tlu'oughout the year 
in archeologic researches, chiefly in eastern United States 
The first half of July was spent in organizing the work of tlie 
year, and later he }n-oceeded to different points in Delaware 
valley for the purpose of continuing studies of ancient quar- 
ries and quarry shops. A new quari-y shop was discovered on 
Delaware river, 15 miles above Trenton, yielding rejects cor- 
responding pi-ecisely with the objects so abundantly found in 
the gravels on which the city of Trenton is built, and which 
were formerly classed as paleoliths. Subsequently he visited 
a number of interesting localities in Ohio, giving especial 
attention to the gravels at Newcomerstown, in or apparently 
in whicli an artificially shaped stone has been found, this being 
the onh' case now strongly held to indicate the existence of 
man during the Glacial period in this country. 

In October he visited an island in Potomac river, near Point 
of Rocks, flooded liy a recent freshet in such manner as to 
lay bare an ancient village and aljoriginal workshop. This 
workshop proved of considerable interest in that here ummis- 
takable indication was found for the first time that blocks of 
stone were used as anvils in the production of certain classes 
of stone implements and weapons. 


During- February Professor Holuies directed the exploration, 
by Mr William Dinwiddle, of aii aboriginal steatite quarry near 
Clifton, Vii-ginia. This quarry was found especially instruct- 
ive by reason of its large size, the great number of partly 
completed utensils found within the opening and in the neigh- 
boring dump heap, and the excellence of its preservation. 

In April Professor Holmes, accompanied by Mr McGee, 
Ethnologist in Charge, repaired to an interesting site near the 
mouth of Pass creek, not far from Lurav, Virginia, for the pur- 
pose of collecting additional data relating to a noteworthy series 
of stone art products, to which attention was called during the 
preceding fiscal year by Mr Gerard Fowke. 

A considerable additional collection was made and an abo- 
riginal cemetery, from which a typical collection of mortuary 
pottery was taken, was discovered in a neighboring field. 
The stone art pi'oducts in this locality are of exceptional inter- 
est, as the "turtleback" forms are rejects from the manufacture 
of celts. The rejects hitherto studied by Professor Holmes 
represent, exclusively or predominantly, narrow-pointed instru- 
ments, such as spearpoints or arrowheads, while those found 
at the mouth of Pass creek represent predominantly the manu- 
facture of broad and thin pointed objects. A sufficiently com- 
plete series of rejects and uearlv completed forms to illustrate 
all stag-es in manufacturin"- was lirouy-lit tog-ether. 

Mr McGee extended the observations from this locality up 
Pass cTeek with the purpose of discovering the original source 
of the pebbles and cobbles used by the pi-imitive artisans, and 
was rewarded by finding, well toward the headwaters of the 
stream, a large mass of intrusive rock, from which the pebbles 
were originally derived. Tins part of the study also proved 
of exceptional interest, as it indicated the delicacy witli which 
the Indian manufacturer adjusted himself to his environment; 
in situ the rock is too massiAe and obdurate for working by 
primitive methods; in the upper reaches of the streain the 
bowlders derived from parent ledges are too large for reduc- 
tion without the nse of metal; below the confluence of Pass 
creek with the Hawksbill tlie pebbles are too small and too 
scant for jjrofitable working; while just above the confluence, 


at the site discovered by Mr Fowke, the pebbles are at the 
same time of suitable size and sufficiently abundant for easy 
working by primitive methods — in short, the best and, indeed, 
the only feasible site for the aboriginal factory was that selected 
for the purpose. The material is a peculiarly tough and strong 
crystalline rock, which flakes fairly well and is at the same 
time adapted to battering and grinding. 

During the first three months of the year Mr Gerard Fowke 
was occupied, under Professor Holmes' general instructions, 
but under the immediate direction of the Ethnologist in Charge, 
in making collections from the little-known but highly inter- 
esting interior shell mounds in the valley of Tennessee river. 
This work yielded excellent results, particularly in the form of 
material collected for the enrichment of the National ]\Iusexnn. 
The collections were duly cleaned, prepared, and tabulated, 
and transferred to the Museum by Mr Henry Walther. 

Mr William Dinwiddle, under Professor Holmes' immediate 
direction, spent the greater pai't of the months of Jul}-, August, 
and September in archeologic reconnoissance along- the shores 
and tributaries of Chesapeake bay with the object of demarking 
more exactly by art products the territory belonging respec- 
tively to the diifereut peojjles. His work also yielded abun- 
dant collections for the enrichment of the department of arche- 
ology^ of the National Museum for the benefit of contemporary 
and future students. 

During February and March, as already noted, Mr Dinwid- 
dle was occupied in investigating the aboriginal steatite quarry 
at Clifton. The quarry was cleared and its walls and floors 
were found to yield numerous and characteristic traces of 
primitive workmanship; a rich collection of broken and par- 
tially finished utensils was made ; a good series of photographs, 
showing with unprecedented accuracy the details of the quar- 
rying and manufacturing- operations, was taken ; a number of 
the tools used in the work were foixnd, while the entire collec- 
tion has been brought together for study and preservation in 
the National Museum. The general results of the investiga- 
tion of this quarry have been incoiporated in the accompany- 
ing paper by Professor Holmes. 


The results of the work by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff in New- 
Mexico and Arizona are of much imj)ortance. The examina- 
tion of over sixty ruins in Canyon de Chell}' verities the con- 
clusion previously reached by the same investigator that the 
cliif dwellings here were primarily farming outlooks, and that 
the home villages were commonly located on wholly indefen- 
sible sites on the canyon bottoms. It was found that the ruins 
are di\'isible into several groups, apparently representing a 
chronologic sequence. In the latter ruins highly suggestive 
details are found illustrating the gradual assimilation of intro- 
duced or accultural ideas. Among other results there was 
obtained a series of drawings and jihotographs showing the 
development of chimney structure from the first crude attemjjts 
to imitate a form known only from casual observation and 
description to a more finished structure, though the most 
finished product was far from })erfect, while the first attempts 
Avere exceedingly crude. Mr Mindelefi^ was led to conclude 
that the foreign ideas exemplified in the chimneys and other 
structures were introduced in the architecture of Can von de 
Chelly at a late period of the occupancy of the territory, prob- 
ably only a few decades before its abandonment. Other 
details, such as the constructive use of adobe, were traced 
through the various stages of development in the same way; 
and some ruins were found in Avhicli the old and the new ideas 
find expression side by side in such manner as to indicate that 
the village was occupied before the introduction of the foreign 
ideas, and that the occupancy continued until after the ideas 
were definitely crystallized. 

One interesting group or series of ancient ruins was found, 
which had apparently been overlooked by previous visitors. 
They occur in the upper jiart of the canyon and are nearly 
obliterated. The structures were always located on sites deter- 
mined wholly by agricultural necessity and methods without 
reference to defensive ends. Mr Mindeleff" is of opinion that 
these are the oldest ruins in the canyon, belonging to the ini- 
tial period of occupancy, which extended over many decades. 
Close attention Avas g'iven also to a number of larffe ruins 
situated in the canyon bottom without reference to defense, 


also overlooked by preA'ious explorers. These differ from the 
preceding type and are in some respects the most important 
ruins of the canyon, lliey iijjparently represent the home 
pueblos occupied contemporaneously with the cliff dwellings, 
and bore the same relation to the latter that Zufii bears to 
Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo Caliente, or that Oraibi bears to 
Moenkapi. The cliff dwellings were apparently occupied 
as a rule only during the summer mcinths, the occupants resort- 
ing to the pueblos during the winter Thus the cliff dwellings 
appear to represent a phase rather than a chi-onologic epoch in 
the history of the pueblo builders. 

Although the researches are not yet completed, Mr Mindeleff 
is of opinion that while some of the ruins niay be pre-Colum- 
bian, others were undoubtedly occupied in the seventeenth 
century, and that the occupancy was probably continuous as 
regards the district, though probably not continous as regards 
particular tribes or subtribes. A general result of the study 
was the classiiication of the various types of ruins, in a clu'on- 
ologic order, in such maimer that the history of the can^'ou 
from the earliest occxipancy up to the recent advent of English- 
speaking settlers is clearly indicated. In combining the data 
acquu-ed in Canyon de Chelly with those obtained from Rio 
Verde during previous years, Mr IMindeleff" finds reason for the 
conclusion that the niins of the former district represent the 
first settlements in the San Juan country, and that further 
developments will be found in the tributarv valleys, and also 
that the large communal buildings on the tributaries of the 
San Juan, representing the highest architectural art attained 
by the pueblo builders, will prove to be the ultimate form of 
the primitive village of this district. 

During the year Dr Cyrus Thomas completed the revision 
of proofs of text and illustrations of his "Report on Mound 
Explorations," and the work was put through the press as the 
body of the Twelfth Amiual Report. The document comprises 
much infonnation relating to the Indian mounds of the Missis- 
sippi valley and eastern United States, and it seems reasonable 
to hope that the monograph may come to be regarded as a 
standard soui'ce of information on the subject. Subsequently 


Dr Thomas gave special attention to the hierogl3'phs and 
codices of the Maya — the ancient inhabitants of Yucatan. 
One of the results of the work is the demonstration that the 
time system recorded in the Dresden codex is precisely the 
same as that mentioned by the early Spanish authors, except 
•that the years begin ^^'ith what are considered the last instead 
of the first of the four-year series. It is also shown that this 
brings the calendar of the Dresden codex into harmony with 
the calendars recorded at Palenque, Lorillard, and Tikal. A 
portion of the results of Dr Tliomas' work on this subject is 
published in one of the bulletins of the Bureau, a lirochure of 
64 pages, entitled "The Maya Year." Other results are incor- 
porated in a memoir on the origin and significance of the 
calentli-ic terms, which is not yet completed. 

During the year Mr Hilborne T. Cresson, of Pliiladelphia, 
was occupied in archeologic researches, chiefly in Guatemala 
and eastern Mexico, under a |)rovision of the De Laincel fund 
and under the general supervision of tlie Director of the 
Bureau. Some of the results of his interesting researches 
have been made public tlu-ough various scientific journals 

Specially noteworthy among the results of the archeologic 
work in the Bureau during the current year are the mono- 
graphs by Professor Holmes on "Ancient Pottery of Eastern 
United States " and ' ' Stone Art of J^astern United States." Both 
embrace the results of researches extending over many years; 
both are elaborately illustrated from material preserved in the 
National Museum; both represent the mature conclusions of 
an able and carefully trained archeologist. The classification 
and interj)retation adopted by Professor Holmes are primarily 
indigenous, though his comparative studies have extended over 
the archeologic literature of the world, and it is believed that his 
conclusions will form a firm basis for those branches of arche- 
ology to which his work relates. To him science is indebted 
for a consistent method of interpreting primitive art products 
through study of the arts of primitive peoples cognate to those 
whose relics have come down to us from prehistoric times. It 
was with great regret that the Director accepted his resignation 
toward the end of the fiscal year, in order that he might trans- 
fer his labors to the Field Columbian Museum. 



An importaut line of work in the Bureau for some years 
past has been the collection and systematic arrangement of 
tribal names and characteristics, with brief description of the 
habits, customs, arts, beliefs, and institutions of the aborig-ines. 
The information thus collected has been recorded on cards 
under the head of Tribal Synonym}-. 

During the last year Mr F. W. Hodge devoted several 
months to the descriptive ethnology of several southwestern 
families, the Piman, Tanoau, Keresau, and Zufiian stocks 
receiving chief attention. Advantage was taken of the pres- 
ence in Washington of Dr Carl Lumholtz, who has spent 
several seasons among the tribes of Chihuahua, to obtain -val- 
uable information relating to the Tarahumari, Tepehuani, and 
Tubari Indians for use in the svnonymv of the Piman stock. 
Mr Hodge's literary research during tlie year will prt)bably 
enable him to identify the obscurely i-ecorded Jumano of the 
early Spanish explorers with the Comanche of more recent 
date. In connection with the condensed descriptions contained 
in the systematic work, Mr Hodge has made progress in the 
preparation of a bibliography of the Pueblo Indians, designed 
to serve as a basis for further research concerning this inter- 
esting portion of our aboriginal population. 

Mr J. Owen Dorsey made a number of important additions 
to the portion of the tribal synonymy relating to the Siouan 
tribes, and Mr James Mooney devoted some time to classifying 
and extending the material already obtained relating to the 
Cherokee Indians. Dr Albert S. Gatschet also made contri- 
butions to this work. 

Although the collection of material for the general descriptive 
ethnology of the Tribal Synonymy of the American Indians 
was commenced some years since, and although a large body 
of information has been collected and arranged on cards for 
office use, publication has not yet been undertaken, partly by 
reason of the great volume of material, partly because the 
work is of such character as not soon to be completed, since 
•each new investigation yields additional information; but 


withia the last five years the records have been found so use- 
ful, and the demand for information contained therein so 
extensive, that a plan for publication has been formulated. 

In accordance with this plan the material will be arranged 
by linguistic stocks and published in bulletin form in the order 
of completion, each bulletin comprising a stock. In addition 
to the usual pagination the bulletins devoted to the subject will 
be consecutively paged (at the bottom) for the series, and it 
is proposed to comjalete the series by a bulletin so arranged as 
to form at the same time an index to the whole and an abbre- 
viated dictionary of the tribal and other names used by the 
American Indians. In accordance with this plan the materials 
pertaining to a number of the stocks have been made ready 
for the press, with the exception of brief introductions which 
remain to be written. 

During the first half of the fiscal year Dr W. J. Hoffman 
continued the investigation of the Menomini and related 
Indians in field and office and prepared an elaborate memoir, 
entitled "The Menomini Indians," which has been submitted 
for publication in the Fourteenth Annual Report. This tribe, 
located in northeastern Wisconsin, has long been known in a 
general wav, but has received little scientific study. Dr Hoff- 
man's memoir embraces a history of tlie tribe from its dis- 
covery by Nicollet in 1634 to the present day, including the 
several treaties made with the Federal Grovernment ; it includes 
also the genealogies of the two rival lines of hereditary chiefs, 
together with an exposition of the ceremonials of the several 
cult societies, and of the mythology, industries, arts, and man- 
ufactures of the tribe. 


From time to time during fhe year the Director found oppor- 
tunity for collecting additional information relating to the insti- 
tutions of the American Indians and for the elaboration of 
material collected during previous years. Mr McGee also made 
progress in the arrangement of material pertaining to this sub- 
ject gathered by various collaborators. Mr James Mooney 
spent several months in the field collecting information rela- 
ting to the Kiowa, Caddo, Arapaho, and Cheyenne Indians, 


of whicli a large part is sociologic. In addition, he prepared 
during the year a memoir on the "Siouan Tribes of the East," 
which has been sent to press as one of the series of bulletins 
of the Bureau. In this pa})er the relations and movements of 
the tribes recorded by early explorers and settlers of eastern 
United States are analyzed and, after comparative study for 
the purpose of combining the various consistent records and 
eliminating- the uncertainties due to vague geographic and eth- 
nographic records, grouped as a consistent body of informa- 
tion relating to the aboriginal landholders of cisappalachian 
United States. The memoir represents much patient research 
among early maps and throughout the earliest literature of the 
United States. It is enriched by synonymy of the various 
tribes of the district, and incidentally considerable information 
relating to the organization and social institutions of these 
tribes is incorporated. 


The earlier part of the year was spent by Colonel Garrick 
Mallery in revising the proofs of his monograph on "Picture- 
writing of the American Indians," which has since been pub- 
lished in the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau. Some 
years were devoted by Colonel Mallery to the collection of 
information on this subject and the subject of sign language 
and gesture speech among the aborigines, and this monograph 
represents the product of labors in the interesting line of 
research to which it appertains. By i-eason of the invasion of 
white men, many of the primitive customs of the Indians have 
been modified and some have been lost ; and in few directions 
is the modification more complete than in that of inscril)ing 
records on rocks and other surfaces; and it has been the pur- 
pose to render this work as complete an exposition of the crude 
graphic art of the American Indian as it is possible to make at 
this time. It is believed that the work will be found practi- 
cally exhaustive and a standard source of information. During- 
the remaining portion of the year Colonel Mallery has been 
engaged in the preparation of a companion monograph on the 
sign language of the American Indians. The material for this 

lo ETH VI 


work is even more evanescent than that ch'awn on in tlie prep- 
aration of the preceding work; but the author's studies ha^•e 
extended over many years and a large part ot" Avestern Amer- 
ica, and he has been favored b}^ rich contributions from corre- 
spondents of the office. The work is fully illustrated, as is 
necessary, since it is only by graphic presentation that definite 
ideas concerning the multiform gestures and motions used in 
primitive interchange of thought can be clearly expressed. 
The monograph is approaching completion. 


The lang'uaa'es of the American Indians have received a 
larffe* share of the attention of the Bureau ever since its insti- 
tution. It has been the policy to collect texts and vocabularies 
and material for grammars as rapidly and extensively as pos- 
sible before the disappearance of the primitive languages 
Only a small part of the material so collected has been pub- 
lished; but the vaults of the Bureau are rich in data pertain- 
ing to the languages of many tribes representing most of the 
linguistic stocks of the American Indians. Perhaps on no 
other continent is the linguistic diversity of the primitive 
peoples wider than in northern America, and the dialectic 
variability is eminently striking. The aboriginal languages 
of this continent accordingly give an admirable opportunity 
for the study of the facts and causes of linguistic development; 
and from the beginning it was deemed important to collect the 
largest possible body of material for examination and discus- 
sion in its bearing on the general subject. Carrying out the 
general policy, only subordinate attention has been given to 
publication, and publication has been made only in cases in 
which the material seemed especially typical or exceptionally 
complete. Thus, while the amount of linguistic material pub- 
lished is not voluminous, the manuscripts constantly accessible 
for purposes of study are abundant — richer, it is believed, 
than any other body of linguistic records of a primitive peojile. 
Dr A. S. Gatschet devoted the entire year to linguistic work. 
Earh' in the year he was employed in translating texts and in 
extracting lexic and grammatic elements of the Peoria and 


Shawnee languages, recorded by him during the preceding two 
years. This work gave abundant opportunities for comparing 
the two tongues with the foi'ty or fifty other dialects of the 
Algonquian stock, and the interesting results of the comparison 
were embodied in a comparative vocabulary of the Algonquian 
languages. By this comparison the intimate relations between 
the dialects is strikingly shown, and at the same time the mul- 
tiplicity of forms into which the original tongues have been 
diversified has been brought out. Morphologically the Algon- 
quian tongue is built on a purely nominal basis, yet in the 
various dialects a wide variety of ideas are expressed with 
surprising perfection. In all the Algonquian dialects verbal 
roots combine with other verbal roots in a single word, giving 
a peculiar and forcible expression to the verbal form. The 
compounding of words is further extended by numerous adject- 
ival suffixes descriptive of quality, these suffixes indicating 
whether the noun qualified by such an adjective is an animate 
or inanimate subject, and showing whether complexion, size, 
age, or other qualities are to be determined. This method of 
adjectival suffixes extends also to the numerals, and in some 
dialects there are special suffixes to qualif^^ numeral cardinals as 
determining animate or inanimate objects in the plural. Dr 
Gatschet's recent studies have brought out the fact that the 
Algonquian languages of the western group (Arapaho, Chey- 
enne, and Siksika) differ considerably in their phonetics from 
the eastern dialects, these differences being especially shown 
in the nasalization found among- the western rej^resentatives of 
the stock. 

Mr J. Owen Dorsey spent the earlier part of the year in 
office work on the Biloxi language, completing its systematic 
arrangement for preservation and reference. He also revised 
the proofs of Contributions to North American Ethnology, 
volume IX (Riggs' "Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnogra- 
phy"), as well as his own memoir, entitled "A Study of Siouan 
Cults," in the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau. Both 
of these documents have now been published. The month of 
January was spent on the Kwapa reservation in Indian Terri- 
tory in investigating the social organization of the tribes and 


recording- their myths and traditions in the form of texts. 
After his return from the field these texts were translated liter- 
ally, but the preparation of explanatory notes and free trans- 
lations was deferred. Some time was spent in the elaboration 
of a list of the characters required for recording- the various 
sounds in the Siouan, Athapascan, and other linguistic families; 
in this Avork he had for a time the assistance of a skilled ori- 
ental linguist, Dr J. J. Nouri, from whom he obtained for com- 
parative juirposes man-s^ of the peculiar sounds of the Semitic 
and other Eastern languages. Some time was spent also in 
the examination of sup|)osed linguistic affinities between the 
Maya and Malay languages, and during the year he recorded 
in final form eight Winnebago texts, dictated by Philip Long- 
tail. Subsequently literal translations of these texts were 
made, and the preparation of explanatorj' notes and free 
English translations was begun and the lexic elements were 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the earlier part of 
the year in researches concerning- the social relations recorded 
in the Iroquois language and the literature relating to the 
people. In the coiu'se of this work it was shown that the 
independence of the tribe in local affairs was little, if at all, 
cixrtailed by the confederation of the "Five Nations," certain 
clans and gentes being privileged from the beginning of the 
historical leagues (for there were undoubtedly several) to 
nominate lord-chiefs and vice-chiefs to the league councils. 
Subsequently Mr Hewitt made examination of the data for the 
classification of the Waiilatpuan and Shaha])tian groups of 
languages. Despite the paucity of the linguistic material, he 
found that the groups display peculiarities apparently due 
rather to divergent growth than to original diversity, this being 
exceptionally true of the position of the attributing or predi- 
cating word in the word-sentences or compound stems. In 
the lexicon the Shahaptian dialects show specific superficial 
differences from the Waiilatpuan group, Imt nevertheless a 
large and important number of stems pertaining to the former, 
which have the same or cognate significance, accord substan- 
tially in sound or form with terms in the latter; there are, 


moreover, iu man}- of the dialects striking proofs of the effects 
of discordant hnguistic growth. The general result of tlie 
study was to prove that the two groups of languages have had 
a common history in part; and this conclusion has been pro- 
visionally accepted in the classification of linguistic material 
in the Bureau vaults. Other important studies relating to the 
affinities of the aljoriginal languages of northwestern America 
were successfully carried forward. Mr Hewitt also aided in 
the linguistic comparison of the Mava and Malayan terms 
collected by Dr Thomas. Some time was given also to the 
arrangement and transliteration of the Tubari material collected 
by Dr Carl Lumholtz in Mexico, with a ^■iew to j)ul)lication. 
This collection, although not larg-e, is of a special interest, since 
it was obtained from the last tlu-ee sui'vi'sang- representatives 
of the tribe who alone sur^'ive. Diu'ing the last months of 
the year Mr Hewitt made a fruitful study of the so-called 
irregular or anomalous verb in the Tuskarora or Mohawk 

In connection with his memoir on the Menomini Indians, 
already noted, Dr Hoffman compiled a considerable vocabulary 
representing the language of this tribe. 

In addition to the Tubari material, in part transliterated by 
Mr Hewitt, Dr Carl Lumholtz turned over to the Bureau the 
vocabularies collected from the Tarahumari and Tepehuani 
tribes occupying the mountainous portions of the state of 
Chihuahua, in the Republic of Mexico. Several other valuable 
contributions to the linguistic material of the Bureau were 
made during the year. Among these may be mentioned a 
manuscript of more than a thousand pages, representing the 
vocabulary and grammar of the Nez Perc^ Indians of Idaho, 
collected by the late Miss S. L. McBeth and kindly transmitted 
to the Bureau by her sister, Miss Kate C. McBeth. 


The mvths and cognate beliefs of the American aborigines 
are of exceptional interest, since they exemplify in many cases 
the influence of environment on the minds of the devotees, 
and in some cases, moreover, the myths indicate the migra- 


tioiis of the peoples among wlioin they are found. Accord- 
ingly, the studies by Mrs Stevenson and Mr Gushing of tlie 
mythology of the Pueblo tribes, particularly that of the Zinli, 
are of utmost importance in American anthropology. 

Having completed his work in arranging the exhibits of the 
Bureau of Ethnology at the World's Fair, Mr Frank Hamilton 
Cushinof returned to Washington and resumed researches in 
mythology about the middle of September. Almost continu- 
ously since that time he has, in conjunction with Mr Stewart 
Culin, of the University of Pennsylvania, whose attention has 
long- been devoted to the srames of tlie Orient, carried forward 
a study of the origin of aboriginal games, based on his intimate 
acquaintance with the games of the Zuni and a knowledge 
gained by his investigations at the Columbian Exposition. 

A study of these primitive games reveals the fact that they 
were not played primarily for amuseraen.t, as among civilized 
peoples, but chietiy for divination, which was practiced in con- 
nection with industi-ies and enterprises of all sorts; so that 
divinatory games occupied a prominent place in the thoughts 
and exercised an important influence on the daily life of these 
people. It was found also that in the Orient the games were 
actually played with arrows and were still recognized as arrow 
games by the players themselves as late as the eleventh or 
twelfth centuries B. C, thus giving historic evidence of the 
an-ow origin of lot and dice games in the Orient, and conhrm- 
ing, in Mr Culin's estimation, Mr Cushing's hypothesis as to the 
identical origin of such games in America. These researches 
have also brought to light many significant facts bearing on 
the usages, beliefs, and ethnic relations of early peoples. Mr 
Oushing was greatly aided in tliis work by Mr Louis C. Mocte- 
zuma, au educated young Mexican, from whom he obtained 
much information regarding the Indian games of his country. 

Mr Gushing has not allowed his researclies relating to divin- 
atory games completely to interrupt his more general studies 
relating to Zuni mythology, and during the year has given 
special attention to the origin and primitive use of fire. Fire 
mvths are nearly universal, and fire worship common among 
primitive peoples; and it is the possession of the fire art which, 


perhaps more than any other characteristif, distinguishes man- 
kind from the lower animals. The conquest of fire has not 
yet been clearly traced, but Mr Cushing's researches are con- 
tributing- materially to knowledge of the subject. 

The manuscript of Mr Cushing's paper bearing the title 
"Outlines of Zuni Creation Myths" was brought to completion 
and at the close of the year was partially in type as one of the 
accompanying papers of the Thirteenth Annual Report. 

Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson, although partially disabled by 
overwork and exposure during her last field season among tlie 
Sia Indians of New Mexico, began in Juh- tlie revision of the 
proofs of hei' article on that tribe, which cover pages 3-157 
of the Eleventh Annual Report. On the completion of the 
proof readmg, early in September, Mrs Stevenson continued 
the preparation of a report on certain mytlis and ceremonials 
of the Zuni tribe, among whom she has spent a number of sea- 
sons. Notwithstanding ill liealth, she succeeded in completing 
the preparation of most of the illustrative material of the mon- 
ograph and made progress in the final revision of the text. 


The Director has found opportunit)' for continuing his in- 
vestigations in primitive modes of thought, carried on during 
previous years. The results of these studies were imparted 
to the members of the Bureau in a series of informal lectures, 
establishing a firmer and more definite basis for their researches 
in Indian mythology and sociology. 


Tlie work on the bibliography of native American lan- 
guages was continued by Mr James C. Pilling. As in pre- 
vious years mnch time was consumed in procuring new 
material for the main catalog, from which are prepared the 
bibliographies of the various linguistic stocks. This work 
necessitates a careful review of all the catalog material relat- 
ing to Americana generally — those of auction sales, of book- 
sellers' catalogs, of the reviews, etc — and these furnish brief 
titles, which are used as memoranda for further research. In 


this manner several hundred new titles have been added to 
the main catalog during the year. For his painstaking and 
untiring patience in this tedious task, Mr Pilling is receiving 
high praise. The press reviews (if the stock bibliographies 
alread}' issued indicate tlie regard in wliich they are held, for 
their incomparable completeness, by students in all parts of 
the world. 

During the last year there was issued a Bibliografia Espanola 
de Lenguas Indigenas de America, by the Count of Vinaza, 
bearing the imprint Madrid, 1892. Although issued years after 
the appearance of Mr Filling's "proof sheets," and although the 
compiler of the Bibliografia had unusual facilities, among them 
access to the archives of Spain — an advantage enjoyed l)v few 
foreigners — but seventy-live titles not alread}' contained in 
Mr Filling's catalog were found in the Vinaza Avork. 

The month of August was taken u\) b"S' Mr Filling with an 
examination of the plate proofs of the iDibliography of the 
Salishan language, tlien ready for press, but little correction 
worthy of notice was necessary. The bulletin, wliich com- 
prises 86 pages and 4 facsimiles, was delivered by the Fublic 
Printer in tlie middle of November. 

During November work was renewed on the Wakashan 
biiiliography. A trip extending over a few days was made to 
Lenox and Astor libraries. New York city; some new material 
was obtained and defective titles were corrected. The work was 
forwarded to the Fublic Printer in January, and by the close 
of Miirch the proof reading was finished. This bibliography, 
which was ready for distriliution early in May, comprises 70 
pages and 2 facsimiles. During the proof reading of the Waka- 
shan bibliog-raphy the preparation of the bibliography of the 
Shahaptian languages was begun, and at the close of the fiscal 
year was in an advanced stage of progress. 


During no similar period of the Bureau's history have so 
many pages of ethnologic material been put in type. Since the 
close of the last fiscal year (1892-93) most of the proofread- 
ing of the Tenth Annual Report was comj^leted. The volume 


was received from the printer in June, 1<S94. The monograph 
accompanying this report, "Picture Writing of the American 
Indians," by Garrick Mallery, covers 807 pages and is illus- 
trated by 54 plates and 1,290 figures. On July 27, 1893, the 
Eleventh Annual Report was sent to the Public Printer, and 
before the close of October all the proofs had been read. 
Proof reading of the Twelfth Annual Report was in j)rogress 
at the close of the year 1892-93, and continued until April, 
1894. Tills report, which, in addition to the administrative 
report of the Director, contains a ])aper by Dr Cyrus Thomas, 
entitled "Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of 
Ethnology," was in the bindery at the close of tlie year. In 
February, 1894, the manuscript of the Thirteenth Annual 
Report was sent to the Public Printer, and in June the first 
proofs were received. Witli the close of the fiscal year all 
the illustrations for this annual had been engraved and proof 
reading was Avell advanced 

At the close of the year 1892-93 the jjroof reading of the 
"Bibliograpln' of the Salishan Languages," by James Con- 
stantine Pilling, was almost completed. This bulletin was 
delivei'ed by the printer in Novemlier, 1893. "The Bibliogra- 
phy of the Wakashan Languages," by the same author, was sent 
to the printer in December, 1893 ; the first proofs were received 
in January, 1894; the proof reading was finished in April, and 
the edition was delivered a month later. 

Early in January of the present year the manuscript of a liul- 
letin by Mr John Garland Pollard, on "Tlie Pamunkey-.Indians 
of Virginia," was sent to the Public Printer, and by February 6 
the final proofs had been revised. This bulletin was delivered 
in April, 1894. 

At the close of the last fiscal year jjroof reading of Riggs' 
"Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography," which forms 
Contributions to North American Ethnology, volume ix, had 
been in progress about a month, and by the end of July the 
volume was in page form. 

The first proof of a bulletin entitled "The Maya Year," hj 
Dr Cyrus Thomas, was received early in February, 1894, the 


manuscript having been transmitted January 1 9. This brochure 
passed through the press and was delivered in May. 

In January, 1894, there was also sent to the Public Printer 
the manuscript of the first of a proposed series of bulletins, 
entitled "Chinook Texts," by Dr Franz Boas. The first proofs 
were received in March, and by the 1st of July ITG pages and 
a number of galleys were in type. 

Another bulletin, "An Ancient Quarry in Indian Territory," 
by William H. Holmes, was sent to the Public Printer oil Feb- 
ruary 17, and by the close of June the paper was in type. 

The following publications were received from press during 
the fiscal year: 

Ninth Annual Report, for 1887-88, containing, in addition 
to the Director's report of 4(j pages, the following papers: (1) 
"Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition," by 
John Murdoch; pages 3 to 441, plates i-ii, figures 1-428. (2) 
"The Medicine-men of the Apache," by John G. Bourke; pages 
443 to 603, plates iii-viii, figures 429-448. 

Tenth Annual Report, for 1888-89, containing, in addition 
to the Director's report of 30 pages, "Picture-writing of the 
American Indians," by Garrick Mallery; pages 3 to 807, plates 
i-Liv, figures 1-1290. 

Bibliographv of the Salishan Languages, by James Constan- 
tine Pilling; xni, 86 pages (including 4 pages of facsimiles) 

The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia, by John Garland Pol- 
lard; 19 pages. 

The Maya Year, by Cyrus Thomas; 64 pages, 1 plate. 

Bibliography of the Wakashan Languages, by James Con- 
stantine Pilling; xi, 70 pages (including 2 pages of facsimiles). 

This report is accompanied by five jjapers comprising the 
results of recent researches, viz, "Stone Implements of the 
Potomac-Chesapeake Tidewater Province," an elaborately illus- 
trated monograph by W. H. Holmes; "The Siouan Indians," 
a preliminary sketch by W J ]\IcGee; "Siouan Sociology," 
a posthumous paper by J. Owen Dorse}'; "Tusayan Katcinas," 
by J. Walter Fewkes; and a description of "The Repair of 
Casa Grande Ruin, Arizona, in 1891," b}' Cosmos Mindeleff. 



Classification of vuinnscripts — In the current appropriation 
for American Etlnioloo'v provison was made for rental of 
quarters for the use of the Bureau, and in accordance tliere- 
with the sixth floor of the Adams building on F street was 
leased. In addition to increased floor space for the use of its 
collaborators when not engaged in field work, the Bureau now 
has two large fireproof vaults, in which has been safely depos- 
ited the large body of valuable manuscript material in its 
possession. This material, comprising over 1,100 specific 
linguistic papers, 60 miscellaneous linguistic 2)apers, and 236 
manuscripts on miscellaneous ethnologic subjects has been 
tentatively catalogued by subject, linguistic family, and author. 

World's Columbian Exposition — The preparation of the exhibit 
of the Bureau at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago 
was assigned to Professor William H. Holmes, who supervised 
the collection of material and its arrangement in the National 
Museum preparatory to shipment. He was assisted in the ^\'ork 
by Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing- and Mr James Moonev, and 
it is a pleasure to acknowledge the focilities provided and the 
aid rendered by the ofiicers of the National Museum, es])ecially 
Dr Gr. Brown Goode and Dr Otis T. Mason. The exhibit was 
installed in the Government l)uildino- at Chicago by Professor 
Holmes, aided by Mr Cushing, largely under the supervision of 
the Director. Mrs Matilda Coxe Stevenson also aided in this 
work. On completing the installation Mr Holmes returned to 
Washington, leaving to Mr Cushing the final arrangement of a 
number of lay figures, which constituted one of the most 
striking features of tlie exhibit. Mr Cushing remained in 
charge of the exhibit until the middle of September, mean- 
while continuing the study of j^rimitive games noted above. 
Much of the work in Chicago was by the Director in person. 

It is gratifying to be able to state that the figures and other 
objects representative of the American aborigines exhibited bv 
the Bureau at Chicag-o met with higli praise from American 
and foreigni students and received the award of a medal and 
diploma for specific merit. 


Library — From the time of the estabhshmeut of the Bureau 
until the autumn of 1893 the books received through gift, 
exchange, or purchase were tem[)orarily deposited in the 
Hbrary of the Geological Survey. When the Bureau moved 
into independent quarters, Mr Hodge, in connection with his 
work on synonymy, was placed in charge of the library, which 
then numbered about 2,600 volumes. At the close of the 
year the library had increased to 4,3r)() volumes, chiefly 
through exchange. 


Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending .June 30, 
1894, "for continuing ethnological researches among the 
American Indians under the direction of the Smithsonian 
Institution, including salaries or compensation of all neces- 
sary employees" (sundry civil act, approved March ,"!, 1893). $40, 000. 00 

Balance J ulv 1, 1893, as per last annual report 10, 509. 29 

$50, 509. 29 

Salaries or compensation 36, 958. 74 

Traveling and iii^ld expenses $3, 702. 98 

Transportation and freight 503.39 

Collections purchased 1, 300. 58 

Field instruments 292. 63 

Illnstratious for reports 1, 884. 76 

Publications for lilirary 435. 67 

Stationery 185. 32 

Otifice rental 999. 96 

Ofdce furniture (purchased, moving, and repair) 600. 53 

Miscellaneous current expenses 142.08 

Miscellaneous (temporary services, copying, etc) .. 204.75 

10, 252. 65 

47, 211. 39 

Balance July 1, 1894 3,297.90 



Of the five papers accompanyiug this report, two i-elate to 
arclieolog}', and thus represent one of the branches of the 
science of tecimology ; these are Professor Hohiies' monograph 
on the stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake province, 
and Mr Mindeleff's account of the restoration of Casa Grande 
ruin. Two of the papers are more strictly ethnologic in the 
limited sense of the term, and treat of one of the great linguis- 
tic stocks or families of North America, the Siouan Indians; 
one of these is general, while the other is devoted primarily to 
the sociology of this group of Indians, and thus to the third of 
the sciences of humanity. The remaining- paper, on Tusayan 
Katcinas, is a description and discussion of forms and cere- 
monies connected with aboriginal belief, and hence represents 
the science of sophiology. Thvis in object-matter and iu mode 
of treatment the memoirs touch a considerable part of tlie field 
covered by tlie science of man. 

The geographic range of the subjects is considerable. The 
first paper relates to the middle Atlantic slope, and especially 
to the territory about the national capital, where geographic 
conditions profoundly aftected the aborigines as they have less 
profoundly, but in a parallel way, aftected the civilized invad- 
ers; the second and third papers deal with the interior area 
extending from the borders of the Atlantic to the foothills of 
the Rocky mountains and from the shores of the Gulf north- 
ward beyond the international boundary; the scene of the 
fourth paper is laid in the Pueblo country of southwestern 
United States, while that of the fifth is in southern Arizona, 
near the Mexican frontier. 

The Indian tribes treated in the papers traverse the entire 
range in aboriginal culture from that of the hunting and war- 
ring Siouan Indians — the typical savages of North America — 
to that of the peaceful pueblo builders, whose sedentary 
habits can onlj- be regarded as pointing the waA' which leads 


to civilization; and the prehistoric works described range in 
like manner from those cliaracteristic of a people primitive as 
the Siouan to those of castle-building agriculturists akin to the 
Moctezumas in custom if not in blood. 


In many respects this monograph hj Professor Holmes may 
be regarded as a model in method and a standard in results; 
and the succinct chapters and well-chosen illustrations speak 
for themselves. Yet there are certain features of the work 
summarized in the paper which are worthy of special note. 

Now that demonomy (ante, page xix) is well advanced in the 
process of organization into a science, the equipment of wf>rkers 
in this, as in other branches of research, has become important. 
Thus far the sciences of humanity have hardly found their way 
into the curricula of colleges and universities, so that it is im- 
practicable to rely on collegiate examinations and diplomas as 
evidence of training in any of the constituent sciences; accord- 
ingly the ranks of workers in demotic science are replenished 
and extended by the enlistment of volunteers trained in other 
departments of science, but led toward demonomy by choice 
or circumstance. The qualitications of investigators in demon- 
omy are, therefore, determined by three factors, viz, (1) natural 
aptitude, (2) training in other lines of scientific work, and (3) 
experience and success in demotic research. All of these 
factors are combined in Professor Holmes' equipment. Pri- 
marily an artist of such genius and deftness as to see a brilliant 
career before him, his taste for scientific studies led him first 
into geology, where again he was notably successful, and later 
into archeology, in which, from the first, he displayed especial 
aptitude; his training in geologic work, facilitated as it was by 
the exact perception and manual dexterity acquired in art work, 
served to render him familiar with approved scientific methods; 
and when, in the fullness of his vigor, he entered the field of 
archeology, his work was eminently successful from the outset. 
His archeologic researches had already extended over some 
years when, in 1889, he undertook the systematic study of the 
Potomac-Chesapeake region. His skill and success are attested 


by the reputation achieved in his favorite field; e\en before the 
completion of the accompanying- memo'ir he was chosen as the 
head of the department of anthropologv in the Field Colundiian 
Museum, and tendered a jn'ofessorsliip in ( "liicago University. 
His standing and qualifications may be characterized the more 
freely because he is no longer connected with the Bureau. 

Something of the comprehensive and painstaking methods 
pursued in the work may be gleaned from Professor Holmes' 
memoir; yet the breadth and soundness of his foundation are 
hardly suggested by the details of tlie superstructure. As a 
geologist on the Hayden Survey of the Territories and later on 
the United States Geological Survey, he had occasion to trav- 
ei'se the western plains, the Rocky Mountain region, and the 
plateau country, nearly all the way from the Canadian bound- 
ary on the north to the Mexicas frontier on the south, and this 
in early days while yet the Indians were numerous and retained 
their aboriginal characteristics. Accordingly he had many 
opportmiities for ethnologic observation, and was led by pre- 
vious training to give special attention to the manual arts of 
the tribesmen ; indeed, it was chiefly his contact with the Indians 
in the course of his geologic work that induced him to take up 
systematic studies of aboriginal arts and handicraft During 
this stage of his career he learned to think as the Indian thinks 
about the simple native arts; he learned to imitate aboriginal 
methods and manipulations in the manufacture of stone; and 
he learned to interpret relics of primitive culture as they are 
interpreted by primitive minds. Thus when he turned to the 
examination of aboriginal relics in eastern United States his 
equipment in actual knowledge concerning the details of 
primitive art was exceptionally — indeed almost singularly — 

Taking up the study in a favorably conditioned province, he 
first acquainted himself with the work of previous investigators 
of the locality and with the researches and opinions of arch- 
eologists generally. He then entered the field and, with a force 
of laborers always under his eye, made extensive excavations 
and examined a body of material unprecedented in quantity. 
The specimens actually examined and studied could be enum- 


erated only in thousands , measured in wagon loads, and weighed 
in tons. Trained by actual contact with Indians, he inter- 
preted the specimens and their associations and the ancient 
quarries as they would be interpreted by Indians accustomed 
to such work, and every inference concerning the methods 
employed in quarrying, selecting material for working, shaping 
the objects, and manipulating the crude appliances was tested 
by actual imitation, the imitation itself being guided by actual 
knowledge of primitive methods. While this is true of all of 
the lines and localities of work, it is most emphatically true 
of the ancient quarries of quartzite bowlders and their products 
on Piny branch. Even here the investigation was not allowed 
to rest. The distribution of the products of manufacture was 
traced in the light of actual knowledge of Indian habits in such 
manner as to ascertain the genealogy and development of the 
implements and the various by-products, failures, culls, rejects 
of all sorts, as well as chips, spalls, cores, and bowlders aban- 
doned after one or more test blows. Thus the study of a typ- 
ical locality and its products was profound and thorough beyond 
precedent. The relics Avere studied with respect to individual 
characteristics, with respect to form and distribution, with 
respect to the forces expended in their manufacture and utili- 
zation, with respect to then- genesis and development, individual 
and collective, and with respect to the motives and designs of 
the in-ehistoric manufacturers. The work began with trained 
observation, passed to generalization based on unprecedented 
Avealth of material, proceeded to infei-ence guided by precise 
knowledge of primitive modes of thought and action, and went 
on to verification by imitation and by comparison with known 
homologues. In extent and thorouglmess of study, in wealth 
of material examined, in thoroughness and scientific character 
of the investigation. Professor Holmes' work on the quartz- 
ite quarries and their products may safely be considered to 
stand unrivaled, at least so far as the Western Hemisphere is 

The results of the work are set forth too fully in the intro- 
ductory and concluding diAasions of the monograph to require 
I'epetition ; yet one of the conclusions would seem to be worthy 


of special emphasis; the outcome of tlie study of the quartzite 
quarries and implemeuts suffices to demonstrate that whatso- 
ever be true of other countries and provinces, tlie rudely flaked 
stones of the Potomac-Chesapeake province do not represent a 
lower or more primitive culture than that of the Indians found 
in the province by John Smith and other exjjlorers, and do 
represent the by-products, Avaste, or rejectage, of stone-working 
by the the Algonquian and neighboring Indians. Thus, A\-hat- 
soever be true of other districts, in this district the rudest stone- 
work known to the archeologist ixnd the finest stone carving, 
pottery, basketry, and woodwork represent a single culture 
stage. This conclusion is not put forth tentatively or pi-ovi- 
sionally, but a.s a final result of the most thorough single piece 
of archeologic research ever conducted in America. 

While the chief subject of the monograph is the description 
and discussion of the quartzite quarries and implements, there 
are other features of note. The account of the quarrying and 
manufacture of steatite depicts with remarkable fullness and 
clearness a little-understood phase of aboriginal art in east- 
ern United States. The tracing of several materials used in 
primitive art to their sources in distant mountains is one of the 
minor triumphs of American archeology, and illustrates well 
the thoroughness of the methods pursvxed in the work; and 
there are other features worthy of careful attention by students 
of archeology. 


The summary sketch of the Siouan Indians prepared by Mr 
McGee, as an introduction and complement to a someAvhat 
technical account of the sociology of the tribes, develops 
several interesting points. 

One of the great linguistic groups of North America is that 
comprising the Siouan tribes of the interior. Some years ago 
it was ascertained through linguistic researches, oriorinatins: 
with the late Horatio Hale, but continued and perfected in the 
Bureau, that some of the tribes found near the shores of the 
Atlantic by white pioneers were closely related witli the Siouan 
tribes of the ])lains; it was also ascertained that certain archaic 



terms and ideas prevailing among the plains tribes bore evi- 
dence of derivation from tlie terms and ideas of the eastern 
people, thus indicating that the wandering buftalo hunters of 
the plains were descended from the woodland tribes on the 
borders of the Atlantic. Then, when the history of the Siouan 
Indians was wrought out from the records of the white pio- 
neers, it was found that from the time of first observation to the 
time of settlement most of the tribes moved westward along 
various routes, and when the traditions of the tribesmen Avere 
collected by Dorsey and others they Avere found to recount 
westward migrations of some of the groups long before the 
advent of white men. Thus the linguistic features, the liistor- 
ical records, and the native traditions, coincidentally indicate 
a westward ch'ift and great expansion of the Siouan tribes 
and confederacies, certainly from the valley of the Ohio, and 
probably from the Appalachian mountains, to and across the 
Mississippi, and thence over the greater part of the great plains 
stretching from the Arkansas to the Saskatchewan. The 
Siouan Indians accordingly form a noteworthy examj^le at 
once of the growth and of the inland extension of a natural 
group of primitive men. Finally, study of the interaction 
between the Siouan Indians and their environment seems to 
arive clear and decisive indication as to the reason for the west- 
ward migration of the greater part of the stock and for the 
enormous increase and multiplication of the tribes; it has been 
discovered that the ancient Siouan habitat slightly overlapped 
the ancient habitat of the American bison or buffalo, and that 
it was undoubtedly the quest and conquest (if this singularly 
facile game that gradually led the huntsmen doun the tribu- 
taries and across the Mississippi and over the plains beyond. 
The history thus developed is especially significant in its bear- 
ing on the general question concerning the growth of peojiles 
on passing from the coasts toward the interior when food supply 
and other conditions are favorable. 

The summary description of the Siouan Indians is of interest, 
too, in that the partial domestication of animals by these tribes 
is set forth in some detail. It is sliown tliat the Indians of the 
plains, like those of several other provinces, had domesticated 


the dog, wliicli was used for draft and burden and as a source 
of food, as well as for jjrotection by night, and that no other 
animals were completely domesticated, though some were partly 
tamed and kept for ceremonial purposes. It is shown also that 
the horse was acquired about the beginning of the present cen- 
tury, parti}' from the southwestern jjlains, but partly from tlie 
Cayuse country beyond the Rocky mountains. Incidentally 
it is shown tliat tlie domestication of animals is not a simple 
process, and that there is an important stage antecedent to 
■domestication proper in which the relation between animals and 
men is collective and one of mutual toleration. 

In their mythology the Siouan Indians are typical of the 
American aborigines, and the princii^al features of the myths 
and ceremonials of the tribes are set forth clearly and accu- 
rately in the sketch. The description of the Siouan " waka°da" 
is notably satisfactory, and indicates well the combination of 
vagueness and comprehensiveness which characterizes primi- 
tive belief. 


A few months after the close of the fiscal year dealt with in 
this report the Bureau and ethnologic science sustained a heavy 
loss in the death of James Owen Dorsey, a collaborator of the 
Bureau from its institution and a frequent contributor to the 
reports. He had just completed a paper on the sociologT of 
the Siouan Indians, and it, with the foregoing sketch of the 
stock, has been incorporated in the present report. 

To superficial observers, primitive peoples often appear to 
be nothing more than unorganized masses or hordes, and the 
latter term has been largely used by writers to express the 
supposed unorganized condition; but more careful students of 
the American Indians have found that the individuals and 
groups are arranged in accordance with a remarkably elabo- 
rate system — a system often transcending in extent and defi- 
niteness that found among civilized people. In the absence of 
written statutes, there are many devices for adjusting and 
maintaining the demotic relations. Thus, among most of the 
Siouan tribes, the clans habitually arrange themselves in a 
certain order on making camp, and this order expresses the 


rank of the clansmen and perpetuates the system of organiza- 
tion; and when several tribes unite and camp together the 
tribes themselves are arranged in fixed and invariable order, 
expressing and perpetuating their social and civil law. This 
subject has been dealt with by Mr Dorsey, and also by the 
Director, in previous reports; but the various known details 
concerning the social system of the Siouan Indians are now 
for the first time brought together in complete form. These 
details appear in the accompanying paper, while some of the 
general principles are set forth in tlie brief treatise on regi- 
mentation forming jiart of this administrative report. 


As exploration was jiushed over the ssouthwestern portion of 
the country a quarter of a century ago, the Pueblo peoples 
began to attract attention; and when the early observations 
indicated that these aborigines of the semideserts are charac- 
terized by a more advanced culture than that of the tribes 
inhabiting the fertile plains and fruitful woodlands, and also 
by a remarkal^ly elaborate system of belief and ceremonial, 
profound interest was excited among intelligent jjeople, and 
many travelers from eastern United States, and even from 
Europe, sought opportunities for visiting the Pueblos and wit- 
nessing the ceremonial dances. Among t"he earliest scientific 
students of the Pueblos were the Director and several collab- 
orators, at first of the United States Geographical and Geolog- 
ical Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, and afterward of 
the Bureau of Ethnology; and a number of papers on the 
Pueblo Indians were published in the early reports of the 
Bureau. These publications still further augmented interest 
in the Pueblo peoples, and among those thus attracted was 
Mrs Mary Hemenway, of Boston, a well-known philanthropist 
and patron of learning. Mrs Hemenway's interest increased as 
her studies of the subject advanced, and she finallv organized, 
at private cost, a scientific exploration of the Pueblo country 
for the purpose of investigating the people and studying their 
antiquities. The first expedition was placed in charge of 
Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing, and the work was prosecuted 
with success for two years, when Mr Cushing's health failed, 


and Dv J. Walter Fewkes was placed in charge. Dnring the 
exploration a valuable collection was made and transferred 
to eastern United States, and at the same time systematic 
researches were cai-ried forward concei'ning- the beliefs, sym- 
bols, and ceremonials of the people. Manv of the results of 
the later researches have been made public by Dr Fewkes in 
different publications; the matured results of one of the lines 
of study are incorporated in the accompanying paper. 

In some instances the use of aboriginal terms is unavoidable 
in the description and discussion of aboriginal customs, since 
the more highly differentiated terms of civilized language fail 
to expi'ess primitive ideas. The word "katcina" is an example. 
Its primary significance can be grasped only when the mytho- 
logic system of its users is understood. Among the mystery- 
loving and devout Pueblo Indians many deities are venerated 
or worshiped, and most of these are arranged in grades or 
ranks; i. e., in a vague thearchy. Among some, at least, of the 
tribes the deities of first rank are held to be antln-opomorphic 
or zoomorphic at will, though in fundamental conception they 
seem to personify the greater objects of nature. Subordinate 
to these there is commonly a series of beast-gods, which are 
considered zoomorphic, though possessed of mystical powers 
far transcending those of existing animals; and there are usu- 
ally still lower orders of deities, both animate and inanimate, cor- 
responding with mystical potencies imputed to various bodies. 
Primarily the katcinas of the Tusayan people seem to be 
deities of the second order, or beast gods, which may be sym- 
bolized by animals or their representations, but which the 
believer regards as possessing- m^-stical powers, including the 
control of natural phenomena and human affairs, either directly 
or through coalition with other deities. In addition to this 
primary meaning, a multitude of secondary meanings cluster 
about the term. It is applied to the priest or dramaturgist 
who represents the deity in the ceremonial; to the mask sym- 
bolizing the deity; to the statuette symbolizing the drama- 
turgist; to the ceremonial in honor of the deity, and perhaps 
to the place at which or the time during which the cere- 
monial is performed. To understand fully these multifarious 
secondary meanings, it is necessary to realize something- of 
the crude and ill-differentiated ideation of the primitive man 


whose vocabulaiy is limited, whose concepts are few, and 
whose mental processes are involved with a maze of incon- 
gruous associations; but the indefinite and arbitrary modes of 
thought prevailing among primitive people are incidentally 
treated in other portions of the volume and need not be fur- 
ther elaborated here. It is needful only to indicate the impos- 
sibilit)' of expressing the idea conveyed by the aboriginal 
term katciua by any word or combination of words in the 
languages of civilization; the idea is essentially primitive and 
is not susceptible of direct rendering into the terminology of 
the higher intellectual plane. 

In his introduction Dr Fewkes properly cautions the reader 
against misapprehension concerning the use of such words as 
"god," "deity," "worship," etc. This caution demands special 
emphasis, as must be apparent in view of the foregoing ex- 
planation concerning the term katcina. Students of Indian 
mythology feel compelled to use common language wherever 
possible without actual ^dolence to primitive meaning, even 
when the terms are liable to misconstruction. With this cau- 
tion the concepts of the Indians, imperfectly expressed by 
these terms, can readily be gathered from the context and the 
general treatment of the subject. 

Wliile the paper does not profess to be a final or complete 
monograph, and while it acquires value largely from the fact 
that it is an original record of observation, students will find 
the systematic arrangement of the material and the introduc- 
tory and other notes suggestive and useful. T(i lay readers, 
the paper may be recommended as a notably faithful account 
of some of the most interesting ceremonials among the pecu- 
liarly cultured Pueblo Indians, the ancient neighbors and per- 
haps kindred of the Mexican princes eulogized — yet quickly 
dethroned and often slaughtered — by the European pioneers 
in Mexico. 


On February 4, 1889, Honorable George F. Hoar laid before 
the United States Senate a petition from Oliver Ames, gover- 
nor of Massachusetts; William E. Barrett, speaker of the 
Massachusetts house of representatives; Mrs Mary Hemenway, 


eminent as a benefacti'ess of many institutions of ecmcation; 
William Claflin, Francis Parkman, Dr Edward Everett Hale, 
Oliver Wendell Holmes, John Fiske, William T. Harris, and 
John G. Whittier, "calling the attention of Congress to the 
ancient and celebrated ruin of Casa Grande, an ancient temple 
of the prehistoric age, of the greatest ethnologic and scientific 
interest, situate in Pinal county, near Florence, Arizona," and 
praying "that the Government will take further measures to 
have the ruin protected from injury by visitors or by land- 
owners in the neighborhood." (Congressional Record, vol. xx, 
pt. 2, p. 1454). Thus was initiated a movement on the part 
of the Congress toward the preservation, for the benefit of 
the people, of one of the remarkable aboriginal antiquities of 
the United States. The movement resulted in an inquiry 
concerning the condition of the ruin and a detailed examina- 
tion by collaborators of the Bureau of Ethnology (the results 
of which have been published in the Thirteenth Annual Report), 
and it eventuated in a small appropriation by the Congress for 
the protection of the ruin, and in the reservation of the site 
through an Executive order. Accordingly, this impressive 
record of an ancient culture has been set apart forever for the 
instruction of the pulilic, and the Federal Government has 
established a precedent for the protection of its priceless relics. 
The history of the works for the preservation of the ruin is 
set forth in the accomnanying paper by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff. 



The officers of the Bureau have now been engaged for many 
years in investigating the institutions of savagery, and while 
these researches are far from complete and many questions are 
unsettled it seems desirable, for many reasons, that an outline 
of certain conclusions should be published. 

Regimentation in sociology is the analog of organization in 
biology. The accomplishment of justice in institutions is the 
analog of function in the biotic realm. Often the terms organ 
and function are transferred from biology to sociology. This 
double use of terms is a very general device of speech, and is 
both legitimate and useful when properly understood ; but the 
ter-ms organ and function are tropes in sociology, and must be 
so understood lest they should lead astray. By regimentation 
is meant the grouping of people by institutional bonds, while 
the accomplishment of justice is the social function or office 
which a confederation or group of people performs. 

Two radically distinct methods of regimentation are found 
extant in the world and recorded in the history of the past; 
these may be known as the tril)al system and the national 
system. By the tribal system men are t)rganized (^)n the basis 
of kinship, real or artificial. By the national system men are 
organized on the basis of territory. Thus kinship groups are 
found in tribal society, territorial groups in national society. 
In histpry, transitional forms are found, the most important of 
which are feudal. Thus, feudal society exhiljits Iwth methods, 
and forms a connecting link in the evolution of tribal into 
national government. 

In savagery families are organized into clans, and clans 
sometimes into tribes, and tribes into confederacies. Some- 
times intervening units are discovered, but the family, clan, 
tribe, or confederacy are always found. In barbarism fami- 
lies, gentes, tribes, and confederacies are organized into a hier- 
archv of imits, and there are sometimes intervening units. The 
difference between the clan of savagery and the gens of bar- 


barism is important and fundamental. The clan is a group of 
people reckoning kinship In the female line, while the gens is 
a group of people reckoning kinship in the male line. Tribes 
reckon kinshi]) in the male or female line together with affinity, 
and adopted members of the tribe are given artificial kinship. 
When tribes unite in confederacies, artificial kinship is estab- 
lished as a legal fiction, and the members of one tribe know 
the members of another tribe and address them by kinship 
terms. The manner in which this kinship org-anization is elab- 
orated varies greatly from tribe to tribe. Radical ditfereuces 
exist between the tribes of savagery and the tribes of barba- 
rism. In barbarism patriarchies are found as concomitant with 
nomadic tribes, but in savagery the patriarchy does not exist, 
nor are savage peoples properly nomadic, as nomadism begins 
with the domestication of animals and higher agriculture. 

The plan of organizing states into units of different orders so 
as to form a hierarchy of groups is denominated regimentation, 
and it can be made clear by ex^olaining primitive regimentation. 

With national states, territorial organization obtains. People 
are divided into bodies or groups by districts. No two nations 
are organized in precisely the same manner ; though the general 
plan is the same — i. e., by ten-itorial boundaries — the specific 
manner in which the organization is worked into detail is ever 
variable. It is impossible here to set forth all these A'arious 
methods. It will be sufficient to take some one nation and 
explain its organization as a type, and for this purpose the 
Government of the United State is chosen. 

The grand unit, or the nation, is divided into states and 
inchoate states, or territories States are divided into counties, 
and counties are divided into townships, sometimes called 
towns. In addition to the hierarchy of units thus enumerated, 
there are cities and villages, which are again divided into 
wards, and these again into polling districts, while other dis- 
tricts are sometimes found. The various units thus set forth 
are established for executive purposes. This regimentation is 
that which obtains for executive purposes. 

There is another system of regimentation for judicative pur- 
poses. In part, but only in part, judicial districts coincide 


with executive districts, and there are natioual courts, state 
courts, county courts, and municipal coiu'ts. Again, judicative 
functions are differentiated, as criminal and civil, and special 
courts are organized therefor, while other courts are organized, 
as railroad commissions, warehouse commissions, etc. 

A third system of regimentation is used for legislative pur- 
poses, and in this system the districts correspond only in small 
part with those established for executive and judicative pur- 

A fourth system of regimentation is established for opera- 
tive purposes. The General Government carries on works^ 
states carry on works, counties carry on works, and cities and 
towns carry on works. 

Still a fifth system of regimentation is found, namely, that 
for school pui-poses. 

By the district system thus briefly and imperfectly elabor- 
ated the people are organized or regimented into bodies, and 
special functions are relegated to the several units. These 
functions are constitutive, legislative, executive, operative, and 
judicative. It is by constitutive action that regimentation is 
accomplished; and it is by regimentation that specialization 
is accomplished. This specialization is earned on to such an 
extent in the United States that much of the government is 
local self-government. Every school district has sj^ecial func- 
tions, every township special functions, every county special 
functions, every state special functions, and every municipality 
special functions; while genei'al functions are exercised over 
all by the Federal Government. Thus, the people of the 
United States are constituted and regimented into a congeiies 
of hierarchies of units all woven into one complex system as 
the Government of the United States, and so adjusted in inter- 
dependent parts as to secure a high degree of specialization. 

In addition to the governmental regimentation, there is a vast 
congeries of societies or corporations organized for religious, 
industrial, educational, and other purposes, all of which con- 
stitute part of the state or nation. 

The regimentation of all jieople is founded on natural fami- 
lies, for there are husbands and wives, jjarents and children; 


but such families have liiieal aud collateral liness ot" kin.sliip 
involving both parents. A larger group than that composed 
of parents and children is organized in the crudest society 
known. For this purpose all of these persons reckoning con- 
sang'uineal kinship tlirough the female line are regimented or 
organized in a clan. The term clan should always be used 
to designate this group, though it is sometimes improperly 
used to designate other groups. The husband and wife do not 
belong to the same clan, but the husband belongs to the clan of 
his mother, while the wife belongs to the clan of her mother. 
It is thus that the first constitutive unit of organized society 
is based on kinshij) reckoned through the female line. The 
next unit recognizes kinship bv affinity, and a number of related 
clans that intermarry constitute the tribe. The term ti'ibe 
should always be used in this manner. Curiously enough all 
of the terms which are used in defining the units of regimen- 
tation are often used promiscuously, so that clan, gens, tribe, 
and confederacy, with many other terms which are synony- 
mous, have a vague meaning in popular estimation; but in 
science we are compelled to give a definite meaning to funda- 
mental terms. A clan, then, is a union of persons who reckon 
consangnineal kinship in the female line; a tribe is compounded 
of clans whose members reckon kinship by consanguinity and 
affinit^', while a confederacy, which is more or less ephemeral, 
is a union of tribes reckoning kinship as a legal fiction. 

In the clan the group is ruled by an elder man. But this 
elder man may or may not be the oldest living male in the 
clan; to understand this it becomes necessary to understand 
the method of kinship naming in A'ogue in savagery. In the 
clan the children of one woman are not only brothers and sis- 
ters to each other, but also "brothers" and "sisters" to such of 
their cousins as reckon kinship in the female line. Thus, if 
there be three sisters their children call one another by recip- 
rocal kinship names, as "brothers" and "sisters;" but if there 
be three brothers their children do not call one another by 
common kinship names, but by the kinship names determined 
through their mothers; that is, they call one another cousins. 
Among the collateral descendants through the female line 
there are thus a number of persons of varying ages calling 


each Other "brother" and "sister," though the term used always 
has a further significauce iu that it designates reLative age, so 
that there is no single term for brother, but two, one signify- 
ing elder brother and the other younger brother; there are 
also two terms for sister, one signifying younger and one elder. 
Now, it is a law of savage society that one person must address 
another in the clan, iu the tribe, and in the confederacy l)y a 
kinship term, and as superior age always gives authttrity, to 
address a person as elder is a symbol of yielding authority, 
and to address him as younger is a symbol of claiming author- 
ity. There is a curious modification of this custom which is a 
legal fiction. If any individual in the group of brothers exhib- 
its superior ability, the clan or some other constituted authority 
takes him out of his kinship rank into a higher rank. Thus 
his kinship name is changed; younger brother becomes "elder 
brother," and elder brother becomes "younger brother" by a 
legal fiction; or the son may become the legal "father" and 
the father the legal "son." 

A promotion in kinship is always attended with much tribal 
ceremony. Among the Iroquoian tribes it is called "putting 
a spike on the horns." In some tribes it is called ' ' adding 
a feather to the bonnet," in others it is "adding a stripe to the 
war paint." There is often a preliminary course of instruction 
for the ceremony, which is performed by the priest. Impor- 
tant promotions may be revoked, and a man who becomes 
unworthy in his office may have his "horns" knocked off", or 
his "feathers" plucked out, or his "paint" washed away. In 
all such cases he falls back to his natural kinship name and 

Every clan in a tribe receives a special name, which has 
come to be known as its totem. Thus in a tribe there may be 
a buffalo clan, a beaver clan, a cloud clan, a wind clan, an 
eagle clan, and a parrot clan, with others. Sometimes the 
clan name is the common name for all persons in the clan, but 
more often there is a group of names signifying some real or 
mythologic characteristic of the animal or object taken as the 
totem. For example, in the buff'alo clan there may be a name 
signifying "sitting bull," another "standing bull," still another 


"mad buffalo;" and names taken from the mythology of the 
buffalo may be used. The clan name or totem is used to distin- 
ffuish the members of one clan from the members of another. 
It is never used in the hrst and second persons, but always in 
the third person. In direct address the kinship name express- 
ing relative age must always be used. Uncles in the clan are 
addressed as "fathers," cousins in the clan as "brothers" and 
" sisters." 

If two or more tribes unite in a confederacy, the tirst thing 
to be considered in the council by which such a confederacy 
is established is the kinship terms by which one tribe shall 
address another. Where two unite, one may be called "father" 
and the other "son," while with the females "mother" and 
"daughter" are used. One may be called "elder brother" 
and the other "younger brother," with "elder sister" and 
"younger sister." In compounding many tribes in this manner 
curious complications arise. 

We thus see that a savage tribe is regimented by kinship 
through devices of naming, especially for the clan, tribe, and 
confederacy, and these names are so constituted that relative 
age is always expressed, for the elder has rights and the 
younger duties. 

As in ten'itorial organization special functions are relegated 
to the several units, so in kinshij) regimentation special func- 
tions are relegated severally to the hierarchy of bodies thus 
constituted — that is, certain offices are performed by the clan, 
others by the tribe, and still others by the confederacy. The 
possession of property which is exclusively used by the indi- 
vidual is inherent in the individual, such as clothing, ornaments, 
and various utensils and implements. Individual property 
can not be inherited, but at death is consigned to the grave. 
That property which belongs to the clan, such as the house, 
the boat, the garden, etc, inheres in the corporate person. No 
article of food belongs to the individual, lint is the common 
property of the clan, and nuist be divided hv the authorities 
of the clan, often according to some rule by which some special 
part is given to the person who provides the food. Thus when 
a hunter dispatches a deer a particular portion is given to him; 


other portious may be given to those who assisted in its cap- 
ture. All the rest is divided according to the needs of the indi- 
viduals of the clan. The women gather fruits, seeds, or roots. 
That which is consumed at the time is divided by like methods, 
but that which is preserved for future use sometimes becomes 
the property of the clan. The elder man of the clan is responsi- 
ble for the training of children, and it is no small part of his 
duty daily to exercise them in their games and to instruct 
them in their duties. Thus he who enforces clan custom is the 
same person who instructs in clan custom, and when councils 
■of tribe or confederacy are held he is the representative of the 
clan in such councils. The chief of the confederacy is usuall v 
the chief of one of the tribes, and the chief of the tribe is 
usually an elderman in one of the clans. There are clan 
councils, tribal councils, and confederate councils, chief coun- 
cilors and eldermen. 

Another organization, which involves all civic relations, must 
be explained. There is a body of men, and sometimes women 
also, who are known as medicine-men, or shamans, or some- 
times as priests, who control all religious ceremonies, and who 
are diviners. As disease is supposed to be the work of human 
or animal sorcery, it is their function to prevent or thwart 
sorcery. They have the management of all ceremonies relat- 
ing to war, hunting, lishing, and gathering the fruits of the 
rfield and forest. It is their office to provide for abundant har- 
vests, to regulate the climate, and generally to divine and 
control good and evil by means of ceremonies. The princijjal 
shamans are men, but all the people are united into shaman- 
istic societies. Usually there is some determined number of 
these societies, over each of which some particular shaman pre- 
sides, but he has subordinates, each one of whom has some 
particular office or function to pei-form in the societies. Some- 
times a person may belong to two or more of these societies; 
usually he has the privilege to join any one, and a revered 
or successful shaman will gather a great society, while a 
shaman of less skill will preside over a society more feeble. 
Let us call these ecclesiastic corporations, and call the sha- 
mans uriests. The only corporations in savagery are ecclesi- 


astic. The way in Avliich they are reg-iinented ana controlled 
dift'ers from tribe to tribe, and there is a great variety of cere- 
monial observances. In all civic councils the ecclesiastic au- 
thorities take part and have specified functions to perform, and 
introduce into civic life the ceremonies which they believe will 
procure good fortune. Perhaps the ecclesiastic authorities may 
be more powerful than the civic authorities, and the hereditary 
line of special ecclesiastic governors may gradually overpower 
the civic constitution and absorb it as a secondary element 
in the ecclesiastic constitution, for it must be remembered that 
the chief priests are men; the women play a very small ^jart 
in ecclesiastic aftairs. Now, as the men manage ecclesiastic 
affairs as chief priests, so ci%dl affairs are mantiged mainly by 
men as eldermen, and the conflict which sometimes arises 
between the two forms of government is mainly between men 
and men — between able eldermen and able shamans. Some- 
times both offices are combined in one person, and the great 
elderman may also be the great shaman. 

There are five fundamental principles of justice ; that is, to 
secure justice, five fundamental purposes must be considered: 
Justice is the establishment of peace. Justice is the establish- 
ment of equalitv. Justice is the establishment of liberty. 
Justice is the establishment of equity; and justice is the estab- 
lishment of truth. In all law, primitive and modem alike, 
these principles are recognized, and all institutions are organ- 
ized for these purposes. 

In the studv of North American tribes it is always found 
that the jjurpose assigned and recognized for the organization 
■of that unit is the establishment of peace. Two or more bodies 
have come to war and finally agree to live in peace and make 
a treaty, and the terms of the treaty are invariably of one 
character if they unite as a tribe. If they unite as a confed- 
eracy, it is for other pux-poses. This fundamental condition for 
the organization of a tribe is that the one party agrees that its 
women shall be the Avives of the other, with a reciprocal obli- 
gation; and this is the characteristic whicli distinguishes tribes 
from confederacies. A body of people that is organized for 
the purpose of regulating marriage is a tribe, and a body of 


people organized for war is a confederacy. Thus tlie organiza- 
tion of a tribe itself is the first recognition of the principle of 
peace in the origin of constitutions. 

Tlie principle of equality is recognized in the method of dis- 
tributing the spoils of the arrow, the fish net, and the fruit 
basket, which is an equal division to all the members of the 
clan. The principle of liberty is first recognized when slavery 
is established, and the means of obtaining freedom are provided, 
and that is always the case in savage society. Slaves are ca^J- 
tured enemies, who therefore deserve to die. They are not 
always killed, but sometimes (even quite often) adopted into 
the tribe. A captive can not become a member of the tribe 
without some kinship position, therefore he must be adopted 
by some woman as her child, and adoption in savagery is often 
called new birth. Now, he takes the kinship name under a legal 
fiction — that is, he is "younger" to every living person of the 
tribe at that time, and all persons subsequently born are younger 
to him. This is not yet slavery. If the captive belongs to a 
tribe of hereditary enemies who have from time immemorial 
been designated by some opprobrious term, as cannibals, liars, 
snakes, etc, then it may be that the captive is doomed to per- 
petual younger brotherhood, and can never exercise authority 
over any person within the tribe, though such person may be 
bom after the new birtli of the captive. This is the first fonn of 
slavery. Usually, though not invariably, the captives adopted 
are children. Now such children may ultimately become use- 
ful members of the tribe and by their virtues even win rank in 
kinship, and a captive may thus pass from slavery to freedom. 
The many methods adopted for conferring freedom would be 
a long and Aveary story, but they are ])ractically the same as 
those conferring rank in kinship. This nuist be briefly explained, 
though it has been already shown in part. The successful war- 
rior, hunter, or food gatherer is rewarded by a special portion 
of the spoil as an equity. Now he who has for a term of years 
been siiccessful in any of the activities of tribal life and who 
exhibits skill and wisdom therein is promoted by giving him 
an advanced kinship designation. One or more grades may 
be climbed at one time and promotions may follow one another 


rapiflly, so that a brilliant youth mar become an eioer man, 
and gray-haired men must address him as "father," and he 
must even call his natural grandfather '"grandson." Bv sucli 
methods primordial equity is established. 

That which in modern civilization is the highest function of 
the court and best exhibits the talents of the advocate is the 
discovery of facts; but ready methods for discovering the 
truth prevail in savagery. This is the function of the priest, 
who by some form of divinition discovers the facts. Thus it is 
that justice is distributed in its five elements of peace, equality, 
liberty, equity, and truth. 

Justice is not always performed in savage societA*, and it 
even goes awry in civilized societv; hence we have remedies 
in savagery and ci\nlization alike. But sometimes there is no 
remedy, when punishment is executed. We have already 
shown how exogamous gi'oups are organized. A man can not 
marry within his clan, because already the clan has promised 
its women for the wives of another clan, vet the marriasre mav 
be accomplished and crime is done. This is incest. Often 
nominally the punishment is death, and sometimes the law is 
executed, but there are many wavs by which justice mav be 
done without inflicting the ultimate penalty. The crime may 
be condoned and a price paid, and this often done mav ulti- 
mately result in a custom of marriage by purchase. The clans 
of a trilje may prosper equally-, and there may he more men 
in one clan than there are women in another, and men may 
quan-el or even fight for wives, and such contest niaT' ulti- 
mately be regulated by law ; this results in marriage by wager 
of battle. If the woman is unwilling, it mav also require cap- 
ture, and this may be legalized under certain forms and cere- 
monies, and we have marriage bv capture. But young- men 
and young women form mutual attachments which are some- 
times stronger tlian tril)al law, and tliey may abscond and live 
together as man and wife. If they can successfully maintain 
themselves in the wilderness until a child is born, tlie child 
becomes the certificate of marriage and the wedding is thus 
legalized, and with tliis certificate the crime is atoned. This is 
the only marriage by choice. 



Kow, in all of these extratribal marriages, crime is com- 
mitted, and the peculiar methods and ceremonies of marriage 
b}' purchase, marriage Ijy wager of battle, marriage by capture, 
and marriage by choice result in the reestablishment of justice 
as it is conceived in the savage mind. We have ah-eady ex- 
plained much of personal law in the explanation of the law of 
marriage and the law of promotion and reduction. Yet there 
are other subjects worthy of present consideration. Murder is 
punished with death. The crime is against the clan, and any 
member of the clan may become the avenger, though often 
some particular person is delegated to that office. The mur- 
derer may also be defended by his clan; in such case the death 
of any of the murderer's clan atones for the death of the nuir- 
dered man, but the murderer may be declared an outlaw by 
his clan, and any man of any clan may dispatch him with 
impunitv. In some cases murder may be atoned by substitu- 
tion; that is, the murderer may be expatriated, driven from his 
home and clan, and thus become dead to his own people and 
then be adopted b}' the injured family to replace the murdered 
person. Thus the wife of the murdered man may adopt the 
murderer for her husband ; in so doing he loses his own name 
and all relations of kinship and adopts the name and relations 
of kinship of the murdered man. A quarrelsome man may 
embroil clans, and this may be carried on to such an extent 
that the clan -will declare him an outlaw. Sometimes murder 
is atoned by the ^)ayment of a stipulated or customary i)rice, 
and usually blood barter is graded by rank. Maiming is also 
avenged by the clan, "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a 
tooth;" but it may be compounded by common agreement 
between the belligerent clans. 

A belief in witchcraft is universal. A person suspected may 
finally come to be universally recognized as practicing black 
art. Such a wicked person is killed as an outlaw. The wizard 
may not have such a reputation in his own clan, but may be 
accused of witchcraft by another clan; if there is a wish to 
preserve him, his witchcraft may be compounded. 

We have abead)' explained the equal division of property 
in the clan, the equitable division made to the successful hunter. 


and that personal property is inhei'ited bj' the grave, while 
clan and tribal property belong to a perpetual person. Theft 
sometimes but rarely occurs ; when it does, the object stolen 
maybe restored; when it can not be restored, the theft is com- 
pounded In some multiple proportion. The only corporations 
in savagery are ecclesiastic, and crimes against the medicine 
societies are those which result from the divulg-iug- of secrets 
or the teaching- of rites by unauthorized persons or the exer- 
cise of such rites by persons incompetent therefor. Proceed- 
ings for witchcraft are conducted b}^ the ecclesiastic bodies. 

Such, in outline, are the plan of regimentation and the fun- 
damental principles of justice recognized in the most primi- 
tive tribal states found among mankind. This stage of society 
is known as savagery. Savages are primitive sylvan men ; 
they are denizens of fox*est and wold without the skill neces- 
sary to clear away the forests and establish higlier agriculture 
and domesticate herds of animals. When these feats are ac- 
complished, then men are said to liave reached the stage of 

Savagery gradually develops into barbarism and barbarism 
itself is represented in the plan of regimentation, wliicli involves 
a change in constitution, legislation, execution, administration, 
and adjudication. The change of regimentation is represented 
by the extinction of the clan and its replacement by the gens. 
The term gens is here used to mean the unit of goverment 
herein described as a group of persons who reckon consan- 
guineal kinship in the male line. 

We have already described tlie double organization of eveiy 
savage tribe as civil and ecclesiastic, and noted the conflict 
which arises between the groups as thus organized. A power- 
ful ecclesiastic organization will sometimes rtbsorb the civil 
organization, especially when the priest and elderman is the 
same person. Quite often the sacerdotal office is hereditary, 
descending from father to son, and thus grows up a method of 
reckoning kinship in the male line as fundamental. Now 
there are many circumstances in primitive life which reinforce 
this tendency. When the men of the clan have to go to the 
annual fishing ground for the summer catch, they take with 


them their wives and children Snch wives and children are 
no longer under the power of the eldermen; they are geo- 
graphically separated from them, for the men of the clan who 
work together are distinct from the men of the other clans 
where each group fishes by itself. Hunting is often managed 
in this manner by clans. Such annual hunting and fishing 
excursions weaken the authority of the mothers, brothers, and 
uncles, and strengthen the authority of husbands and fathers. 
But there are two agencies which seem to be even more potent. 
Agriculture is born in arid lands where irrigation is necessary, 
and the men of the clan unite to manage the stream ^\'hich is 
used in irrigation and to protect the crops which lie under the 
canals, though the crops themselves may be cultivated chiefly 
by the women. Here again there is a geograj)hical segrega- 
tion of the women and chikh-en under the immediate supervi- 
sion and control of husbands and fathers. Finally, animals are 
domesticated and there are flocks and herds under the control 
of the men. Tlie pasturage for one clan flock is in one valley 
and for another clan flock in another valley, for the jjroperty 
is thus kept apart; and this also serves to segregate the women 
from the men of their clan kindred and place them under the 
authority of husbands and fathers. By all of these methods 
clanship is broken down and a new fundamental method of 
reckoning in kinship is developed through males; this is the 
gens. Much time may be taken in making these changes, 
while the authority of the clan is gradually weakened and the 
authority of the gens established. Many of the tribes of 
North America are in the transitiou^il stage. 

When the change is made, councils as well as ecclesiastic 
bodies are still controlled by men, but the regimentation is rad- 
ically distinct. Perhaps the most fundamental change that 
comes is the right of the father over his own children, especially 
hi deciding their marriage relations, for this right is not trans- 
ferred from clan to gens, but from clan to father. With this 
change comes another of fundamental importance. With the 
acquisition of herds, farming lands, and stores of grain, wealth 
is accumulated, and this wealth is controlled by the gentile 
patriarchs. It is no longer clan property, but gentile property 


in the ^sossession and uuder the control of the patriarch, who 
wields a power never loiown in savagfery. The patriarch now 
is always chief and priest and the practical owner of the 
wealth; he thus becomes the master of the destiny of his 
retainers. A particular effect is noted in the council. The 
number of persons who compose the council is gradually 
reduced, and these chiefs and councilors are regimented into 
patriarchies for war and public works, while instruction falls 
mainly into the hands of husbands and fathers, and the wife is 
no longer controlled by her clansmen, for she is no longer 
luider their protection. Thus the husband becomes the master 
of the wife and chikh-en. 

In the clan the head is an elderman and is an "uncle" or 
"great uncle" because kinship is reckoned through females. 
This is expressed in Indian tongues by the aphorism that "the 
woman carries the clan," while in barbarism "the man carries 
the gens." This is the first great revolution in tribal society ac- 
complished by the consolidation of power in the hands of the 
few and the organization of the gentile family. The gens is 
ruled by the patriarch who represents the famil}' in the councils 
of the tribe and the confederacy and holds all the property in 
trust for the gens over which he rules by civil law with civil 
sanction and ecclesiastical law with ecclesiastic sanction. 

In savage society there is no written language, hence the laws 
are classed and expressed in terms of kinship, but in liarbaric 
society an additional mnemonic and classific method is devel- 
oped, whicli must now be delineated; it arises out of ecclesias- 
tic functions of government and ultimately becomes dominant 
so as to modify the kinship system. In savagery the world is 
divided into regions — the east, west, north, south, zenith, nadir, 
and center. This is continued in a more highly developed 
form in barbarism until it tinally becomes the dominant system. 
Sometimes the regions are but five in number — east, west, north, 
south, and center; lint more often the seven regions are 
recognized. Sometimes the number five, liut more commonly 
the number seven, becomes the sacred number. This division 
of the world into regions is naturally born in the visages of 
language and at last becomes as deeply woven into society as 


language itself, and the reality of the regions becomes sacred, 
as language is held to be sacred. Tlie theory of the regions 
is not only woven into their speech and into their institutions, 
but it becomes one of the principal elements of picture writing 
and is represented by some form of the cross signifying the 
east, west, north, and south, to which are attached some other 
devices for representing the zenith, nadir, and center. Thus 
the swastika is found as a symbol among many savage tribes, 
and it seems to be universal among barbaric tribes. 

These world symbols often govern methods of architecture. 
The theory of worlds is of vast extent and of profound influ- 
ence. It is found to pervade tribal society not only in America, 
but elsewhere throughout the world. I am tempted in this 
place to go to the (Jrient for an example to show how laws and 
the maxims of laws are formulated in savage and barbaric 
society, but I must premise the statement by explaining one 
other method of formulating laws. Tlie particulars of law are 
often represented by numbers — one number for each finger of 
the hand; and the recij^rocal rights and duties by the five num- 
bers represented by the five fingers of the other liand. Thus 
by pointing in the direction of one region with the proper finger 
of the right or left hand anv particular law or maxim can be 
expressed in gesture speecli. 

I quote from the Sigalowada Sutta, a table of aphorisms 
published by Rhys-Davids in liis book on Buddhism, which 
might be duplicated as a method of schematization in many of 
the tribes of North America. The scheme in which the apho- 
risms are aiTanged is by regions. It has the same design as a 
scheme that the swastika has as a picture writing, and both are 
as natural to the human race as the recognition of the cardinal 
points. The regimentation in kinsliip society is taken by anal- 
ogy from the recognized relationship of consanguinity and 
affinity for schematic and mnemonic purposes. The following 
schemes prevail among savage and barbaric people for a gi'eat 
variety of purjioses: Schemes of four, five, six, or seven are 
derived from the regions, schemes of five are fixed and perpet- 
uated by the number of fingers on the hand, schemes of ten 
are derived from the number of fingers on both liands, and 


schemes of twent}' from the number of fingers and toes, A\hile 
schemes of four are sometimes found derived in a fanciful way 
from the colors of the four regions — east, west, north, and south. 
The scheme which Rhj^s-Davids records from India is, tirst, a 
scheme of six regions; second, it is a scheme of reciprocal 
fives as tlu' fingers on the hand are reciprocal. In the second 
division of the sixth regional group it will be noticed that the 
last aphorism violates the symmetry of the arrangement. In 
all others there are five ; In this there are six. This peculiarity 
may be found anywhere in North Amerit^a and Soum America. 
It is tlie thirteenth of the baker's dozen. It is the common 
method of showing tliat the tale is complete. Thus Rhys- 

The Teiicber was staying at the bambu grove near Rajagriha ; and going out as usual 
to ben, f^i'ss the househoUler Sigala bowing down, with streaming hair, and wet gar- 
ments, and clasped hands, to the four quarters of the heaven, and the nadir, and the 
zenith- On the Teacher asking the reason why, Sig;ila says that ho does this, " hon- 
oring, reverencing, and holding sacred the words of his father." Then the Teacher, 
knowing that this was done to avert evil from the Bix<lirection8, points out to him that 
the best way to guard the six quarters is by good deeds to men around him — to his 
parents as the cast, his Teachers as the south, his wife and children as the west, his 
friends and relatives as the north, men devoted to the religious life (whether Brah 
mans or Buddhist mendicants; as the zenith, and his slaves and dependents as the 
nadir- Then in an orderly arrangement, evidently intended to assist the memory, 
after some general precepts and a description of true friendship, the chief duties men 
owe to one another are thus enumerated under the above six heads: 

1. Parent.s and Childke.v 
Parents should— 

1. Restrain their children from vice. 

2. Train them in virtue. 

3. Have them taught arts or sciences. 

4. Provide them with suitable wives or husbands. 

5. Give them their inheritance. 
The child should say — 

1 I will support them who supported me. 

2. I will perform family duties incumbent on them. 

3. I will guard their jiroperty. 

4. I will make myself worthy to l)e their heir. 

5. When they are gone, I will honor their nieniorv. 

2. Pupils ani> Teachkrs 

The pupil should honor his teachers — 

1. By rising in their presence. 

2. By ministering to them. 

3. By obeying them. 

4. By supplying their wants. 

5. By attention to instruction. 


The teacher should show his affection to his pupils — 

1. By training them iu all that is good. 

2. By teaching them to hold knowledge fast. 

3. By instruction in science and lore. 

4. By speaking well of them to their friends and companions. 

5. By guarding them from danger. 

3. Husband and Wife 

The husband should cherish his wife — 

1. By treating her with respect. 

2. By treating her with kindne8.s. 

3. By being faithful to her. 

4. By causing her to be honored liy others. 

5. By giving her suitable ornaments and clothes. 

The wife bhould show her affection for her husband — 

1. She orders her household aright. 

2. She is hospitable to kinsmen and friends. 

3. She is a chaste wife. 

4. She is a thrifty housekeeper. 

5. She shows skill and diligence iu all she has to do. 

4. Friends a,vd Co.mpanions 

The honorable mau should minister to his friends — 

1. By giving presents. 

2. By courteous speech. 

3. By promoting their interest. 

4. By treating them as his eiinals. 

5. By sharing with them his prosperity. 

They should show their attachment to him — 

1. By watching over him when he is oft' his guard. 

2. By guarding his property when he is careless. 

3. By offering him a refuge in danger. 

4. By adhering to him in misfortune. 

5. By showing kindness to his family. 

5. Masters and Servants 

The master should provide for the welfare of his dependents — 

1. By apportioning work to them according to their strength. 

2. By supplying suitable food and wages. 

3. By tending them in sickness. 

4. By sharing with them unusual delicacies. 

5. By now and then granting them holid.ays. 
They should show their attachment to him as follows: 

1. They rise before him. 

2. They retire later to rest. 

3. They are content with what is given them. 

4. They work cheerfully and thoroughly. 

5. They speak well of him (or perhaps properly to him). 

6. Laymen and those devoted to Relkjion 

The honorable man ministers to mendicants and Brahmaus — 

1. By affection in act. 

2. By affection in words. 

3. By affection in thoughts. 

4. By giving them a ready welcome. 

5. By supplying their temporal wants. 


They should show their atiection to him — 

1. By dissiiadinfT him from vice. 

2. By exhorting him to virtue. 

3. By feeling kindly tovrartls him. 

4. By instructing him in religion. 

5. By clearing up his doubts. 

6. By pointing the way to heaven. 

I have spoken of phratries as a system of" groups, sometimes 
found in savageiy and always in barbarism. We are now able 
to explain the meaning- of the phratry. There may be many 
clans or gentes in a tribe, and two or more clans or gentes may 
constitute an intervening unit which we call the phratry. With 
the Muskhogean there are four phratries, one for the east, one 
for the west, one for the north, and one for the south. With 
the Zuiii there are six phratries, one for the east, one for the 
west, one for the north, one for the south, one for the zenith, 
and one for the nadir Thus the phratries are organized by 
mythologic regions; and this method of regimentation finds 
expression in the structure of the council chamber, in the plaza, 
and in the plan of the village. Here in the phratry Ave have 
the beginning of district regimentation, which ultimately ])re- 
vails in civilization. 

The fabric of primitive society is a web of streams of kin- 
dred blood and a woof of marriage ties. This tapestry is 
wrought in wonderful patterns, for on it can be traced the 
outlines of primitive mythology. Some scholars have seen in 
the fabric only the mythic patterns enwrought and failed to 
discover the real institutional foundation. 

15 ETH X 


15 ETH 1 







Prefatory notes 13 

Cliapter I— Introductory 19 

The field of iu\ estigation 19 

The art lemaius studied 20 

Character of the stoue implements 21 

Materials and their distribution 21 

Quarry i ng 23 

Manufacture 24 

Initial stages 24 

Shaping processes 25 

Chapter II — Manufacture of flaked stone ini]ileinents . 29 

Introductory statement 29 

Quarry- workshops of the District of Columbia 30 

History of the research 30 

Geology of the locality 31 

Piny branch i|uarries 33 

Location of the quarries 33 

Operations on the site 35 

Discovery and reconnoissance 35 

The first trench 36 

The tree pit 44 

The second trench 45 

Tho third trench 45 

The fourth and fifth trenches 49 

The sixth treuch 50 

Other Piny branch sites 51 

Piny branch shops 52 

General features 52 

Special features 53 

The quarry-»hop product 53 

Tools used in flaking 58 

Processes of manufacture 58 

Destiny of the quarry blades 62 

The Dumbarton heights quarry-shops 62 

Location 62 

Geology of the site 63 

Distribution of (juarry pits 64 

Trenching 64 

Other Rock creek sites 66 

Shop sites of the middle Potomac valley 66 

Falls section of the Potomac - 66 

Anacostia valley 69 

The tidewater Potomac 71 

Sites in James river valley 72 



Chapter II — Manufacture of flaked stone implements — Continued Pa^e 

Quarries of tlic highland 72 

Materials quarried 72 

Location and product 73 

Ehyolite quarries 73 

Flint quarries 77 

Jasper and argillite quarries 78 

Caches 78 

Chapter III — Flaked stone implements 80 

General features 80 

Implements of leaf-blade genesis 82 

Typical characters 82 

Blades — blanks, cutting implements 84 

Specialized blades — projectile points, etc 84 

Narrow-shafte<l l)lades — perforators or drills 85 

•Specialized blades, etc— scrapers 85 

Leaf-blade imjdements grouped by material 86 

Quartzitc implements 86 

Quartz implements 87 

Ehyolite implements 88 

Flint and jasper implements 89 

Argillite implements 89 

Rude flaked implements 90 

Chapter IV — Battered and abraded stone implements 94 

General processes of manufacture 94 

Special processes 96 

Classes of implements 96 

Materials used 96 

Examples of the implements 97 

Manufacturing shops 99 

Comparison of celt making witli blade making 102 

Miscellaneous pecked implements - 103 

Chapter V — Incised or cut stone utensils 105 

Scope of the topic 105 

Processes and materials 105 

Use of mica 105 

Steatite utensils 106 

Character, use, and distribution of the material 106 

Surface indications of qu.arry ing 106 

Special investigations 107 

Early knowledge of steatite 107 

Development of the quarrying industry 108 

Mining and shaping operations 108 

Quarry product 109 

Implements used in quarrying and cutting Ill 

Character of the tools Ill 

Manner of using the tools 112 

Steatite quarries 113 

The Clifton quarry 113 

The Connecticut avenue quarries 116 

Literature 116 

Site and surface indications 117 

Excavations made 118 

Tools recovered 119 

Correlation with bowlder quarries 123 


Clia])ter V — Incised or cut stone utensils — t'ontinued 1*386 
Steatite i|n;irries — Continued 

The Shoemaker ([uarry 124 

The Little falls sites 124 

The Bryant quarry 125 

Quarries of the Patiixent valley 125 

Quarries near OIney 128 

Falls Church and Holmes run quarries 131 

Amelia county quarries 132 

Madison county quarries 132 

Culpeper county quarries 132 

Brunswick county quarries 132 

Relation of clay and steatite pottery .' 133 

Various articles of steatite 133 

Chapter VI — Distribution of stone implements 134 

The area investigated - 134 

Distribution of materials 135 

(ieologic distribution of stone 135 

Geology and art 137 

Comparative distribution of implements 141 

Jlistribution by classes 141 

Distribution liy particular sites 142 

Distribution by genesis and function 113 

R^sumi^ 146 

Supplementary notes 150 


[Note. — In cases of inconsistency in the sizes of the illustrated objects as given in the descriptive 
titles thereof and in the following list the sizes given in the lattershould govern.] 


Frontispiece. Group iu plaster illustratiuf; quarry-shop work 13 

Plate I. Map of the Potomac-CUesapeake tidewater province 14 

II. Map of the Piny branch (luarries 17 

III. Quarry-shop refuse exposed iu the bank of the rivulet 18 

IV. View looking north up the rivulet at the foot of the quarry slope. .. 19 
V. View from the bed of the rivulet, showing exploitation pits 20 

VI. Section of quarry exposed by the first trench 21 

VII. Section of ancient pit filled with quarry-shop refuse from above . 22 

VIII. Character of (juarry-shop refuse at the fortyfourth foot 24 

IX. Face of the trench at the seventyseventh foot 26 

X. Character of refuse deposits at the seventyseventh foot 27 

XI. Pocket of refuse deposits at the seventyseventh foot 28 

XII. Portion of an extensivedopositof shop refuse near the (juarry face 30 

XIII. Section showing the irregular quarry face 31 

XIV. Roots of a chestnut tree growing in a bed of sliop refuse 33 

XV. Section showing deposits tilling the quarry exposed by the third 

trench 35 

XVI. Section showing the quarry face exposed by the fifth trench 37 

XVII. Quarry-shop reje(^ts — progressive series 38 

XVIII. Blade-like rejects from the quarry-shop refuse 40 

XIX. Rejected blades of most advanced form found iu the quarry-shop 

refuse 40 

XX. Rejected Ijlades of most advanced form found in the quarry-shop 

refuse 40 

XXI. Broken blades representing the most highly elaborated forms made 

in the quarry-shops 43 

XXII. Fragments of blades representing the most highly elaborated forms 

made in the quarry-shops (f actual size) 44 

XXIII. Relation of the flaked blade to the parent bowlder(J actual size) . .. 44 

XXIV. Two specimensof flaked stonefoundin asingle clusterdactualsize). 45 
XXV. Core-like forms from which flakes have been taken ( | actual size) ... 47 

XXVI. Site of the Dumbarton quarry, showing refuse-covered slopes 49 

XXVII. Potomac bowlder bed exposed in grading U street 51 

XXVIII. Series of rejects from the South mountain rhyolite (juarry 52 

XXIX. Rhyolite cache blades from a garden on Frogmore creek, near Balti- 
more (i actual size) 55 

XXX. Rhyolite blades from various caches (i actual size) 55 

XXXI. Quartzite cache blades from Auacostia and Benuiugs sites (J actual 

size) 55 

XXXII. Relation of specialized leaf-blade implements to the original blade.. 58 

XXXIII. Scraping imjileraents of quartz and quartzite (f actual size) 56 

XXXIV. Series of flaked forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufac- 

ture of projectile points from quartzite bowlders 59 


10 ILLUSTRATIONS [eth.ann.15 

Plate XXXV. Quartzite liladeaof varying size anil outline, mainly unspecial- 

izfd, from I'otomai- village-sites (| actual size) 60 

XXXVI. Specialized quartzite blades, probably in the main projectile 

points, from Potomac village-sites ( | actual size) 60 

XXXVII. Specialized cjuartzite blades, probably in the main arrowpoints, 

from Potomac village-sites (I actual size) 60 

XXXVIII. Series of forms illustrating progressive steps in the manufacture 

of arrowpoints from quartz pebbles 63 

XXXIX. Quartz blades showing slight traces of specialization (J actual 

size) - 64 

XL. Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints 

(i actnal size) 64 

XLI. Specialized quartz blades, probably in the main arrowpoints 

(f actual size) 64 

XLII. Quartz arrowpoints of eccentric shapes (| actual size) 64 

XLIII. Selected forms illustrating jirogressive steps in sliaping rhyo- 

lite implements 67 

XLIV. Unspecialized rhyolite blades, mainly from Auacostia village- 
sites (J actual size) 68 

XLV. Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely knives and spear- 
points, mainly from Anacostia village-sites ( | actual size). .. 68 
XLVI. Specialized rhyolite blades, probably largely projectile points, 

mainly from Potomac village-sites (f actual size) 70 

XLVII. Rhyolite arrowpoints, mainly from Potomac village-sites (| ac- 
tual size) 70 

XLVIII. Selected forms illustrating progressive steps in the shaping of 

leaf blade implements from argillite 72 

XLIX. Sharpened bowlders from Potomac village-sites (i actnal size). 74 
L. Sharpened and battered bowlders from Potomac shell heaps 

{i actual size) 76 

LI. Kude axes made by sharpening and notching quartzite bowl- 
ders by flaking, from Potomac village-sites (A actual size) .- 78 
LII. Kude ax-like implements from Potomac village-sites (J actual 

size) 80 

LIII. Rude axes or picks made of quartzite bowlders sharpened and 
notched by flaking, from Potomac village-sites (a | actual size ; 

b actual size) 83 

LIV. Slightly modified quartzite bowlders used as implements (A ac- 
tual size) 84 

LV. Series of specimens illnstratingprogressive stages in the shaping 
of celts by fracturing, battering and abrading (about f actual 

size 86 

LVI. Group of celt-axes from the tidewater region 89 

LVII. Series of specimens illustrating progressive stages in the shaping 

of the grooved ax 90 

LVIII. Outlines of grooved axes illustrating range of form 92 

LIX. Group of grooved axes from Potomac-Chesapeake village-sites 

(about i actual size) 94 

LX. Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making 96 

LXI, Flaked specimens illustrating the rejectage of celt making 96 

LXII. Specimens illustrating a<l vanced step in celt making 98 

LXIII. Specimens illustrating ailvanced step in celt making 98 

LXIV. Specimens illustrating breakage in celt making 100 

LXV. Specimen illustrating roughed-out celt, very thick at the lower 

end 100 


Plate LXVI. Sjieeimen from celt shop, probably rejected on account of 

defective work 103 

LXVII. Specimens illustrating the manufacture of grooved axes 104 

LXVIII. Hammerstones from the celt shop near Lnray 106 

LXIX. Hammerstones from the celt shop near Lnray 106 

LXX. Perforated tablets of slate 108 

LXXI. Winged ceremonial stones from the vicinity of Washington .. 110 

LXXn. Pitted stones and mortar from tidewater village-sites 112 

LXXIII. Mortars, pestles, and 8inker(f ) from the tidewater province.. 114 

LXXIV. Abrading stones from the vicinity of Washington 116 

LXXV. Hammerstones from Potomac village-sites 118 

LXX VI. Surface of soapstone quarry, showing various phases of the cut- 
ting operations 121 

LXX VII. Incipient vessels broken during the shaping operations 122 

LXXVIIl. Seriesof forms showing steps in the steatite-shaping process.. 122 
LXXIX. Quarry-shop rejects showing early stages of the steatite 

shaping work 124 

LXXX. Examples of unfinished steatite vessels 124 

LXXXI. View of the Clifton quarry alter cleaning out 127 

LXXXII. Implements used in cutting steatite 128 

LXXXIII. Map and sections of the Connecticut avenue steatite quarries. 130 
LXXXIV. Map showing trenching of the ancient steatite quarries on the 

northern hill 131 

LXXX V. Surface of ancient steatito quarry exposed by trenching 132 

LXXX VI. Chisel-like implements i.sed in cutting steatite 134 

LXXXVII. Steatite-cutting implements of eruptive rock 134 

LXXX VIII. Fragment of a steatite quarry implement 134 

LXXXIX. Implements used in cutting steatite 137 

XC. Implements used in cutting steatite 138 

XCI. Mass of steatite partially cut out by means of stone chisels. .. 139 

XCII. Grooved axes used in soapstone quarries 139 

XCIII. Rude grooved ])ick used in quarrying steatite 140 

XCIV. Implements used in cutting steatite 140 

XCV. Pointed implements used in cutting steatite 140 

XCVI. Steatite pick made by shari)euing a grooved ax 142 

XC VII. Grooved ax used and broken in a steatite quarry 142 

XCVIII. Grooved axes sharpened by flaking for use in quarrying steatite 142 

XCIX. Small articles made of steatite 145 

C. Specialized and partially specialized objects of steatite 146 

CI. Graded series of flaked implements 148 

CII. Quarry group in plaster set up on the Piny branch site 151 

cm. Results of experimental flaking liy percussion and pressure.. 151 

Figure 1. General section across Rock creek and Piny branch valleys 32 

2. Section of the ravine, showing formations and position of quarries. 33 

3. Panoramic view of Piny branch quarry-sites, looking northward . . 34 

4. Section across bed of rivultt at base of quarries 37 

5. Cross section at beginning of the first trench 38 

6. Cross section at the twentieth foot 39 

7. Cross section at the fortieth foot 40 

8. Section of bowlder beds exposed in quarry face 47 

9. Section exposed by trenching on outer angle of terrace 51 

10. First step in bowlder flaking 59 

11. Second step in bowlder flaking 60 

12. Fragment of rhyolite from the Potomac 74 

13. Supposed anvil stone and cluster of slightly shaped bits of rhyolite. 77 

12 ILLUSTRATIONS Ieth. ann. 15 


Figure 14. Flaking by pressure 81 

15. Flaking by pressure 81 

16. Probable manner of hafting the smaller chisels 112 

17. Probable manner of hafting the single-pointed and the two- 

chisels or picks 113 

18. Sketch map of the Clifton quarry 115 

19. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by riaking {i actual size). 120 

20. Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpened liy flaking (i actual size). 121 

21. Rude pick made by sharpening ({uartzite bowlder (i actual size).. 121 

22. Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder {i actual size) . . 122 

23. Implement used in cutting steatite; from quarry in Howard 

county, Maryland (A actual size) 127 

24. Implement used in cutting steatite; from (|uarry in Howard 

county, Maryland (f actual .size) 128 

25. Implement used in cutting steatite; from the Olney quarry (A ac- 

tual size) 129 

26. Implement used in cutting steatite; from Sandyspring quarry 

(A actual size) 130 

27. Gouge-like implement grooved for hafting (J actual size) 131 

28. Map showing distribution of rejects of manufacture 138 

29. Map showing distribution of implements 139 

29a. Cross section illustrating successive removal of flakes from 

bowlders 152 



Piepared by the author for the Woild's Columbian Exposition at Chicago, See Supplementary Note I, page 1 50 


By William Henry Holmes 


The Indian tribes inhabiting the great province drained by the tide- 
water tribntaries of the Chesapeake were simple tishermen, hunters, 
and warriors whose art aimed at little beyond the supply of jiassing 
needs, and the district now furnishes almost nothing in the way of art 
remains to attract the popular eye. Little has been preserved beyond 
the simplest varieties of stone implements; but inconspicuous and ele- 
mentary as these objects are, they have attracted much attention on 
the part of archeologists, and are now eagerly studied because of their 
bearing, not only on the history of the region and its people, but on 
questions of general import in the history of i)riinitive progress. The 
explorations and studies recorded in the present paper were undertaken 
for the purpose of determining, if possible, the precise status of these 
remains, thus making them safely available to the historian of the race 
who seeks first of all a safe basis on which to found his structure. But 
some special questions have arisen that for the time overshadow the 
more general features of the investigation. 

The earlier studies of the stone implements of the province developed 
decided differences of opinion as to the significance of a peculiar class 
of rudely flaked stones found in vast numbers about the head of tide- 
water in James, Potomac, and Susquehanna valleys. The main ques- 
tion at issue may be stated as follows : Do these rude objects form part 
of the remains left by the peoples of the region known to us historic- 
ally — the Algonquian tribes and their neighbors — as their associations 
in a general way indicate; or do they belong to an earlier race of much 
lower culture as suggested by the fact that somewhat analogous forms, 
found in other parts of the world, characterize the art of very ancient 
and primitive peoples? 

The most exten.sive deposits of the rudely flaked stones are found 
along the bluffs in and about the city of Washington. The careful 


14 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

investigations so fully recorded in these pages have proved beyond 
the shadow of a doubt that the great deposits are on the sites of work- 
shops connected with extensive quarries where the raw material (Cre- 
taceous bowlders) was obtained. It was further found that the widely 
scattered specimens of the same class were on sites (village-^ites or 
otherwise) yielding less plentiful supplies of the available raw material 
where manufacture had been conducted on a smaller scale. That the 
vast body of the rudely flaked stones of the province are rejects of 
manufacture was readily shown. 

As a second step in the investigation it was deemed necessary to 
determine the-exact relations of these objects with the real implements 
of the region. This was accomplished by first determining by most 
careful studies of the rejectage of the great flaking shops just what 
the product of the flaking operations was. This product, so far as 
the progress of specialization of form on the shop sites indicates, was 
found to be a leaf-shape blade. A third step in these explorations 
was then undertaken for the pur])ose of determining the destiny of 
these blades— where they were carried and how and by whom used. 
Many specimens of identical form were found on Indian village-sites 
in all parts of the surrounding region, and in several cases on sites of 
historic Algonquian settlements, where they were intimately intermin- 
gled with the midden refuse, pottery, and neolithic implements, it 
was further discovered that a large percentage of the countless stone 
implements — knives, spearlieads, arrowpoints, etc — found in the broad 
valley below, were of leaf-blade genesis; that before they received 
their final shapes by trimming, stemming, and notching, they had 
been blades, corresponding exactly with those produced in the multi- 
tude of shops. The shops are, therefore, a necessary complement of 
the implements of the region and the implements are a necessary com- 
Ijlement of the shops. The shops, great and small, are thus definitely 
connected with the great body of implements of the region, and these 
implements are directly connected with the dwelling sites of the his- 
toric peoples. The practical unity of the stone art of the region is in 
this way fully established, no type of implement or shaped stone not 
being fully accounted for by the well-established facts and necessary 
conditions of recent Indian occupancy. 

That these demonstrations should be complete and satisfactory, 
studies were made of quarries of other materials in the neighboring 
highland, where the conditions proved to be the same in every respect. 
Similar leaf shape blades were made and carried out to the surrounding 
valleys where they and the implements specialized from them are found 
closely associated with the more local art jirodncts. 

That the subject should be further rounded out and completed, all 
known classes of implements have been studied and relegated to their 
proper categories, and the history of their manufacture and the classes 
of rejectage pertaining to them have been determined. In all this work 



Scale lJ2,-230,ono =35ta.*iiQ. 


1 ng f'om the heavy broken line (the fall line) on the west to the dotted line on the east 


there lias not been fouud a single feature of the art remains or indus- 
trial phenomena of the region suggesting the presence of other than 
the known peoples. 

The full series of illustrations presented in this paper will enable the 
student to make comparisons and arrive at his own conclusions. Great 
care has been taken to arrange these illustrations so that they will tell 
the story clearly and fully. 

It is fortunate for those who may wish to verify or question the 
results reached in this study that the full range of phenomena is still 
well within their reach, and need only to be properly consulted to 
reveal the whole truth. 

It is not attempted in the present paper to apply the results reached 
to the settlement of controversies arising elsewLere. The same is true 
of the preliminary paper published while the investigations were under 
way. Contrary to statements repeatedly made by writers on the sub- 
ject, the question of the existence of a paleolithic period in Europe is 
not believed by me to be in any way involved. The verity of the deter- 
minations of Boucher de Perthes and his followers has never been ques- 
tioned, and it is held that, where average conditions prevail, the paleo- 
lithic step, as usually defined, is the reasonable and natural first step in 
human progress. The proper settlement of local questions, and especi- 
ally the (|uestion whether local evidence points toward a paleolithic or 
other early man in Potomac valley, is all that is directly sought. 

The student, however, should not lose sight of the fact that the 
history of flaked stone implements, as developed by these studies, is 
their history everywhere, and that the lessons to be learned are of 
primary importance to the .science of arclieology. The chief lessons 
are those of the need of a full and jffoper discrimination of all the 
varied iihenomena connected witli the making, the using, and the dis- 
tribution of the implements, and the impartial application of these 
phenomena to the elucidation of the history of culture and race. 


It must be regarded as a striking circumstance that a large part 
of the varied phenomena considered in this paper are assembled 
within 2 or 3 miles of the capitol of the nation, much of it being within 
the capital city or within the area over which the city streets are now 
laid out. The greatest aboriginal bowlder quarry known, and the most 
important inqilement shops yet observed on the Atlantic slope, are 
located on Fourteenth street 2i miles from the President's house. One 
of the most interesting native soapstone quarries in the great series 
extending along the eastern base of the highland from Massachusetts 
to Georgia is on Connecticut avenue extended, barely beyond the city 
limits; and the most important ancient village-site in the whole tide- 
water province is situated on Anacostia river within the city and 
little more than a mile from the capitol. Partly within the city limits 

16 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

and extending up the Potomac to Little falls, we have a great native 
fishing ground surrounded by a multitude of inhabited sites from which 
our collectors have filled their cabinets with curious objects of art. 
The spot now the political center of the nation was thus in prehistoric 
times a chief resort of the native peoples of the region. 

It may not then be too nuich to expect that the glimpses of aborigi- 
nal life aftbrded by this study will prove of interest to the student of 
history, and themimerous phases of suburban scenery presented in the 
])hotographic views will doubtless be appreciated by future generations 
of Washingtonians. 


Until recently it was hardly suspected that the Potomac-Chesapeake 
province was so rich in ancient remaius. The arts and industries of the 
historic aborigines were extremely simple, and no striking monuments 
or remains of any kitid are found to tell of vanished peoples. Careful 
exploration has, however, developed evidences of an intelligence and 
enterprise hardly to be expected of tribes of indolent savages. The 
use of stone by the prehistoric aborigines was limited to the maiuifac- 
ture of implements and utensils, but their knowledge of the mineral 
resources of the region was so extensive that no deposit of bowlders, 
no ledge of Hakable stone, no deposit of available stone of any kind, 
seems to have escajied their attention. Quarrying and manufacture 
were extensive, and the distribution of the product extended in several 
cases for a hundred miles or more beyond the source of supjily. 

The historic tribes of the region were mainly of the Algon(iuian lin- 
guistic stock, the stock of Powhatan and King Philip, and this notable 
people may be connected by means of the art remains of their numer- 
ous village-sites with the great body of ancient inhabitants whose 
domain extended from South Carolina to Nova Scotia. There are 
some traces of departure from ordinary Algonquian types of art, but 
these are not decided enough to warrant the assumption that other 
j)eoi)les of independent culture were directly concerned. The culture 
status indicated by the remains here brought to the attention of 
students is precisely that of the historic inhabitants encountered by 
John Smith. 


The explorations embodied in this paper began in 1SS9 and con- 
tinued with much interruption until 1894. It is evident from this that 
the field has been but imperfectly covered, for the tidewater Chesa- 
peake country comprises upward of 20,000 square miles of territory, 
nearly every mile of which abounds in important traces of ancient 
aboriginal occupancy. To visit all and examine all would require a 
good part of a lifetime. Eealizing this, the method was adopted of 
passing rapidly over the various sections and selecting a few typical 
examples of each class of sites or groups of phenomena for minute 
examination. The detailed studies made of these sites serve in a great 


measure to illustrate the whole subject, and though imperfect in many- 
ways, form nuclei about which additional details can be assembled as 
they are acquired. 


There are many students of the aboriginal history of the Potomac- 
Chesapeake province to whom I am indebted for assistance and who 
should be mentioned in connection with the archeologic study of the 
region. Prominent among the collectors who have gathered and pre- 
served the fast disappearing relics are Mr J. D. McGuire, of Ellicott, 
Maryland. The collection of this gentleman, now installed in his 
charming home in Ellicott, represents a large part of the province, and 
includes notable series of objects from the soapstone quarries and from 
the village-sites and shell banks of the Potomac and Chesapeake. Mr 
McGuire's writings include an important paper on the quarrying of 
soapstone as indicated by surface phenomena, and various other arti- 
cles in which more or less specific references are made to the general 
archeology of the province. 

Among the numerous collections of Potomac river material that of 
Mr W. Hallett Phillips, of Washington, takes first rank. It aflbrds 
the student more satisfactory opportunities for study than any other 
collection, as the various sites were systematically visited and the 
specimens properly cared for and labeled. Many of the illustrations 
presented in this paper are from his well-stocked cabinets. 

Mr Elmer E. Eeynolds has for many years been an enthusiastic col- 
lector of local relics, and his various accumulations have largely gone 
to sujiply the museums of Europe. He has written valuable papers 
on the Potomac shell deposits and the soapstone quarries of the District 
of Columbia. 

The historian of the Potomac valley is also deeply indebted to the 
efforts of Mr S. V. Proudflt, of Falls Church, Virginia, whose extensive 
collections, consisting of many thousands of specimens, were gener- 
ously donated to the National Museum. Mr Proud tit's paper on local 
archeology is among the most important issued up to the beginning of 
systematic work by the Bureau of Ethnology. 

Few students of the region have contributed more largely and suc- 
cessfully to the exposition of our local antiquities than Mr Louis A. 
Kengla, formerly of West Washington, whose collections are preserved 
by the Georgetown University and whose valuable pamphlet on the 
archeology of the District was published as a Toner prize essay by 
that institution. 

Another collector, later in the field than the others yet hardly less 
persistent and successful, is Mr Thomas Dowling, junior, whose aid I 
have sought on various occasions. Many specimens from his collec- 
tions appear in the illustrations of this paper. 

Mr William Hunter, of Fairfax county, Virginia, made extensive 
collections along the banks of the Potomac in the Mount Vernon region, 
15 ETH 2 

18 STONE IMPIiEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

aiul ou the opposite side of tlie river Mr O. K. Bryau gatliered mauy 
tilings of value, botli series of objects having found a resting place in 
the National 3Iuseum. Mr John Bury made a valuable collection from 
the Auacostia village-sites, ^yhich was acquired recently by the Bureau 
of Ethnology. 

Baltimore has contributed lier share to the work of preserving his- 
toric materials through her well-known citizen Colonel W. H. Love, 
whose large collections of specimens and extensive knowledge of sites 
have been of much service in the preparation of the present memoir. 
Among the many others who have taken an active part in the work of 
collecting are Mr J. C. Lang, of ^Yashington, Mr C. M. Wallace, of 
Richmond, Mr M. H. Valentine, of Richmond, Mr H. M. Murray, of 
West River, ALiryland, and Prof. Thomas Wilson, of Washington. 

There are still others to whom acknowledgments must be made. 
To Mr Frank Hamilton Gushing, who a few years ago -made a careful 
study of the Amelia county, Virginia, soapstone quarry; to Mr F. W. 
Von Dachenhausen, whose collections from the vicinity of Washington 
have been drawn upon for illustration, and to Mr De Lancey W. Gill, 
of the Geological Survey, who has been closely associated with me iu 
the work of collecting and elaborating, 1 am greatly indebted. 

1 wish esi)ecially to acknowledge the assistance given by Mr William 
Diuwiddie, who has been almost constantly associated with me in field 
work and in the office, and who was intrusted with much of the labori- 
ous task of quarry excavation; by Mr Gerard Fowke, who conducted 
the exploration of the Piedmont regions of Virginia and Maryland; 
and by Major J. W. Powell and IVIr W J McGee, to whom I am greatly 
indebted for encouragement, sympathy, and support at all times and in 
all places. 

The artists whose work adds so much to the effectiveness and scien- 
tific value of this publication are Miss Mary M. Mitchell, Mr H. C. 
Hunter, and Miss Frances Weser. The landscape photographs are 
largely the work of Mr Dinwiddle, and the series of plates of flaked 
stones are from the studio of Mr T. W. Smillie, of the National Museum. 



The gneiss appears in the bed of the stream beneath the left foot of the figute 

Chapter I 


Previous to the year 18S9 little arclieologic work was done by the 
Bureau of Ethnology in the Atlantic coastal region, save, perhaps, in 
North Carolina, where a number of mounds had been opened under 
the direction of Dr Cyrus Thomas. A vast, though not an especially 
attractive field, extending from New Jersey through Delaware, Mary- 
land, Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida, had never received 
careful or systematic attention. In 1S9() the Director of the Bureau 
decided to begin the survey of this zone, and the first work undertaken 
was an examination of the tidewater Potomac. Work was begun in 
the District of Columbia; and with Washington as the initial point, 
exploration was carried westward into the Piedmont region and east- 
ward and southward to the Atlantic coast. 

The great artificial shell fields scattered along the brackish and salt 
water shorelines appeared to be the leading feature of interest, and 
toward these attention was at first directed; but another and some- 
what distinct field of investigation soon sprang into promineTice. 
Within the decade ending with ISOO much interest had arisen in regard 
to the significance of certain rudely flaked stones found in great num- 
bers in the region about Washington. These objects were thought to 
be of archaic type, and consequently to have an important bearing on 
two questions of great interest to archeologists, the first relating to 
the development of art in its early stages, and the second to the nature 
of the beginnings of man's prewritten history in this country. 

A preliminary examination of the subject made it apparent that a 
solution of the problems thus suggested could be obtained only by a 
systematic study of the origin, manufacture, distribution, and geologic 
relations of the articles in question. It was decided to take up this 
study, and thus the field of investigation was greatly enlarged. The 
])eriod recfuired for exploration was lengthened indefinitely, and it 
became necessary to complete certain sections of the work for publica- 
tion before the whole field could be covered. Division of the subject- 
matter of investigation into at least two parts was found to be easy 
and convenient. The main problems of the stone implements sepa- 
rated themselves readily from the history of the peoples and the ordi- 
nary traces of their prehistoric and historic presence. 


20 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. ann. 13 

It appeared also that there were convenient geographic subdivisions 
of the subject, and that in one case at least the geographic unit cor- 
responds very closely with a well-marked ethnologic unit, and strangely 
enough also with an important unit of colonial history. The great 
Potomac-Chesapeake province, witli its system of tidewater inlets, con- 
stitutes a natural subdivision of the coastal zone. Formerly the Sus- 
quehanna flowed southward through a restricted valley, entering the sea 
outside of capes Henry and Charles. By subsequent depression of the 
land this valley and its tributaries were submerged, and the floods rose 
until the tide reached liichmond on the James, Washington on the 
Potomac, and Havre de (Jrace in the main valley, aiul one-third of the 
land became sea, the tortuous shore line following the contours of tlie 
hills and valleys in and out in a marvelous maze. Tens of thousands 
of square miles of njjhind were transformed more or less comi)letely 
into a maritime province, and this became the seat of a native confeder- 
acy, ruled over by the renowned Powhatan at the period of colonization. 
This district was thus a native ethnologic uiut — a unit in race and cul- 
ture—and the circumstances of colonization made it a unit in the history 
of civilization : it is the territory explored, conquered, and uiai)ped by 
the intrepid John Smith ; it is therefore a unit of exploration, conquest, 
and cartography. 

It further appears, from what has been learned of the past of the 
region, that the historic peoples and conditions pass back without break 
into the jirehistoric era, no traces of distinct occupation or culture 
phenomena having been found. Archeology but. supplements history, 
and the archeologist works to great advantage in a unique and charm- 
ing field illumined by the graphic records of the Roanoke, the James- 
town, and the Saint Mary colonies. 

In treating the history of this i)rovince, it would seem the natural 
order to present, first, the historical phases of aboriginal occupancy, 
passing afterward back into the archeologic field; but tliis order proves 
inconvenient (as Just indicated), and special studies of certain phases 
of art must receive first attention. Tiie ]iresent i)aper is therefoie 
devoted to examination of the derivation, manufacture, nature, and 
phice in time and culture of the stone im])lements of the tidewater 
province — the province of -John Smith. This will be followed by other 
studies, or by a single paper, on the aboriginal history and general 
archeology of the same area. 

The Chesapeake tidewater province lies to the eastward of the heavy 
dotted line on the map presented in plate i. This is the fall line, where 
the streams descend from the Piedmont plateau to the tidewater lowland. 


The art remains of a vanished people available for the archeologist 
conqirise all material forms shaped or in any way modified by their 
hands, whether from design or from the incidents of use. There are 



The first figure is at the beginning of the trench, and the th;rd figure is at aboui the fortieth foot 

u i 



(1) fixed woi'iis, consisting of s^ructnres — mortnary, defensive or other- 
wise — dwelling sites, stone hearths, pits, cemeteries, quarries, implement 
shops, and refuse deposits. There are (2) jyortable works, including 
implements, utensils, weapons, and articles of dress, ceremony, and 
diversion. The subject chosen for this paper, the stone implements, 
includes but a small section of this great field, but nievertheless a most 
important one. It will be necessary to deal not only MJth the things 
themselves which belong to the second group mentioned, but with their 
origin and manufacture, leading thus to an investigation of the (juar- 
ries and workshops, which are fixed remains, and to a study of the 
industries arising from their operation. 

The materials used by a great group of tribes like that occupying 
the tidewater country in colonial and precolonial times were numerous, 
and the forms given them in art were naturally extremely varied, but 
the visible remairs today are confined to a few materials, and conse- 
quently to a limited number of forms. The consideration of these 
tangible evidences is of the utmost importance to archeology, and their 
study leads naturally to inquiries into the various arts and industi'ies 
concerned in their production. Besides this, much maybe learned and 
much more may be surmised with respect to arts and industries of 
which no material traces remain, and correct inferences may be drawn 
regarding the customs, habits, and culture of the peoples. 

The materials utilized in art were sought and obtained at much 
expense of time and labor, and the industries to which this search 
gave rise were no doubt of great moment to the people, although little 
attention has been paid to the subject by students. Clay was used for 
pottery, and oclier was obtained for jiaint. Vegetal and animal sub- 
stances also were sought and fully utilized. Stone was most exten- 
sively used by the primitive inhabitants of the tidewater region, and 
on account of its durability it is by far the most important material 
with which we have to deal in the prehistoric study. We can but con- 
jecture as to the beginnings and progress of this search. When men 
first appeared they found vast supplies of water- worn stones suited to 
immediate use scattered over the country. These, however, did not 
serve for all classes of needs, and the energetic savages j)enetrated 
the hills, laid bare the rocky deposits, and little by little acquired a 
mastery of the geologic resources of the province. 


Stone exists in many varieties, forms, and conditions, which differ 
greatly in the various sections of the country, thus giving much diver- 
sity to the manner of its utilization and to the forms employed in art, 
and many local peculiarities of art phenomena have arisen. Moreover, 
the tribes of this region were not fully sedentary and the materials 

22 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann 15 

acquired in one section were carried into another, giving rise to much 
variety in the materials emi)loyed by a single people or assembled in a 
given iilace. This complexity was also increased to some extent by 
trade, and no doubt by the undertaking of long journeys for the 
purpose of securing desiied materials. Transportation was confined 
mainly to the smaller and more laboriously finished articles of use. 
Unshaped raw materials "were not extensively transi)orted, and the 
large body of the heavier tools and utensils made where material was 
plentiful were deserted when the locality was abandoned. 

The peculiarities of the materials procurable in the tidewater region 
are very marked. The geologic formations found within this area 
include only limited portions of the crystalline or older sedimentary 
rocks, but are derived from them by erosive forces and consist of 
fragmental deposits, such as sands, clays, gravels, and beds of bowl- 
ders. The great rivers of Mesozoic and Cenozoic times swept down 
from the highlands, bearing fragments of all varieties of rocks and 
depositing them in beds along tiie margin of the sea. These trans- 
ported fragments were, when first taken up by the water, sharp and 
rugged, but by constant rolling they were reduced to rounded forms, 
and included all sizes from grains of sand and minute pebbles to bowl- 
ders and even to great masses. All classes of rocks were thus seized 
by the floods and carried seaward; but all varieties did not reach the 
sea, save perhaps as sand or clay. The softer rocks were reduced to 
powder before the journey was fairly begun; brittle and much-flawed 
varieties, and all friable shales and slates, separated into minute frag- 
ments and formed beds of sand and gravel; the tough, hard, homo- 
geneous pieces were rolled and rounded and carried ever onward, 
refusing to break or to be reduced to dust, and finally rested along the 
seashore and more especially about the mouths of the great rivers. 

The primitive inhabitants of the crystalline highland had to make 
use of massive forms of rock or of rude angular or slightly water- worn 
fragments, and the reduction of these to available sizes and forms was 
a difficult work. But the inhabitants of the lowlands were born to 
more fortunate conditions. The agents of nature — the floods — had 
with more than human intelligence and power selected the choice bits 
of rock, the tough quartzite, the flinty quartz, the tough and brittle 
lavas, the indurated slates, the polished jas])er, and the beautiful flints, 
from all the clitt's and gorges of the niouutaiiis, and had reduced them 
to convenient sizes and shapes, and had laid them down in the beds of 
the shallow estuaries, where through the subsequent rising of the-land 
and the cutting of valleys they were found at the door of the tidewater 
lodge, ready or almost ready for immediate use in the arts. Each river 
coming from a different section of the highland secured and transported 
the varieties of rock most prevalent in its drainage basin, so that the 
great tidewater region is divided into miueralogic areas corresponding 
somewhat to those of the mountain valleys supplying the material. 





<c-'-&srp--''" -0-0.° ..o.,, .c- 

-.. .. ■•o.,-_^.^.-. 

6^ o(^. 


^■^° <=> 

O V 






■ .'C3 ■ ° 



-*"=• - — i '( i*^-* ^^^ --")- -ci, >_/ , ^— ^,^^ ^— ^-_ drx < 

The rectangle elaborated in the lower figure indicates approximately Ihe area included m the photograph reproduced in plate VIII 


It will readily be seen tliat these conditions of uiineral resources 
must liave liad a marked ef!ect on the art of the region, and thus on 
the culture of the natives inhabiting it. One drainage area supplies 
quartz mainly, and the art is quartz art; another supplies (piartzite, 
and the art is quartzite art, and so on. All of these and other condi- 
tions will be considered in the discussion of the distribution of the 
remains of the region, to which subject a subsequent chapter is devoted. 

All kinds and conditions of rock in both lowland and highland wei'e 
exposed to some extent on the surface of the ground and were thus 
readily obtained, but the more desirable varieties occur in the main 
beneath the surface, and when the demand for thcTii was great they 
had to be sought and quarried, thus giving rise to one of the most 
important of primitive industries. 


Quarrying begins with the removal of a fragment or mass of mate- 
rial partially buried in the ground. It is but a step further to the 
uncovering and removal of portions wholly buried, and only another 
step to quarrying on a. large scale. The methods and extent of the 
quarrying necessarily differed with the peoples and their circumstances, 
with the nature of the material, and with the conditions under which 
it existed. 

Of the details of quarrying operations our knowledge is yet imper- 
fect, though much has been learned in certain directions; and of the 
tools used in quarrying, aside from those made of stone and left on the 
sites, no definite information has as yet been obtained. It is quite 
likely that imi)lements of wood, buckhorn, and bone were used as in 
foreign stone-age quarries, but traces of these have wholly disappeared 
from Ihe sites thus far examined. Fire may have been used in some 
localities as an agent in fracturing masses of stone, but the tidewater 
region furnished little material, save perhaps quartz, suitable for 
manipulation by this means. Massive forms of rock are found west of 
the fall-line or western border of the tidewater country. Flint, jasper, 
and rhyolite were quarried fiir back in the highland, and vein quartz 
"was found, and, no doubt, to some extent quarried, in a multitude of 
places over the whole Piedmont region, and down to and even below 
the margin of the tidewater area. Steatite or soapstone is a tough, 
massive rock interbedded with gneissic formations, and rarely occurs 
in detached masses. In the beginning of its use it was secured where 
exposed on the surface by prying oft' small masses. When its compact- 
ness made this impracticable it was removed by cutting out roundish 
masses with stone picks. The lumps thus secured were ready for the 
sculi)tor's chisel. In time quarrying developed and was extensively 
carried on in many parts of Virginia and Maryland beyond the tide- 
water border. 

In the tidewater province proper, quartzite occurs in the shape of 
bowlders or cobbles only, which, mainly during the Potomac and 

24 STONE IMPLEMENTS [kth.ann.15 

Lafayette periods, were derived by erosive forces as fragments from 
heavy strata in the mountainous region to the uortliwest. Heavy 
deposits of these stones accumulated about the moutlis of the rivers; 
by subsequent erosion they were exposed to view in many places and 
most advantageously for human use in the steeper bluffs that border 
the streams. Countless numbers, loosened from the well-compacted 
beds by erosion, descended to the low er slopes and into the streams to 
be again deposited at lower levels. The surface or float cobbles were 
extensively used, but the aborigines came to need more than could 
thus be obtained, and resorted to digging them from their places in 
the bluffs. The implement makers seem to have found that the freshly 
removed stones were more easily worked than surface finds, and quar- 
rying, thus encouraged, was carried, in at least two places, over acres 
of ground. Tlie bowlders were not always easily loosened and removed, 
as the rounded stones were held together by a matrix of sand and clay 
which had assumed almost the consistency of a sandstone; but the 
miners did not always penetrate the formation from above or even 
directly from the face of the outcrop. It happened that in many cases 
the bowlder beds rested on a surface of disintegrated gneiss exposed in 
bluff slopes, and by removing the upper surface of this with such pikes 
as were at hand the bowlders were undermined and easily knocked 
down. So far as observed, the bowlder deposits containing workable 
stone in any considerable quantity rest on the gneissic surfaces where 
they were laid down by the waters of the ancient sea. 

Quartz, which was more generally if not more extensively used than 
any other material, is found in twD forms. It occurs in countless veins 
which penetrate the gneissic rocks over a large district west of the 
fall-line. Being much less destructible than the gneisses, it weathers 
out in dike-like ridges and breaks up into blocks and angular pieces 
which spread over the ground in vast numbers. Choice varieties of 
this vein rock were, without doubt, (juarried to some extent, but it 
was so plentiful on the surface that quarrying was not generally neces- 
sary. Carried down by the streams of all periods, it occurs plentifully 
as pebbles and bowlders in all formations in the tidewater region, and 
was selected or (piarried along with the quartzite. 

Jasper, flint, rhyolite, and other varieties of stone were rather rare 
within the tidewater districts, occurring sparingly as pebbles, small 
bowlders, and worn fragments in gravel deposits and in the beds of 
rivers. They were procured, however, by the tidewater tribes from 
masses in ])lace in the uplands and mountains, the quarries being 
quite extensive, as will be shown subsequently. 

Initial Stages 

Having secured the raw materials from the surface or by quarrying, 
the next step was either to utilize them unchanged or to shape them 
for use. Sharp-edged and pointed stones were used for cutting, 




The bowlders have nearly al) been broken and many pieces are patl'y shaped 


digging, etc, and rounded cobbles from the river or from gravel beds 
■were well suited for striking, pounding, grinding, etc, but witU these 
unmodified forms we> have little to do, as it is not easy to say that any 
given specimen was used at all unless it bears decided marks of use; 
and decided marks of use may be regarded as giving the object an 
artificial form, as in the case of the improvised mortars, mullers, and 
hammerstones so common in the Chesapeake-Potomac region. 

Shaping Processes 

Tlie shaping processes by means of which stone was made to assume 
artificial forms adapted to human needs are varied and ingenious and 
their mastery is of the greatest importance to all primitive peoples. 
These processes are distingnished by such terms as breaking, tiaking, 
cutting, drilling, scraping, pecking, grinding, and p(»lishing. All are 
])urely niechauical ; none are chemical, save a possible use of fire to 
induce changes in the rock in some jiarts of the quarry work. A wide 
range of manual operations is represented, and these may be conven- 
iently arranged in four groups:. 1, fracturing, represented by the terms 
breaking, tiaking, and chipping; 2, incisinfi, including cutting, pick- 
ing, and scraping; 3, Ixitferim/, including such acts as bruising, pecking, 
and hammering; 4, abrading, as in rubbing, drilling, boring, sawing, 
and polishing. These acts are employed according to the nature of the 
stone or the results desired ; as, for example, fracture is employed where 
the stone to be shaped is brittle, like tlint,jasper, or (]uartz; incision is 
employed where the stone is relatively soft, such as soapstoue, serpen- 
tine, and the like; battering is applied to tough materials, capable of 
resisting the shocks of percussion, like granitic rocks and many of 
the eruptives. Nearly all varieties are capable of being shaped by 
grinding and rubbing. 

Tlie processes emjiloyed in a given case were determined by the 
nature of the material, by the intelligence and skill of the workuuin, 
by the character of the object designed, and by a number of minor con- 
siderations. Ninety percent of the stone implements produced in the 
tidewater country were shaped by the frai'turing processes. Fur con-- 
venience of treatment, I shall present tlie implements in gronps deter- 
mined by the processes mainly employed iu their production as follows: 
1, fractured or tiaked implements; 2, battered or pecked implements, 
and, .'?, incised or cut implements. Abrading ju'ocesses were mainly 
auxiliary to the others and will not be presented at length. 

Fracturing or flaking — The art of flaking stone was very extensively 
practiced in the tidewater region, and ample opportunity is furnished 
for observing the work in all its phases. The first step in the process, 
where masses were dealt with, consisted in breaking the material by 
heavy into somewhat approximate shapes and sizes; the second 
step was roughing out by free hand percussion the blank forms of the 
various classes of tool desired; the third step was the specialization of 
forms by direct or indirect percussion, or by pressure. As to the order 

26 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

and the Jiianiier of conducting tliese steps, many observations liave been 
made. Tlie finished objects were often produced at once by carrying 
the work without interruption tlirough all the stages of progress. This 
was true of sporadic work, where materials were scattered or where 
the implement was needed at once; but where materials were plentiful 
and demands not pressing, the workshops became factories and there 
was an opportunity for, and no doubt a tendency toward, sjiecialization 
of labor. It was more convenient and ])rofltable for certain individuals 
to give exclusive attention to the separate steps — first, to quarrying, 
breaking up the material and selecting pieces in large numbers; sec- 
ond, to roughing-out the blank forms in numbers; and, third, to the 
work of trimming, specializing, and finishing. These three well-defined 
steps gave rise to separate industries, carried on by the same individ 
uals at different times or places or by distinct groups of experts at 
convenient times and places. It would seem that the first and second 
steps, whether performed by one or by two groups of workmen, were 
generally accomplished on the spot yielding tlie raw material ; it would 
be unprofitable to transport masses of material of which nine-tenths 
would finally have to be consigned to the refuse heap. The blank 
forms of the articles to be shaped, worked out so far as thoroughly to 
test the material and its capacity for si)ecialization, were removed from 
the source of sujjply to be finished when convenient or when need 

"Where disseminated materials were utilized, and especially in cases 
of immediate need, all the steps were frequently taken and the jterfect 
implement produced at once; but it is observed that in many cases 
where the material was sparsely scattered as bowlders or nodules over 
the face of the country, the work of collection and blocking out was 
first attended to and the hoards of blanks tlins produced were trans- 
ported and stored, subject to final distribution for specialization or use. 

Details of these steps in the art of flaking and the variations in 
process, resulting from differences in material and in articles designed, 
will, so far as possible, be given in connection with the investigation 
of the sites affording the observations. 

As has been indicated, flaking was employed almost exclusively in 
the production of projectile jjoints, knives, scrapers, ])erforators (or 
drills), hand axes or choppers, notched axes, hoes, and picks; it served 
to aid in roughing out the forms of various articles finished by peck- 
ing and grinding; these are mortars, pestles or mullcrs, axes, celts, 
chisels, pipes, ornaments, and diversional and ceremonial objects. 

BaUerhuj or pcclhif/ processes — The acts emidoyed in this class of 
operations were generally percussive, the impact resulting in a bruis- 
ing and crumbling of minute portions of the surface of the stone. The 
hammer used was bard and tough, and the stone shaped was suffi- 
ciently tough practically to preclude fracture by the ordinary blow. 
No specialized tool was necessary, though such came to be made, the 



V,-.. V ..-T^^'mir v^ ,■'''1^- . ' 


,> r .'**- 







'.'.-/': ■■! ■ "Ik '/.'., i 


result being reached by striking one stone against another of proper 
relative durability. The several acts are known as battering, bruising, 
and i)ecking, the latter term being in common use for the act by which 
8ha])ing was mostly accomplished. Materials suitable for shaping by 
this process are plentiful and widely distributed. They occur in the 
tidewater country wherever fiakable stones abound, but the most favor- 
able localities, so far as observed, are along the river banks about the 
head of tidewater. Yillagesites located on the lower terraces about 
"\^'ashington and (ieorgetown furnish many specimens illustrating fail- 
ures in all stages of the shaping of celts, grooved axes, pestles, and 
ceremonial articles from bowlders of diorite and various of the denser 
varieties of crystalline metamorphic rocks. An examination of certain 
inhabited sites farther np the river, and in various parts of the high- 
land, develops the fact that extensive work of this class was carried 
on, and it is probable that a large part of the lowland supply of 
pecked tools was derived from these distant sources. Such a site and 
its products are described in detail further on. There is no evidence 
that the stone used was obtained by quarrying. The ordinary practice 
seems to have been to select water- worn stones of suitable texture that 
already approximated the form desired. Battering processes, and the 
tools produced by them, are presented systematically in a subsequent 

Aliradiiuj procesifes — Shaping by abrasion in its most elemental form 
consists in rubbing one object against another with such force as to 
remove minute particles from one or both. The operations are gener- 
ally expressed by such terms as grinding, sawing, boring, rubbing, and 
polishing. All stones are abradable, and all hard stones can be made 
to serve in the active operations of abrading. These processes were 
usually supplementary to those of flaking or battering, and were 
suited especially to sharpening edges and points already ai)proximate 
in shape, and to giving smooth finish to surfaces. Their employment 
was very general but not confined to particular localities to such an 
extent as to leave extensive evidences of the work done. Stones modi- 
fied in shape and surface characters from use in grinding and polishing 
are found on many sites in the tidewater country. The products of 
this group of processes are properly treated for the most part in con- 
nection with those of pecking. 

Incising proccuses — This important class of ojierations shajie mate- 
rials by cutting, piercing, scraping, etc. They imply the use of a hard 
edged or pointed tool, and a substance to be shaped of somewhat less 
hardness. The presence of steatite in large bodies and often in 
exi)osed situations along the western border of the tidewater country 
from the Susquehanna to the Savannah led to the extensive utilization 
of cutting processes by the later aboriginal inhabitants of the region. 
Our extensive ex})loration of the quarry sites has given us a clear 
comprehension of methods of procuring and shaping, and of the results 


achieved. Rudely shaped stone picks were employed in cutting out 
the masses, and neatlj' tlaked, pecked, and ground chisels of hard 
stone served to rough out and trim the bowls and other articles. A 
subsequent section of the present memoir is devoted to this division of 
the subject. 




Chapter II 


The discussion of flaked implements comprehends a study of all that 
pertains to the procuring of tlakable stone by means of search, collec- 
tion, and quarrying, and of everything pertaining to the manufacture 
of implements by fracture, as in breaking and in flaking or chipjuug 
by percussion or pressure; it includes also a classification and descrip- 
tive presentation of the finished products and a reference to their 
respective uses. In the final section the distribution of the raw mate- 
rials is treated in connection with the study of the distribution of 

It is most convenient in treating this complex subject to begin at 
once with the study of the great itulustries of quarrying and manu- 
facture, taking up the regions studied or the sites examined in approxi- 
mately the order of their exploration. 

Five materials were extensively used for flaking by the tidewater 
peoples: quartzite, quartz, rhyolite, jasper, and flint. Several other 
materials occur less abundantly, among which may be mentioned sand- 
stone, limestone, slate, argillite, basic eruptive rocks, iron quartzite, 
chalcedony, and quartz crystal. Quartzite and quartz were obtained 
largely in the form of water- worn pebbles and cobbles from the frag- 
mental deposits of the tidewater region. These materials in this form 
are closely associated in distribution, and their examination will, in 
the main, be taken up conjointly. The most extensive deposits of frag- 
mental quartz and quartzite occur about the head of the tidewater 
Potomac, and their most extensive utilization was confined to the 
vicinity of Washington. Surface deposits were worked wherever found 
on the Potomac, James, and other rivers. Rhyolite, argillite, jasper, 
and flint were obtained from quarries in the mountains, and to some 
extent along the rivers in fragments, bowlders, and pebbles. 

The great (jnarries about Washington will be described and dis- 
cussed in detail. Most of them were opened in the littoral deposits 
abounding in pebbles of quartz and quartzite; many others in veins 
of steatite or soapstone. They may be takeii as types of this class of 
phenomena observed in and about the tidewater province as well as 
over the whole Atlantic slope. 

Of the exotic materials — rhyolite, jasper, argillite, flint, etc — rhyolite 
is by far the most important, and the South mountain quarries of this 


30 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. an.v.15 

stone m.ay be taken as a tyjje of the great class of quarries furnishing 
rock from the mass. 


From time to time during tlie decade ending with 1890, the attention 
of arekeologists was called to a class of rudely worked stones found 
in great numbers in the vicinity of the city of Washington ; all are 
shaped exclusively by flaking, and are of forms so simple and rude 
that the idea prevailed that they were very ancient, tliis idea being 
strengthened by the assumption that they are somewhat closely related 
in form to typical European paleolithic implenients. The best-known 
variety is the so-called "turtleback," a bowlder slightly flaked on one 
side, giving somewliat regularly arranged conchoid facets suggesting 
the plates of a turtle's back; but more highly developed forms of vary- 
ing stages of elaboration are almost equally numerous. The materials 
are mainly quartzite and quartz, the former very largely predominating. 

These objects are pretty generally scattered over the surface of tiie 
country, and are found to some extent throughout the tidewater region, 
being less numerous toward the sea. They occur in greatest abun- 
dance, however, as shown by recent discoveries, along the steep faces 
of the terraces bordering Washington city on the north and west. So 
plentiful are these rude objects in certain of the suburbs that they are 
brought in with every load of gravel from the creek beds, and the laborer 
who sits by the wayside breaking stones for the streets passes them bj'' 
thousands beneath his hammer each year; the capital city is paved with 
the art remains of a race who occupied its site in the shadowy past, and 
whose identity has been a matter of much conjecture. 

The lirst discussion of these objects within my memory occurred at 
a meeting of the Anthropological Society of Washington in the winter 
of 1878. A paper on the turtlebacks was read by Dr W. J. HoHman, 
in which their character and manner of occurrence, their age and prob- 
able relations to the Abbott finds of New Jersey, were discussed, the 
conclusion reached being that they were probably paleolithic, and that 
they had, therefore, a purely adventitious association with the relics of 
Indian art with which they were intermingled on various sites. Later 
Mr S. V. Prondflt engaged in the collection and study of these forms, 
and in 1888 published a short paper relating thereto in the journal 
issued by the Anthropological Society, the American AnthropoUxjist. 
His views of their nature, so far as elaborated, were opposed to those 
of Dr Hoffman, and have stood the test of later research. 

Mr Thomas Wilson, on his return from a long sojourn in Europe in 
1887, having been appointed curator of the department of prehistoric 
archeology in the National Museum, took up the subject afresh, and 
published a series of papers on the general subject of paleolithic man, 



PORTION OF AN EXTENSIVE DEi-wo.i •_'» ofi---. 

33VJ -^iJtJ'^ni. 





^t^y ( V ' 


A -v.l 

V° .-.".lo 

'•p- -.■ a'- 

« 1 

•■Q-:.i •,. • ' 



making reference to and giving numerous illustrations of these finds. 
The view taken by i\Ir Wilson was that they are paleolithic; and as 
such they were labeled, distributed, and published. His assignment 
of these objects to this period of human progress was, I understand, 
based entirely on their supposed analogies of form with the paleolithic 
implements of Euro])e. 

A somewhat elaborate discussion of the subject took place at a meet- 
ing of the Anthropological Society of Washington, held in the mouth 
of April, 1S8!I. In tlie discussion of the archeology of the District of 
Columbia, thi-ee papei-s, by W J McGee, Thomas Wilson, and S. V. 
Proudfit, respectively, bore directly on these rude objects. Up to this 
tiuie, however, no one had essayed to do more than study the surface 
finds and phenomena, and consequently little was definitely known of 
the true history and relationships of the objects in question. 

My own investigation began in 1880, and the results of the first few 
months' work in the Ijluft's of Piny branch, in the northern suburbs of 
the city, were published in the American Anthropologist for the year 
1890. The work was resumed in the same place in the spring of 1890, 
and during that year several other localities were examined. The only 
sites extensively explored are one on Piny branch and another in the 
vicinity of the new jSTaval Observatory, on the western side of Rock 

Quite early in the progress of the investigations, which were carried 
on by means of trenching the deposits yielding the objects, it became 
apparent that the sites were ancient quarries, where the aborigines 
had obtained the material and manufactured implements of quartzite 
and quartz, and that the supposed implements were t)nly the failures, 
rejects, or wasters unavoidably produced in shaping brittle stone by 
percussion, and having no significant relationshij* with archaic or paleo- 
lithic art. The work had been very extensive, and consisted in quar- 
rying the bowlders from the heavy beds of Potomac age and in roughing 
out the imi)lements to be made. On account of the dual nature of the 
work carried on, I have called these sites quarry-workshops. The 
inqjortant bearing of these investigations on a number of the problems 
of archeologic science makes it advisable to jireseut them in consider- 
able detail. 


As a preliminary step to a study of the evidence of human industry 
on these sites, it is iiiq)ortant that the geology of the vicinity be care- 
fully reviewed. Fortunately this is au easy task, as the identification 
and relationships of the various formations have been recently made 
out thoroughly by Messrs McGee and Darton, of the Geological Survey. 
It is found that the only clastic formations with which the quarry 
Ijhenomena are directly associated are Cretaceous, and we are there- 
fore not called on to trouble ourselves about the significance of this 



[ETH. AXN. 15 

relationship, siuce the associatiou is necessarily purely adventitious. It 
is further ascertained that the other sedimentary rocks of the surround- 
ing region are all older than those with which the works of man are 
known to be contemporaneously associated. Tlie deposits with which 
remains of human handiwork are directly associated are mainly talus 
accumulations, the formation and modification of which have been 
going on for a long period and are still in progress. 

The broad plateau bordering the city on the north is cut by Rock 
creek and Anacostia river and their tributaries. It is capped with 
sedimentary formations which extend far eastward and southward, 
covering the tidewater country ; these are underlain by crystalline rocks, 
gneisses, granites, schists, etc (figure 1), well exposed by the deep scor- 
ing of Rock creek and its branches. On the western side of that 
stream the latter rocks rise to and form the surface of the country. 
The sedimentary rocks were laid down along the crystalline shore, which 
sloped gently eastward, in approximately horizontal strata, two forma- 
tions in Mesozoic time and the Cretaceous period, known as the Potomac 


Fio. l_General section across Rock creek and Piny branch valleys, showing gneissic formations 
and their relation to the overlyinj; beds of Potomac gravels. 

and Severn formations; two in the Eocene period, named in order of 
deposition the Pamunkey and the Chesapeake; one in the Neocene 
period, known as the Lafayette formation; and one in the Pleistocene, 
named after the Federal District the Columbia formation. 

The Potomac formation rests on the uneven surface of the gneissic 
rocks exposed in Rock creek valley, and is composed to a great extent 
of coarse sediment and fragmental rocks, biMuight down mainly by the 
great streams that drained the highland. The lower members of this 
formation are usually of very coarse materials, and in the Rock creek 
region they consist largely of pebbles and bowlders of quartz and 
quartzite, well rounded by water action. The Lafayette formation, 
resting on the upper surface of the Potomac series in this region, is 
not to any extent concerned in the present study, although in some 
.sections of the Potomac valley the heavy bowlder deposits included in 
it were utilized by the aborigines. 

Especially heavy accumulations of bowlders occur along that por- 
tion of the old shoreline bordering the exit of the ancient Potomac 

a. 3 


1 « 
to E 

< i 

z « 

I- 9 

3 -o 

Z c 

|_ <u 

t- - 

O 5 

a: ^ 



river from the higbliiiul and its entry into tlie sea, now the District of 
Columbia; and as the streams draining this shore-line after its eleva- 
tion from the sea cut down through the sedimentary formations, these 
bowlders were exposed, and are now found outcropping in the sides of 
the valleys at the base of the sedimentaiies and resting on the gneisses. 
Other beds of bowlders are found higher in this section, but none 
happen to be so well suited to the use of the primitive implement maker 
as those representing the work of the waves along the crystalline 
beach. The surface of the gneisses was somewhat uneven, sloping 
gently beneath the waves, and the bowlder beds laid down on this sur- 
face are of uneven thickness and not of uniform character when fol- 
lowed out horizontally, coarseness decreasing with distance from the 
river channel. The aboriginal inhabitant, seeking for stone suitable 
for his use, discovered these outcrops of bowlders along the bluffs of 
the Potomac and its tributaries, and soon ascertained that the deposits 
were heavier and the quality of the material better and more uniform 
in Rock creek valley than in any other section. This discovery led in 
time to subterranean search on the more favorable sites and finally to 
extensive quarrying, tlie evidences of which are now brought to light. 

Fig. 2 — Section of the ravine, showinj; formations and position of quarries. 

Owing to the friable nature of the bowlder beds and of the gravels 
and sands overlying them, the terrace slopes bordering the streams 
(save where erosion had recently been particularly active) offered no 
good exposures of the bowlders in place, but were covered with depos- 
its, often many feet in thickness, of gravelly talus derived from the 
crumbling edges of the strata. The bowlders contained in this over- 
placed deposit were the first to be utilized, and the work then extended 
to the bowlder beds proper, and the of the quarrying was added 
to the creeping slope gravels or talus. 

The section given in figure 2 shows the relation of the gneisses, the 
bowlder beds, and the superficial deposits of sand and gravel outcrop- 
ping in the quarry ravine. 


Location of the Quarries 

In passing out of the city by way of Fourteenth street extended, the 
bridge over Piny branch of Rock creek is reached at a point 1^ miles 
15 ETH 3 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

beyond Ihe present city boundary, Florida avenue. Here we are 
already in tlie midst of the (]uarry-sliop sites, and tlie rudely worked 
stones may be i)icked ui) on all sides. 

The quarries occur about half way up the wooded slopes north and 
south of the branch, on both sides of Fourteenth street, but the refuse 
has descended to the stream beds and is found everywhere in the over- 
placed gravels of the lower levels. The most extensive evidences of 
ancient working occur on the northern side of the stream west of the 
road. Here the terrace is upward of 100 feet in height and its faces 
extremely steep. The map presented in jdate ii serves to indicate the 
distribution of quarries over an area of about half a mile square. The 
bluff's at this point are capped with about 40 feet of the Potomac 
formation, clays, sands, gravels, and bowlder beds, the Neocene deposits 
of the Lafayette formation which forms the higher levels of the region 
having disappeared from the outer promontories, or being but slightly 
represented by obscure remnants. Beneath the Potomac beds the 
gneisses are exposed (figures 1 and 2) and may be seen at several 

14^ Street 

Fig. 3 — Panoramic view of Piny brancli quarry sites, looking north. Tlie irregular dotted line indi- 
cates position of the quarries and the crosses mark the principal points of study. 

points, especially about the bridge. They are more fully exposed 
farther down toward Rock creek, into which the branch flows half a 
mile below. The gneisses, as well as the Potomac beds resting on 
them, disintegrate and crumble on and near the surface through the 
action of various agencies, thus giving rather smooth though steep 
slopes on which the forest maintains itself with much uniformity. The 
surfaces are usually covered with a veneering of slope deposits com- 
posed of the disintegrated rocks and of vegetal mold, and this over- 
placed material abounds, up to the quai-ry level, in artificial debris. It 
was at first thought that this association of the worked stones with 
deposits of gravel might be of value as a means of determining the 
age or period of occupancy, but examination developed the fa<;t that 
the gravel represented no definite period, its deposition extending 
from the present back indefinitely into the past. 

In figure 3 a generalized view of the Piny branch quarry sites is 
depicted; it will give a comprehensive idea of the configuration of the 

30VJ A&yvnfy 


locality. The view looks northward across the vallej' of the brauch ; a 
dotted line half way up the .slopes separates the sedimentary and crys- 
talline rocks, and in connection with it the quarry sites are indicated 
by dark figures. The sites examined by trenching are indicated by 
small crosses. 

Operations on the Site 

discovery and reconnoissance 

So far as known the first discovery of worked stones on the site 
of our excavations at Piny branch was made about 1880 by Mr De 
Lancey W. Gill, of the Ignited States Geological Survey, who was 
engaged in sketching on the bank of the stream and by chance ob- 
served a flaked stone in the gravel at his feet. Subsequently Mr Gill 
came upon a number of heaps of quarry-shop refuse in the second 
ravine west of Fourteenth street, at the point selected in 1889 for our 
trenching operations. 

In September, 1889, 1 visited Mr Thomas Blagden, owner of the prop- 
erty, to obtain permission to work on the premises, and learned from 
him that about the year 1878 a street contractor had been permitted to 
collect material for paving from these bluffs, and that various piles of 
refuse found by us on the surface were gathered together at that time, 
a portion only of the material collected having been carried away. At 
that time a narrow roadway was cut leading from the creek up the 
little ravine to the site of our recent labors. Mr Blagden subsequently 
informed me that while a boy, some twenty-five years ago, he had 
observed the great quantities of bowlders at this point, and desiring 
to know something of the reasons for their accumulation, had secured 
help to dig a trench, which was abandoned, however, before the bed of 
bowlder refuse was fully penetrated. I have no doubt that the evi- 
dences of former excavation discovered at the fiftieth foot of our first 
trench, and which caused us no little perplexity at first, is thus fully 
accounted for. 

In beginning the examination of this site the first step taken was a 
careful examination of its topographic features with especial reference 
to such eccentricities of contour as might be due to the agency of man. 
Extensive working over of surface deposits, especially if the pitting 
were deep, would leave inequalities of profile which, if not obliterated 
or obscured by natural agencies, would be easily recognized as artificial. 
Such inequalities were readily found; indeed, they are so well defined 
in places that even the inexpert observer could not fail to detect them. 
It was partly on account of peculiarities of profile that excavations 
were undertaken at the spot selected, and the results have shown that 
these surf\ice indications were not deceptive. 

Toward the upper end of the ravine the elevations and depressions 
resulting from the ancient quarry work are more pronounced. Either 
the disturbances here are more recent than below or else the leveling 
agencies of nature have been less actiye. 



In selecting the position and course for a section tlirougli a series of 
deposits so extensive, and of which so little was known as to depth 
and mode and order of occurrence, there was considerable danger of 
missing the most instructive and vital spot. It seemed clear, however, 
that the section should cut the face of the slope from base to sunuuit, 
and if necessary extend across the level surface of the spur and con- 
tinue down tlie opposite side. This would in all probability reveal 
the true character of the art-bearing deposits; their relations to the 
geologic formations of the terrace, ancient and modern; the conditions 
of original deposition, and the effects of natural causes acting for an 
unknown period on distribution. 

After looking over the ground carefully it was decided to go well up 
the ravine and rather beyond the apparent middle of the heavier 
deposits, so that other sections could be run if found necessary, or so 
that other investigators following sliould find a large portion of the 
area untouched. The sequel showed that a better selection could 
hardly have been made, and the resixlts are so satisfactory, so far as the 
main points at issue in the investigation are concerned, as to make 
unnecessary the cutting of other complete sections. 

The point selected for the beginning of the section was in the bed of 
the ravine, a few hundred feet from its junctioTi with Piny branch, and 
where a line could be drawn from base to summit of the hill without 
serious embarrassment from the forest trees. This line crossed slightly 
to the left of the center of a gentle convexity in the profile of the 
lower half of the slope, thought to be due in a measure to deposits of 
artilicial nature. 

After a preliminary surface exploitation of the section, made to 
ascertain whether or not any considerable excavation would be neces- 
sary, a line was stretched on the surface of the ground, and to this 
numbered tags were fixed at intervals of one foot, to facilitate the accru- 
rate recording of data. To further serve the same purpose, a section 
of the hillside was drawn and divided into squares. For convenience 
of reference, this section was divided transversely into pai'ts of 10 feet 
each. It was also arranged to make cross sections at intervals of 10 
feet, representing the conditions exhibited in the front wall of the exca- 
vation ; these were to be divided into S(iuare feet for record. This plan 
was substantially carried out, though modifications were made to suit 
various exigencies of the case. Sections were made at frequent inter- 
vals where increased interest demanded, all being scaled in the same 
manner. At every available point photographs of the vertical expo- 
sures were taken ; and in connection with them detailed drawings were 
made recording character of soil and formations and manner of occur- 
rence of relics. 

Before describing the excavation, the conditions existing within the 
immediate channel of the rivulet at the base of the section may be 

UJ = 

I » 

til ^ 
O ™ 
< c 

3 *> 



UJ ; 




sketched. The channel was about feet deep and 10 feet wide at this 
point; the section across it, including both banks, is shown in figure 4. 
The slopes of the terrace rise from the steep banks of this inner chan- 
nel at an angle of from L'O to 25 degrees through a vertical distance of 
60 feet, giving a distance (measured on the slope) to the summit ot 
about 1(!0 feet on either side. This notch-like ravine is the result of a 
long period of erosion, which possibly extends far back into early 
Cenozoic or even Mesozoic time. It had much its present outline, and 
no doubt a greater part of its present depth, before man made his 
appearance in the region. 

The area drained througii this ravine is (piite restricted, and, if 
wholly wooded, the work of erosion would be extremely slow, the refuse 
descending from the opposite sides so freely as to clog the channel, 
save at the time of great freshets. Tlie clearing of the fields at the 
head of the basin has, in recent times, given some additional power to 
the floods, and the channel is now not only quite clear, but bears evi- 

Fio. 4 — Section across bed of rivulet at base of quarries. 

dence of considerable recent deepening. The gneisses are exposed on 
the bottom and in the sides of the channel at tlie point crossed by our 
section, save where covered by the half-comx^acted art-bearing talus. 
The latter deposit is in places as much as 8 or 10 feet deep, and con- 
tains inuumerable relics from the great shops along the slopes above on 
the right and left. An excellent illustration of the appearance of the 
art-bearing debris, from a i)hotograph taken at a point about 30 feet 
below the initial point of the section, is given in plate iii. Partially 
shaped implements and broken fragments project from the bank in 
great numbers. The exposure here is 8 feet in depth, but the dejiosits 
do not extend far into the bank, forming only a veil over the irregular 
surface of the gneiss. The latter is exposed beneath the left foot of 
the standing figure and slopes back from the rivulet bed at a lower 
angle than does the bank, as shown in the section, figure 4. 

A general view of the ravine looking up from the beginning of the 
section is given in i)late iv, and will serve to convey a clear impression 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

of the scenic characteristics of this retired and charming spot soon to 
be overwhelmed by the growing city. The left hand of the standing 
figure rests on the spot at which the excavation in the bank began; 
here the art-bearing talus deposit covered the gneiss with a veneering 
hardly more than a foot thick: its character and contents ai'e shownin 
figure ."). This is the first of the series of- crosscuts or transverse sec- 
tions, and represents the front wall of the excavation within a foot 
of the beginning of the trench. Partially shaped implements and 
artificial refuse, which may have come from any part of the slopes 
above, occur throughout tlie deposits at this point. I^ear the surfixce 
a leaf shape blade of ordinary type was found, and at 15 inches in 
depth three others, more or less perfect, together with typical turtle- 
backs, were encountered. 

-. o 

'Sur/ace soil w/'fhf faked 

^Grav^f m'fh dotv/c/ers and 
f/aUed pieces . 


Fio. 5— Cross section .at besiiining of the first trench. 

The exploitation pits (plate V), intended to determine something of 
the probable nature and extent of the work to be undertaken, were dug 
along the line of proposed excavation from the starting point in the 
ravine to the top of the terrace. It was observed that in the lower 
half the profile of the slope was convex, and that in the upper it was 
slightly concave. The convexity of the lower part, from the first figure 
leaning against the young tree to 20 feet beyond the third figure, is 
due to accumulations of refuse along the lower margin of the quarries, 
while the depression above (beyond the limit of the picture) is due to 
the pits left along the quarry face when the site was abandoned. 

Continuing the excavation beyond the point at which the first cross 
section (figure 5) was taken, the art-bearing deposits became quite 

Bureau of Etmnologv 






shallow. The dark mold of the surface was about i inches deep, and 
between the lirst and tenth foot of the section yielded numerous flaked 
stones and many artificial fragments and flakes; beneath this and rest- 
ing on the uneven surface of the gneiss was a foot or more of quite 
compact gravelly clay, containing a few pebbles and occasionallj' a small 
bowlder; at the base the deposit contained much mica, derived from 
the decaying gneiss on which it rests. lu this lower gravel there were 
no traces of art. Up to the twentieth foot these conditions remained 
practically unchanged. It will be seen, however, by reference to the 
longitudinal section (plate vi), that the surface of the gneiss rises 
less rapidly than the surface of the slope, and that the talus gravels 
increase in thickness to 3 feet. These pass down into a layer of pink 
and white clay , which 
rests on the gneiss. 


^•■;:o.^--.^.-iO;." '.o^- /.« 

OOtriOS^ OflAi^CL . 

Worked specimens 
were found as before 
in the top soil, and 
artificially broken 
bowlders occurred in 
the gravel a foot 
deep. In the lower 
part of the dark soil 
a small pocket or 
cluster of chii)s was 
found, and between 
the tenth and twen- 
tieth foot several 
chipped stones in 
various stages of 
elaboration were un- 
earthed. The cross 
section at the twen- 
tieth foot is shown in 
figure 6. Through- 
out the gravel occa- 
sional bowlders were found, some reaching 6 inches in diametei-. From 
the twentieth to near the twentyfifth foot the conditions and the con- 
tents of tlie section showed no irajwrtant change. The dark soil reached 
a tl^ckness of 8 inches, and was underlain by a bed of light sandy sub- 
soil, not before difterentiated, about a foot thick. Many partially 
shaped stones were found in these beds. Beneath this again were 
gravels and gravelly clays. 

At about the twentyfifth foot the conditions of the deposits were 
observed to change. The limit of the compact gravels and clays form- 
ing the base of the deposit was reached, and a mass of rather loose 
heterogeneous material was encountered. The edge of an ancient 
excavation had been reached, though this fact was not at first appre- 

FlG. C — Cross section at the twentieth foot. 



[ETH. ANN. 15 




ciated; for the idea of aboriginal quarrying had not yet been more 
than suggested, and the changes observed in the deposits were at first 
attributed to natural distributing agencies. In the light of facts sub- 
sequently observed, this body of heterogeneovTS material came to be 
recognized as part of the debris accumulated iu an ancient trench, 
■which was cut obliquely by our trench. The ancient trenching had 
been 4 or 5 feet deep at this point, and the side wall was quite broken 
and irregular, sloping at a low angle in some places and in others being 
vertical or even undercut. The digging had not penetrated to the 
gneiss surface at this point. The margin of the old trench is seen at 
b, plate \i. From this point (the twentyfifth foot) the work of exca- 
vation was carried 
through the quarry 
sunFActsoiLniTH BorYLDcns refuse and little by 
little many novel 
and striking fea- 
tures were brought 
to light, until at the 
eightythird foot the 
upi)er quarry face 
was reached. 

Near the lower 
margin of the an- 
cient digging a 
small percentage of 
artificial material 
was encountered, 
but before the thir- 
tyfifth foot was 
reached the hetero- 
geneous nature of 
the deposits began 
to be a])parent. It 
became clear that 
nearly the entire 
mass from the sur- 
face of the ground to the gneiss floor, a thickness of from (J to 12 feet, 
had been worked over by the primitive quarrymen. There was abun- 
dant evidence of the nature of the oiierations carried on both in secur- 
ing and iu working up the bowlders. 

Tiie cross section exposed in the front wall at the fortieth foot is 
given in figure 7. As might be expected in the refuse heaps of such a 
quarry there was little regularity and slight continuity iu the deposits, 
so that the section exposed along the left wall of our excavation seldom 
corresponded closely with that along the right. The running section 
given in plate VI is not literal, but is drawn to express in a somewhat 
generalized way the conditions observed. 


?- :.pj 



':"-s-S'''s;io: i . 

o oo oOoOOOoOOo -^lij^^M 



. eon-wefi sravcl . 

• i/Moisruffffro iPAysL 

Fig. 7— Ciuws Hectiuii at the fortieth foot 











Between the fortieth and the fortyeighth foot the trench crossed, at 
about 3 feet from the surface, what had been a pit or transverse trench 
with sloping sides, between 2 and 3 feet deep. This had been filled 
witli material iireviously worked over and coiitaiuing much shop refuse. 
The character and relations of the deposits are well shown in the 
sections and photographs presented herewith. 

The upper ligure in plate Vir represents a detailed study of the con- 
tents of the ancient pit as seen in the left wall of the excavation. Of 
this interesting exposure it was impracticable to obtain i)hotographs, 
since the cutting was too narrow to jjermit the use of the camera; but 
the drawing was carefully made, and being supplemented by photo- 
graphs of the face of the cutting at the fortieth and also at the forty- 
fourth foot, serves to assist in giving a satisfactory idea of the leading 
characteristics of the deposits. The bottom of the depression had been 
somewhat uneven when the flllingin began. The material, most of 
which consisted of fractured or partially flaked bowlders, had accu- 
mulated rapidly, and for a depth of 3 or 4 feet contained only a very 
small percentage of sand, clay, and gravel. Scattered over the bot- 
tom and sides was a layer of light, coarse sand which had descended 
from above and partially filled in the spaces between the bowlders 
and fragments; and throughout the mass, where the interspaces were 
filled at all, it was chiefly by coarse sand, small pebbles, and the flakes 
from the manufacture of imjilements. 

A very decided bedding of these coarse materials was apparent, its 
curves following and repeating those of the bottom of the depression, 
but diminishing toward the surface. In the stratum of finer material 
overlying the coarser contents of the pit and in the dark loam of the 
surface there was also a slight sagging and thickening, indicating that 
the obliteration of the pit had been but recently accomplished. 

It was observed that the distribution of the filling materials was 
unequal, the coarser gravel and larger bowlders being lodged at the 
left in the section, which was the lower side of the ancient pit («, ])late vii). 
This was to be expected, for the source of supply of tilling debris was 
from above, and as the tool maker worked over the material upon the 
slope the heavier pieces rolled down until stopped by irregularities of 
the surface. It was also noticed that the percentage of flakes and fail- 
ures was greatest at the left side of the depression from the fortyflrst 
to the fortysixth foot, where the flakers, it would appear, must have 
occupied the pit margins. 

That the work was done on this spot, and that little subsequent dis- 
tribution has taken place, is clearly seen, as the failures and broken 
tools often lie together with the flakes struck from them. It is safe to 
conclude also that the accumulation was rapid. The accuuuilatiou of 
the finer and more compact bed overlying the contents of the pit was 
probably slower and was no doubt due partially to natural slope agen- 
cies, though it contains a large percentage of worked material ; the darker 

42 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann 15 

soil of the surface was filled with shop refuse, most of which has not 
been far removed from the spot of manufacture. The cross sections are 
too limited in extent to show clearly the bedding of the accumulations, 
but they serve to illustrate the nature of the contents of the pits. 

The conditions at the fortyfourth foot are given in {h) plate Vii. By 
carrying the excavation to the right and left the outlines of the old 
depi-essions were found to be irregular and extended so far that I did 
not undertake to define them fully. It appeared, however, that our 
section had cut the deepest part of this particular depression. A pho- 
tograph covering the rectangular space outlined by a dotted line in the 
section is reproduced in plate Viii. I am fortunate in being able to 
present such an illustration of the composition of the refuse at this 
point, as it affords evidence that can not be gainsaid, and the student 
may study the nature, conditions, and relations of the component parts 
with ease. The picture covers a space about 2 feet wide by 3 high, 
the top being 2.} feet below the surface of the ground and the bottom 
within a few inches of the deepest part of the ancient excavation. The 
unusual number of large bowlders is a notable feature, but it will be 
found that the broken and worked ones far outnumber the unbroken, 
and that several partially shaped tools are in sight, occupying positions 
no doubt very much the same as when dropped by the workman. A 
turtleback appears near the base beneath the large split bowlder; others 
are seeu to the left and a little higher, while numbers are seen to be 
dropping out of the loose, open mass of refuse near the mitldle of the 
picture. The section abouiuls throughout with artificial material. 

After passing the fiftieth foot the deposits exhibited the usual phe- 
nomena, and no features of exceptional interest were encountered until 
the seventieth foot was reached. The bottom of the old pits continued 
at about the same level, so that the artificial deposits became gradually 
deei)er as we advanced. Occasionally small masses of the Potomac 
gravel (small bowlders and pebbles held together by an indurated sand 
matrix) were encountered, indicating the proximity of the ancient 
quarry face. The pitting had been carried down almost to the gneiss 
floor, which was here nearly level, beiug covered with a bed of sharp 
yellow sand from an inch to a foot thick. It was afterward ascer- 
tained that this layer of sand formed a part of the original Potomac 
deposits and separated the gneisses from the beds of bowlders above, 
as shown in the section. The artificial deposits, about 7 feet deep at 
the sixtieth foot, deepened to 10 or 11 feet at the quarry face 20 feet 
farther on. 

Between the fiftieth foot and the sixtieth the refuse was distributed 
in alternating beds of gravelly earth and shop deposits, as shown in 
the general section. These beds constituted the refuse derived from 
extensive operations along the quarry face. After passing the seven- 
tieth foot the layers of refuse were inclined toward the quarry face, as 
indicated in the section. 


The quarry face (plate xni) was^ encountered at about the eightieth 
foot, but sloped back in steps to the ninetieth foot and beyond. It 
showed a stratum, 10 feet or more in thickness, consisting largely of 
medium size quartzite bowlders embedded in a matrix of nearly xnire 
sand, so indurated tliat the bowlders were extremely difhcult to remove, 
and considerable masses of tlie conglomerate could be knocked down 
and removed without breaking up. The face was extremely irregular, 
indicating that when deserted the ancient quarrymeu had i)enetrated 
to greatly varying depths; they had descended to the gneiss surface 
in excavations from 10 to 12 feet deep, had removed the bowlders by 
direct attack from above, from the front, and by undermining, and had 
selected and thrown out those best suited to the purpose of the tiaker. 
Few of those left in the pits and dump had been more than tested by 
the removal of a flake or two. The work of shaping was in the main 
carried on about the margins of the pits out of the way of the quarry- 
man. The earth, gravel, and undesirable bowlders were thrown back 
against the lower side of the pits, lodging in irregular beds sloping 
into the pits, as shown in the section. 

Between the seveutythird foot and the seveutyeighth our trench 
passed through large pockets or masses of shop refuse. The largest 
body, consisting of tons of chips, failures, and broken bowlders, was 
confined to a space extending from 3 to 7 feet from the surface; smaller 
pockets of the same character were found as deep as 9 feet. The 
exposure in the sides and front of our trench showed these deposits 
clearly, and illustrations are selected from the iiue series of photo- 
graphs taken. Plate ix represents nearly the full height of the front 
of our trench at the seventyseveiith foot, and plates x and xi illustrate 
the composition of the refuse in detail, showing a preponderance of 
rather large bowlders, most of which have been partially worked or 
broken to test the material. The porti(ui sliown in plate xi belongs 
lower in the section, extending down from the seventh nearly to the 
ninth foot in depth. Several shaped pieces are in sight. In plate xii 
we have a fine illustration of the clusters of shop refuse at about the 
eightieth foot. The clinging wet earth obscures many of the flue flakes, 
but enough is seen to indicate the very great amount of work done on 
this spot. The mass was made up of unshaped refuse and of shaped 
specimens, illustrating the whole range of quarry-shop work from the 
first flake to the rude thin blade; the latter, it was gradually learned, 
being the almost exclusive product of the flaking operations. A sec- 
tion showing the (juarry pit and the face of Potomac bowlders is pre- 
sented in plate xiii. This terraced face, receding in irregular steps, 
appears to have undergone little change since it was deserted by the 
prehistoric quarrymeu. The bowlders are compactly bedded and retain 
their places with great tenacity. 

The deepest work of which evidence was discovered was about 11 
feet beneath the present surface. It is probable that when deserted 
the pit at the quarry face was much deeper, as considerable degra- 

44 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

elation of the slope must Lave taken place since the desertion of the 
quarries. In another trenoli farther iip the ravine the quarry face was 
exposed to a depth of from 12 to 15 feet. 

Plate cm and the frontisi)iece, described in the supplement, serve to 
illustrate the i)robable conditions under which the work was carried on 
by the savage quarrymen. The miner with a strong wooden i)ike is 
seen dislodging bowlders from the bed; a second workman is breaking 
up a large mass of quartzite, and the liaker engaged in roughing- 
out the blades is seated near at hand. The life-size group from which 
these views were taken was prepared under the writer's direction for 
the World's Fair, in Chicago. The figures were modeled by U. S. J. 
Dunbar, sculptor, and were costumed after drawings published in the 
works of Ilariot and John Smith, the assumption being that tliis work 
on I'iuy branch was done by the Algonquian tribes known to the colo- 
nists of Jamestown and Eoanoke. However this may be, the work 
of procuring and working the bowlders is, I am convinced, correctly 
indicated by this group. 

The quarry was about 60 feet wide where crossed by our trench, and 
was 3 or -1 feet deep at the lower margin and 11 feet deep at the quarry 
face. The bowlders, forming a large part of the mass worked over, 
had nearly all been tested for flakability by the removal of a flake 
or two, or had been more or less fully worked. All of the material 
removed from the trench was carefully assorted and studied by us, and 
the imjjortant results reached through its consideration will be given 
further on. 

If we allow that the ancient operations were somewhat uniform in 
extent along the terrace face, say for a distance of 500 feet, the mate- 
rial worked over on this side of the ravine would amount to 100,000 
cubic feet or more, and the number of bowlders secured and worked or 
partly shaped would reach millions. 


Lateral excavations from the first trench were made wherever the 
apjiearance of the refuse encouraged it, but the deposits did not vary 
in any important respect. About 10 feet north of this trench, opposite 
the sixtieth foot, stands a chestnut tree some 3 feet in diameter and 
rather massive at the base. For the purpose of determining the relation 
of this tree to the artificial deposits, an excavation was made uncover- 
ing nearly one-half of the roots to the depth of about 7 feet. The main 
root penetrated the refuse and passed through the undisturbed gravel 
and into the decayed gneiss beneath. The roots had made their way 
through the deposit of compact quartzite fragments, inclosing many of 
them almost completely (plate xiv) and assuming irregular distorted 
forms imijosed by tlie angular stones. As a matter of course, the tree 
postdates the quarry jjeriod, as do other trees much older. In one of 
the ravines near Fourteenth street a white oak, at least 200 years old, 
grows in the same manner in a mass of shop refuse. 

Bureau of ethnology 

















The refuse about the roots of the chestnut tree coutaiued more thau 
the usual perceutage of partially shaped tools, aud several bushels of 
these, showing rude leaf-shape outlines, were collected. A photograph 
made shortly after beginning the excavation shows the inclosure of 
worked stones in the base of the tree and their prevalence in the mass 
of refuse (plate xiv). 


A second trench carried across the old quarry in the spring of 1S90 
failed to furnish features of especial interest aud added little to the fund 
of information acquired from the trench made the previous year. It was 
not expected, however, that this second excavation would expose exten- 
sive deposits of refuse or well marked quarrying. The site was chosen 
in a depression, or incipient gulch in the slope, where no marks of dis- 
turbance could be detected, whereas the first trench was carried across 
a convexity in the face of the hill, which convexity bore every indica- 
tion of being the result of artificial disturbance and accumulation. Hav- 
ing determined that surface appearances in the first case really indicated 
the conditions beneath the surface, the second trench was made where 
no indications of artificial disturbance could be noted. This trench was 
100 feet north of the first. No well-defined shop sites were discovered, 
and evidences of ancient quarrying were quite meager. Artificial refuse 
was evenly distributed throughout the overjilaced gravels to a depth 
of about 3 feet. These conditions would seem to indicate that the shal- 
low depression in which the trench was dug had been filled from shops 
and quarries at the right and left, or perhaps from random working at 
higher points on the sloi)e. 

Excavation was begun in the rivulet bank, here about G feet high. 
The immediate bank was found to consist of a mass of refuse, well 
filled witli broken bowlders and rejects and chips which exhibited a 
sort of rude bedding as if rearranged by the action of the rivulet 
or as if deposited on its successive though very narrow flood plains. 
Our trenching soon passed through these deposits. The gneiss which 
formed the bed of the stream rose rapidly l)eneath the loose mass 
forming the bank, and at 10 feet from the stream approached within 3 
feet of the surface. From the tenth to the thirtieth foot the gneissic 
surface followed the slope of the hill at a pretty uniform depth of 3 
feet; beyond this it passed horizontally beneath deposits of Potomac 
bowlders. Overplaced gravels from the tenth foot to the end of our 
trench contained but few artificial objects, and these did not occur at 
a greater depth than about 3 feet. These gravels for the most part 
were made up of a heterogeneous mixture of clay, sand, and pebbles, 
with occasional bowlders. Near the bottom they consisted principally 
of material derived directly from the disintegrating surface of the 
Potomac bowlder beds. 


The site for a third trench was chosen with the view of secur- 
ing evidence on two questions of especial interest. The first was the 

46 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

question of tlie relation of the ancient quarrying to the present bed of 
the rivulet; the second related to the significance of a series of depres- 
sions observed along the upper jiart of the slope a little above the 
quarry level (as determined at other jioints) and immediately below 
the upper margin of the terrace slope. The place selected was about 
200 feet farther up the gulch than the second trench, and where the 
length of the slojje was only SO feet and the height about 40 feet. At 
this point the Potomac bowlder bed outcrops at or but little above the 
level of the stream bed, and it was thought that evidence of ancient 
excavation might be found so near the present bottom of the gulch as 
to indicate the comparative recentness of the work. Observations on 
this point are given in detail further on. 

As to the other question, it was surmised that the depressions along 
the upper part of the slope marked the sites of ancient pits, and inves- 
tigation showed that this surmise was not far wrong. The depressions 
are in all cases a little higher up than the old pits and above the 
bowlder bed level, and are apparently the result of miniature land- 
slides, by means of which the original quarry pits were filled up. 

The phenomena disclosed in this trench are quite interesting and 
may be given in some detail. Entering the bank on the level of the 
stream bed, we followed the surface of the gneiss for a number of feet. 
Within the first 10 feet patches of undisturbed Potomac bowlder 
gravel remained on tlie gneiss surface. At about the twentieth foot the 
bowlder bed began to thicken, and its upper surface rose with the slope 
of the talus. The bank of the rivulet was between ■! and 5 feet in 
height, and was composed of loose heterogeneous refuse, which, as the 
excavation advanced, was found to be rudely bedded with the slope as 
indicated in the section (plate xv). The loose refuse was from 5 to 7 
feet deep, and rested on the gneiss or the uneven surface of the bowl- 
der bed. Broken cobbles, rude rejects, broken embryo implements, 
and chips were pretty evenly distributed throughout the mass. At 
the twentyseventh foot the floor of the quarry made an abrupt descent 
of 3 or 4 feet. 

In advancing beyond the twentyseventh foot the bottom of the 
ancient quarry rose but slightly, and at the fortieth foot it was 10 feet 
beneath the surface. The deeper parts were filled with loose material — 
clay, gravel, and bowlders — intermingled with which were a number 
of fragments including chips and broken, unfinished tools, but there 
was not here or in the vicinity any vei-y decided evidence of chipping 
on the spot. The lowest point of this ancient pit was only 2 feet above 
the present bed of the gulch at the nearest point. 

Between the thirtieth and the fortieth foot no features of particular 
interest were encountered. As shown in the longitudinal section, a 
number of pockets of shop refuse occurred between the twentyeighth 
foot and the thirtyfifth. These may have been shop sites, but had 
more the character of refuse descended from above into depressions or 




pits. The mass of material about these pockets and beyond, up to the 
fortytitth foot, was comparatively barren of artificial refuse. Tlie mid- 
dle parts of the mass of tilled-iu material, as indicated in the section, 
is quite homogeneous, as if never worked over by man, and must have 
descended into the quarry pit en masse as a miniature landslide from 
above. It consists of loose, crumbling, sandy clay of reddish color — a 
characteristic of tlie liigherlevel beds — containing some gravel and 
occasional bowlders. Katlier high up in the sides of the trench could 
be seen indications of old overplaced debris containing shop refuse 
and coarse materials, all of grayish color. Near the surface the over- 
placed gravel was 

again reddish and 
barren of art. 

In approaching 
the fiftieth foot, 
pockets of shop ref- 
use began to ap- 
pear, and at from 4= 
to G feet deep and 
beyond the fifty- 
sixth foot charac- 
teristic quarry- 
shop phenomena 
were encountered. 
Beds of clay and 
refuse of varying 
colors were seen 
dippinginto thehill 
as the quarry face 
was approached. 
Nature distributes 
her materials with 
the slope, but art 
reverses this ; as 
the earth is thrown 
out of a quarry i>it 

it forms la vers con- ^"^' 8— Section of bowlder beds exposed in quarry face 13 feet in height. 

forming roughly to the slope into the pit. The section exposed in this 
trench is given in ])late xv. 

At the liftyseveuth foot a descent of 2 feet was made into a deeper 
portion of the ancieut quarry as shown in the section. At the sixtieth 
foot the bottom of the old quarry was 13 feet beneath the present sur- 
face, and at about the sixtythird foot the quarry face was encountered. 
When this was uncovered to the full width of our trench, the section 
shown in figure 8 was disclosed. Beginning at the top there were 
about 3 feet of overplaced slope material, dark above from the presence 
of vegetal mold and composed of sandy clay below; beneath this were 

48 STONE IMPLEMENTS ' [eth.anx.15 

the Potomac beds iu place, comprising, first, about 3 feet of coarse 
loose-bedded sands of varied kinds, then alternating layers of sand, 
gravel, and bowlders, and at the base a compact layer of bowlders. 
The ancient workmen had penetrated this hitter bed at this point only 
to the depth of a foot or two. On the bottom and against the quarry 
face were a few chips and chipped bowlders, but the mass of material 
filling up tlie ancient excavation was barren of art and consisted of a 
mixture of clay with sand and gravel, derived from the margins of the 
ancient pit chiefly by sliding from the overhanging front wall. This 
wall or quarry face as uncovered by us was only 12 or 13 feet high, but 
when the ancient miners deserted the spot it must have been very 
much higher, probably 20 feet if the period was recent and perhaps 
more if the time was remote. As already stated, the configiiratiou of 
the slope showed that a slide had taken place, leaving a hollow just 
under the crest of the slope and giving a rounded mass on the site of 
the ancient digging. Beneath the highest part of this mass our trench 
disclosed the deepest point reached by the aborigines. Tlie filling up 
by sliding en masse was thus shown by the surface configuration of the 
site as well as by the character of the filling material. 

It appears that the bottom or floor of the ancient quarry was quite 
uneven, but its full conformation could not be made out from the dis- 
closures of a trench 3 feet wide. In examining the sides of our trench 
in the vicinity of the ancient quarry face I discovered that our left 
wall had for several feet coincided here and there with the steep side 
wall of the ancient excavation. 

The digging of this trench amply repaid the labor exj)ended, as 
answers were obtained to a number of the questions presenting them- 
selves. It was found, first, that the ancient quarrying was carried on 
at a level only 2 or 3 feet above the present bed of the rivulet, and 
second, that the trenches had been filled by sliding masses in such 
manner as to produce inequalities of the surface not yet eftaced. In 
addition, the conclusions reached by a study of the other trenches were 
confirmed: 1, that there were well-defined quarries with quarry faces 
of considerable vertical extent in the Potomac bowlder deposits; 2, 
that little shaping was done in the deeper i)its save that required in 
testing the quality of the stone; 3, that the only work in the shops 
about the excavations consisted in the roughing-out of leaf-shape 
blades; 4, that the ancient diggings were extremely irregular, much 
labor having been expended in exploitation and in reaching the heavier 
deposits of workable bowlders; and, 5, that undermining was by no 
means the exclusive method of reaching and securing the bowlders. 

Study of this trench attbrded a remarkable instance of the confusion 
possible in the association of works of art with gravel blnfts where 
workable stone was sought. Had the cutting for a roadway or other 
modern improvement been made along the side of this gorge the 
exposures in the walls would have shown "implements" embedded 


uuder unaltered gravels at a depth of 13 feet {a. figure 8), and it is thus 
seen that in such a cutting the detection of the true conditions might 
be next to impossible without careful and extensive excavation. 


A number of trenches were opened about the southwestern jjoiut of 
the promontory as indicated on the map. It was expected that these 
would throw light on various peculiar features of the topography, and 
also add to the information regarding quarrying and manufacture. 
The results are all that could be desired. 

The fourth ti'ench was opened on the rounded point of the promon- 
tory 300 feet south of the first trench, while the tiftli was made a little 
farther around toward the east. The phenomena observed in these 
trenches were so nearly identical that 1 shall omit detailed mention 
save of tlie latter and more interesting. 

The fifth trench furnished much of the evidence necessary to com- 
plete the story of the ancient quarries. The general conditions were 
uniform with those revealed in the first trench. At the thirtyfifth foot 
a j)ocliet of shop refuse of unusual interest was encountered. As 
exposed by the trench (plate xvi) it was 4 or 5 feet in horizontal 
extent and perhaps 3 feet deep, and its upper surface was 2 or 3 feet 
beneath the surface of the ground. No part of the quarries, 30 feet 
across (measured on the slope) and from to 9 feet deep, was entirely 
free from flakes and flaked stones, but the work of shaping had been 
carried on most extensively on this one spot. From the deposit upward 
of 40 blades, broken near the finishing stage, were recovered, though 
the search made was by no means exhaustive; fully one- fourth of the 
shaped pieces remained in the excavated debris. This pocket of refuse 
was not essentially different in any of its features from those encoun- 
tered in the first trench, but it had somewhat more the appearance of 
a trimming or finishing shop than any yet seen. There were few large 
or rude pieces and the flakes averaged small ; still no traces were found 
of specialized shapes, or even of well-trimmed edges or points. The 
highest form made was a roughed-out blade such as a majority of 
those found in caches. 

The most interesting feature of this trench was its quarry face, which 
was encountered at about the fortieth foot. It was discovered that 
extensive undercutting had been done by the ancient qnarrymen, and, 
as we advanced, the overhanging face was found to extend forward 
several feet, as shown in plate xvi. The i^henomena of this quarry 
face are instructive in one important direction. They reveal, with more 
than usual clearness, a favorite method of the ancient qnarrymen. 
The massive bowlder bed all around this promontory had been depos- 
ited on the gneiss. Entering the face of the bluff on the surface of 
this rock, rendered friable by decay, the overplaced stratum of com- 
pacted bowlders and sand was undermined, so that the quarrying of 
15 ETH 4 

50 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.anx.15 

the bowlders became a comparatively easy matter. They were easily 
loosened and fell into the hand of the workman from the matri.N; of com- 
l)acted sand, as clean and fresh in color as when deposited by the sea in 
Mesozoic times. By thus working on the gneiss surface, antler picks 
or -wooden stakes sharpened by iire would serve to perform the work 
of undermining and knocking down, whereas our men found it a ditB- 
cult task to penetrate the closely compacted conglomerate from its 
upper surface or from the front, even with the aid of steel picks. 


The examination of the third trench made it clear that in certain cases 
the ancient pits had been filled, or partially filled, by the sliding of sand 
and gravel from the quarry wall and fr<im the bluff above. This fact 
led to the opinion that some of the uni(iue features of conformation 
observed about the outer point of the terrace were, in a measure at 
least, due to slides brought about by quarrying operations. To one 
familiar with the ancient quarrying in this locality, the concavity on 
the horizon of the bowlder outcrop and the convexity of profile just 
below, as seen iu the sections, would at once be attributed to human 
agency. In this case, however, the deformation is on such a scale that 
natural agencies could alone have accomplished tlie result. 

On the southwestern angle of the spur, and at a level about 00 feet 
below the crest, there is a roundish hump or shoulder KM) feet or more 
across and rising perhaps 15 feet above what would seem to be a normal 
])roflle. This occurs just beneath the level of the bowlder outcrop, and 
thus has the appearance of a great dump heap to the quarries. 

The character of the rocks forming the bluff is such that they dis- 
integrate very gradually, and with ordinary activity of the erosive 
forces a slope of suflicient declivity to invite landslides would not 
occur. The question arose as to whether extensive quarrying on the 
face of the bowlder bed and the consequent undermining of the super- 
Y)osed beds of gravels and sands, here some 40 feet in thickness, might 
have brought about the sliding of a mass from above suflicient to produce 
the hump observed. The only possible means of arriving at a satisfac- 
toi'y solution of the question was by trenching. A series of excava- 
tions was made covering the profile of the spur from near the summit 
to the outer base of the convexity that gave rise to the inquiry. The 
section shown in figure 9 serves to indicate the position of these pits as 
well as the nature of the profile. The light portions represent the 
excavations made, and the dotted line at the top indicates the position 
of the mass supposed to have descended to form the hump. The 
results of the pitting may briefly be given: The pit at a was iu shop 
refuse similar to that usually found in the quarry dumps higher up. 
The i)it h was carried 13 feet deep through a mass of sand and gravel 
moie or less disturbed, but apparently not by human agency. The 
material corresponded closely to that of the beds above the quarry 
level. iSTear the base, at 12 feet deep, numerous quartzite chips and 



fragments eviileutly of artiticial origiu were foiiud. Aualogous condi- 
tions were observed in pit c. Pit d on the qnarry level passed through 
thin slope gravels, containing some artificial material, into the normal 
bowlder beds. Tit e disclosed the sands and gravel of the upper slopes. 
Although the observations were not so complete as could be desired, 
the evidence secured supports the theory that sliding took place as a 
result of the quarrying operations, and that the protuberance on the 
slope below represents the transported mass. The presence of shop 
refuse in the lower i)it, the occurrence of artificial flakes near the bot- 
tom of the mass of sand and gravel forming the hump, the absence of 
normal dump heaps and of quarry excavations along the bowlder out- 
crop above, all tend to ccmfirm this conclusion. The movement of a 
large mass from the upper wall of the quarries would obliterate the 
quarries and carry the quarry refuse down in front of it to the position 
of pit a. These evidences, taken together with the api>arently abnor- 
mal conformation of the spur, seem to be sufificieut warrant for the 
conclusion reai'hed. 

Fig. 9— Section esijoacd by treu<'liins on oiitrr anjile of terrace. Flaked stone.s -were found in pita b 
and c near tlie surface and near the Ijottom only. 

OriiEii i'lNV Branch Sites 

East of the point just described the broad end of the terrace spur 
facing Piny branch is very steep, and few traces of quarry or shop 
work are to be seen; but lower down the slope, near the base, are 
masses of material that must have descended by sliding and creeping. 
Shop refuse is distributed through these masses and is found in the 
tioodplain of the creek at the base. By stream action the flaked stones 
and refuse of flaking have been scattered through the recent floodplaius 
of the whole valley below. On the eastern point or corner of the spur 
overlooking the Fourteenth street bridge over Piny branch there are 
numerous indications of ancient pitting on the bowlder-bed level, and 
shop lefuse is plentiful. Following this level around the slopes of the 
ravines just west of Fourteenth street and across to the eastern side, 
the same phenomena are observed. The slopes of the bluff west of 
that in which the flrst trenching was done also bear evidence of htiving 

52 STONE IMPLEMENTS [kth.axn.15 

beeu extensively worked;, aucl all arouud the bluti's as we appioacli 
Eock creek valley jjroper, rising gradually to the crests of the terrace 
sjiurs, flaked stones are found. 

Oil the southern side of the branch quarries occur both east and 
west of Fourteenth street at nearly the same level. Much work was 
done near a spring at a point beneath the ''house in the tree" and 
opposite Spring road, which extends eastward from Fourteenth street. 

East of Fourteenth street the only quarry of importance is on the 
place of Mr W. J. lihees. This is on Spring road, a few hundred yards 
from Fourteenth street, as indicated on the map. It is probable that in 
this vicinity many evidences of ancient quarrying have been destroyed 
by building, cultivation, and landscape gardening. In this direction 
the bowlder beds, dipping gently eastward, descended beyond the 
reach of primitive quarrymen. 

Gexek.vl Features 

As indicated in describing the quarry phenomena, shops in which 
the bowlders were flaked were established at convenient i)oints about 
the pits, and the piles or clusters of flakes, failures, and fragments are 
very numerous. The undistui'bed clusters are often lenticular in form 
as originally accumulated, and occur within the body of the refuse Just 
as they were covered by quarry refuse in the progress of the work. 
Some of those exposed by the trenches have been described and illus- 
trated incidentally in the description of the quarries, and .something- 
may now be said of such as were scattered over the surface of the site. 

In the bank of the rivulet, about 100 feet higher up the stream than 
the initial point of our first trench, the caving in of the bank has 
exposed a large de])osit of shop debris. It consists in parts of excep- 
tionally small flakes, fragments, and failures, and was evidently a 
favorite shop to which much of the selected material from the adja- 
cent pits was carried.' Other similar shops are found near by, but in 
most cases the spots are obscured by refuse from above, or are partially 
obliterated by the sliding or creeping movements constantly acting on 
the steep declivities. 

Farther away from the pits are what 1 have termed trimming shops. 
These are on high points, on bits of level terrace, or on the level upper 
surface of the plateau. To these places bowlders and fragments, after 
testing or partial working, were carried to be further trimmed and pos- 
sibly, in some cases, fully specialized. Small flakes and well-advanced 
broken blades characterize these spots. It is probable that lodges 
were pitched on some of these sites, and it would seem reasonable that 

1 During the examination of the site many acientific men visited the spot and examined the trenches 
and masses of fragmeiital qiiartzite, observing for themselves the nature and extent of the opera- 
tions carried ou by the ancient peoples. Among these were J. W. Powell, I). G. Brintou, Henry 
Balfour, T. C. Chamberlin, W J McGee, .1. A. Holmes, G. K. Gilbert, C. H. Hitchcock, G. Brown 
Guode. O. T. Mason, Thomas Wilson. H. C. Mercer, and F. W. Putnam. 


U OF itmnolcuii 

FiniEMTH AMHUAk ttPOm »\_ UfM 

SERIES OF REJECTS FROM THE SOUTH MOUNTAIN RH'OUTE Qua„„,, j^^^.^^ ^^^^^ ^^ _,^^^^^ ^^^^^ 


the qiiarrymeii should Lave establisbed a consideral)le community iu 
the viciuity. A dwelling' site is said to have been obsei'ved on the level 
ground, now a meadow, at the head of the ravine, and there are some 
evidences of primitive dwelling on the terrace overlooking Rock creek 
west of Mount Pleasant. 

The terrace like spurs bordering the ravine in which the trenches 
were dug are covered with flakes and broken blades left by the work- 
men. These are not now in clusters, as must have been the case orig- 
inally, but are distributed rather evenly over the surface, as if the 
growth of forests and other disturbing agencies had been long at work 
shifting them about. 

The distribution of shoi>s and shop refuse is shown on the map form- 
ing plate II. 

Special Features 

the quarry-shop product 

Examination of the phenomena of the quarries and shops is naturally 
followed by a study of the articles jiroduced in them. This is a sub- 
ject of the deepest interest, and no pains have been spared to obtain 
full and wholly reliable determinations. 

At first it was supposed that the rudely flaked stones found scat- 
tered over the sites of these quarries were bona-fide implements, and 
as such they found their way into literature, much speculation having 
been indulged in with respect to their age, to their use, and to the 
grade of culture to which they i)robably pertained. These and similar 
articles from the surface are still regarded by some as implements, and 
numerous specimens are still (1894) exhibited as paleolithic imj)lements 
without any reason save that they somewhat resemble certain rude 
forms of European paleoliths. 

Viewed in the light of the studies recorded herein, however, the 
roughly flaked stones are seen to be not implements at all, but the 
refuse of implement making, including many rejects or failures which, 
being partially shaped, indicate or suggest more or less fully the ruder 
forms of flaked implements used by primitive jteoples, but which may 
not have even a remote resemblance to the final form to be made. It 
was observed that the work- on the site was extremely limited in range; 
that it consisted iu reducing the bowlders, or parts of bowlders, by 
flaking processes to thin leaf-shape blades, which were no doubt 
intended either for use as simple blades for cutting and scraping, or 
designed to be specialized, as occasion demanded, into arrowpoints, 
spearheads, perforators, and the like. So simple are the conditions 
that a dozen specimens may be made to illustrate the entire range of 
shaping work. 

In plate xvii is shown a series of flaked stones, taken from this site, 
which includes all the ordinary forms of rejects and epitomizes the 
full range of shaping operations. Beginning with the bowlder a, from 
which two chips have been taken, we pass through successive stages of 

54 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

elaboration, reachiug the most highly developed forms in 7f, I, and m — 
long leaf-shape blades. Profiles of type specimens representing three 
stage of progress are placed at the right. The upper is the true 
turtleback, the second the double turtleback or incipient blade, and 
the third the well-advanced blade. As would be expected, no good 
examples of tlie fully finished (roughed-out) blades were found entire 
on the site, and illustrations of approximately finished work had to be 
selected from broken specimens of which both halves happened to be 
recovered, or from the inanj' single halves. In nearly all cases these 
blades have a broad and a pointed end, and an examination of many 
specimens indicates that these features were generally foreshadowed in 
the earlier stages of shaping and were kept in view throughout the prog- 
ress of the work. The blades of most advanced type, represented by 
broken ])ieces only, vary from 2 to 5 or 6 inches in length, and are gen- 
erally under 2 inches in width and less than one-half an inch in thick- 
ness. It was apparently requisite that blades to be acceptable should 
be measurably straight and symmetric, that they should have an oval 
lanceolate outline, that they should be within a certain limit of weight, 
and that the edges should have a bevel adapted to further elaboration 
by flaking processes. Only one piece was found that had certainly 
been carried beyond this simple stage; in this piece a rude stem had 
been worked out at the broad end, as in the ordinary spearhead. This 
specimen {a, plate xviii) was found near the surface of a mass of shop 
refuse, but was without reasonable doubt part of the original deposit. 
Two other pieces {b and c) found at considerable dejiths exhibit slight 
indications of specialization of form. The specimen shown in d is hardly 
more than an ordinary failure, rejected on account of too great thick- 
ness or other eccentricity of shape. 

For the purpose of conveying a clear notion of the nature of the 
final quarry form — the leaf-shape blade — I have brought together in 
plates XIX, XX, xxi, and xxii a number of the rejects that seem to 
approach the form striven for by the quarry-shop flaker. Some are 
entire blades, all of which exhibit more or less palpable defects of 
form (as judged by the standards made out by a study of the quarry- 
shop work and by the ordinary blades found so jilentifuUy on village- 
sites). Others were broken near the final stage of the shaping, and in 
numerous cases both pieces were found where they had been dropped 
by the workman and covered up by the accumulating debris. It will 
be noticed that nearly all the whole pieces are excessively thick in some 
part, while some are crooked or defective in outline, and we may con- 
clude that they were rejected on account of some of these shortcomings. 
We are, in my judgment, sufficiently warranted in concluding that most 
of those specimens now in fragments were broken in vain efforts to 
reduce the excessive thickness (as in «, plate xx) or to correct some 
defect in outline. Breakage was liable to take place at any stage of 
the work, the danger increasing, however, as the form increased iu 




^>r<?;;^s;^^.<Tr-,Y:-o.-, ^ -^-^ 

















The excessive thickness so fatal to success results from the failure of 
flakes to carry sufficiently far back from the margin to overlap opposing 
flakes. In the process of shaping stones of varying degrees of avaihi- 
bility by fracture, many eccentric forms are necessarily (leveloi)ed; and 
these peculiarities of failures, being due to common defects in the flak- 
ing qualities of the stone, are often repeated, giving to the superficial 
observer the impression that the particular form was the result of 
design. Thus, for example, there are many specimens having one flat 
side and one convex or i)yramidal side. It happened in such cases 
that one side was reduced readily to the flattish or slightly convex 
surface desired, but that the other worked Ijadly, giving a liigh peak 
which could not be removed. This form and the double-peaked variety 
are constantly repeated because the tendency of the flaking from a 
bowlder is strongly toward high apexes, great skill being required to pre- 
vent this result and to obtain just the proper convexity. To attempts 
to remove these high humps by violent strokes is due much of the break- 
age in all stages of the work. Examples of this class of faihii'es are 
forrnd on everj^ shop site and need not be nustaken for finalities in 

The incipient tools have very considerable range iu size, the blade 
shown in />, plate xxi, being 5.} inches in length, while others reach 
upward of C inches. The smallest specimens found in tlie quarry-shops 
are a little under - inches in length. Plate xxiu is intended to indi- 
cate the relation of the roughed-out blade to the bowlder from which it 
was derived. Two examples are given, the jirofile being added in each 
case that the conditions may be understood fully. In the specimens 
chosen for illustration, both ends retain small areas of the original 
surface of the bowlder. The relation of the blade to the original 
bowlder is not at all uniform. The fracture was sometimes such that 
three-fourths or more of the mass was removed all from the one side 
before the desired degree of convexity of that side was obtained, so 
that the blade was finally derived from very near one surface of the 
bowlder, as indicated iu the profiles. The occurrence of such speci- 
mens as this has led to the supposition that in some cases a number of 
blades were made from a single bowlder by splitting, and this is no 

^During the period intervening between the completion of the work on Piny branch and the date 
of the present writing (five years), I have examined many other quarries in various parts of the 
country and close analogies were observed everj'where and even identical results where eonditions 
were identieal. I liave also enrountered in this period numerous illustrations of the baneful results 
flowing from a lack of appreriatiou of the nature of the quarry and shop work and of tlie rejectage 
always associated with it. One very earnest and intelligent gentleman, who had dwidt for many 
years in a flint-producing district where the fields were filled with refuse of manufacture, had spent 
a great deal of time in gathering and classifying the varied forms of rejectage, supposing all to be 
implements. The result was truly astonishing. He had grouped similar forms together as so many 
varieties of tools and had worked out suppositious uses and was able to decide hnw some forms were 
shaped to fit the hand and others were designed for hafting. He liad made excellent drawings and 
was ready to issue an elaborate and costly work. In his mind every shape was significant, and all 
fractures, such as come from necessity in all broken atones and are often remarkable, were indications 
of design, and the more eccentric accidents of fracture were evidences of consummate skill on the 
part of the workman. 

66 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.axn.Id 

(loul)t correct where fracture was exceptionally favorable, but a bowl- 
der (lid abundantly well iu jieldiug a single specimen of the class 
roughed out on the quarry site. 

In a jiiajority of cases the completed blade retains no trace of the 
original surface of the bowlder, as the great number of blows necessary 
to obtain the desired shape removed it altogether; and in most cases, 
no doubt, the specimen was reduced to two-thirds or one half of the 
length and width of the bowlder. It is probable that the projectile 
point. 1.^ or 1! inches in length, was often the entire result of flaking up 
a bowlder 3 or -t inches long. 

The various forms of worked stones are distributed throughout the 
mass of refuse, as would be expected in a quarry-shoj). In many cases 
clusters of flakes are found, and with them the fragments and failures 
produced during a single sitting or by a series of sittings on the one 
spot. In /*, plate xxiii, and in a and h, plate xxiv, three pieces are 
Ijresented, illustrating three stages of ])rogress, the first-mentioned 
specimen belonging between the other two. These were found, with 
the flakes derived from them, in a small cluster in the first trench.' 
The huge siiecinien was rejected after having received a few blows from 
the hammer, the relief of the side flaked remainiTig too pronounced to 
warrant continuation of the work; the second piece was broken when 
both sides had been roughly reduced to approximate contour; while the 
third example was splintered after having reached almost the requisite 
thinness and contour. Thus we have, as the result of a few minutes' 
flaking, a series of forms representing the whole range of quarry-shop 
shaping operations and extending from the rudest to the most elaborate 

Occasionally we encounter specimens in which the flaking was 
carried all around the margin of the stone in such a manner as to give 
a lumiber of steeply sloping facets. These have a close resemblance to 
what are known as cores, that is, masses of raw nuiterial from which 
flakes have been removed to be used as knives, etc. It is diliicult to 
draw the line between the steep-faceted failure and the typical core 
form, as the one shape grades into the other. Four of these core-like 
pieces, the best and nearly the only specimens collected, are represented 
in plate xxv. It is impossible to determine whether or not they are 
really cores rather than mere failures of the blade maker. Certainly 
no use was made on the quarry or shop sites of flakes such as would 
be derived from them, for had such flakes been worked up on the site 
traces of the operations would have been left among the refuse. True, 
the flakes may have been carried away, as were the blades produced 
in the (juarry, to be utilized or specialized elsewhere, but I have not 

'It ia quite possible that by .1 little careful work all tbe pieces of the bowlders used on this spot 
could h.iTB been recovered ami the original form restored by fitting the bits together, but the true 
conditions were so patent that this was not considered essential. In subsequent years such restora. 
tions have been made in a number of cases, and notably by Dr W. A. riiillips, of Evanston, Illinois, 
who has in two <tr three instances restored the bowlder so fully that each part can be taken oft' iu the 
order in which it was flaked by the ancient arrow maker of the gravelly shores of Lake Michigau. 








a. h. and c have nne flat side and a beveled edpe ; e f. {l. appear to be broken projectile points 

sharpened at the edge 


been able to li'aru that the iJiimitive iuhabitauts of the Potomac region 
often used flakes such as were taken from these objects, either in their 
original form as cutting or scraping tools or in the manufacture of 
projectile points, scrapers, and drills; nearly all specialized (piartzite 
implements are fairly thick bodied and substantial. The great rarity 
of typical core shapes on these shop sites should also be noted as indi- 
cating the i)robability that ordinary high peaked specimens are mere 
accidents of blade making operations. 

In some cases large bowlders have been l)roken and flaked in such 
manner as to suggest the notion that the detached pieces were intended 
to be used in implement making; but howsoever this may be, much 
experience has taught me that irregular masses of quartzite are much 
more difficult to manage — to reduce to the symmetric blade — than are 
the bowlders when the latter are of convenient size. It is different 
with more brittle materials, which may be worked up to good advantage 
from the angular mass. 

In my very careful and prolonged eftbrts to determine the object of 
the quarry-shop work and the character of the product I studied the 
numerical relations of the various forms of rejectage with excellent 
results, which may be given in some detail. 

In shaping implements by flaking there are necessarily failures at 
all stages of the work from beginning to end, as already shown, and 
these failures are susceptible of grouping into four classes: The first 
class includes tested bowlders, rejected in early stages of the work 
because of unfavorable material, adverse fractures, flaws, etc, which 
occur in countless numbers on the site; the second stage includes 
those considerably worked on one side and rejected because of palpa- 
ble defects developed or brought out by that work: the third group 
includes such specimens as were flaked somewhat fully on both sides 
before it became apparent that further effort was useless; and the 
fourth class comprises the well-detined leaf-like blade. Now it was 
found by study of the shaped refuse that lireakage under the heavy 
blows of the hammer took place at all stages of the work, and that 
nearly as many failures had resulted from breakage into halves or 
approximate halves as from imperfectly developing contour. I found, 
however, by segregating and comparing the varieties, that one group of 
halves had no corresiwuding group of unbroken forms, and I concluded 
that this group of halves represented the true quarry product. 

The observations may be formulated as follows (the first series — the 
tested bowlders — being omitted because they were practically innu- 
merable) : In the first trench I found, of the second class (», plate xvii), 
380 whole specimens and 400 halves; of the third (jlass (o), 250 whole 
specimens and 320 halves; and of the fourth stage {p), no whole speci- 
mens and 380 halves. The latter were halves of comparatively thin, 
well shaped blades, and were not represented by any whole blades of 
like proportions. In other words, there were 380 half blades of a 
grade of advancement superior to that of the best entire blade. From 

58 STONE IMPLEMENTS |eth. ann.15 

tliis the infeieuce was reached that all unbroken blades of this class 
were carried away. It would appear, also, that of the shaped stoues no 
other varieties were carried away, since no other vari-ety is without a 
full percentage of uubroken S])eciiuens, the presence of these in the 
refuse being sufficient evidence that they were not desired or removed 
from the site. 

The determination that the leafshape blade was the exclusive 
shaped product of these great (juarries is of greater importance than 
at first appears. It affords the key to many of the most ])uzzling 
problems of flaked stone art. It settles the status of multitudes of 
rudely flaked stones formerly of enigmatical status, and enables us to 
tell the story of the cache and write for the tirst time the full history 
of the countless flaked implements scattered over the land. 


As has already been indicated, the flaking tools were probably bowl- 
ders selected for the jiurpose from the multitude of available examples. 
Though few were found that show any considerable evidence of wear, 
many specimens occur which are more or less battered, apparently by 
use. With multitudes of natural hammers of choice shapes and assorted 
sizes at hand, it was manifestly useless to shape special tools or to 
bring in shaped tools from the outside. The scarcity of well-shaped 
and much-used hammers in this (juarry is a very notable fact, and has 
been the subject of much speculation. It is found that in other quar- 
ries, subsequently examined, these objects are very numerous, and this 
has led to the surmise that possibly hammers made of other material, 
such as buckhorn, were employed in flaking the bowlders. This, we 
must admit, is possible, but as the evidence stands today the matter 
must V)e left largely to conjecture. 

Processes of Manitfacture 

Discussion of the jirocesses of manufacture, of the destiny of the 
shaped iiroduct, and of other general topics might be left until the 
other quarries and shop sites are described, but can as well be taken 
up here, since the results obtained by a study of this group of quarry- 
shops are repeated in the other cases. 

It has been mentioned elsewhere that the first step, after the removal 
of the bowlders from the bed by the ([uarrymen, was to test them for 
quality of material. As a rule, the removal of a single flake, or at most 
a very few flakes, enabled the ex])ert workman to determine whether or 
not the stone was reasonably tractable. The selected material was 
removed to the shop sites, where the flaker took up the work. 

The process employed in flaking appears to have been exclusively 
fracture by free-hand i>ercussion, the act being a quick, firm stroke, 
regulated in force by the nature of the resistance to be overcome and 
by the result desired ; no trace or suggestion of other kind of ])roced- 
ure was observed. The bold but unsvmmetric outline of the forms 






a t 

I- 5 


'^ o 

llJ 1^ 

d ** 

I- OS 

O uj 

^ _i 
t~\ — ' 





produced and the rather haphazard arrangement of the percussion 
points prechide the idea that any process capable of accurately adjusting 
the point of contact between the tool used and the article shaped could 
have been employed. At best such a method would certainly not be 
readily applicable to a stone of the refractory nature of quartzite. 
Though the manner of delivei'ing the stroke seems sufQciently deter- 
mined, the precise method of holding the stone shaped is left to con- 
jecture. My own ex])eriments have been conducted on the assumption 
that it was held in the hand. The account of flaking processes given 
in the following paragraidis is based on the belief that freehand per- 
cussion with hammers of stone or other hard and heavy material was 
the exclusive or principal (juarry-shop process. 

lleferring to the series of graded rejects illustrated in plate xvii, we 
observe that the process of manufacture and the steps of development 

Fig. 10 — First step in bowlder tlakiug. 

were essentially as follows: Grasping a bowlder in either hand (sup- 
posing bowlder hammers to have been used), the first movement was to 
strike the edge of one against that of the other at the proper angle to 
detach a flake (figure Id). The second movement and the third were 
similar, and so on until the circuit was completed. If no false stroke 
was made and the stone had the right fracture, these few blows, occu- 
pying but as many seconds, gave as a result a typical turtleback — a 
bowlder with one side faceted by artificial flaking, the other side, save 
through accident, remaining smooth. If the removal of a single row 
of flakes was not sufficient, the work was continued until the one side 
was reduced to the proper degree of convexity, and the availability of 
the stone for further elaboration was made apparent. A type profile 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

is illustrated iu ii, plate xvii. If the results thus far reached were 
satisfactory, the stone was turned in the hand, and by a second series 
of blows the remaining smooth side was ilaked away (figure 11), when 
the result was a two-faced stone or double turtleback — the incipient 
blade. With perhaps a few additional strong strokes the rough stone 
began to assume the appearance of the final form. A tyi)e profile is 
seen in o, plate xvii. If at this stage, and, I may say, if at any pre- 
ceding stage, the stone developed defects or unmanageable features 
(such as too great thickness, crookedness, or bumps that could not be 
removed), it was thrown away, and thus became part of the refuse; 
and it would appear that all the entire specimens collected, since they 
were taken by us from the refuse, did develop some of these short- 
comings. If, however, the form developed properly, the work was con- 
tinued into the final stage, which consisted in going over both sides a 

Fig. 11 — Second atep in bowlder flaking. 

second and perhaps a third time, securing, by the use of small ham- 
mers and by deft and careful blows upon the edges, a thin, symmetric 
blade. A profile is given in |j, plate xvii. Four broken specimens that 
must have been all but complete, for they are apparently more perfect 
than any whole pieces left on the site, are shown in _/, /,-, /, and m of the 
same plate. It is important to observe that when the thin blade repre- 
sented by these halves was realized, the work of the quarry-shop (and 
the only work of the quarry-shop, so far as shaping is concerned) 
was ended. The process and the machinery had accomplished all that 
was asked of them, and all that they were capable of accomplishing. 
The neat, but withal rude, blades, and these only, of the shaped prod- 
ucts were carried away. Further work, additional shaping — and such 
there was in most cases, no doubt — employed other ])rocesses and was 
carried on in other fields. Flakes and fragments suitable for elaboration 










Bureau of ethnolog 





into implements may have beeu selected for trausportatioii, but no 
evidence of this is procurable. 

The course of procedure just described I have investigated in the 
most careful manner, and by experiment have followed every step of 
the i)rocess, and have achieved almost every result. I have found that 
in reaching one final form I have left many failures by the way, and 
that these failures duplicate, and in proper pi'oportions, all the forms 
found on the quarry sites. I was unfortunately prevented from carry- 
ing out these experiments as fully as desirable by j)ermanently disabling 
ray left arm in attempting to Hake a bowlder of very large size. 

I further find by these experiments — and the conclusion is a most 
important one — that every implement resembling the final form here 
described, and every blade-shaped projectile point made from a bowlder 
or similar bit of rock not already approximate in shape, must pass 
through the same or nearly the same stages of development, leaving 
the same wasters, whether shaped today, yesterday, or a million years 
ago; whether in the hands of the civilized, the barbarous, or the savage 

It may be well.hereto define with some care the apparent limitations 
of the classes of procedure concerned in the manufacture of flaked 
tools. Direct or free hand i)ercussion by means of unhafted or hafted 
implements is the natural method of reducing large amorphous masses 
to something approximating the special shapes reached in the advanced 
stages of the art. It was probably the leading method utilized in very 
early times; but this process, even in the most skillful hands, has its 
limitiitions in certain directions. For example, blows can not be given 
with sufficient regularity to produce great symmetiy of outline and 
desirable uniformity of flaking; and, again, when implements under 
treatment become attenuated, the sharp blow is extremely liable to 
shatter them. The skill of the artificers being equal, these limitations 
vary with the degree of brittleness and homogeneity of the material 

Quartzite is extremely refractory, and the skill of the workman must 
have been tried to the utmost to carry the manufacture by the free- 
hand process to a stage of elaboration where the other methods would 
be operative. It is possible that some method employing indirect per- 
cussion may have followed that of direct percussion. By indirect 
percussion I mean the use of two tools, one the hammer and the other 
the punch, the latter being set on the exact spot to receive the impact 
or blow, thus eliminating the element of uncertainty characteristic of 
the freehand blow, although necessarily lacking in percussive power. 
By one or both of these methods the blades were carried to such a 
degree of symmetry and attenuation that the artist was able to employ 
pressure to advantage. Then, by skillfully using a bit of bone or 
antler, he could carry the tool to the highest possible degree of spe- 
cialization and finish. That the latter method was employed by the 

62 STONE IMPLEMENTS [kth. ann. 15 

Chesapeake tribes is clearly indicated by John Smith, who, speaking 
of a Powhatau warrior, says, ''His arrow head he quickly maketh with 
a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracert, of any splint of a 
stone, or glasse in the forme of a heart, and these they glew to the end 
of their arrowes."' This could not aj^plj^, of course, save where the bit 
of stone already approximated the proportions and especially the 
thickness of the article to be made. 

Destiny of the Quarry Blades 

Now, although the blades produced in the quarry-shops may without 
modification have been used for cutting, scraping, perforating, and 
other purposes, I am decidedly of the opinion that as a rule they were 
intended for further elaboration ; this is rendered almost certain, Hrst, 
by the fact that the most fully shaped broken pieces found on the quarry- 
shop sites are but rudely trimmed on points and edges, specimens of 
like gTade being little fitted for use in cutting and scraping; and, 
second, that all the tens of thousands of specialized forms — spearheads, 
arrowpoints, and perforators — are necessarily specialized from such 
blades, as shown in a subsequent section. The quarry-workshoi) was 
naturally not a place for finishing tools, but one for roughiug-out the 
nuiterial and selecting that fitted to be carried away for final shaping. 
A laborer engaged in such work in a pit iu the forest would not be 
likely to throw aside the rough hammer used in fracturing cobble 
stones to take up and operate an entirely different kind of machinery, 
involving a distinct and delicate process. Being a reasoning and i)rac- 
tical creature, he would carry away the roughed-out tools, the long, 
thin blades, to be disposed of or to be finished at his leisure and by what- 
soever method experience placed at his disposal. 

The quarries, being extensive, were worked somewhat systematically 
and the product was naturally of great importance to the people con- 
cerned. The blades made during a prolonged season's work were 
numerous and were carried to village-sites far and near for use, special- 
ization, or trade. There would be in their history a period of trans- 
portation attended by storage, and this would explain the cache, an 
interesting feature of stone-implement phenomena, and one which 
involves just such blades as were produced in the quarry-shops. 



The second group of quarry- workshops to receive attention is located 
on the western side of Eock creek, a quarter of a mile north of the new 
Naval Observatory and a mile and a half southwest of the Piny branch 
site already described. The quarries occupy a narrow, heavily timbered 
spur of the Tennallytown ridge and overlook a deep and picturesque 

'History of Virgiuia, Eicbmouil, 1819, vol. l. p. 132 

o < 

Q. — 

5 < 

o h 

tr CO 

a. o 

< o 


raviue. On the plats of the new city subdivisious bordering' Massa- 
chusetts avenue extended this locality is called J)umbarton heights. 

Although hardly beyond the city limits, this site still retains the 
extreme wildness of a jirimitive forest and is penetrated by obscure 
trails only. The sound of the hammer is now constantly heard, how- 
ever, even in the wildest spots, and suburban avenues threaten it on 
all sides. It will probably not be many years before the illustration 
given in plate xxvi, from a i)liotograph taken early in the spring of 1891, 
will be the only memento of the primal wilderness now covering these 
hills. A fine rivulet, tributary to Kock creek, meanders the deep ravine, 
overlooked on the north by the quarry promontory and on the south by 
the observatory. 

Geology oi.- thk Site 

In its geologic features this locality corresponds very closely with the 
Piny branch site. A bed of Potomac bowlders caps the summit of 
the ridge, extending to a depth of from 1 to 25 feet, and resting on the 
somewhat uneven surface of the gneissic rocks. The main ridge, with 
w.hich this spur connects by a narrow and very slightly depressed sad- 
dle, rises toward Teniiallytown, nearly 200 feet higher, and is composed 
of sands, gravels, and bowlder beds of more recent age. The outcrops 
of bowlders in the gulches and sloi)es have been worked in many 
places by the ancient ((uarrymeu. On the spur or promontory exam- 
ined the bowlders outcrop at a level of 280 feet above tidewater, which 
is 50 feet higher thau the exposures on Piny branch. This difference is 
l>robably to some extent an index of the slope of the ancient gneissic 
beach or sea l)ed on which the l'oton)ac bowlders were laid down. 
The bed resting on the gneissic surface seems to have contained a 
larger percentage of workable bowlders than any of the su^ierposed 
deposits. This led to the almost exclusive working of this bed l)y 
the ancient peoples, who must have familiarized themselves with all 
exposed deposits of material. 

The beds containing iiuartzite bowlders are at this point upward of 
20 feet in thickness, but the workable nmterial is confined to a few feet 
at the base, with scattering specimens in gravel deposits at higher 
levels. The bowlders sought and worked here are almost identical in 
every respect with those quarried on Piny branch. The deposits, 
however, present some points of difference. At the latter point the 
bowlders were pretty uniformly bedded, and the sands and gravels 
associated with them exhibited distinct traces of horizontal bedding; 
but on Dumbarton heights the bowlders are distributed pretty uni- 
formly throughout a matrix of tough argillaceous sand, presenting 
the appearance of heterogeneous dumping, rather than of regular bed- 
ding T)y aqueous agencies. 

Portions of the deposits were here in a most favorable condition to 
be worked, as they occupied the summit of the ridge and were exposed 
to view over the surface of the entire crest. The bowlders were obtained 

64 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. ann.15 

by eiiteriug the hillside on tbe gneissic floor as well as liy pitting the 
bowklery snrfac-e at varions points. The latter uiethod was extensively 
followed at the western end of the ontstanding ridge, which is nearly 
flat for a width of 75 feet or more. This relation of the bowlder depos- 
its to the surface of the ground had an important bearing on the pres- 
ervation of the evidences of ancient work. On the sloping surfaces 
the pits ai-e entirely obliterated by the descent of refuse from above, 
but on the upper surface they are still distinctly visible. 

The worked-over surface is everywhere irregular, but the depressions 
are in no case more than a few inches in depth. It is probable that as 
a rule they were not deep when deserted by the ancient workmen, as 
one pit would be filled by refuse from another as the work went on. 
Such pits as were left open on the upper surface of the ridge would at 
first fill rapidly by falling in from the sides, but the rate of filling would 
decrease with the decrease of depth, and when a degree of shallowness 
like that observed at present had been reached, the compacted cobbles 
would have something of the stability of an artificial pavement; and 
where the position did not admit the accumulation of vegetal mold, 
centuries might pass without perceptible change. On steep sites,-as in 
some parts of Piny branch, the friable overhanging deposits must have 
descended rapidly into the old quarries, obliterating all traces of the 
pits in a very short time. 


On the map the crest of the promontory resembles the human foot in 
profile. The ancient quarries were located mainly on the heel, where 
they covered an acre or more. A little work was done along the sole 
of the foot, and several pits 2 or 3 feet deep had been dug at other 

As the ancient work was prosecuted along the crest and margins of 
this promontory, the shop and quarry refuse is largely distributed over 
the slopes and has descended to the bed of the creek on the south and 
into the ravines and depressions on the other sides. The most striking 
feature of the promontory is its mantle of broken bowlders, admirably 
shown in plate xxvi. The whitish bowlders appear in strong con- 
trast with the somber hues of the forest and its carpet of brown leaves 
and dark mold. 


The western projection of the quarry spur bore the most decided 
traces of ancient operations, and was therefore chosen as the best 
place to begin the work of trenching. Beginning near the extreme 
southwest end of the crest, near the upper surface of the gneiss rocks 
and at the base of the capping of bowlders, a trench .'? feet wide was 
carried horizontally into the gently sloping hillside, lieyond the first 
10 feet the digging was not continuous, but consisted of a line of short 
trenches with intervals of a few feet. For about 40 feet but little of 

Bureau of ethnology 














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particular interest was encountered. The mass, to a depth gradually 
increasing to S feet as we advanced, consisted of earth and gravel, 
intermingled with shop refuse. This rested on tlie uneven floor of the 
old quarry, composed of the undisturbed, tiruily compacted bowlder- 
bearing gravels. The ancient workmen rarely penetrated, save on the 
outer margins of the quarry, to the gneiss bed. 

At the fortyfifth foot a pocket of refuse, containing broken bowlders, 
failures, broken blades, and flakes, in considerable quantities, was 
exposed. This was at a depth of about 3 feet. Tlie conditions were 
identical with those of the Piny branch sites as the quarry wall was 
approached. Tlie characteristics of the exposures in the trenches may 
be summed up in a few words. The quarry debris consists of a hetero- 
geneous mass of sandy clays, sand, gravel, bowlders of quartz and 
quartzite, and shop refuse, all well compacted and difticultto penetrate 
and remove with pick and shovel. The shop refuse includes broken 
bowlders up to a foot in greatest dimension, rejects representing all 
varieties of failures, unflnished tools broken at various stages of 
development, and numberless flakes. These are generally distributed 
throughout tiie mass of quvirry debris, but at intervals clusters or 
pockets were encountered, where considerable shaping bad been done 
at a single sitting or on a particular spot. 

The quarry face was reached at a distance of about .55 feet from the 
beginning point of the trenching. It was, at the point reached, quite 
abrupt, being nearly vertical for about 5 feet. The full depth was 
about 7i feet. At other points, exposed in various lateral trenches, 
the old quarry face was found to be very poorly defined. It would 
appear that the ancient qnarrymen did not work with any considerable 
regularity or system. Numerous excavations had been carried into the 
sloping face of the hill, and had been abandoned near the crest. The 
series of terminations constitute an irregularly scalloped and variously 
inclined quarry face. A detailed description of the numerous short 
trenches, opened at various points along the margin of the promon- 
tory crest, need not be given. The conditions are uniform, and at no 
point was the ancient work .so extensive as where the first two trenches 
were dug. 

In one of the side trenches a good deal of charcoal was found, and 
at the depth of about feet a charred log more than 10 feet long and 
in places a foot in diameter was encountered. It rested on or near the 
bottom of the ancient excavation, and consisted of a sliell of charcoal, 
the interior uncharred portion having been entirely replaced by sand, 
which had found its way through the crevices. There is no reason to 
suppose that it was used liy the ancient qnarrymen in their work, or 
that it was anything more than a log which, having fallen into the 
deserted pit, was burned by forest tires. Charred wood and small 
masses of charcoal were found, but man's agency was not necessarily 
involved in their production. 
15 ETH 5 

66 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

The uatiire of the quarrying, the processes of implement shaping, 
and the quarry product correspond closely with those of tlie Piny 
branch site, and a de.scription would but repeat what has been already 
said in the previous section. 


jSTorth of the Dumbarton heights quarries the bowlder beds occur 
near or on the summits of the liills, and traces of ancient manufacture 
are occasionally seen. On a high point less than a quarter of a mile 
west of the crossing of Connecticut avenue and Pierce mill road, much 
shop refuse is found. This is within a few hundred yards of the Rose 
hill S(iai)stone quarry, and represents the extreme liuut of the Poto- 
mac bowlder deposits in this direction. 

The new Naval Observatory on the ridge south of tlie (|uarry just 
described is built on an ancient ([uarry site. (i>uarrying, apparently on 
a limited scale, was carried on in the banks of the ravine now occupied 
by the power bouse, as the excavations for foundations and drainage 
exposed quantities of the chipped bowlders. 

The bluffs of liock creek within the suburbs of the city are lined with 
sites on which the ancient bowlder worker established his shops. The 
work was everywhere the same, save that as a rule quarrying was not 
carried on to such an extent as to leave traces of the pitting. On both 
sides of the creek at the crossing of Massachusetts avenue the refuse 
of bowlder iiaking is strewn over the slopes from base to summit of the 
bluffs. The cutting of U street at a point overlooking tlie Massachu- 
setts avenue bridge on the east has exposed an excellent section of the 
base of the Potomac bowlder beds. A portion of the exposure is shown 
in plate xxvii. P.eneath the bowlders is the crumbling surfixce of the 
micaceous gneiss. Considerable flaking was done on the surface at this 
point, and clusters of flakes and failures occur on the slope back of the 
seated figure. Beyond is the valley of Hock creek and the heights on 
the west. In the Zoological park, a little fartlier up the valley and 
connecting around the faces of the Mount Pleasant blufts to the Piny 
branch site, are numerous spots on which considerable work was done. 

It may be added that on the level upper surfaces of the plateau 
occupied by ;\Iount Pleasant and by neighboring suburbs there are 
traces of aboriginal occupation, consisting chiefly of finished, often 
broken flaked imiDlements of ordinary varieties, and rarely of j)ecked 
and polished tools. 


A study of the manufacture -of stone implements in the Potomac 
region would jnoperly include an examination of the thousands of 

5 - 

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sites up and clown tlie river and iu the affluent valleys ou the east and 
west, but there is a great degree of sameness in the materials employed 
and iu the work done. While a few typical localities tlioroughly stud- 
ied illustrate tlie whole subject, the presentation will not be complete 
without a brief sketch of the whole held. 

luvestigatious iu tbe aucieut bowlder quarries of the Rock creek 
valley were concluded in June, 1S90, and attention was at once turned 
to the study of related ijhenomena in the surrounding region. That 
portion of the I'otomac between the head of tidewater and Great' 
falls — about 10 miles of the jnost interesting iiud picturesque part of 
its course — possesses very considerable archeologic interest. The nat- 
ural phenomena are quite distinct from those of Rock creek, and as a 
consequence there is a distinct class of archeological phenomena. The 
falls portion of the Potomac was evidently a great tisliing resort for 
the aborigines, where at one time or another every available site was 
occupied for more or less permanent dwelling. The section was rich in 
the materials most utilized in native art. All kinds of rocks were 
found; there were bowlders of i]uartz, quartzite, and slate; fragments 
of these and other rocks; veins of quartz suitable for use in arrow mak- 
ing; rounded masses of traps and metamorphosed slates, the favorite 
materials for making grooved axes and celts; soapstone in extensive 
beds; clay, and occasional bits of rare stones brought down from tbe 
distant mountains. The deposits of bowlders were not of a nature 
to encourage extensive quarrying as on Rock creek, but the varied 
resources were fully and constantly drawn ou by the dwellers by the 
river. In cases the villages were distributed over beds of river drift 
which furnished nearly every Viiriety of stone and iu many forms; and 
the art products of such a site, as picked up by the archeologist, are 
varied in the extreme. There were considerable deposits of bowlders 
ou the northern terraces from Georgetown to above Cabin John bridge, 
and (piartz was everywhere. 

The most notable sites of the fishing villages are in the vicinity of 
Little falls. Some are ou the terraced bluft's overlooking the river ou 
both sides, while others are on the floodplain, only a few feet above 
high tide or above the ordinary river current, being swept freely by every 
spring freshet. 

On the left bank of the river, almost at the foot of Little falls and 
about a quarter of a mile below the bridge, is a site tliat may receive jiar- 
ticular attention. The Hoodplain is here several hundred leet in width, 
extendiug from the river, at the point where tide and cascade meet, back 
to the canal. This floodplain has been carved by the river out of the 
gneiss rocks, the scarred surface of which retains enough soil to encour- 
age vegetation ; the young growth develops during the summer, to be 
torn up by the freshet of the following spring. A portion of thisjilaiu, 
over against the canal and just above the antiiiuatcd Lades mill, half 
a mile below the Ijridge, was so free from invasion bj^ the waters and had 

68 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. ax.v. 15 

accniiiulated so nincli soil that a small iiatch has been plowed and 
planted during,- receut years. lu the spring of 1880 the great flood 
swept the site, tearing out pits and trenches and demxding the field of 
its soil. This spot was soon after this event visited by collectors who 
obtained nunierous spearheads and arrowpoints, with some other well- 
fashioued relics. In the spring of 3800 I visited the site and found 
many objects of art and observed some interesting facts. Mainly the 
objects found were rude, rei)resenting that part of the art prodnctsnot 
desired by collectors of specimens, but such as are essential, along with 
the more finished things, to the story of the occupancy of the site and 
the pursuit thereon of native arts and industries. The river had in 
former years deposited on the corrugated surface of thei)lain numbers 
of worn and partially worn stones of every variety. At one point was a 
bed of well-rounded bowlders containing many flakable pieces. Living 
on this site, surrounded by banks of gravel and heavy beds of bowlders, 
the savageartisan did not need to quarry the material from which to flake 
his projectile points and his knives. He gathered them at his lodge door, 
and with deft hand carried them through all the stages of maniimla- 
tion from the first flake to the finished implement. (Jnartz and (juartz- 
ite were freely used, and the soil is filled with the refuse of manufac- 
ture. The rejects are identical in every essential respect, so far as the 
rude stages are concerned, with those of the Piny branch quarries. 
But here at home the work was carried further; here the various forms 
were specialized, the points were affixed to the arrowshafts and spears, 
and here, within the limits of the village at which they were made, they 
were used and lost. Knives and scrapers and perforators and drills 
were made and used, and were lost or broken and left with the other 
village refuse. 

On this site were found the fine-grain tough stones utilized for 
axes and chisels. They were selected by the primitive artisans from 
the heaps of drift, in shapes resembling the art form desired. They 
were broken and flaked, if need be, into approximate shape, and were 
then battered or pecked into final form and ground and polished accoixl- 
ing to custom or need. Si)ecimens were collected illustrating every 
step from the beginning to the end of the iirocess. Along with the other 
forms, several picks and chisels of the variety used in cutting soap, 
stone were discovered. Their presence is explained by the fact that 
near at hand occur outcrops of soapstone, and an ancient quarry has 
been observed near the Virginia end of the bridge and within a stone's 
throw of Little falls. Hammerstones, whe stones, pestles, mortars, as 
well as fragments of ordinary Potomac pottery and pieces of soapstone 
ornaments and vessels, were found. .vould .seem that every form of 
relic known in the Potomac region, iiom the rudest turtleback to the 
most finished tool of polished stone, occurs on this site — a site, it should 
be remarked, so modern in its period of occupancy that it is still swept 
by the annual freshets. Numerous illustrations of articles from this 
site will appear in subsequent sections of this paper. 

Bureau of ethnologv 








An important village-site occurs on tlie. high terrace overlooking the 
northern oml of the bridge, formerly occupied by Freeman's green- 
houses, now the property of the Baltimore and Ohio railway company, 
and another site yielding great numbers of relics is situated on the 
Donaldson place, high above the river on the southern side. 

In June, 1890, my attention was called to a series of chipped stones 
obtained from the farm of Thomas Uowling, about a mile above Cabin 
John bridge and S miles from Washington. The collection was made by 
Thomas Dowliug. junior, and included many of the rude forms common 
on the quarry-shop sites already examined, as well as a number of well- 
finished implements. During a visit to the locality it became apparent 
that this was an ordinary shop site, which bore also considerable evi- 
dence of having been occupied for dwelling. The site is a hundred yards 
beyond the Dowling gate, on a terrace, the summit of which is about 
20 feet above the Conduit road and 160 feet above the Potomac. Back 
of the terrace, which is but a few acres in extent, the hills rise gradually 
to their full height of some 350 feet above the river. The surface of 
the terrace is somewhat uneven, and is covered witli rocks of varying 
sizes, including many bowlders and masses of quartzite with irregu- 
larly shaped remnants of other varieties of stone. Much of this mate- 
rial was utilized by the aborigines. It is to be noted that the available 
material sn|)plied by this site does not correspond closely to that of the 
great quarry sites of Rock creek. The hills above furnish but few work- 
able bowlders until we go far back from the river. During the early 
Pleistocene Columbia period these lower terraces were subject to river 
overflow and thus received accessions of bowlders and fragments of 
rock from the up-river country, but this material is inferior, both in 
quantity and in quality, to that of the Potomac formation. It does not 
appear that extensive (piarrying was carried on in this locality, as 
the deposits would not warrant it. 


The estuary of Anacostia river varies from one-quarter to three- 
quarters of a mile in width in its lower course, but just above Ben- 
nings bridge it becomes quite narrow. It is bordered for the most 
part by low alluvial terraces which rise from the water to the base of 
the slopes of the plateau, here reaching nearly 300 feet in maximum 
height. In places low bluffs composed of Columbia gravels a])proacli 
the river banks, and in the angle between the Anacostia and the 
Potomac the Columbia formation occurs in terraces varying from a 
few feet to nearly 100 feet in altitude; on these in the main the city of 
Washington is built. 

The only members of the Columbia formation of particular iTiterest 
in this study are the bowlder-bearing gravels. These are extensively 
exposed in places, and in the vicinity of the navy-yard reach a thick- 
ness of 20 feet or more, though the bowlders are not generally suited 
to the use of the implement maker. They are often of quartzite and 

70 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.axx.15 

of a suitable size for flaking, but the material is not sufiScieutly glassy, 
anil tliey are so scattered tlirougliout the great mass of gravel that 
quarrying was uot encouraged. Workable bowlders were weathered 
out in considerable numbers, however, and these were used by the 
aborigines. Quartz bowlders and pebbles were also found in plenty, 
and in some localities were sutticieTitly abundant to lead to extensive 
manufacture. Such a locality occurs on the left bank of the river near 
the Pennsylvania railway bridge. Here the terrace gravels are filled 
witli workable pebbles, and many rejects and also many finished i)oints 
are found on the sites, which were dwelling places as well as implement 
factories. The furtlebacks are often very minute, being in many cases 
less than an inch in length. Althougli the inhabitants of the tidewater 
section of Anacostia river were thus well supplied near at hand with 
the ordinary varieties of stones, they probably found it advantageous 
to visit the hills higher up when an unusual supply was called for. 

The Potomac bowlder beds, which furnish the best materials in the 
region, outcrop around the slopes of the hills bordering the north- 
western branch of the Anacostia, 10 miles up. In the vicinity of 
Kiggs mill, '.>h miles above Hyattsville and a mile northwest of the 
Maryland Agricultural College, the manufacture of (juartzite tools was 
carried on quite extensively. It has not been ascertained definitely 
that quarrying was resorted to, but there is a strong probability that 
such was the case. The bowlder beds are very heavy at this point, 
and agriculture is much impeded by the millions of i-ounded stones 
that come to the surface in the fields. A small percentage of quartz 
pebbles are iuternungled with those of quartzite. The heaviest de- 
posits of bowlders occur in the middle slopes about the mill, and the 
refuse of manufacture is found everywhere. The conditions are much 
the same as on the Rock creek sites. Here, however, all stages of the 
shaping process are represented, from the tested bowlder with one or 
two flakes removed to the finished arrowpoint and spearhead. Many 
pieces have one side worked, others have both sides rough flaked, and 
a very large number are reduced almost to the typical (pmrry blade. 
There are here more broken blades — that is, of those ajiparently almost 
completed — than at any other point yet examined. At least a hundred 
were found in an hour's search. 

It is worthy of sjiecial note that on these sites a considerable amount 
of specialization was carried on, and some finished points are found, 
while there are many fragments of those evidently broken in trimming 
the edges and tips and in adding the notches; this was not true of the 
Rock creek quarries. Tliis difference is accounted for by the fact that 
the Anacostian sites were habitable in places, and traces of encamp- 
ments where finishing shops were probably established are found at a 
number of points. The occurrence of implements and proJHctile points 
of exotic materials on several of these sites is satisfactory proof of the 
presence of dwellings. 






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Many similar sites occur at corresponding localities on the other 
branches of tlie Anacostia. There is little doubt that the inliabitants 
of Kacoehtank resorted to the quarries of Kock creek and I'iiiy branch; 
for great numbers of leaf-shape blades of quartzite, as well as of 
quartz and rhyolite, are found on the chain of sites extending all the 
way from Beuuings to a point opposite Alexaudi'ia. 


The Potomac formation, which yields the great body of workable 
bowlders, extends far down the river, but is found to yield smaller 
amounts of available materials as the distance from Washington 
increases. The outcrops are generally at considerable altitude above 
the river, and at many points on the lower levels there are deposits of 
bowlder-bearing material derived from the erosion of the Potomac beds. 
This redistribution is now going on, so that everywhere there are more 
or less extensive accunuilations of workable bowlders. The superior 
formations, the Lafayette and Columbia, also yield considerable work- 
able stone, which is reassorted and redistributed by the river. There 
are in places dejjosits of exceptionally heavy bowlders of limited 
extent as far down as the confluence with Chesapeake bay. About the 
mouth of the Wicomico, for example, bowlders are found in large 
numbers. On Popes creek and along Port Tobacco river the gravels 
furnish many bowlders of all sizes, which were extensively used by the 
shell-bank peoples for mortars and niullers, and for shaping both small 
and large implements. The valley of Zakiali creek, in Charles county, 
is noted for the great number of arrowpoiuts and spearheads to be 
found on its banks; while the gravels are well supplied with workable 
pebbles of quartz and quartzite, suitable for the implement maker. 

On the western side of the river, froui llosslyn to Potomac creek, 
and extending far back into the hills, extensive deposits of l)owlders 
ai'e exposed. In all of this district no quarries have been observed, 
although it is probable that in hundreds of places bowlders have been 
obtained bj- excavation; but it would appear that the deposits outside 
of the immediate vicinity of Washington were nowhere sufdcieutly 
rich in workable material to encourage quarrying on a large scale. 
Workshops are, however, found tliroughout this region, and refuse 
corresponding in every respect to that of the great quarries is widely 

Especially notable sites are the high terraced points about Mount 
Vernon and on the island of Chopawomsie, several miles below. From 
the former Mr William Hunter has made extensive collections, now 
for the most part owned by the National INIuseum, and it is not uiuisual 
to see collections of quartzite and (juartz points from the neighboring 
fields ottered for sale to visitors at Mount Vernon. At Chopawomsie 
a bed of bowlders outcrops near the upper end of the island only a 
few feet above low water. The debris of manufacture of quartz and 

72 ST0:NE implements [eth.ann.IS 

quartzite tools is very plentiful on the, island, and large collections 
have been made of these, and of lini,she<l implements as well, by Mr 
W. H. Phillips, of Washington. The debris of flaking duplicates the 
refuse of the quarries in character. 

There is hardly a village- site on tidewater Potomac where quartz 
pebbles were not found and worked, and the workshops are innumer- 
able. It is evident that manufacture was carried on wherever the 
proper material was obtained, and it is equally clear that the processes 
employed and the articles produced were uniform throughout. 


The manufacture of quartzite and quartz implements was carried on 
very extensively in all the principal valleys draining into the Chesa- 
peake on the west. They are found scattered over the country, and on 
the more fully occupied sites along the rivers the store of arrowpoints 
and spearheads seems next to inexhaustible. The great collections 
made by M. S. Valentine, esquire, and his sons, in the James and neigh- 
boring valleys; of Mr C. M. Wallace, mainly about the falls of the 
James, and of J. H. Wrenshall, on Dan river, bear testimony to this. 

Kearly all of the stones along Moccasin and Gillys creeks below Kich- 
mond are of sandstone or soft (piartzite, unsuitable for arrow making, 
and very few chips are found along the banks of either. The banks of 
Shockoe creek are composed mostly of ([uartz and hard quartzite peb- 
bles, and the bed of the creek is filled with them. If any quarrying 
was ever done here, no traces of such work have survived the changes 
due to grading for various improvements. It is probable that the 
aborigines did very little digging, as the creek would wash out more 
stone than they could well utilize. On the surface, and especially on 
the slopes of the jjark of "Chimborazo," quartz and compact quartz- 
ites exist in great plenty, but it is useless to seek for evidences of 
aboriginal work now. 

Near the ocher mills, about 5 miles above the mouth of the Appo- 
mattox, as also at points on the opposite side of the river, pebbles 
of quartz occur in the greatest profusion. On the blutf back of the 
mills the ground is covered with flakes and spalls, and it appears that 
much work was done here. 

On a blurt' 30 feet high between Gravelly run and the mouth of Baileys 
creek the ground in the few places where it is exposed is covered with 
small flakes and chips. It seems to have been a village-site, or at least 
a place where the implements were finished after being blocked out 


In a brief and necessarily imperfect manner the history of stone flak- 
ing within the valleys of the tidewater region has been sketched in the 
foregoing pages. Incidentally it was shown that much of the material 


nmtHTH AhtHJAl. R£PO*(T fl. Mjm 

bufl&IU Of ETHNOlJ:Ct 



a li, c, d. and t mty safely be classed as rejects 


employed in the tidewater region for stone implements was not indig- 
enons. It will now be desirable to study the origin and manufacture 
of the exotic materials so extensively employeil by the natives of the 

The local materials were not of the best varieties, including little 
else, as I have shown, than brittle quartz and refractory quartzite. The 
other materials sought in the highland at distant points are rhyolite, 
jasper, argillite, and flint. All are found in limited quantity as pebbles 
in the tidewater portions of the valleys in which they occur in place in 
the highland, and the refuse left by arrow makers is found sparsely 
scattered over the valleys. This refuse is closely analogous in its 
forms with corresponding refuse resulting from the shaping of quartz 
and quartzite pebbles. In some manner the natives of the lowland 
acquired a knowledge of the location of the deposits of these mate- 
rials in the highland, aud quarries were opened and worked and trans- 
portation of the material, shaped or partly wrought, became an 
important industry. 

Rhyolite Quarries 

First in importance of the exotic materials used by the inhabitants of 
the lowland is a variety of rather coarse-grain rock found in South 
mountain, a high group of ridges extending from near the Potomac at 
Harpers Ferry to the southern side of the Susquehanna at Harrisbiirg, 
Pennsylvania. It is an ancient eruptive rock of the acidic class, occur- 
ring interbedded with other formations and outcropping in narrow belts 
parallel with the trend of the range. It is generally bluish gray in 
color, though sometimes purplish, and is often banded and mottled by 
what may be regarded as flow lines. Dark varieties closeh' resemble 
slate, and the structure is often somewhat slaty, (ienerally it is 
flecked with light-colored crystals of feldspar, by which character it is 
easily recognized. Its fracture is often uncertain on account of a shaly 
or laminated structure, but it is capable of being worked more readily 
into large and long implements than any other of the several varieties 
of rock found in the upper Potomac valley. 

The history of the discovery of this material may be of interest to 
archeologists. On taking up the study of the tidewater region it was 
observed that at least one-fourth of the implements collected were 
made of a gray slaty stone. These objects were in the main knife-like 
blades, projectile points, drills, etc, of usual types of form, though 
occasional ruder pieces and flakes were found. In a very few cases 
larger masses of the rock were reported, one weighing several pounds 
having been obtained from the banks of the Potomac opposite Jlount 
Ternon. It was of compact flakable stone, and although of turtleback 
type had somewhat the appearance of a core or mass from which flakes 
had been removed for shaping small implements. It maj' have been 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

used or iutemletl for use as an iiuplemeut, altliougli this is not proba- 
ble. It is shown in ligure 12. A much hxrger piece, an oblong blade- 
like mass, was found by Mr J. 1). McGuire in the Patapsco valley. 
Such shapes are very common in the quarries, and are often mere 
rejects of the blade maker. 

For several years the source of this stone remained unknown. 
Members of the Geological Survey were engaged in examining parts 
of the I'iedmont plateau drained by the Potomac, and I ai)pealed to 
them to keep a lookout for the stone. In the summer of 1892 Professor 

Pig. 12 — Fragment of rhyolite from the Potomac, 10 miles below Washington. 

G. H. Williams, of Johns Hopkins university, an assistant geologist 
on the Survey (whose untimely death in 189-4 was a serious loss to 
science), reported its occurrence in South mountain, and in the autumn 
he and Mr Arthur Keith, of the Geological Survey, furnished me with a 
map of the formations so far as outlined at that time. The outcrops 
extended in broken narrow belts through Maryland and Pennsylvania, 
as already mentioned. 

Early in November, 1892, 1 set out in search of the quarries. Taking 
a team at Keedysville, Maryland, I crossed the mountain ridge at sev- 
eral points, tindiug excellent outcrops of the rock at many points, but 
no trace of aboriginal operations appeared until I reached Maria 





Furuace, Peunsylvania, on a branch of the ^Monocacy, 10 miles south- 
west of Gettysbm-g'. Here the mountains rise abruptly and to great 
heights from the Darrow stream bed, and the rhyolite forms a large 
part of the rouky mass. A cluster of flakes was observed on the road- 
side some 2 luiles above the railway crossing, and extensive aboriginal 
quarries were soou found on the monutain side half a mile irp the north- 
ern slope. 

During the first visit only a preliminary examination was made. 
The ancient workings observed cover several acres of the wooded moun- 
tain side. The pitting is not pronounced, although traces of disturb- 
ance are readily recognized and the entire soil is filled with broken 
masses of the roc-k and the refuse of blade making. Xear the lower 
margin of the (juarries a small jiatch had recently been cleared and 
planted in peach trees. Here countless numbers of the partially 
shaped pieces were to be seen, and in an hour I had my wagon loaded 
with turtlebacks, broken blades, and hammerstones. The rock tends 
to break in llattish forms, and the rejects indicate that the blades made 
here averaged long and thin as compared with the shapes made from 
the compact bowlders of the tidewater region. 

As in all the (juarries so far examined, blade making was, so far as 
the refuse indicates, the almost exclusive work of the shops. Plate 
xxYiii is devoted to the illustration of specimens of successive grades 
of development, from the mass of raw material reduced to convenient 
size for beginning shaping operations to the long slender blades almost 
as fully develojied or advanced as are the blades found in the caches 
and on the village-sites of the lowland. 

No evidence was found of attempts at specialization of form, and there 
is not the least doubt that finishing operations were conducted subse- 
quent to transportation to the villages in the valleys. Shops where 
many small flakes were found contained fragments of unspecialized 
blades only. The hammerstones were not numerous, and were as a 
rule rather unsymmetric globular masses of greenish-gray eruptive 
rock — probably a dialiase. 

These and probably other quarries of South mountain were the 
centers from which the natives distributed rhyolite over a vast area 
including 20,000 square miles or more of the Chesapeake- Potomac 
region. The quarry examined is 75 miles northwest of Washington, 
and was readily accessible to the inhabitants of Potomac and Patuxent 
rivers. The amount of material transported was very great, and the 
industry must have been a most important one, frequent journeys to 
the mountains of Pennsylvania being a necessary feature. 

By a study of the range of quany elaboration it is readily deter- 
mined that the chief product was a blade corresponding to the prod- 
ucts of other quarries, and ditl'ering only as a result of the difference 
in material. It has already been mentioned that multitudes of speci- 
mens derived from this or other similar quarries in the mountains are 

76 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

scattered over the tidewater province. In a few cases flaked masses 
have been seen weighing' a number of ponuds, much larger than would 
ordinarily be carried to points distant from the (juarry. It is possible 
that in cases they are derived from water- transported masses. 

As would naturally be expected, a great numy blades of the roughed- 
out type are found in the lowland. Several caches have been reported, 
and in plates xxix, xxx, and xxxi examjdes from a number of these 
are given. Through the kindness of Colonel W. H. Love, of Baltimore, 
I am able to present the remarkable set of blades given in plate xxix. 
The cache, plowed up in a garden on Frogmore creek, near Baltimore, 
contained eight pieces, three of them being broken. The entire blades 
range from 7 to nearly 11 inches in length, and in form aie very narrow 
and thin, witli straight sides, and with the usual broad base and acute 

The boldly flaked and handsome blade presented in «, plate xxx, was 
obtained, with several others like it, by Mr Brewer on South river, 
Maryland, from a few Inches beneath the surface of the ground in a 
grove near his house. The two specimens b and c are of very different 
type, and the former is slightly specialized, rude notches having been 
broken in the sides near the base. These are from a cache of about a 
dozen pieces found near a village-site on the floodplain of the Potomac 
a few hundred yards below CLain bridge. 

Very much like the preceding, though ruder, were a number of blades 
found by Colonel W. H. Love on an island at Point of Ilocks, Mary- 
land. I introduce these specimens here, as they clearly indicate what 
must have been a common practice with tlie South mountain (piarry- 
men— the carrying away from the quarries of hoards of bits and roughly 
trimmed blades of rhyolite. . The island has in recent years suffered 
much from the great floods that now and then devastate the valley, 
and a few years ago an ancient village-site of considerable extent was 
exposed liy the removal to a few feet in depth of the surface soil. 
Pottery ami stone implements of usual types were found, and at one 
point Colonel Love discovered what appeared to be a flaking shop, as 
many bits of broken rock flakes and chipped pieces were scattered 
about. Partly buried in the soil was a flatfish stone a foot or more 
across and '2 or 3 inches thick, on and about which, as well as scattered 
through the soil near by, were numerous bits of rhyolite, a dozen or two 
being of the type shown in c, plate xxx, while others were ruder and 
some were mere flakes and fragments. Scattered about were a few 
finished and partially finished arrowpoints. The relation of these to 
the squarish stone, the presence of hammerstoues, and the fact that 
the upper surface of the stone was considerably roughened and i)icked 
into holes by sharp points led to the surmise that possibly this was a 
shop, the stone being the anvil ou which the fragments of rhyolite were 
placed to be shattered or shaped. I am at a loss, however, to understand 
just how such appliances could be utilized in the work of flaking. A 





t i 

sketeli indicating approximately the relation of the cluster of partially 
shaped fragments to the large stoue is presented in figure 13. 

Flint Quarries 

Flint does not occur in any considerable bodies within convenient 
reach of the tidewater region. Pebbles are found in limited numbers 
in the various bowlder deposits and along the stream courses. Lim- 
ited masses of the rock occur in the limestone formations of the Pied- 
mont plateau; and one considerable outcrop of the rock in Highland 
countj', Virginia, is known to have been worked by the natives. In 
May, 1893, Mr Gerard Fowke, of the Bureau of Ethnology, at my re- 
quest uuide a reconnoissauce in the region to verify the reports of 
extensive aboriginal (]uarries in Crabapple bottom. Highland county, 
and furnished the following notes: 

"On a spur that rises to a height of 200 feet, just west of the village 
of New Hampden, a large amount of Hint has been released by the 
decomposition of the limestone in which it was embedded. It is mostly 
in the form of small nodules or fragments, although some of it is 
iuterstratified with the limestone. Over a considerable area on the 

Fig. 13— Supposed anvil atone and duster of slightly shaped bits of rliyolite. 

northern end and at the top of the ridge, the earth has been much 
dug over by the aborigines for the purpose of procuriug the stone. 
Most of the pits remaining are quite small, few larger than would con- 
tain a cartload of earth. The largest are on top of the ridge, where a 
few have a dej)th of 2 to 3.J feet, with a diameter of 20 to.30 feet. The 
latter cover an area of about an acre; the others are so scattered that 
it is dittlcult to estimate their extent. There is no outcrop of stone 
at any point where digging has been done, and it appears that the 
searchers for the material had learned that the flint nodules and frag- 
ments were distributed through the soil excavated fur them in such 
spots as i)roved to contain them in greatest abundance, making no 
effort to quarry out the stone in which they occur. At various places 
on the summit of the ridge the flint projected above the ground, and 

78 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. ann.15 

there it had been battered oft' with stoues; but there is no evidence 
that quarrying was resorted to. 

"Such portion of the hill as is not in timber has a heavy blue-grass 
sod, and the ground is visible only in a few small si:)ots where animals 
have burrowed. Flint chijis and flakes were found at several of these. 
At the foot of the sijur at its northwestern terminus is a spring, 
around which these indications of manufacture are abundant; and it 
is reported that before the grass had become so thick a great many 
broken or unlinished implements were picked up. Spalls and chips 
are abundant in the face of the bank around the spring, but it can not 
be ascertained except by excavation how far they extend. So far as 
could be learned the space covered by this workshop seems too limited 
to have been utilized for fluking more than a small part of the flint 
that could have been obtained by the amount of digging apparent; it 
may, however, be more extensive than rejjorted, or there nniy be others 
in the vicinity which have been overlooked. This can be determined 
only by researches at such points as seem favorable for the location of 
arrowpoint factories." 

It is a notable fact that the existence of these quarries was known 
and recorded at a very early date, as the following extract fiom Max- 
well's Historical Register, Richmond, 1850, will show : 

On the lauils of Mr John Sitliugtou, in Crabbottoni, Highland county, there is 
an area of perhaps 100 acres all dug over in pits. This was the great treasury 
of that dark clouded fliutstone out of which the Indians made those arrowheads of 
that color found all over our state. The rock there is in great perfection, and in 
inexhaustible quantity. It would surprise anyone to see what labor had been 
expended here and what vast (luautity of the rock obtained. Here was the red 
man's California. 

Flint implements occur so sparingly over the great tidewater areas 
that it .seems hardly likely that extensive quarries existed within easy 
reach of the lowland peoples. No caches have been recorded, and it 
seems unuecessary to illustrate the forms of implements, which do not 
dift'er in type from those of other materials. In the Potomac valley 
above Harpers Ferry the village-sites yield flint arrowi)oints and spear- 
heads, mostly black in color, in very considerable numbers. 

.Iaspeu and Ar.GiLLiTF. Quarries 

Although these materials were itsed by the tidewater peoples, and 
although some of the articles found were tmdoubtedly derived from 
quarries, the exact location of these sources of supply can not be deter- 
mined. It is not improbable, however, that the ([uarries in BerlvS and 
Lehigh counties, Pennsylvania, furnished the nutterial. Implements 
and other articles of these materials are later refei'red to. 


It will be observed that the leaf shape blades made in the quarries 
are identical in character with the hoard or cache blades so well known 
all over the country. There can be little doubt that these hoards are 





deposits of blades produced in the qixarry-sbops or on sites fiuuisliiug 
sup])lies of the raw material and transported and stored for utilizatiou 
or trade. Few caches of the quartzite blades have been reported from 
the tidewater country. It is much more common to find deposits of 
blades of other materials not obtained in the region, and therefore 
brought from a distance by quarry workers or traders. At the mouth 
of South river, Maryland, near the banks of Selby bay, four hoards 
have been found, and are now for the most part in the collection of 
Mr J. D. McGuire. Two are of argillite aud one of jasper, brought, no 
doubt, from workshops in Pennsylvania, some 150 miles away, and 
one is of rhyolite, probably from the quarries on the head of Monocacy 
creek, in Pennsylvania. A fifth cluster, consisting of eight fine, long 
blades, was found in a garden near Baltimore, and is now owned by 
Colonel W. H. Love of that city. Five examples appear in plate 
XXIX. Still another hoard, consisting of six long, slender blades of 
slaty Soufli mountain rhyolite, was obtained by Mv H. ^S'^ewton Brewei', 
from Lis farm on South river, Maryland. An illustration from this cache 
is given in a, plate xxx. A cache of a dozen blades, found on a village- 
site at Fades mill, below Chain bridge, is represented in b, plate xxx, 
and a similar lot from an island in tlie Potomac, below Harpers Ferry, 
is illustrated in v of the same plate. Nests of quartzite blades are 
reported from different parts of the Potomac valley. One, consisting 
of six ijieces, all slightly specialized, was obtained from a village-site 
in Anacostia by Mr W..n. Phillips {a and h, plate xxxi) ; a second (c, in 
the same plate), owned by Mr Thomas Dowling. junior, contains four or 
five blades, and is from Bennings; and a third, now in the National 
Museum, is also from the vicinity of Washington. Others reported from 
Potomac creek and elsewhere have been scattered by collectors who 
did not appreciate their importance. We can not say in any case that 
the quartzite blades found in caches had their origin in the Washington 
quarries, for identical forms were produced on numberless sites through- 
out the region yielding the raw material, but, in the nature of things, 
the greater (jnarries would be more frequently represented in the caches 
than tiie smaller. 

The quarry-shop type of blade is not confined to the cache or to 
cache finds. It is found widely distributed over the country on village- 
sites, fishing stations, etc. These objects are plentiful on village-sites 
in the region producing the raw material in plenty, and decrease rapidly 
in numbers as we recede from that region. Thus a village-site on the 
Anacostia yields hundreds of these blades, while a similar site on the 
lower Potomac may not yield lialf a dozen. Tliey are found in consid- 
erable numbers in such places as the bluft" village-sites about Mount 
Vernon and the great shell fields of Popes creek, where beds of work- 
able bowlders are convenient. The cache is not a necessary result of 
the quarry, but the quarry explains the cache. 

Chapter III 


The treatment of this division of the subject will be brief, since the 
object of the jjresent paper is chiefly to develop the history of the great 
industries connected with quarrying, manufacture, and distribution, 
rather than to discuss tlie finished implements and their uses. Up to 
the present time a rational account of the earlier stages of the work of 
the aboriginal artisans, of the history of the implement up to the point 
where its functions as an implement began, has not been given. The 
flnislied objects have been voluminously discussed by many authors, 
but this discussion began in the middle of the subject as now developed 
and is thus incomplete and unsatisfactory. Unfinished forms and 
rejects have not been clearly distinguished from iinitlements proper, 
and much time has been wasted in classifying and finding uses for 
objects that are not implements at all. 

Attention has already been given to the destiny of the blades pro- 
duced in such great numbers in the quarry-shops and in the workshoi)S 
scattered over areas aflbrding the raw material. From these sites were 
distributed, often in unfinished condition, the innumerable specimens 
found in caches and on dwelling, hunting, fishing, and other sites all 
over the tidewater country. The processes of elaboration, by means of 
which the blades are roughedout and i)repared for final shaping, have 
already been considered at some length. 

We are not able to say at just what point in the shaping of the blade 
or implement from <pxartzite and each of the otlier stones (for the point 
would not be uniform with all varieties) the percussion processes ceased 
and the pressure processes took up the work. It was certainly later in 
the quartzite than in any of the others, because of its coarse grain and 
exceeding toughness and the cousequent lack of thin and sharp edges 
on which the pressure tool must take hold. The pressure methods were 
applied .somewhat as indicated in the following paragraphs. 

In the method mostreadily available for the final steps a blank form 
or a flake having the approximate shape was held firmly between the 
fingers and thumb of the left hand. A firm piece of bone having a 
rather thin edge or angle like that of a three-cornered file was taken in 
the right hand and set upon the sharp edge of the stone and at right 
angles to it so firmly that a slight cut or notch was made in the bone, 
then, with a quick, firm movement of the right hand, met by a similar 




a, made by sharpening and notching a quart;ite bowlder; h. made by sharpening a rude grooved ax 



iiioveiiieiit of the left, the bone was made to move across the edge of 
the stoue (figure 14), iu doing- which it took with it ti flake, varying 
in length, width, and dei)th with the skill and power of the workman, 
the nature of the stoue, etc. A rapid repetition of this operation, 

Fig. 14— Flaking by pmasure, a bone implenuMil beinK nsetl. 
n till' bone tool, li tbe stone, c the Hake. 

accompanied by a proper resetting of the tool, quickly reduced the 
piece, if it worked readily, to almost any desired outline. The same 
result was obtained iu various other ways, but always by means of 
suddenly applied or spasmodic pressure. The blank form may have 
been held down by the lingers on the edge of a stone, as shown in 
figure 15, and the point of the bone held iu the other set so as to 

Fio. 15-riakii 

; by preasnre, a bono point being nai'ii, tbe inijilenienl to be 
sbaped reatinii on a snpport. 

catch the edge of the stone to a width corresponding to that caught 
by the notched bone in the other ])osition, when a quick downward 
pressure upon the flaking tool would remove the tiake. Again, in 
larger work, where greater force was required to remove the flakes, 
15 ETH G 

82 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

a tool long euougli to place against tlie aim or of the operator 
may have beeu used. In this way much additional force could be 
thrown into the spasmodic movement. Another device, practiced by 
some tribes, consisted of a notched or forked bone or pincers, which 
was set upon the sharp edge of the blank and given a sudden twist, 
thus removing the Hake. 

These operations apply exclusively to implements of leaf-blade type 
and to minute forms of other origin. The various ruder and heavier 
varieties of tools were shaped by percussion exclusively. 

The flaked implements of the province may be amiuged in two great 
groups: One consists of small and well-shaped forms, such as knives, 
drills, scrapers, and projectile points, almost universally employed by 
the native tribes; the other comprises heavier and ruder tools, gen- 
erally made on or near the site of intended use, and probably rarely 
carried about the person or transported to any great distance. The 
latter class includes bowlders sharpened at one end by removing a few 
flakes, giving a cutting edge or a pick-like point; bowldei-s and other 
stones, often large, similarly sharpened, and in addition notched at the 
sides for hafting; as well as quite heavy bowlders, or other compact 
bits of rock, rudely notched for hafting, designed for use probably as 
hammers or sledges. A unique group of this class of implements was 
developed in connection with the quarrying and shaping of steatite. 
It includes digging tools and picks of large size and often of rude 
shape, and of cutting tools of chisel-like character, shai)ed by flaking 
but often sharpened by grinding. These are fully illustrated in a 
subsequent chapter. We may also add sledge heads and hammers 
used for breaking up the rock in rhyolite, jasper, and argillite quarries, 
and such flaking hammers and other large tools and utensils as are in 
cases shaped by fracture. 

Implements of the flrst-mentioned class originated in the quarries 
and in scattered shops, and were not ea.sily made, save from material 
of good flaking qualities; the latter could be made of ordinary surface 
bowlders and of coarse, inferior stone. The former are almost univer- 
sally distributed; the latter are found but little beyond the sites yield- 
ing the raw material. The former are light, thin, and symmetric, and 
have their genesis mainly through the leaf shape blade; the latter are 
heavy, thick, and not necessarily symmetric, and never reach a high 
degree of elaboration. 


Perhaps none of the products of aboriginal art are better known than 
those which may be grouped under this head and which are referred to 
as knives, drills, scrapers, and jirojectile points. Their employment 
must have been general, as their dissemination is almost universal. 


Tlieir number is beyond estimate. Their most important characteristic 
is their general sliape, nearly all being referable to origin through the 
leaf-shape blade. Fill out the outline of almost any specimen, large or 
small, and the blade form is restored (plate xxxii). As a rule they 
are thin, a necessary condition for projectile points (save the most 
minute forms, which are merely sharp bits of stone) and a convenience 
in the case of knives, scrapers, and drills, which were carried more or 
less about the person. The typical scraper, with one side flat and the 
other sharply beveled, is an exception ; it is illustrated in lilate xxxm, 
a, b, c, and is a rare form in this region. Another form of scraper is 
of leaf-blade genesis, as seen in the same plate, c,/, g, and in/', plate 
XXXII, which illustrate a prevailing form of scraper made by sharpen- 
ing the broken end of a spearhead. Other exceptions to the rule are 
minute drills and other points made from bits of angular stone so small 
and SI) approximate in shape that systematic shaping was unnecessary. 
All of the implements of these several classes are designed to be set in 
handles or in the ends of shafts. 

It is the common practice to speak of spearheads and arrowpoiuts as 
if they belong to well-distinguished classes, l>ut the line can not be 
drawn between them with any degree of clearness. The larger forms 
were, in general, doubtless used as spearheads and the smaller for arrow- 
points: yet it is probable that a large percentage of specimens of 
medium size were used in either way as occasion required. These 
implements were also equally serviceable for other ]mrposes, and any 
of them may have been hafted and used for cutting, scraping, or dig- 
ging. The slender-shafted perforator or drill, evidently adapted to 
boring stone, wood, bone, and the like, and in numerous cases bearing 
evidence of use, may also have served at times as a projectile point. 
The line seiiarating these classes of objects into functional groups is 
therefore somewhat arbitrary, although convenient for descriptive pur- 
poses. In presenting illustrations I shall not attempt to separate them 
fully by function or manner of use. It is better to arrange them in 
groups by shape and size. One group may include simple blades of 
the larger sizes, unspecialized forms, which may have been used for 
various purposes; a second, the larger stemmed and notched speci- 
mens which served largely as knives, scrapers, and spearheads; a 
third, the medium-size specimens, mainly spearheads; a fourth, the 
smaller varieties, used mainly as arrowpoints; a fifth, drills, and a 
sixth, scrapers. These groups will be reviewed briefly in the order 
named, but in presenting the numerous illustrations further on the 
grouping is based principally on material in order that form genesis and 
peculiarities due to material may be better indicated. The grouping 
by shape is made secondary. 

The materials found in this region did not encourage great elabora- 
tion. Quartzite was tough and coarse grained ; quartz was extremely 
brittle. The forms are, therefore, not elaborate and do not compare ia 

84 STONE IMPLEMENTS 1eth.ann.15 

rcfluement with those of the iuterior where flint was abuiidaut. Rhy- 
olite was hardly less tractable, but flint and jasper admitted of much 
higher refiuement. 

There are somewhat marked variatious in the shape of objects of like 
class, material, and size, and this is possibly due partly to the presence 
of diS'ereut tribes or families within the district. Though there is some 
tendency toward localization of particular shapes, all forms are. so far 
as I can learn, pretty well distributed up and down the province. Many 
of the differences in detail of shape may have their origin in causes 
operating within the limits of a particular district or within a single 
tribe. Of possible causes of variation may be mentioned differences in 
method of hafting, differences in use, variations in models, or the tend- 
encies of individuiil taste. 


It is the fashion to speak of the leaf-shape blades as knives; but no 
one can say of any particular uuspecialized blade, save where it shows 
signs of use, whether it was a huished tool intended to be used in this 
form as knife or scraper, or whether it was simply a blank awaiting 
the i)leasure of the elaborator. It was not necessary to stem or notch 
the kuife blade for hafting, as the haft could be made the full width of 
the blade, but the projectile point had to be trimmed down or notched at 
the stem end to accommodate it to the width of the slender shaft in 
which it was set. The large size of some of the stemmed and notched 
forms would seem to preclude the notion of their use as projectile 
points, yet it is not safe to say that any one of these objects was not 
used or could not have been used, on occasion, by some of the warlike 
natives of the Chesapeake province as heads for their spears or javelins. 

It is a matter worthy of note that colonial writers rarely mention 
the use of stone knives, while shell and reed knives are many times 
referred to. One mention of the former may be given. Siuith,' speak- 
ing of medical practices, makes the following remark : " But to scarrifle 
a swelling, or make incision, their best instruments are some splinted 
stone." This may, of course, refer either to elaborately shaped imple- 
ments or to mere flakes or sharp fragments. Plate xxxv illustrates 
blades of quartzite; plate xxxix, blades of quartz, and plate xliv, 
blades of rhyolite. 


Under this head may be placed, for convenience of description, all 
medium and small size x>oints having outlines s])ecialized for hafting, 
since all such may have been used for arrowpoints or for heads of 
spears or javelins. Colonial writers make frequent mention of the use 
of arrows by the Chesapeake peoples, and spears and javelins are 
occasionally referred to. Smith describes a variety of forms in the 

1 History uf Virginia, EicLiuoiid, 1819, vol. I, p. 137. 





following extracts: "They (t lit- I'owhatan Indians) vsealsoloiifianowes 
tyed in[to] a line, wlicrcwith fliey slioote at tisli in tlie rivers. But 
they of Area irmncLc v>^e staiies lilu', viito Tauelins lieaded \vi(h bone. 
With these they dart lisli swiniminf;' in tlie water."' Tlie Sns(juehaii- 
nocks, inliabiting tlie ui)per Chesapeake, used arrows ''flue quarters 
long, headed with the splinters of a white christalllike stone, in forme 
of a lieart, an iiu-li broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long."^ The 
Powliatan Indians ]>ointed their arrows "with sjjlintcrs of eliristall, or 
some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turlcey, or the bill of some bird.'' ' 
Father White mentions the use of si)ears by some of the Maryland 

It appears from the writings of Smitii ami others that great num- 
bers of ari'ows were used, and that the natives expended them on 
oeeasion without a|)])arent reserve. The maiinfac'turc* of the points 
was undoubtedly a matter of great and \ititl importance to these 
people, and much time and labor must have been expended in procur- 
ing, roughingout, and transporting the material, and in shaping the 

The projectile i)oints of the Chesapeake province have a wide range 
in form and size. This is due in a measure to the widely diverse nature 
of the materials used and to the wide range of use, and partly, no 
doubt, to the fact that immerous tril)es of ])eople have occupied the 
region or iuive bequeathed to it tlieir peculiar ai't forms. Projectile 
IJoints are fully illustrated in snbsecjuent plates. 


The so-called perforator or drilling point is a feature of im])ortance 
in the tiaked-stone art of the Chesai)eake. These objects are derived, 
as are tlie projectile points, from Icafshape blades producied in tlie 
ordinary worlcshops, and are of like form in all materials. They were 
probably used in some sort of hand drill, e. g., tlie ])ump drill in use 
among many tribes; and it is not uncommon to find specimens with 
the points rounded and worn smooth by use; yet we are not at all 
certain that they were exclusively used as drills, or that they are not 
really a variety of projectile points well adapted, on account of their 
shape, to use in drilling. The delicacy and brittleness of many s]>eci- 
meiis must have unfitted them for use in the drilling of hard substances. 
Examples in quartzite, quartz, and rhj'olite are presented, along with 
the projectile ])oints, in accompanying plates. 


Scraping tools were constantly refpiired in the arts of the savage 
tribes, and the forms deveh)ped are uniform over a wide extent of coun- 
try. In many sections special shapes were made for dressing skins, 

' Hisiory of VirginiJi. Ricrlinioiul, IHiy, vol. I, p. i:J3. 
2 Ibid. p. 120. 
nijiil, p. 132. 


shaping wood, aud related uses. The most common type is a short, 
often rather thick, discoid blade or flake with blunt end, beveled by 
minute flaking from one side, which is usually flat, the other side being 
convex; this gives a keeu and strong scraping edge. This form must 
have been set in bits of wood or bone after the manner of the woman's 
knife of Arctic peoples. These objects are, as a rule, not of leaf-blade 
genesis. Another variety was often made by sharpening the broken 
ends of projectile points. Imijlements of this class are usually of leaf- 
blade genesis. They were set in handles after the manner of ordinary 
knives, and are notched for that purpose (plate xxxiii, e,/, //). In three 
years' work in the tidewater region 1 have not obtained more than two 
or three well-specialized specimens of each of the classes; other col- 
lectors, however, have been more fortunate. 

A very few specimens are found of imperfect semilunar shape which 
may have been hafted' as scrapers or knives. Those brought to my 
attention are so rude that it is not possible to say whether they ai"e 
designed shapes or only freaks of eccentric flaking. 


For the reason that satisfactory separation of the various classes of 
leaf-derived implements^knives, scrapers, drills, arrowpoints, and 
si)earheads — can not be made, I have brought together a scries of plates 
and figures illustrating the whole group as developed in the three 
materials best representing the native work of the region. In each 
ciise plates illustrating successive steps in form development of the 
individual are given, while the other ijlates and figures are intended 
to convey an idea of types of form and range of shape and size. 


Thequartzite implements here represented are derived almost wholly 
from bowlders, and in the main passed through tlie leaf blade stage. 
The material does not admit of great elaboration or refinement of form. 
The larger varieties, presumably spearheads, prevail, yet all types of 
form known in the whole range of material appear. In numbers the 
(piartzite tools, taking the whole Chesapeake-Potomac tidewater area, 
are perhaps inferior to quartz. 

Plate XVII illustrates a series of steps in the individu;il form devel- 
oi)ment of the average projectile point, beginning with the bowlder and 
l)assingforwai-d to the leaf-shape blade — the extent of tlie (piarry-shop 
elaboration; aud plate xxxiv illustrates the complete morphology of 
the fully specialized implement of this class. It is not assumed that 
all or any of the seven or eight specialized specimens passed through 
exactly the forms indicated by the blades and rejects preceding them, 
these being selected merely to indicate in a general way the course 
of i)rogress from the raw material to the final forms. T!ie beginnings 







may have been iu large or small bowlders, fragments, or flakes, but 
all must have passed through kindred transformations. 

Plate XXXV contains a few examples of the leaf-shape blades, the 
outlines varying from the oval to the imperfectly ovoid form, \rith one 
point sharp and the other blunt, the ratio of length to width also vary- 
ing. These are the forms produced in the quarrj^-shops and in other 
roaghing-out shops. As a rule they show traces of the bold work of 
the free-hand flaking, and the untrimmed edges and points bear strong 
evidence that they were not yet ready to be devoted to any use. They 
are rarely above three-eighths of an inch thick. They are found occa- 
sionally in caches, but generally on village-sites where the plow turns 
them ont of the soil along with other classes of relics. Plates xxxvi 
and xxxvil illustrate many excellent examples of the specialized forms 
of leaf-blade genesis. They include pretty nearly the full range of what 
maj' be, with approximate accuracy, designated projectile points. It 
happens that none of the scraper or perforator forms are included, but 
these are rare in quartzite. 


Quartz implements were derived from the raw material, chiefly iu two 
forms: first, vein rock, procured from outcro])s or by iiuarrying; and, 
second, water- worn pieces iu the form of bowlders aud i)ebbles, obtained 
from surface accumulations, outcrops of gravel, or from quarries. The 
former was imed iu the highland and down to the margin of the vein- 
bearing crystalline rocks — a line somewhat outside of the j^resent fall- 
line. The latter was the great source of supply to dwellei-s in the low- 
land. It is not possible to distinguish implements laade from the two 
forms of the stone save where portions of the water- worn surface are 
preserved. This rarely occurs in a well-flnished piece, but vast areas 
are sprinkled with the wasters of manufacture, all indicating failures in 
blade making from pebbles, Notwithstanding the fact that bowlders 
and pebbles are nature-selected material — that is, those bits least weak- 
ened by flaws and seams — they are still extremely liable to shatter 
under the hammer. 

Years of study in the tidewater country have led me to the conclu- 
sion that pebbles were the source of at least three-fourths of the quartz 
implements there found. The vein quartz is much more difficult to use, 
being hard to reduce to the blade form, while the pebbles are readily 
reduced. An evolution series is given iu jilate xxxviii, the upper line 
showing profiles of tlie specimens rejiresented in the lower line. Plate 
xxxix contains a series of blades such as were derived from the work- 
ing of pebbles. The range of form and size is not great. The largest 
are rarely so much as 4 inches in length and an inch and a half in 
width ; the smallest are very minute. In shape the ordinary leaf like 
blade is most common, some are long and slender, others wide and tri- 
angular, while a few are approximately discoid. Some of these may 

88 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. ann. 15 

have been completed implements, for they are well finished and very 
handsome, while others, as clearly indicated by the crude surfaces, 
irregular edges, and blunt points, are blanks intended for further 
elaboration. A few of those illustrated may be rejects,' as they are 
rather thick and clumsy. 

If the blades shown in jjlate xxxix were elaborated a little more by 
means of the bone flaker, edges and points trimmed and delicate 
notches cut, we should have about the series of specialized implements 
illustrated in plate XL. These represent some large specimens, which 
may be knives or spearheads, and a number of smaller size, probably 

Plates XLI and XLii include a pretty wide range of the smaller points, 
and, so far as i)hotograp]iic representation is capable, convey a com- 
plete idea of the Potomac valley forms. The majority of the speci- 
mens are from the collection of Mr W. H. Phillips. The long lozenge 
forms, occupying the upper part of plate XLI, are very plentiful and 
often extremely neat in iinish and graceful in outline. Below are tri- 
angular forms, also very pleasing in appearance; and in plate XLii 
notched forms and various eccentric shapes are seen. 


The South mountain rhyolite (juarry and its phenomena, and the 
transported masses, fragments, and blades referable to it, have received 
attention on earlier pages. It is now necessary only to present an 
epitome of the varied and interesting articles of this material that may 
be classed as finished implements. This brittle .stone was shaped almost 
exclusively by flaking processes, and the final forms were in nearly 
all cases derived through the leaf-shape blade. The massive, or lam- 
inated, free-flaking stone encouraged the making of large blades, and 
the range of size in the finished objects is considerably above that of 
any other tidewater material. The texture was too coarse to encourage 
elaboration, and the specialized forms include very little beyond the 
simple blades and spearheads and arrowpoints and an o(tcasional per- 
forator. The order and manner of development of the average blade- 
derived implement of rhyolite are well shown in the series of drawings 
presented in plate xliii. The quarry forms extend to d, and the cache 
and disseminated forms appear in e, f, {/, and h (side views below, pro- 
files above). 

As shown in a preceding section, the cache blades of this material 
are often long and highly attenuated, and few examples of flaked 
blades east of the Appalachian ranges sui-pass in size the fragmentary 
specimen shown at the left in plate XLIV. Just what this blade should 
be called may not be determined, but it seems that such a specimen 
was more ijrobably designed to be hafted as a symbol of authority or 
as a ceremonial object than as an implement to be used for any prac- 
tical purpose. The contour of the fragment preserved would seem to 


indicate that the original fonld not have been mucli short of 12 or 13 
inches in length. Blades of this general class are all very thin, rarely 
exceeding three-eighths of an inch in thickness. The plate contains 
six other blades of varying length and outline. The two larger speci- 
mens are from the Anacostia site, near the Pennsylvania avenue bridge; 
the others are from various points in the vicinity of Washington. 

In i^late XLV a number of partially or wholly specialized forms are 
shown. They may be classed as knives or spearheads. Spearheads 
are well represented in plate xlvi, and many smaller projectile points 
of varied form are seen in plate xlvii. They repeat in a great measure 
the quartz and quartzite shapes. 


As already remarked of the use of flint in another place, it does 
not seem necessary to dwell at length on implements of this mate- 
rial, since they are comparatively rare, and but repeat the forms seen 
in other materials. 

Jasper also has a somewhat meager interest in the tidewater prov- 
ince. Although the sources of this material are not definitely deter- 
mined, it is safe to conclude that certain large and boldly flaked cache 
forms found in the Chesapeake country were derived from material in 
the mass and not from the small blocks or pebbles sometimes found in 
the gravel deposits of the lower Susquehanna and lower Delaware 

The only quarries of jasper so far brought to public notice are those 
discovered and examined by Mr H. 0. Mercer, of the University of 
Pennsylvania. They are located in Bucks and Lehigh counties, Penn- 
sylvania. In these localities there is evidence of extensive quarrying 
and of considerable shaping operations. There can be no doubt that 
mnch of the jasper and many of the jasper tools found so plentifully 
in the Delaware and Susquehanna valleys came from these quarries or 
others of the same mineral belt, and it is highly probable that the 
hoards of blades and some of the larger flaked implements of the tide- 
water country came from these distant sources. It was probably difli- 
cult to secure jasper sufficiently massive to permit of the manufacture 
of such blades, and these objects must have represented much labor 
on the part ot the makers. A noteworthy hoard of large jasper blades 
was obtained Irom a cache in a field near the month of South river, 
Maryland, 120 miles from the nearest known quarry. It may be noted, 
however, that no known quarry produces jasper of the dark-green color 
characterizing these siiecimens, which are now in the cabinet of Mr. 
J. D. McGuire, of EUicott, Maryland. 


The conditions of the occurrence of argillite objects and implements 
in the Chesapeake province correspond very closely to those character- 
izing the occurrence of jasper. Tlie objects are blades, mostly of the 

90 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

cache type, with au occasional specialized implement. The only source 
of this material kuowu to have been extensively utilized by the ancient 
peoples is on Delaware river some 25 miles above Trenton. Here there 
are (juarries and roughing-out and specializing shops, and the refuse 
clearly indicates the manufacture of just such blades as those obtained 
from caches and on village-sites on the shores of Chesapeake bay. 
Caches of similar blades are found in many parts of Pennsylvania and 
New Jersey, and there can be no doubt that the products of the Berks 
county quarries were extensively disseminated over the Delaware and 
Susquehanna valleys, and that some of them were owned and stored 
in the usual hoards, even so much as loO miles south of the source of 

In order that the evidences of manufacture as represented by the 
argillite quarry refuse nuiy be compared with corresponding features 
in the other (juarries, a series of the rejects from the Point Pleasant 
(Pennsylvania) shops and associated village-sites is represented in 
plate XLViii. An examination of the specimens of cache clusters from 
South river, Maryland, makes clear their close relationship with the 
forms produced iu the quarry. 


Besides the thin forms of flaked implements which have their genesis 
through the blade like blank, or through flakes or fragments of like 
conformation, there are many heavy forms, some of which may be 
regarded as extemporized or emergency tools, since they appear to have 
been made to supply temporary or exceptional want.s, or for use largely 
on or near the spot of manufacture only. They may be groujied for 
description under the following classes: 1, hatchet-like tools, made of 
bowlders by striking off a few flakes, thus giving a rude edge or point; 
2, ax like implements, made like the first but having notches broken in 
the sides to aid iu attaching a handle; their uses were probably cut- 
ting, hoeing, and the like; 3, picks and digging tools, much like the 
preceding and used in ((uarrying soapstoiie, as well as in other similar 
uses; 4, sbghtly notched bowlders, used as hammers and sledges; 5, 
hammerstones. Where bowlders were not plentiful, implements of cor- 
responding classes were made from ordinary fragments of stone. It 
seeius probable that these ruder implements were in many cases devoted 
to the same uses subserved by several more highly finished forms, and 
no doubt specimens could be selected connecting the lower with some 
of the higher forms by a graduated series. It is the intention to include 
here only such classes or groups of utensils as are made ready lor use 
mainly by processes of fracturing. 

The hatchet-like tool, made mainly of bowlders by striking off a few 
flakes from one end, is found iu great numbers in many parts of the 
region. Though belonging to late times it is extremely archaic iu type. 
It would seem to approach more nearly the proper idea of a paleolithic 






tool tbiiu any other known form, as hardly more than half a dozen 
blows were ever expended in elaborating- its shape. It is found on 
flsbing- village-sites and elsewhere all over the bowlder-yielding dis- 
tricts. At Rock point on the Potomac, 80 miles below Washington, the 
shell banks and village-sites are literally strewn with these objects, and 
they are found by hundreds in the great shell bank at the mouth of 
Pojies creek. The bowlders used were obtained in the vicinity in each 
case. These tools were apparently intended to be held iu the hand, as 
there is usually insufticient space for hafting, and the unmodified end 
is round and well suited for grasping. Their great number and very 
wide utilization sufficiently indicate that they served some important 
function in the arts and industries of the fisher people. To cut up fish, 
to break bones, to open oysters, and to cut wood may be regarded as 
possible uses. I have selected several specimens, shown iu face and 
profile in plates XLix and l, to illustrate the various forms. Typical 
examples appear in a and h, plate xlix. Specimen a, plate l, is of 
medium size and usual shape, and h and c are more elaborately flaked 
and have a greater api)earance of battering or of use iu rough work 
than is usual; the latter are rather exceptional forms. Many have 
broader edges and longer bodies. A si)ecimen sharpened at both ends 
and probably intended for hafting is shown iu c, plate XLix. It is not 
unusual to find implements of other varieties, such as polished axes, 
which have become much worn or have ceased to be valued, sharpened 
by a few heavy strokes as are these bowlders. This for7u grades almost 
imperceptibly into the notched axes, picks, and hoe-like forms, as will 
be seen by reference to succeeding illustrations. These tools are iden- 
tical in shape with thousands of the rejects found iu our (juarries where 
a few flakes were removed to test the material of the bowlders. They 
are identical also with specimens published by some authors as paleo- 
lithic implements. The sharpened bowlder tool is distinguished from 
the bowlder reject by the aid of the following observations: 1, it is 
found on the sites where implements were used, i. e., ou village-sites 
and in shell heai)s; 2, thus found it has evidently been obtained and 
removed from the deposits of bowlders, generally near at hand; 3, as 
found on village-sites and iu shell heaps it often shows signs of use; 
4, the same form in the bowlder-flaking shop is evidently one of the 
necessary forms of bowlder-flaking rejectage and never shows traces of 
use. The quarry reject is associated with its complement of refuse and 
related forms, whereas the implement ou the site of use stands alone. 
The implement also presents suggestions of specialization when studied 
ill numbers, but the quarry reject conforms to no one well-defined type of 
form. A similar form is found also in the soapstone quarries, where it 
was employed as a quarrying and cutting tool. It thus appears that 
objects of this general type, this essentially paleolithic type, may, in the 
Potomac valley, be either (1) quarry rejects, (2) a common variety of village- 
site tool, or (3) a quarry tool; but found iu the vicinity of Washington, 


where bowlders were used by tens of tliousaiids in blade making, the 
chances are a hundred to one that they are rejects of blade making. 

It may occur to some that possibly this village site tool was produced 
in the quarries and that the rejected forms of like type are the rejects 
resulting from its manufacture. That this is not the case may be 
inferred from the facts that it usually occurs in the immediate vicinity 
of supplies of bowlders, and that it could be made of bowlders of 
inferior material, such as are found in countless places all over the 
Potomac region. By those who have studied the various forms on the 
ground, the idea that it is in any sense connected with the quarry work 
would not be entertained. 

Tlie notched ax is found scattered over an extended area which 
includes all the western tributaries of the Chesapeake. It is especially 
abundant in districts which, like portions of the Potomac valley, are 
supplied with abundance of large bowlders. lu some localities these 
tools are quite numerous, and on sites such as the Popes creek shell 
heaps they are obtained by scores. As a rule they are extremely rude, 
and seem like tools intended for temporary rather than permanent use. 
They were certainly not sufliciently valuable to be transported to any 
great extent, and I have seen few that show pronounced marks of use. 
They were usually made by striking off half a dozen chips from one 
end of a flattish, oblong bowlder and by breaking rude notches iu its 
sides, as shown in plate li. The appearance is mostly that of a very 
elementary form of the grooved ax, the notches evidently having served 
to facilitate hafting. They could have been used for chopping, for dig- 
ging and hoeing, or for cutting up game and breaking bones. In very 
many cases the edge is made by removing the flakes from one side of 
the bowlder only, leaving an adz-like profile. It is hard to say whether 
the haft was attached with the edge at right angles to the handle, as iu 
our adzes or hoes, or whether the blade was placed as in our ax. Some 
idea of the variety of forms taken by these tools is conveyed by the 
specimens shown in plates lii and liii. Occasional specimens show 
considerable elaboration, and it is quite possible to assemble a series 
showing a complete gradation from the simplest notched ax to sym- 
metrically shaped and well-finished forms of grooved axes. 

All of the forms referred to as picks, and which pertain largely to the 
quarrying and working of soai)Stone, are abundantly illustrated under 
the head of cut-stone implements, with which they are placed, not 
because they are themselves in any sense cut stones, but because they 
were employed in cutting the soaijstone and because it seems better 
that all phenomena pertaining to that interesting and important sub- 
ject be kept together. To obtain a complete notion of the ruder forms 
of flaked-stoue implements it will therefore be necessarj^ to turn to 
the pages treating of steatite. 

A few other implements of correspondingly rude character are 
shaped exclusively by flaking, though in many cases continued use 






has given them the appearance of pecked, abraded, or ]iolished forms. 
In ((, plate liv, we have a hammer or sledge — a llattish bowlder notched 
on the sides for hafting. The flat face is shown at the left and the 
lirofile at the right. The smaller objects of this class may have been 
used for sinkers and the larger jrossibly for anchors, for sledges, or 
even for weapons of war and the chase, and, properly hafled, would 
have been as highly eftective as the more elaborately finished articles. 
The lower figure in this plate is an oblong bowlder that was probably 
hafted as a sledge, and the ends have been fi-actured by use. Exam- 
ples of this class sometimes show traces of wear by the haft. 

The foregoing varieties (^f rudely flaked stones are those most char- 
acteristic of the inhabited sites, including fishing grounds, shell heaps, 
and village-sites generally, in the Potomac and Chesapeake ^•al]eys. 

Chapter IY 


The term pecked iinplemeuts is used to designate such articles as 
owe certain of their more marked cliaracteristics of form to the bat- 
teriug processes of bruising and crushing by successive blows — the 
bushing or bush-hammering of modern stone workers. The aboriginal 
stone worker produced this effect largely b.y means of pecking the 
object undergoing manufacture lightly with a suitable stone tool. The 
process is a tedious one, and especially so in the hands of a novice, but 
the skilled operator with proper stone and suitable tools soon defines 
a groove or removes an excrescence. 

The battering processes do not generally stand alone, but are asso- 
ciated to greater or less extent with (1) flaking, which, when employed, 
precedes the pecking, and (2) grinding and rubbing which follow it. 
Percussive drilling of hard stone is a variety of battering, and rotary 
drilling and sawing go with the auxiliary process of grinding. Imple- 
ments shaped largely by battering are so often finished by abrasion 
that the term "polished stone implements" is often a])plied to the entire 
group, but as I desire to deal here mainly with the more decidedly 
dynamic shaping agencies, abrading will not be referred to save as an 
auxiliary process. 

All, or nearly all, primitive peoples with whom we are acquainted 
understand and practice the art of shaping stone by battering and its 
auxiliary processes. Archeologists have reached the conclusion, from 
a study of certain groups of prehistoric remains, that the battering- 
abrading operations belong to a somewhat advanced stage of human 
progress, and that their emijloyment was preceded by a period in which 
tracturiug processes alone were practically used. This is probably in 
a broad way true of the race, and is certainly true of many peoples or 
nations. The reason for this order must be sought in (1) the nature 
of the operations involved, (2) in the materials available to primitive 
artisans, and (3) in the capacities and needs of men. 

Of the four leading shaping acts, which may be designated as frac- 
turing, battering, abrading, and incising, it may be hard to say which 
is the most elemental. However, the ease with which, or the order in 





wliicli, they would come into actua] use would not depend on tlie sim- 
plicity of tlie single act, but, supposing materials and needs uniform, 
on the ease with which they could be made to produce desired results. 
Without going into details, which I have discussed elsewhere,' it may 
be stated that although the tlaking act is not more simple or elemental 
than the others it is not decidedly more difficult, and that it has au 
enormous advantage over them in being capable by a single opera- 
tion — a simple blow — of producing effective and constantly needed 
implements for cutting and piercing, whereas the other acts must be 
repeated many times without marked results, and repeated in such 
manner and order as to bring about a result not comprehensible save 
through long periods of experiment. Therefore, 1 conclude that where 
materials are favorable the powers and wants of men will tend most 
decidedly to the adoption and general practice of the flaking processes 
in advance of the other stone-shaping processes. At the same time it 
would seem that there need be assumed no great gulf between the two 
classes of operations. It is indeed hard to see how one could exist 
for a long i^eriod without the develo])ment of the other. Assuming 
that in general flaking is the first to be utilized, we can understand 
how the other process would be suggested to man. When a mass of 
stoue is to be broken and flaked into shape, a flaking stone or ham- 
mer is called for. This hammer in use becomes bruised and gradually 
takes upon itself a purely artificial shape — the result of battering. If 
irregularly ovoid, it is in use turned between the thumb and fingers 
until its periphery becomes symmetric. Viewing this result it would 
seem but natural that the workman should understand and apply to 
producing other shapes the processes by means of which the tool in 
his hand is reduced to specialized shape. Again, the stone flaked, if it 
be somewhat tough, is often battered on the edges by the hammer in 
vain attempts to remove flakes, so that portions of the surface are 
changed in contour and exhibit the battered character. It seems 
remarkable that such operations should go on for long ages ])roducing 
visible results without attempts to utilize the means of modifying 
shape thus distinctly suggested. At any rate the time did come when 
]>rimitive men recognized the adequacy of battering as a means of 
shaping stones. Natural forms were first modified in use and the 
operations came to be understood and applied. Battering, called in its 
typical development pecking, was resorted to as a means of increasing 
the adaptability of available forms to ordinary needs, and a new and 
important gi'oup of shaping operations sprang into existence. 

The tidewater country furnishes much evidence on the practice of 
this branch of the shaping arts among a rude seminomadic people. On 
ancient sites we find artificially modified water-worn rocks — bowlders 
and pebbles of hard and tenacious materials — cast away at all stages 
of the shaping operations from the first traces of pecking, where the 

'ProceediDgs of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Madison meeting, 1893, 
pp. 289-300. 


work of removing an objectionable lobe or ])rojection was begun, 
to the stage where the traces of natural contour are all but obliterated. 
We find also specimens that have passed into the wholly artificial 
state, into symmetric and perfected tools, as well as others which have 
been modified by use, reshaped, reused, and practically worn out. 
Similarly we observe various worked stones of tough and hard varie- 
ties in which the ])ecking has been preceded by flaking. In some 
cases the wholii surface has been flaked over, and in other cases pro- 
jecting portions only have been removed. Examples are found in 
which the battering process has been merely commenced, and others 
on which the work has gone so far that only the deeper flaked con- 
choids are traceable. Of course many wholly artificial and highly 
finished articles have jiassed through this .series of operations, preserv- 
ing no record of their earlier morphology. 


With a peoide so simple and primitive as inhabiting the tide- 
water country, the range of pecked and polished implements and other 
objects is not great. Two standard forms employed by them in common 
with nearly all the native peoples of America are the celt or hatchet and 
the grooved ax. These are too well known to call for jiresentation except 
in so far as they may be needed in explaining the jirocesses of manu- 
facture or in indicating local peculiarities of shape. Besides the two 
leading forms there are pestles .and mullers, mortars, picks, chisels, 
pierced tablets, winged ceremonial stones, i)lunimet like forms, beads, 
and pipes; to these we may add hammerstones and grinding and polish- 
ing stones. Few of these objects occur in large numbers, and a very 
small percentage only of any variety exhibit high elaboration or neat 
finish. The artificial shapes of many of these objects are due largely 
or entirely to the effects of use. Illustrations of several classes of 
forms are given in the accompanying plates. 

So far as I have been able to learn, no example of the carving of a 
human figui'e or animal form has been discovered in this whole province, 
a circumstance confirming the story of the potter's art as well as the 
records of colonial times, which indicate that although the peoples cul- 
tivated maize and were an able and enterprising race they were in many 
respects not far removedin matters of art from the base of the Amer- 
ican culture scale. 


The materials employed for shaping by the battering processes must 
possess a high degree of toughness combined with the hardness neces- 
sary to effective use when finished. Quartzite, quartz, flint, chert, and 
various other brittle forms of rock are ill fitted for reduction by ]>eck- 
ing, and were not extensively u.sed for highly finished tools. Granites 









ami certain varieties of eruptive rock were i)referred; these are heavy, 
hard, tough, and line grained. The tidewater country furnishes none 
of these rocks save such as were brought down in fragmentary form 
by the rivers and deposited along their banks. The search for mate- 
rials was not confined to the tidewater country but extended far up into 
the hills and ranges on the west. Shapes approaching the form desired 
were selected when possible, and the water-worn pieces often had the 
double advantage of being already approximate in shape as well as 
especially compact and durable. The exact source of the raw material 
used in any given case is difficult to determine, (1) because the pieces 
used are commonly erratic, and (2) because the implements and other 
articles made are of a natui-e to be treasured and hoarded up and of a 
size ijermittiug ready transportation. Perhaps 75 percent of the imple- 
ments made were of the compact basic volcanic rocks of the Piedmont 
region, and 80 or 90 percent were made from the water- worn masses or 


The mauuftxcture of pecked implements can not be studied so readily 
and satisfactorily as can that of flaked stones, for the work was not 
often so extensive as to lead to the opening of quarries and the develop- 
ment of permanent workshops where evidence could accumulate, yet 
we are still able to secure full information with respect to the processes 
and steps of manufiicture. Village-sites in the vicinity of deposits of 
the raw material yield amjile evidence as to the nature of the various 

Two series of illustrations presented herewith will suffice to show 
the processes and progress of the shaping of pecked tools. These 
series (plates LV and lvii) are com^josed of a number of different speci- 
mens selected of a size and shape to represent as nearly as possible 
the appearance that would be assumed at successive stages of xjrogress 
by a single specimen undergoing manipulation. 

The evolution of the celt is shown in plate LV. The first three 
specimens are rejects or unfinished forms thrown aside during the proc- 
ess of shaping. We begin with a water-worn stone, 1, approximating 
in general outline the tool to be made. A few flakes have been 
removed, making the edges thinner and sharper and thus saving a 
large amount of pecking. In 2 the surface has been gone over roughly 
with the pecking hammer, reducing the ruggedness; in 3 the pecking 
is well advanced, and in i the grinding is well under way; 5 represents 
a specimen well polished and with marks of use, and G is a celt that 
ai)pears to have been much shortened by use and resharpening. 

The range of contour is not great in these simple tools, yet there are 
mai'ked variations in proportion; thus we have cylindrical, flat, pyra- 
midal, and pointed forms, and there are always local variations indicat- 
ing differences in people, material, functions, etc. In plate LVi a group 
of celts from the tidewater village-sites is presented. 
15 ETH 7 

98 * STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

A series of forms illustrating the development of a grooved ax is 
sLown in plate LVii. These specimens were obtained from village- 
sites in the neighborhood of the head of tidewater on the Potomac. 
On account of the length of the series I have omitted the bowlder 
which would naturally precede the artificially shaped series. The first 
figure represents an early stage in the work of shaping. The side 
shown has been flaked into shajie save at the top where a portion of 
the bowlder surface is still seen. The work of pecking away the 
irregularities has extended over jnost of the surface, and the deeper 
conchoids at the edges, and one or two some distance from the margin, 
are still visible. The opposite side is less fully worked, the original 
surface of the bowlder being less than half removed. The groove has 
not been commenced save perhaps as indicated by a very faint depres- 
sion at the left. In this rudimentary state it is difUcult to determine, 
save by the general outline, whether a celt or a grooved ax was to be 

In the second example the bowlder chosen was originally much nearer 
the general outline desired than in the first case. Little flaking had to 
be done. The groove is already well under way, although fully one-half 
of the original surface remains untouched either by the flaking or by the 
pecking hammer. 

In a third specimen, omitted from the series to reduce its length, the 
battering operations are well advanced, small portions of the original 
surface only remaining. There is a ireshuess and crudeness about the 
work, indicating that the specimen, if regarded as complete, had not 
yet been devoted to use. 

The ne.xt example (the third illustrated) bears evidence of use, and 
was probably fini.shed, though the edge has been broken by accident or 
flaked for remodeling. It is somewhat crude in surface, and retains 
small patches of the original bowlder surface. 

The fourth specimen figured is apparently a finished implement, 
though bits of the bowlder surface still appear. The battered surface 
lias been considerably rubbed down and tlie edge has been ground. 

The last specimen of the series is a highly elaborated and well-finished 
specimen, purely artificial in every part. The battered surface is entirely 
removed by abrading operations, and the blade and the groove are well 
polished — first by the finisher and second, no doubt, by use. A final 
specimen, originally in the series, but omitted for want of space, shows 
much evidence of use and repeated sharpening of the edge. The blade 
is shortened and blunted, and the poll is well worn. In size the axes of 
this region vary from less than 2 inches in width by .'? in length to f< or 
7 inches in width by 12 in length. Their shapes are probably less 
varied than those of many other regions, yet the extremes of shape 
are very wide apart. The series of outlines presented in plate lviii 
will serve to convey an idea of the range of form. 

A broad distinction iu shape is based on the manner of hafting. 
In one group the groove extends entirely around the implement, while 



^„ ^i\%^^ 






' It! 

J|M<i I 



ill auotber group one lateral edge is straight, being so arranged as to 
permit tbe wedging of tlie liaft band. There are specimens, however, 
varying so far from tlie type forms as to bridge the gap between types. 
The specimen seen in «, plate lviii, is flat and rectangular in outline, 
with encircling groove in the middle; h is similar, but with groove 
more shallow on one margin, and placed about one-third of the way 
from the top; c has a wide encircling groove near the top and a nar- 
rowing toward the point; d has the groove very low on the shaft and 
the blade is wide at the edge ; c has one straight side for wedge haftiiig, 
and a wide projecting shoulder below the groove in the opposite edge; 
/has the groove bordered by low ridges all around. 

A very good idea of the appearance and range of form of these imple- 
ments may be gained from the numerous examples brought together iu 
plate Lix. These specimens belong partly to the National Museum and 
partly to the collection of Mr W. H. Phillips. Nearly all are from the 
village-sites of the Potomac valley. 


Pecked, ground, and polished implements were made in large num- 
bers by our aboriginal tribes, but not iu such abundance as were the 
flaked tools. They were in a measure luxuries, requiring time and 
skill in manufacture, and serving no purely utilitarian purj)ose that 
could not be served almost as well by the products of pure flaking — a 
shaping process many times more economical of time and labor than 
the battering-grinding processes. As a result of this relation of the 
two great classes of processes, the phenomena of manufacture observed 
by the archeologist present many decided difierences. 

The manufacture of implements in large numbers required abun- 
dance of material, the deposits of which had to be uncovered and then 
broken up and removed, and this resulted in the opening of quarries 
and in the accumulation of large bodies of debris. This is true of the 
manufacture of flaked and cut-stone implements, as we have seen, but 
the battered-abraded tool used in limited numbers usually had a spo- 
radic or random origin, suitable itieces of stone being jiicked up and 
utilized; the amount of the product depended very considerably, no 
doubt, on the plenitude of convenient pieces of stone. Earely, there- 
fore, do we find sites where the making of these forms was carried on 
extensively. The phenomena of manufacture by pecking and grind- 
ing, being scattered, have not been so well understood as the phenom- 
ena of flaking. 

The variety of stone most used for the manufacture of celts and axes 
is a compact, greenish-gray trap or trap like rock derived originally from 
the highlands of Maryland and Virginia, but obtained by the aborigines 
very largely from the bowlder beds of the tidewater rivers near their 
exit from the liighland or at other points higher up the streams where 
partly rounded fragments had been deposited in large numbers. A 

100 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. ann. 15 

great deal of shaping was clone on the various village-sites about the 
Little falls of the Potomac and on other streams at the crossing of the 

The most striking example of this class of site yet observed is located 
in Page county, Virginia, 2J miles east of Luray. The spot was first 
visited by Mr Gerard Fowke in 1892; but his report,' dealing with evi- 
dences of dwelling and mound building, contains slight mention of the 
phenomena referred to here. The site, which must be that of an im- 
portant aboriginal village, occupies several acres of bottom land located 
on the eastern side of Pass creek, a few hundred yards above its con- 
fluence with Hawksbill creek. The only notable topographic feature of 
the site is a mound some 3 feet high and 200 feet in diameter, in which 
Mr Fowke found human remains in almost incredible numbers, besides 
occasional implements and utensils deposited with the dead. There are 
many graves scattered over the terrace, a row of eight, each containing 
decayed human bones, together with implements and earthenware, hav- 
ing been freshly disturbed by the plow at the time of my visit. The 
materials utilized in implement making by the inhabitants were derived 
from great accumulations of pebbles, l)owlders, and partly water- worn 
fragments of rock occurring in the banks and bed of the stream and 
now exposed where the floods have torn channels through the alluvial 
bottom; and probably also from deposits of similar but rather coarser 
materials outcropping in the face of a terrace which rises to a consider- 
able height from the eastern margin of the narrow bottom. On the 
village-site about the mound the phenomena of manufacture are more 
or less confused with those of utilization, but separation of the varied 
features is in the main possible and easy. The evidence of manufacture 
consists of large quantities of rejectage, comprising broken masses of 
stone, tested bowlders and rejects of all stages of development, together 
with flakes and hammerstones. The phenomena of dwelling are — aside 
from the mounds and graves — arrowpoints and spearheads, drills, worn 
celts and axes, pitted stones, mortars, pestles, and pottery. 

Two principal materials were utilized and two distinct classes of 
implements were made, leaving equally distinct varieties of rejectage. 
Quartzite was utilized in making the ordinary flaked tools, mostly pro- 
jectile '.loints, and the ground is filled with turtlebacks, flakes, and 
brot lades of this material, duidicating the rejectage of the well- 

known tidewater sites. The greenisli-gray trap or trap like rock was 
employed in the manufacture of battered-abraded tools, mostly celts, 
and the flat ground about the mound and extending from the stream 
back to the base of the terrace is strewn with the rejectage. This 
stone occurs in bowlders and irregularly water-worn masses in the 
banks of the stream and scattered over the floodplain, but not to any 
extent in the higher-cut terraces which represent the Lafayette period. 
It was assumed, therefore, that the implement I'ock had a local origin 

' Archeologic lurestigations in James and Potomac Valleys, Bull. Bur. of Eth., 1894. 








This object might readily be taken either for a reject of leaf-shape blade-making or for a completed implement 
of one of the larger varieties; but, found on a celt-making site, it may safely be classed as a reject of celt 
making. It is a typical celt blank, defective, however, in having insufficient thickness of poll and at the 
same time too great massiveness at the bioader edge. The latter condition would have made the pecking 
necessary in producing an edge very prolonged and laborious 


somewhere within the drainage of Pass creek. Mr W J McGee, who 
accompanied me to the spot, undertook to trace the material to its 
source and met with almost immediate success. Observing that the 
particular variety of stone did not occur to any notable extent iu the 
beds of neighboring streams, he followed Pass creek to the forks, and 
there found it confined mainly to the bed of the middle fork. Ascend- 
ing this, he soon encountered a body of intrusive rock, a rather coarsely 
crystalline diabase, not identical save in parts with the rock used by 
the Indians, which is of finer grain and has the appearance of a sedi- 
mentary slate or shale altered by contact with the intruded umss. 
It appears, as remarked by Mr McGee, that the spot occupied by the 
village was probably the only spot to be found on which this stone 
could be found in forms well suited to the needs of the implement 
maker, and at the same time iu sufficient quantity to make extensive 
manufacture possible. It is not improbable that the village came to 
be located here as a result of the discovery of these conditions. 

It was found that iu nearly all cases the work of shaping by the 
battering-abrading processes was preceded by flaking the rounded 
masses into approximate shape. Rejects representing all stages of the 
work of flaking, jjecking, and grinding are found iu numbers. There 
is the bowlder or mass with a few flakes removed in testing, or the 
shattered fragments resulting from breakage under the preliminary 
testing or shaping blows; there are hundreds of rejects representing 
early stages of manipulation, the thick turtleback forms dujillcating 
in genei'al appearance the corresponding rejectage of projectile point 
making; there are the ai)proximate blade-like forms but rarely ap- 
proaching thinness; there are many pieces broken under the flaking 
hammer at all stages of the work; there are also many specimens in 
which the pecking has just begun, and others more advanced, and 
these stages are represented by much breakage under the pecking 
hammer; finally, there are the completed implements with ground edges 
and surfaces, iu which the pecking and grinding has to a large degree 
obliterated the conchoids of flaking. 

Although the celt is usually classed with the pecked and polished 
implements, it is readily seen that on this site flaking was of greatest 
importance as the main difticulties were encountered, the chief shaping 
work accomplished, within the flaking stage. The pecking removed 
excrescences and added to symmetry, and grinding reduced the edge 
to an even curve and uniform bevel. Grooved axes also were made on 
this site, but to a less extent, the operations being well represented, 
however, iu the rejectage and in numerous finished implements occur- 
ring on the site. 

The series of specimens presented in plates lx to lxiv illustrate a 
progression from incijiient stages through a succession of rejects, frag- 
ments, and unfinislied forms to broken specimens of well-finished 
tools. The reference letters are continuous through the set of plates. 

102 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

The tii'st step — tlie testing and shaping of the crude mass — tliough 
represeuted by mueh rejectage, is omitted for economy of space. An 
illustration of a slightly advanced stage is given in a, a thick, clumsy 
form, rejected no doubt on account of the breaking away of portions 
of tlie upper end. A half blade representing a somewhat more ad- 
vanced stage is given in b, in which a portion of the water- worn surface 
remains; and c and d illustrate further progress in flaking out the thick 
blade. In c and / the battering has begun, the former having been 
rejected jirobably on account of defective shape at the upper end, and 
the latter having broken under the hammer. In the fragment g the 
pecking was well under way, and in /( nuich of the surface has been 
l^ecked and the edge with portions of the sides ground. In this case 
the flaking seems to have been so successful that little pecking inter- 
vened between the roughing-out by the flaking process and the finish- 
ing by the grinding process. The specimen shown in / is the upper end 
of a well-advanced specimen, and J is the blade of what must liave been 
a perfected implement. It is, of course, impossible to say whether these 
latter pieces were broken during the finishing operations or in use. 


A comparison of the rejected forms produced in celt making as prac- 
ticed in such shops as that of Pass creek with corresponding forms 
from the fljiked-blade shops such as those of Piny branch will prove 
instructive. In general appearance the rejects of the two sites are very 
much alike. At a glance we see that the form constantly kept in view 
in both cases is of leaf shape, one end being decidedly pointed and the 
other broad and abruptly terminated. We observe, however, that in 
the flaked group — the leaf-shape group proper — the pointed end was 
designed to be finished for use, and that in the group shaped by flaking, 
pecking, and grinding — the celt group — the broad end was designed to 
form the edge of the implement, and this distinction can be traced in the 
rejectage back toward the inceptive stage by the difference in degree 
of attention given to the two ends. In the one case the narrow end was 
to be specialized for use and the broad end for hafting; lii the other, the 
broad end was to be specialized for use and the narrow end for holding 
or hafting. In general, we may say that rejectage in the one class was 
the result of too great thickness, and iu the other class of (in many 
cases) too great thinness. Two excellent examples of failure iu celt 
making resulting from too great thickness at the broad end and thin- 
ness at the small end are shown in i:)lates Lxv and lxvi. 

As made on the Pass creek site, the grooved axes were roughed-out 
by flaking pretty much as were the celts, rude notches l)eing broken 
in the sides as the only possible contribution of the flaking process to 
the groove making. In plate Lxvii specimens of axes are given, show- 
ing traces of the conchoids of flaking, though the implements are well 
advanced through the subsecxuent i^ecking and grinding stages. 





Plates Lxviii and lxix are devoted to the illustration of the hani- 
merstones of this site. They are interesting as representing all the 
forms used in tiaking, as well as pecking and grinding, on a site where 
nearly every form of tool was made and where every shaping process 
was employed. I do not consider it probalile that any fully satisfac- 
tory separation of the specimens used for one purpose from those habit- 
ually employed in another can be made, though it is to bo expected that 
each ijrocess separately practiced would lead to pronounced specializa- 
tion. The first specimen of the series («, plate lxviii) is a water-worn 
pebble modified by crushing and flaking of the edges, probably in part 
or wholly by use, while h retains little of the natural surface, and at 
least a part of the tiaking was manifestly designed to give shape to 
the object. The specimen shown in c, plate lxix, is a stage further 
advanced, the surface being partly battered into roundness, and d is 
still more highly specialized. The last specimen of the series, e, has 
been much reduced by pecking and perhaps, in part, by abrading, 
and exemplifies the pitted hammerstones characteristic of the eastern 
United States. 


As already remarked, the pecked and abriided implements of the tide- 
water province comprise few objects aside from the celt and the grooved 
ax. Several varieties are represented, but the numbers are limited 
and the shape and finish, save in a few rare exceptions, are rather rude. 
The accompanying plates, from lxx to Lxxv, inclusive, illustrate such 
varieties as I encountered during the period of my investigations. 
Numerous more perfect implements of several of the classes have been 
found, but they are now out of my reach. 

Plate LXX contains four examples of perforated tablets, two having 
two perforations and two having one each. The fragment a, made of 
gray slate, is from the Potomac near Washington and is covered with 
apparently meaningless engraved figures. The specimen shown in b 
is of red-banded slate and was obtained from the great shell deposit 
at the mouth of Popes creek, Maryland. The large specimen c is of 
banded slate and was found in the highland in Virginia. The small 
fragment d is from the District of Columbia. 

Four examples of winged ceremonial stones are illustrated in plate 
LXXI. The roughed-out form a was obtained from a village-site at 
Little falls, and the other specimens, all fragmentary, came from the 
vicinity of Washington. 

The pitted stones and mortar shown in plate Lxxii are from the great 
shell heap at the mouth of Popes creek, and are common forms. The 
same may be said of the upper figure in plate lxxiii. The pestle 
shown in b was found on a village-site at Halls landing, Patuxent river; 
the pestle c was picked up in a field above Little falls, and the sinker 
came from a village-site near Little falls. 

104 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.1o 

Of the peculiar stones illustrated in tlie upjier figures of plate lxxiv 
I will not venture to say more than that they are apparently abrading 
implements, but whether they were for the shaping of stone tools or the 
dressing of wood, bone, or thongs can not be determined. The mate- 
rial appears to be a dark-gray eruptive I'ock. The lower specimen is of 
a somewhat gritty stone and was probably a simple grindstone. All 
are i'mm sites about the head of tidewater on the Potomac. 

The hammerstones brought together in plate Lxxv represent the 
varieties most common on the village-sites of the province. All are 
from the tidewater Potomac. The smaller specimens in the upper line 
are of quartz and the others are of quartzite. 





Chapter V 


This chapter is made to iuchide two distinct yec necessarily associated 
groups of phenomena: 1, all that relates to the origin, manufacture, 
nature, use, and historic significance of utensils shaped by the incising 
methods ; and, 2, all that relates to the utensils and implements employed 
in the shaping operations. In order that the whole subject of the 
manipulation of the softer varieties of stone might appear together as 
a unit in this place, the various flaked, battered or pecked, and polished 
implements used in quarrying and carving were passed over with mere 
mention in the sections to which they strictly belong, and are presented 
iu some detail in the following pages, with a series of illustrations. 


Under the head of cut stone we have to deal with but few materials, 
and only one of these (steatite, or soapstone) was of importance iu the 
native art of the tidewater country. Mica, serpentine, clay-slates, and 
others of the softer calcareous and argillaceous rocks were sparingly 
shaped by the process iu some sections. The shaping operations 
were necessarily confined to narrow limits by the lack of effective 
cutting tools. Steatite and like soft and tough massive substances 
Avere cut with pointed pick-like tools and by edged, chisel-like blades, 
probably iu most cases set in some sort of handle for direct free-hand 
operation, or with other classes of handles, to be operated with the 
aid of a mallet of bone or of antler or wood. Mica must have been 
cut with sharp edges or points, such as are furnished by the fracture 
of glassy varieties of stone. 

Subsidiary to the incising processes in the shaping of soft stones are 
several of the other processes, such as sawing, drilling, scraping, and 


So far as we can learn, mica was not extensively used by the Chesa- 
peake-Potomac peoples; but it can not safely be affirmed that it was 
not used in some (juantity in nearly any given locality, since the 
material is not sufiiciently durable to be preserved, save under very 
favorable conditions. Mica does not occur in forms suitable for work- 
ing within considerable distances of tidewater sites. It is said to have 


106 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.axx.15 

been worked by the natives iu several counties of southern-central 
Virginia and iu Pennsylvania and the Caroliuas. The processes of 
mining, as observed in the mines of North Carolina, appear to have 
been much the same as in the quarrying of steatite. The deposits 
were uncovered and the massive crystals were broken up with ham- 
mers and tlie best sheets secured to be used for mirrors, or cut into 
desired shapes for ornaments. In the spring of 1893 Mr De Lancey 
W. Gill went to Mitchell county. North Carolina, under my direction, 
to collect materials representing the ancient mica-quarrying industry 
for the Columbian Exposition at Chicago. Numerous (quarrying imple- 
ments resembling those used in the soapstone quarries were fonnd, and 
the excavations are reported to be quite as extensive as in any other 
class of the aboriginal quarries of the east. 


Steatite (or soapstone) was used somewhat extensively by the natives 
of the tidewater country iu the manufacture of pots, dishes, and cups, 
as well as of smaller articles, such as pipes and ornaments. It was 
obtained along the western border of the tidewater country, either from 
the surface or by quarrying, and the articles made are scattered over the 
entire province, occurring somewhat less frequently as we pass outward 
toward the Atlantic shore-line. The larger objects were extremely heavy 
and their transportation was necessarily limited largely to the waterways. 

Steatite is of common occurrence over a wide belt of territory extend- 
ing through the New England states and continuing down the Atlantic 
slope to Alabama. In Maryland and Virginia the best-known deposits 
occur along the eastern border of the Piedmont highland, often within 
the border of the tidewater area. Its geologic relations and character 
are now pretty well made out. 

Being a tenacious rock, it resists erosion and is consequently well 
exposed in stream banks, in cliffs, and on the crests of hills and ridges. 
The outcrops have been worked by the aborigines in iinnimerable places 
in Vermont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecti- 
cut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, the Caroliuas, 
and Georgia. More recently the whites have mined it extensively, and 
many of the quarries originally worked by the Indians have been re- 
opened for commercial purposes, and the traces of the ancient opera- 
tions thereby partially or entirely obliterated. At the same time this 
work has resulted in calling the attention of students of archeology to 
the subject and in giving them an excellent opportunity for investi- 
gating the ancient industry. 


As a rule the surface indications of the ancient operations are not 
distinctly marked. The ijittings are commonly not very deep; on 








slopes where fllling-in t.akes place rapidly tliey are wholly obliterated. 
Few instances occur in which the depressions now remaining' are more 
than 2 or 3 feet deep. The diameter of the pittiugs does not generally 
exceed 20 or 30 feet, yet in cases they had the form of trenches or 
chains of pits extending for hundreds of feet along the strike of the 
deposit. Mr Fowke describes an excavation seen by him near Cul- 
peper, Virginia, which is 150 feet in diameter and of undetermined 
depth, being filled with water and debris. 

Early Knowledge of Steatite 

The use of soapstone by the native races is frequently mentioned 
by early writers, but no information is given of the acquisition and 
shaping of the material. One of the earliest accoirnts of the work iu 
this country is that of Mr Paul Schumacher, who discovered typical 
quarries iu the state of California. His illustration of the quarry 
face, with its partlj^ developed nodes of the stone, published in the 
eleventh annual report of the Peabody Museum, would equally well 
illustrate the operations in our eastern quarries. The vessels and other 
articles produced are very numerous and differ widely from eastern 

Subsequently, Dr Elmer E. Eeynolds, of Washington citj', made 
some studies in the Eose hill quarry near Washington, and published 
a iiaper on the subject iu the thirteenth annual report of the Peabody 
Museum. About this time Mr F. H. Gushing, representing the Smith- 
bonian Institution, made extensive excavations iu an ancient quarry in 
Amelia county, Virginia, and prepared a model of the exposed quarry 
surface illustrating the various phases of cutting out the incipient 
vessels. No report of his work was published, save a note in the 
American Naturalist for 1878, 

In 1882 an important paper by Mr J. D. McGuire on the soapstone 
quarries of Maryland and the District of Columbia was read before the 
Anthropological Society of Washington, an extract of which is pub- 
lished in the second volume of its transactions. The present writer's 
l>reliminary paper on the Connecticut avenue quarries appeared in the 
American Anthropologist for October, 1890. 

A very interesting and extensive quarry was discovered in about 
the year 1877, on the ground of Mr 11. N. Angell, near Providence, 
Ehode Island, and a note describing the phenomena observed appears 
in the American Naturalist for 1878. These phenomena are essentially 
identical with those of more southern localities. 

A like example was observed on the farm of J. T. Case near Bristol, 
Connecticut, iu 1892, and excavations were made therein by Marshall 
H. Saville for the Peabody Museum. Many interesting specimens 
were obtained, not differing materially from those of other quarries. 
Vermont has furnished a similar example, and Pennsylvania abounds 

108 STONE IMPLEMENTS [etit.ann.15 

in sncli quarries. According to Charles H. Stubbs, in a note in the 
Smithsonian Keport for 1882, an important quarry is located near 
Christiana, Lancaster county, in the latter state. 

Explorations conducted for the Bui-eau of Ethnology during the 
years 1890-1894 extend from the Patuxent valley in Howard county, 
Maryland, to the southern borders of Virginia. I made it a rule in 
this as in other departments of field work to visit and examine as 
many sites as possible, and then to select certain favorable examples 
for detailed study, making these the types of groups of phenomena too 
extensive to be fullj- gone over. Excavation has been undertaken at 
but two points — the liose hill or Connecticut avenue quarry, near 
"Washington, and a quar'*'' near Clifton, Fairfax county, Virginia, 22 
miles southwest of Wash ^gton. 

Development of the Quarrying Industry 

The early occupants of the Potomac region, in their search for 
materials capable of serving them in their simple arts, probably dis- 
covered and attempted to utilize loose masses of the soft and tough 
stone known to us as steatite or soapstone. The progress toward its 
extensive utilization was no doubt very slow, and unless previous 
knowledge of such stone had been gained elsewhere, must have con- 
tinued for centuries. Step by step the peculiar qualities and adapta- 
bilities of the material were developed and diligent search was made 
for it throughout the highland. When the convenient loose masses 
were exhausted, the rock in place was attacked where it outcropped in 
the stream beds and on the hillsides, and i>artially detached i^ortious 
■were pried or broken off; then the process of uncovering followed and 
the" quarrying industry was initiated. Sharp stones were employed to 
cut off projecting pieces, and fi^nally cutting tools were made and 
improved, so that the solid stone could be removed to considerable 

We are not able to discover just what devices were employed in the 
preliminary quarry work. The earth was probably loosened with 
■wooden jiikes and with picks of stone and antler, and was thrown up 
with the hands or carried out in baskets of bark or cane, or in skins. 
As the quarrying advanced the older pits were filled with the debris, 
and evidences of the operations were much obscured. It is only when 
the pits are fully cleaned out that we come to realize the full nature 
and extent of the ancient work. Our excavations brought to light sur- 
prising evidences of the energy, perseverance, and skill of the native 
miner, and showed the j)ractice of an art totally distinct from that 
carried on in the bowlder quarries of Piny branch. 

Mining axij Shaping Operations 

The method of conducting the quarry work was substantially as fol- 
lows: When a sufficient area of the solid stone had been uncovered, the 



a. h, and d. from tidewater Potomac, and c from middie Potomac 


■workmen proceeded with pick and chisel to detach such portious as 
were desired. If this surfiice liappeued to be uneven, tlie projections 
or couvexities were utilized, aud the cutting was uot ditBcult; if the 
rock was massive aud the surface flat, a circular groove was cut, out- 
lining' the mass to be removed, and the cutting was continued until a 
depth was reached corresponding to the height of the utensil to be 
made; then, by undercutting, the nucleus was detached or so far severed 
that it could be broken oft' by means of sledges or levers. If the stone 
happened to be laminated, a circular groove was cut through at right 
angles to the bedding, and the discoid mass was removed without the 
need of undercutting. If the conditions were favorable, a second disk 
was cut adjoining the first, and then a third, and so on, pretty much as 
the housewife cuts up the thin Inyer of dough in biscuit making. 

In cases where the floor and walls of a well-developed quarj-y are 
fully exposed, as in the Clifton and Amelia county quarries in Vir- 
ginia, the details of ancient operations are clearly displayed. In cases 
it is seen that the task of cutting out the mass was just begun when 
operations in the quarry closed, while in others it was well under way 
and the bulbous nuclei stand out in bold relief. In cases where under- 
cutting has taken place the rounded form resembles a mushroom on 
its stem aud is ready to be removed by a blow; while in many other 
cases we see only roundish depressions in the quarry surface, in the 
bottoms of which are stumps or scars indicating that removal of the 
mass had taken ydace. It often happened that the work of cutting 
was stopped by the discovery of defects in the stone. In very many 
cases defects were not discovered until too late, and the operations 
of removal at the last moment became abortive; instead of breaking 
oft' at the base, as was intended, the cleavage of the stone was such 
that the body split in two, leaving a portion remaining attached 
to the stem. The drawing presented in plate Lxxvi will give a more 
satisfactory idea of the whole range of phenomena than can any mere 

A notable feature of the cutting out of these masses of stone is the 
attendant shaping of the mass, which was rudely sculptured as the 
work went on, the contour of the vessel being appn ximately developed. 
Although I have seen no good examples of this class, it is con Aden tlj' 
stated by others that rude nodes were carved at opposite ends of the 
mass as incipient handles, and that excavation of the bowl was begun, 
so that when severed from the stem the vessel was already well under 

QuARKY Product 

So far as I have observed, the quarries rarely yield evidence of the 
prosecution of any other shaping work than that of obtaining the 
rounded bodies of stone and the partial development of vessels. 
Pipes, sinkers, ceremonial stones, and ornaments were made by the 
same people, but mostly no doubt from choice bits of stone carried 

110 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. axn. 15 

away for the purpose, or perhaps often from fragments of vessels 
broken in use. 

About the quarries and in the quarry debris are specimens exhibit- 
ing" every stage of the vessel shaping work; irregular fragments and 
■well-rounded masses just as cut from the quarry, but usually showing 
some defect of texture or shape, explaining their desertion or rejection; 
other pieces partly shaped before the defects became apparent; and 
very many specimens broken by the blows of the shaping tools, as 
illustrated in plate lxxvii; so that every step of the work and every 
phase of the shaping operations are fully represented. The rough- 
dressed shapes vary a good deal with the difi'erent quarries, though on 
the whole there is decided uniformity in the work as carried on through- 
out the soapstone belt. Final forms, as shown by village-site remains, 
are limited to shallow trays or dishes, trough-like forms, and deep 
basins. Xowhere in eastern United States were pots made of the deep 
globular form so common in California. 

A prevailing shape in the Potoinac-Chesapeake region is an oblong 
basin with ear-like projections or handles at the ends. The largest 
specimens are about 25 inches in length. The width is often hardly more 
than half the length, and the depth averages perhaps one-half the 
width. This form may have been suggested by wooden dishes or mor- 
tars of like shajje, exami>les of which are still in use among some of 
the Algonquian tribes. Other forms approach more nearly a circular 
outline, as viewed from above, and these usually have greater depth. 
In cases the outline is somewhat rectangular. Roughed-out cups of 
small size are sometimes found. 

The handles of steatite vessels differ much in size and shape as well as 
in i)osition. Some are placed near the margin or rim, but others, where 
the vessels are deep, occur low on the profile. The accompanying illus- 
trations (plates Lxxviii, lxxix, and Lxxx) convey accurate notions 
of many details. 

The form development of a vessel of ordinary character is illustrated 
in plate lxxviii. The ovoid nucleus as cut out of the quarry appears 
in ff, the handles being only slightly suggested. Excavation of the 
bowls was begun by a series of pick strokes outlining the basin, as seen 
in h, a core-like elevation remaining in the center until removed by con- 
tinued cutting, as suggested in c and d. The form of the roughed-out 
vessel as developed in the quarries is quite fairly indicated in e. In 
some cases the excavation began with a pit in the center and was car- 
ried outward by successive strokes toward the rim ; and in very many 
cases the work was unsystematic and crude, as is well shown in plate 
LXXIX. In specimens found on the surface of the ground the tool marks 
are much obscured by weathering, but in those from a depth they are 
as fresh as if made but yesterday. The cutting implement was in some 
cases pointed or spike like, but generally had a chisel-like, though 
rounded, cutting edge half an inch or more in width, leaving impres- 
sions such as are shown in plate Lxxix, which illustrates two somewhat 



C d 

a, 31 inches in len^h ; //, 2^ (ji inches in height; c, 2 inches in height; d, I^ inch in height 


small rejects from the Conuecticut aveuue quarries. This edge was 
sometimes rather rough aud uneven, leaving scratchy lines, suggest- 
ing a tlaked rather than a polished tool. The character ot the work 
varies a great deal ; in some cases the strolces were bold and profes- 
sional in appearance, in others timid aud uncertain. Three excellent 
examples of roughedout vessels are shown in plate lxxx; a and h are 
from quarry sites, where they were rejected and deserted, while c is 
from a village-site at College Station, Maryland, several miles from the 
nearest quarry. These specimens show decided differences in shape of 
bowl and placement of handles. 

Character of the Tools 

The tools and utensils employed in the quarrying and shaping of 
steatite maybe reviewed with considerable care, since they prove to be, 
as far as brought to light, largely of classes peculiar to the work and 
hitherto practically unknown to archeologists. 

It is safe to assume that there were many implements of wood as well 
as bone and antler used in uncovering and removing the stone that 
have wholly disappeared. These hypothetic utensils would no doubt 
include levers, pikes, mauls or mallets, picks, hoes, and shovel-like 

Naturally very many of the tools used were of stone, and these are 
found in considerable numbers on the quarry sites and on shop aud 
village sites in the vicinity. There is no clear distinction to be drawn 
between those used in quarrying and cutting out the raw material and 
those employed in shaping the vessels, yet it may be assumed that in 
general the heavy, rude tools were for quarrying and that the more 
delicate, sharp-edged or pointed tools were for shaping aud finishing. 
The heavier tools consist of rounded sledge-like masses used for driv- 
ing wedges and for breaking off portions of the stone, of heavy wedge- 
like stones, often much battered as if from blows by heavy sledges, 
and of pick-like forms, some rude, others well shaped by flaking and 
pecking. One variety of the picks is roughly grooved by flaking and 
pecking, and another has a plain shaft, often a little curved as if to 
be attached to a handle somewhat as our picks aud adzes. In several 
of the quarries we have found ordinary grooved axes, most of them 
having been remodeled or resharpened by flaking to make them effi- 
cient in picking and cutting; then there is a large class of chisel-like 
tools of varied sizes and shapes, sometimes improvised from stones of 
approximate proportions slightly flaked or ground to ettective points, 
sometimes flaked out of the raw material, which is generally a greenish- 
gray basic eruptive rock obtained from the highland, and possibly by 

Generally these tools were made by skilled hands and are developed 
into such highly individualized shapes that we are compelled to allow 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

tbat the iiiilustry in wliicli they were employed was oue of imiiortance 
aud loug standing. Nearly all the forms are represented in the several 
plates accompanying this chapter. 

The number of tlie tools and their importance to the steatite- working 
peoples is illustrated by the following observations: Around a single 
pit located in a plowed field on Patuxent river, aud nearly obliterated 
by successive plowings, I found during a single visit some 30 entire and 
broken implements, and from the excavation in the quarry near Clifton, 
Virginia, nearly four dozen of the chisel-like tools, some broken and 
some entire, were found. 

Manner of Using the Tools 

There are three or four ways in which the cutting tools could have 
been used. The simplest was that of holding the pointed stone in the 

hand or hands, and thus striking the potstone. 
This would, however, be a most unsatisfactory 
method and would hardly be applied where 
opportunity was afforded for superior methods. 
Another manner of use was that of setting 
the sharpened stone or chisel in a short handle 
of buckhorn, and striking this with a stone 
or billet of wood. The chisel marks left in 
many cases suggest this method very strongly, 
and the heavy end of the tool as found is usu- 
ally furnished with a short and rough-flaked 
point suitable for setting in a handle, as sug- 
gested in figure IG. Many specimens of this 
class are too minute to be utilized in any other 
way, and some are slightly notched as if mere 

A third method is that of hafting the pointed 
stone as an adz or ax is hafted. The grooved 
tools were undoubtedly used in this way, and many of the grooveless 
forms could have been attached as is the ordinary primitive adz. This 
would give much greater efBciency in all the work of cutting and 
roughing-out, and the boldness and irregularity of the stroke marks 
left on the quarry face and on the detached masses and partly finished 
vessels make it practically certain that this was the manner of their 
attachment. With short handles, such as indicated in figure 17, effect- 
ive and very neat work could be done, aud it may be remarked that 
such a tool could be handled in the cramped quarters in which the 
cutting was often carried on almost as conveniently as could the chisel 
driven by a mallet. 

Among the chisels there are numerous slightly curved forms, some 
with one ground point that could have been hafted as in a, figure 17, 
and others with two points that may have been mounted so as to make 
both points effective, as in h, figure 17. The shortest two-pointed tool, a 

Fig. 16 — Probable manner of liaft- 
ing the smaller chisels. 



(l-b, one-third actual size ; c-d, e. one-half actual size 



very neat and delicate specimen,' is hardly more thau 3 inches long, 
while the largest is 11 inches in length. 


The most interesting example of the soapstone quarries examined by 
the Bureau during the progress of the work described iu the jiresent 
paper was the Hetzel-Hunter quarry, near Clifton, in Fairfax county, 
Virginia. Late in the fall of 1S93 Mrs Margaret Hetzel, of Clifton 
and Washington city, communicated to Professor O. T. Mason, of the 
National Museum, the fact that iu prospecting a soapstone deposit near 

Fro. 17 — Probable raaoner of hafting the siugle-pninted anil the two-pointed chisels or picks. 

Clifton the owners had discovered traces of aboriginal operations, and 
expressed a desire that the Smithsonian Institution should undertake 
an examination. This was reported to me by Professor Mason, and the 
quarry was put on the list for examination so soon as the field season 
of 1891 opened. Late in March the work was taken up, and Mr Wil- 
liam Dinwiddle was sent out with instructions to clear out the ancient 
excavations in such a way that, if possible, the entire floor and the 
quarry faces would be exposed for study and photography. This was 
done in the completest possible manner, and in a few weeks a most 
striking illustration of the enterprise and skill of our aboriginal tribes 
was exposed to view. A trench or gallery some 25 feet wide and 
reaching in places a depth of 16 feet had been carried into the face 
of the hill to a distance of 60 or 70 feet, and a second pit, inferior in 
dimensions, had been opened beyond this. Almost the entire excavation 
had been carved out of the solid steatite by means of stone picks and 
15 ETH 8 

114 STONE IMPLEMENTS (eth.ann.13 

chisels, and all tbe evidences of the cutting and sculpturing — even 
the whitened surfaces of the tool marks — were as fresh as if the work 
of yesterday. 

The quarry is located on a small branch of Bull run, 2 miles north- 
west of Clifton and 22 miles a little south of west of Washington city. 
The steatite outcrops in the bed and banks of a small rivulet, crossing 
it at right angles, and seems to be an irregular bed or stratum inter- 
calated with the gneiss of the Piedmont formation. It varies from 20 
to 40 or 50 feet in thickness, and has a nearly uorthandsouth strike 
and a dip of from 70"^ to 80^ toward the west. 

The ancient peoples probably began work by removing detached or 
partly detached masses from the stream 'bed, and then little by little 
followed the ledge up and into the steep hillside toward the north. 
This hill is a spur of a low ridge on the west, and is some 40 feet in 
height. It slopes off rapidly to the junction of tli.e ipiarry rivulet with 
another branch two or three hundred feet below. The surface is cov- 
ered with soil and disintegrated gneiss. 

Our investigations developed the fact that there had been two main 
pits or excavations — a long and wide gallery mentioned above, and 
higher up a second pit about 20 feet in diameter and S or 10 feet deep 
connecting with the first but lying at the left, as indicated in the 
accompanying sketch map, figure 18. 

So completely were the ancient excavations filled up that inexperi- 
enced eyes would hardly have detected anything unusual in the appear- 
ance of the rounded slope of the hill. The main trench was marked 
by a slight depression toward the upper end, and the debris accumu- 
lated low down along the sides formed barely perceptible convexitie.s. 
No doubt the excavations had been largely filled as the work advanced, 
and material from the upper pit had helped to obliterate what remained 
of the main final depression. 

The location of the upper pit was indicated by a shallow depression 
some 20 feet in diameter and 2 or 3 feet deep, where modern exploiters 
had sunk a prospect hole. This pit had been left open, and its position 
high ou the hill had prevented rapid tilling. 

When the Bureau began its work of excavation the owners of the 
quarry had already uncovered a portion of the ancient (juarry floor, 
which rises from the stream bed at a low angle, so that at oO feet it is 
about 10 feet above the stream and not more than 4 or ."> feet beneath 
the slope surface. But little stone had been removed by the ancient 
workmen, although evidences of excavation and cutting were distinctly 
seen, and a few stumps, scars, and bulbous chiseled masses appeared at 
the upper edge. 

Soon after beginning work the floor was found to descend into numer- 
ous pits and depressions where the superior quality of the stone had 
led the quarrymeu to iiersist in their work. The general level of the 
floor was maintained for a distance of some 70 feet back into the hill, 
and the deeper pittlngs at the back reached 15 or 16 feet beneath the 



a, 11^ inches in length ; b, 14 inches in length ; c, 1 CO inches in lenglh ; d, 3 inches in length 


profile of the slope. Mucli impure stone liaci been cut away in efforts 
to reach the purer masses, and this was a most laborious work. But 
it is safe to say that one-half or three-fourths of the excavation was 
accomplished by cutting out, with chisels and picks, the solid and 
massive steatite.' The whole surface, with its nodes and humps and 
depressions, covered everywhere with the markings, groovings, and 
Ijittiugs of the chisel, presented a striking example of the eli'ectiveuess 

Fig. 18 — Sketch map of the Clifton quarrj- ; scale about 50 feet to the inch. 

of native methods and the persistence of native efforts. A view of the 
quarry, after it had been thoroughly cleaned out and swept, is shown 
in plate lxxxi. The photograph was obtained by erecting a platform 
20 feet in height in the stream bed at the foot of the quarry. The 
deepest part of the pitting is at the back, where the figure of a man 
may be imperfectly made out. The farther extension of the quarry is 

116 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

indistinctly seen at the left beyond the measuring rod. The irregu- 
larly noded and pitted surface is rather imperfectly shown in the 
picture. The width of the seam of workable stone is indicated by the 
■width of the quarry, and the change in direction at the farther end of 
the main pit seems to have been due to a change in the character of 
the stone. 

In plate lxxxii I have brought together a number of the cutting 
implements selected from the two or three score recovered. Many 
exami»les are of small size and show varying degrees of finish. Those 
shown are of a dark-gray eruptive rock and have been carefully shaped 
and finished. The larger specimen a, a has been ground into nearly 
symmetrical shape and has a fine conical point. The cliisel h, h was 
flaked into general shape and both ends were reduced by grinding 
to excellent flatfish cutting edges. The smaller specimen c has a 
rkeatly sharpened point and is wide at the opposite end, and like the 
smaller example d, which is obscurely notched near the top, was prob- 
ably set in an antler handle for use as a chisel. Among the finds was 
a well-shaped and much-used hammerstone of quartzite, which had 
probably served to trim and sharpen tlie cutting tools. 

Traces of an old village-site were discovered on the stream bank, a 
hundred yards or more below the quarry, and here various objects of 
steatite, includiug a partially shaped but broken pipe, were found. 
The more ordinary dwelling sites of the operators of this quarry were 
doubtless on the larger streams below, and probably extended far down 
the Potomac. This quarry can not be a great many miles from the 
" antimony mines " reported by the native guides to the English who 
first explored the Potomac. The fact that these peoples were enterpris- 
ing enough to work an " antimony mine " suggests the probable iden- 
tity of these Indians with the workers of the soapstone mines as well 
as of the quartzite quarries of the general region. 


Extensive deposits of steatite are found within the limits of the 
District of Columbia, but only one locality presents abundant traces 
of ancient operations. This site is by some called the Kose hill quarry 
and by others the Dumbarton quarry. It is situated on Connecticut 
avenue extended, 4 miles from the Executive Mansion, three-fourths 
of a mile east of Tenallytown, and a mile and a half from each of the 
two great quartzite-bowlder quarries already described. 


The quarries in this locality seem to have been first studied by Dr 
Elmer E. Reynolds, who in 1878 ijublished' a careful description of the 

' Thirteenth annual report of the Peabody Museum, 1878, p. 526. 





t(, b, r, three-fourths actual size ; d. actual size 


site and of tlie articles collected by him. About that time visits to 
the site were made by Dr Charles Rau, Professor O. T. Masou, Mr 
F. H. Ciishing, and others, and extensive collections of articles, mainly 
from the surface of the ground, were made. Mention is made by Dr 
Reynolds of excavations conducted by these gentlemen, but no definite 
information on this point is on record. Mr Gushing informs me that 
slight excavations were made on the southern hill. A paper published 
by Mr Louis A. Kengla, formerly of Washington, gives considerable 
additional matter, accompanied by illustrations of fragments of vessels 
obtained in the District of Columbia.' 

Site akd Sukface Indications 

The mass of steatite exposed on this site, being firmer and tougher 
than the gneisses with which it is associated, gave rise, as erosion pro- 
gressed, to two very decided ])rominences, separated by a sharp ravine 
cut by a small stream, tributary to Rock creek, known as Soapstone 
creek. The natural exposures are confined to the bed and the steeper 
banks of the stream and to the crests of the hills, the latter rising in 
somewhat conical form — the one on the southern side of the ravine to 
about SO feet and the one on the northern side to fully 90 feet above 
the stream. 

The northern hill has a rounded, oblong summit, in which the steatite 
is exposed or approaches very near the surface for a length, nearly 
north and south, of more than 100 feet and a width of 20 or 30 feet. 
The rock seems to be bedded with the greatest length of the crest, and 
consists of nearly vertical, more or less massive layers of steatite. The 
slopes of the hill are covered with deposits of disintegrated gneiss and 
vegetal mold, and consequently the gneiss with which the steatite is 
surrounded and interbedded is in no place visible. The whole site is 
thickly covered with forest trees and underbrush. 

In ISOl the extension of Connecticut avenue led to the removal of 
the lower portions of both hills, as indicated in the sketch map «, plate 
Lxxxiii, the cut in the southern hill exposing jwrtions of the strata to a 
depth of 60 feet, and obliterating a number of the ancient pits. The 
steatite brought to light by the grading is, however, of very poor qual- 
ity and unfit for commercial purposes, which is true also of the entire 
deposit, as indicated by the cessation of recent quarrying operations 
conducted by the Hunter brothers. A section of the two hills appears 
in c, plate lxxxiii. 

The evidences of ancient pitting are confined chiefly to the summits 
of the hills, but no one can say to what extent the exposures of soap- 
stone in the sides of the ravine were worked. The southern bank of 
the stream has recently been excavated to a considerable depth by the 
Hunter brothers, and the original configuration is somewhat destroyed; 

' Archeology of the District of Columbia. Washiugton, 1883. 

118 STONE IMPLEMENTS eth.ann.15 

but on the northern side tliere is an obscure excavation of considerable 
dimensions that may be at least partially <lue to aboriginal operations. 
Tits sunk in the sides of the hills would soon be filled by debris 
descending from above, but on the crests they would necessarily remain 
clearly marked for a long period of time; their obliteration in the lat- 
ter case would depend on the very slow accumulation of vegetal 
mold or of wind blown material. In any attempt at estimating age 
from mere appearances, therefore, the relation of the excavation to 
the surrounding surface must be considered; this has already been 
pointed out with some degree of care in describing the quartzite- 
bowlder quarries. 

The excavations undertaken under my supervision were confined 
largely to the summit of the northern hill, as the ancient iiuarries had 
there remained wholly undisturbed save by the normal agencies of 
nature. A row of pits, forming almost a connected trench, extended 
along the crest and for a short distance down the northern end of the 
hill. There were five well marked depressions in this series, the out- 
lines being irregular (see plate Lxxxiv). All were less than 25 feet in 
diameter, and the greatest depth was not above 2 or 3 feet. Dr Ehuer 
R. lleynolds describes one pit on the southern hill as being over 3 
feet deep. The heaps and ridges of (h-bris thrown from the pits by 
the ancient miners extended along tlie sides of the row of pits, and 
were not above a foot in height. This debris consisted for the greater 
part of earth and irregular masses of steatite. Among the latter 
were found many fragments of unHnished vessels antl rejects of various 
kinds. Shallow depressions, marking the sites of ancient pits, occur 
along the sides of the crest on the southern and western slopes of 
the hill. 

ExcAVAiioNs Made 

Our examinations of the Connecticut avenue quarries were com- 
menced by carrying a trench across the southern pit of the series on 
the northern hill. This exposed portions of the ancient quarry face on 
the southern, eastern, and western sides, while the northern edge of 
our excavation penetrated the full depth of the ancient quarry, which 
was here not more than 4 or 5 feet. 

Beginning with the deepest part of this first trench, a wide trench 
was cai-ried northward along the chain of ancient pits. Cross trenches 
were dug at frequent intervals, and others were subsequently dug on 
the southern sloj)e. In all, not less than 800 square feet of the ancient 
quarry fioors were exposed and cleared off, and a very good idea of the 
nature of the ancient quarrying was obtained. The principal pits were 
worked to a depth of from 2 to C feet by the aborigines, and the bot- 
toms and sides present the irregular api)earance necessarily produced 
by prying out such masses of potstone as the (xuarrymen were able to 
detach. A view taken in the main trench is shown in plate LXXXV, 



a, quartz; b, c, d, quartzite 


and a section across one of the pits is given in /^ plate Lxxxiii. The 
beds of steatite aie quite massive, exhibiting inegular lines of cleav- 
age; the (juality is, however, in tlie main, rather inferior. A sketch 
plan showing the trenches made on the quarry site is given in plate 


As in the quartzitebowlder quarries, little evidence remains of the 
methods of (juarrying. Tools of the classes already referred to were 
no doubt used to loosen and remove the earth and to pry up masses of 
the stone. Heavy rounded stones and hafted sledges served to break 
up the larger pieces and to detach projecting portions. In several 
places on the floor and sides of the quarry the surface of the potstone 
si ows the usual pick marks, and in one place a slight grooving was 
seen where the work of dividing a large block had begun. The exposed 
surfaces seem for tlie most part to represent cleavage planes, and until 
solid massive roclc was encountered the laborious process of cutting 
was uncalled for. 

So far as the evidence obtained on the site shows, work was confined 
almost exclusively to procuring material for use in vessel making, but 
apparently the pots were not often shaped or even partly shaped in 
place, to be afterward detached by undercutting and wedging as 
observed in many other places. It appears that as a rule the rough 
block was first obtained, then trimmed down to the approximate size and 
form, and afterward hollowed out ready for the finishing operations, 
which were in most cases conducted elsewhere. There were naturally 
many failures from breaking, from splitting along partially developed 
cleavage planes, and from imperfections in texture: and many hun- 
dreds of these failures yet remain on the site, in the pits, in the heaps 
of debris, and scattered far down the slopes of the hill and along the 
stream bed. 

Tools Recoveked 

The tools with which the work of quarrying was accomplished were 
sought most assiduously. It was expected that they would, in a meas- 
ure at least, correspond to the tools known to be used by the modern 
Indians of the region, as many steatite pots are found on ordinary vil- 
lage sites. This was found to be the case to a limited extent only. It 
was found that the tools used were, as a rule, made for and especially 
adapted to the work, which is iinlike any other industry of the aborig- 
ines. The implements prove, therefore, to be in a measure unique, 
forming a class of their own. 

The remoteness of the site and the rugged conformation of the hills 
on which the quarries are located render it improbal>le that the locality 
was used for dwelling or for any other purpose than that of quarrying 
and shaping the potstone. 

The tools found all pertain to quarrying and to roughing-out the ves- 
sels, and may conveniently be divided into three classes: 1, those 
improvised on the spot for local temporary use; 2, those made for the 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

purpose on distant sites; and, 3, those pertaining original]}' to other 
uses, brought from the villages and utilized in the quarries. A major- 
ity are of the first of these classes. They are, as a rule, quite rude, 
and were derived from quartz veins and bowlder beds in the vicinity 
of the quarry. Specimens collected approach as nearly a paleolithic 
type as any tools found in the Potomac region. Nothing more primi- 
tive is possible. The hills and slopes in the vicinity abound in out- 
crops of vein quartz, which breaks u]) into angular fragments. These 
are now so plentiful on the neighboring fields as to burden agriculture. 
Such angular fragments were gathered for use in the quarries. Some 
were already well adapted to use, while others were slightly trimmed, 
to give them better points and edges. Illustrations of these tools 
appear in figures I'J and 20. 

Flfi. 19— Rude pick of quartz, slightly sharpeoed by flaking. 

A number of angular masses of quartz were discovered that were 
not apparently adapted to any use and that showed no signs of having 
been used. They may be fragments of larger masses broken in use. 
A few bruised cobbles were found that must have been utilized in some 
way in the quariy work. 

It is not considered necessary to take further notice of specimens 
showing no decided evidence of design or use, or that do not by their 
natural conformation show especial adaptation to use. The objects of 
quartz that show evidence of shaping by percussion are all of one 
type. They are thick, angular masses, weighing a pound or more; one 
end is brought to a short, sharp point, aud the other is somewhat 
rounded, as if to be held in the hand or hands for striking. Of the 


f!;^'Vk?r -'•'■ 

.' ^ ' ' ' , , ^ 

.' . . ' 1 \\ - ' 

' ' ■' '''■'■'- ^•'';'-;''" ,'•,■■?#-'-'- ^^; 


1 1 





same preneral shape are two picks made from quartzite bowldei's aud 
resembling- lioavy-poiuted turtlebacks (figures 21, 22). In no case 

Fig. 20 — Rnde pick of quartz, slightly sharpened by flaking, 

does the form of these tools suggest the attachment of a haft, although 
such attachment would probably be feasible. 

Three chisel like tools were found in the main trench on the summit 
of the hill. They are of peculiar types, and we may fairly assume that 


Fig. 21 — Rude pick made by sharpening quartzite bowlder. 

they were made for use in the potstone shop. One made of gray erup- 
tive rock is blade-shaped and has a tine chisel-like point or edge. It is 
shown in a,a, plate lxxxviii. 



[ETH, ANN. 15 

Another spccimeu (illustrated in b,b, plate lxxxvi) is of greenish- 
gray slaty-looking eruptive rOck, very slightly altered by cheinifal 
changes. It is rather rudely chipped along both sides, and the point 
has been made quite sharp by grinding. Properly liafted as a pick, or 
as a chisel to be driven by a mallet, this little celt would have been a 
very effective tool in shaping and trimming the vessels. As it stands, 
without hafting, it is too small for effective use. A small chisel from 
the southern hill is given in c,c in the same plate. 

From the soil that filled one of the shallow pits on the southern 
margin of the crest of the hill, a chipped tool of unusual shape, given 
in a,a, plate lxxxvii, was obtained. It resembles somewhat the drills 
or perforators of the same material found on village-sites, but is larger, 
ruder, and less symmetrical, and was probably made especially for use 
in the trimming of soapstone vessels. 

Fig. 22 — Rnde pick made by sbarpeninj; quartziti* bowlder. 

Another is made of a blackish argillite-like rock that has become 
gray on the surface through oxidation of some of its constituent min- 
erals. In its general configuration it is somewhat like the quartzite 
blades ])roduced in the quarry-shops of the district, but it differs from 
them in having a chisel-like point or edge. This edge is somewhat 
oblique andshowsbut little evidence of use, although chemical changes 
in the stone may have obliterated such evidence. It is shown in b,b, 
plate LXXXVII. 

A quite perfect spccimeu of this class, having a welliouiidcd body 
and neat, sharp edge, was picked up on the southern hill; it is shown 
in (l,d. A much larger example of the same class was Ijronght to light 
by the grading operations along Connecticut avenue, on the eastern 












sloiieof tlie soutlieiii hill (i)late lxxxviii). A uest of four well-sliapcd 
chisels, two of which appear in plate xci, was discovered by me near 
the summit of the hill; all were sharpened by grinding. 

One of the most im])ortant finds nuxde during tlie excavations at this 
plare was a large grooved ax of the wedge-hafted type (<i, plate xcii). 
It was found in one of the shallow pits ou the soutlieru margin of the 
hilltop, a foot from the surface and resting on the surface of the soai>- 
stoiie iu place. There is no doubt that this tool was used oy the 
ancieut qnarrynien in dislodging, and possildy iu trimming, the masses 
of stone. Its edge shows considerable wear, apparently from use as a 
pick, and its surface irregularities are filled with steatite. Its weight 
and shape would make it a very effective tool. If proof that the 
workers of these quarries were Indians were necessary, the discovery 
of this object would seem to be satisfactory. Finds on the sites of 
ancient soapstone (juarries iu Maryland include many of these gi'ooved 
axes. Iu most cases they have been more or less completely remodeled 
by flaking to fit them more fidly for use as picks. 


The question arises as to what correlations can be made out between 
the steatite quarries and the quartzite-bowlder quarries of the District 
of Columbia. Are they all probably of one age and the work of one 
jieople, or are they separated by long periods of time and by marked 
differences in art characters? It is observed that the two classes of 
quarries are located in the same valley and only a mile and a half apart; 
that they correspond as closely in extent and in appearances as could be 
expected if worked at one time and by one people; that modern neo- 
lithic implements are found in the steatite quarries, and that the prod- 
ucts of the steatite (|uarries are found on many modern village-sites. 

It appears that the steatite-was not (piarried to a depth equal to that 
of the qnartzite bowlders, but it will be seen at a glance that the diflfl- 
culties attending the working of the former are much the greater. 
"With increasing depth the steatite becomes firmer and more massive, 
and the difficulty of detaching the necessary masses with primitive 
tools increases. With the bowlders the ditticulty does not increase 
with tlie depth iu the same degree, and greater depths could be reached 
with comparative ease. 

It is true that the bowlder quarries exhibit more decided evidence of 
great age thau do the steatite quarries in that the pits are much more 
completely filled up and obliterated. Tliis fact may, however, lead to 
erroneous conclusion? if the conditions under which the two classes of 
pits existed are not considered. The deepest steatite pits were not over 
5 or C feet in depth, but they were excavated in solid rock and on the 
crests of hills where there was little or no material to fall into them 
save the leaves from the trees. Such of the pits as were not ou the 
summits were entirely or almost entirely filled up. The cobble ]iits on 

124 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

Piny branch were in ,all cases situated on the slope of the hills, and 
were therefore directly beneath overhanging masses of loosely com- 
pacted sands and gravels and may have been more completely filled up 
in one year than the steatite pits in a century. 

The character of the two sites corresponds very closely in the respect 
that both are in hills so steep as to be quite unsuited for camping or 
dwelling. Both are therefore naturally free from village refuse, and 
the tools found, for the most part if not exclusively, consist of those 
actually used in the work of quarrying and roughing-out the articles 

lu the cobble quarries no tools of a durable material were needed 
save the natural bowlders found by thousands in the quarries. Care- 
fully shaped hammerstones, polished celts, and grooved axes had no 
place in the industries carried on in these localities. A grooved ax, 
such as that found in the Connecticut avenue quarry, would be an 
effective tool in the work of quarrying steatite, and could be used with- 
out the least danger of breakage. The chisels were especially adapted 
to, and no doubt made for, the cutting out and carving of the steatite. 

The nature and range of the work of shaping carried on in both 
classes of quarries has a close correspondence. No finished pieces of 
work of the classes made there were found in either class. In the cob- 
ble quarries the blade was roughed-out to a convenient shape for 
transportation and subse(iuent elaboration; in the steatite quarries 
the pots were roughed-out and carried away to be finished else- 
where. It is significant also that on many village-sites in the vicinity 
the shaped objects of both materials are found freely and intimately 

Eeview of the evidence thus shows many significant correspondences 
in the work of the two classes of quarries, and no ditterences that 
re(juire the assumption of wide distinction either in time, people, or 
culture. The historical aborigines are probably responsible for all the 
phenomena observed. 


About 2 miles southwest of the Rose hill quarries, and not far from 
the grounds of the American University, there are several obscure out- 
crops of steatite. Numerous partially worked vessels have been found, 
but if quarries ever existed they are now entirely obliterated by the 


A slight outcrop of steatite occurs in the creek bank at the Virginia 
end of Chain bridge over the Potomac, just below Little falls and at the 
head of tidewater; but no traces of ancient work have been observed. 
That the work of quarrying and cutting this rock was prosecuted in the 
vicinity is indicated by the discovery of steatite picks and chisels, and 
many articles made of steatite, finished and unfinished, on the village- 







\y V 

Ik ' -J ' t 


^i^' ;>^K ^"iyl 


a and 6 (11 inches and 8 inches, respectively, in length) are from the Chton quarry^ and <■ ( 1 U inches in length) is from 

a village-site at College Station, Maryland 


sites in the vicinity. These are well represented in the collections of 
Thomas Dowling, junior, and F. W. von Dachenhausen, of Washington. 
Typical mining and cutting tools are rarely found at any considerable 
distance from the quarries. Several small chisels of the usual type, 
shown in plate xc, were obtained from a village-site between Chain 
bridge and Eades mill, on the northeastern side of the river; and two 
sinker-like objects of soapstone from this locality, one discoidal with 
a peripheral groove and the other ol)long with a groove i>assing along 
the sides and across the ends, are shown in a and b, plate xcix. A 
small, partially finished ring or bead is represented in c on the same 


Following the trend of the soapstone belt northeastward from the 
Teuley cjuarries, the first observed occurrence of a primitive quarry is 
at Four Corners, on the estate of Mr Bryant. Xear this gentleman's 
mansion are two clusters of trees, each less than an acre in area, in 
which the steatite outcrops, and on account of which the land has not 
been utilized for agricultural purposes. Considerable work has been 
done on this site. In the first cluster of trees, 100 yards south of the 
house, a number of shallow depressions are seen marking the sites of 
ancient pits and trenches. Numerous worked pieces and partially 
shaped pots are scattered about, and a few tools have been found, 
mostly by Mr W. II. Phillips, who kindly directed my notice to this 
site. The material, the nature of the work, and the tools used cor- 
respond very closely with the same features of neighboring sites. 


Ifumerous steatite quarries have been discovered in Montgomery and 
Howard counties, Maryland, within the limits of the Patuxent valley. 
Our knowledge of them is due chiefly to the euterijrise of two resident 
archeologists, Mr J. D. McGuire, of Ellicott, and the late Thomas Bent- 
ley, of Sandyspring. The former gentleman has an extensive series of 
the quarry utensils and products, and has published a valuable paper 
concerning them.' I have been permitted to make illustrations of sev- 
eral specimens from the Bentley collection by Mrs E. P. Thomas, the 
collector's daughter, and additional illustrations have been obtained 
from the local collections of Mrs Charles Kirk and Miss Frances D. 
Stabler, of Olney. 

Schooley^s mill site — At Schooley's mill, on the eastern side of the 
Patuxent and about half a niile below Snells bridge, steatite of excel- 
lent quality outcrops in a number of places. These outcrops have 
recently been worked to some extent by the residents of the vicinity, 
but traces of ancient quarrying have not been entirely obliterated. It 
is difficult in most cases to distinguish the modern from the ancient 

'Transactions of the Anthropological Society, Tol. II, 1882, p. 39. 

126 STONE IMPLEMENTS [etii.anx.15 

l>its, Imt there are a inimber ,of irregular depressions iu a grove on tbe 
hillside Just above the mill that may be regarded as of aboriginal 
origin. Masses of steatite appear at many points, ami some of these 
bear evidence of the use of stone picks in detaching masses of the 
rock. A number of broken pots were observed, including several varie- 
ties of form. One is a tiatbottom basin or pan of circular outline 
and vertical periphery, about 13 inches in diameter and fi'om 3 to 4 
inches deep, the bowl being roughedout to about half that depth. The 
entire surface retains the marks of the roughing-out pick, which has 
been boldly handled. Another specimen, half of which was found, 
represeuts an oblong shallow basin with projecticms for handles at the 
ends. Another appeared to be part of a deep, almost hemispherical 
bowl, neatly Morked but retaining no traces of handles. 

Ill an hour's search two fragmentary tools were found. They are 
ordinary chisel picks, one showing the point and the other the head or 
rounded end. The surfaces have the appearance and feel of ordinary 
sandstone, but on examina-ti(m the material is found to be a very fine- 
grained argillite. Part of the surface of the larger specimen has been 
shaped by pecking, the remainder having been flaked. 

Thompson quarry — The region about Browns bridge over the Patux- 
eiit abounds iu deposits of steatite, and the ancient workings are exten- 
sive. The first outcrop encountered after leaving the Laurel and Sandy- 
spring pike is on the farm of Mr Benjamin Thompson, midway between 
the tollgate at Ednor and the bridge. A grove of trees with much 
undergrowth borders the road on the right, covering an area of 2 or 3 
acres, In the grove the soapstone outcrops at many points; numerous 
large masses jirotrude from the beds of leaves and mold, and present 
the deeply excoriated surfaces characteristic of weathered steatite. At 
the roadside and iu the lanes, as well as in the neighboring fields, frag- 
ments and protruding masses of the rock are seen. A careful search 
revealed no very definite traces of ancient pitting, but an interesting 
feature was encountered near the entrance to the wood at the right. 
An angular mass of the rock rises .about 2 feet above the ground, and 
the highest corner of this has been partially encircled by a deep, wide 
groove, which still sliows the pick marks as seen in plate xci. It 
seems remarkable that jiick marks exposed to the weather should have 
been preserved for so long a period, yet the work must undoubtedly be 
attributed to the aborigines who disappeared from this region a century 
and a half ago. 

The fragments of pots observed here are of ordinary types. A fine 
medium-size chisel (6, plate xciv) was found in a field adjoining the 
grove, and other fragments were picked up at difi'erent points in the 
vicinity. A boy living near by had found two fine picks, made by 
remodeling grooved axes, illustrated iu h and c, plate XCii. 

Broirn quarry — On the farm of Mr T. E. Brown, within about half a 
mile of the last-mentioned bridge over the Patuxent, steatite is quite 




isleiitifiil. In the fields near the bouse masses project from the ground 
and fragments are scattered about in great i)rofusiou. A number of 
worked places were seen, and a grooved pick made from a grooved ax 
and tlie i)oint of an ungrooved pick of medium size were collected. 

Wilson ([uarry — The site most productive of implements for working 
steatite is located within 50 yards of the Patuxent, half a mile below 
Brown's bridge, on the farm of Mr VV. F. Wilson. The (piarry sites 
have been cultivated to such an extent that but slight indications of 
the ancient pits are seen. A few small outcrops of the steatite are 
found, and within a radius of 60 feet about one of these over thirty 

P'lQ. 23 — Imjilement used in ruttilii; steatite; from quarry In Htiward Cminty. ^M.aryland. 

tools were picked up. This series includes chisels of onlinary varieties 
[c, plate xciv) and rude grooved picks of the extemporized variety, 
one of the latter appearing in plate xciii. 

Fragments of unfinished vessels of various forms Avere observed on 
the land of Mr Wilson on the northern side of the river within the 
limits of Howard county. Several acres of forest land are covered 
by rough-looking masses of dark steatite. In some places it has 
been worked and indistinct pits can be traced, and rudely shaped 
pieces of the material, together with specimens of the tools, were 
encountered. Beyond this sjiot, on the farm of Mr Henry Kruhm, 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

another quarry is located. The outcrops are limited, but character- 
istic fragnieiits of worked steatite and three rather rude chisels were 
found, two of which are shown in figures 23 and 2-k. 


During a short stay at "Fair Hill," the residence of Mr Eichard 
Kirk, at Oluey, Maryland, my attention was called to a number of rude 
soapstone dishes that lay strewn about the grounds, and Mrs Charles 

FlQ. 24— Implement used in cutting steatite: from quarry in Howard County, iraryland. 

Kirk liad in her possession an excellent specimen of the two-point 
chisel-pick (shown in figure 25). Ancient quarries are located in the 
meadows below the house and in the adjoining woods on Brooke grove 
farm; they are now almost obliterated by recent quarrying and by 
farming over the sites. Worked ])ieces of steatite and specimens of 
the tools used are still occasionally picked up in the vicinity. The 
rude vessels are all of usual types, and no example was seen that 
approaches at all near a finish. 



i -I Ml 




!'*■ ■ .- 


a, two-thirds actual size; h, c, fh actual size 




The chisel pick mentioned above was found by Mr Charles Kirk on 
the quarry site. It is made of iron-impregnated sandstone, which 
appears and rings like metal. It has been worked rudely into shajie 

Fig. 25 — Implement used iu cutting steatite: from the OIney quarry. 

by flaking, and then finished ajiparently by grinding. It is 8 inches 
long, .3 inches wide, and half an inch thick, and would appear to be 
one of the most effective tools of its class yet found. I was so fortu- 
nate as to find on this site the small chisel shown in a, plate XCIV, 
15 ETn 



[eth. axn. 15 

wliicli is almost identical in size, appearance, and material with one 
found in the Rose hill quarry in the District of Columbia. The point 
is well shaped, and shows the effects of use. The head terminates in a 
sharp edge, which is not worn, and must have been protected by a 
haft when in use. The material a^jpears to be a fine-grain gTeenish- 
gray argillite. A second chisel of small size {a, plate xcv) was subse- 
quently picked up in the field near the Kirk 
residence. Half a dozen line soapstone 
tools were obtained from this vicinity by 
Miss Frances D. Stabler, who resides at 
Sharon, a neighboring estate. 

About a mile south of Oliiey, on the farm 
of ]\Ir Mackall, the location of an ancient 
quarry was noted, and the usual refuse of 
aboriginal operations was observed. A 
chisel made of blue-gray porphyry and a 
very rudely grooved or notched fragment of 
quartz, once hafted as a pick, were picked 
up. This (piarry is said to extend to the 
farm of l)r Kirk, which lies south of Mr 
Mackall's place. 

Anotlier site formerly occupied by the 
aboriginal soapstone worker is situated 
about i miles west of Olney, on the i)rem- 
ises of Mr Holland. This jdace did not 
yield any form of tool, but the unfinished 
vessels occur as usual. Other sites are 
reported in this vicinity. 

The collection of Mrs Mary Bentley 
Thomas, of Sandyspring, was made from 
thequarriesof the vicinity, several of which 
are mentioned above. There are many 
specimens of the jiartially shaped vessels 
illustrating all phases of the work. The 
picks comi)rised in this collection are very 
tine. Some are modified grooved axes, 
others are fragments of rock roughedout 
by flaking just enough to make them avail- 
able, with tlie addition of a haft, for work- 
ing the soft stone. One of the former is 
shown in plate xcvi, while the latter type is illustrated in figure 2fi. 
One of the most striking implements found in this collection, and of 
wider interest than the other quarry tools, is a gouge of the New Eng- 
land type, which has been rouglily grooved by the steatite worker in 
order that a haft might be atta* lied (figure 27). This specimen serves 
to add to the force of the remark, suggested by the remodeling of 

Fib 26— Implement iised in cutting 
Bteatite; fiom Saud^springquarry. 



Sketch map of the Connecticut avenue quarries. The area of the soapslone 
outcrop is inclosed by a dotted line anj the tops of the two halls are 
marked by crosses 

Section of the pittings on the northern hill. The dotted line indicates the original profile 

Section through the two hills, Connect;cuT avenue quarries 



— i 








grooved axes for the rough work of the quarries, that the date of this 
work is comparatively recent. It would seem that older tools from all 
sources were pressed iuto service for carrying on a uew art. 



Fig. 27 — Gousje-ljke implement grooved for hafting and used in a att-atitt^ quarry 
near Sandyspring, Maryland. 


Near Falls Church, and some 3J miles southwest of Little falls, Vir- 
ginia, steatite has been found, and some traces of ancient work have 
been reported. Similar reports come from several other localities in 
Alexandria and Fairfax counties. 

In 1891 a soapstone mine was opened on what was then the Bassett 
place, on Holmes run, 7 miles from Alexandria and the same distance 
from Georgetown. As the work advanced a few shallow depressions 

132 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. axn.15 

marking the sites of ancient pits were observed, and in cutting through 
tlieni several rudimentary vessels and numerous mining and cutting 
tools, broken and entire, were encountered. The ancient work had 
extended to the depth in one place of 7 or 8 feet. Several specimens 
from this site are illustrated in the accompanying plates. An ordinary 
grooved ax, broken in use, is illustrated iu plate xcvii, and two other 
axes modified by flaking to give them sharper cutting edges (plate 
xcviii) are of special interest as further illustrating the subordination of 
general to special function among the tools of the aboriginal (juarrymeu. 


On the southern side of James river, in Amelia county, Virginia, a 
very interesting site was studied by Mr F. H. Gushing, who <'onducted 
extended excavations and made a model of an ancieut pit illustrating 
the manner in which the masses of partially shaped steatite were cut 
out and removed. The tools recovered and the quarry rejects were 
identical with those from the more northern sites. 


Between 5 and 6 miles from Orange, on the road to Madison court- 
house, Virginia, is a negro church, at which a road turns off 7iorth- 
ward. At a point about 200 yards from the church the latter road 
, strikes an outcrop of steatite, along which it runs for 500 or GOO yards. 
Most of the deposit has been so much worked by residents that it is 
now impossible to determine whether there is any trace of aboriginal 
work except at the extreme northern end of the outcrop. Here there 
are a few small ]iits that seem due to ancient work. 


There is a very extensive quarry of steatite near Waylands mills, on 
the Orange road, 9 or 10 miles west of Culpeper court-house. At the 
top of a hill, something over 100 feet high, the steatite outcrops and 
the pits begin at once. They are all to the right of the road, and vary 
from a foot to 4 feet iu depth, with the exception of one, which is fully 
150 feet in diameter, the l)Ottom being filled over an area of 50 or (iO feet 
across with muck, so that its depth can not be determined. Almost 
the entire surface has been dug over for half a mile in extent. 

On the farm of H. I. Aylor, about 2.J miles from the mill, is another 
steatite quarry, in which it is reported that aboriginal digging was 
extensive, and that fragments of pots and the like wei-e i)lentiful. 
Specimens may be found at neighboring houses, especially at the negro 
cabins, where they are used for "chicken troughs." 


On the farm of Bassett B. Wilkes, at Charlie Hope station, 6 miles 
west of Lawrenceville, Virginia, there are several pits, extending over 
an acre in area, where steatite has been quarried by the Indians. The 






stone crops ont near the top of a narrow ridge on which considerable 
manufactnriug- seems to have been carried ou, as fragments of vessels 
are numerous. 


It might appear that peoples employing earthenware would hardly 
resort to the difficult task of (juarrying and working steatite for vessel 
making, since the uses to which both classes of utensils were devoted 
must have been nearly identical; but that the historical tribes made 
pottery and at the same time employed soapstone vessels is known 
through colonial records, and also from the frequent occurrence together 
on village-sites and in shell banks of vessels made of both materials. 
It has also been observed that pulverized steatite was often used in 
tempering ordinary pottery, and that the vessels so tempered are occa 
sionally modeled in the form of steatite vessels, having the heavy pro- 
jections or handles at the sides. 

The occurrence of grooved axes and celts in the cjuarries, and the 
adaptation of these tools by slight modification to use as picks and 
chisels, indicates with sufficient clearness that the quarrying of steatite 
was a comparatively recent industry, practiced after all forms of pol- 
ished implements had been perfected, and in all probability by the 
Algouquian peoples. 


The number of miscellaneous carvings of steatite found in the tide- 
water districts is very limited, and the execution is usually inferior. 
They are in striking contrast with the work in neighboring districts in 
North Carolina and Tennessee, which furnish pipes and ornaments of 
remarkable beauty. 

The fragment of a neatly carved platform pipe shown in a, plate 
XOix, was found on an Anacostia village-site, near the Pennsylvania 
avenue bridge. The rudely shaped, channeled, sinker-like objects, /*, c, 
(1, are from village-sites near Little falls of the Potomac, and the bit of 
pipestem e is from a dwelling site near the Clifton quarry, Virginia. 

The specimens illustrated in plate c are from village-sites in Virginia, 
and represent several stages of the shaping operations — a was roughed- 
out by breaking and sawing; b was reduced to approximate shape by 
cutting and abrasion, but the bowl is not yet excavated; and c appears 
to be a finished specimen, though (juite rude iu appearance. The object 
shown in d has been carefully trimmed, but the work is not sufficiently 
advanced to show wliether a pipe or an ornament was to be made. 

That such a very limited uumber of miscellaneous steatite carvings 
should be found in the tidewater country is a matter of some surprise. 

Chapter VI 


The tidewater portions of Marylaud and Virginia have an area nearly 
equal to that of the state of Marylaud. About one-fourth of the area 
is occupied by broad arms of the sea, chiefly Chesapeake bay and its 
tributaries, and the land is a much diversified plain, broken by erosion 
into hills and terraced valleys. It extends inland from the Atlantic 
seaboard to the base of the highland or Piedmont plateau, which rises 
on the west to the Appalachian mountains. The curved line separat- 
ing the two topographic divisions — the lowland and the highland — is 
marked by falls in all the rivers, and by the location of town and cities 
through which pass the great highways of travel connecting the north 
with the south. On this line are located I'hiladelphia, Havre de 
Grace, Baltimore, Laurel, Washington, Fredericksburg, Richmond, and 
Petersburg (see plate i). This was the shore-line of the Atlantic when 
the formations constituting the lowlands were laid down. 

The separation of the lowland from the highland is not a topographic 
separation only; there are pronounced biologic and geologic distinc- 
tions, and these combined in archaic times to produce marked anthro- 
pologic distinctions. The tidewater region furnished a plentiful supply 
of game and lish, and in the brackish and salt water areas an abun- 
dance of oysters. The natives lived much on the water, and were per- 
haps more nearly a maritime people than any other group of tribes in 
the east. Their peculiar biologic environment had a marked influence 
on their art, giving it unique forms and exceptional distribution; while 
their unusual geologic surroundings had a still more pronounced effect 
on their implements, utensils, and weapons, limiting the forms and 
sizes and determining to a considerable extent the kinds em])loyed in 
the various districts, independently of biologic and other conditions. 

In early historic times the tidewater country was inhabited by 
numerous tribes of Indians, mainly of Algonquian stock, subject to the 
renowned Powhatan. A few other nations were located about the 
headwaters of Chesapeake bay and others appeared at times along the 
western and southern borders. The period covered by this occupancy 
practically closed about the middle of the last century. Its beginning is 
not determined, but it probably does not date back very many centuries. 
Of antecedent or prehistoric peoples, if such there were, we have no 


I ', 

\ ■: 




.1," m 






iiifoimatiou, for tlic art remains are simple ami homogeneous, giving no 
hint of the presence in this region of any other than the historic tribes. 
The region is nearly identical with that explored by that intrepid and 
illustrious adventurer and colonist, John Smith, whose accounts of the 
natives are among our most valuable contributions to the aboriginal 
history of the Atlantic states. 


The geology of the tidewater country is wholly unlike that of the 
highland, and tlie rocks available to the aborigines in the two regions 
were not only different in distribution but peculiar in the shapes they 
took and in other features that affect the character of the utensils 
made and employed. In the highland, west of the dotted line on the 
map forming plate i, the varieties of rock occur in massive forms and 
with definite independent distribution. The workable varieties, such 
as quartz, quartzite, rhyolite, jasper, and flint, were much sought by 
the aborigines of the lowland. Fragmental material was to be ob- 
tained almost everywhere on the surface, l)ut choice varieties were 
confined to limited areas and often to distant regions, and where the 
surface exposures were not sufficient to supply the demand, (piarrying 
was resorted to and the work of extracting, transporting, and trading 
or exchanging the stone must have become au important factor in the 
lives of the people. The masses of rock were uncovered, broken up, 
and tested; the choice pieces were selected and reduced to forms 
approximating the implements to be made, and in this shape they 
were carried to the lowland. 

In the lowland all varieties of hard stones are fragmental, and the 
species are intermingled in varied ways. These fragments of rock are 
not merely broken, angular pieces, such as characterize the surface of 
the highland, but are rounded masses and bits known as bowlders or 
cobbles and pebbles, and comprise chiefly such tough, flinty, homoge- 
neous stones as are available in the arts of i)rimitive man. Nature, in 
her own way, selected from the highland along the stream courses the 
very choicest bits of the crumbled rocks, reduced them in hundreds of 
cataract mills and in the breakers of the seashore to rounded forms, 
and deposited them in what are now the lowlands, in great heaps and 
beds, ready to the hand of jirimitive man. 

At first it would seem to even the keenest ol)server that a cobble or 
ovoid bowlder or pebl)le would be a difficult form of stone to utilize in 
making knives, spearheads, arrowpoints, drills, and scrapers. The 
smooth, rounded mass had to be transformed into a thin blade, every 
contour of which is incisive or angular. So far apart are the two 
classes of forms that few people have thought of the bowlder as a 
prominent source of these objects. But when we look into the matter 

136 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.asn.15 

more carefully we find that nature has not provided any other form of 
the several tough varieties of stone so perfectly suited to the purposes 
of the stone-implement flaker as the bowlder or pebble. 

Each river brought down from the highland only such varieties of 
stone as belonged to the drainage of that river, so that in one valley 
one set of materials prevails and in another a different set of materials 
appears, varying with the geologic formations of the region drained. 
Elvers having identical formations have nearly identical bowlders; 
long rivers crossing numerous formations have many varieties; short 
rivers crossing but few formations have but a limited number. 

There is also a selection as to size by each drainage way. Near the 
base of the highland, where the force of the current is reduced by meet- 
ing tidewater, the larger bowlders are dropped, the smaller ones are 
deposited farther down, and the pebbles and sand ai-e carried far sea- 
ward. Small and weak streams transport fewer pieces and drop them 
sooner. This selection does not hold good with ice transportation, 
which agency has carried irregular masses of stone to many widely 
distributed points. Notwithstanding the fact that all water-transported 
stones are more or less rounded, there is a selection with respect to 
degree of roundness. If dropped early in the progress of transporta- 
tion, the bowlder is imperfectly rounded; if carried far, it is fully 
rounded. Near the margin of the highland, therefore, there is a large 
percentage of imperfectly rounded stones, and farther out there is a 
small percentage of decidedly irregular forms. These conditions are 
probably considerably modified by the action of the waves along the 
ancient seashore which skirted the base of the highland. Sucli frag- 
ments as were subjected to wave action became fully rounded and were 
deposited in beds along the ancient beach-lines. It is not easy to dis- 
tinguish the beach-rolled material from that rounded by the flow of 
streams, both agencies having no doubt frequently acted in turn on 
the same material. 

Again, we observe that on river banks near the base of the highland 
many varieties of rock are present, but with each mile as we descend 
the number is diminished — the softer species are reduced to sand as 
they move toward the sea and one after another disappears. Quartz, 
being the hardest, is last to yield to the erosive agents, and at various 
points along the ocean beach well-polished quartz pebbles are found. 

A comparison of the Potomac and Patuxent rivers with respect to 
these points is instructive. In ancient times both streams, as they 
descended from the mountains, gathered fragments of rock and carried 
them downward until the soft and friable ones were reduced to sand 
and the tough, flinty varieties became bowlders and pebbles. The 
latter consisted chiefly of quartz and quartzite. The Potomac was a 
long stream, heading far in the west and cutting through many ranges 
of mountains and hills. It crossed heavy beds of quartzite in the 
region of the Blue ridge. This rock is tough and massive, and breaks 

fi ' rfc 

^^jtf- -4 : 




up into rather large fragmeuts; thus it is that we have many large 
quartzite bowlders deposited in the valley about Washington and 
below, the sizes diminishing toward the sea. Between the Blue ridge 
and tidewater the river crosses a belt of gneiss rocks intersected by 
many veins of quartz. This latter rock is hard and brittle, and breaks 
up into small fragments, which, when rounded, are usually of the size 
denominated pebbles. These were taken up by the waters in countless 
numbers and distributed with the quartzite bowlders from Washington 
to the sea. But the quartz is harder than the quartzite and resisted 
the erosive agents more successfully, so that after the quartzite disap- 
pears there are still qiiartz pebbles in jilenty. 

The other stream, the Patuxent, has a limited drainage and does 
not cross the ([uartzite belt but drains the quartz-bearing zone. Below 
the point of its entrance into the tidewater country at Laurel, we find, 
of the flakable stones, chiefly quartz in small fragments; lower down 
all are well rounded, lorming pebbly gravels. It is thus seen that 
nature has selected the rocks used by the tidewater peoples and has 
distributed them in groups varying with original location, with hard- 
ness, with toughness, with shape, and with size. 


The effect of the natural conditions of distribution on the stone art 
of the various districts was necessarily pronounced. One community 
located conveniently to deposits of large bowlders used large stones, 
and the tools shaped from them average large. Another community 
located in a pebble-bearing district utilized pebbles, so far as they are 
capable of utilization, and this people had few large tools and many 
small ones, the average size being small. Dwellers in quartzite-bearing 
districts had quartzite tools, those having quartz deposits had quartz 
tools, and those residing near the base of the highland had many 
varieties of stone and hence used a much greater diversity of stone 
tools, since the working qualities or capacities of each stone vary from 
the rest. 

As a result of these conditions the tidewater Potomac is rich in 
chipped tools, both of quartzite and of quartz, of home production. 
The Patuxent yields a large percentage of quartz tools, most of which 
are native. The Potomac yields to the collector a large percentage of 
large tools, the Patuxent a large pei'centage of small ones. These 
remarks relate to the native varieties of material and implements 
made from them. Exotic materials had their owu peculiar distribu- 
tion, which will be examined further on. 

I^^early all rude, bulky implements of chipped stone, and all failures 
or rejects of manufacture, are, as a matter of course, found on or near 
the sites from which the raw materials were derived. Eejects are 
large and clumsy on the upper tidewater Potomac because of the large 
size of the bowlders available; they are small ou the Patuxent because 
the pebbles utilized were small. 



[eIH. ANN. 15 

Agaiu, we observe tliat the percentage of failures — the turtlebacks 
and other refuse of mauiifacture — decreases ra^jidly with the distance 
from the source of snpply of the raw material. This may be illustrated 
by a suppositious case. In the vicinity of Washington we have a great 
deposit of quartzite bowlders. In figure 28 the dotted line may be 
taken' as roughly indicating the area yielding workable bowlders, and 
the angular markings show the distribution of rejects of manufacture. 
The successful blades and the finished tools produced radi.ate much 
more widely, but also diminish with distance from the source of sup- 
ply, as indicated by the smaller strokes in figure 19, a generalized case 
also. Favorite routes of travel would receive the fuller sui^ijly of these 

Fig. 28— Distrilmtion of rejects of nianiifarture, confined largely to the area yielding the raw 


objects, and dwelling and important hunting and fishing sites would 
have large supplies, as indicated by "village-sites" in figure 29. On 
the source of sujjply of the raw material, failures and unfinished imple- 
ments or rejects exceed finished implements in numbers, but beyond 
this the latter are almost wholly prevalent. So-called paleolithic 
forms, the rejects of manufacture, are thus confined to certain areas — 
the areas producing the raw material — and it is easy to see how, in 
A'arious sections of the country before the true nature of these forms 
was known, certain localities were thought to have been especially 
favored by the hypothetic paleolithic man. 

It would appear from what has been said that the artificial distri- 
bution of materials is limited by, and is indeed a modification of, 






o o 
5 o 

a " 





the natural distiibutiou, and that each class of artificial objects is 
scattered in a way peculiar to itself. But the human ajjent is an 
important factor. Other things being equal, human distribution of 
small things is far, of large objects near; implements of war and the 
chase travel far, domestic utensils remain near; improvised articles 
or devices are near, highly elaborated and valuable objects go far; 
along thoroughfares distribution is far, across thoroughfares it is 
near. Again, nmch-occnpied sites are richly stocked with utensils, 
■while slightly occupied spots have but few; sites near the source or 
sources of supply have a wealth of art, very distant ones have almost 
nothing; and sites convenient to a plentiful supply of one material 
have many tools of that material; sites remote from any of the sources 


Fig. 29 — Dititrihution of implpiuenta, iiun-Ii morp general and extensive than the distribution of 

have a limited supply from many sources. So, too, a sedentary jjeople 
will not distribute widely, while wandering or semisedentary tribes will 
transport their jiossessious to many distant places; and sites occupied 
by numerous tribes in turn will have diversified art remains. It may 
be further noted that on sites devoted to single or simple industries 
the range of tools will be small, while on sites where occupations were 
varied the range will be large; and that where peoples were varied, 
occupations varied, materials varied, and time was long, we will have 
the widest range. 

The tidewater peoples were by no means content with the materials 
supplied by the province in which they lived, although these naturally 

140 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth. ann. 15 


received first attention. Xot being favored bj' nature in the quality 
and range of their material, they seem to have searched far and near 
for those finer-grained, homogeneous varieties so much used in other 
regions. They sought flint in the mountains of Virginia fully a hun- 
dred miles beyond the tidewater limit; they discovered the slaty-look- 
ing volcanic porphyry called rhyolite in South mountain 75 miles 
northwest of Washington, and jasper and argillite were obtained from 
eastern and northeastern Pennsylvania. It is probable that in some 
cases the tidewater peoples made long journeys in search of these 
rocks and spent a considerable season quarrying and roughingout the 
blank forms and selecting choice bits to be carried home. On the other 
hand, much of the material from these di;;tant places may have reached 
the lowland by exchange or trade, and a certain amount, not ascer- 
tainable, of the supply of implements of exotic materials was no doubt 
due to visits and incursions of the peoples occupying the region of the 
source of sui^ply, as, for example, jasper by the Susquehannocks of 
the north and flint by the Monacans of the west. It may be that in 
time, by careful comjiarison of the forms of implements characterizing 
various exotic materials, something may be suggested of the presence 
of neighboring peoples in, or at least of their influence on, the art of 
the tidewater region. Distribution is really very general, implements 
made of all of the varieties of stone mentioned being scattered more 
or less fully over the Chesapeake-Potomac country as far south as 
James river. 

Jasper, the quarries of which have recently been located by Mr H. 
C. Mercer, of Philadelphia, is most plentiful in the upper Chesapeake 
and Susquehanna regions. Argillite, which was obtained in the Dela- 
ware valley, did not find its way to any great extent into Maryland and 
Virginia, although several caches of blades have been discovered iu 
the ndddle Chesapeake region and implements are occasionally found. 
Ehyolite implements are most plentiful in the Patuxent and Potomac 
valleys, and especially in those portions of them adjoining South 
mountain. The quarries of this stone are in Pennsylvania near the 
head of the Monocacy, and the implements are very numerous on that 
stream, while fragments of considerable size have been carried far 
down the Potomac. Transportation was, no doubt, mainly by water. 
Probably one-fourth of the spearheads and arrowpoints of the Potomac 
region are made of this rock. Dark or blackish flint was used in mak- 
ing smaller projectile points, and these are rare in the tidewater 
country, but increase in number toward the west, and prevail in the 
middle and upper Potomac region. 

It should be noted that of these exotic materials we have in the tide- 
water country very few large or rude implements, and as a matter of 
course failures of manufacture are rare, save those that result from 
breakage during such specializing and finishing operations as were 
conducted subsequently to transportation from the quarry. Of quartz; 










' « (\1 


ft and b, actual size ; c, two-thirds actual size 




The lower specimen is from Ihe Kirk place, Oiney. Maryland; actual size 


and quartzite, the native flakable stones, there are countless rejects of 
luauufacture of all grades, as described in the foregoing pages. 

It may be said of quartzite and quartz that a portion of these mate- 
rials, perhaps a large portion, especially of the latter, was gathered 
from the highland beyond the tidewater limit, and no one can say from 
the examination of ordinary finished implements of these materials 
whether or not they were made from a native bowlder or pebble or from 
a foreign mass or flake; yet the presence of countless numbers of the 
rejects of manufacture from bowlders and pebbles of these materials 
within the tidewater area, and the rarity, so far as I have been able to 
discover, of refuse of manufacture in the highland, seem to make the 
true conditions clear. 

Cut, ijecked, ground, and polished implements of usual tj^pes are 
common in this region. Steatite, used in making pots, pipes, sinkers, 
ceremonial stones, and ornaments, was quarried in hundreds of places 
along the eastern border of the highland. The unfinished objects are 
found on and about the quarry sites and on dwelling sites near by. 
The finished utensils and implements are scattered far and wide over 
the tidewater province, but grow less plentiful as we approach the 
Atlantic coast. The picks and chisels used in working the soapstone 
are confined to the quarries and to shop and dwelling sites in the 
vicinity. Scores of these objects have been gathered from the Chain 
bridge sites, within an hour's walk of numerous quarries of the stone 
they were used in shaping. 

Grooved axes and celts were made for the most part of tough bowl- 
ders of volcanic and rarely of granitic rocks obtained from the stream 
beds or about the margins of the highland. Failures resulting from 
the manufacture of these implements are frequently found on village- 
sites along the banks of the larger streams but rarely very far beyond 
the range of the raw material. The implements themselves are of the 
widest distribution. 


The liability of the various stone implements of the tidewater region 
to transportation is approximately expressed in the partial list given 
below. Beginning with those least subject to transportation and end- 
ing with those most subject to it we have the following tentative order: 

Mortars, generally extemjiorized from large, flattish or ovoid bowl- 
ders having at least one concave surfixce, which was gradually deepened 
by use or purposely hollowed out, were probably rarely far removed 
fi'om the site of their first utilization. Many other improvised tools 
and utensils — mullers, iiestles, h:immerstones, etc — were equally home 
stayers, being merely natural shapes picked up and adapted to the 
needs of a place or occasion. 

142 STONE IMPLEMENTS [etii.ann.IS 

Sharpened boiplders, embraciug extemporized cliopping orboiie-break- 
iuj;' tools, occur on all river sites wbere bowlders were at band. The 
edge or point was made by removing one or more flakes, whicli required 
but a moment's work. Tbey were not transported far beyond tbe limits 
of tlie bowlder-producing area. 

Notched and sharpened hmclderii, used as improvised axes and picks 
or boes, are closely related to tbe preceding, but intended to be bafted. 
Tbeir transportation was but sligbt, as tbey are rarely found far beyond 
tbe range of deposits of heavy bowlders. Half a dozen blows with a 
hammerstone were sufficient to fashion one of these objects. They were 
probably not sufficiently essential or valued to be transported, save in 
exceptional cases. Blunt-end hammer-like objects notched for hafting 
are distiibuted sparsely over corresponding areas. 

Picks and chisels, used for working steatite, traveled but little beyond 
the quarries and the neighboring villages where the finishing was done. 
These consist of rude, sharj) stones, of axes and celts worked over or 
"upset" to secure good points and edges, and of thick leaf-shape chisels 
reduced to approximate shape by flaking and then ground to an edge 
at one or both ends. 

Net sixlcern are not common. The rude specimens were probably 
carried back and forth to some extent along the streams, and small 
well-finished pieces may have been carried everywhere. 

Pestles, cylindrical stones symmetrically shaped and well finished by 
battering, were apparently carried from place to place and perhaps for 
long distances. Ruder specimens were extemporized and not trans- 

Hammerstones — Many of these objects are improvised from bowlders 
and were quickly cast aside, as already indicated, but others were 
carried far out into the bowlderless region. 

Soapstoiw vessels are widely distributed, reaching in rather rare cases 
points .50 miles or more from the highland in which the material was 

Grooved axes, celts, scrapers, drills, l-iiires, spearheads, arrotcpoints, 
as well as pipes, ceremonial stones, and ornaments were freely trans- 
ported, covering the full range of the peoples employing them, and 
not infrequently, no doubt, passing 'from district to district through 
other hands. 

Rejects resulting from failures in specialization of transported forms 
and of attempts at remodeling of worn or broken tools are to be found 
everywhere, but rejects of the roughing-out piocesses are not greatly 
att'ected by tbe transporting agencies, remaining on the shop sites, as 
has been shown. 


Some of the eccentricities of distribution may be illustrated by an 
examination of the art contents of sites having varying relations to 
the deposits of raw material. 









/ : 




1. Oil a site of (|ii;irryiiig and nianufacture where dwelling was 
iuconveiiieiit, as on the bluffs of Rocli creek, the work was confined 
mainly to i-onshing-out leaf-shape blades, and the series of art forms 
comprises a limited range, including tnrtlebacks and other kinds of 
rejects, with refuse and implements of manufacture. On the quarry- 
shop sites of Itock creek nothing exotic, nothing finished, nothing tliat 
might not readily be classed as paleolithic, if shape alone were consid- 
ered, was found iu throe months' work. 

2. On a site of quarrying and manufacture where dwelling was prac- 
ticable, and where lodges were actually j)itched to a limited extent, we 
find intermingled with the rude forms some specialized implements and 
a few tools of exotic origin, such as projectile points of rhyolite, with 
axes and celts, as at Eiggs mill, S miles northeast of Washington. 

3. On a site of manufacture and at the same time of extensive dwell- 
ing, as at Anacostia, in the District of Columbia, where much raw 
material was at hand, all varieties of refuse and of rude forms are 
found; likewise well-shaped and wholly finished specimens of flaked 
tools of local origin prevail. There are also all the cut, pecked, and 
polished tools, and the ceremonial stones and ornaments common to 
village-sites. Besides these many exotic niaterials in varied forms are 

4. On a village-site where no raw material save small quartz pebbles 
is found there will be a full range of small quartz rejects and of small 
quartz implements, with a liberal supply of finished implements of 
exotic materials, averaging small. 

5. On a site remote from all sources of raw material, as on the east- 
ern shore, the objects average small and are much varied in material 
and style, having come far, through numerous peoples, and from many 

Typical illustrations of the two last-mentioned varieties of sites are 
difticult to find, for the reason that in all sections, even fiir out toward 
the present ocean beach, there are occasional ice-borne bowlders and 
fragments of considerable size, and these were collected by the natives 
and used for mortars and mullers and for various flaked and battered 
implements; and such objects destroy the entire simplicity of condi- 
tions conceived for the sites described. 


A synoptical statement is made in the accompanying plate (ci), 
which exhibits many of the most striking features of the flaked-stone 
archeology of this i)rovince, and indicates clearly the points most 
requiring attention in other regions. The stories of the origin and 
form of the material, of manufacture, rejection, elaboration, transpor- 
tation, storage, specialization, and use are all expressed or suggested. 
Four materials are represented — two native and in the form of bowl- 
ders, and two exclusively exotic and derived from mass deposits. Each 
series indicates the course of develo2)ment through which most of the 

144 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

finished forms passed between tlie first stroke given to the sbapeless 
stone and the finished work of art. The size is considei-ably reduced 
in the drawing. 

In the first and second series all the forms from the bowlder to the 
most minute art shapes are represented in solid lines, being exclusively 
tidewater art. In the first series, numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and are shop 
rejects (turtlebacks, etc) and are not iini)lements. Xunibers 7. 8, and 9 
are rouglied-out forms (blanks or blades ready for further specializa- 
tion) and are not necessarily implements, although they were i>erliaps 
available as knives and scrapers. The numbers from 10 to 18 are spe- 
cialized forms derived mainly, no doubt, from bowlders, and include 
knives, spearheads, arrowpoints, and perforators or drills. 

The second series comprises forms derived mainly from quartz peb- 
bles; naturally they are smaller than the quartzite forms. They are 
drawn in solid lines, being of native derivation. Numbers 1. 2, 3, 4, 
5, G, and 7 are shop rejects (turtlebacks) and are not implements. 
Number 8 is a profile showing an ordinary "peak" or hump of the 
reject. Numbers 9. 10. and 11 are successful blades, which may have 
been em])loyed as knives or scrapers, though such forms were usually 
intended for specialization into arrowpoints, spearheads, perforators, 
etc, as indicated in numbers 12 to 20. 

The third series, consisting of objects of rhyolite, is drawn partly in 
solid lines and partly in dotted outlines. Those in solid lines comprise 
transported and specialized objects, which were collected in the tide- 
water country. Those in dotted lines, a, h, <; d, e, and /', are the rejects 
of manufacture which are not found in the tidewater country, being 
obtained only on the (juarry-sho]) sites in Adams county, Pennsylvania. 
The successful blades, illustrated in (j, h, and /, were carried away from 
the quarry to be used as they are or for s])ecialization into the succeed- 
ing forms, ./ to q, when needed. The tidewater province is abundantly 
supplied with all the forms from g to q. 

The fourth series, composed of articles of jasper, repeats very closely 
the conditions of the third or rhyolite series. The sizes average 
smaller on account of the inferior massiveness and minuter cleavage of 
the rock. The rejects of manufacture, indicated in dotted lines, are 
obtained mainly from the recently discovered quarries in eastern Penn- 
sylvania. Other quarries nearer at hand may yet be found, and some 
of our rivers furnish occasional bits and pebbles of this material. The 
cache and finished objects, g to q, are widely scattered over the tide- 
water region. Three or four otlier materials of ecpial interest with those 
given could be added, but the lesson would not be made clearer than as 
it stands. 

It is of the utmost importance, in taking up the stone implements of 
a region, that each leading material be traced back to its source, so that 
from this point of view a study can be made of the full life history of the 
implements — the work of quarrying, shaping, transporting, finishing, 


and use. Each form or class of iiu])lement will thus be fouud to have 
left in its wake a trail of "wasters'' or rejects peculiar to itself. Until 
these are understood, selected, and set apart, there is necessarily much 

It is seen by a study of plate ci, in conjunction with the representa- 
tions of actual specimens in preceding plates, that a half or more of the 
range of native flaked forms are actually not implements. The sepa- 
ration is approximately indicated by the upper brackets marked "not 
implements" and "imi)lemeuts.'' It will be observed that this division 
separates the cache forms or blanks of the middle column into two 
parts. Portions of this class of objects were mere quarry shapes, 
distributed to be elaborated when needed, but some of them were 
probably utilized in their blank shape as knives, etc, and some show a 
slight degree of specialization (as in number 9 of the lirst series), and 
thus i^roperly take their place with implements. Nearly all of the 
specimens shi)wn in this column are actual cache linds, some being 
depicted on reduced scale in order to get the entire series within the 
limits of a plate. 

The distribution of cut, battered, ground, and polished stone imple- 
ments, and of the of their manufacture, is governed by laws 
similar to those governing the distribution of tiaked stone. 
15 ETH 10 

Geolof/ic history of the prorinvi' — The PotoniacChesapeake tidewater 
province lies outside or east of what is known as the " lall line" — the 
base of the highland proper — aTid is a broad, much broken plateau, 
nowhere more than a few hundred feet in height. The geologic forma- 
tions consist in the main of loosely bedded bowlder-gravels and sands 
derived from the highland at periods when the sea covered the entire 
area, washing the highland along the fall line. Subsequent elevations 
of a few hundred feet drove the sea outward beyond its present limit, 
and erosion carved the exposed land into hills and valleys. 

At a later period the land was depressed a hundred feet or more, 
and the valleys were filled with water from the sea, forming a thousand 
arms and inlets whose tortuous margins now meander the old hill slopes 
of the province midway in their height. 

Historic i>eoj)leii — When first visited by the English this district was 
occupied by numerous Indian tribes, who subsisted largely by hunting 
and fishing, but engaged to some extent in the cultivation of maize. 
They were a vigorous, valiant race, but had made but little progress 
in any of the arts save those of mere subsistence. Today they have 
entirely disappeared, and students interested in their history gather 
the scattered remains of their art, seeking thus to supplement the 
meager records of colonial days. 

Art remains — The art remains preserved to our time indicate the 
jjrevalence of extremely simple conditions of life throughout the past, 
and exhibit no features at variance with those characterizing the his- 
toric occupancy. While their study throws much light on numerous 
episodes of the history of the aboriginal tribes, the story they tell of 
themselves and of the industrial struggles of primitive peoples in gen- 
eral is of profound interest. 

Status of art — As indicated by the remains, art in stone — which is 
the leading art represented — was still almost wholly within the imple- 
ment making phase of the stone age. mythology and the esthetic forces 
not yet having lent their inspiration to the hand of the sculptor. 

Utilization of stone — Stone in its various forms was much valued and 
used by these people and was sought both in the lowland and in the 
highlan<l beyond. In the lowland it occurred as bowlders and pebbles 
brought down by the waters and in the highland as original masses 
and as surface fragments dislodged by natural forces. It was gathered 
from the surface for various uses, and when the supply was insufficient 






it was (liii;- from the ground; and thereby the quarrying industry 

Shapnuj procvHUfn — The implements made were of many forms and 
served a multitude of purposes. Their history divides itself naturally 
into two sections, the period of manufacture being sharply separated 
from the period of utilization. The first stage, the full analysis of 
which is of the utmost importance, is studied to best advantage 
through the shaping processes employed In manufacture. These pro- 
cesses were adapted to the kind of material utilized and the nature of 
the results desired and are grouped under four heads, as follows: (1) 
Fracturing processes, (2) battering processes, (3) incising processes, and 
(4) abrading processes. 

Fracture processes — Of the imi)lements made and used in this prov- 
ince perhajjs 90 jier cent were shajied by fracture iirocesses. These 
deal with all brittle stone, and the shaping is attended by constant 
breakage and failure, so tiiat for each completed form several abortive 
forms are produced more or less closely resembling some of the simpler 
varieties of finished implements. This work was carried on all over 
the large area furnishing the raw material, and the articles made and 
used were everywhere intimately intermingled with the rejectage of 
manufacture. So confusing were the conditions that no deflnite line 
could be drawn between the two classes of objects. The discovery of 
quarries in tlie hills, entirely isolated from sites and phenomena of 
specialization and use, made the separation easy, and led to a correct 
understanding of what may well be called the morphology of flaked 

Loirlaiiil quarries — The great quarries of the lowland were located 
in the bluffs about the head of tidewater on the Potomac and yielded 
quartzite bowlders in vast nuiubers. These were obtained and par- 
tially elaborated on the local shop sites. The bowlders were cast out 
of the pits and a few flakes removed to test the material; the best 
stone was selected and the desired implements roughed-out by free- 
hand fracture. The form almost universally sought was a leaf-shape 
blade suitable for further elaboration into any of the specialized forms 
having their genesis through this general form. The blades made — 
with ])erhaps unshaped flakes and fragments — were carried away, a;id 
the soil soon closed over the pits and the vast bodies of shop refuse; 
and these latter, now lor the first time systematically examined, tell the 
story of operations and results with absolute certainty and comijlete 

Story of reject(((je and refuse — The debris of the quarry-shops consists 
of (1) tested and shattered bowlders, (2) flakes, and (3) broken and 
abortive incipient imjdements, the last necessarily illustrating all the 
steps of impleuieiit development from ince^jtion to the end of the quarry 
work. Thinness was an essential feature of the blades made, and 
failure resulted in a majority of cases from the development of too 

148 STONE IMPLEMENTS [eth.ann.15 

great thickness along the middle of the form. It is these thick forms, 
flaked ou one or both sides and exhibiting types of conformation neces- 
sarily oft repeated, and scattered over the country wherever shaping 
from bowlders was attempted, that have iiuzzled and confused archeolo- 
gists. It was not the practice here or elsewhere to finish the imple- 
ments on the quarry site. The form was developed just far enough to 
make transportation easy and the subsequent work of specialization 
simple and safe. 

Destiny of the quarry product — From the quarry-shops the blades 
were carried away to be specialized, finished, and used. Some are 
found in hoards or caches, suggesting transportation from the quarries 
or from place to place in numbers; some are found on village-sites and 
scattered over the fields, and many examples still retain the crude 
edges and points just as they came from the roughing-out shops; others 
are neatly trimmed, probably for use as knives, scrapers, etc. while 
the vast majority arc sharpened and stemmed, or notched for haftiug 
as projectile points. In these objects we have not only the quarry- 
shop i)roduct but the product of all other shops of the province as well. 

Rude flailed Implements — Numerous heavy tlaked implements of the 
region, found oa village- sites, in shell banks, and elsewhere, were shaped 
from bowlders by striking- off a few flakes, giving rude edges and points. 
They are not of quarry oi'igiu as the inferior grades of njaterial, found 
very generally distributed, were utilized. As scattered about they are 
not ea.sily distingui.shed from the ordinary rejectage of blade making. 

llujhland quarries — Qnari ies beyond the limits of the tidewater region 
were extensively worked by implement makers. The stoue was in the 
mass, but the processes employed in shaping it and the results reached 
closely duplicate corresponding features in the lowland quarries. The 
blades made were transported to all parts of the lowland and worked 
up into implements duplicating the local varieties. ISTo rejects of this 
work are found in the lowland, and rude implements of the materials 
involved are extremely rai-e outside of the highland. 

Battering and abradiug processes — Implements to be shaped by these 
processes— celts, axes, and the like — were very often reduced to approxi- 
mate shape by flaking. Tough, heavy, hard stones were preferred, and 
disseminated water-worn pieces were often chosen. The fracturing 
processes employed were the same as those concerned iu ordinary 
flaking, but since the objects to be made were of different classes the 
rejectage presents distinct types of form. The celt, the most numerous 
class of pecked-abraded tools, has a wide edge and a roundish body 
somewhat pointed above. Flaked implements of leaf-blade origin have 
a point instead of an edge, while the bodies are flat and the upper end 
is broad. These distinctions were necessarily foreshadowed in the 
incipient forms, and aborted specimens, found intermingled on sites of 
manufacture, may be distinguished by tendencies, in the one type, to 
specialization of a bi'oad end, and in the other by tendencies to defiui- 




Not implements 



Specialized forms 

?! ys 

1/ '-^ .■. ■•' 

W 1 1 

V- ^--^ 







I I 

•V V.J 
■ -\ \'f 




tion of a pointed end. The celt forms rouglied-oiit by liaking were 
specialized by pecking i^roccsscs and completed by grinding and pol- 
ishing, the rejectage being ixnimportaiit, as the i)rocesses were not so 
violent as to lead to frequent breakage. 

fncision processes — Softer varieties of stone were shaped by cut- 
ting. The rock, chiefly soapstone, was extensively quarried from mas- 
sive deposits ill the highland and worked into vessels, pipes, and a few 
less important varieties of objects. As with the other groups, the 
articles made were only roughed-out in the quarries, specializing and 
finishing being conducted mainly on sites of use. The implements 
employed in this work form a distinct class. Many of the quarry 
forms are rude sledges aiul picks, while the cutting tool jiroper is a 
chisel or pick — according to the manner of hafting — made of hard, 
tough stone and shaped usually by flaking, pecking, and grinding. 
Sites of manufacture for these tools have not beeu observed, and are 
probably scattered and unimportant. 

Distrihution of implements — Distribution is found to jiresent a num- 
ber of points of interest, most of which pertain to the relation of the 
implements as found to the sources of the raw material. Rejectage of 
manufacture is little subject to transportation, though raw luaterial in 
convenient form may have traveled a long way. The smaller imple- 
ments found their way to very distant parts, while the larger and 
especially the ruder forms remained on or near the sites of original 
use. Distribution from the great quarries was doubtless iu large num- 
bers, aiul trade as well as use nuiy have assisted in the dissemination. 
The general distribution over the country was brought about by many 
minor agencies connected with use. Each province, each district, and 
site, here and elsewhere, is supplied with art remains brouglit together 
by the various agencies of enviroimient — topographic, geologic, biologic, 
and ethnic — and the action of these agencies is to a large extent sus- 
ceptible of analysis, and this analysis, properly conducted, constitutes 
a very large part of the science of prehistoric archeology. 


The quarry group presented in the frontispiece and again in anotber 
setting in plate cu was prepared as an exposition exhibit ratlier than 
as a necessary feature of the studies recorded in the present paper. It 
may be further stated that it is intended to exemplify a great art of the 
i-aee — the shaping of stone by flaking processes — rather than to illus- 
trate a satisfactorily established episode in the history of a particular 
people. After the return of the group from the World's Columbian 
Ex]iosition at Chicago, where it formed part of a set of exhibits illus- 
trating the various great (piarry-shops of the United States, I con- 
ceived the notion that the figures could be taken to Piny branch and 
placed in the actual quarries, thus more graphically portraying the 
ancient operations. A site was selected for the purpose on the margin 
of a gnlch near Fourteenth street, where .some great oaks grow on the 
beds of ancient refuse; but before the project could be carried out 1 
was called away from the work permanently. I happened, however, 
to mention my plans to Messrs Cushing and Dinwiddle, of the Bureau 
of Ethnology, and these gentlemen very generously took uj) the work, 
and the result is indicated in the accompanying view, plate on, which 
on its receipt was a great surprise to me. as much more had been done 
than I had contemplated. It seems that Mr Cushing fouiul traces of 
dwelling on the site selected, and resolved to restore the scenes of the 
past in all possible detail without deviating from the theoretic his- 
toric models. He established a canij), built the lodge of matting, 
carried out an antique wooden mortar and other appropriate utensils, 
laid a hearth of bowlders, and constructed the framework of poles for 
drying tish and game. The scene is altogether complete and realistic 
though the picture is somewhat lacking in contrast of light and shade. 

It remains only to say in this connection that I desire nothing more 
thau that the group should be taken for what it is worth as an illus- 
tration f)f a most important industry carried on in nearly every part 
of the country. It will, however, I am sure, assist in conveying a defi- 
nite imiiression of the work prosecuted so extensively in the District of 
Columbia, and as it associates with the quarries the oidy ijeojde that 
have any claim whatsoever to the occui)ancy of the region and the site, 
the chances are greatly in favor of the practical correctness of the 
impressions conveyed. 

Since the completion of this group it has been a source of regret that 
a fourth figure was not added to illustrate the final steps of the work — 
the specializing of the blades by pressure processes — though it is true 


2 °- 


cc o bo 
Q. "> C 

Q 5^ 

E o 


that this would be putting together portious of the work not usually- 
associated in the great quarries here aud elsewhere. Geueral oondi- 
tious would have warranted the association, however, for, as has been 
shown elsewhere, where sites of dwelling or use were closely combined 
with sites producing the raw material the roughing-out operations were 
doubtless often followed by the finishing processes in a continuous 

Co|)ics of the group, as illustrated in the frontispiece, are now set 
up in tlie National Museum at Washington and in the Field Colum- 
bian Museum at Chicago. 


While engaged in the work of excavation on the Piny branch quarry 
site, I took up the matter of the shaping processes employed by the 
quarrymen, and assuming that bowlders were used for hammerstones, 
attempted to accomplish by free-band flaking what had been done by 
the ancient artisans. For some time I labored at great disadvantage, 
as I was experimenting as a rule with material already rejected as 
unfit for use. When the quarry face was reached and the superiority 
of the bowlders fresh from the bed realized, I took up the work with 
renewed hope, but an accident to my lelt arm, resulting from attempts 
to flake a very large stone held in the left hand, caused the practical 
discontinuance of the exi)erimeuts. Although not absolutely sure that 
I was working as the cpiarrymen had worked, there can be no doubt 
that I was not far wrong, for no other known process could take the 
place of free hand percussion in fracturing and flaking the firm, smooth, 
round bowldei s. The hammer, even if of other material, would have 
to be operated in an identical manner. 

In taking up the work of flaking stone I fully realized the ditticulty 
of the task. The art is not to be learned in a day any more than are 
any of the ordinary mechanic arts such as carpentry or the working of 
metal, yet if savages learned it others can learn it, aud no doubt of 
ultimate success need be felt by any student willing to give liberally of 
time and labor. 

The difiBcnlty of flaking the stone was not great, for a considerable 
percentage of the bowlders fracture with comparative ease; but the 
great difficulty was in causing the flakes to carry far enough across the 
face of the stone to give the necessary low convexity to the surface, 
and when this result was reached approximately on one side it was 
extremely uncertain whether it could be repeated on the other side, the 
reipiisite form, as indicated in this and all other quarry-shops of the 
same class, being a thin blade of lens-like profile. The sections shown 
in figure 29a illustrate jihases of successful and unsuccessful flaking. 

In the first illustration the left side shows the removal of four flakes 
aud reduction of the surface to nearly the necessary degree of convex- 
ity. The work on the other side failed utterly, the flakes did not carry, 
and a high peak resulted. This is the profile of multitudes of failures. 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

In the second figure the flaking progressed encouragingly on both sides, 
but neither was reduced to the requisite flatness. A blade of this 
degree of convexity was usually rejected. A satisfactory profile was 

I)roduced in the third case illus- 
trated, and as indicated in the 
fourth figure a lucky splitting of 
the bowlder made it possible to 
Ijroduce two successful blades. 
I found that very often before 
I had obtained the desired pro- 
file some unfortunate blow shat- 
tered the stone, but I got very 
7iear the desired result in nu- 
merous cases, duplicating the 
best of the rejected forms, but 
falling a little short of the blade 
as perfected by the ancient work- 
men and carried away for use 
and elaboration. 

In plate cm someof the results 

of my efforts aX blade making are 

presented. I observed that the 

rejectage of my work, where fall- 

ing among the freshly uncovered 

rejectage of the site, was not to 

be distinguished from it in any 

way— not even in many cases by 

the freshness of the fracture. 

As to the work of specializing the perfected blade into keen edged 

knives, slender drills, and stemmed and notched projectile points, it 

does not seem to compare in difficulty with the making of the thin 

blades themselves from the bowlders. 

Fig. 29a— Cross aeotions illustrating 8ucce.ssive re- 
moval of flakes from bowlders. The dotted spaee 
is the section of form produced, a and b Ijeing fail- 
ures anil c and d successes. 




C N T E N T S 


Tbo Sionan stock 157 

Detiiiitioii 157 

Extent of the stock 157 

Tribal nomenclature 166 

Principal characters 168 

Phonetic and graphic arts 168 

Industrial and esthetic arts 170 

Institutions 176 

Beliet^ 178 

The development of mythology 178 

The Siouan mythology 182 

Somatology 185 

Habitat 186 

Organization 187 

History 189 

Dakota- Asiniboin 189 

tfegiha 191 

J oiwe're 194 

Winnebago 195 

Mandan 196 

1 1 idatsa 197 

The eastern and sontheru groups 198 

( ieneral movements 198 

Some features of Indian sociology 199 




By W J McGee 



Out of some sixty aboriginal stocks or families found in North Amer- 
ica above the Tropic of Cancer, about live-sixths were coufiued to the 
tenth of the territory bordering Paciflc ocean ; the remaining nine-tenths 
of the land was occupied by a few strong stocks, comprising the Algon- 
quian, Athapascan, Iroquoian, Shoshonean, Siouan, and others of more 
limited extent. 

The Indians of the Siouau stock occupied the ceutral portion of tlie 
continent. They were preeminently plains Indians, ranging from Lake 
Michigan to the Rocky mountains, and from the Arkansas to the Sas- 
katchewan, while an outlying body stretched to tlie shores of the 
Atlantic. They were typical American barbarians, headed by hunters 
and warriors and grouped in shifting tribes led by the chase or driven 
by battle from place to place over their vast and naturally rich domain, 
though a crude agriculture sprang up whenever a tribe tarried long in 
one spot. No native stock is more interesting than the great Siouan 
group, and none save tlie Algoiiquian and Iroquoian approach it in 
wealth of literary and historical records; for since the advent of white 
men the Siouan Indians have played striking roles on the stage of 
human development, and have caught the eye of every thoughtful 

The term Siouan is the adjective denoting the "Sioux'' Indians and 
cognate tribes. The word "Sioux'' has been variously and vaguely 
used. Originally it was a corruption of a term expressing enmity or 
contempt, applied to a part of the plains tribes by the forest dwelling 
Algonquian Indians. According to Trumbull, it was the popular appel- 
lation of those tribes which call themselves Dakota, Lakota, or Nakota 

' Prepared as a coraplemf^nt and introduction to the following paper on " Siouan Sociology," by the 
late Jamea Owen Dorsey. 


158 THE SIOUAN INDIANS |eth. asn. 15 

("Friendly," implying confederated or allied), and was an abbreviation 
of Xadowt.s.sioii.r, a Canadian-French corruption of Nadowe-ssiwag 
("tbe snake-like ones" or "enemies"), a termrooteil in the Algonquian 
nadoire ("a snake"); and some writers have applied the designation to 
different portions of the stock, while others have rejected it because of 
the olfeusive implication or for other reasons. So long ago as 1836, 
however, Gallatin employed the term "Sioux" to designate collectively 
"the nations which speak the Sioux language,"' and used an alterna- 
tive term to designate the subordinate confederacy — i. e., he used the 
term in a systematic way for the first time to denote an ethnic unit 
which experience has shown to be well defined. Gallatin's terminology 
was soon after adopted by Prichard and others, and has been followed 
by most careful writers on the American Indians. Accordingly the 
name must be regarded as established through priority and prescrip. 
tion, and has been used in the original sense in various standard 

In colloquial usage and in the usage of the ephemeral press, the 
term "Sioux" was applied sometimes to one but oftener to several of 
the allied tribes embraced in the first of the principal groups of which 
the stock is composed, i. e., the group or confederacy styling them- 
selves Dakota. Sometimes the term was employed in its simple form, 
but as explorers and pioneers gained an inkhng of the organization of 
the group, it was often compounded with the tribal name as "Santee- 
Sioux," "Yanktonnai-Sioux," "Sisseton Sioux," etc. As acquaintance 
between white men and red increased, the stock name was gradually 
displaced by tribe names until the colloquial appellation "Sioux" 
became but a memory or tradition throughout much of the territory 
formerly dominated by the great Siouan stock. One of the reasons 
for the abandonment of the name was undoubtedly its inappropriateness 
as a designation for the confederacy occupying the plains of the ujiper 
Missouri, since it was an alien and opprobrious designation for a peo- 
ple bearing a euphonious appellation of their own. Moreover, colloquial 
usage was gradually influenced by the usage of scholars, who accepted 
the native name for the Dakota (spelled Dahcota by (iallatin) confed- 
eracy, as well as the tribal names adopted by Gallatin, Prichard, aud 
others. Thus the ill-detined term "Sioux" has dropped out of use in 
the substantive form, and is retained, in the adjective form only, to 
designate a great stock to which no other collective name, either intei'n 
or alien, has ever been definitely and justly applied. 

The earlier students of the Siouan Indians recognized the plains 
tribes alone as belonging to that stock, and it has only recently been 
shown that certain of the native forest-dwellers long ago encountered 
by English colonists on the Atlantic coast were closely akin to the 

> "A ayuopsis of the Indian Iribes . . . in North America," Trans, and Coll. Am. Antiq.Soc, 
vol. II, p. 120. 

■'" Indian lingaiaticlaiiiilies of America north of Mexico," Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, for 1B85-80 (1891), pp. 111-118. Johnson's Cyclopedia, 180;j-95 edition, vol. vii, p. 516, etc. 


plaius Indians in language, institutions, and beliefs. In 1872 Hale 
noted a resemblance between the Tntelo and Dakota languages, and tliis 
resemblance was discussed orally and in correspondence with several 
students of Indian languages, but the probability of direct connection 
seemed so remote that the afldnity was not generally accepted. Even 
in 1S80, after extended comparison with Dakota material (including 
that collected by the newly instituted Bureau of Ethnology), this 
distinguished investigator was able to detect only certain general simi- 
larities between the Tutelo tongue and the dialects of the Dakota 
tribes.' In 1881 Gatschet made a collection of linguistic material 
among the Catawba Indians of South Carolina, and was struck with 
the resemblance of many of the vocables to Siouau terms of like mean- 
ing, and began the preparation of a comparative Catawba-Dakota 
vocabulary. To this the Tutelo, ^'egiha, j^aiwe're, and Hotcangara 
(Winnebago) were added by Dorsey, who made a critical examination 
of all Catawba material extant and compared it with several Dakota 
dialects, with which he was specially conversant. These examinations 
and comparisons demonstrated the afBnity between the Dakota and 
Catawba tongues and showed them to be of common descent; and the 
establishment of this relation made easy the acceptance of the affinity 
suggested by Hale between the Dakota and Tutelo. 

Up to this time it was supposed that the eastern tribes "were merely 
offshoots of the Dakota;" but in 1883 Hale observed that "while the 
language of these eastern tribes is closely allied to that of the western 
Dakota, it bears evidence of being older in form,"'* and consequently 
that the Siouan tribes of the interior seem to have migrated westward 
from a common fatherland with their eastern brethren bordering the 
Atlantic. Subsequently Gatschet discovered that the Biloxi Indians 
of the Gulf coast used many terms common to the Siouan tongues; and 
in 1891 Dorsey visited these Indians and procured a rich collection of 
words, phrases, and myths, whereby the Siouan affinity of these Indians 
was established. Meantime Mooney began researches among the Cher- 
okee and cognate tribes of the southern Atlantic slope and found fresh 
evidence that their ancient neighbors were related in tongue and belief 
with the buffalo hunters of the plains; and he has recently set forth 
the relations of the several Atlantic slope tribes of Siouan afliuity in full 
detail.^ Through the addition of these eastern tribes the great Siouau 
stock is augmented in extent and range and enhanced in interest; for 
the records of a group of cognate tribes are thereby increased so fully 
as to afford historical pers])ective and to indicate, if not clearly to dis- 
plaj', the course of triljal diii'erentiation. 

According to Dorsey, whose acquaintance with the Siouan Indians 
was especially close, the main portion of the Siouan stock, occupying 
the continental interior, comprised seven principal divisions (including 

* Correspondence with the Bureau of Ethnology. 

2"The Tutelo tribe and language," Proc. Am. Philoa. Soc.. vol. x.\l, 1883, p. 1. 

^Siouan Tribe-s of tbe East; bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology. 1894. 

160 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

the Biloxi and not distinguishing the Asiniboin), each composed of 
one or more tribes or confederacies, all defined and classified by lin- 
guistic, social, and niythologic relations; and he and Mooney recognize 
several additional groups, defined by linguistic affinity or historical evi- 
dence of intimate relations, in the eastern part of the country. So far 
as made out through the latest researches, the grand divisions, confed- 
eracies, and tribes of the stock,' with their present condition, are as 


1. Dakota- AHtnihoin 

Dakota ("Friendly") or Ot'-ce-ti ca-ko-wi" ("Seven council-fires") con- 
federacy, comprising — 

(A) Santee, including Mde-wa-ka'" to"wa° ("Spirit Lake vil- 
lage") and Wa-qpe'-ku-te ("Shoot among deciduous trees"), 
mostly located in Knox county, Nebraska, on the former 
Santee reservation, with some on Fort Peck reservation, 

(B) Sisseton or Si-si'to°-wa"' ("Fish-scale village"), mostly on 
Sisseton reservation, South Dakota, partly on Devils Lake 
reservation, North Dakota. 

(C) Wahpetou or Wa'-qpe'-to"-wa" (" Dwellers among deciduous 
trees"), mostly ou Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota. 

(D) Yankton or I-hank'to"-wa" ("End village"), in Yankton 
village, South Dakota. 

(/?) Yanktonai or I-hank'-to"-wa"-ua ("Little End village"), 
comprising — 

(ft) Upper Yanktonai, ou Standing Eock reservation. 
North Dakota, with the Pa'-ba-kse ("Cut head") gens 
on Devils Lake reservation, North Dakota. 

(6) Lower Yanktonai, or Huukpatina ("Campers at the 
horn [or end of the camping circle]"), mostly ou Crow 
Creek reservation. South Dakota, with some on Stand- 
ing Eock reservation. North Dakota, and others on 
Fort Peck reservation, Montana. 
{F) Teton or Ti'-to"-wa" ("Prairie dwellers"), comprising — 

(a) Brule or Si-tca'"-xu("Eurnt thighs"), including Upper 
Brule, mostly on Eosebud reservation. South Dakota, 
and Lower Brule, on Lower Brule reservation, in the 
same state, with some of both on Standing Eock 
reservation. North Dakota, and others on Fort Peck 
reservation, Montana. 

(ft) Sans Arcs or Lta'-zip-tco (" Without bows"), largely on 
Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota, with others on 
Standing Eock reservation, North Dakota. 

(c) Blackfeet or Siha'sa-pa ("Black-feet"), mostly on 
Cheyenne reservation. South Dakota, with some on 
Standing Eock reservation, North Dakota. 

' Th(.' subdivisions :ire set forth in the following treatise on "Sioaan Sociology." 


((/) Miimeconjou or Mi'-ni-ko'-o-ju ("Plant beside the 
stream"), mostly on Cheyenne reservation, South 
Dakota, partly on Rosebud reservation. South Dakota, 
with some on Standing Rock reservation. North 
(e) Two Kettles or O-o'-he no"'-pa ("Two boilings"), on 

Cheyenne reservation, South Dakota. 
(/) Ogalala or O gla'-la ("She poured out her own"), 
mostly on Pine Ridge reservation, South Dakota, with 
some on Standing Rock reservation, North Dakota, 
including the Wa-ja'-ja ("Fringed") gens on Pine 
Ridge reservation. South Dakota, and Loafers or 
Wa-glu'-xe ("In-breeders"), mostly on Pine Ridge 
reservation, with some on Rosebud reservation. South 
(</) Hufikpapa ("At the entrance"), on Standing Rock 
reservation. North Dakota. 
Asiuiboiu ("Cook-with-stoues people" in Algonquian), commonly called 
Nakota among themselves, and called Hohe ("Rebels") by the 
Dakota; an oft'shoot from the Yaiiktounai; not studied in detail dur- 
ing recent years; iiartly on Fort Peck reservation, Montana, mostly 
in Canada; comprising in 1833 (according to Prince Maximilian)' — 

(A) Itscheabine ("Les gens des fllles"=Girl people?). 

(B) Jatonabine ("Les gens des roches"= Stone people); appar- 
ently the leading band. 

(C) Otopachgnato ("Les gens ilu large"=Roamers?), 
(1>) Otaopabine ("Les gens des canots"=Canoe people?). 
(U) Tschantoga ("Les gens des bois"=Forest people). 

(F) Watopachnato ("Les gens de l'age"=Ancient people?). 
((7) Tanintauei ("Les gens des osayes"=Boue people). 
(H) Chiibin ("Les gens des moutagnes"=Movintain people). 

2. 0egiha {'■^People direUinff /(ere")^ 

{A) Omaha or U-ma°-ha° ("Upstream people"), located on 
Omaha reservation, Nebraska, comprising in 1819 (accord- 
ing to James)^ — 

(«) Houga-sha-uo tribe, including — 

(1) Wase-ish-ta band. 

(2) Enk-ka-sa-ba band. 

* Travels in the Interior of North America; Translated by H. Evans Lloyd; London, 1843, p. 194. 
In this and other lists of names taken from early writers the original orthography and interpretation 
are preserved. 

^Defined in "The (fegiha Language," by J. OwenDorsey, Cont. N". A. Eth., vol. VI, 1890, p. xv. Miss 
Fletcher, who is intimately acquainted with the Omaha, questions whether the relations between the 
Tribes are so close as to warrant the maintenance of tliis division ; yet as an expression of linguistic 
affinity, at least, the division seems to be useful and desirable. 

3 Account of an Expedition from Pitt.sbiirgh to the Rocky Mountains, performed in the Tears 1819- 
1820. . . underthe Command of Majors. H. Lung, by Edwin James; London, 1823, vol. II, p. 47 etseq. 
15 ETH 11 

162 THE SIOQAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

(3) Wa-sa-ba-etaje ("Those ^vbo do not touch 

bears") baud. 

(4) Ka-e-ta-je ("Those who do not touch turtles") 

(5) Wa-jinga-eta-je baud. 
(()) Hun-guh band. 

(7) Kon-za band, 

(8) Ta-pa-taJ-je band. 

{!)) Ish-ta-suiida ("Gray eyes") tribe, including — 

(1) Ta-pa-eta-je baud. 

(2) Mou-eka-goh-ha ("Earth makers") baud. 

(3) Tasin-da ("Bison tail") band. 

(4) lug-gera-je-da ("Red dung") band. 

(5) Wash-a-tung band. 

(B) Ponka ("Medicine" !), mostly on Ponca reservation, Indian 

Territory, partly at Santee agency, Nebraska. 
{(J) Kwapa, Quapaw, or Uifa'-qpa ("Downstream people," a 
correlative of D'-ma"'-ha°), the "Arkansa" of early writers, 
mostlj' on Osage reservation, Oklahoma, partly ou Quapaw 
reservation, Indian Territory. 
(Z>) Osage or ^ya■ca'-ce ("People"), comprising — 

(«) Big Osage or Pa-he'-tsi (" Campers on the mountain"), 

on Osage reservation, Indian Territory. 
{b) Little Osage or U-^seq'-ta ("Campers ou the low- 
land,") ou Osage reservation, Indian Territory, 
(c) San-5su'-j[fi"' ("Campers in the highland grove") or 
"Arkansa baud," chiefly on Osage reservation, Indian 
(E) Kausa or Ka"'-ze (refers to winds, though precise signifi- 
cance is unknown ; frequently called Kaw), on Kansas reser- 
vation, Indian Territory. 

3. jjOiice're (" People of this place") 

{A) lowaorPa-qo-tce ("Dusty-heads"), chiefly on Great Nemaha 
reservation, Kansas aud Nebraska, partly on Sac and Fox 
reservation, Indian Territory. 

(B) Oto or Wa-to'-ta ("Aphrodisian"), ou Otoe reservation, 
Indian Territory. 

(C) Missouri or Ni-u'-t'a-tci (exact meaning uncertain; said to 
refer to drowning of people in a stream ; possibly a corrup- 
tion of Ni-shii'-dje, "Smoky water," the name of Missouri 
river) ; on Otoe reservation, Indian Territory. 

4. Winnebago 

Winnebago (Algonquian designation, meaning " Turbid water 
people"?) or Ho-tcan-ga-ra ("People of the parent sijeech"), 

' Corrupted to " Chancers " in early days ; cf. -Tames ibid., vol. m. p. 108. 


mostly oti Winnebago reservation in IS'ebraska, some in Wis- 
consin, and a few in Michigan; composition never definitely 
ascertained; comprised in 1850 (according to Sclioolcraft') 
twenty-one bands, all west of the Mississippi, viz. : 
(fl) Little Mills' band. 

(b) Little Dekonie's band. 

(c) Maw-knh-soonch-kaw's baml. 

(d) IIo-i)ee-kaw's band. 

(e) Waw-kon-hawkaw's band. 
(/) Baptiste's band. 

(</) Wee-noo-sliik's band. 

(h) Con-a-hata-kaw's band. 

{i) Paw-sed-ech-kaw's band. 

(j) Taw-nu-nuk's band. 

(k) Ah-lioo-zeebkaw's band. 

(I) Is-chaw-go-baw-kaw's baud. 

(m) Watcli-ba-takaw's band. 

(«) Waw-maw-noo-krtwkaw's baud. 

(o) Waw-kou-cliaw-zu-kaw's band. 

{p) Good Thunder's band. 

(q) Koog-ay-ray-kaw's band. 

(>•) Black Hawk's baud. 

(s) Little Thunder's band. 

(t) Naw-key-ku-kaw's band. 

(m) O-chin-chin-nu-kaw's baud. 

5. Mandan 

Maudau (their own name is questionable; Catlin says they 
called tliemselves See-pohs-kah-nu-mah-kah-kee, " People 
of the pheasants;"^ Prince Maximilian says they called 
themselves Numangkake, " Men," adding usually the name 
of their village, and that another name is Mahua-Narra, 
"The Sulky [Ones]," applied because they separated from 
the rest of their natiou ; ^ of the latter name their common 
appellation seems to be a corruption); on Fort Berthold 
reservation. North Dakota, comprising in 1804 (according 
to Lewis and Clark'') three villages — 

(«) Matootonha. 

(b) Eooptahee. 

(c) (Eapanopa's village). 

1 Information Reapeeting the Hiatory, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United 
states, part i, Philadelphia, 1853, p. 498. 

*Lett«rs and IN'otes on the Manners. Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians. 4th 
edition: London, 1844, vol. I, p. 80. 

^Travels, op. cit., p. 335. 

* History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark, by Elliott Coues, 1893, vol. I, 
pp. 182-4. The other two villages enumerated appear to belong rather to the Hidatsa. Prince Maxi- 
milian found but two villages iu 1833. Mili-Tutta Hang-Kush and Ruhptare, e^^dently corresponding 
to the first two mentioned by the earlier explorers (op. cit.. p. 335). 

164 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

6. Hidatsa 

{A) Hidatsa (tlieir own name, the meaning of which is uncertain, 
but appears to refer to a traditional buffalo paunch con- 
nected with the division of the group, though supposed by 
some to refer to "willows''); formerly called Minitari ("Cross 
the water," or, objectionally, Gros Ventres); on Fort Berth- 
old reservation, North Dakota, comprising in 1796 (according 
to information gained by Matthews ' ) three villages — 

(«) Hidatsa. 

\h) Amatiha ("Earth-lodge [village]"?), 
(c) Amahami ("Mountain-country [people]"?). 
{B) Crow or Ab-sa'-ru-ke, on the Crow reservation, Montana. 

7. Biloxi 

[A) Biloxi ("Trifling" or "Worthless" in Choctaw) or Ta-neks' 
Ha°-ya-di' ("Original people" in their own language) ; partly 
in Eapides parish, Louisiana ; partly in Indian Territory, with 
the Choctaw and Caddo. 

(/>) Paskagula ("Bread people" in Choctaw), probably extinct. 
(C) ?Moctobi (meaning unknown), extinct. 
(£>) ?Chozetta (meaning unknown), extinct. 

8. Monakan 
Monakan confederacy. 

{A) Monakan ("Country [people of?]"),? extinct. 
(jB) Meipontsky (meaning unknown), extinct. 

(C) '?Mahoc (meaning unknown), extinct. 

(D) Nuntaneuck or Nuntaly (meaning unknown), extinct. 
{E) Mohetan ("People of the earth"?), extinct. 


(^-1) Tutelo or Ye-sa"' (meaning unknown), probably extinct. 

(A') yaponi (meaning unknown), probably extinct. (According 
to Mooney, the Tutelo and Saponi tribes were intimately con- 
nected or identical, and the names were used interchange- 
ably, the former becoming more prominent after the removal 
of the tribal remnant from the Carolinas to New York.'') 

(B) Occanichi (meaning unknown), probably extinct. 
? Manahoac confederacy, extinct. 

(A) Manahoac (meaning unknown). 

(B) Stegarake (meaning unknown). 

(C) Shackakoni (meaning unknown). 
(X>) Tauxitauia (meaning unknown). 

'Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indiana; iliscel. Puhl. No. 7, 17. S. G-eol. and Geog. 
Survey, 1877, p, 38. 

2 Sioiian Tribes of the East, p. 37. Loeal names derived from the Saponi dialect were recognized and 
interpreted by a Kwapa when pronounced by Dorsey. 


(E) Ontpoui (meaning unknown). 

(F) Tegniati (meaning unknown). 

(G) Whonkenti (meaning unknown). 
{E) Hasinuiuga (meaning unknown). 

9. Cdlciirhd or Xi-ya {^'■People") 

(A) Catawba (meaning unknown; tbey called themselves Ni-ya, 
'"Men" in tUe comprehensive sense), nearly extinct. 

{B) Woccon (uieaTiing unknown), extinct. 
{€) 1 Sissipabaw (meaning unknown), extinct. 
(D) 1 Cape Fear (proper name unknown), extinct. 
{E) ? Warrennuncock (meaning unknown), extinct. 

(F) ? Adsbuslieer (meaning unknown), extinct. 

(G) ? Eno (meaning unknown), extinct. 
(H) 1 Shocco (meaning unknown), extinct. 
(J) ? Waxbaw (meaning unknown), extinct. 
(J) 1 Sugeri (meaning unknown), extinct. 
(K) Santee (meaning unknown). 

(L) Wateree (derived from the Catawba -word waterau, ".to 

float in the water"). 
(^1/) Sewee (meaning unknown). 
(N) Congaree (meaning unknown). 

10. iSara (extinct) 

{A) Sara ("Tall grass"). 

(B) Keyauwi (meaning unknown). 

11. ? Pedee {extinct) 

[A) Pedee (meaning unknown). 

[B) Waccamaw (meaning unknown). 
[G) Winyaw (meaning unknown). 
(7>) "Hooks" and "Backhooks"(?). 

The definition of the first six of these divisions is based on extended 
researches among the tribes and in the literature representing the 
work of earlier observers, and may be regarded as satisfactory. In some 
cases, notably the Dakota confederacy, the constitution of the divi- 
sions is also satisfactory, though in others, including the Asiniboin, 
Mandan, and Winnebago, the tabulation represents little more than 
superficial enumeration of villages and bands, generally by observers 
possessing little knowledge of Indian sociology or language. So far 
as the survivors of the Biloxi are concerned the classification is satis- 
factory; but there is doubt concerning the former limits of the 
division, and also concerning the relations of the extinct tribes referred 
to on slender, yet the best available, evidence. The classification of 


the extinct and nearly extinct Siouan Indians of the east is much less 
satisfactory. In several cases languages are utterly lost, and in others 
a few doubtful terms alone remain. In these cases affinity is inferred 
in part from geographic relation, but chiefly from the recorded feder- 
ation of tribes and union of remnants as the aborigiual jwpulation 
faded under the light of brighter intelligence; and iu all such instances 
it has been assumed that federation and union grew out of that con- 
formity in mode of thought which is characteristic of i)eox)les speaking 
identical or closely related tongues. Accordingly, while the grouping 
of eastern tribes rests in part on meager testimony and is open to 
question at many points, it is perhaps the best that can be devised, 
and suffices for convenience of statement if not as a final classification. 
So far as practicable the names adopted for the tribes, confederacies, 
and other groups are those in common use, the aboriginal designations, 
when distinct, being added in those cases in which they are known. 

The present population of the Siouan stock is probably between 
40,000 and 45,000, including 2,000 or more (mainly Asiniboin) in 


In the Siouan stock, as among the American Indians generally, the 
accepted appellations for tribes and other gronjis are variously derived. 
Many of the Siouan tribal names were, like the name of the stock, 
given by alien peoples, including white men, though most are founded 
on the descriptive or other designations used in the groups to which 
they j)ertain. At first glance, the names seem to be loosely applied 
and perhaps vaguely defined, and this laxity in application and defini- 
tion does not disappear, but rather increases, with closer examination. 

There are special reasons for the indefiniteness of Indian nomen- 
clature: The aborigines were at the time of discovery, and indeed 
most of them remain today, in the prescriptorial stage of culture, i. e., 
the stage in which ideas are crystallized, not by means of arbitrary 
symbols, but by means of arbitrary associations, • and in this stage 
names are counotive or descriptive, rather than denotive as iu the 
scrijjtorial stage. Moreover, among the Indians, as among all other 
prescrij)torial peoples, the ego is paramount, and all things are 
described, much more largely than among cultured peoples, with 
reference to the describer and the position which he occupies — Self 
and Here, and, if need be, Now and Thus, are the fundamental ele- 
ments of primitive conception and description, and these elements 
are implied and exemplified, rather than expressed, in thought and 
utterance. Accordingly there is a notable paucity in names, espe- 
cially for themselves, among the Indian tribes, while the descrip. 
tive designations apjilied to a given group by neighboring tribes are 
often diverse. 

* The leading culture stages are defined iu the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology, for 1891-92 (1896), p. xxiii et seq. 


The principles controlling nomenclature in it.s inchoate stages are 
illustrated among the Siouan peoples. So far as their own tongues were 
concerned, the stock was nameless, and could not be designated save 
through integral parts. Even the great Dakota confederacy, one of the 
most extensive and i>owertul aboriginal organizations, bore no better 
designation than a term probably applied originally to associated tribes 
in a descriptive way and perhaps nsed as a greeting or countersign, 
although there was an alternative proper descriptive term — "Seven 
Couucilfires" — apparently of considerable antiquity, since it seems to 
have been originally applied before the separation of the Asiniboin.' 
In like manner the (/^egiha, jjOiwe're, and Hotcahgara groups, and per- 
haps the Niya, were without denoti ve designations for themselves, merely 
styling themselves " Local People," " Men," "Inhabitants,'' or, still more 
ambitiously, " People of the Parent Speech," in terms which are A'ariously 
rendered by different interpreters ; they were lords in their own domain, 
and felt no need for special title. Different Dakota tribes went so far 
as to claim that their respective habitats marked the middle of the 
world, so that each insisted on precedence as the leading tribe,- and 
it was the boast of the Mandan that they were the original people of 
the earth.-' In the more carefully studied confederacies the constituent 
grouiDS generally bore designations apparently used for convenient dis- 
tinction in the confederation ; sometimes they were purely descriptive, 
as in the case of the Sisseton, Wahpeton, Sans Arcs, Blackfeet, Oto, and 
several others; again they referred to the federate organization (prob- 
ably, possibly to relative position of habitat), as in the Yankton, Yank- 
tonai, and Huflkpapa; more frecpiently they referred to geographic or 
topographic position, e. g., Teton, Omaha, Pahe'tsi, Kwapa, etc; while 
some appear to have had a figurative or symbolic connotation, as Brule, 
Ogalala, and Pouka. Usually the designations employed by alien peo- 
ples were more detinite than those used in the group designated, as 
illustrated by the stock name, Asiniboin, and Iowa. Commonly the 
alien appellations were terms of reproach; thus Sioux, Biloxi, and 
Hohe (the-Dakota designation for the Asiniboin) are clearly opprobri- 
ous, while Paskagula might easily be opprobrious among hunters and 
warriors, and Iowa and Oto appear to be derogatory or contemptuous 
expressions. The names applied by the whites were sometimes taken 
from geographic positions, as in the case of Upper Yanktonai and 
Cape Fear — the geographic names themselves being frequently of 
Indian origin. Some of the current names represent translations of 
the aboriginal terms either into English (" Blackfeet," "Two Kettles," 
"Crow,") or into French ("Sans Arcs," "Brule," " Gros Ventres ") ; 
yet most of the names, at least of the prairie tribes, are simply cor- 
ruptions of the aboriginal terms, though frequently the modification is 
so complete as to render identification and interpretation difficult — it 

'Cf. Schoolcraft, "Information," etc, op. cit., pt. ii, 1852, p. 169. Dorsey was inclined to consider 
the number aa made up without the Asiniboin. 
' Riggs-Dorsey : "Dakota Grammar, Texts. and Ethnography," Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. ix, 1893, p. 164 
sCatlin: "Letters and Notes," op. cit., p.80. 

168 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

is not easy to find Waca'ce in -'Osage" (so spelled by the French, whose 
orthography was adopted and mispronounced by English-speaking 
pioneers), or Pa'qotce in " Iowa." 

The meanings of most of the eastern names are lost; yet so far as 
they are preserved they are of a kind with those of the interior. So, 
too, are the subtribal names enumerated by Dorsey. 



The Siouan stock is defined by linguistic characters. The several 
tribes and larger and smaller groups speak dialects so closely related 
as to imply occasional or habitual association, and hence to indicate 
cooimunity in interests and atiiiiity in development; and while the arts 
(reflecting as they did the varying environment of a wide territorial 
range) were diversified, the similarity in language was, as is usual, 
accompanied by similarity in institutions and beliefs. Nearly all of 
the known dialects are eminently vocalic, and the tongues of the plains, 
which have been most extensively studied, are notably melodious; thus 
the leading languages of the group display moderately high phonetic 
development. In granimatic structure the better-known dialects are 
not so well developed ; the structure is comiilex, chiefly through the large 
use of inflection, though agglutination sometimes occurs. In some cases 
the germ of organization is found in fairly definite juxtaposition or 
Ijlacement. The vocabulary is moderately rich, and of course represents 
the daily needs of a primitive people, their surroundings, their avoca- 
tions, and their thoughts, while expressing little of the richer ideation 
of cultured cosmopolites. On the whole, the speech of the Siouan stock 
may be said to have been fairly developed, and may, with the Algon- 
quian, Iroquoiau, and Shoshonean, be regarded as typical for the por- 
tion of Xorth America lying north of Mexico. Fortunately it has been 
extensively studied by Riggs, Hale, Dorsey, and several others, includ- 
ing distinguished representatives of some of the tribes, aijd is thus 
accessible to students. The high phonetic development of the Siouan 
tongues reflects the needs and records the history of the hunter and 
warrior tribes, whose phonetic symbols were necessarily so ditteren- 
tiated as to be intelligible in whisper, oratory, and war cry, as well as 
in ordinary converse, while the complex structure is in harmony with 
the elaborate social organization and ritual of the Siouan people. 

Many of the Siouan Indians were adepts in the sign language; 
indeed, this mode of conveying intelligence attained perhaps its high- 
est development among some of the tribes of this stock, who, with 
other plains Indians, developed pantomime and gesture into a surpris- 
ingly perfect art of expression adapted to the needs of huntsmen and 

Most of the tribes were fairly proficient in pictography; totemic and 
other designs were inscribed on bark and wood, painted on skins, 


wrought into domestic wares, and sometimes carved on rocks. Jona- 
tliau Carver gives an example of picture-writing on a tree, in cliarcoal 
mixed with bear's grease, designed to convey information from the 
"Ghipe'ways"(Algouquian)tothe " Naiidowessies," ' and other instances 
of intertribal communication by means of pictography are on record. 
Personal decoration was common, and was largely symbolic; the face 
and body were painted in distinctive ways when going on the warpath, 
in organizing the hunt, in mourning the dead, in celebrating the vic- 
tory, and in performing various ceremonials. Scarification and maim- 
ing were practiced by some of the tribes, always in a symbolic way. 
Among the Mandan and Hidatsa scars were produced in cruel ceremo- 
nials originally connected with war and hunting, and served as endur- 
ing witnesses of courage and fortitude. Symbolic tattooing was fairly 
common among the westernmost tribes. Eagle and other feathers were 
worn as insignia of rank and for other symbolic purposes, while bear 
claws and the scalps of enemies were worn as symbols of the chase 
and battle. Some of the tribes recorded current history by means of 
"winter counts" or calendaric inscriptions, though their arithmetic 
was meager and crude, and their calendar proper was limited to recog- 
nition of the year, lunation, and day — or, as among so manj^ primitive 
people, the "snow," "dead moon," and "night," — with no definite sys- 
tem of fitting lunations to the annual seasons. Most of the graphic 
records were perishable, and have long ago disappeared; but during 
recent decades several untutored tribesmen have executed vigorous 
drawings representing hunting scenes and conflicts with white soldiery, 
which have been preserved or reproduced. These crude essays in 
graphic art were the germ of writing, and indicate that, at the time of 
discovery, several Siouan tribes were near the gateway opening into 
the broader field of scriptorial culture. So far as it extends, the crude 
graphic symbolism betokens warlike habit and militant organization, 
which Were doubtless measurably inimical to further progress. 

It would appear that, in connection with their proficiency in gesture 
speech and their meager graphic art, the Siouan Indians had become 
masters in a vaguely understood system of dramaturgy or symbolized 
conduct. Among them the use of the peace-pipe was general; among 
several and perhaps all of the tribes the definite use of insignia was com- 
mon ; among them the customary hierarchic organization of the abo- 
rigines was remarkably developed and was maintained by an elaboi'ate 
and strict code of etiquette whose observance was exacted and yielded 
by every tribesman. Thus the warriors, habituated to expressing and 
recognizing tribal affiliation and status in address and deportment, were 
notably observant of social minutia', and this habit extended into every 
activity of their lives. They were ceremonious among themselves and 

'Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America iu the Tears 1766, 1767, aud 1768; London, 
1778, p. 418. 

170 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

crafty toward enemies, tactful diplomatists as well as brave soldiers, 
shrewd strategists as well as fierce fighters; ever they were skillful 
readers of human nature, even when ruthless takers of human life. 
Among some of the tribes every movement and gesture and expres- 
sion of the nuile adult seems to have been aflected or controlled with 
the view of impressing spectators and auditors, and through constant 
schooling the wai'riors became most consummate actors. To the casual 
observer, they were stoics or stupids according to the conditions of 
observation; to many observers, they were cheats or charlatans; to 
scientific students, their eccentrically developed volition and the thau- 
maturgy by which it was normally accompanied suggests early stages 
in that curious development wliich, in the Orient, culminates in necro- 
mancy and occultism. Unfortunately this phase of the Indian char- 
acter (which was shared by various tribes) was little appreciated by 
the early travelers, and little record of it remains; yet there is enough 
to indicate the importance of constantly studied ceremony, or symbolic 
conduct, among them. The development of affectation and self-control 
among the Siouan tribesmen was undoubtedly shaped by warlike dis- 
position, and their stoicism was displayed largely in war — as when the 
captured warrior went exultinglyto the torture, taunting and tempting 
his captors to multiply their atrocities even until his tongue was torn 
from its roots, in order that his fortitude might be proved; but the 
habit was firmly fixed and found constant expression in commonplace 
as well as in more dramatic actions. 


Since the arts of primitive people reflect environmental conditions 
with close fidelity, and since the Siouan Indians were distributed over 
a vast territory varying in climate, hydrography, geology, fauna, and 
flora, their industrial and esthetic arts can hardly be regarded as dis- 
tinctive, and were indeed shared by other tribes of all neighboring 

The best developed industries were hunting and warfare, though all 
of the tribes subsisted in part on fruits, nuts, berries, tubers, grains, 
and other vegetal products, largely wild, though sometimes planted 
and even cultivated in rude fashion. The southwestern tribes, and to 
some extent all of the prairie denizens and probably the eastern rem- 
nant, grew maize, beans, iiumpkins, melons, squashes, sunflowers, and 
tobacco, though their agritulture seems always to have been subordi- 
nated to the chase. Aboriginally, they appear to have had no domes- 
tic animals except dogs, which, according to Carver — one of the first 
white men seen by the prairie tribes, — were kept for tfieir flesh, which 
was eaten ceremonially,' and for use in the chase.^ According to 

'Op. cit., p. 278. 

2 0p. cit., p. 445. Carver says, "The do^js employed by the Indiana in hunting appear to l»e all of the 
same species; they carry their ears erect, and greatly resenilile a wolf about tho head. They are 
exceedingly useful to them in their hunting excursions and will attack the tii-rceat of the game they 
are in pursuit of. They are also remarkable for their fidelity to their masters, but being ill fed by 
them are very troublesome in their huts or tents." 


Lewis and Clark (1804-1806), they were used for burden and draft ;^ 
according totlie naturalists accompanying Long's expedition (1810--0), 
for liesii (eaten ceremonially and on ordinary occasions), draft, bur- 
den, and the chase, ^ and according to Prince Maximilian, for food and 
draft,^ all these functions indicating long familiarity with the canines. 
Catlin, too, found *' dog's meat . . . the most honorable food that 
can be presented to a stranger;" it was eaten ceremonially and on 
important occasions/ Moreover, the terms used for the dog and his 
harness are ancient and even archaic, and some of the most important 
ceremonials were connected with this animal, implying long-continued 
association. Casual references indicate that some of the tribes lived 
in mutual tolerance with several birds'" and mammals not yet domes- 
ticated (indeed the buffalo may be said to have been in this condition), 
so that the people were at the threshold of zooculture. 

The chief implements and weapons were of stone, wood, bone, horn, 
and antler. According to Carver, the " Nadowessie " were skillful bow- 
men, using also the "casse-tete""^ or warclub, and a flint scalping- 
knife. Catlin was impressed with the shortness of the bows used 
by the prairie tribes, though among the southwestern tribes they were 
longer. Many of the Siouan Indians used the lance, javelin, or spear. 
The domestic utensils were scant and simple, as became wanderers 
and fighters, wood being the common material, though crude pottery 

*Coues, "History of the Expedition," op. cit., toI. i, p. 140. A note adds, "The dogs are not large, 
much resemble a wolf, and will haul about 70 pounds each." 

^Narrativeof an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter'a liiver . . . under the Command of Stephen 
H. Lonj;, T. S. T. E., by AVilliam H. Keating; London, 1825, vol. i. p. 451 ; vol. ii, p. 44, et al. Account 
of an Expedition fromPittsburiih to the Rocky Mountains , . . under the Command of Major S. H. 
Long, U. S. T. E., by Edwin James ; London, 1823, vol. i, pp. 155, 182, et id. 

Say remarks (James, loc. cit., p. 155) of the coyote ( ?), " This animal ... is probably the origi- 
nal of the domestic dog, so common in the villages of the Indiana of this region [about Council Bluflfs 
and Omaha], some of the varieties of which still retain much of the habit and manners of this 
species." James says (loc. cit., vol. ii. p. 13), "The dogs of the Konzas are generally of a mixed breed, 
between our dogs with pendent ears and the native dogs, ears are universally erect. The 
Indians of this nation seek every opportunity to cross tlie breed. These mongrel dogs are less com- 
mon with the Oraawhaws, while the dogs of the Pawnees generally have preserved their original 

•Travels in the Interior of North America; London, 1843. The Prince adds, "In shape they differ 
very little from the wolf, and are equally large and strong. Some are of the real wolf color; others 
are black, white, or spotted with black and white, and differing only by the tail being rather more 
turned up. Their voice is not a proper barking, but a howl like that of the wolf, and they partly 
descend from wolves, which approach the Indian huts, even in the diiytime, au<l mix with the dogs" 
(cf. p. 203 et al.). Writing at the Mandan village, he says, "The Mandansaud Manitaries have not, by 
any means, so many dogs a.s the Assiniboin, Crows, and Blackfeet. They are rarely of true wolt 
color, but generally black or white, or else resemble the wolf, but here they are more like the ])rairie 
wolf (Canislatrans). found amongtheseanimal.sabrown race, descended from European 
pninters; hence the genuine bark of the dog is more frequently heard here, whereas among the western 
nations they only howl. The Indian dogs are worked very hard, have hard blows and hard fare; in 
fact, they are treated just as this fine animal is treated among the Esquimaux" (p. 345). 

^"Letters and Notes," etc, vol. i, p. 14; cf. p. 230 et al. He speaks (p. 201) of the Minitari caninea 
as "semiloup dogs and whelps. " 

^Keating's "Narrative," op. cit., vol. II. p. 452; James' "Account," op. cit., vol. I, p. 127 et al. 

^According to Prince Maximilian, both the Mandan and Minitari kept owls in their lodges and 
regarded them as sooth.saycrs ("Travels." op. cit., pp. 383, 403), and the eagle was apparently tolerated 
for the sake of bis feathers. 

'"Cassa Tate, the antient tomahawk " on the plate illustrating the objects (" Travels," op. cit., i>l. 
4, p. 298). 

172 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

and basketry were manufactured, together with bags and bottles of 
skins or animal intestines. Ceremonial objects were common, the 
most conspicuous being the calumet, carved out of the sacred pipe- 
stone or catliuite quarried for many generations in the midst of the 
Siouan territory. Frequently the pipes were fashioned in the form of 
tomahawks, when they carried a double symbolic significance, stand- 
ing alike for peace and war, and thus expressing well the dominant 
idea of the Siouan mind. Tobacco and kinnikiuic (a mixture of tobacco 
with shredded bark, leaves, etc') were smoked. 

Aboriginally the »Siouan apparel was scanty, commonly comprising 
breechclout, moccasins, leggings, and robe, and consisted chiefly of 
dressed skins, though several of the tribes made simple fabrics of bast, 
rushes, and other vegetal substances. Fur robes and rush mats com- 
monly served for bedding, some of the tribes using rude bedsteads. 
The buffalo hunting prairie tribes depended largely for apparel, bed- 
ding, and habitations, as well as for food, on the great beast to whose 
comings and goings their movements were adjusted. Like other 
Indiaus, the Siouan hunters and their consorts quickly availed them- 
selves of the white man's stuffs, as well as his metal implements, and 
the primitive dress was soon modified. 

The woodland habitations were chiefly tent-shape structures of sap- 
lings covered with bark, rush mats, skins, or bushes; the prairie habi- 
tations were mainly earth lodges for winter and buffalo-skin tipis for 
summer. Among many of the tribes these domiciles, simple as they 
were, were constructed in accordance with an elaborate plan controlled 
by ritual. According to Morgan, the framework of the aboriginal 
Dakota house consisted of 13 poles ;^ and Dorsey describes the syste- 
matic grouping of the tipis belonging to different gentes and tribes. 
Sudatories were characteristic in most of the tribes, menstrual lodges 
were common, and most of the more sedentary tribes had council 
houses or other communal structures. The Siouan domiciles were thus 
adapted with remarkable closeness to the daily habits and environ- 
ment of the tribesmen, while at the same time they reflected the com- 
plex social organization growing out of their prescriptorial status and 
militant disposition. 

Most of the Siouan men, women, and children were fine swimmers, 
though they did not compare well with neighboring tribes as makers 
and managers of water craft. The Dakota women made coracles of 
buffalo hides, in which they transported themselves and their house- 
holdry, "but the use of these and other craft seems to have been regarded 
as little better than a feminine weakness. Other tribes were better 
boatmen; for the Siouan Indian generally preferred land travel to 
journeying by water, and avoided the burden of vehicles by which bis 

5 Described by Coues, "History of tlie Expedition under tlie Command of Lewis and Clark,'* 1893, 
vol. I. p. 139, note. 
2 "Houses and House-life of tlie American Aborigines," Coat. N. A. Eth.. vol, IV. 1881, p. 114. 


ever-varying movements in pursuit of game or in waylaying and evad- 
ing enemies would have been limited and handicapped. 

There are many indications and some suggestive evidences that the 
chief arts and certain institutions and beliefs, as well as the geographic 
distribution, of the principal Siouan tribes were determined by a single 
conspicuous feature in their environment — the buffalo. As Eiggs, 
Hale, and Dorsey have demonstrated, the original home of the Siouan 
stock laj' on the eastern slope of the Appalachian mountains, stretch- 
ing down over the Piedmont and Coastplain provinces to the shores of 
the Atlantic between the Potomac and the Savannah. As shown by 
Allen, the buffalo, " prior to the year 1800,'' spread eastward across the 
Apjialachians' and into the priscan territory of the Siouan tribes. As 
suggested by Shaler, the presence of this i)ouderous and peaceful 
animal materially affected the vocations of the Indians, tending to dis- 
courage agriculture and encourage the chase; and it can hardly be 
doubted that the bison was the bridge that carried the ancestors of the 
western tribes from the crest of the Alleghenies to the Coteau des 
Prairies and enabled them to disperse so widely over the plains beyond. 
Certainly the toothsome flesh and useful skins must have attracted 
the valiant huntsmen among the Appalachians; certainly the feral 
herds must have become constantly larger and more luimerous west- 
ward, thus tempting the pursuers down the waterways toward the 
great river; certainly the vast herds beyond the Mississippi gave 
stronger incentives and richer rewards than the hunters of big game 
found elsewhere ;■ and certainly when the prairie tribes were discovered, 
the men and animals lived in constant interaction, and many of the 
hunters acted and thought only as they were moved by their easy prey. 
As the Spanish horse spread northward over the Llano Estacado and 
overflowed across the mountains from the plains of the Cayuse, the 
Dakota and other tribes found a new means of conquest over tlie 
herds, and entered on a career so facile that they increased and multi- 
plied despite strife and imported disease. 

The horse was acquired by the prairie tribes toward the end of the 
last century. Carver (17GG-1768) describes the methods of hunting 
among the "Naudowessie" without referring to the horse,'-^ though he 
gives their name for the animal in his vocabulary,^ and describes their 
mode of warfare with "Indians that inhabit still farther to tlie west- 
ward a country which extends to the South Sea," having "great plenty 
of horses."^ Lewis and Clark (1804-1806) mention that the "Sioux of 
the Teton tribe . . . frequently make excursions to steal horses" 
from the Mandan,^ and make other references indicating that the horse 

* " The American Bisons, Living and Extinct, '' by J. A. AUeB ; Memoirs of the Geol. Survey of Ken- 
tucky, vol. I. pt. ii, 1876, map; also pp. 55, 72-101, et al. 

-Op. cit., p. 283 et aeq. 

sibid., p. 435. 

<Ibid., p. 294. 

6 "History of the Expedition under the Command of Lewis and Clark," etc, by Elliott Coues, 1893 
vol. I, p. 175. It is noted that in winter the Mandan kei)t their horses in their lodges at night, and, 
fed them on Cottonwood branches. Ibid., pp. 220, 233, et al. 


was in fairly common use among some of the Siouan tribes, thongli the 
animal was "coufliied principally to the nations inbabitiug tlie great 
plains of tlie Columbia,'" and dogs were still used for burden and 
draft.^ Grinuell learned from an aged Indian that horses came into 
the hands of the neighboring Tiegan (Algonquian) about 1804-1800.^ 
Long's naturalists found the horse, ass, and mule in use among the 
Kansa and other tribes,' and described the mode of capture of wild 
horses by the Osage;^ yet when, two-thirds of a century after Carver, 
Catliu (1832-1839) and Prince Maximilian (1833-34) visited the Siouan 
territory, they found the horse established and in common use in the 
chase and in war.^ It is significant that the Dakota word for horse 
(suk-taij'-ka or suij-ka'-wa-kaij) is composed of the word for dog 
(suij'-ka), with an aflix indicating greatness, sacredness, or mystery, 
so that the horse is literally " great mysterious dog," or " ancient sacred 
dog," and that several terms for harness and other appurtenances cor- 
respond witli those used for the gear of the dog when used as a draft 
animal.' This terminology corroborates the direct evidence that the 
dog was domesticated by the Siouan aborigines long before the advent 
of the horse. 

Among the Siouan tribes, as among other Indians, amusements 
absorbed a considerable part of the time and energy of the old and 
young of both sexes. Among the young, the gambols, races, and 
other sports were chiefly or wholly diversional, and commonly mim- 
icked the avocations of the adults. The girls idayed at the building 
and care of houses and were absorbed in dolls, while the boys played 
at archery, foot racing, and mimic hunting, which soon grew into 
the actual chase of small birds and animals. Some of the sports of the 
elders were unorganized diversions, leaping, racing, wrestling, and 
other spontaneous expressions of exuberance. Certain diversions were 
controlled by more persistent motive, as when the idle warrior occupied 
his leisure in meaningless ornamentation of his garment or tipi, or 
spent hours of leisure in esthetic modification of his weapon or cere- 
monial badge, and to this purposeless activity, which engendered 
design with its own progress, the incipient graphic art of the tribes 
was largely due. The more important and characteristic sports were 
organized and interwoven with social organization and belief so as 
conmionly to take the form of elaborate ceremonial, in which dancing, 
feasting, fasting, symbolic painting, song, and sacrifice played impor- 
tant parts, and these organized sports were largely fiducial. To many 

' Coties, Expedition of Lewis and Clark, vol. in, p. 839. 

=Ibid., vol. I, p. 140. 

-■'The Story of the Indian." 1895, p. 237. 

* James' "Account," op. cit., vol. I, pp. 126, 148; vol. ll, p. 12 et al. 

'Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 107. 

*" Letters and Notes," op. cit., vol. I, pp. 142 (where the manner of lassoing wild horses is men- 
tioned). p. 251 et al. ; "Travels," op. cit., p. 149 et al. (The Crow were said to have between 9,000 and 
10,000 bead, p. 174.) 

'Keating in Long's Expedition, op. cit., vol. II, appendix, p. 152. Riggs' "Dakota- English Diction- 
ary," Cont. N. A. Eth., vol. VII, 1890, 


of the early ob.servers the observauces were nothing more than mean- 
ingless mnuimeries; to some they were sacrilegious, to others sortile- 
gious; to the more careful students, like Carver, whose notes are of 
especial value by reason of the author's clear insight into tlie Indian 
character, they were invocations, expiations, propitiations, expressing 
profound and overpowering devotion. Carver says of the "IS^audo- 
wessie," "They usually dance either before or after every meal; and 
by this cheerfulness, probably, render the Great Spirit, to whom they 
consider themselves as indebted for every good, a more acceptable 
sacritice than a formal and unanimated thanksgiving;"^ and he pro- 
ceeds to describe the informal dances as well as the more formal cere- 
monials preparatory to joining in the chase or setting out on the 
warpath. The ceremonial observances of the Siouau tribes were not 
different in kind from those of neighboring contemporaries, yet some 
of them were developed in remarkable degree — for example, the bloody 
rites by which youths were raised to the rank of warriors in some of 
the prairie tribes were without parallel in severity among the aborig- 
ines of America, or even among the known primitive peoples of the 
world. So the sports of the Siouan Indians were both diversional and 
divinatory, and the latter were highly organized in a manner reflecting 
the environment of the tribes, their culture-status, their belief, and 
especially their disposition toward bloodshed; for their most charac- 
teristic ceremonials were connected, genetically if not immediately, 
with warfare and the chase. 

Among many of the Siouan tribes, games of chance were jilayed 
habitually and with great avidity, both men and women becoming so 
absorbed as to forget avocations and food, mothers even neglecting 
their children; for, as among other primitive peoples, the charm of 
hazard was greater than among the enlightened. The games were not 
specially distinctive, and were less widely differentiated than in certain 
other Indian stocks. The sport or game of chungke stood high in favor 
among the young men in many of the tribes, and was played as a game 
partly of chance, partly of skill; but dice games (played with plum 
stones among the southwestern prairie tribes) were generally jireferred, 
especially by the women, children, and older men. The games were 
Ijartly, sometimes wholly, diversional, but generally they were in large 
part divinatory, and thus reflected the hazardous occupations and low 
culture-status of the people. One of the evils resulting from the advent 
of the whites was the introduction of new games of chance which tended 
further to pervert the simple Siouan iiund; but in time the evil bnnight 
its own remedy, for association with white gamblers taught the ingenu- 
ous sortilegers that there is nothing divine or sacred about the gaming 
table or the conduct of its votaries. 

The primitive Siouan music was limited to the chant and rather 
simple vocal melody, accompanied by rattle, drum, and flute, the drum 
among the northwestern tribes being a skin bottle or bag of water. 

' Od. cit., p. 265. 


Tbe mnsic of the Omaha and some other tribes has been most appre- 
ciatively studied by Miss Fletcher, and her memoir ranks among the 
Indian classics.' In general the Siouan music was typical for the 
aboriginal stocks of the northern interior. Its dominant feature was 
rhythm, by which the dance was controlled, though melody was inchoate, 
while harmony was not yet developed. 

The germ of painting was revealed in the calendars and the seed of 
sculpture in the carvings of the Siouau Indians. The pictographic 
paintings comi)rised not only recognizable but even vigorous represen- 
tations of men and animals, depicted in form and color though without 
perspective, while the calumet of catliuite was sometimes chiseled into 
striking verisimilitude of human and animal forms in miniature. To 
the collector these representations suggest fairly developed art, though 
to the Indian they were mainly, if not wholly, symbolic; for everything 
indicates that the primitive artisan had not yet broken the shackles of 
fetichistic symbolism, and had little conception of artistic portrayal for 
its own sake. 


Among civilized peoples, institutions are crystallized in statutes 
about nuclei of common law or custom; among peoples in the prescrip- 
torial culture-stage statutes are unborn, and various mnemonic devices 
are employed for fixing and perijetuating institutions; and, as is usual 
in this stage, the devices involve associations which appear to be 
essentially arbitrary at the outset, though they tend to become natural 
through the survival of the fittest. A favorite device for perj)etuating 
institutions among the primitive peoples of many districts ou diflereut 
continents is the taboo, or prohibition, which is commonly fiducial but 
is often of general applicatiou. Tliis device finds its best development 
in the earlier stages in the development of belief, and is normally con- 
nected with totemism. Another device, which is remarkably wide- 
spread, as shown by Morgan, is kinship nomenclature. This device rests 
on a natural and easily ascertained basis, though its applications are 
arbitrary and vary widely from tribe to tribe and from culture status 
to culture-status. A third device, which found mucli favor among the 
American aborigines and among some other primitive jjeoples, may be 
called ordination, or the arrangement of individuals and groups classi- 
fied from the prescriptorial point of view of Self, Here, and ^ow, with 
respect to each other or to some dominant i^ersonage or group. This 
device seems to have growu out of the kin name system, in which the 
Ego is the basis from which relation is reckoned. It tends to develop 
into federate organization on the one hand or into caste on the other 
hand, according to the attendant conditions.^ There are various other 

J "A study of Omaha Indian Mnsic, by Alice C. Fletcher . . aided by Francis La Flesche, 
with ft report on the strnctural peculiarities of the music, by John Comfort Fillmore, A. M. ;" Arch, 
and Eth. papers of the Peabody Museum, vol. I, No. 5, 1893, pp. i-Ti + 7-l.'52 (=231-382). 

' Ordination, as the term is liere used, comprehends resiraentation as defined by Powell, yet relates 
especially to the method of reckoning from the constantly recognized but ever varying standpoint of 
prescriptorial culture. 


devices for fixing and perpetuating institutions or for expressing the 
laws embodied therein. Some of these are connected with thaumaturgy 
and shamanism, some are connected with the powers of nature, and 
the several devices overhip and interlace in puzzling fashion. 

Among the Siouan Indians the devices of taboo, kin-names, and ordi- 
nation are found in such relation as to throw some light on the growth 
of primitive institutions. While they blend and are measurably 
involved with thaumaturgic devices, there are indications that in a 
general way the three devices stand for stages in the development of 
law. Among the best known tribes the taboo pertained to the clan, 
and was used (in a much more limited way than among some other 
peoples) to commemorate and perpetuate the clan organization; kin- 
names, which were partly natural and thus normal totheclau organiza- 
tion, and at the same time i)artly artiticial and thus characteristic of 
gentile organization, served to commemorate and perpetuate not only 
the family relations but the relations of the constituent elements of 
the tribe; while the ordination expressed in the camping circle, in the 
phratries, in the ceremonials, and in many other ways, served to com- 
memorate intertribal as well as intergentile relations, and thus to pro- 
mote peace and harmonious action. It is signiticant tliat the taboo 
was less potent among the Siouan Indians than among some other 
stocks, and that among some tribes it has not been found; and it is 
especially significant that in some instances the taboo was apparently 
inversely related to km naming and ordination, as among the Biloxi, 
where the taboo is exceptionally weak and kin naming exceptionally 
strong, and among the Dakota, where the system of ordination attained 
perhaps its highest American development in domiciliary arrangement, 
while the taboo was limited in function; for the relations indicate that 
the taboo was archaic or even vestigial. It is noteworthy also that 
among most of the Siouan tribes the kin name system was less elaborate 
than in many other stocks, while the system of ordination is so elabo- 
rate as to constitute one of the leading characteristics of the stock. 

At the time of the discovery, most of the Siouan tribes had apparently 
passed into gentile organization, though vestiges of clan organization 
were found — e. g., among tlie best-known tribes the man was the head 
of the family, though the tipi usually belonged to the woman. Thus, as 
defined by institutions, the stock was just above savagery and just 
within the lower stages of barbarism. Accordingly the governmental 
functions were hereditary in the male line, yet the law of heredity was 
subject to modification or suspension at the will of the group, commonly 
at the instance of rebels or iisurpers of marked prowess or shrewdness. 
Tlie property regulations were definite and strictly observed ; as among 
other barbarous peoples, the land was common to the tribe or other group 
occupying it, yet was defended against alien invasion; the ownership 
of movable property was a combination of communalism and individu- 
alism delicately adjusted to the needs and habits of the several tribes — 
15 ETH 12 

178 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [ETrr. ann. 15 

in general, evanescent property, such as food and fuel, was shared in 
common (subject to carefully regulated individual claims), while i)ernia- 
nent property, such as tipis, dogs, apparel, weapons, etc, was held by 
individuals. As among other tribes, the more strictly personal property 
was usually destroyed on the death of the owner, though the real reason 
for the custom — the prevention of dispute — was shrouded iu a mantle 
of mysticism. 

Although of i)rimary importance iu shaping the career of the Sionan 
tribes, the marital iustitutious of the stock were not speciallj' distinctive. 
Marriage was usually effected by negotiation through parents or elders; 
among some of the tribes the bride was purchased, while among others 
there was an interchange of presents. Polygyny was common ; in sev- 
eral of the tribes the bride's sisters became subordinate wives of the 
husband. The regulations concerning divorce and the punishment of 
infidelity were somewhat variable among the different tribes, some of 
whom furnished temporary wives to distinguished visitors. Generally 
there were sanctions for marriage by elopement or individual choice. In 
every tribe, so lar as known, gentile exogamy prevailed — 1. e., marriage 
in the gens was forbidden, under pain of ostracism or still heavier j)en- 
alty, while the gentes intermarried among one another; in some cases 
intermarriage between certain tribes was regarded with special favor. 
There seems to have been no system of marriage by capture, though 
captive women were usually espoused by the successful tribesmen, and 
gii Is were sometimes abducted. In general it would appear that inter- 
gentile and intertribal marriage was practiced and sanctioned by the 
sages, and that it tended toward harmony and federation, and thus 
contributed much toward the increase and diffusion of the great Hiouau 

As set forth in some detail by Dorsey, the ordination of the Siouau 
tribes extended beyond the hierarchic organization into families, sub- 
gentes, gentes, tribes, and confederacies; there were also phratries, 
sometimes (perhaps typically) arranged in pairs; there were societies 
or associations established on social or tiducial bases; there was a gen- 
eral arrangement, or classification of each group on a military basis, 
as into soldiers and two or more classes of noncombatants, etc. 
Among the Siouan peoples, too, the individual brotherhood of the 
David-Jonathan or Damon-Pythias type was characteristically devel- 
oped. Thus the corporate institutions were interwoven and super- 
imposed in a manner nearly as complex as that found in the national, 
state, municipal, and minor institutions of civilization; yet the ordi- 
nation preserved by means of the camping circle, the kinship system, 
the simple series of taboos, and the elaborate symbolism was appar- 
ently so complete as to meet every social and governmental demand. 


TriK Development of Mythology 

As explained by Powell, philosophies and beliefs may be seriated in 
four stages: The first stage is hecastotheism; in this stage extra- 
natural or mysterious potencies are imputed to objects both animate 


and inanimate. The second stage is zootlieism; within it the powers 
of animate forms are exaggerated and amplified into the reahii of the 
supernal, and certain anmials are deified. The third stage is that of 
pliysitheism, in which the agencies of nature are personified and 
exalted unto omnipotence. The fourth stage is that of psychotlieisin, 
which includes the domain of spiritual concept. In general the devel- 
opment of belief coincides with the growth of abstraction ; yet it is to 
be remembered that this growth represents increase in definiteness of 
the abstra<'t concepts rather than augmentation m numbers and kinds 
of subjective impressions, i. e., the advance is m quality rather than 
in quantity; indeed, it would ahnost appear that the vague and indefi- 
nite abstraction of hecastotheisui is more pervasive and prevalent than 
the clearer abstraction of higher stages. Appreciation of the funda- 
mental characteristics of belief is essential to even the most general 
understanding of the Indian mythology and philosophy, and even after 
careful study it is difiiciilt for thinkers trained in the higher methods 
of thought to understand tlie crude and confused ideation of the 
primitive thinker. 

In hecastotheism the believer finds mysterious properties and poten- 
cies everywhere. To his mind every object is endued with occult 
power, moved by a vague volition, actuated by shadowy motive rang- 
ing capriciously from malevolence to benevolence; in his lax estima- 
tion some objects are more potent or more mysterious than others, the 
strong, the sharp, the hard, and the swift-moving rising superior to 
the feeble, the dull, the soft, and the slow. Commonly he singles out 
some special object as his personal, family, or tribal mystery-symbol 
or fetich, the object usually representing that which is most feared or 
worst hated among his surroundings. Vaguely realizing from the 
memory of accidents or unforeseen events that he is dependent on his 
surroundings, lie invests every feature of his environment with a 
capricious humor reflecting his own disposition, and gives to each and 
all a subtlety and inscrutability corresponding to his exalted estima- 
tion of his own craft in the chase and war; and, conceiving himself to 
live and move only at the mercy of his multitudinous associates, he 
becomes a fatalist — kismet is his watchword, and he meets defeat and 
death with resignation, just as he goes to victory with complacence; 
for so it was ordained. 

Zootheism is the offspring of hecastotheism. As the primitive 
believer assigns special potency or mystery to the strong and the swift, 
he gradually comes to give exceptional rank to self moving animals; 
as his experience of the strength, alertness, swiftness, and courage of 
his animate enemy or prey increases, these animals are invested with 
successively higher and higher attributes, each reflecting the mental 
operations of the mystical huntsman, and in time the animals with 
which the primitive believers are most intimately associated come to be 
regarded as tutelary daimons of supernatural power and intelligence. 
At first the animals, like the undifferentiated things of hecastotheism, 

180 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

are regarded in fear or a^ve by reason of their strength and ferocity, 
and this regard grows into an incipient worship in the form of sacrifice 
or other ceremonial ; meanwhile, inanimate things, and m due season 
rare and unimportant animals, are neglected, and a half dozen, a dozen, 
or a score of the well-known animals are exalted into a hierarchy of 
petty gods, headed by the strongest like the bear, the swiftest like the 
deer, the most majestic like the eagle, the most cunning like the fox 
or coyote, or the most deadly like the rattlesnake. Commonly the 
arts and the skill of the mystical huntsman improve from youth to 
adolescence and from generation to generation, so that the later ani- 
mals appear to be easier snared or slain than the earlier; moreover, the 
accounts of conflicts between men and animals grow by repetition 
and are gilded by imagination as memory grows dim ; and for these 
and other reasons the notion grows up that the ancient animals were 
stronger, swifter, slier, statelier, deadlier than their modern representa- 
tives, and the hierarchy of petty gods is exalted into an omnipotent 
thearchy. Eventually, iu the most highly developed zootheistic sys- 
tems, the leading beast-god is regarded as the creator of the lesser 
deities of the earth, sun, and sky, of the mythic under-world and its 
real counterpart the ground or mid-world, as well as the visionary 
upper- world, of men, and of the ignoble animals ; sometimes the most ex- 
alted beast-god is worshiped especially by the great man or leading class 
and incidentally by all, while other men and groui)s choose the lesser 
beast-gods, according to their rank, for special worship. In hecasto- 
theism the iiotencies revered or worshiped are polymorphic, while their 
attributes reflect the mental operations of the believers; in zootheism 
the deities worshiped are zoomorphic, and their attributes continue to 
reflect the human mind. 

Physitheism, in its turn, springs from zootheism. Through contem- 
plation of the strong the idea of strength arises, and a means is found 
for bringing the bear into analogy with thunder, with the sun, or with 
the avalanche-bearing mountain ; through contemplation of the swift the 
concept of swiftness is engendered, and comparison of the deer with 
the wind or rushing river is made easy; through contemplation of the 
deadly stroke of the rattlesnake the notion of death-dealing power 
assumes shape, and comparison of the snake bite and the lightning 
stroke is made possible; and in every case it is inevitably perceived 
that the agency is stronger, swifter, deadlier than the animal. At 
first the agency is not abstracted or dissociated from the parent 
zootheistic concept, and the sun is the mightiest animal as among many 
peoples, the thunder is the voice of the bear as among difl'erent wood- 
land tribes or the flapping of the wings of the great ancient eagle as 
among the Dakota and (pegiha, while lightning is the great serpent of 
the sky as among the Zuiii. Subsequently the zoic concept fades, and 
the constant association of human intellectual qualities engenders an 
anthropic concept, when the sun becomes an anthropomorphic deity 
(perhaps bearing a dazzling mask, as among the Zuiii), and thunder is 


the rumbling of quoits pitched by the shades of old-time giants, as 
among different American tribes. Eventually all the leading agencies 
(if nature are personified in anthropic form, and retain the human attri- 
butes of caprice, love, and hate which are found in the minds of the 

Psychotheism is born of physitheism asthe anthropomorphic element 
in the concept of natural agency gradually fades; but since none of 
the aborigines of the United States had passed into the higher stage, 
the mode of transition does not require consideration. 

It is to be borne in mind that throughout the course of development 
of belief, from the beginning of hecastotheism into the borderland of 
psychotheism, the dominant characteristic is the vague notion of mys- 
tery. At first the mysterj' pervades all things and extends in all direc- 
tions, representing an indefinite ideal world, which is the counterpart 
of the real world with the addition of human (pialities. (Iradually the 
mystery segregates, deepening with respect to auinuils and disappearing 
with respect to inanimate things; and at length the slowly changing 
mysteries shape themselves into semiabstractions having a strong 
anthropic cast, while the remainder of the earth and the things thereof 
gradually become real, though they remain under the spell and domin- 
ion of the mysterious. Thus at every stage the primitive believer is a 
mystic — a fatalist in one stage, a beast worshiper in another, a thau- 
maturgist in a third, yet ever and first of all a mystic. It is also to be 
borne in mind (and the more firmly because of a widesjiread misappre- 
hension) that the primitive believer, up to the highest stage attained 
by the North American Indian, is not a psychotheist, much less a mon- 
otheist. His '' Great Spirit" is simply a great mystery, perhaps vaguely 
anthropomorphic, oftener zoomorphic, yet not a spirit, which he is 
unable to conceive save by reflection of the white man's concept and 
inquiry; and his departed spirit is but a shade, much like that of the 
ancient Greeks, the associate and often the inferior of animal shades. 

While the four stages in development of belief are fundamentally 
distinct, they nevertheless overlap in such manner as apparently, and 
in a measure really, to coexist and blend. Culture progress is slow. 
In biotic development the effect of beneficial modification is felt imme- 
diately, and the modified organs or organisms are stimulated and 
strengthened cumulatively, while the unmodified are enfeebled and 
paralyzed cumulatively through inactivity and quickly pass toward 
atroi)hy and extinction. Conversely in demotic development, which 
is characterized by the persistence of the organisms and by the elimi- 
nation of the bad and the preservation of the good among qualities 
only, there is a constant tendency toward retardation of progress; for 
in savagery and barbarism as in civilization, age common!}' produces 
conservatism, and at the same time brings responsibility for the con- 
duct of old and young, so that modification, howsoever beneficial, is 

182 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

measurably held in check, ami so tbat the progress of each generation 
liiuls in the springtime of youth yet is not permitted to fruit until the 
winter of old age approaches. Accordingly the mean of demotic prog- 
ress tends to lag far behind its foremost advances, and modes of 
action and especially of thought change slowly. Thisis es])ecially true 
of beliefs, which, during each generation, are largely vestigial. So the 
stages in the evolution of mythologic philosophy overlap widely; there 
is probably no tribe now living among whom zootheism has not yet 
taken root, though heeastotheisiii has been found dominant among 
different tribes; there is probably no people in the zootheistic stage 
who are completely divested of hecastotheistic vestiges; and one of the 
curious features of even the most advanced psychotheism is the occa- 
sional outcropping of features inherited from all of the earlier stages. 
Yet it is none the less important to discriminate the stages. 

The Siodan Mythology 

It was partly through pioneer study of the Siouan Indians that the 
popular fallacy concerning the aboriginal "Great Spirit" gained cur- 
rency; and it was partly through the work of Dorscy among the (/'egiha 
and Dakota tribes, first as a missionary aud afterward as a linguist, 
that the early error was corrected. Among these tribes the creation 
and control of the world and the things thereof are ascribed to 
"waka"-da" (the term varying somewhat from tribe to tribe), just as 
among the Algonquian tribes omnipotence was assigned to "ma-ni-do" 
("Manito the Mighty" of "Hiawatha"); yet inquiry shows that 
waka°da assumes various forms, and is rather a quality than a definite 
entity. Thus, among many of the tribes the sun is waka"da — not the 
waka"da or a waka"ila, but simply waka"da; and among the same 
tribes the moon is waka"da, and so is thunder, lightning, the stars, the 
winds, the cedar, and various other things; even a man, especially a 
shaman, might be waka°da or a waka^da. In addition the term was 
applied to mythic monsters of the earth, air, and waters; according to 
some of the sages the ground or earth, the mythic underworld, the 
ideal upper-world, darkness, etc, were waka"da or waka"das. So, too, 
the fetiches and the ceremonial objects and decorations were waka"da 
among different tribes. Among some of the groups various animals 
and other trees besides the specially waka^da cedar were regarded as 
waka"das; as already noted, the horse, among the jirairie tribes, was 
the waka°da dog. In like manner many Tiatural objects and places of 
striking character were considered waka"da. Thus the term was 
applied to all sorts of entities and ideas, and was used (with or with- 
out inflectional variations) indiscriminately as substantive and adjec- 
tive, and witli slight modificatiou as verb and adverb. Manifestly a 
term so protean is not suscei)tible of translation into the more highly 
difterentiated language of civilization. ^Manifestly, too, the idea 
expressed by the term is indefinite, aud can not justly be rendered into 
"spirit," much less into "Great Spirit;" though it is easy to under- 


staud bo\r the superficial inquirer, dominated by definite spiritual 
concept, liandicappcd by unfamiliarity with tlie Indian tongue, misled by 
ignorance of tlie vague pre.scriptorial ideation, and perhaps deceived 
by crafty native informants or ndschievous interpreters, came to adopt 
and perpetuate the erroneous interpretation. The term may be trans- 
lated into "mystery" perhaps more satisfactorily than into any other 
single English word, yet tliis rendering is at the same time much too 
limited and mucli too definite. As used by the Sionau Indian, waka'Hla 
vaguely connotes also "power," "sacred,'' "ancient," "grandeur," 
"animate," "immortal,'' and other words, yet does not express with 
any degree of fullness and clearness the ideas conveyed by these terms 
singly or collectively— indeed, no English sentence of reasonable length 
can do Justice to the aboriginal idea expressed by the term waka"da. 

While the beliefs of many of the Siouan tribes are lost through the 
extinction of the tribesmen or transformed through acculturation, it is 
fortunate that a large body of information concerning the myths and 
ceremonials of several ])rairie tribes has been collected. The records 
of Carver, Lewis and Clark, Say, Catlin, and Prince Maximilian are of 
great value when interpreted in the light of modern knowledge. More 
recent researches by Miss Fletcher ' and by Dorsey ^ are of especial 
value, not only as direct sources of information but as a means of 
interpreting the earlier writings. From these records it appears that, 
in so far as they grasped the theistic concept, the Siouan Indians were 
polytheists; that their mysteries or deities varied in rank and power; 
that some were good but more were bad, while others combined bad 
and good attributes; that they assumed various forms, actual and 
imaginary; and that their dispositions and motives resembled those 
found among mankind. 

The organization of the vague Siouan thearchy appears to have 
varied from group to group. Among all of the tribes whose beliefs 
are known, the sun was an important waka"da, perhaps the leading one 
potentially, though usually of less immediate consideration than cer- 
tain others, such as thunder, lightning, and the cedar tree; among 
the Osage the sun was invoked as "grandfather," and among various 
tribes there were sun ceremonials, some of which are still maintained; 
among the Omaha and Ponka, according to Miss Fletcher, the mythic 
thunder-bird plays a prominent, perhaps dominant role, and the cedar 
tree or pole is deified as its tangible representative. The moon was 
waka"da among the Osage and the stars among the Omaha and Ponka, 
yet they seem to have occupied subordinate positions; the winds and 
the four quarters were ap])arently given higher rank ; and, in ind ividual 
cases, the mythic water-monsters or earth-deities seem to have occu- 
pied leading positions. On the whole, it may be safe to consider the 

'Several of these are summarized in "The emblematic use of tlie tree in the Dakota group," 
Science, n s., toI IV, 1896, pp. 475-487. 

^Notably "A Study of Siouan Cults," Seventli Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology fur 
1889-SlO (1S94), pp. 351-544. 

184 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth.ann. 15 

suTi as the Siouan arcli-mystery, with the mythic thunder-bird or 
fiuuily of thunder-birds as a sort of mediate liulc between the mysteries 
aud men, possessing less i>ower but displaying more aciivity in human 
affairs than the remoter wakaMa of the heavens. Under these control- 
ling waka"das, other members of the series were vaguely and variably 
arranged. Somewhere in the lower ranks, sacred animals — especially 
sports, such as the white buffalo cow — were placed, aud still lower 
came totems and shamans, which, according to Dorsey, were reverenced 
rather than worshiped. It is noteworthy that this thearchic arrange- 
ment corresponded in many respects with the hierarchic social orgaui- 
zation of the stock. 

The Siouan thearchy was invoked and adored by means of forms 
and ceremonies, as well as through orisons. The set observances were 
highly elaborate; they comprised dancing and chanting, feasting aud 
fasting, and in some cases sacrifice and torture, the hhocking atrocities 
of the Mandan and Miuitari rites being especially impressive. From 
these great collective devotions the ceremonials graded down through 
wardance and hunting- feast to the terjisichoreau grace extolled by 
Carver, and to individual fetich worship. In general the adoration 
expressed fear of the evil rather than love of the good — but this can 
hardly be regarded as a distinctive feature, much less a peculiar one. 

Some of tbe mystery places were especially distinctive and note- 
worthy. Foremost among them was the sacred pipestone quarry near 
Big Sioux river, whence the material for the waka"da calumet was 
obtained; another was the far-famed Minne-waka" of North Dakota, 
not inaptly translated "Devil's lake; " a third was the mystery-rock or 
medicine-rock of the Mandan and Hidatsa uear Yellowstone river; and 
there were many others of less importance. About all of these places 
l^icturesque legends and myths clustered. 

The Siouan mythology is especially instructive, partly because so 
well recorded, partly because it so clearly reflects the habits and 
customs of the tribesmen and thus gives an indirect retiection of a 
well-marked environment. As among so many peoples, the suu is a 
prominent element; the ice monsters of the north and the rain-myths 
of the arid region are lacking, and are replaced by the frequent thun- 
der and the trees sliaken by the stcjrm-winds; the mythic creatures are 
shaped in the image of tlie indigenous animals and birds; the myths 
center in the local rocks and waters; the mysterious thearchy corre- 
sponds with the tribal hierarchy, and the attributes ascribed to the 
deities are those characteristic of warriors and hunters. 

Considering the mythology in relation to the stages in development 
of mythologic philosophy, it appears that the dominant beliefs, such as 
those pertaining to the sun and the winds, represent a crude physithe- 
ism, while vestiges of hecastotheism crop out in the object-worship 
aud place-worship of the leading tribes and in other features. At the 


same time well marked zootheistic features are foiiiul in the mytliic 
tljuiider-birds and in the more or less complete deification of various 
animals, in the exaltation of the horse into the rank of the mythic dou 
father, and in the animal forms of the water-mousters and earth beings; 
and the living application of zootheism is found in the animal fetiches 
and totems. On the whole, it seems just to assign the Siouan mythol- 
ogy to the upper strata of zootheism, just verging on physitheism, with 
vestigial traces of hecastotheism. 


The vigorous avocations of the chase and war were reflected in fine 
stature, broad and deep chests, strong and clean limbs, and sound con- 
stitution among the Siouan tribesmen and their consorts. The skiu 
was of the usual coppery cast characteristic of the native American; 
the teeth were strong, indicating and befitting a largely carnivorous 
diet, little worn by sandy foods, and seldom mutilated; the hands and 
feet were commonly large and sinewy. The Siouan Indians were 
among those who impressed white pioneers by the parallel placing of 
the feet; for, as among other walkers and runners, who rest sitting and 
lying, the feet assumed the pedestrian attitude of approximate paral- 
lelism rather than the standing attitude of divergence forward. The 
hair was luxuriant, stiff, straight, and more uniformly jet black than 
that of the southerly stocks; it was worn long by the women and most 
of the men, though partly clipped or shaved in some tribes by the war- 
riors as well as the worthless dandies, who, according to Catlin, sjient 
more time over their toilets than ever did the grande dame of Paris. 
The women were beardless and the men more or less nearly so ; com- 
monly the men plucked out by the roots the scanty hair springing on 
their faces, as did both sexes that on other parts of the body. The 
crania were seldom deformed artificially save through cradle accident, 
and while varying considerably in capacity and in the ratio of length to 
width were usually mesocephalic. The fiicial features were strong, yet 
in no way distinctly unlike those found among neighboring peoples. 

Since the advent of white men the characteristics of the Siouan 
Indians, like those of other tribes, have been somewhat modified, partly 
through infusion of Caucasian blood but chiefly through acculturation. 
With the abandonment of hunting and war and the tardy adoption of 
a slothful, semidepeudent agricultui'e, the frame has lost something 
of its stalwart vigor; with the adaptation of the white man's costume 
and the incomplete assinulatiou of his hygiene, various weaknesses and 
disorders have been developed; and through imitation the erstwhile 
luxuriant hair is cropped, and the beard, made scanty through genera- 
tions of extirpation, is commonly cultivated. Although the accul- 
tural condition of the Siouan survivor.s ranges from the essentially 
primitive status of the Asiniboin to the practical civilization of the 
representatives of several tribes, it is fair to consider the stock in a 

186 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

state of transition from barbarism to civilization; and many of the 
tribesmen are losing tbe characteristics of activity and somatic devel- 
opmeut normal to primitive life, while they have not yet assimilated 
the activities and acquired the somatic characteristics normal to peace- 
ful sedentary life. 

Briefly, certain somatic features of the Siouan Indians, past and 
present, may be traced to their causes in custom and exercise of func- 
tion; yet by far the greater number of the features are common to the 
American people or to all mankind, and are of ill-understood signifi- 
cance. The few features of known cause indicate that s])ecial somatic 
characteristics are determined largely or wholly by industrial and other 
arts, which are primarily shaped by environment. 


Excepting the Asiniboin, who are chiefly in Canada, nearly all of 
the Siouan Indians are now gathered on the reservations indicated on 
earlier i)ages, most of these reservations lying within the aboriginal 
territory of the stock. 

At the advent of white men, the Siouan territory was vaguely defined, 
and its limits were found to vary somewhat from exploration to explo- 
ration. Tliis vagueness and variability of habitat grew out of the char 
acteristics of the tribesmen. Of all the great stocks south of the 
Arctic, the Siouan was perhaps least given to agriculture, most iuflu- 
enced by hunting, and most addicted to warfare; thus most of the 
tribes were but feebly attached to the soil, and freely followed the move- 
ments of the feral fauna as it shifted with climatic vicissitudes or was 
driven from place to place by excessive hunting or by fires set to 
destroy the undergrowth in the interests of the chase; at the same 
time, the borderward tribes were alternately driven and led back and 
forth through strife against the tribes of neighboring stocks. Accord- 
ingly the Siouan habitat can be outlined only in approximate and 
somewhat arbitrary fashion. 

The difficulty in defining the priscan home of the Siouan tribes is 
increased by its vast extent and scant peopling, by the length of the 
period intervening between discovery in the east and complete explora- 
tion in the west, and by the internal changes and migrations which 
occurred during this period. The task of collating the records of 
exploration and pioneer observation concerning the Siouan and other 
stocks was undertaken by Powell a few years ago, and was found to be 
of great magnitude. It was at length successfully accomplished, and 
the respective areas occupied by the several stocks were approximately 

As shown on Powell's map, the chief part of the Siouan area com- 
prised a single body covering most of the region of the Great plains, 

^ Seventh Annual Kcport of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1885-86 (1801), pp. 1-142, ,qud map. 


stretcliiiig from tlie Eocky mountains to the ^lississip])! and from the 
Arkausas-Ked river divide nearly to tlie Saskatchewan, wilh an arm 
crossing the Mississippi and extending to Lake Michigan. In addition 
there were a few outlying bodies, the largest and easternmost bordering 
the Atlantic from Saiitee river nearly to Capes Lookout and Hatteras, 
and skirting the Appalachian range northward to the Potomac; the 
next considerable area lay on the Gulf coast about Pascagoula river 
and bay, stretching nearly from the Pearl to the Mobile; and there were 
one or two unimportant areas on Ohio river, which were temporarily 
occupied by small gioups of Siouan Indians during recent times. 

There is little probability that the Siouan habitat, as thus outlined, 
ran far into the prehistoric age. As already noted, the Siouan Indians 
of the plains were undoubtedly descended from the Siouan tribes of the 
east (indeed the Mandan had a tradition to that effect) ; and reason has 
been given for supposing that the ancestors of the prairie hunters foL 
lowed the straggling buffalo through the cis-Mississippi forests into 
his normal trans-Mississippi habitat and spread over his domain save 
as they were held in check by alien huntsmen, chiefly of the warlike 
Caddoau and Kiowau tribes; and the buffalo itself was a geologically 
recent — indeed essentially post glacial — animal. Little if any definite 
trace of Siouan occupancy has been found In the more ancient prehis- 
toric works of the Mississipin valley. On the whole it appears probable 
that the prehistoric development of the Siouan stock and habitat was 
exceptionally rapid, that the Siouan Indians Avere a vigorous and virile 
people that arose quickly under the stimulus of strong vitality (the 
acquisition of which need not here be considered), coupled with excep- 
tionally favorable opportunity, to a power and glory culminating about 
the time of discovery. 


The demotic organization of the Siouan peoples, so far as known, is 
set forth in considerable detail in Mr Dorsey's treatises' and in the 
foregoing enumeration of tribes, confederacies, and other linguistic 

Like the other aborigines north of Mexico, the Siouan Indians were 
organized on the basis of kinship, and were thus in the stage of tribal 
society. All of the best-known tribes had reached that phme in organ- 
ization characterized by descent in the male line, though many vestiges 
and some relatively unimportant examples of descent in the female line 
have been discovered. Thus the clan system was obsolescent and the 
gentile system fairly developed; i. e., the people were practically out 
of the stage of savagery and well advanced in the stage of barbarism. 

'Chiefly " Onuilia Sociology," Tliird Anu. Kep. Bnr. Etli.. for 1881-82 (1884), pp. 205-370: "A study of 
Siouan cults," Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., for 1889-90 (1894), pp. 351-54-4, and that printed on the 
following pases. 

188 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth.ann.I5 

Confederation for defense and offense was fairly defined and was 
strengtliened by iuterniaiTiage between tribes and gentesand tlie prolii- 
bitiou of marriage within the gens; yet the organization was such as to 
maintain tribal autonomy in considerable degree; i. e., the social struc- 
ture was such as to facilitate union in time of war and division into 
small groups adapted to hunting in times of peace. No iudicatiou of 
feudalism has been found in the stock. 

The government was autocratic, largely by military leaders sometimes 
(particularly in peace) advised by the elders and priests; the leadership 
was determined primarilj* by ability — prowess iu war and the chase and 
wisdom in the council, — and was thus hereditary only a little further 
than characteristics were inherited; indeed, excepting slight recogni- 
tion of the divinity that doth hedge about a king, the leaders were 
practically self chosen, arising gradually to the level determined by 
their abilities. The germ of theocracy was fairly developed, and appar- 
ently burgeoned vigorously during each period of peace, only to be 
checked and withered during the ensuing war when the shamans and 
their craft were forced into the background. 

During recent years, since the tribes began to yield to the domina- 
tion of the peace-loving whites, the government and election are deter- 
mined chiefly by kinship, as appears from Dorsey's researches; yet 
definite traces of the militant organization appear, and any man can 
win name and rank in his geus, tribe, or confederacy by bravery or 

The institutional connection between the Siouan tribes of the plains 
and those of the Atlantic slope and the Gulf coast is completely lost, 
and it is doubtful whether the several branches have ever been united 
iu a single confederation (or "nation," in the language of the pioneers), 
at least since the division in the Appalachian region perhaps five or 
ten centuries ago. Since this division the tribes have separated widely, 
and some of the bloodiest wars of the region in the historic period have 
been between Siouan tribes; the most extensive union possessing the 
slightest claim to federal organization was the great Dakota confed- 
eracy, which was grown into instability and partial disruption; and 
most of the tribal unions and coalitions were of temporary character. 

Although highly elaborate (i)erhai)8 because of this character), the 
Siouan organization was highly unstable; with every shock of condict, 
whether intestine or external, some autocrats were displaced or slain; 
and after each important event— great battle epidemic, emigration, or 
destructive flood — new combinations were formed. The undoubtedly 
rapid development of the stock, especially after the passage of the 
Mississippi, indicates growth by conquest and assimilation as well as 
by direct propagation (it is known that the Dakota and perhaps other 
groups adopted aliens regularly); and, doubtless for this reason in 
part, there was a strong tendency toward differentiation and dichotomy 
iu the demotic growth. In some groups the history is too vague to 
indicate this tendency with certainty; iu others the tendency is clear. 


Perhaps the best example is found iu the (/'egilia, which divided into two 
great branches, the stronger of which tlirexv ott' minor branches in the 
Osage and Kansa, and afterward separated into theOnialiaand Tonka, 
while the feebler branch also ramified widely; and only less notable is 
the example of the Winnebago trunk, with its three great branches in 
the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri. This strong divergent tendency in itself 
suggests rapid, perhaps abnormally rapid, growth in the stock; for it 
outran and i)artially concealed the tendency toward convergence and 
ultimate coalescence which characterizes demotic phenomena. 

The half-dozen eastern stocks occupying by far tlie greater part of 
North America contrast strongly with the half-hundred local stocks 
covering the I'acitic coast ; and none of the strong Atlantic stocks is 
more characteristic, more sharply contrasted with the limited groups of 
the western coast, or better understood as regards organization and 
development, than the great Siouan stock of the northern interior. 
There is promise that, as the demology of aboriginal America is pushed 
forward, the records relating to the Siouan Indians and especially to 
their structure and institutions will aid in explaining why some stocks 
are limited and others extensive, why large stocks in general charac- 
terize the interior and small stocks the coasts, and why the dominant 
peoples of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were successful in dis- 
placing the preexistent and probably more primitive peoples of the 
Mississippi valley. While the time is not yet ripe for making final 
answer to these inquiries, it is not premature to suggest a relation 
between a peculiar development of the aboriginal stocks and a peculiar 
geographic conformation: In general the coastward stocks are small, 
indicating a provincial shoreland habit, yet their population and area 
commonly increase toward those shores itulented by deep bays, along 
which maritime aiul inland industries naturally blend; so (confining 
attention to eastern United States) the extensive Muskhogean stock 
stretches inland from the deep-bayed eastern Gulf coast; and so, too, 
three of the largest stocks on the continent (Algonquian, Iroquoian, 
Siouan) stretch far into the interior from the still more deeply indented 
Atlantic coast. In two of these cases (Iroquoian and Siouan) history 
and tradition indicate expansion and migration from the laml of bays 
between Cape Lookout and Cape May, while in the third tliere are 
similar (though perhaps less definite) indications of an inland drift 
from the northern Atlantic bays and along the Laurentian river and 


The Dakota are mentioned in the Jesuit iielations as early as 1639-40; 
the tradition is noted that the ( )jibwa, on arriving at the Great Lakes in 
an early migration from the Atlantic coast, encountered representatives 

'Taken chiftly from notes and manuscripts preparefl by Mr I'orsey. 

190 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. asn. 15 

of the great coBfederacy of the plains. In 1641 the French A'oyageurs 
met the Potawatomi Indians flying from a nation called jS^adawessi 
(enemies); and the Frenchmen adojited the alien name for the warlike 
prairie tribes. By 16.58 the Jesuits had learned of the existence of 
thirty Dakota villages -vrest-northwest from the Potawatomi mission St 
Michel; and in 1689 they recorded the presence of tribes apparently 
representing the Dakota confederacy on the upper Mississippi, near 
the mouth of the St Crois. According to Croghan's History of Western 
rennsylvaiiia, the "Sue" Indians occupied the country southwest of 
Lake Superior about 17.59; and Dr T. S. Williamson, "the father of the 
Dakota mission," states that the Dakota must have resided about the 
confluence of the Mississipjii and the Minnesota or St Peters for at 
least two hundred years prior to 1860. 

According to traditions collected by Dorsey, the Teton took posses- 
sion of the Black Hills region, which had previously been occujjied by 
the Crow Indians, long before white men came; and the Yankton 
and Yanktonuai, which were found on the Missouri by Lewis and (Jlark, 
were not long removed from the region about Minnesota river. In 1862 
the Santee and other Dakota tribes united in a formidable outbreak 
in which more than 1,000 whites were massacred or slain in battle. 
Through this outbreak and the consequent governmental action toward 
the control and settlement of the tribes, much was learned concerning 
the characteristics of the people, and various Indian leaders became 
known; Spotted Tail, Bed Cloud, Crazy Horse, Sitting Bull, American 
Horse, and Even-his-horseis-feared (commonly miscalled Mau-afraid-of- 
his-horses) were among the famous Dakota chiefs and warriors, nota- 
ble rejjresentatives of a passing race, whose names are prominent in 
the history of the country. Other outbreaks occuri-ed, the last of note 
resulting from the ghost-dance fantasy in 1890-91, which fortunately 
was quickly suppressed. Yet, with slight interruptions, the Dakota 
tribes in the United States were steadily gathered on reservations. 
Some 800 or more still roam the iirairies north of the international 
boundary, but the great body of the confederacy, numbering nearly 
28,000, are domiciled on reservations (already noted) in Minnesota, 
Montana, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota. 

The separation of the Asiniboin from the Wazi-kute gens of the 
Yanktonai apparently occurred before the middle of the seventeenth 
century, since the Jesuit relation of 1658 distinguishes between the 
Poualak or Guerriers (undoubtedly the Dakota proper) and the Assini- 
poualak or Guerriers de pierre. The Asiniboin are undoubtedly the 
Essanape (Essanapi or Assiuapi) who were next to the Makatapi 
(Dakota) in the Walam-Olum record of the Lenni-Lenape or Delaware. 
In 1680 Hennei)in located the Asiniboin northeast of the Issati (Isan- 
yati or Santee) who were on Knife lake (Minnesota); and the Jesuit 
map of 1681 i>laced them on Lake of the-Woods, then called "L. Assi- 
nepoualacs." La Hontau claimed to have visited the Eokoro (Arikara) 


in 1GS9-90, when the Es.sanape wei'e sixty leagnes above; and Pen-ot's 
MOuioire refers to the Asinilioin as a Sioux tribe v\'hi:h, in the sev- 
enteenth century, seceded from their nation and took refuge among the 
rocks of Lake-of-the- "Woods. Chauvignerie located some of the tribe 
south of Ounipigan (Winnipeg) hike in 1730, and they were near Lake- 
of-the- Woods as hite as 17CG, when they were said to have 1,500 war- 
riors. It is well known that in 1S20 they occupied a considerable 
territory west of the Dakota and north of Missouri river, witli a popu- 
lation estimated at 8,000; and Drake estimated their number at 10,000 
before the smallpox epidemic of 1838, which is said to have carried off 
4,000. From this blow the tribe seems never to have fully recovered, 
and now numbers probably no more than 3.000, mostly in Canada, 
where they continue to roam the plains they have occupied for half a 


According to tribal traditions collected by Dorsey, the ancestors of 
the Omaha, Poiika, Kwapa, Osage, and Kansa were originally one 
people dwelling on Ohio and Wabash rivers, but gradually working 
westward. The first separation took place at the mouth of the Ohio, 
when those who went down the Mississippi became the Kwapa or Down- 
stream People, while those who ascended the great river became the 
Omaha or Up-sti-eam People. This separation must have occurred at 
least as early as 1500, since it preceded De Soto's discovery of the 

The Omaha group (from whom the Osage, Kansa, and Pouka were 
not yet separated) ascended the Mississippi to the mouth of the Mis- 
souri, where they remained for some time, though war and hunting- 
parties explored the country northwestward, and the body of the tribe 
gradually followed these pioneers, though the Osage and Kansa were 
successively left behind. Some of the pioneer parties discovered the 
pipestone quarry, and many traditions cling about this landmark. Sub- 
sequently they were driven across the Big Sioux by the Yankton Indians, 
who then lived toward the confluence of the Minnesota and ^Mississippi. 
The group gradually differentiated and finally divided through the sep- 
aration of the Ponka, probably about the middle of the seventeenth 
century. The Omaha gathered south of the Missouri, between the 
mouths of the Platte and Niobrara, while the Ponka pushed into the 
Black Hills country. 

The Omaha tribe remained within the great bend of the Missouri, 
opposite the mouth of the Big Sioux, until white men came. Their 
hunting ground extended westward and southwestward, chiefly north 
of the Platte and along the Elkhorn, to the territory of the Ponka and 
the Pawnee (Caddoan); and in 1760 Carver met their hunting parties 
on Minnesota river. Toward the end of the eighteenth century they 
were nearly destroyed bj' smallpox, their inimber having been reduced 
from about 3,500 to but little over 300 when they were visited by Lewis 

192 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ajjn. 15 

and Clark, their famous chief Blackbird being one of those carried off 
by tlie epideinic. Subsequently they increased in numbers; in 1800 
their population was about 1,200. They are now on reservations, mostly 
owning land in severalty, and are citizens of the United States and of 
the state of Nebraska. 

Although the name Ponka did not appear in history before 1700 it 
must have been used for many generations earlier, since it is an archaic 
designation connected with tlie social organization of several tribes and 
the secret societies of the Osage and Kausa, as well as the Ponka. In 
1700 the Ponka were indicated on De I'lsle's map, though they were 
not then segregated territorially from the Omaha. They, too, suffered 
terribly from the smallpox epidemic, and when met by Lewis and Clark 
in 1804 numbered only about 200. They increased rapidly, reaching 
about GOO in 1829 and some 800 in 1842; in 1871, when they were first 
visited byDorsey, they numbered 717. Dp to this time the Ponka and 
Dakota were amicable; but a dispute grew out of the cession of lands, 
and the Teton made annual raids on the Ponka until the enforced 
removal of the tribe to Indian Territory took place in 1877. Through 
this warfare, more than a quarter of the Ponka lost their lives. The 
displacement of this tribe from lands owned by them in fee simple 
attracted attention, and a. commission was appointed by President 
Hayes in 1880 to inquire i)ito the matter; the commission, consisting 
of G-enerals Crook and Miles and Messrs William Stickney and Walter 
Allen, visited the Ponka settlements in Indian Territory and on the 
Niobrara and eftected a satisfactory arrangement of the aft'airs of the 
tribe, through which the greater jiortion (some COO) remained in Indian 
Territory, while some 225 kept their reservation in Nebraska. 

When the (/'egiha divided at the mouth of the Ohio, the ancestors 
of the Osage and Kansa accompanied the main Omaha body up the 
Mississippi to the mouth of Osage river. There the Osage separated 
from the group, ascending the river which bears their name. They 
were distinguished by ]\larquette in 1G73 as the "Ouchage" and 
"Autrechaha," and by Penicaut in 1719 as the "lluzzau," "Ous,"and 
"Wawha." According to Croghan, they were, in 1759, on "White 
creek, a branch of the Mississippi," with the "Grand Tuc;" but" White 
creek " (or White water) was an old designation for Osage river, and 
"Grand Tuc" is, according to Mooney, a corruption of "Grandes Eaux," 
or Great Osage; and there is accordingly no suflBcient reason for sup- 
posing that they returned to the Mississippi. Toward the close of the 
eighteenth century the Osage and Kansa encountered the Comanche 
and perliaps other Shoshonean peoples, and their course was turned 
southward; and in 1817, according to Brown, the Great Osage and 
Little Osage were chiefly on Osage and Arkansas rivers, in four vil- 
lages. In 1829 Porter described their country as beginning 25 miles 
west of the Missouri line and running to the Mexican line of that date, 
being 50 miles wide; and he gave their number as 5,000. According to 


Sclioolcraft, tbey numbered 3,758 in April, 18.j3, but this was after the 
removal of an important branch known as Black Dog's band to a new 
locality farther dowu Verdigris river. In 1850 the Osage occupied at 
least seven large villages, besides numerous small ones, on ISeosho and 
Verdigris rivers. In 1873, when visited by Dorsey, they were gathered 
on their reservations in what is now Oklahoma. In 1890 they num- 
bered 158. 

The Kansa remained with the Up stream People in their gradual 
ascent of the Missouri to the mouth of the Kaw or Kansas, when they 
diverged westward; but they soon came in contact with inimical 
peoi)les, and, like the Osage, were driven southward. The date of this 
divergence is not fixed, but it must have been after 1723, when Bourg- 
mont mentioned a large village of "Quans" located on a small river 
flowiug northward thirty leagues above Kaw river, near the Missouri. 
After the cession of Louisiana to the Uuited States, a treaty was made 
with the Kansa Indians, who were then on Kaw river, at the mouth of 
the Saline, having been forced back from the Missouri by the Dakota; 
they then numbered about 1,500 and occupied about thirty eartli lodges. 
In 1825 they ceded their lands on the Missouri to the Government, 
retaining a reservation on the Kaw, where they were constantly sub- 
jected to attacks from the Pawnee and other tribes, through which large 
numbers of their warriors were slain. In 1846 they again ceded their 
lands aud received a new reservation on Neosho river in Kansas. This 
was soon overrun by settlers, when another reservation was assigned 
to them in Indian Territory, near the Osage country. By 1890 their 
population was reduced to 211. 

The Kwapa were found by De Soto in 1511 on the Mississippi above 
the mouth of the St Francis, and, according to Marquette's maj), they 
were partly east of the Mississippi iu 1(J73. In 1081 La Salle found 
them in three villages distributed along the Mississippi, and soon after- 
ward Tonty mentioned four villages, one (Kappa=U5]aqpaqti, "Eeal 
Kwapa") on the Mississippi and three (Toyengau=Ta"wa"-jii[a, "Small 
Village"; Toriman=Tiuadfiman, and Osotouoy=Uzntiuwe) inland; 
this observation was verified by Dorsey in 1883 by the discovery that 
these names are still iu use. In early days the Kwapa were known as 
''Akansa," or Arkansa, first noted by La Metairie in 1C82. It is prob- 
able that this name was an Algonquian designation given because of 
confusion with, or recognition of affinity to, the Kansa or Ka^ze, the 
prefix "a" being a common one in Algonquian appellations. In 1G87 
Joutel located two of the villages of the tribe on the Arkansas and 
two on the Mississippi, one of the latter being on the eastern side. 
According to St Cosme, the greater part of the tribe died of smallpox 
iu October, 1G99. In 1700 De I'lsle placed the principal "Acansa" 
village on the southern side of Arkansas river; and, according to 
Gravier, there were in 1701 five villages, the largest, Imaha (Omaha), 
being highest on the Arkansas. In 1805 Sibley placed the "Arkeusa" 
15 ETH 13 

194 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth.ann. 15 

in tbree villages on the soutUern side of Arkansas river, about 12 miles 
above Arkansas post. Tliey claimed to be the original proprietors of 
the country bordering the Arkansas for 300 miles, or up to the conflu- 
ence of the Cadwa, above which lay the territory of the Osage. Sub- 
seqiiently the Kwapa affiliated with the Caddo Indians, though of 
another stock; according to Porter they were in tbe Caddo country in 
1829. As reservations were established, the Kwapa were re-segregated, 
and in 1877 were on their reservation in northwestern Indian Terri- 
tory; but most of them afterward scattered, chiefly to the Osage 
country, where in 1890 they were found to number 232. 

The ancestry and prehistoric movements of the tribes constituting 
this group are involved in considerable obscurity, though it is known 
from tradition as well as linguistic affinity that they sprung from the 

Since the days of Marquette (1G73) the Iowa have ranged over the 
country between the Mississippi and Missouri, up to the latitude of 
Oueota (formerly upper Iowa) river, and even across the Missouri 
about the mouth of the Platte. Chauvignerie located them in 1736 
west of the Mississipjn and (probably through error in identification of 
the waterway) south of the Missouri; and in 1701 Jeft'erys placed them 
between Missouri river and the headwaters of Des Moines river, above 
the Oto and below the Maha (Omaha). In 1805, according to Drake, 
they dwelt on Des Moines river, forty leagues above its mouth, and 
numbered 800. In 1811 Pike found them in two villages on Des Moines 
and Iowa rivers. In 1815 they were decimated by smallpox, and 
also lost heavily through war against the tribes of the Dakota confed- 
eracy. In 1829 Porter placed them on the Little Platte, some 15 miles 
from the Missouri line, and about 1853 Schoolcraft located them on 
Nemaha river, their principal village being near the mouth of the 
Great Nemaha. In 1848 they suftered another epidemic of smallpox, 
by which 100 warriors, besides women and children, were carried off". 
As the country settled, the Iowa, like the other Indians of the stock, 
were collected on reservations which they still occupy in Kansas and 
Oklahoma. According to the last census their population was 273. 

The Missouri were first seen by Tonty about 1G70; they were located 
near the Mississippi on Marquette's map (1673) under the name of 
Ouemessourit, probably a corruption of their name bj^ the Illinois 
tribe, with the characteristic Algonquian prefix. The name Missouri 
was first used by Joutel in 1687. In 1723 Bourgmont located their 
principal village 30 leagues below Kaw river and 60 leagues below 
the chief settlement of the Kansa; according to Croghan, they were 
located on Mississippi river opposite the Illinois country in 1759. 
Although the early locations are somewhat indefinite, it seems certain 
that the tribe formerly dwelt on the Mississippi about the mouth of 


the Missouri, aud that they gradually asceudcd tlic latter stream, 
remaining for a time between Grand and Chariton rivers and establish- 
ing a town on the left bank of the Missouri near the mouth of the 
Grand. There they were lound by French traders, who built a fort oa 
an island quite near their village about the beginning of the eighteenth 
century. Soon afterward they were conquered and dispersed by a 
combination of Sac, Fox, and other Indians; they also suffered from 
smallpox. On the division, five or six lodges joined the Osage, two or 
three took refiige with the Kansa, and most of the remainder amalga- 
mated with the Oto. In 180.5 Lewis and Clark found a part of the 
tribe, numbering about 300, south of Platte river. The only known 
survivors in 1829 were wi(h the Oto, when they numbered no more 
than 80. In 181:2 their village stood on the sotithern bank of Platte 
river near the Oto settlement, and they followed the latter tribe to 
Indian Territory in 1882. 

According to "Winnebago tradition, the j^oiwe're tribes separated from 
that " People of the parent speech " long ago, the Iowa being the first 
and the Oto the last to leave. In 1673 the Oto were located by Mar- 
quette west of Missouri river, between the fortieth and fortytirst 
parallels; in IGSO they were 130 leagues from the Illinois, almost oppo- 
site the mouth of the Miskoncing (Wisconsin), and in 1087 they were 
on Osage river. According to La Ilontan they were, in 1090, on Oton- 
tas (Osage) river; and inlO'.lS Hennepin placed them ten days' journey 
from Fort Creve Cceur. Iberville, in 1700, located the Iowa and Oto 
with the Omaha, between Wisconsin and Missouri rivers, about 100 
leagues from the Illinois tribe; and Charlevoix, in 1721, fixed the Oto 
habitat as below that of the Iowa and above that of the Kansa on the 
western side of the Missouri. Dupratz mentions the Oto as a small 
nation ou Missouri river in 1758, and Jefl'erys (1701) described them 
as occupying the southern bank of the Panis (Platte) between its mouth 
aud the Pawnee territory; according to Porter, they occupied the same 
position in 1829. The Oto claimed the land bordering the Platte from 
their village to the mouth of the river, and also that on both sides of the 
Missouri as far as the Big Nemaha. In 1833 Catlin found the Oto and 
Missouri together in the Pawnee country; about 1841 they were gath- 
ered in four villages on the southern side of the Platte, from 5 to 18 
miles above its mouth. In 1880 a part of the tribe removed to the Sac 
and Fox reservation in Indian Territory, where they still remain; iu 
1882 the rest of the tribe, with the remnant of the Missouri, emigrated 
to the Ponka, Pawnee, and Oto reservation in the present Oklahoma, 
where, in 1890 they were found to number -100. 


Linguistically the Winnebago Indians are closely related to the 
jjOiwe're on the one side aud to the Mandan on the other. They were 
first mentioned in the Jesuit Relation of 1636, though the earliest 

196 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann.15 

known use of the name Winnebago occurs in the Relation of 1640; 
Nicollet found them on Green bay in 1G39. According to Shea, the 
Winnebago were almost annihilated by the Illinois (Algonquian) tribe in 
early days, and the historical group was made up of the survivors of 
the early battles. Chauvignerie placed the Winnebago on Lake Supe- 
rior in 173G, and Jefferys referred to them and the Sac as living near 
the head of Green bay in 1761; Carver mentions a Winnebago village 
on a small island near the eastern end of Winnebago lake in 1778. 
Pike enumerated seven Winnebago villages existing in 1811; and in 
1822 the population of the tribe was estimated at 5,800 (including 900 
warriors) in the country about Winnebago lake and extending thence 
southwestward to the Mississippi. By treaties in 1825 and 1832 they 
ceded their lands south of Wisconsin and Fox rivers for a reservation 
on tlie Mississippi above the Oneota; one of their villages in 1832 was 
at Prairie la Crosse. They suffered several visitations of smallpox; 
the third, which occurred in 1836, carried off more than a quarter of 
the tribe. A part of the people long remained widely distributed over 
their old country east of the Mississippi and along that river in Iowa 
and Minnesota; in 1810 most of the tribe removed to the neutral ground 
in the then territory of Iowa; in 1816 they surrendered their reserva- 
tion for another above the Minnesota, and in 1856 they were removed 
to Blue Earth, Minnesota. Here they were mastering agriculture, when 
the Sioux war broke out and the settlers demanded their removal. 
Those who had taken up farms, thereby abandoning tribal rights, were 
allowed to remain, but the others were transferred to Crow creek, on 
Missouri river, whence they soon escaped. Their privations and suffer- 
ings were terrible; out of 2,000 taken to Crow creek only 1,200 reached 
the Omaha reservation, whither most of them fled. They were assigned 
a new reservation on the Omaha lands, where'they now remain, occupy- 
ing lands allotted in severalty. In 1890 there were 1,215 Winnebago 
on the reservation, but nearly an equal number were scattered over 
Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Michigan, where they now live chiefly 
by agriculture, with a strong jiredilectiou for hunting. 


The Mandan had a vague tradition of emigration from the eastern 
part of the country, and Lewis and Clark, Prince Maximilian, and 
others found traces of Mandan house-structures at various points 
along the Missouri; thus they appear to have ascended that stream 
before the advent of the (|!egiha. During the historical period their 
movements were limited; they were first visited in the upper Missouri 
country by Sieur de la Verendrye in 1738. About 1750 they established 
two villages 07i the eastern side and seven on the western side of 
the Missouri, near the mouth of Heart river. Here they were assailed 
by the Asiniboin and Dakota and attacked by smallpox, and were 
greatly reduced ; the two eastern villages consolidated, and the people 


migrated np the Missouri to a poiut 1,430 miles above its moutli (as 
subsequently determiued by Lewis and Clark); the seven villages were 
soon reduced to five, and these people also ascended the river and 
formed two villages in the xVrikara couutry, near the Mandau of the 
eastern side, where they remained until about 1760, when they also 
consolidated. Thus the once powerful and populous tribe was reduced 
to two villages which, in 1801, were found by Lewis and Clark on 
opposite banks of the Missouri, about 1 miles below Knife river. Here 
for a time the tribe waxed and promised to regain the early prestige, 
reaching a population of 1,000 in 1837 ; but in that year they were again 
attacked by smallpox and almost annihilated, the survivors numbering 
only 31 according to one account, or 125 to 115 according to others. 
After this visitation they united in one village. When the Hidatsa 
removed from Knife river in 1845, some of the Mandaii accompanied 
them, and others followed at intervals as late as 1858, when only a few 
still remained at their old home. In 1872 a reservation was set apart 
for the Hidatsa and Arikara and the survivors of the Maudan on Mis- 
souri and Yellowstone rivers in Dakota and Montana, but in 1880 the 
reservation was reduced. According to the census returns, the Mandan 
numbered 252 in 1890. 


There has been much confusion concerning the definition and desig- 
nation of the Hidatsa Indians. They were formerly known as Minitari 
or Gros Ventres of the Missouri, in distinction from the Gros Ventres 
of the plains, who belong to another stock. The origin of the term 
Gros Ventres is somewhat obscure, and various observers have pointed 
out its inapplicability, especially to the well-formed Hidatsa tribesmen. 
According to Dorsey, the French pioneers probably translated a native 
term referring to a traditional buffalo paunch, which occujjics a promi- 
nent place in the Hidatsa mythology and which, in early times, led to 
a dispute and the separation of the Crow from the main group some 
time in the eighteenth century. 

The earlier legends of the Hidatsa are vague, but there is a defluite 
tradition of a migration northward, about 1765, from the neighborhood 
of Heart river, where they were associated with the Mandan, to Knife 
river. At least as early as 1796, according to Matthews, there were 
three villages belonging to this tribe on Knife river — one at the mouth, 
another half a mile above, and the third and largest 3 miles from the 
mouth. Here the i)eople were found by Lewis and Clark in 1804, and 
here they remained until 1837, when the scourge of smallpox fell and 
many of the people perished, the survivors uniting in a single village. 
About 1845 the Hidatsa and a part of the Mandan again migrated up 
the Missouri, and established a village 30 miles by land and 60 miles 
by water above their old home, within what is now Fort Berthold res- 
ervation. Their population has apparently varied greatly, partly by 

198 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth.ann.15 

reason of the ill definition of tlie tribe by different enumerators, partly 
by reason of tlie inroads of smallpox. In 1890 they numbered 522. 

The Crow people are known by the Hidatsa as Kihatsa (They-refused- 
the-i:)auuch), according to Matthews; and Dorsey points out that their 
own name, Absaruke, does not mean " crow," but refers to a variety of 
hawk. Lewis and Clark found the tribe in four bands. In 1817 Brown 
located them on Yellowstone river. In 1829 they were described by 
Porter as ranging along yellowstone river on the eastern side of the 
Rocky mountains, and numbered at 4,000; while in 1834, according to 
Drake, they occupied the southern branch of the Yellowstone, about 
the fortysixth parallel and one hundred and Jifth meridian, with a 
population of 4,500. In 1842 their number was estimated at 4,000, and 
they were described as inhabiting the headwaters of the Yellowstone. 
They have since been duly gathered on the Crow reservation in Mon- 
tana, and are slowly adopting civilization. In 1800 they numbered 


The history of the INIonakan, Catawba, Sara, Pedee, and Santee, and 
incidentally that of the Biloxi, has been carefully reviewed in a recent 
liublicatiou by Mooney,' and does not require repetition. 


On reviewing the records of explorers and pioneers and the few tra- 
ditions which have been preserved, the course of Siouan migration and 
development becomes clear. In general the movements were westward 
and northwestward. The Dakota tribes have not been traced far, 
though several of them, like the Yanktpnnai, migrated hundreds of 
miles from the period of first obsei'vation to the end of the eighteenth 
century; then came the Mandan, according to their tradition, and as 
they ascended the JNIissouri left traces of their occupancy scattered 
over 1,000 miles of migration; next the (pegiha descended the Ohio 
and passed from the cis-Mississippi forests over the trans-Mississippi 
plains — the stronger branch following the Mandan, while the lesser at 
first descended the great river and then worked up the Arkansas into 
the buffalo country until checked and diverted by antagonistic tribes. 
So also tlie j^aiwe're, first recorded near the Mississippi, pushed 300 
miles westward ; while the Winnebago gradually emigrated from the 
region of the Great Lakes into the trans-Mississippi country even 
before their movements were ail'ected by contact with white men. In 
like manner the Hidatsa are known to have flowed northwestward 
many scores of miles; and the Asiniboin swept more rapidly across the 
plains from the place of their rebellion against the Yanktonnai, on the 
Mississippi, before they found final resting place on the Saskatchewan 

1 Siuuan Tribes of the East, 1894. 


plains 500 or 800 miles away. All of tlie movements were consistent 
and, despite intertribal friction and strife, measurably harmonious. The 
lines of movement, so far as they can be restored, are in full accord 
with the lines of linguistic evolution traced by Hale and Dorsey and 
Gatschet, and indicate that some five hundred or possibly one thousand 
years ago the tribesmen pushed over the Appalachians to the Ohio and 
followed that stream and its tributaries to the ]\Iississipi)i (though there 
are faint indications that some of the early emigrants ascended the 
northern tributaries to the region of the Great Lakes); and that the 
human flood gained volume as it advanced and expanded to cover 
the entire region of the i)lains. The records concerning the movement 
of this great human stream lind support in the manifest reason for the 
movement; the reason was. the food quest by which all primitive men 
are led, and its end was the abundant fauna of the prairieland, with the 
butt'alo at its hedd. 

While the early population of the Siouan stock, when first the hunts- 
men crossed the Appalachians, may not be known, the lines of migra- 
tion indicate that the people increased and multiplied amain during 
their long journey, and that their numbers culminated, despite external 
conflict and internal strife, about the beginning of written history, 
when the Siouan population may have been 100,000 or more. Then 
came war against the whites and the still more deadly smallpox, 
whereby the vigorous stock was checked and crippled and the popula- 
tion gradually reduced; but since the first shock, which occurred at 
different dates in different parts of the great region, the Siouan pc^ople 
have fairly held their own, and some branches are perhaps gaining in 


■ As shown by Powell, there are two fundamentally distinct classes or 
stages in human society — (1) tribal society and (2) national society. 
National society characterizes civilization ; primarily it is organized on 
a territorial basis, but as enlightenmetit grows the bases are multi- 
plied. Tribal society is characteristic of savagery and barbarism; so 
far as known, all tribal societies are organized on the basis of kinship. 
The transfer from tribal society to national society is often, perhaps 
always, through feudalism, in which the territorial motive takes root 
and in which the kinship motive withers. 

All of the American aborigines north of Mexico and most of those 
farther southward were in the stage of tribal society when the conti- 
nents were discovered, though feudalism was apparently budding in 
South America, Central America, and parts of Mexico. The partly 
developed transitional stage may, for the present, be neglected, and 
American Indian sociology may be considered as representing tribal 
society or kinship organization. 

200 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth.ann.15 

The fundamental principles of tribal organization through kinship 
have been formulated by Powell; they are as follows:' 

I. A body of kimlred constituting a distinct body politic is divided into groups, 
the males into groups of brothers and the females into groups of sisters, on distinc- 
tions of generations, regardless of degrees of consanguinity; and the kinship terms 
used express relative age. In civilized society kinships are classified on distinctions 
of sex, distinctions of generations, and distinctions arising from degrees of consan. 

II. When descent is in the female line, the brother-group cousists of natal brothers, 
together with all the materterate male cousins of whatever degree. Thus mother's 
sisters' sons and mother's mother's sisters' daughters' sons, etc, are included in a 
group with natal brothers. In like manner the sister-group is composed of natal 
sisters, together with all materterate female cousins of whatever degree. 

III. When descent is in tlie male line, the brother-group is composed of natal 
brothers, together with all patruate male cousins of whatever degree, and the sister- 
group is comjiosed of natal sisters, together with all p.atruate female cousins of 
whatever degree. 

IV. The son of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group, father; 
the father of a member of a brother-group calls each one of the group, son. Thus a 
father-group is coextensive with the brother-grouji to which the father belongs. A 
brother-group may also constitute a father-group and grandfather-group, a son- 
group and a grandson-group. It may also be a patruate-group aud an avunculate- 
group. It may also be a patruate cousin-group aud an avunculate cousin-group ; 
and in general, every member of a brother-group has the same consanguineal relation 
to persons outside of the group as that of every other member. 

Two postulates concerning i^rimitive society, adopted by various eth- 
nologic students of other countries, have been erroneously applied to 
the American aborigines; at the same time they have been so widely 
accepted as to demand consideration. 

The first postulate is that primitive men were originally assembled 
in chaotic hordes, and that organized society was developed out of the 
chaoti*^ mass by the segregation of groups and the differentiation of 
functions within each group. Now the American aborigines collect- 
ively represent a wide range in development, extending from a condi- 
tion about as primitive as ever observed well toward the verge of 
feudalism, and thus offer opportunities for testing the postulate; and 
it has been found that when higher and lower stages representing any 
portion of the developmental succession are compared, the social organ- 
izations of the lower grade are no less definite, perhaps more definite, 
than those pertaining to the higher grade; so that when the history of 
demotic growth among the American Indians is traced backward, the 
organizations are found on the whole to grow more definite, albeit more 
simple. When the lines of development revealed through research are 
projected still farther toward their origin, they indicate an initial con- 
dition, directly antithetic to the postulated horde, in which the scant 
population was segregated in small discrete bodies, probably family 
groups; aud that in each of these bodies there was a definite organiza- 
tion, while each group was practically independent of, and probably 

' Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1881-82 (1884), pp. xliv-xlv. 


inimical to, all other groups. 'The testimouy of the observed institu- 
tions is corroborated by the testimony of language, which, as clearly 
shown by Powell,' represents progressive combination rather than con- 
tinued diftereutiation, a i)rocess of involution rather than evolution. 
It would appear that the original definitely organized groups occasion- 
ally met and coalesced, whereby changes in organization were required; 
that these compouud groups occasionally coalesced with other groiii^s 
both simple and compound, whereby they were elaborated in structure, 
always with some loss in definiteness and permanence; and that grad- 
ually the groups enlarged by incorporation, while the composite organ- 
ization grew complex and variable to meet the ever-changing condi- 
tions. It would also appear that in some cases the corporeal growth 
outran the structural or institutional growth, when the bodies — clans, 
gentes, tribes, or confederacies — split into two or more fragments which 
continued to gi-o^v independently; yet that in general the progress of 
institutional development went forward through incorporation of peoiiles 
and dift'erentiation of institutions. The same process was followed as 
tribal society iiassed into national society; and it is the same process 
■which is today exalting national society into world society, and trans- 
forming simple civilization into enlightenment. Thus the evolution of 
social organization is from the simple and definite toward the complex 
and variable; or from the involuntary to the voluntary ; or from the 
environment-shaped to the environment-shaping; or from the biotic to 
the demotic. 

The second postulate, which may be regarded as a corollary of the 
first, is that the primary conjugal condition was one of promiscuity, 
out of which different forms ot marriage were successively segregated. 
Now the wide i-ange in institutional development exemplified by the 
American Indians affords unprecedented opportunities for testing this 
postulate also. The simplest demotic unit found among the aborigines 
is the clan or mother-descent group, in which the normal conjugal rela- 
tion is essentially monogamous,^ in which marriage is more or less 
strictly regulated by a system of prohibitions, and in which the chief 
conjugal regulation is commonly that of exogamy with resiject to the 
clan ; in higher groups, more deeply affected by contact with neighbor- 
ing peoples, the simple clan organization is sometimes found to be 
modified, (1) by the adoption and subsequent conjugation of captive 
men and boys, and, doubtless more profoundly, (2) by the adoption 
and polygamous marriage of female captives; and in still more highly 
organized groups the mother-descent is lost and polygamy is regular 
and limited only by the capacity of the husband as a provider. The 
second and third stages are commonly characterized, like the first, 

•Notably ia "Relation of primitive peoples to environment, illustrated by American examples," 
Smithsonian Keport for 1896, pp. C'2.5-638, esperially p. 635. 

^Neither space nor present occasion warrants discussion of tbe curious aphrodiBian cults found 
among many peoples, usually in tbe barbaric stage of development; it raay be noted merely that this 
is an aberrant branch from the main stem of institutional growth. The subject is touched brieiiy in 
"The beginnins of marriage," American Anthropologist, vol. IX, pp. 371-383, Nov., 1896. 

202 • THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

by established prohibi'tious and by clau exogamy; tliougli with the 
advance in organization amicable relations with certain other groups 
are usually established, whereby the germ of tribal organization is 
implanted and a system of interclan marriage, or tribal endogamy, is 
developed. With further advance the mother descent group is trans- 
formed into a father-descent group, when the clan is replaced by the 
gens; and polygamy is a common feature of the gentile organization. 
In all of these stages the conjugal and consanguineal regulations are 
aflected by the militant habitifcharacteristic of jirimitive groups; more 
warriors than women are slain in battle, and there are more female 
captives than male; and thus the polygamy is mainly or wholly 
polygyny. In many cases civil conditions combine with or partially 
replace the militant conditions, yet the tendency of conjugal develop- 
ment is not changed. Among the Seri Indians, probably the most 
primitive tribe in North America, in which the demotic unit is the 
clan, there is a rigorous marriage custom under which the would-be 
groom is required to enter the family of. the girl and demonstrate (1) 
his capacity as a provider and (2) his strength of character as a man, 
by a year's probation, before he is finally accepted— the conjugal the- 
ory of the tribe being monogamy, though the jjractice, at least during 
recent years, has, by reason of conditions, passed into polygyny. 
Among several other tribes of more provident and less exclusive habit, 
the first of the two conditions recognized by the Seri is met by rich 
presents (representing accumulated property) from the groom to the 
girl's family, the second condition being usually ignored, the clan 
organization remaining in force; among still other tribes the first con- 
dition is more or less vaguely recognized, though the voluntary present 
is commuted into, or replaced by, a negotiated value exacted by the 
girl's family, when the mother descent is commonly vestigial; and in 
the next stage, which is abundantly exemplified, wife-purchase pre- 
vails, and the clan is replaced by the gens. In this succession the 
development of wife-purchase and the decadence of mother descent 
may be traced, and it is significant that there is a tendency first toward 
partial enslavement of the wife and later toward the multiplication of 
wives to the limit of the husband's means, and toward transforming 
all, or all but one, of the wives into menials. Thus the lines of devel- 
opment under militant and civil conditions are essentially parallel. It 
is possible to project these lines some distance backward into the 
unknown of the exceedingly primitive, when they are found to define 
small discrete bodies — ^just such as are indicated by the institutional 
and linguistic lines — probably family groups, which must have been 
essentially, and were perhaps strictly, monogamous. It would appear 
that in these groups mating was either between distant members 
(under a law of attraction toward the remote and repulsion from the 
near, which is shared by mankind and the higher animals), or the result 
of accidental meeting between nubile members of different groups; 
that in the second case and sometimes in the first the conjugation 


produced a new monogauiic family ; and that sometimes in the first case 
(and possibly in the second) the new group retained a more or less 
definite connection with the parent group — this connection constituting 
the germ of the clan. In passing, it may be noted merely that this 
inferential origin of the lines of institutional development is in accord 
with the habits of certain higher and incipiently organized animals. 
From this hypothetic beginning, primitive marriage may be traced 
through the various observed stages of monogamy and polygamy and 
concubinage and wife-subordination, through savagery and barbarism 
and into civilization, with its curious combination of exoteric monog- 
amy and esoteric promiscuity. Fortunately the burden of the proof 
of this evolution does not now rest wholly on the evidence obtained 
among the American aborigines; for Westermarck has recently re- 
viewed the records of observation among the primitive peoples of many 
lands, and has found traces of the same sequence in all.' Thus the 
evolution of marriage, like that of other human institutions, is from 
the simple and definite to the complex and variable; i. e., from approx- 
imate or complete monogamy through polygamy to a mixed status of 
undetermined signification; or from the mechanical to the spontaneous; 
or from the involuntary to the voluntary; or from the provincial to the 

As implied in several foregoing paragraphs, and as clearly set forth 
in various publications by Powell, tribal society falls into two classes 
or stages — (1) clan organization and (2) gentile organization, these 
stages corresponding respectively to savagery and barbarism, strictly 

At the time of discovery, most of the American Indians were in the 
upper stages of savagery and the lower stages of barbarism, as defined 
by organization ; among some tribes descent was reckoned in the female 
line, though definite nuitriarchies have not been discovered; among 
several tribes descent was and still is reckoned in the male line, and 
among all of the tribes thus far investigated the patriarchal system is 

In tribal society, both clan and gentile, the entire social structure is 
based on real or assumed kinship, and a large part of the demotic 
devices are designed to establish, perpetuate, and advertise kinsliip 
relations. As already indicated, tlie conspicuous devices in order of 
development are the taboo with the prohibitions growing out of it, 
kinship nomenclature and regulations, and a system of ordination by 
which incongruous things are brought into association. 

Among the American Indians the taboo and derivative prohibitions 
are used chiefly in connection with marriage and clan or gentile organ- 
ization. Marriage in the clan or gens is prohibited ; among many tribes 
a vestige of the inferential jirimitive condition is found in the curious 

* The History of Human Marriage (London, 3891), especially chapters i^"-vi, xiii-sv, ss-xxii. 

204 THE SIOUAN INDIANS [eth. ann. 15 

prohibition of communications between cbildrenin-law and parents-in- 
law; the clan taboos are commonly connected with the tutelar beast- 
god, perhaps represented by a totem. 

The essential feature of the kinship terminology is the reckoning 
from ego, whereby each individual remembers his own relation to every 
other member of the clan or tribe ; and commonly the kinship terms 
are classiflc rather than descriptive (i. e., a single term expresses the 
relation which in English is expressed by the phrase "My elder 
brother's second son's wife"). The system is curiously complex and 
elaborate. It was not discovered by the earlier and more superficial 
observers of the Indians, and was brought out chiefly by Morgan, who 
detected numerous striking examples among different tribes; but it 
would appear that the system is not equally complete among all of the 
tribes, probably because of immature development in some cases and 
because of decadence in others. 

The system of ordination, like that of kinship, is characterized by 
reckoning from the ego and by adventitious associations. It may have 
been developed from the kinship system through the need for recogni- 
tion and assignment of adopted captives, collective property, and other 
things pertaining to the group; yet it bears traces of influence by the 
taboo system. Its ramifications are wide: In some cases it emphasizes 
kinship by assigning members of the family group to fixed positions 
about the camp-fire or in the house; this function develops into the 
placement of family groups in fixed order, as exemjjlified in the Iro- 
quoian long-house and the Siouan camping circle; or it develops into a 
curiously exaggerated direction-concept culminating in the cult of the 
Four Quarters and the Here, and this prepares the way for a quinary, 
decimal, and vigesimal numeration ; this last branch sends off' another 
in which the cult of the Six Quarters and the Here arises to prepare 
the way for the mystical numbers 7, 13, and 7x7, whose vestiges come 
down to civilization ; both the four-quarter and the six-quarter associa- 
tions are sometimes bound up with colors; and there ai'e numberless 
other ramifications. Sometimes the function and development of these 
curious concepts, which constitute perhaps the most striking charac- 
teristic of prescriptorial culture, are obscure at first glance, and hardly 
to be discovered even through prolonged research; yet, so far as they 
have been detected and interpreted, they are especially adapted to fix- 
ing demotic relations; and through them the manifold relations of indi- 
viduals and groups are crystallized and kept in mind. 

Thus the American Indians, including the Siouan stock, are made up 
of families organized into clans or gentes, and combined in tribes, 
sometimes united in confederacies, all on a basis of kinship, real or 
assumed; and the organization is shaped and perpetuated by a series 
of devices pertaining to the plane of prescriptorial culture, whereby 
each member of the organization is constantly reminded of his position 
in the group. 




Ill 1871, at tlie age of 23, James Owen Dorsey, previously a student 
of divinity witli a predilection for science, was ordained a deacon of 
the Protestant Episcopal church by the bishop of Virginia; and in May 
of that year he was sent to Dakota Territory as a missionary among 
the Ponka Indians. Characterized by an amiability that quickly won 
the confidence of the Indians, possessed of unbounded enthusiasm, 
and gifted with remarkable aptitude in discriminating and imitating 
vocal sounds, he at once took up the study of the native language, 
and, during the ensuing two years, familiarized himself with the 
Ponka and cognate dialects; at the same time he obtained a rich 
fund of information concerning the arts, institutions, traditions, and 
beliefs of the Indians with whom he was brought into daily contact. 
lu August, IST.'i, his field work was interrupted by illness, and he 
returned to his home iu Maryland and assumed parish work, meantime 
continuing his linguistic studies. In July, 1878, he was induced by 
Maj >r Powell to resume field researches among the aborigines, and 
repaired to the Omaha reservation, in Nebraska, under the auspices of 
the Smithsonian Institution, where he greatly increased his stock of 
linguistic and otlier material. When the Bureau of Ethnology was 
instituted m 1870, his services were at once enlisted, and the remainder 
of his life was devoted to the collection and publication of ethnologic 
material, chiefly linguistic. Although most of his energies were devoted 
to the Siouau stock, he studied also the Athapascan, Kusan, Takilman, 
and Yakonan stocks ; and while his researches were primarily linguistic, 
his collections relating to other subjects, especially institutions and 
beliefs, were remarkably rich. His i)ublications were many, yet the 
greater part of the material amassed during his years of labor remains 
for elaboration by others. The memoir on "Siouan Sociology," which 
was substantially ready for the press, is the only one of his many manu- 
scripts left iu condition for publication. He died in Washington, 
February i, 1895, of typhoid fever, at the early age of 47. 

AV J M. 


a, as ID father. 

'a, an initially explorled a. 

5, as in lohat, or a« o in not, 

'a, an initially exploded a. 

a, as in hat. 

c, as sh in she. See s. 

0, a medial sh, a sonant-snrd. 

6 (Dakota letter), as ch in church. 

5, as th in thin. 

6, a medial f, sonant-surd. 
$, as /A in the. 

e, as in they. 

'e, an initially exploded e. 

e, as in get. 

'e, an initially exploded e. 

g, as in flo. 

g (in Dakota), flh. See x. 

H (in Osage), an h after a pure or nasal- 
ized vowel, expelled through the mouth 
with the lips wide apart. 

li (in Dakota), kh, etc. See q. 

i, as in machine. 

'i, an initially exploded i. 

i, as infill. 

j, as s in azure, or as j in the French 

3f, a medial k, a sonant-surd. 

k', an exploded k. See next letter. 

k (in Dakota), an exploded k. 

TO(inKansa), amedialm, asound between 
m and b. 

5 (in Dakota), after a vowel has the sound 
of n in the French hon. See ". 

fi, as 11(1 in sing. 

lin, its initial sound is expelled from the 
nostrils and is scarcely heard. 

o, as in no. 

'o, an initially exploded o. 

d, ii medial b or p, a sonaut-surd. 

p', an exploded p. 

q, as German ch in ach. See li. 

8, a medial z or s, a sonant-surd. 

s (in Dakota), as sh in she. See c. 

%, a medial d or t, a sonant-surd. 

t', an exploded t. 

u, as 00 in tool. 

'u, an initially exploded u. 

u, as 00 in foot. 

n, a sound between o and u. 

ii, as in German kiih], suss. 

X, gh, or nearly the Arabic ghain. See g. 

z (in Dakota), as s in azure. See j. 

dj, a.s j in judge. 

tc, as ch in church. See c. 

tc', an exploded tc. 

%o, a medial tc, a sonant-surd. 

ts', an exploded ts. 

%s, a medial ts, a sonant-surd. 

ai, as iu enisle. 

au, as ow in how. 

yu, as « in tune, or ew in few. 

The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, 1, m, n, 
p, r, s, t, w, y, and z. A superior n (") after a vowel (compare the Da- 
kota ij) has the sound of the French n in bon, rin, etc. A plus sign ( + ) 
after any letter prolongs it. 

The vowels 'a, 'e, 'i, 'o, 'u, and their modifications are styled initially 
exploded vowels for want of a better ajipellation, there being in each 
case an initial explosion. These vowels are approximately or partially 
pectoral sounds found in the Siouan languages and also in some of the 
languages of western Oregon and iu the language of the Hawaiian 



General features of organization 213 

Tbe Dakota tiiV)e8 215 

Desiynatiou and mode of camping 215 

The Mde waka"to" wa" 215 

Tlie \Va(ji)e-kute 21G 

Tbe \Vaiiiie-to"\va" or Walipeton 216 

Tbe Sisito 'wa" or.Sisseton 21G 

Thr Ibauktonwa" or Yankton 217 

Tbe Ihai"ikto"wa"na or Yanktonai 217 

The Tito"wa" or Teton 218 

Tribal divisions 218 

The 8it<a"xii 218 

The Itaziptco 219 

The Siha-sapa or Blaekfeet 219 

TheMinikooju 220 

The Oohe-nCjia or Two Kettles 220 

TheOglala. 220 

Tbe Hnnkpapa 221 

Dakota social customs 221 

TheAsiniboin 222 

The Omaha 226 

The Ponka 228 

The Quapaw or K wapa 229 

The Kaijze or Kansa 230 

The Osage 233 

The Iowa 238 

TheOto 240 

The Ni-n -t'a-tci or Missouri 240 

The Hotcangara or Winnebago 240 

The Manilan 241 

'Ihe Ilidatsa 242 

The Crow or Absaroka j 213 

TheBiloxi 243 

IheTutelo 244 

The Catawba 244 

15 ETH 14 



Ficihe 30. SissetoTi and AVabpetdii laiiipinj: circle :il6 

31. Sisaetoii camping circle - - — 217 

32. .Sitca"su campini; circle - 219 

33. Oj.;lala cani]>ing circle 221 

34. Omaha camping circle 226 

35. Inke-sabe gentile assembly 227 

36. Ponka camping circle 228 

37. Kansa camping circle 230 

38. Osage camping circle 233 



By James Owen Dorsey 


In the study of the organization of societies, units of diftereut orders 
are discovered. Among the tribes of the Siouau family the primary 
unit is the clan or gens, which is composed of a number of consan- 
guinei, claiming descent from a common ancestor and having common 
taboos; the term clan implying descent in the female line, while gens 
implies descent in the male line. Among the Dakota, as among the 
(|'egiha and other groups, the man is the head of the family. 

Several of the Siouau tribes are divided into two, and one (the 
Osage) is divided into three subtribes. Other tribes are composed of 
phrati'ies, and each subtribe or phratry comprises a number of gentes. 
In some tribes each gens is made up of subgentes, and these in turn 
of a lower order of groups, which are provisionally termed sections for 
want of a better designation. The existence of these minor groups 
among the Omaha has been disputed by some, though other members 
of the tribe claim that they are real units of the lowest order. Among 
the Teton many groups which were originally sections have become 
gentes, for the marriage laws do not affect the original phratries, 
gentes, and subgentes. 

The state, as existing among the Siouau tribes, may be termed a 
kinship state, in that the governmental functions are performed by 
men whose offices are determined by kinship, and in that the rules 
relating to kinship and reproduction constitute the main body of the 
recognized law. By this law marriage and the mutual rights and 
duties of the several members of each body of kindred are regulated. 
Individuals are held responsible chiefly to their kindred; and certain 
groups of kindred are in some cases held responsible to other groups 
of kindred. When other conduct, such as the distributiou of game 
taken in the forest or fish from the waters, is regulated, the rules or 
laws pertaining thereto involve, to a certain extent, the considerations 
of kinship. 


214 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eth. ann. 15 

Tlie legislative, executive, and Judicative functions have not been 
diilereutiated in Indian society as found among tlie Siouaii groujis. 
Two tendencies or processes of opposite cliaracter have been observed 
among the tribes, viz, consolidation and segregation. The effects of 
consolidation are conspicuous among the Omaha, Kansa, Osage, and 
Oto, while segregation has affected the social organization among the 
Kansa, Ponlja, and Teton. There have been instances of emigration 
from one tribe to another of the same linguistic family; and among the 
Dakota new geutes have been formed by the adoption into the tribe of 
foreigners, i. e., those of a different stock. 

Two classes of organization are found in the constitutiou of the 
state, viz, (1) major organizations, which relate directly to government, 
and (2) minor organizations, which relate only indirectly to govern- 
ment. The former embraces the state functionaries, the latter com- 
prises corporations. 

Although the state functionaries are not clearly differentiated, tliree 
classes of such men have been recognized: chiefs, policemen or sol- 
diers, and young men or " the common peoj)le." The chiefs are the 
civil and religious leaders of the masses; the iiolicemen are the serv- 
ants of the chiefs; the young men are such as have not distinguished 
themselves in war or in any other way. These last have no voice in 
the assembly, which is composed of the chiefs alone. Among the 
Omaha there is no military class, yet there is a war element which is 
regulated by the Elk gens. The (|'ixi(la gens and 2)art of the Nika- 
uaona gens of the Pouka tribe are considered to be the warriors of the 
tribe, though members of other gentes have participated in war. In 
the Kansa tribe two geutes, the Large Hahga, and the Small Hanga, 
form the i)hratry connected with war, thongli warriors did not neces- 
sarily belong to those gentes alone. In the Osage camping circle all 
the geutes on the right side are war gentes, but the first and second, 
reckoning from the van, are the soldiers or policemen; while all the 
gentes camping on the left are associated with peace, though their first 
and second gentes, reckoning from the van, are i>olicemen or soldiers. 
Among tlie Oiuaha both officers aud warriors must be taken from the 
class of " j'ouug men,"' as the chiefs are afraid to act as leaders in war; 
and among both the Omaha aud the Pouka the chiefs, being the civil 
and religious leaders of the people, can not serve as captains, or even 
as members, of an ordinary war party, though they may fight when 
the whole tribe engages in war. Among the Dakota, however, chiefs 
have led in time of war. 

Corporations among the Siouan tribes are minor organizations, indi- 
rectly related to the government, tliougii they do not constitute a part 
of it. The Omaha, for instance, and perhaps other tribes of the family, 
are organized into certain societies for religious, industrial, and other 
ends. There are two kinds of societies, the brotherhoods and the 
feasting organizations. The former are the dancing societies, to some 
of which the i)hysicians belong. 


Social classes are uudiflerentiati'd. Any man can win a name and 
rank iu the section, geus, ijbratry, tribe, or nation by bravery in war or 
by generosity in the bestowal of presents and the frecjnent giving of 
feasts. While there are no slaves among tlie Siouan tribes, there are 
several kinds of servants in civil, military, and religious aii'airs. 


The Dakota call themselves Otceti cakowi" (Oceti sakowii)'), The 
Seven Fireplaces or Council-tires. This dosignatiou refers to their 
original gentes, the Mdewaka"to"wa" (Mdewakaij-toijwaij), Waqpe- 
kute ( Walipe kute), Waqpe-to"wa" (Walipetoijwaij), Sisito"wa" (Sisitoij- 
waij), Ihank to"wa" (Ihaijktoijwaij), lhaiik-to"wa"na (Ihaijktoywaijna), 
and Tito''wa" (Titoijway). They camped in two sets of concentric cir- 
cles, one of four circles, consisting probably of the Mdewaka"to"wa", 
"\Va(ipe-kute, Waqpeto"wa" and Sisito"wa"; and the other of three cir 
cles, including the IhaLikto"wa", Ihankto"wa''na, and Tito"wa", as shown 
by the dialectal resemblances and variations as well as by the relative 
positions of their former habitats. 


The Mdewaka"to"wa" were so called from their former habitat, Mde- 
waka", or JMysterious lake, commonly called Spirit lake, one of the 
Mille Lacs in Minnesota. The whole name means Mysterious Lake 
village, and the term was used by De I'Isle as early as 1703. The 
Muewaka"to"wa" were the original Santee, but the white people, fol- 
lowing the usage of the Iharikto"wa", Ihahkto"wa"na, and Tito''wa", 
now extend that name to the Waqpekiite, Waqpeto"wa", and Sisito"wa". 
The gentes of the Mdewaka"to"wa" are as follows:'' 

1. Kiyuksa, Breakers (of the law or custom); so called because mem- 
bers of this gens disregarded the marriage law by taking wives within 
the gens. 

2. Qe-mini-tca" (He-mini-caij) or Qemnitca (Hemni<5a), literally, 
"Mountain-water- wood;" so called from a hill covered with timber that 
appears to rise out of the water. This was the gens of Ked Wing, 
■whose village was a short distance from Lake Pepin, Minnesota. 

3. Kap'oja (Kapoza), Not encumbered-with-much l)aggage; "Light 
Infantry." " Kaposia, or Little ("row's village," in Minnesota, in 1S52. 

4. Maxa-yute-cni (Magayute-sni), Eats-no-geese. 

5. Qeyata-oto"we (Heyata otoi^we), of-its chief-Hake- wacte (Hake 
waste); Qeyata-to"wa" (lieyata-toijwaij) of Reverend A. L. Kiggs, Vil- 

'Wherever iii this paper there is a double notation of a Dakota name the former is expresaed in the 
alphabet of tho Bureau of Ethnology and the latter in tliat of Dr S. K. Riggt, author of the memoirs 
in Contributions to JJorth Ameriean Ethnology, vols, vil and ix. 

'S. R. Riggs in Smithsonian Cimtnliutious to Knowledge, vol. IV, p. xvi, 1S52. and in Contributions 
to North American Ethnology, vol. ix. 


[ETH. ANS. 15 

G. Oyatecitca (Oyate sic^a), Bad nation. 

7. Ti"ta-oto"we (Tiijta-otoijwe), of Hake-wacte, or Tinta to°wa" (Tiijta- 
toijwaij) of A. L. Eiggs, Village ontbe-prairie (tiijta). 
These seven geutes still exist, or did exist as late as 1880. 


The name waqpekute is derived from waqpe (wahpe), leaf, and kute, 
to shoot at, and signifies Shootersamong-theleaves, i. e., among the 
decidnons trees, as distinguished from Wazi kute, Shooters-atoramong- 
the pines. The gentes exist, but their names have not been recorded. 


The name of this people signifies Village-among the-leaves (of decid- 
uous trees), the gens being known to the whites as Leaf Village or 
Wahpeton. The gentes of this people, as given in 1884 by Reverend 
Edward Ashley, ai'e the following: 

13. I"ya"-tceyaka-ato"wa° (Iijyaij-ce- 
yakaatoijwaij), Village at- the-dam or- 

14. Takapsinto^wa'Tia (Takapsin-toi)- 
waijna). Village at- theshinny-ground. 

15. Wiyakaotina,Dwellersou-thesand 

10. Oteqi-ato^wa" (Otelii-atoijwaij), Vil- 
lage-in-the-thicket (otelii). 

17. Wita-otina, Dwellers-ontheisland 

Fig. 30-Sis3eton and Wahpeton campinj; 18. WakparatO"Wa" (Wakpa-atOIJ Wai)), 

circle. \^-n „ ..i 

V nlageon-tlie river. 

19. Tca"-kaxa-otina (Oau-kagaotiua), Dwellersin-log (huts?). 

The numbers prefixed to the names of these gentes denote their 
respective places in the camping circle of the Sisseton and Wahpetou, 
as shown iu figure 30. 


It is evident that the Sisseton were foi'merly in seven divisions, the 
Wita-waziyata-otina and the Ohdilie being counted as one; the Bas- 
detce-cni and Itokaqtina as another; the Ka<imi-ato"wa°, Maniti, and 
Keze as a third, and the Tizapta" and Okopeya as a fifth. When only 
a part of the tribe journeyed together, the people camped in the follow- 
ing manner: The Amdo-wapuskiyapi pitched their tents between the 
west and north, the Wita-waziyata-otina between the north and east, 
the Itokaq-tina between the east and south, and the Kap'qja between 
the south and west. The following are the Sisseton geutes (figure 31): 

1. Wita-waziyata-otina, Village-at-the-north-island. 


2. Obdihe (from obiliha", to fall iuto an object endwise). Tbis gens 
is an oflff^boot of tbe Wlta-waziyata-otina. 

3. Basdctct'-cni (Basdec'-e-sni), Do-not-split (tbe body of a buttalo)- 
witb-a knife (but cut it up as tliey please). 

4. Itokaq-tiua (Itokali-tina), Dwellers-at-tbe-soutb (itokaga). Tbese 
are an ott'sboot of tbe Basdetce-cni. 

5. Ka(|iiii at()"wa" (Kalimiatoijwaij), Village-at-tbe-bend (kabmin). 

(I. Mani ti, Tbose-wbo-camp (ti)-away-from-tbt'-vil]age. \u ufisboot 
of tbe Ka(imiato"wa". 

7. Keze, Barbed-like-a flsbbook. An oflfslioot of tbe Kaqmi-ato"wa". 

8. Tca"knte (Caij knte), Sbooi-iu-tbe-woods ( anion jj tbe deciduous 
trees); a name of derision. Tbese people, according to Asbley, resem- 
ble tbe Keze, wbom be styles a "cross clan." 

9. Ti-zapta" (Ti-zaptaij), Five-lodges. 

10. Okopeya, lu-danger. An oti'sboot of tbe Ti-zai>ta''. 

11. Kap'oja (Kapoza), Tbose-wbo-travel-witb-ligbt-burdens. (See 
numbers of tbe Mdewaka°to"wa".) 

12. Aiudo-wapuskiyapi, Tbose-wbo-lay- 
meat-on-tbeir-sboulders (amdo) -to- dry- it 


Tbe Yankton and Yaiiktonai speak tbe 
Yankton dialect, wliicli lias many words 
in commou witb tbe Teton. 

In 1878 Walking Elk wrote the names 
of tbe Yankton gentes in tbe following 
order: 1, Tca"-kute (Can kute), Sboot-in- „,^ „ a- „, • • , 

' ^ / ' Fig. 31 — ^issetoii rampniir circle. 

tbe- woods; 2, Tcaxu (Cagu), Liglits or 

lungs; 3, Wakmuba-oi" (Wakmuba oiij),Pumpkiu-rind-earriug; 4, Ilia- 
isdaye, Moutb-greasers; .5, Watceu"pa (Waceuijpa), Boasters; (i, Ikinu" 
(Ikinuij), An animal of tbe cat kind (lynx, jiantlier, or wildcat); 7, 
Oyate-citca (Oyate-sica), Bad-nation; 8, Wacitcu"-tci"tca (Wasicuij- 
ciijca) (a modern addition), Sons-of-wbite-meu, tbe "Half-blood band.'' 
But in IS'Jl Reverend Josepb W. Cook, wbo bas been missionary to 
tbe Yankton since 1870, obtained from several men tbe following order 
of gentes (ignoring tbe balf-bloods) : On tbe rigbt side of tbe circle 
were, 1, Iba isdaye; 2, Wakmuba-oi"; 3, Ikmu". On tbe left side of 
the circle were, 4, Watceu"pa; 5, Tca"-kute; 0, Oyate-citca; and, 7, 


The Yanktouai are divided into tbe Upper and Lower Yaiiktonai, 
tbe latter being known as the Huhkpatina, Those-camping-at one-end 
(or " horn ")-of-the-tribal-circle. 

218 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY |eth,axn.15 

Tlie Upper Yanktoimi geiites are as follows: 1, Tca"-ona (<'aij oiia), 
Sboot-at trees, or Wazi-kute, Sbootersamong-thi'-piiies; from these the 
Ho-he or Asiniboiu have sprang. 2, Takiui, Iniproved-iu-conditiou 
(as a lean animal or a poor man). 3, Cikcitcena (Siksieena), Bad-ones-of- 
difi'erent-sorts. 4, Bakiho" (Bakihoij), Gasb-themselveswith-knives. 
5, Kiyuksa, Breakers (of the law or custom); see Mdewaka"to"wa" 
gens nnmber 1. 6, Pabaksa, Cnt-heads; some of tliese are on Devils 
Lake reservation, jSTortli Dakota. 7, Name forgotten. 

The following are the gentes of the Lower Yanktonai, or Hunkpatina : 
1, Putetemini, Sweat-lips; the gens of Maxa-homdu or Drifting Goose. 
ii, Cii"-iktceka (8uij ikceka), Common dogs. 3, Ta(iuhayuta (Taliuha- 
yuta), Eat-the-scrapings-of-hides. 4, Sa"-ona (Say-ona), Shotat-some- 
white-ohjeet; this name originated from killing iin albino buffalo; a 
Hunkpapa chief said that refugees or strangers from another tribe 
were so called. 5, Ihaca (Iha-sa), Kedlips. 0, Ite-xu (Ite-gu), Burned- 
face. 7, Pte-yute-cni (Pte-yute-sni), Eat-no-buffalo-cows. 


The Teton are divided into seven tribes, which were formerly gentes. 
These are the Sitca"xu (Sicangu), Itaziptco (Itazipco), Siha-sapa, Mini- 
kooju (Miuikoozu), Oohe-no"pa (Oohe-noijpa), Oglala, and Huiikpapa. 


The Sitca"xu, Bois Brules or Burned Thighs, are divided locally into 
(1) Qeyata-witcaca (Heyata wicasa), People-away-from-the-river, the 
Highland or Upper Brnle, and (2) the Kud (Kuta or Ku"ta) -witcaca, 
the Lowland or Lower Bruh'-. The Sitca"xu are divided socially into 
gentes, of which the nnmber has increased in recent years. The fol- 
lowing names of their gentes were given to the author in ISSO by 
Tatanka-waka", Mysterious Buffalo-bull: 1, lyak'oza (lyakoza). Lump 
(or wart) -on-a-horse's-leg. 2, Tcoka-towela (Ooka-towela), Blue-spot-in- 
the middle. 3, Giyo-tanka (Siyo-tayka), Large grouse or prairie chicken. 
4, Ilo-mna, Fish-smellers. 5, Ciyo subula (»Siyo subula), Sharp-tail 
grouse. G, Ka"\i-yuha(Kaijgi-yulia). Raven keepers. 7,Pispiza-witcaca 
(Pispiza- wicasa), Prairie-dog people. 8, Walexa-n"-woha" (VValega uij 
wohaij). Boil-food- with-theiiaunch-skin (walega). 9, Watceu"pa (Wace- 
ui}pa), Roasters. 10, Cawala (Sawala), Shawnee; tlie descendants of a 
Shawnee chief adopted into the tribe. 11, Iharikto"wa" (Ihaijktoi;waij), 
Yaukton, so called from their mothers, Yankton women ; not an origi- 
nal Sitca°xu gens. 12, Naqpaqpa (Nahpalipa), Takedown (their) -leg- 
gings (after returning from war). 13, Apewa"-tafika (Apewaij taijka), 
Big manes (of horses). 

In 1SS4 Reverend W. J. Cleveland sent the author the accompany- 
ing diagram (figure 32) and the following list of Sitca"xu gentes, con- 
taining names which he said were of very recent origin: 1, Sitca"xu 



proper. 2, Kak'exaf Kiikejia), Makiiiga gratiiig-sound. 3a, Hi"lia" cfi"- 
wapa (Iliijliaijsuiiwapa), Towardthe-owl-featlier. 3b, Cuukaba-iiai) i" 
(Sai)kalia iiapiij), Wcars-adogskin around-tlie iiecsk. 4, Hiba ka"ha"- 
ba" wi" (Ili-lia kaijbaijliaij wiij), Woinau (wiij) -tbe-skiii (ba) 
teetb (bi) -daiij^les (kaijbaijbaij). ~>, lirifikiiwauitea (Hiiijkuwaiiira), 
Witliont-a-inotber. 6, Miiiiskuya kitc'ii" (Miuiskuya kiOiiij), Wears 
salt. 7a, Kiyiiksa, Breaksor-ciits iu twobis-owu (custom, etc; proba- 
bly referring to tbe marriage law; see Mdewaka"to°wa" gens number 
1). 7b, Ti-glabu, Druins-iiibls own-lodge. 8, Watceu"pa ( Wacenijpa), 
Eoasters. 9, Wagluqe (Wagbdic), Followers, commonly called loaf- 
ers; A. L. Eiggs tbinks tbe word means "in-breeders." 10, Isa^yati 
(Isaijyati), Santee (probablj- derived from tbe Mdewaka"to"wa"). 11, 
Wagmeza-yiiba, Has corn. 12a, Walexa-o"-woba" (Walega-oij-wobaij), 
Boils-witb-tbepauncb skill. 12b, Wa([na (Wabna), Snorts. 13, Oglala- 
itc'itcaxa (Oglala icicaga), Jlakes-biinself aii-Oglala. 14, Tiyotcesli 
(Tiyocesli), Dungs in tbe lodge. 15, Wajaja (Wazaza), Osage ( ? ). 16, 
Ieskatci°tca (leskacii)ca), Interpre- 
ter'ssons; "balf bloods." 17,Obe no"pa 
(Obe-noijpa), Two boilings or kettles. 
IS, Okaxawitcaca ( Okaga-wicasa), 


Tbe Itaziptco (Itazip6o), in full, Ita- 
zipa-tcoda" (Itazipa-codaij), Witbout- 
bows or Sans Arcs, bad seven gentes, 
according to Waanata" or Cbarger, in 
18S0 and 1884: 1, Itaziptco(itca (Ita- 
zipcolii'a), Real Itaziptco, also called 
Mini-cala (Mini-sala), lied water. 2, 
Cinaluta-oi" (Sina-luta-oiy), Scarletclotb-earriug. 3, Woluta-yuta, 
Eat-dried-venison (or buft'alo meat) -fromtbe-biud-quarter. 4, Maz-peg- 
naka, Wear (pieces-of) -metal-in-tbe bair. 5, Tatanka-tcesli (Tataijlia- 
cesli), Dungof-a-buffalo bull. G, Cikcitcela (Siksicela), Bad-onesof- 
different-kinds. 7, Tiyoi)a-otca"nu"pa (Tiyopaocaijnuijpa), Smokes-at- 


Tbe following are tbe geutes of tbe Siba-sapa or Blackfeet as given 
by Peji or Jolin Grass, in 1880: 1, Siba-sapa-qtca, Real Blackfeet. 2, 
Ka°xi-cu"-peguaka (Kaijgi-suij-pegnaka), Wears-raveu-featbers-iu-tbe- 
hair. 3, Glagla-betca (Glagla-beca), Untidy, slovenly ( "Too lazy to tie 
tbeir moccasins" ). 4, Wajaje ( Wazaze ; Ivill Eagle's band ; named after 
Kill Eagle's fatber, wbo was a Wajaje of tbe Oglala tribe). 5, Hobe, 
Asiniboin. G, Waniuuxa-oi° (Wamnuga-oiij), Sbell-ear-peudant. In 
1884 Reverend H. Swift obtained tbe following from Waanata" or 
Cbarger as tbe true list of Sibasapa gentes: 1, Ti-zapta" ^Ti-zaptaij), 

Fio. 32 

in ' 3 

-Sitc;i"xu cjiiiipiii;^ 

220 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eth. ann. 15 

Five lodges. 2, Siha-sapa-qtca, Eeal Blackfeet. 3, Holie, Asiniboin. 
4, Ka"xi-cu"-pegiiaka (as above). 5, Wajaje (as above). 6, Waiimuxa- 
oi" (as above). Mr Swift stated that there was uo Silia-sapa division 
called Glagla-betca. 


In 1880 Tatanka-wanbli, or Buffalo-bull Eagle, gave the author the 
names of numbers 1, 2, .'', 5, 6, 7, and 8 of the following list of the 
Minikooju (Miiiikoozu), Minika"ye-woju (Minikaijye-wozu), or Miune- 
conjou gentes. These were given in 1884, with numbers 4 and 9, 
to Reverend H. Swift by Xo Heart (Oaijte-wanica) : 1, 1 'fiktce-yuta 
(Uijkce-yuta), Eat-dung. 2, Glagla-hetca (Glagla-heca), Slovenly. 3, 
Cuiika-yute-cni (Suijka yute-sni), Eat-no-dogs. 4, Xixe-tafdca (Xige- 
taijka), Big-belly. 5, Wakpoki"ya" (Wakpokiijyaij), Flies-along-the- 
creek (wakpa). 6, I"ya"-ha oi" (Iijyaij-h-oiij), Musselshell-earring. 7, 
Cikcitcela (Siksirela), Bad-ones-of-differentsorts. 8, Wagleza-oi", 
"Watersnake-earring. 0, \Va"-nawexa (Waij-nawega), Broken-arrows. 
The Wa"nawexa are nearly extinct. 


Of the Oohe-nCpa (Oohe-no''pa), Two Boilings or Two Kettles, Char- 
ger knew the names of only two gentes, whieli he gave to Reverend H. 
Swift in 1884, as follows: 1, Oohe-no"pa, Two-boilings. 2, Ma-waqota 
(Ma-waliota), Skiu-smeared-with- whitish-earth. 


The first list of Oglala gentes was obtained in 1879 from Reverend 
John Robinson and confirmed in 1880 by a member of the tribe. These 
gentes are as follows: 1, Payabya, Pushed-aside. 2, Tapicletca (Tapis- 
leca), Spleen (of an animal). 3, Kiyuksa, Breaks-his-own (marriage 
custom). 4, Wajaja (Wazaza. See the Siliasapa list of gentes). o, 
Itecitca (Ite-sica), Bad-face, or Oglala qtca (Oglala-lii'a), Real Oglala. 
6, Oyuqpe (OyuUpe) ; identical with Oiyuqpe of the next list. 7, Wag- 
luqe (WagluUe), Followers or Loafers. These were probably the 
earlier divisions of the Oglala, but by 1884 considerable segregation 
had been accomplished, as shown by the following list furnished by 
Reverend W. J. Cleveland: 1, Itecitca (Ite-si(^a), Bad face, under 
Maqpiya-luta, Scarlet Cloud ("Red Cloud"). 2, Payabyeya, Pushed- 
aside (under Tasuijkakokipapi, They-fear-even-hishorse; wrongly ren- 
dered Man-afraid-ofhis-horses). 3, Oyuqpe (Oyuhpe), Thrown down 
or unloaded. 4, Tapicletca, Spleen (of an animal). 5, Pe-cla (Pe sla), 
Baldhead. 6, Tceq-huha-to" (Celi-huhatoij), Kettle- with-legs. 7, 
Wablenitca (Wablenica), Orphans. 8, Pecla-ptcetcela (Pe-slaptecela), 
Short-baldhead. 9, Tacnahetca (Tasnaheca), Gopher. 10, I-wayusota, 
Uses-up-by-begging-for, "Uses-up-withthe-mouth." 11, Waka" (Wa- 
kaq). Mysterious. 12a, Iglaka-teqila (Iglaka-teUila), Refuses-tomove- 
camp. 12b, Ite-citca, Bad-face (as number 1). 13, Itecitca eta"ha° 
(Ite-sica-etai)hai)), " From-bad-face," Partof- bad -face. 14, Zuzetca- 
kiyaksa (Zuzeca kiyaksa), Bitthe snake-intwo. 15, Watceo"pa ( Wace- 


oijpa). Roasters. !(>, Watcape (Warape), Stabbcr. 17, Tiyotcesli 
(Tiyot'esli), Dungs-in-the-lodge. 18 and 1!*, Wagiuqe, Followers or 
Loafers. 20, Oglala, Scattered her-own. 21, Ieska-tci''tca (leska- 
oinca), Interpreter's sous, " Half-bloods." 

According to ]Mr Cleveland the whole Oglala tribe had two other 
names, Oyuqpe, Throwii-down or unloaded, and Kiyaksa, Bit-it-in-two. 

THE huSkpapa 

The Tianie ITufikpapa (sometimes corrui)ted into Uncpajia, Oncpapa, 
etc), should be compared with the Yanktonai name LIunkpatina; both 
refer to the luinkpa or ends of a tribal circle. A Huiikpapa man in 
1880 gave the following as the names of the gentes: 1, Tcaiikaoqa" 
(Oaijkaoliaij) Sort^backs (of horses), not the original name. 2, Tce- 
oqba (Oe-oliba), in which tee (ce) has either a vulgar meaning or is a 
contraction of teeya (ceya), to weep, and oqba (ohba), sleei)y. 3, 
Tinazipe-citca (Tinazipesica), Bad- 
bows. 4, Talo-na])'i" (Talo-uapiij ), 
Fresh-meat-necklace. 5, Kiglacka 
(Kiglaska), Ties-his-own. 6, Tceg- 
nake okisela (<''egnake-okisela), Half a- 
breechcloth. 7, Cikoitcela (Siksicela), 
Bad-ones-of-different-sorts. 8, Waka" 
(Wakaij), Mysterious. 9, HiT'ska-tca" 
tojuha (Huijska-caijtozuha), Legging- 

The real foundation for the totemic '^ iz'^f^.ii^a,.*^ 

system exists among the Dakota, as '• 

,, ,, ., r,' i •! FiQ. 33— Oglala campiug circle. 

well as among the other aiouan tribes 

and the Iroquois, in the names of men often being taken from mythical 
animals, but, in the opinion of Dr S. I!. Eiggs, the system was never 
carried to perfection. 


Among the eastern Dakota the phratry was never a permanent or 
ganizatiou, but it was resorted to on special occasions and for various 
purposes, such as war or the Ijuftalo hunt. The exponent of the phra- 
try was the tiyotipi or " soldiers' lodge," which has been described at 
length by Dr Riggs.' 

While no political organization has been known to exist within the 
historic period over the whole Dakota nation, the traditional alliance of 
the ''Seven Council-fires" is perpetuated in the common name Dakota, 
signifying allied, friendly. 

Among the Dakota it is customary for the rank and title of chief to 
descend from father to son, unless some other near relative is ambitious 
and influential enough to obtain the place. The same is claimed .also in 
regard to the rank of brave or soldier, but this position is more dependent 

* ContributioDS to l^orth American Ethnology, vol., ix, pp. 195-202. 

■_'22 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eth.ann. 15 

on personal bravery. While among the Omaha and Pouka a chief 
can not lend in war, there is a different custom among the Dakota. 
The Sissetou chief Standing Buftalo told Little Crow, the leader of the 
hostile Santee in the Minnesota outbreak of 1862, that, having com- 
menced hostilities with the whites, he must tight it out without help 
from him, and that, failing to make himself master of tlie situation, he 
should not flee thiough the country of the Sisseton. 
Regarding chieftainship among the Dakota, Philander Prescott ' says: 

The chieftaiuship is of modern ilate, there being no chiefs before the whites came. 
The cliiefs have little power. The chief's band is almost always a kin totem which 
helps to sustain him. The chiefs have no votes iu council; there the majority rules 
and the voice of the chief is not decisive till then. 

On the death of a chief, the nearest kinamau in the right line is eligible. If there 
are no kin, the council of the band can make a chief. Civil chiefs scarcely ever 
make a war party. 

The Dakota woman owns the tipi. If a man has more wives than 
one, they have separate tipis, or they arrange to occupy ditterent sides 
of one. Sometimes the young man goes to live with his wife's kindred, 
but in such matters there is no ri.\ed rule. To purchase a wife was 
regarded the most bouorable form of marriage, though elopement was 
sometimes resorted to. 


The Asiniboin were originally part of the Wazi-kute gens of the 
Yauktonai (Iharikto''wa"na) Dakota. According to the leport of E. T. 
Denig toGovernor 1. 1. Stevens,- " the Asiniboiti call themselves Dakota, 
meaning Our people." The Dakota style them Hohe, " rebels," but 
Denig says the term signifies "fish eaters," and that they may have 
been so called from the fact that they subsi,sted principally on fish while 
in British territory. 

Lists of the gentes of this people have been recorded by Denig, Max- 
imilian, and Haydeu, but in the opinion of the present writer they 
need revision. 

Asiniboiti gnites 
Deitiij Maximilian IJayden 

AVe-che-ap-pe-nah, 60 , ItscheabincjLesgensdes ^\■i-ic-ap-i-nali, Girls' 

lodges, under Les Yeux fiUes. baud. 

E-an-to-ah, Stone In- Jatonabine, Lesgens des I-an-to -an. ( Either I"- 

dians, the original appel roches. the Stone Indiacsof ya" to"wa", Stone village, 

lationforthe whole nation : the English. Call them- or Ihankto"wa", End vil- 

.50 lodges, under I'reniier selves "Eascab." iage or Yaiiktou. .i.o. i>.) 
qui Voile. 

Wah-to-pau-!ih. Canoe Otaopabinc, Lesgensdes Wah-to'-pap-i-nal' 

Indians, 100 lodges, under canots. 

Serpent. i 

■SclioolcRift. Indian Tribes, vol. II, 182, Pliilailelpliiii. 1852. 
^Manuscript in tlie archives of the Bureau of KIhiioloy,v. 

»'>K'<Kv] THE ASINIHOIN '223 

Aainihdiii yvnivi — (.'(intiniird 
Dfnig ilaxiinilinn Jlai/ilcn 

Wali-to-iiah-h;niila-toh, Watii pacli ua to, Les Wali-to -|iari-aii - da-tn, 

Old (iaucUo's gens, i. e., , geus de I'age. (iens dii Uanchi- or Left 

Those who row in canoes; Hand. 

100 lodges, under Treni- 
liling Hand. 

Wahze-ah wo-chas- ta, O-.see-gah (of Lewis and Wali-zi-ah, or To-kum- 

Northern People (so called L'larU, Discoveries, p. 43, i pi. Gens du Nord. 
becansethey came from the , 1800j. 

north in 1839); 00 lodges, j j 

under Le Robe de Vent. | 

The following gentes have not been collated: Of Maximilian's list, 
Otopaehgnato, les gens du large, possibly a duplication, by mistake, of 
Watopachnato, les gensde I'age; Tscbaiitoga, les gens des bois; Tauin- 
tauei, les gens des osayes; Chiibin, les geus des moutagnes. Of Hay- 
den's list, Min'-i-shi-nak'-a-to, gens du lac. 

The correct form in the Yankton dialect of the first name is Witci°- 
ya"])ina (Wiciijyaijpina), girls; of the secoiul, probably I"ya''to"wa" 
(lijyaij toijwaij); the third aud fourth gentes derive their names from 
the verb watopa, to paddle a canoe; the fifth is Waziya witcacta 
(Waziya wicasta). Tschan in Tschantoga is the German notation of 
the Dakota tea" (caij), tree, wood. Cha in Ghabin is the German nota- 
tion of the Dakota word he, a high ridge of hills, a mountain. 

In his report to Governor Stevens, from which the following infor- 
mation respecting the Asiniboin is condensed, Denig used the term 
"band" to denote a gens of the tribe, and "clans" instead of corpora- 
tions, under which latter term are included the feasting and dancing 
societies and the orders of doctors, shamans, or theurgists. 

These bands are distinct and occupy different parts of the country, 
although they readily combine when required by circumstances, such as 
scarcity of game or an attack by a large body of the enemy. 

The roving tribes call no general council with other nations; indeed, 
they are suspicious even of those with whom they have been at peace 
for many years, so that they seldom act together in a large body. .With 
the exception of the Hidatsa, ]\Iandan, and Arikara, who are station- 
ary and live in a manner together, the neighboring tribes are quite 
ignorant of one another's government, rarely knowing even the names 
of the principal chiefs and warriors. 

In all tribes there is no such thing as hereditary rank. If a 
son of a chief is wanting in bravery, generosity, or other desirable 
(lualities, he is regarded merely as an ordinary individual; at the same 
time it is true that one (pialification for the position of chief consists 
in having a large number of kindred in the tribe or gens. Should 
there be two or more candidates, equally capable and socially well con- 
nected, the question would be decided on the day of the first removal 
of the camp, or in council by the principal men. In the former 

224 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eth. ann, 15 

case, each man would follow the leader whom he liked best, and the 
smaller body of Indians would soon adhere to the majority. 

Women are never acknowledged as chiefs, nor have they anything 
to say in the council. A chief would be deposed for any conduct caus- 
ing general disgust or dissatisfaction, such as incest (marrying within 
his gens) or lack of generosity. Though crime in the abstract would 
not tend to create dissatisfaction with a chief, yet if he murdered, 
without sufficient cause, one whose kindred were numerous, a fight 
between the two bodies of kindred would result and an immediate 
separation of his former adherents would ensue; but should the nuir- 
dei'ed person be without friends, there would be no attempt to avenge 
the crime, and the people would fear the chief only the more. To pre- 
serve his popularity a chief must give away all his property, and he is 
consequently always the poorest man iii the baud; but he takes care 
to distribute his possessions to his own kindred or to the rich, from 
whom he might draw in times of need. 

The duties of a leading chief are to study tlie welfare of his people, 
by whom he is regarded as a fallier, and wliom he addresses as his 
children. He must determine wliei-e the camp should be placed and 
when it should be moved; when war parties are advisable and of whom 
they .should be composed — a custom radically ditlerent from that of the 
Omaha and Ponka,^ — and all other matters of like character. Power is 
tacitly committed to the leading chief, to be held so long as he governs 
to general satisfaction, subject, however, to the advice of the soldiers. 
Age, debility, or any other natural defect, or incapacity to act, advise, 
or command, would lead a cliief to resign in favor of a younger man. 

When war is deemed necessary, any chief, soldier, or brave warrior 
has the privilege of raising and leading a war party, provided he can 
get followers. The powers of a warrior and civil chief may be united 
in one person, thus dift'ering from the Omaha and Ponka custom. The 
leading chief may and often does lead the whole baud to war; in fact, 
it devolves on him to lead any general expedition. 

The Akitcita (Akicita), soldiers or guards (j)olicemen), form an impor- 
tant body among the Asiniboin as they do among the other Siouau 
tribes. These soldiers, who are chosen from the band on account of 
their bravery, are from li5 to 45 years of age, steady, resolute, and 
respected; and in them is vested the jiower of executing the decisions 
of the council. In a (!amp of 200 lodges these soldiers would number 
from 50 to 60 men; their lodge is pitched in the center of the camp and 
is occupied by some of them all the time, though the whole body is 
called together only when the chief wishes a public meeting or when 
their hunting regulations are to be decided. In their lodge all tribal 
and intertribal business is transacted, and all strangers, both white 
men and Indians, are domiciled. The young men, women, and children 
are not allowed to enter the soldiers' lodge (hiring tlie time that tribal 
matters are being considered, and, indeed, they are seldom, if ever, 


seen there. All the choicest parts ut' me;it and tlie tongues of animals 
killed in hunting are reserved for the soldiers' lodge, and are furnished 
by the young men from time to time. A tax is levied on the camp for 
the tobacco smoked there, which is no small (luantity. and the women 
are obliged to furnish wood and water dailj'. This lodge corresponds in 
some degree to the two sacred lodges of the Haiiga gens of the Omaha. 

Judging from the meager information which we possess concerning 
the Asiuiboin kinship system, the latter closely resembles that of tlie 
Dakota tribes, descent being in the male line. After the smallpox 
e])idemic of 1838, only 400 thinly populated lodges out of 1,000 
remained, relationship was nearly annihilated, property lost, and but 
few, the very young and very old, were left to mourn the loss. Rem- 
nants of bands had to be collected and property acquired, and several 
years elapsed ere the young people were old enough to marry. 

The names of the wife's parents are never pronounced by the husband ; 
to do so would excite the ridicule of the whole camp. The husband 
and the father-in-law never look on each other if they can avoid it, nor 
do they enter the same lodge. In like manner the wife never addi'esses 
her father-in-law. 

A plurality of wives is required by a good hunter, since in the labors 
of the chase women are of great service to their husbands. An Indian 
with one wife can not amass property, as she is constantly occupied in 
household labors, and has no time for preparing skins for trading. The 
tirst wife and the last are generally the favorites, all others being 
regarded as servants. The right of divorce lies altogether with the 
husband; if he has children by his wife, he seldom puts her away. 
Should they separate, all the larger children — those who require no 
further care — remain with the father, the smaller ones departing with 
the mother. When the women have no children they are divorced 
without scruple. 

After one gets acquainted with Indians the very opposite of tacitur- 
nity exists. The evenings are devoted to jests aud amusing stories 
and tiie days to gambling. The soldiers' lodge, when the soldiers are not 
in session, is a very theater of amusement; all sorts of jokes are made 
and obscene stories are told, scarcely a woman in the camp esca])ing 
the ribaldry; but when business is in order decorum must i)revail. 

The personal property of these tribes consists chietly of horses. 
Possession of an article of small value is a right seldom disputed, if the 
article has been honestly obtained; but the possession of horses being 
almost the principal object in life of an Indian of the plains, the reten- 
tion of them is a matter of great uncertainty, if he has not the large force 
necessary to defend them. Rights to property are based on the method 
of acquirement, as (1) articles found; (2) those made by themselves 
(the sole aud undisputed property of the makers) ; (3) those stolen froDi 
enemies, and (4) those given or bought. Nothing is given except with 
15 ETH 15 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

a view to a gift in return. Property obtained by gauibliug is lielcl by 
a very indefinite tenure. 

Murder is generally avenged by tlie kindred of the deceased, as 
among the Omaha aud Pouka. Goods, horses, etc, may be offered to 
expiate the crime, when the murderer's friends are rich in tliese things, 
and sometimes they are accepted; but sooner or later the kindred of 
the murdered man will try to avenge him. Everything except loss of 
life or personal chastisement can be compensated among these Indians. 
Rape is nearly unknown, not that the crime is considered morally wrong, 
but the punishment would be death, as the price of the woman would 
be depreciated and the chances of marriage lessened. Besides, it would 
be an insult to her kindred, as implying contempt of their feelings and 
their power of piotection. Marriage within the gens is regarded as 
incest and is a serious oft'ense. 


The gentes keeping the sacred pipes and those having the sacred 
tents are designated among the Omaha by appropriate designs. The 

sacred tent of the Weji^cte was the 
tent of war, those of the Jlafiga were 
the tents associated with the buffalo 
hunt aud the cultivation of the soil. 
The diameter of the circle (figure 34) 
represents the road traveled by the 
tribe when going on the bufl'alo hunt, 
numbers 1 and 10 being the geutes 
which were always in the van. The 
tribe was divided into half tribes, each 
half tribe consisting of five gentes. 
The sacred tents of the Omaha and all 
the objects that were kept in them 
are now in the Peabody Museum of Archieology and Ethnology at 
Cambridge, Massachusetts. 

The two groups of gentes forming the half tribes or phratries, some- 
times composed of subgentes or sections, are as follows: 

Hangacenu gentes — 1, Weji"cte, I51k. 2, luke-sabe, Black shoulder, 
a Buffalo gens; the custodian of the real pii)es of peace. .3, Hanga or 
Ancestral, a Buffalo gens; the regulator of all the so-called pipes of 
peace and keeper of two sacred tents. 4, (/!atada, meaning uncertain; 
in four subgentes: a, Wasabe hit'aji, Touch-not-theskin-ofablack- 
bear; />, Wajinga fataji, Eat- no-small-birds; Bird people; c, j[,e-da it'aji, 
Touch-no-bufifalohead; Eagle people; d, ^je-'i", Carry-a-turtle-ou-the- 
back; Turtle people. 5, 3[a"ze, Wind people. 

Ictasandd fjentes — 6, Ma^cfihka-gaxe, Earth-lodge-makers; coyote and 
wolf])eopk'. 7, je-siiide. Buft'alotail; a Buffalo-calf people. 8, j^a-da, 
Deer-head; Deer people. 9, irig(}e jide, Eed dung; a Buflalo-calf gens. 

Fig. 34 — Omaha camping circle. 




10, Ictii-sanda, iiieaniiig' uucertaiu ("gray eyes"!), said to refer to the 
effect of liylitiiiug- ou the eyes. This last geus consists of Thuuder aud 
Eeptile people. 

The liike-sabe formerly consisted of four subgentes. When the 
gens met as a whole, tlie order of sitting was that shown in figure 35. 
In the tribal circle the Wa(('igije camped next to the Haflga gens, and 
the other Inke-sabc people came next to the Weji"cte; but in the gen- 
tile "council fire" the first became last and the last first. 

The lekife or Criers. 

The NaqcJ'eit'a-baJT, Those-who-touch-no-charcoal. 

Tlie three subgentes here named sat on the same side of fireplace. 

The Hanga formerly had four subgentes, but two of them, the Wa(fita° 
or Workers, and the Ha-^uit'aji, Touches-no-green(-corn)-husks, are 
extinct, tlie few survivors having joined the other subgentes. The 
remaining subgentes are each called by several names: 1, j^esa^ha- 
^afica", pertaining to the sacred skin of an albino buffalo cow, or 
Wacabe, Dark buffalo; orHariga(iti,reaI 
Haiiga; or jjCfeze-iJ-ataji, Do-not-eat-buf- 
falo-tongues. 2, Ja"ha-^a((;ica", pertaining 
to the sacred (cotton wood) bark; or 
Waq(('exe-a(j-i", Keeps-the-" spotted-object'' 
(the sacred pole) ; or J a " ■ w a q u b e- a(|' i ", 
Keej)s - the - sacred - or - mysterious - wood 
(pole); or j^a-waqube-(j;ataji, Does-uot-eat- 
the-sacred (mysterious)-buffalo- sides; or 
Mi"xa-sa"-(f-ataji-ki <jeta"-f,ataji. Eat uo- 

In the tribal circle the Wacabe camped 
next to the luke sabe, aud the Waqijexe- 
a^'i° were next to the Wasabehit'aji sub- 
gens of the (/'atada; but in the Haiiga 
gentile assembly the positions were re- 
versed, the Wacabe sitting on the right side of the fire and the 
Wacifexe-afi" on the left. 

The Wasabe-hit'aji subgens of the (f atada was divided into four sec- 
tions: Black-bear, Raccoon, Grizzly-bear, and Porcupine. The only 
survivors are the Black-bear and Raccoon (Singers). 

TheWajifiga fataji subgens was divided into four sections: 1, Hawk 
people, under the chief Standing Hawk (now dead). 2, Blackbird peo- 
l)le, under the chief Waji"a-gahiga. 3, Starling or Thunder people. 4, 
Owl and Magpie people. 

The ^Ia"ze gens was divided into at least two subgentes, the Keei)ers 
of the pipe and the Wind people. Lion, of the Deei-head gens, said 
that there were four subgentes, but this was denied in 1882 by Two 
Crows of the Haiiga geus. 

FlG.35— liike-sabe gentileassembly. A, 
The Wa<figije, Maze or Wboii, or 
Waqube gase-aka, He-wbo-acts-mys- 
teriously. B, The Wata^zljide-tfataji, 
Those- who-eat-no-red-corn. 

228 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eth. ann. 13 

The Ma^finka-gaxe snbgentes, as f;iveii by Liou, were: 1, Mijiasi, 
Coyote aud Wolf people. 2, I'"e-waqabe-afi", Keepers-oftbe-raysteri- 
ous-stones. 3, Niniba-t'a", Keepers-of-tbe-pipe. 4, Mi"xa-sa"wet'a;ji. 
Toucb(es)-notswans. Oange-ska, White Horse, chief of the Ma°(j'irika- 
gaxe (in 1878-1880) named three subgeutes, thus: 1, Qube, Mysterious 
person, a modern name (probably including the JMijfasi and I°'t'-waqube- 
a(j'i", aud certainly consisting of the descendants of the chief Wa-jiiiga- 
sabe or Blackbird). 2, Niniba t'a". 3, Mi"xa-sa"-wet'aji. 

The xa-da were divided into four parts: 1, Ninibii-t'a", Keepers-of- 
thepipe, under Lion. 2, Nacife-it'aji, Touches- no-charcoal, under Boy 
Chief. 3, Thunder-people, under Pawnee Chief. 4, Deer-people, under 
Sinde xa"xa" (Deer's-)tail-shows red-at-intervals (-asitbounds-away). 

The Ictasanda gens also was in four parts: 1, Ninibat'a", Keepers- 
of-the pipe. 2, Ileal Ictasanda people. (Numbers 1 and 2 were con- 
.solidated prior to 1880.) 3, Waceta" or Reptile people, sometimes called 
Keepers-of-the-claws-of-a-wildcat. 4, Real Thunder people, or Those- 

who-dQ-not-touch-a-clamslicll,or Keepers- 

The. social organization of the Omaha 
has been treated at length by the author 
in his paper on Omaha Sociology.^ 

Fig. 36 — Ponka camping circle. 


The Ponka tribal circle was divided 
equally between the Tci".ju and Wajaje 
half-tribes. To the former belonged two 
phratries of two gentes each, i. e., num- 
bers 1 to 4, inclusive, aud to the latter 
two similar phratries, including gentes 5 to 8. 

Tci"ju half-tribe — Thunder or Fire phratry: Gens 1, Hisada, Legs- 
stretched-out-stifif (refers to a dead quadruped) ; Thunder people. Gens 
2, Touch-not-the-skin-of-a- black-bear. Wind-makers or War phratry: 
Gens 3, (pixida. Wildcat (in two subgentes: 1, Sinde-ag(J-e, Wears- tails, 
1. e., locks of hair; Naqfe-it'ajT, Does-not-tonch-charcoal; and Wase;u- 
it'ajT, Does-not-touch-verdigris. 2, Wami-it'aji, Does-uot- touch-blood). 
Gens 4, Nika-da-ona, "Bald human-head;" Elk people (in at least three 
subgentes: 1, j^e-sindeit'aji, I)oes-not-touch-a-bu£falo-tail; 2, j^e feze 
fataji, Does-not-eat-buffalo-tongues; 3, x^qti ki A"pa° (fataji, Does-uot- 
eat deer and elk). 

Wajaje half-tribe — Earth phratry: Gens 5, MaT(a", Medicine, a buf- 
falo gens, also called xe-sinde it'ajT, Does-not-touch-bnffalo-tails (in 
two subgentes: 1, Real Ponka, Keepers-of-a-sacred-pipe; 2, Gray 
Ponka). Gens 6, Wacabe, Dark buffalo (in two subgentes: 1, xe-siude, 

> Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1881-82. 


lUifi'alo tail, or j^e-feze liataji, Does-uot eat-biirt'alo tougues, or j^e-jifiga 
((•ataji, Does-noteat-a-very-yonng-buiialo-oalf; 2, j^e-da it'aji, Doesiiot- 
toucli-a-buflalo-head or skull). Water pliratry ("?): Gens 7, Wajaje, 
Osage (ill two subgentes at present: 1, Dark Osage, Keepers-of-a- 
sacrc«l-pipe, or Waseju-it'aji, Does-not-touch-verdigris, or NaqiJ'e-it'aji, 
Does-nottonch-charcoal; 12, Gray Osage, or Wf's'a wet'aji, Does-not- 
toucbserpents; 3, Nec'ta, an Owl subgens, now extinct). Geus 8, Nuqe, 
Keddish-yellow buffalo (miscalled Nuxe, Ice). Subgentes uncertain, but 
there are four taboo names: Does not touchabuft'alo-bead (or skull), 
Does-not-toucli-a-buffalo-calf, Does-not-toucb-theyellow-liide-of-a-buffa- 
lo-calf, and Does-not-eat-buffalo-tougues. 


When the Kwapa were discovered bj' the French they dwelt in five 
villages, described by the early chroniclers as the Imaha (Imaham, 
Imahao), Cai)aha, Toriman, Tonginga (Doginga, Topinga), and Southois 
(Atotchasi, Ossouteouez). Three of these village names are known 
to all the tribe: 1, Ujja'qpaqti, Real Kwapa; 2, Ti'-u-a'-d(('i ma" 
(Toriman), Ti'-ua-d(j'i' ma°(of Mrs Stafford); 3, U-zu'-ti-u'-we (Southois, 
etc). The fourtli was Ta"'wa" ji'jja, Small village. Judging from anal- 
ogy and the fact that the fifth village, Imaha, was the farthest up 
Arkansas river, that village name must have meant, as did the term 
Omaha, the upstream people. 

The following names of Kwapa gentes were obtained chiefly from 
Alphonsus Yalliere, a full-blood Kwapa, who assisted the author at 
Washington, from December, 1890, to March, 1891: 

Na"'pa"ta, a Deer gens; 0"phu" enikacijja, the Elk gens; Qid^ 
e'nikaci'jja, the Eagle gens; Wajiri'j[a euikaci'jja, the Small-bird gens; 
Han'^ia e'liikaci'^a, the IIan';{a or Ancestral gens; Wasa' e'uikaci'i[a, 
the Black-bear gens; Ma"tu' e'nikaci'jja, the Grizzly-bear (?) gens; Te 
e'nikaci'jja, the Buffalo gens (the ordinary buffalo); Tuqe'-iiikaci'j(a, 
the Ileddish-yellow Buffalo geus (answering to Nuqe of the Ponka, 
Tuqe of the Kansa, (f uqe of the Osage) ; Jawe' nikaci'5[a, the Beaver 
gens ; Hu i'nikaci'jja, the Fish gens ; Mika'q'e ni'kaci'i[a, the Star gens ; 
Pe'ta" e'nikaci'j[a, the Crane gens; Carij[e' nikaci'jja, the Dog (or 
Wolf ?) gens; Wakan'^a e'nikaci'jja, the Thunder-being gens; Ta"dfa'" 
e'nikaci'jja or Ta^'dfa" tan'jja e'nikaci'^ia, the Panther or Mountain- 
lion gens; Ke-ni'kaci'jja, the Turtle gens; Wes'a e'nikaci'ija, the Ser- 
pent gens; Mi e'nikaci'j[a, the Sun gens. Valliere was unable to say 
on which side of the tribal circle each gens camped, but he gave the 
personal names of some members of most of the gentes. 

On visiting the Kwapa, in the northeastern corner of Indian Territory, 
in January, 1891, the author recorded the following, with the assistance 
of Mrs Stafford, a full-blood Kwapa of about 90 years of age: Among 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

the Hanka geutes are the Hafi'^ja tanjia, Large Hariija or ]Ma°eka' 
e'Dikaci'i[a, Crawfish people; Wajifij^a e'nikaci'jja, Small-l)ir(l people; 
Jiri'j[a e'nikaei'5[a, Small bird people; Te iii'kaci'^ia, Buffalo people, or 
Hau'ija ji'3[a. Small Hanjja; A"'pa" e'nikaci'na, Elk people; Qidfa' 
e'nikaci'na, Eagle people; Tuqe'-iiikaci'iia, Reddish-yellow Buffalo 
people; aud Canjje'-nikaci'jia, Dog (or Wolf !) peojile. JIrs Stafford 
knew that five gentes were not on the Haujja side, three of them, Hu 
i'nikaci'i[a, Pish people, Ni'kia'ta (meaning unknown), and Keni'ka- 
ci'^ia, Turtle people, being on the same side; Ma"tu' e'nikaci'j[a, Lion 
people; and Ti'ju (answering to the Osage Tsiou, the Kansa Tciju, and 
the Ponka Tci",ju), meaning not obtained, which last is extinct. Mrs 
Staflbrd could not tell on whii-h side camped any of the following 
gentes given by Valliere: Maqc, Wes'a, Wasa, Jawe, Mikaq'e, Mi, etc. 
The only persons capable of giving the needed information are among 
those Kwapa who reside on Osage reservation. According to George 
Eedeagle and Buftalo Calf, two full-blood Quapaw, the Maqe-nika- 

ci'jja, Upper World people, were iden- 
tical with the Wakan^a e'tiikaci'^ia, 
Thunder-being people, of Valliere. 
These two men said, also, that there 
was no single gens known as the Hanyja, 
that name belonging to a major division, 
probably a lialf-tribe. 


Among the Omaha the Yata people 
are those who camp on the yata or left 
side of the' tribal circle; the Ictunga 
people, those who camp on the ictunga 
or light side. The tribe is divided into 

seven phratries, or, as the Kansa style each, wayu"mi°da'', (i. e., those 

who sing together), as follows: 

i6~~' e 

Fig. 37 — KanajicampiDg circle. 




1. Ma"yirika, Earth, or 

Ma"yirika ga x e. 
Ear t h - 1 o d g e - 

2. Ta, Deer, or Wajaje, 



a, Ma"yinka taiiga, Large earth. &, 
Ma^yinka jifiga. Small earth. 

rt, Taqtci, Real deer, b, Ta yatcaji, 
Eats-no-deer, or Ta ts'eye. Kills- 
deer, or Wadjiita ts'eye. Kills- 














3. Paiika, Ponka 

4. Ka"ze,Kausa, orTi-i 
haci", Lodge-iu- 
the-rear; Last- 

5, Wasabe, Black bear. 

6. Wauaxe, Ghost. . . . 

7. Ke k'i", Carries- a - 

S. Mi''k'i-,Oarries-the- 

9. Upa", Elk 

10. Qiiya, White eagle. 

11. Ha°„ Night. 

12. Ibatc'e, Holds-the- 

firebraiidto- sa- 
cred pipes, or 
Hafiga j i fi ga , 
small Hafiga. 

13. Hafiga tafiga, Large 

Hauga; Hafiga 
utanandji, H a ii- 
ga apart-f rom - 
the rest, or Ta 
siudje qaga. Stiff- 


a, Pafik nnikaci"ga, Ponka people, b, 
Quudj-ala", W ea r - r e d - c e d a r 

(I, Tadje niiikaci"ga, Wind people, or 
Ak'a uuikaci"ga, South-wind peo- 
ple, or Tci haci^qtci, Real Tci 
haci", Cani]>-behind-all. b, Tadje 
jifiga. Small- wind, or Ma"ua"hind- 
je, Makes-a-breeze - n e a r - 1 h e - 

«, Wasabcqtei, Real Black-bear, or 
Sakii- wayatce, P^ats-raw (-food). 
b, Sindjale, Wear-tails (locks of 
hair) -on-the-head. 

Not learned. 

Not learned. 

Not learned. 

a, Upa°-qtci, Real elk, or Ma°sa°ha, 
referring to the color of the fur. 
b, Sa"ha"ge, meaning unknown. 

a, Hiisada, Legs stretched-out-st iff; 
Qiiyunikaci"ga, White-eagle peo- 
ple, b, Wabi" ijupye, Wade-in- 
blood; Wabi" unikaci'-ga. Blood 

rt. Ha" nikaci-ga, Night people, b, 
Daka" ma"yi°, Walks-shining 
(Star people'?). 

a, Qiiyegu Jinga, Hawk-that-has-a-tail- 
like-a-" king-eagle;" "Little-one- 
like-aneagle." b, Mika unikaci"- 
ga, Raccoon people, or Mika qla 
jinga, Small lean raccoon. 

A black eagle with spots. Subgeutes 
not recorded. 



[ETH. ANN. 15 






Tcedftriga, Buffalo 

a, Tceduiiga, Buff'alo with dark hair. 

(bull), or Sitafiga, 

b, Yuqe, Reddish-yellow buffalo. 

Big- feet. 

(See Pouka Nuqe, Osage (|!uqe, 
Kwapa Tuqe.) 



Tci ju wactage, Tci 

(Kedhawk people?). Subgeutes not 

ju peacemaker. 




Ln nikaci°ga, Thuu- 
der-beiiig people; 
Gray-hawk peo- 

Subgentes uot recorded. 

Great changes have occurred auioug the Kausa since they have come 
in contact with the white race ; but when Say visited them in the early 
part of the present century they still observed their aboriginal mar- 
riage laws. No Kansa could take a wife from a gens on his side of the 
tribal circle, nor could he marry any kinswoman, however remote the 
relationship might be. There are certain gentes that exchange per- 
sonal names ( jaje kik'iibe au), as among the Osage. Civil and military 
distinctions were based on bravery and generosity. Say informs us 
that the Kansa had been at peace with the Osage since 1806; that they 
had intermarried freely with them, so that "'in stature, features, and 
customs they are more and more closely ajiproaching that people." 
He states also that the head chief of the Kansa was Gahi"ge Waday- 
iiiga, Saucy Chief (which he renders "'Fool Chief"), and that the ten 
or twelve underchiefs did not seem to have the respect of the people. 

Unmarried females labored in the fields, served their parents, car- 
ried wood and water, and cooked. When the eldest daughter married 
she controlled the lodge, her mother, and all the sisters; the latter were 
always the wives of the same man. Presents were exchanged when a 
youth took his first wife. On tlie death of the husband the widow 
scarified herself, rubbed her person with clay, and became careless 
about her dress for a year. Then the eldest brother of the deceased 
married her without any ceremony, regarding her children as his own. 
When the deceased left no brother (real or potential) the widow was 
free to select her next husband. Fellowhood (as in cases of Damon 
and Pythias, David and Jonathan) often continues through life. 

The Kausa had two kinds of criers or heralds: 1, the wadji'pa^yi" 
or village crier; 2, the ie'kiye' (Omaha and Ponka i'eki'fe). In 1882, 
Sa^sile (a woman) was hereditary wadji'pa"yi" of the Kansa, having 
succeeded her father, Pezihi, the last male crier. At the time of an 


issue (about ISSli) Sii"sile*s son-in-law died, so slie, being a mourner, 
could not act as crier; hence her otiice devolved on K'axe of the Tacjtci 
subgeus. In that year one of the Ta yatcaji subgens (of the Taqtci 
or Deer gens) was iekiye number 1. lekiye number 2 belouged to the 
Tadjeor Ka"ze (Wind) gens. 


In the Osage nation there are three primary divisions, which are 
tribes in the original acceptation of that term. These are known as 
the Tsiou u;se pefu"da, the Seven Tsiow fireplaces, Hanjia ujse pe(fu"da, 
the Seven Hanjia fireplaces, and Waoaoe ujse pefu^da, the Seven Osage 
fireplaces. Each "fireplace" is a gens, so that there are twenty-one 
gentes in the Osage nation. The Seven Harl^[a fireplaces were the 
last to join the nation, according to the tradition of the Tsiou wactajje 
people. When this occurred, the seven Haiijja gentes were reckoned 
as five, and the seven Osage gentes as two, in order to have not moi-e 
than seven gentes on the right side of the tribal circle. 

At first the Haiijja utafanjse gens had seven pipes, and the Waoaoe 
had as many. The Waoaoe gave their 
seventh pipe to the Tsiou, with the right 
to make seven pipes from it, so now the 
Waoaoe people have but six pipes, though 
they retain the ceremonies pertaining to 
the seventh. 

When there is sickness among the chil- 
dren on the Waoaoe or right (war) side of 
the circle, their parents apply to the Tsiou 
(Tsiou wactajie?) for food for them. In 
like manner, when the children on the left 
or Tsiou side are ill, their parents apply to ^w.. ss-osa-e camping circle. 
the Pa"qka (wactaj[e?), on the other side, in order to get food for them. 

The Seven Tsiou fireplaces occupy the left or peace side of the 
circle. Their names are : 

1. Tsiou Sin^sajjfe, Tsiou- wearing-a- tail (of hair)-on-the-head; also 
called Tsiou W^anu"', Elder Tsiou; in two subgentes, Sin}saj[^'e, Sun 
and Comet people, and Cuiijje i'niqk'aci"'a. Wolf people. 

2. Tse 4ij'3ia in;se', Buffalo-bull face; in two subgentes, of which the 
second is Tse' <|'aiika' or 3Ii"'paha', Hide-with-the-hair-on. The police- 
men or soldiers, on the left side belong to these two gentes. 

3. Mi" k'i"'. Sun carriers, i. e., Carry-the-suu (or Buffalo hides)-on- 
their-backs. These have two subgentes, ((, Mi°i'niqk'aci"'a, Sun people; 
b, Mi"xa' ska i'niqk'aci"'a. Swan people. 

■4. Tsi'ou wacta':sie, Tsiou peacemaker, or Ta"'wa"iia'xe, Village- 
maker, or, Ni'wafc, Giver of life. These have two subgentes, (i, Wapi", 
it'a'oi, Touches-uo-blood, or (iii(fa' oii'^se, Eed-eagle (really a hawk); 

234 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eth. ann. 15 

b, Qii(l'a' pa sa'", Bald-eagle, or Qa"sa"'ii'niqk'aci"'a, Sycamore people, 
tlie leading gens on tlie left side of the circle. 

5. Ha" i'niqk'aci"'a, Niglit people, or Tsi'oii we'Laj[ife, tlie Tsiou-at- 
tlie-end, or Tse'fanka'. Tbeir two subgentes are: a, Xiglit people 
proper; h, "Wasa'de, lilack-hear ])eople. 

6. Tse ^n'jia, Buffalo bull. In two subgentes, a, Tse :pi'?ia, Buflalo 
bull; Z*, (f'U'qe, Reddish-yellow buffalo (corresponding to the Nuqe of 
the Ponka, Tuqe of the Quapaw, and Yuqe of the Kansa). 

7. Ajfu", Tliunder-being, or Tsi'haci", Camp-last, or Ma'xe, Upper- 
world people, or Niq'ka wakan'^a>p, Mysterious-male-being. Subgentes 
not recorded. 

On the right (Hanjja or Waoaoe) side of tlie circle are the following: 

8. Waoa'oe Watnii'", Elder Osage, composed of six of the seven 
Osage fireplaces, as follows: a, Waoa'.ie ska'. White Osage; b, Ke 
k'i'", Turtle carriers ; c, \Vake'<f-e ste'^se, Tall-flags ( ?), Ehiia"' niin'^se 
tu"', They-alone-have-bows, or Mi°ke'(f'e ste'^se. Tall-flags; d, Ta (j-a'xii, 
Deer-lights, or Ta i'niqk'rici"'a. Deer people; e, Hii i'niqk'aci"'a. Fish 
people;/, Na"'pa"ta, a deer gens, called by some Ke >ja'tsii, Turtle- 
with-a serrated-crest-along-the-shell (probably a water monster, as there 
is no such species of turtle). 

9. Han'i[a uta'fanjsi, Hafma-apart-from-the-rest, or QilcJ-a'qtsi i'liiq- 
k'aci"'a, Ileal eagle people — the War eagle gens, and one of the original 
Hafijja fireplaces. The soldiers or policemen from the right side are 
chosen from the eighth and ninth geutes. 

10. The leading gens on the right side of the circle, and one of the 
original seven Osage fireplaces. Pa"q'ka wacta'jje, Ponka peace- 
maker, according to a Tsiou man ; in two subgentes, a, Tse'wafii, Pond- 
lily, and i, Waca'de, Dark-buffalo ; but according to Pa"q'ka wa^a'yiujia, 
a member of the gens, his people have thi'ee subgentes, a, Wake'^-e, 
Flags; A, Wa'tsetsi, meaning, perhaps, Has-come hither (tsi)-after- 
touching-the-foe (watse); c, Qun:(se', lied cedar. 

11. Han'jpx a'hii tu"', Harupi-having-wings, or Hii'sa:;a, Limbs- 
stretched-stifC, or Qii((; i'uiqk'aci"'a. White-eagle people, in two sub- 
gentes, which were two of the original Haii^a fireplaces: «, Hii'saja 
Wanu'", Elder Hiisa:>a; It, Hii'sa^a, those wearing four locks of hair 
resembling those worn by the second division of the Wasape tu". 

12. Wasa'de tu", Having-black-bears. lu two parts, which were 
originally two of tlie Hanjfa fireplaces: A, Sin:jsa>j(|-e, Wearing-a- 
tail- (or lock)-of-hairou-the-head; in two subgentes, (a) Wasade, Black 
bear, or Hau'ija Wa'ts'ekawa' (meaning not learned); {b) lui[(j'un'-^a, 
oiD'j[a, Small cat. B, Wasa'de tfi", Wearing-four-locks-of hair, in two 
subgentes, («) Mi"xa'ska, Swan; (b) Tse'wa(j'e qe'5[a. Dried pond-lily. 

13. U'pqa", Elk, one of the seven Hanija fireplaces. 

14:. Ka"'se, Kansa, or I'dats'e, Holds-a-firebrand tothe-sacred-pipes- 
in-order-tolight them, or A'k'a i'niqak';lci"'a, South-wind people, or 
Taqse' i'niqk'aci"'a, Wind i)eople, or Pe'^se i'niqk'aci"'a, Fire people. 
One of the seven Banna fireplaces. 


The following- social divisions can not be identified: ^a'de i'ninkTi- 
ci"'a, lieaver jjeople, said to be a subgeus of the Waoaoe, no .yens 
specified ; Pe'tqa" i'niqk'aci"'a, Crane people, said to be a siibgens of 
theHari^|a(?)sTmsa:>l(f-c; Wapun'jja i'nink'nci"'a,Owl peo|)le; Ma"yiri'ka 
i'niqk'rici"'a, Earth people; ,xaqpii' i'nii[k'aci"'a, meaning not recorded. 

There is some uncertainty respecting the true positions of a few 
subgentes in the camping circle. For instance, Alvin Wood said that 
the Tsewa(je qejpi formed the fourth subgens of the Tse ^u'^a iujse; 
but this was denied by \jahi3[e wajayinjja, of the Tsi'ou wacta'^e, 
who said that it belonged to the Pa"qka wactajje jirior to the extinc- 
tion of the subgens. Tsepa jjaxe of the Wasape gens said that it 
formed the fourth subgens of his own people. Some make the Tsiou 
wactajje the third gens on the left, instead of the fourth. According 
to ^JahiJ^e■wa:Jayirl5^a, "All the Waoaoe gen tes claim to have come from 
the water, so they have ceremonies referring to beavers, because those 
animals swim in the water." The same authority said in 1S83 that 
there were seven men who acted as wactaije, as follows: 1, Kaqij[e 
wactajje, of the Tsiou wactaj[e subgens, who had acted for eight years; 
2, Pahii-ska, of the Bald-eagle or Qii(j'a {)& sa" subgeus; 3, ;\j(('ema", 

Clermont, of the ; 4, Ta"wa"^si hi, of the ; 5, Niqka 

kidana" of the Tsiou wehakiij'C' or Night gens; 6, Pa"qka wa^ayinjj^, 
Saucy Ponka, of the Wa'tsetsi or Ponka gens; 7, Niqka waoi° ta"a, of 
the same gens. 

On the death of the head chief among the Osage the leading men 
call a council. At this council four men are named as candidates for 
the office, and it is asked, " Which one shall be appointed?" At this 
council a cuka of the Watsetsi (Ponka gens, or else from some other 
gens on the right) carries his pipe around the circle of councilors from 
right to left, while a Tsiou cuka (one of the Tsiou wacta^je gens, or else 
one from some other gens on the left) carries the other pipe around 
from left to right. The ceremonies resemble the Ponka ceremonies for 
making chiefs. When the chiefs assemble in council a member of the 
Ka"se or Idats'e gens (one on the right) lights the pipes. The criers 
are chosen from the Ka^se, Upqa", and Mi" k'i" gentes. The Tsiou 
Sin^sa;^(f-e and Tse ^U3(a iujse gentes furnish the soldiers or policemen 
for the Tsiou wactaj^e. A similar function is performed for the Pa"qka 
wactajje by the Waoaoe wanii" and Haiij[a ujafan^si gentes. The 
Sin^sa^ife and Ilanjja u:(a(('an^si are " aki^a watafi^a," chiefs of the 
soldiers; theTse^U3[a injse and Waoaoe Wauu" being ordinary soldiers, 
i. e., subordinate to the others. The Waoaoe Ke k'i" are the moccasin 
makers for the tribe. It is said that iu the oldeu days the members 
of this gens used turtle shells instead of moccasins, with leeches for 
strings. The makers of the war-standards and war-pipes must belong 
to the Waoaoe ska. 

Saucy Chief is the authority for the following : " Should all the Osage 
wish to dwell very near another tribe, or iu case two or three families 
of us wish to remove to another j)art of the reservation, we let the 

236 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY (eth. ann. 15 

others kuow our desire to live uear tbein. We jnake up prizes for 
tliem— a pony, ii blanket, strouding, etc— and we ask tliein to race for 
them. The fastest horse takes tbe lirst prize, and so on. We take 
along a pipe and some sticks — one stick for each member of the party 
that is removing. The other people meet us and race with us back to 
their home. They make us sit in a row; then one of their men or 
children brings a pipe to one of our party to -whom he intends giving 
a horse. The i)ipe is handed to the rest of the party. The newcomers 
are invited to feasts, all of which they are obliged to attend.'' When 
the Osage go on the hunt the Tsiou wactajje (chief) tells the Sinijsajife 
and Tse ^njja in;se where the people must camp. The following even- 
ing the Pa"qka wactajje (chief) tells the soldiers on his side (the Waoaoe 
and Hani[a u;a(f-an}sl) where the camp must be on the following day. 
The members of the four gentes of soldiers or jjolicemen meet in coun- 
cil and decide on the time for departure. They consult the Tsiou 
wactajje and Hahjja (Pa"iika wacta^je?) who attend the council. The 
crier is generally a man of either the IJpqa" or Ka"se gens, but some- 
times a Mi° k'i" man acts. The four leaders of the soldier gentes call 
on the crier to proclaim the next camping place, etc, whi(-h he does 

"Ha-f ! ha"'(Ia 5[asi"'}a" awahe'au" tatsi' a'i)i";au+l Ha+ ! (Nioii^se masi"'ta) 
Hjillnnl day lomor- on you make np shall they really lialloo! ^Missouri on the other 
row * in jiacks say river aide 

tci' i'be(|:a'ite ta'tsi a'(li"tau+I" 
tent you i)laee shall they really 
(?) in a line (.'1 say. 

which is to say, "Halloo! tomorrow morning you shall pack your 
goods (strike camp). Halloo! you shall lay them down after reaching 
(the other side of Missouri river) !" 

Then the four leaders of the soldier gentes choose a'kija (policemen) 
who have a juja'"harijia or captain, who then acts as crier in giving 
orders, thus: 

"Ha-f! nikawasae! lla+1 Jiahi'jje wa}a'yiri:!(a ui'kawasa'e! a'</aki'4a tatsi' 
Halloo! ((warrior I Halloo, Chief Saucy! O warrior! you guard shall 

adi"tau' nikawasae I " 
they say O warrior! 

which means, '•Halloo, O warrior! Halloo, O warrior. Saucy Chief! 
They have really said that you shall act as i)(>licemaii or guard, O 
warrior ! " 

These a'ki^a have to punish any persons who violate the laws of the 
bunt. But there is another grade of men; the four leaders of the 
soldier gentes tell the captain to call certain men wa'pajjfa'oi utsi"', 
and they are expected to punish any a'ki^a who fail to do their duty. 
Supposing Mi" k'i" wac(ayiijna was selected, the crier would say: 

"Ha-f! ni'kawasa'e! Ha+, Mi" k'i"' waia'yifiTia n'ikawasa'e ! Ha-f! wa'da5t<ta'oi 
ura'tsi" tatsi' a'di"tau , ni'kawasa'e! " 

"Halloo, O warrior! Halloo, O warrior, Saucy Sim Carrier! Halloo, it lias been 
really said that you shall strike the offenders without hesitation, O warrior!" 


TliL' tour lieadiueii direct a captain to Order a Haujfa u;afainsi man 
to lead the scouts, and subsequently to call on a Sln^sa^jfe man for 
that purpose, alternating between the two sides of the camping circle. 
There are thus tiiree grades of men engaged in the hunt — the ordinary 
members of the soldier gentes, the aki^a, and the wapajifaoi utsi". 

Should the Osage bo warring agaiust the Kansa or any other tribe, 
and one of the foe slip into the Osage camp and beg for protecticm of 
the Tsiou wactajje (chief), the latter is obliged to help the suppliant. 
He must send for the Siinsa?[(J;e and Tse (jujja in:^se (leaders), whom he 
would thus address: ••! have a man whom I wish to live. I desire 
you to act as my soldiers." At the same time the Tsi.iu waclaj[e would 
send word to the Pa"qka wactaife, who would summon a Waoaoe and 
a nan>|auta^'an;si to act as his soldiers or policemen. Meantime the 
kettle of the Tsiou wactajje was hung over the fire as soon as i>ossible 
and food was cooked and given to the fugitive. When he had eaten 
(a mouthful) he was safe. He could then go through the camp with 
impunity. This condition of aftairs lasted as long as he remained with 
the tribe, but it terminated when he returned to his home. After food 
had been given to the fugitive by the Tsiou wactajje any prominent 
man of the tribe could invite the fugitive to a feast. 

The privilege of taking care of tiie children was given to the Tsiou 
wactajje and the Pa"qka wactajje, according to Saucy Chief. When a 
child (on the Tsiou side) is named, a certain old man is required to 
siug songs outside of the camp, dropping some tobacco from his i)ii)e 
down on the toes of his left foot as he sings each song. On the first 
day the old man of the Tsiou (wactajje?) takes four grains of corn, one 
grain being black, another red, a third blue, and a fourth white, 
answering to the four kinds of corn dropped by the four buffalo, as 
meutioned in the tradition of the Osage. After chewing the four 
grains and mixing them with his saliva, he passes them between the 
lips of the child to be named. Four stones are put into a fire, one stone 
toward each of the four quarters. The Tsiou old man orders some 
cedar and a few blades of a certain kind of grass that does not die in 
winter, to be put aside for his use on the second day. On the second 
day, before sunrise, the Tsiou old man sjieaks of the cedar tree and its 
branches, saying, " It shall be for the children." Then he mentions 
the river, the deep holes in it, and its branches, which he declares shall 
be medicine in future for the children. He takes the four heated stones, 
places them in a pile, on which lie puts the grass and cedar. Over 
this he j)ours water, making steam, over which the child is held. Then 
four names are given by the headman of the gens to the father, who 
selects one of them as the name for the child. Meantime men of dif- 
ferent gentes bring cedar, stones, etc, and perform their respective cer- 
emonies. The headman (Tsiou wactajje?) takes some of the water 
(into which he puts some cedar), giving four sips to the child. Then he 
dips his own left hand into the water and rubs the child down the left 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

side, from the top of the head to the feet; next he rubs it in front, 
then down the right side, and finally down the bai-k. He invites all 
the women of his gens who wish to be blessed to come forward, and 
he treats them as he did the infant. At the same time the women of 
the other gentes are blessed in like manner by the headmen of their 
respective gentes. 


The Iowa camping circle was divided into two half-circles, occupied 
by two i)liratries of four gentes each. The first ijhratry regulated the 
hunt and other tribal aft'airs during the autumn and winter; the second 
phratry took the lead during the spring and summer. The author is 
indebted to the late Reverend William Hamilton for a list of the Iowa 
gentes, obtained in 1880 during a visit to the tribe. Since then the 
author has recorded the following list of gentes and subgentes, with 
the aid of a delegation of the Iowa who visited Washington: 

First phratry^ 


1. Tu'-na°-p'i", Black bear. 
Tohi" and yijjre wonaiie 
were chiefs of this gens 
in 1880. Tohi" kept the 
sacred pipe. 

2. Mi-tci' ra-tce, Wolf 

Ma' hi" was a chief of this 


Tce'-xi-ta, Eagle and 
Thunder-being gens. 

4. Qo'-ta-tci, Elk; now ex- 
tinct. The Elk gens 
furnished the soldiers or 

Ta'-po-cka, a large black bear with a 
white spot on the chest. 

Pu^'-xa cka, a black bear with a red 
nose; literally, Nose White. 

Mu"-tci'-nye, Young black bear, a 
short black bear. 

Ki'-ro-ko'-qo-tce, asniall reddish black 
bear, motherless: it has little hair 
and runs swiftly. 

Cu"'-ta" ^ka. White-wolf. 

Cun'-ta" (je-we. Black-wolf. 

Gu"'-ta° qo'-:}oe, Gray-wolf. 

Ma-nyi'-ka-q§i'j Coyote. 

Na' tci-tce', i. e., Qra'-qtci, Eeal or 
Golden eagle. 

Qra'hiiu'-e, Ancestral or Gray eagle. 

Qra' jfre'-ye. Spotted-eagle. 

Qra' pa §a", Bald-eagle. 

0'"-pe-*sa qa"'-ye, Big elk. 

tJ°'-pe-xa yiii'-e, Young-elk (?). 

tJ^'-pe-xa 5re'-^oe yiu'-e, Elk- some- 

Ho'-ma yin' e, Young elk ( ?). The 
difference between U"pexa and 
Homa is unknown. Theformei- may 
be the archaic name (or " elk." 


First phrntry — Contiuued 




5. Pa'-q<^a, Beaver. Probably 



qa"' ye, Big-beaver. 

the archaic name, as 



■pe, meaning unknown. 

beaver is now rawe. 



yifi'-e, Young-beaver. 

The survivors of this 



-ci'-ke, Water-person. 

gens have joined the 

Pa-^a or Beaver gens of 

the Oto tribe. 

Second phnitry 

6. Ru'-tce, Pigeon. 

7. A'-ru-qwa, Buffalo 

Wa-ka"'. Snake, 
tiuct jieus. 

An ex- 

9. Mari'-ko-ke,Owl. Extinct. 

1. Mi'i-ke' qa"'-ye, Big-raccoon. 

2. Mi"-ke' yifi'-e, Young-raccoon. 

3. Ru'-tce yin'-e. Young-pigeon. 

4. Co'-ke, Prairie-chicken, grouse. 

1. Tce-^o' qa^'-ye, Big-buffalo bull. 

2. Tce-:)0' yiu'-c, Young-buftalo-bull. 

3. Tee p'o'-cke yifi'-e. Young -buffalo- 

buUthat-is-distended {1). 

4. Tee yiu'-ye, Buffalo-calf. 

1. Waka°' .M, Yellow-snake, i. e.. Rat- 


2. Wa-ka"'-qtci, Real-snake (named after 

a species shorter than the rattle- 

3. Ce' ke yiu'-e, Small or young ceke, 

the copperhead snake ( ?). 

4. Wa-ka"' qo'-^ae. Gray-snake (a long- 

snake, which the Omaha call swift 
blue snake). 
The names of the subgeutes have been 

An account of the mythical origin of each Iowa gens, first recorded 
by the Reverend William Hamilton, has been published in the Journal 
of American Folklore.' 

The visiting and marriage customs of the Iowa did not differ from 
those of the cognate tribes, nor did their management of the children 
differ from that of the Dakota, the Omaha, and others. 

Murder was often punished with death, by the nearest of kin or by 

' Vol. IV, No. 15, pp. 338-340, 1891. 

240 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [kth.ann. 15 

some friend of the murdered person. Sometimes, however, tlie mur- 
derer made presents to the avengers of blood, and was permitted to live. 


The author has not yet learned the exact camping order of the Oto 
and Missouri tribes, though he has recorded lists of their geutes {sub- 
ject to future revision), with the aid of Ke-jjreSe, an Oto, Cka^oinye, a 
Missouri, and Battiste Ueroin, the interpreter for the two tribes. These 
gentes areas follows: 1, Pa fa', Beaver; 2, Tuna'" p'i". Black bear, or 
Mu"tci' ra tee, Wolf; 3, Aru'qwa, Buffalo; 4, Ru' qtca. Pigeon; 5, 
Ma-ka' tee. Owl; 6, Tce'xita, Eagle, Thunderbird, etc; 7, Waka°', 


This tribe, which for many years has been consolidated with the Oto, 
has at least three gentes. It may have had more, but their names have 
not yet been recorded. 1, Tuna"'p'i", Black bear; 2, Tee xi' ta, Eagle, 
Thunderbird, etc, in four subgeutes: (a) Wakan'-ta, Thunderbird; 
(b) Qra, Eagle; (c) ^^re'-ta". Hawk; {<!) Mo'mi, A-people-who eat-no- 
small-birds-whichhave-been-killed-by-larger-oues (a recent addition to 
this gens, probably from another tribe) ; 3, Homa' or Ho-ta'-tci, Elk. 


The Winnebago call themselves Ho-tcan'-ga-ra, "First or parent 
speech." While they have gentes, they have no camping circle, as 
their priscan habitat was in a forest region. The following names were 
obtained from James Alexander, a full-blood of the Wolf gens, and 
from other members of the tribe: 

1. Wolf gens — Common name, Cunk iki'ka-ra' tea-da, or Cunk- 
tcank'i-ki'-ka ra'tca-da,Those-calIing-themselves-after-thedog-or-wolf; 
archaic name, (f'e go'ni-na, meaning not recorded. 

2. Blach-hcnr f/enn — Common name, Ho"tc' i ki' kara'-tca da, They- 
call-themselves-aftertheblack-bear; archaic name, Tco'-nake-nl, mean- 
ing not recorded. 

3. Elk (/ens — Common name, Hu wa''-i ki'-ka-ra'-tca-da, They-call- 
themselves-after-the elk; archaic name not recorded. 

4. Snahe gem — Common name, Wa-ka"'i-ki'-ka-ra'-tca-da, Theycall- 
themselves-after-a-siiake; archaic name not recorded. 

5. Bird gens — Common name, Wa-nink' i-ki'-ka-ra'tca-da, They-call- 
themselves-after a-bird ; archaic name not recorded. This gens is com- 
posed of four subgeutes, as follows: (a) Hi-tca-qce-pa ra, or Eagle; 
{b) Ru-tcke, or Pigeon; (c) Ke-re-tcu", probably Hawk; {(1) Wa-ka°'- 
tca-ril, or Thunderbird. The archaic names of the subgeutes were not 

(i. Buffalo gens — Common name, Tee' iki' kara'-tca da, They-call- 
themselves-after-a-buffalo; archaic name not recorded. 


7. T>ecr<iem — Coinmon name, Tca'iki'-ka-ra'-tca-da, They-callthem- 
selves-afler-a-deer; archaic name not recorded. 

8. W ntvr-monHter gens — Common name, Wa-ktce'-qi i-ki'-ka-ra'-tca-da, 
Tliey-calltliemselves-afterawater-monster ; archaic name not recorded. 

Some of the Winnebago isay that there is an Omaha gens among the 
Winnebago of Wisconsin, but James Alexander knew nothing about 
it. It is very probable that each Winnebago gens was composed of 
four subgentes; thus, in the tradition of the Winnebago Wolf gens, 
there is an account of four kinds of •wolves, as in the corresponding 
Iowa tradition. 

The Winnebago lodges were always built with the entrances facing 
the east. When the warriors returned from a tight they circumambu- 
lated the lodge four times, sunwise, stopping at the east just before 


The Mandan tribe has not been visited by the author, who must con- 
tent himself with giving the list of gentes furnished by JNIorgan, in his 
"Ancient Society." This author's system of spelling Is preserved: 

1. Wolf gens, Ho-ra-ta'-mu-make (Qa-ra-ta' nu-man'-ke?). 

2. Bear gens, Miito'-no-make (Mato' nu-mail'-ke). 

3. Prairie-chicken geus, See-poosh'-ka (Si-pu'-cka nu-man'-ke). 
■i. Good-knife geus, Ta-na-tsu'-ka (Ta-netsu'-ka nu-maii'-ke?). 

5. Eagle gens, Ki-ta'-ne-miike (Qi-ta' nu-nian'-ke?). 

6. Flat-head gens, E-stii-pa' (Hi-sta pe' nu-man'-ke?). 

7. High-village gens, Me-te-ah'-ke. 

All that follows concerning the Mandan was recorded by Prince 
Maximilian in 1833. Polygamy was everywhere practiced, the number 
of wives diftering, there being seldom more than four, and in general 
only one. The Mandan marriage customs resemble those of the Dakota 
and other cognate peojdes. 

When a child is born a person is paid to give it the name chosen by 
the parents and kindred. The child is held up, then turned to all sides 
of the heavens, in the direction of the course of the sun, and its name 
is proclaimed. A Mandan cradle consists of a leather bag suspended 
by a strap to a crossbeam in the hut. 

There are traces of descent in the female line; for example, sisters 
have great privileges ; all the horses that a young man steals or cap- 
tures in war are brought by him to his sister. He cau demand from his 
sister any object iu her possession, even the clothing which she is wear- 
ing, and he receives it immediately. The mother-in-law never speaks to 
her son-in-law, unless on his return from war he bring her the scalp and 
gun of a slain foe, iu which event she is at liberty from that moment 
to converse with him. This custom is found, says Maximilian, among 
the Hidatsa, but not among the Crow and Arikara. While the Dakota, 
Omaha, and other tribes visited by the author have the custom of 
15 ETH 16 

242 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eth. ann. 15 

"bashfulness," which forbids the inother-in-law and sou-inlaw to speak 
to each other, uo allowable relaxation of the prohibition has been 


Our chief authority for the names of the Hidatsa gentes is Morgan's 
"Ancient Society." Dr Washington Matthews could have furnished a 
corrected list from his own notes had they not unfortunately been 
destroyed by lire. All that can now be done is to give Morgan's list, 
using his system of spelling: 

1. Knife, Mit-che-ro'-ka. 

2. Water, Min ne pa'-ta. 

3. Lodge, Bii-ho-ha'-ta. 

4. Prairie chicken, Seech-ka-be-ruh-pa'-ka (Tsi-tska' do-hpa'-ka of 
Matthews; Tsi-tska' d^:o-qpa'-ka in the Bureau alphabet). 

5. Hill people, E tish-sho'-ka. 

6. Unknown animal, Ali-nali-ha-na'-ine-te. 

7. Bonnet, E-ku'-pii-be-ka. 

The Hidatsa have been studied by Prince Maximilian (1833), Hayden, 
and Matthews, the work of the last writer' being the latest one treat- 
ing of them ; and from it the following is taken : 

Marriage among the Hidatsa is usually made formal by the distribution 
of gifts on the jiart of the man to the woman's kindred. Afterward i)res- 
ents of equal value are commonly returned by the wife's relations, if they 
have the means of so doing and are satisfied with the conduct of the hus- 
band. Some travelers have represented that the "marriage by purchase" 
among the Indians is a mere sale of the woman to the highest bidder, 
whose slave she becomes. Matthews regards this a misrepresentation 
so far as it concerns the Hidatsa, the wedding gift being a pledge to 
the parents for the proper treatment of their daughter, as well as an 
evidence of the wealth of the suitor and his kindred. Matthews has 
known many cases where large marriage presents were refused from 
one person, and gifts of much less value accepted from another, simply 
because the girl showed a preference for the poorer lover. Marriages 
by elopement are considered undignified, and different terms are applied 
to a marriage by elopement and one by parental consent. Polygamy 
is practiced, but usually with certain restrictions. The husbiind of the 
eldest of several sisters has a claim to each of the others as she grows 
up, and in most cases the man takes such a potential wife unless she 
form another attachment. A man usually marries his brother's widow, 
unless she object, and he may adopt the orphans as his own children. 
Divorce is easily effected, but is rare among the better class of people 
in the tribe. The unions of such people often last for life; but among 
persons of a different character divorces are common. Their social 
discipline is not very severe. Punishments by law, administered by the 

> Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indiana ; U. S. G-eological and Geographical Survey, 
miscellaneous publicatiuua No. 7, Washington, 1877. 


"soldier band," ai'e only Ibr serious oftenses against the regulations of 
the eainp. He who siuij)ly violates social customs in the tribe often 
subjects himself to no worse punishment than an occasional sneer or 
taunting remark; but for grave transgressions he may lose the regard 
of his friends. With the Ilidatsa, as with other western tribes, it is 
improi)er for a man to hold a direct conversation with his mother-in-law; 
but this custom seems to be falling into disuse. 

The kinship system of the Hidatsa does not differ materially from 
that of any of the cognate tribes. When they wish to distinguish 
between the actual father and a father's real or potential brothers, or 
between the actual mother and the mother's real or potential sisters, 
they use the adjective ka'ti (kaqt'i), real, true, after the kinshij) term 
when the actual parent is meant. 


As this tribe belongs to the Hidatsa linguistic substock, it is very 
probable that the social laws and customs of the one people are iden- 
tical with those of the other, as there has been nothing to cause exten- 
sive dififerentiation. 

It is not known whether the Hidatsa and Crow tribes ever camped 
in a circle. Morgan's list of the Crow gentes is given, with his peculiar 
notation, as follows: 

1. Prairie Dog gens, A-che-p;i-be'-cha. 

2. Bad Leggings, Esach'-ka-buk. 

3. Skunk, Ho-ka-rut'-cha. 

4. Treacherous Lodges, Ash-botchee-ah. 

5. Lost Lodges, Ah-shin'-nii de'-ah (possibly intended for Last Lodges, 
tliose who camped in the rear). 

((. Bad Honors, Esekepkii'-buk. 

7. Butchers, Oo-sii-bot'-see. 

8. Moving Lodges, Ah-ha-chick. 

9. Bear-paw Mountain, Ship-tet'-za, 

10. Blackfoot Lodges, Ash-kane'-na. 

11. Fish Catchers, Boo-a da'-sha. 

12. Antelope, O-hot-du-sha. 

13. Raven, Pet-chaleruh-pii'-ka. 


The tribal organization of this people has disappeared. When the 
few survivors were visited by the author at Lecompte, Louisiana, in 
1892 and 1893, they gave him the names of three of the clans of the 
Biloxi, descent being reckoned in the female line. These clans are: 1, 
Ita a"yadi, Deer people; 2, 0"^i a"yadi, Bear people; 3, Naqotod(fa 
a^yadi, Alligator people. Most of the survivors belong to the Deer 
clan. The kinship system of the Biloxi is more coiui)licated than that 
of any other tribe of the stock; in fact, more than that of any of the 

244 SIOUAN SOCIOLOGY [eth ann. i5 

tribes visited by the author. The names of 53 kinship groups are still 
remembered, but there are at least a dozen others whose names have 
been forgotten. Where the (^'egiha language, for example, has but one 
term for grandchild and one grandchild group, the Biloxi has at least 
fourteen. In the ascending series the Dakota and (/'egiha do not have 
any terms beyond grandfatlier and grandmother. But for each sex the 
Biloxi has terms for at least three degrees beyond the grandparent. 
The (^egiha has but one term for father's sister and one for mother's 
brother, father's brother being "father," and mother's sister "mother." 
But the Biloxi has distinct terms (and groups) for father's elder sister, 
father's younger sister, father's elder brother, father's younger brother, 
and so on for the mother's elder and younger brothers and sisters. The 
Biloxi distinguishes between an elder sister's son and the son of a 
younger sister, and so between the daughter of an elder sister and a 
younger sister's diiughter. A Biloxi man may not marry his wife's 
brother's daughter, nor his wife's father's sister, differing in this respect 
from a Dakota, an Omaha, a Ponka, etc; but he can marry his deceased 
wife's sister. A Biloxi woman may marry the brother of her deceased 
husband. Judging from the analogy furnished by the Kansa tribe it 
was very probably the rule before the advent of the white race that a 
Biloxi man could not marry a woman of his own clan. 


It is impossible to learn whether the Tutelo ever camped in a circle 
The author obtained the following chin names (descent being in the 
female line) from John Key, an Indian, on Grand River reservation, 
Ontario, Canada, in September, 1882: On "one side of the fire" were 
the Bear and Deer clans, the Wolf and Turtle being on the other side. 
John Key's mother, maternal grandmother, and Mrs Christine Buck 
were members of the Deer clan. There were no taboos. The Tutelo 
names of the clans have been forgotten. 


Dr A. S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited the Catawba 
tribe prior to March, 1882, when he obtained an extensive vocabulary 
of the Catawba language, but he did not record any information respect- 
ing the social organization of the people. 

For further information regarding the Siouan tribes formerly inhabit- 
ing the Atlantic coast region, see "Siouan Tribes of the East," by 
James Mooney, published as a bulletin of the Bureau of Ethnology. 




C/ 245 


Introduction 251 

Tabular view of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations 255 

Names of months and corresponding ceremonials 256 

Means of determining the time for ceremonials 258 

Classification of ceremonials 260 

Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas 264 

Classification of Kacbinas 265 

Elaborate Katcinas 268 

Soyiiluna 268 

Katcina's return 273 

Powiimu 274 

Piiluliikouti 291 

Nimankatciua 292 

Abbreviated Katcinas 292 

Characteristics 292 

Si'ocalako 296 

Pawikkatciua 299 

Anakatciua 303 

Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan 304 



Plate CIV. A, Shield with star symbol; B, Soyaliiua shield with star and 

iinkuown symbol ; C, Symbolic sun shield 262 

CV. The Nat:iika ceremony at Walpi 267 

CVI. Hahaiwiiqti, Natiicka, and Soy6kmana 272 

evil. DoUofCulakomaua 278 

CVIII. Katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain-cloud 

symbolism 286 

CIX. Doll ofCfilakomana( mistakenly given on the plate asCltlakotaka). 294 

ex. Head-dress of Alosoka 301 

CXI. A Powiimfl mask 306 

Figure 39. Tablet of the Palahikomana mask 262 

40. The Afiakatcina 294 

41. Maskette of Anakatciuamana 29.5 

42. Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in Siocalako 298 

43. Mask of Pawikkatcina (front view) 299 

44. Mask of Pawikkatcina (siile view) 300 

45. Mask of Pawikkatcinamana 301 

46. Stafl' of Pawikkatcina 301 

47. Helmets, ear of corn, and spruce bough arranged for reception 

ceremony 302 

48. Symbolism of the helmet of Humiskatcina (tablet removed) 307 




By Jesse Walter Fewkes 


In their use of the word Katcina- the Hopi or Moki apply the term 
to superuatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by 
statuettes in imitation of the same. The dances in which the former 
appear are likewise called by the same name which with the orthogra- 
phy '"Cachena" is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of 
the upper Rio Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayau 
Indians leads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural 
being of surbordinate rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship 
plays a not inconspicuous part in the Hopi conception of a Katcina. 

When we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual 
practiced by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be so com- 
plex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations 
extending tlirough many years. The idan which I have followed in my 
work, as will be seen in previous publications, has been to gather and 
record data in regard to the detailsof individual observances as a basis 
for generalization. 

My former i)ublications on this subject have therefore been simply 
records of observations.^ For various reasons it has seemed well to 
anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with ten- 
tative eftbrts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more 
exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these observ- 
ances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir necessi- 
tating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted. 

'These studies were made while the aatlior was ronuected with the Hemenway Expedition from 
1890 to 1894, and the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of 
the late A. M. Stephen as well as of tliose of the author. 

-The letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds: a, as in far; H, 
as in what: ai, as i in pine; e, as a in fate: i, as iu pique; i, as in luu: n, as in rule; u, as in but; 
ii, as in the Prench tu; j), b. v, similar in sound; t and d, like the same in tare and dare, almost indis- 
tinguishable; tc, as ch in chink ; c, as sh in shall; n, as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure rolling 
sound: 1, m, n, k, h, y, z, as in 

3These observations ;ire confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has been the field more 
thoroughly cultivated b,\- the niombers of the Hemenway Exi)ediliou. 


252 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. anx.15 

At the present stage of my researcLes it would be too early to write 
such nil account of the ceremonial calendar of tlieTusayan villagers,but 
it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new observations, 
this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system, 
to aid other investigators in kindred fields of study. When I began my 
work, four years ago, the task of bringing order out of what apjieared 
to be a hopeless confusion seemed well nigh impossible, but as one cere- 
mony after another was studied it was found that the exactness of 
the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to 
details, and that there was a logical connection running throughout 
all the religious observances of the Tusayan Indians, the presentations 
of which were practically little intluenced by white races with whom 
the people had been brought in contact. As these ceremonials were 
studied more sympathetically I discovered a unity throughout them 
which, whatever their origin may have been, placed them in marked con- 
trast to those of the nomads by whom they were surrounded. They 
were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in which the other 
Pueblos are embraced, the affinities of which carry us into different 
geograiihic regions of the Anierican continent. 

But while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of 
Athapascan or Shoshoiieau aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite 
nature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and 
had in turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo 
culture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America. With 
strong affinities on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with 
those of Mexico and Central America. 

The geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no 
doubt formerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its 
original boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to 
decide, but the problem at present before us is the determination of its 
characteristics as a survival in our times. When once this is satis- 
factorily known, and not until then, can we advance with confidence 
to wider generalizations as to its past distriliution and offer theories 
regarding its affinities with other ceremonial areas of the American 

It is doubtless true that we are not progressing beyond what can be 
claimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong 
to the same ceremonial type. I am sure that in prehistoric and historic 
times delegations from the Rio Grande country have settled among 
the Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have 
migrated back to the Kio Grande again to make permanent homes in 
that section. The most western and the most eastern peoples of this 
Pueblo culture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing 
about a consequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell 
of tlieir common character. It is too early in research to inject into sci- 
ence the idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, and 


we outstiii) our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or 
gi-onp of villages the implication iiivolved in the expression, "Father 
of the Pueblos." Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its 
germ may have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo peo- 
l)le is able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral out 
side of a very limited area. 

In the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the 
two great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayau ritual 
is divided. I have sought also to lay a foundation for coinparative 
studies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have not 
found sufdcient data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to 
carry this comparative research very far. Notwithstanding these 
dances occur in most of the pueblos, the published data about them is 
too meager for comparative uses. No connected description of these 
ceremonies in other pueblos has been published; of theoretical expla- 
nations we have more than are profitable. It is to be hoped that the 
ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the south- 
west will lead to didactic, exoteric accounts of the rituals of all these 
peoples, for a great field for research in this direction is yet to be tilled. 

In the use, throughout this article, of the words "gods," " deities," and 
"worship" we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which 
do not exist in the Indmn mind, but spring from philosophic ideas 
resulting from our higher culture. For the first two the more cumber- 
some term "supernatural beings"' is more expressive, and the word 
"spirit" is perhaps more convenient, except from the fact that it like- 
wise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive 

Worship, as we understand it, is not a j)roper term to use in the de- 
scription of the Indian's methods of approaching his suijernal beings. 
It involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence 
of that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better 
nomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these 
terms from their convenience will still continue in common use. 

The dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina-* ritual is 
moie pi'ominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations, 
as would naturally be the case, but even there it is believed to be less 
sti iking than in the second group or those in which the performers are 
without masks. 

There exists in Hopi mythology many stories of the old times which 
form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the sym- 
bolism and some of the ritual, but nowhere have I found the sequence 
of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the ejjisodes of the myth. 
In the Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and 
ritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to be 

1 "Souls" in the broadest conception of the believers in Tylor's animistic tbeory. 
'The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Katcinas will be spoken of later. 

254 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 

comparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples. 
Among the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited. 
While an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction 
of the celebrations recounted in legends of times when real super- 
natural beings visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythic 
stories, I fail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element. 

The characteristic symbolism is prescribed and sti'ictly conforms 
to the legends. Explanations of why each Katcina is marked this 
or that way can be gathered from legends, but the continuous carry- 
ing out of the sequence of events iu the life of any Katcina, or any 
story of creation or migration, did not appear in any abbreviated^ 
Katcina which was studied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is 
present, but only in the crudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, how- 
ever, we find an advance in the amount of dramatization, or an attempt 
to represent a story or parts of the same. Thus we can in Soyaluna 
follow a dramatic presentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun 
with hostile deities or powers, in which both are personified. 

I must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan concep- 
tions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge is 
immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what has 
been seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete account 
of the Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not know 
how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but these 
observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric 
explanations of causes. It is thought that such a treatment of the 
subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of expla- 
nations which it naturally precedes. 

Although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains 
elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I 
incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it 
has grown the legend as we now know it. Tlie question, Which came 
first, myth or ritual! is outside the scope of this article. 

Any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan 
Indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in 
winter. From harvest time to planting there is a succession of cele- 
brations of most complicated and varied nature, but from planting to 
harvesting all these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explana- 
tion of this condition would be, and probably is, necessity. There is 

*Tt would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate 
Katcinas. Are the former, for instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the 
secret elements have been dropped in tlie course of time? Were they formerly more complicated, or 
are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them 
more complex ? I incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their reduc- 
tion due to practical reasons. In a general way the word Katcina may be translated " soul "or "deified 
ancestor," and in this respect afifords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory. 
But there are other elements in Tusayan nij'thology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well 
shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi 
the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is there evidence that their worship 
was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, "Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with reiigion; 
it is never and nowhere the whole of religion." 


not time enough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the 
corn must be cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn 
is high and the crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the 
agriculturist is at home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has 
freedom to carry on elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally 
he takes part in the complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early 
summer religious observances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo 
farmer may thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious, 
his human nature is too practical to consume the precious planting 
time with elaborate ceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is 
coming and harvest is at hand, then he begins the series of, to him, 
magnificent pageants which extend from the latter part of August until 
March of the following year. 

It has been iiroven by repeated observations of the same cei'emonials 
that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of 
the ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable modifications 
resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time 
affect individual observances, but their ritual is never voluntai-ily 
changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere described 
were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any religious society 
of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white 
man. Each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time 
of the year. 


The following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid 
in the study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials pre- 
sented to us for classification : 

Katcina's return. 
A^ •? Powamu. 

( Paliiliikoiiti. 


The abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary 
somewhat from year to year. 

'Nimdn (Katcina's departure). 

Snake or Flute (alternating). 



Wilwiitcimti^ (sometimes Naacnaiya). 

' By Gregorian months, wbich of course the Hopi do not recognize by these names or limits. Their 
own "moons" have been given elsewhere. 

^ The months to wbich the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second 
division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined- 
the solar year is about etiually divided into two parts by the Nimdn, which is probably the exact 
dividing celebration of the ceremonial year. 

^There is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of Wiiwiitcimti. 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

Masked or Katcina Ceremonials 


Jan If - 




J nil/ 





Variable ab- 


Unmasked or Nine Days'' Ceremonials 





Snake or Flute. 



Wiiw ii tci m t i or 

The Katcina chief, Intiwa, erects his altar every year in the 
Moiikiva, but ditfereut kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the 
dance of the Niman by their appropriate presentation, thus : The men 
of the Wikw.iliobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891; those of Nacab- 
kiva in 1892; those of the Alkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the 
men of the Tcivatokiva will i)ersonate the last Katcina of the sum- 
mer. It thus will appear that the special supernatural personage 
represented varies from year to year within certain limits, and the 
variations mean nothing more than that the members of the dift'erent 
kivas participate in rotation. 


The Tusayan names of the mouths are as follows: 



1. Powilmii'iyawu ' 

2. U'ciimii'iyawu 

3. Kwiyaomii'iyawu. 

4. Hakitoumii'iyawu. 

5. Kelemii'iyawii. 


'The word mii'iyawft means "moon," by which it wonld seem that our satellite determiueB the 

smaller divisiona of the year. 




6. Kyamii'iyawu 


7. Piiiuii'iyawii ! . . . . 

(Snake, Flute.) 

8. Powa'mii'iyawu 

fl. Hiiiikinii'iyawn. 

10. U'ciiniii'iyawii 


11. Kelemii'iyawii 


12. Kyaniii'iyawu 


13. Pamii'iyawii 

Katciua's return. 

The second part of the October (tj'cii) is said to be called Tii'hoe. 
If this is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to 
the ceremonial year. In the Paniii'iyawu, the Snake ceremony, and the 
Katcina's return, the same Niiitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, etc) 

It will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names 
as those of the winter; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions 
"named" and "nameless," elsewhere used on good authority. The 
questions regarding the nomenclature of the diflerent moons and their 
number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered. 

The determination of the number of moons recognized in the year 
or the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his 
house (Tawaki) at the summer solstitial rising is a most important 
question, for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are 
insufficient. Several of the priests have told me that there were 13, 
as given above; but others say there are 12, and still others, 14. The 
comparative ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be 
glad to accept the report that there were 13, in which case there would 
be introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many 
ways. Although, however, there is good evidence that 13 is recognized 
by some priests, the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially 
as it is derived from men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come 
to respect. I have, however, provisionally followed the opinion of 
those who hold that the Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their 

If the second part of the tJ'cii moon be called Tii'hoe, we would have 
14 moons, which would give 6 between 2 Powa, or 2 Pa, Kele, Kya, 
and divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The 
Katcina's return (Ckine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then 
occurs in the Pa moon; they end in Kya at the Nimjin (last, farewell). 
The group of unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at 
the Pa moon in the Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Kya, or 

15 ETH 17 


In eudeavoriug to find some reason for the similarity of names in tlie 
two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this 
interesting- hint, dropped by one of the priests: "When we of the 
upper world," he said, "are celebrating the winter Pa moon the people 
of the under world are engaged in the "observance of the Snake or 
Flute, and vice versa." The ceremonials in the two worlds are syn- 
chronous, "That is the reason," said my informant, "that we make 
the Snake or Flute palios during the winter season, although the dance 
is not celebrated until the corresponding month of the following 


Among the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled 
in the lore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on 
the horizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for 
religious ceremoiuals. Two of these points are called sun houses, one 
at tatyiika,'^ which is called the sun house (tiiwaki) par excellence, 
another at kwiin'wi, which also is called tiiwaki, or sun house. 

The i)oints on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial 
events are as follows: 

1. Tiiwaki (hiitca, opening). The horizon point properly called 
savwiiwee marks the cardinal point tatyiika or place of sunrise at the 
winter solstice. The winter ceremony SoySluna is determined not by 
sunrise, but by sunset, although, as a general thing, the time of summer 
ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise. 

2. Masnamiizrii (miisi, drab or gray; naniiizrii, wooded ridge). Tbis 
point is the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of Pup'ce. 

3. Paviih'tcomo (paviiii', young corn; tcomo, mound). A point on 
the old wagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams 

4. Hon witcomo (derivation obscure; hoiiwi, erect). 

5. Niivaktcomo (niiv^k, snow; tcomo, mound). When the sun reaches 
here on its northern journey the Honani or Badger people plant corn ; 
the other Hopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds. 

G. Piilhomotaka (piilii, round, hump; h(5mo, obscure; t;ika, man; 
possibly many hump-back men). When the sun reaches here the Piitki 

Trom their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counter- 
part ol' the earth's surface, .and a region inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons 
altern.ite witli tliose in the upper world, and when it is summer in the above it is winter iu the world 
below, and viee versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to he performed there as here, and frequent 
references arc made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each 
other and are compleraental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded aa the ahode 
of the '"breath-body " of the deceased, who enter it through a sipapu, often spoken of as a lake. I 
have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that 
of the damned. 

^Tbe Tiiwaki of tatyiika is the snn house. There is no sun house at hi')poko nor at tevyuiia. The 
names of the four horizon cardinal points are, kwiniwi, northwest; tevyii'ua, southwest; tatyuka, 
southeast, and hopokyiika (syncopated hopoko), northeast. 


or Water i)eo[)lc plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake- 
Antchipe fraternities assemble for the Snake dance. 

7. Kwitciila.' When the sun rises at this point on his northward 
journey general planting' begins, which continues until the summer 
solstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly Journey 
the Nimankatcina is celebrated. 

8. Taiovi (!). 

9. Owiitcoki (owa, rock; tcoki, mound house). 

10. Wii'nacakabi (wii'na, pole; Ciika, ladder). 

11. Wakacva, cattle spring, 12 miles north of Keams canyon. 

12. Paviiukyaki, swallow house. 

13. Tiiyiika, summer solstice. 

We are justified in accepting the theory that sun and nioon^ worship 
is usual among primitive men, Whether that of the sun or of our sat- 
ellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss, 
but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among 
most primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not exceptions, and while we 
can not say that their adoration is limited to the sun, it forms an essen- 
tial element of their ritual, while their anhydrous environment has led 
them into a rain-cloud worship and other complexities. I think we can 
safely say, however, that tlie germ of their astronomy sprang from 
observations of the sun, and while yet in a most primitive condition they 
noticed the fact that this celestial body did not always rise or set at 
the same points on the horizon. The connection between these facts 
and the seasons of the year must have been noted early in their history, 
and have led to orientation, which plays such an injportant part in all 
their rituals. Thus the approach of the sun to a more vertical position 
in the sky in summer and its recession in winter led to the association 
of time when the earth yielded them their crops witli its approach, 
and the time when the earth was barren with its recession. These 
epochs were noticed, however, not by the position of the sun at mid- 
day, but at risings and settings, or the horizon points. The two 
great epochs, summer and winter, were, it is believed, connected with 

'Note the similarity in sound to tlie Nahuatl montli, Quecliolli, in wliicli tLie Ataraalqualiztli was 
celebrated. See "A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of tiie Tusayan 
villagers,'' American Anthropologist, AVashington, toI. VI, No. '.U Quecholli. however, according to 
both Sahagun and Serna, was in November. The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six 
months from Atamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate 
their Snake-Antelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the 
Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gathering in the winter Pa moon (January), when 
their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by thetn to be performing their unabbre- 
viated snake rites. This is atmostonly about .a month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. 
Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soyalufia, the warriors' return, 
in December. There are important comparative data bearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl 
ceremonies hidden in the resemblance between Kwetciila and t,Juecholli (Kwetcoli). 

'Miiyiuwiih, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some 
remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mictlantecutli or his female companion Mictlaneihuatl. The 
name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo. the 
snake hero. (Seethe legend of the Snake Youth in Journal of American Ethnology and Archieology, 
vol. IV, Boston, 1894.) 

260 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.anx.15 

solstitial amplitudes, and tbe equiuoctial, horizontal points, uncon- 
nected with important times to agriculturists, were not considered as 
of much worth. There is every evidence, however, that the time of 
day was early indicated by the altitude of the sun, although the con- 
nection of the altitude at midday with the time of year was subordi- 
jiated to observations on the horizon. 


In attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial observ- 
ances, as deteru]ined by observations made during the last three years, 
I recognize two groups, the difl'erences between which may be more or 
less arbitrary. These groups are called — 
I. The Katcinas. 
II. The Nine days' ceremonials. 
The former of these groups, which is the subject of this article, begins 
with the Katcinas' return,' and ends with their departure (Ximau). 
It is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group, as 
a short reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding 
of the Katcinas. 

There are significant likenesses between different members of the 
series of nine days' ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several 
pairs, of which the following may be mentioned : 
I. Snake or Flute.' 
II. Liilakouti and Mamzraiiti. 

III. Powamfi and Paliiliikonti. 

IV. Wiiwiitcimti and Naacnaiya. 

The likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in 
both members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another 
kin.ship which does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as 
much as in the subordinate parts. Thus, Lalakofiti and PilUiliikonti, 
Wiiwiitcimti and Mamzraxiti are brother and sister ceremonials, accord- 
ing to their conceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain 
events in the ceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between 
certain societies, but nun-li obscurity envelops this whole subject of 

The term "Nine days' ceremonies" refers to the active^ ceremonial 
days, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance 
and the open dance of the last days. Strictly speaking, the ceremo- 
nial smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and from 

'The Soydlufia has been called the Kactina's return, which name i.s not inaccurate. It is, strictly 
speaking, a warriors' celebration, and marks the return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. 
Tbe Katcinas .appear in force in the Pa celebration. 

•I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between tbe dramatizations of tbe Snake- Antelope and 
tbe Flute societies, but tbe members of tbe former scout tbe idea that they are related. Evidently 
tbe similarity in their ceremonijUs, which can luit be denied, are not akin to the relationships which 
tbey recognize between brother and sister societies 

'Strictly speaking, eifrbt active, since tbe first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Jour- 
nal of American Ethnology and Archa-ology, vol. iv, p. 13, 1894. 

FEWKEs) NINE days' ceremonials 261 

this (lato to tho fnuil imblic exliihition there are sixteen days, a multi- 
ple of the oniuipresciit miiiibcr lour. 

Some of the Katciuas have nine days of cereiuouials. countiui;- the 
assembly and the tinal purification. 

The inception of the ceremony is called tcotcofl yiinya, smoking 
assembly, in which the chiefs (mou'mowitii) meet together in the even- 
ing at a prescribed house. The meeting places are as foUows: 

Tciitciib (Snake-Anteh)pe fraternity) Snake chief's mother's house. 

Mamzraii Siilako's. 

Liilakon Kotcuiimsi's. 

Soyalufia Vensi's. 

Wiiwiitcini Tciwiiqti's. 

Lenya (Flute) Talasvensi's. 

Nimau Kwiimaletci's. 

On the day following this smoke the speaker chief (tcaiikmoiiwi) 
at early sunrise announces to the iniblic that the ceremony is to begin, 
and to the six direction deities (nananivo moh'mowitu) that the ijriests 
are about to assemble to pray for rain. Eight days after the announce- 
ment the chiefs gather in the kiva, and tliat day is called yiifiya, assem- 
blage, but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. The tirst 
ceremonial day is Oiictala, after which follow the remaining days as 
already explained in my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting 
the days from the commencement, the Snake, Flute, ]Siman, Lijlakouti, 
and Mamzraiiti are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine 
daj-s of active ceremonies, as shown in articles ehsewhere. When 
Naacnaiya is not celebrated, Wiiwiitcimti, Powamu, Soyidufia, and 
Piiliiliikohti are abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials. 

.The following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days' cere- 
monials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and nights; 
no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas; no 
Tcukuwympkiyas.' Altars and sand mosaics generally present. Indi- 
vidual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but in either case at 
approximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. Tfponi' 
generally brought out in the public dance. Many piihos,' ordinarily of 
different length (Snake, Flute, Lalakonti, Mamzrauti), to deposit in 
shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing, gen- 
erally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days. 

'Clowns, called likewise "mudheads" and "gluttons." 

^lie tiponi is aii)>pnaed to be the niiitlicr or the palladium, the sacred badge of oflfice of the society. 
It is one of the winii or sacred objects in the keeping of a chief, and is the iusignium of his ofhcial 
standing. Tlie character of tliis object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear 
fit corn surrounded by .sticks and bright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string. For the con- 
tents of the more elaborate forms, see my description of the Lalakonti liponi (called bundles of 

' Piihos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of ditferent forms conceived to be male and female when 
double. Their conuiion form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi; Jour. 
Am. Eth. and Arch., vol. iv. p. 27. Prescribed forms vary with ditlerent deities. 



[ETH. ANN. 15 

The following are the important nine days' ceremonies: 
1. The Antelope-Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the 
Lelenti or Flute observance. 

'2. The Lalakonti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many 
nights, and is celebrated by women. The details of the celebration at 
Walpi in 1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have 
already been published.' It has some likenesses with the Mam- 
zrauti, which follows it in sequence. Tliere are four priestesses, the 
chief of whom is Kotcniimsi. Three tiponis were laid on the altar in 

Fig. 39 — Tablet of the PalabiltninaDa mask. 

the celebration of 1891, although it is customary for each society to have 
but one tiponi, which, with the other parapliernalia, is in the keeping of 
the chief priest. 

3. The Mamzraiiti. This ceremonial has likewise been described.'* 
In some celebrations of this festival girls ai)pear with tablets on their 
heads personifying maids called Palahikomanas. In 1891 these per- 
sonages were representeil by pictures^ of the same on slabs carried in 
the hands of girls. In this way the variations of their celebrations in 
diflereut years may be exjjlained; sometimes women are dressed to 
impersonate the Palahikomanas, at others only pictures of the same 
are carried. 

1 The American Anthropologist, Washington. Ajiril, 1892. 
•-Ibid., July, 1892. 

^Erroneously identilii-d a.s Ciilako in my descriptimi and plates of the presentation of the Mam- 
zraiiti in 1891. 









4. The Wiiwiitciinti. The Naaciiaiya, of which this is au abbrevi- 
ated observauce,' has been described.' One of the most proinineut 
events is the ceremonial making of the new fire; and as this is in a 
measure distinctive of these two, it is proper to designate them the 
New Fire ceremonies. 

lu essentials the Naacnaiya and the Wiiwiitcimti are the same, but 
the former api)ears to be of less constant appearance and more compli- 
cated. In it, as elsewhere described, the statuette of Talatumsi is 
brought into the pueblo, but in the abbreviated form offerings are 
made at her shrine down the trail. During the making of the new fire 
Anawita,- personifying Masauwiih, is hidden behind a blanket held by 
two assistants. 

The second group, called the Katcinas, which may be divided into 
two smaller divisions, known as the elaborate and the abbreviated, fills 
out the sequence of religious ceiemonials between the Soyaluua and 
the Nimankatcina. These celebrations are distinguished from those of 
the former group by the presence of masked personages to whom is 
given the name of Katcinas. By the use of these masks or helmets 
the participant is supposed to be transformed into the deity repre- 
sented, and women and children avoid looking at Katcinas when 
unmasked. The main symbolism of the deity is depicted on the helmet 
or head, and varies in difterent presentations, but the remaining para- 
])hernalia is constant, whatever personage is represented.-' 

The mask (kii'itii, head) is often addressed as ikwatci, " my friend or 
double." Prescriptively it must be put on and taken ofl' with the left 
haud.^ It is of helmet shape, fitting closely to the Lead and resting 
on the shoulders. These masks or helmets are repainted at each pre- 
sentation with the .symbolism of the personage intended to be repre- 
sented. They are ordinarily made of leather, portions of boot legs or 
saddles, and in one or two instances I have found on their inside the 
embossed or incised markings characteristic of Spanish saddles. Old 
felt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks 
and those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth. Few of the helmets 
now used give evidence of very great antiquity, although some are 
made of the skin of the bison. One can seldom these helmets, 
as their manufacture is difficult, and instead of being discarded after 
use in one ceremony they are repainted for other presentations. 

' The four societies who celebrate the Wiiwiitcimti are the Ailwympkiya. Wiiwiitcimwympkiya, 
Tataiikyanift. and Kw^kwantCi. 

^Chief of the Kwdknantii, a powerful warrior society. Among various attributes M4saiiw(ih is 
the Fire God. 

'The body, save for a kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered 
rain-cloud syuiliols. This is tied by a sash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Kattles niadeof a turtle 
shell and sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg b.ack of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn. 
.Spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle, and the Katcina carries a rattle iu one hand. Thi.-i rattle is 
a gourd shell with stones within and with a short wooden handle. 

• The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwikwocis. and is spoken of as 
kyakyauina, desirable. The right hand is called tunuomahtu, food hand. 

264 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 

There is a similar uniformity year by year in tlie time of the celebra- 
tion of the extended or elaborate Katciuas called iSTiman, Powiimfi, 
Paliiliikonti, Soyaluna, and the Pa or Katcina's return. Their sequence 
is always the same, but in the abbreviated Katcinas or masked dances 
this uniformity is not adhered to. A certain number of these are cele- 
brated each spring and summer,but the particular abbreviated Katcina' 
which is presented varies from year to year, and may or may not be 

While Katcinas or masked dances do not generally occur during 
the interval of the nine days' ceremonials (autumn and early winter), I 
have notes on one of these -which indicate that they sometimes take 
place in this epoch. 

On September 20, 1893, a Katcina called Anakatcina^ was per- 
formed in Hano after the Niman had been celebrated in Walpi. 
Theoretically it would not be expected, as the farewell Katcina is 
universally said to be a celebration of the departure of these person- 
ages to their distant home, an event which does not occur at Hano. 
It would be strange if later observations should show that Katcinas 
are celebrated in other villages between the departure and return of 
these jiersouages. 


Our exact knowledge of the character of the Ilopi Katcinas dates 
back to Schoolcraft's valuable compilation. While the existence of 
these dances was known previously to that time, and several refer- 
ences to similar dances among the other Pueblos might be quoted from 
the writings of Spanish visitors, our information of the Katcina cele- 
brations in Tusayan previously to 1852 is so fragmentary that it is 
hardly of value in comparative studies. In the year named Dr P. S. G. 
Ten Broeck visited Tusayan and published a description of what was 
probably a Katcina dance at Sitcomovi. Although his account is so 
imperfect that we can not definitely say what Katcina was personated, 
his description was the first important contribution to our knowledge 
of the character of these dances among the Ilopi Indians. It will be 
noticed in a general way that the personation differed but slightly 
from those of the present day. Ten Broeck noted that the male 
dancers, Katcinas, wore on their heads "large pasteboard towers" 

'The word Katcina, as already stated, is applied to a ceremonial dance and to a personatorin the 
eame. The symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tlhus, 
many examples of wliick I have described in my article on " Dolls of the Tusayan Indians" in Inter- 
nationales Archiv iiir Ethnographic, 1894. Profltable sources of information in regard to the sym- 
bolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures 
on altars, etc. All pictorial or glyptic representations of the same Katcina are in the main identical, 
with slight variations in detail, due to technique. 

Tor a description of the jliiakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archieology, vol. II, 


(Dilktci?), and ''visors' made of small willows, with the bark peeled oft' 
and dyed a deep brown." He recognized tliat the female dancers 
(Katcinamanas) were men dressed as women and that they wore yel- 
low "visors" and dressed their hair in whorls as at the present time. 
He described the musical ( f ) accompaniment of the dance with the 
scapula of an animal rubbed over a "ground j)iece of wood." He like- 
wise noticed the priests who sprinkled the dancers with sacred meal, 
and speaks of two small boys painted black with white rings who 
accompanied the dance. The latter may have been personifications of 
the Little Fire Gods. 

The Hopi clowns, Tcukuwympkiyas, were likewise seen by Ten 
Broeck, who described their comical actions. From his description of 
the byplay of their "assistants," I find very little change has taken 
place since his time. In the Katcina which he observed food was dis- 
tributed during the dance, as I have elsewhere described is the case 
today. Although much might be added to Ten Broeck's description, 
his observations were the most important which had been made known 
up to his time, and continued for forty years the most valuable record 
of this groui)^ of dances among the Tusayan Indians. 


Before considering the various ceremonials in which the Katcinas 
appear, it may be well to say something of the nature of these super- 
natural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony 
of some of the best informed men of the tribe. The various legends 
which are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here, 
but a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the 
reader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which 
they appear. 

These deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to 
the greater gods.'' They have been called intercessors between man 

^Ihavealso seen visors of this kind, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occasions 
sometimes "wore a huj;e eye shade or visor made of basketware. The helmet of the Humiskatcina 
bears a -n-illow framework which forms a kind of visor, and if, as I suspect from the "large paste- 
board [skin over framework or wooden boardj tower," it was a tablet or nakci, the personification 
mentioned by Ten Eroeck may have been a Humiskatcina. In May. 1891, I observed a Humls, but 
there is no reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to Ma.y. It might 
have been perlbrmed in April equally' well. The Katcinamanas were not observed b.y me to wear 
such visors as Ten Broeck observed. 

^During that time our knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen. Bourke. and 

*The Katcinas, sometimes spelt«Cachinas, are believed to be the same as the Zuni K6kos and pos- 
sibly the Nahuatl teotls. The derivation is obscure; possibly it is from k^tci, spread out, horizontal, 
the surface of the earth, n;ia. father, abbreviated na, surface of land, father. The Tusa,yan Indians 
say that their Katcinas are the same as the Zuni K()ko, pronouncing the word as here spelled. Gush- 
ing insists, however, that the proper name of the organization is Ka'k.'l. I find Mrs Stevenson, in her 
valuable article on the Religious Life of a Zuiii Child, has used the spelling Kok'ko, which introduces 
the sound which the Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their nearest 
Pueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious 

266 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. ank.15 

and the highest superiuitural beiugs. There are misty legeuds that 
long ago the Katciiias, like men, came from the nniler world and 
brought with tlieni various charms or nahii with which the Hoin are 
familiar. By some it is said that a Honaui (Badger) chief came up 
from the Atkyaa, or under world, in the center of a square whose four 
sides were formed of lines of Katcinas, and that he bore in his left 
hand a buzzard wing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back. 
The Katcinas recognized him as their chief, and became Katcina 
Honiini, Badger Katcinas. 

The legend runs that in ancient times Hahaiwiiqti ' emerged from 
the under world followed by four sons, who were Katcinas, each bear- 
ing in his arms a pet called paliiliikonuh, plumed serpent. Following 
these four came other Katcinas with pets (pokomatii), of whom the 
following are mentioned: 

One bearing psikwa, frog (water-eagle). 

One bearing patsro, water-bird. 

One bearing pawikya, duck. 

One bearing pavakiyuta, water on the backs bearers, aquatic 

One bearing yiih'ocona, turtle. 

One bearing znina, bullfrog. 

One bearing pavatiya, young water bearer (tadpole). 

The others with kwiihii (eagle), parrot, crow, cooper's hawk, swallow, 
and night hawk. 

The Siimaikoli pets for the six directions are: 

Sowiiiiwu, deer Kwiniwi. 

Pan'wu, mountain sheep '- -Tevyiiiia. 

Tcii'bio, antelope Tatyi'ika. 

Tcaizrisa. elk Hopoka. 

Sowi, hare Omyvika. 

Tabo, cottontail rabbit Atkyantuka. 

The four Katcinas bear a startling yet foreign resemblance to 
the Navaho Etsuthcle.^ The word pokonuxtii is ditticult to translate, 
but '"pets" seems a good rendering. Its ixsage is similar to that of cer- 
tain Navaho words. A Xavaho woman speaks of a favorite child as 
cili"; a man calls his pet horse cili", and the shaman designates his 
fetich-emblem of a nature deity bili°; a Hopi calls his dog poko. The 
pet of Tunwup is depicted on the altar as elsewhere mentioned in my 
account of the reredos of the farewell Katcina at Walpi.' 

observers allows one of the difficulties which besets the path of those who attempt etymologic dissec- 
tion of Pueblo words. Many Zuiii words in the mouths of the Hopi sutler strange modifications, so 
that I am not greatly Burprised to find idiomatic diflerences between the Hopi dialect of the East 
mesa and that of Oraibi. How much may result after years of separatiou no one can tell, but the 
linguist must he prep.Tred to find these diflerences very considerable. 

I This person is said to have been the mother of the Katcinas. She also was the mother of the 
monsters, the slaughter of whom by the cultus hero, rU'iikoiihoya, and his twin brotlier is a con- 
stant theme in Tusayan folklore. 

2StBven.son, Navabo Sand raiutinjis, in Eighth Annual lleport of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

■^Journal of American Ethnology and Archieolgy, vol. ii, No. 1. 


111 the Ilopi conception of the All Katcina there seems to he an idea 
that they dwell in four terrestrial places or worldcjuarters.' This may 
be looked on as an application of a general idea of world-quarter 
deities so common amouy them. 

Northwest, kwiniwi Kicynba. 

Southwest, tevyiina Niivatikyaubi, San Francisco mountains. 

Southeast, tatyuka Wenima. 

Northeast, h('>poko Niivatikyaubi, San Mateo mountains. 

If there is any one feature which distinguishes a Katcina it is the 
use, by some or all of the participants, of a mask or ceremonial helmet. 
The Katcinas are divided into two groups, the complete and the abbre- 
viated; the former is constant year by year, the latter varying. Altars 
are present in the complete, absent in abbreviated presentations. A 
cloud-charm altar or invocation to the six world-quarter deities is 
sometimes made. Public announcements are not prescribed. The 
Tcukhwympkiya or clowns are generally present. Abbreviated Katci- 
nas consist mainly of j)ublic dances in which Katcinas, Katcinamanas, 
and clowns take part. The pahos or prayer offerings are few in num- 
ber. Ceremony ends with a feast; generally no altars. Tiponi- is not 
brought out in public. It is possible that the fox skin so uuiver.sally 
worn by the animistic persoaiflcations called Katcinas hanging from 
the belt behind, is a survival comparable with the skin of the animal in 
which formerly, as in Nahuatl ceremonials, the whole body was clothed. 
In the case of Natacka, for instance, a skin is still worn over the 
shoulders. Conservatism in dress is tenaciously adhered to in religious 
parai)hernalia among all peoples. 

Roughly S]jeaking we may say that the Katcina celebrations are 
characterized by the presence of the Tcukuwympkiyas (Tatciikti, Tciic- 
kiitii, Paikyamii or clowns), which do not appear in the unmasked or 
nine days' ceremonials. The epoch in wliich they remain among the 
Hopi is therefore approximately that from the winter to the summer 

'The Hopi report tliatthe Ziifii believe that the dead are changed into Katcinas and go to a SipapCt, 
which they descend and tell the "chiefs ' to send the rain. The Hopi helieve that the dead become 
divinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain, (See discussion of Mrs Stevenson's 
statement thatthedead send rain.) It seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have 
hardly begun to realize the Important part which orientation plays in early religions. As research 
progresses it will be found to be of primary importance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang 
from astronomical conceptions and was derived I'rom a primitive sun worship in which the lesser 
deities naturally came to be associateil with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset. 

Ihave elsewhere pointed out that the tiponi is called the mother, and this usage seems to hold 
among the other riieblos. As a badge of cbieftaiucy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions 
01 initiatiiin and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the Snake Ceremo- 
nials at Walpi. Cimo, the old Flute chief (obit 1893), once made the following remark about his 
tiponi : " This is my mother; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is her neck- 
lace : the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the desirable seeds. When I go to sleep she 
watches over me, and when I die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, and I hope the 
tiponi will take care of me." From these words we learn bow much the tiponi is venerated, and itis 
not remarkable, considering the benetits which are thought to come from it, that it is designated "the 

268 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. ann. 15 

solstices; that in which they are absent, from the summer to tlie winter 

I classify the Katcina celebrations into two large groups, which may 
be called the elaborate and the abbreviated, and have considered them 
in the following pages. 


Under the head of elaborate Katcinas^ may be included: 
Katcina's return.' 


The celebration in the December moon has not as yet been described,* 
but a large body of material relating thereto is in my hands. In order 
to give a general idea of its character a brief outline of a characteristic 
portion of it is inserted in this place. Soyaluna is distinctly a warriors' 
observance, and has been called the Return Katcina. In one sense it 
may be so designated, but more strictly it is the return of the War god, 
regarded as a leader of the gods, and in that recalls the Nahuatl 
Teotleco, as elsewhere pointed out. The singing of the night songs of 
the warriors is one of the most effective archaic episodes of the ceremo- 
nial of the winter solstice. 

In the following account a description of a few events in the celebra- 
tion of 1891 is introduced: 

On the -ii'd of December of that year most of the men of the villages 
prepared cotton strings, to the end of which they tied feathers and 
pinoii needles. These were given away during the day to different 
persons, some receiving fiom one to two dozen, which they tied in their 
hair. When a maker of these feathered strings presented one to a 
friend, he said, as translated, "Tomorrow all the Katcinas to you grant 
your wishes," holding his bundle vertically and moving it with a hori- 

■ I mention this fact since, following Bandelier's studies among tli« Rio Grande Pueblos, -we have 
something different. The Kosbare, which appear to correspond with a group of the Tcukiiwympkiya, 
the Paiakyamft, are regarded hy him as tlie summer and autumn men, while the Cuirana are the 
spring men. During the late summer and autumn the Tcukiiwympkiya take no part in the ceremo- 
nials at the East mesa of Tusayan. No Tcukuwympkiyas appear in the Snake, Flute, LAlakofiti, 
Mamzraiiti, Wiiwiitilmti, or in certain minor festivals. They a])pear to he almost universal accom- 
paniments of the Katcina observances. 

=The elaboration is of course along different lines of growth, and its characteristics are treated in 
the several already published articles devoted to these subjects. In none of the abbreviated Katcinas 
described was there an altar or complicated kiva performance, but on the other band, in the elaborate- 
Katcinas such secret observances always existed. Slocalako, described in this article, a Hbrds an 
interesting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites. 

3Thi8 might better be called a composite, abbreviated Katcina. 

'The late Mr Stephen made extended studies of this presentation in 1892, but his fatal illness pre. 
vented his being in the kiva the following winter. It is necessary that a continued study of this 
dramatization bo made before a complete account of the ceremonial calendar can be attempted. 

The following men are distinctly called chiefs ; MoiTmowittl of Soyaluna, KwAtcakwa, Sakwistiwa 
Anawita, Naslmoki, Kwila, Siky4ustiwa, and Siipela. 


zontal motion. At iiij;litfiTll each man procured a willow wand from 3 
to 4 feet long and looped upon it all the strings wliich lie had reeeived. 
He then carried his stick to the Monkiva and placed it in the rafters, 
thus imparting to the ceiling the appearance of a bower of feathers and 
pinon needles. 

All the kivas were meeting places of the participants, but the 
Tataukyamu met at the Moiikiva, where the principal festivities took 
place. Their chief wore a head-dress decorated with symbols of rain- 
clouds (plate cviii), and carried a shield upon which was depicted the 
suu (plate Civ). The chief of a second society carried a shield upon 
which was drawn a star (plate civ), and a third chief bore a shield 
with an antelope drawn upon it. The head-dress of the chief of the 
Aawynipkiya was adorned with glistening triplex horns, and on his 
shield was rejjreseuted an unknown Katcina (plate civ). The fifth 
society was Kw;ikwantu, or warrior, whose chief carried in his hand 
an eflflgy of the great snake (Paliiliikouuh) which was carved from 
the woody stalk of the agave (kwan), from which the society was 
named. He came from the Tcivato-kiva and on his shield was depicted 
a Kwakwantii in full costume. The sixth society was the Tatciik'ti or 
"knobbed heads;" their shield-bearer wore a headdress like a coro- 
net, while ou his shield was drawn a black figure with lozenge-shape 
eyes. The shield of the chief of the seventh societj' was adorned with 
a picture of the Tawauiofiwi or sun chief. 

After the societies had entered the kiva an invocation to the car- 
dinal points was chanted, and the shield-bearers, in turn, standing 
over the sipapu, stamped on it. At a signal the society arranged 
itself into two irregular groups, one on the north, the other on the 
south side of the main floor. All then vehemently burst forth into a 
song, the shield-bearer making eccentric dashes among his associates, 
first to one side and then to the other. 

While the song lasted the shield-bearer continued these short, swift 
rushes, and the assembled groups crouched down and met his dashes 
by rising and driving him back to the sipapu. He madly oscillated 
from right to left, that is, from the north to the south side of the room, 
and swung his shield in rhythm, while those near him beat their feet 
in time. The shield was dashed from face to face, and the groups 
made many motions as if to seize it, but no one did more than to touch 
it with outstretched hands. The movements on both sides were highly 
suggestive of attack and defense. 

At 8 p. m. about one dozen men were collected in the Monkiva, 
among whom was Lesma playing a flageolet. The hatchway was 
guarded by a tyler, and for a mitci there was placed there a wicker 
skullcap ornamented with a pair of imitation mountain-sheep horns 
(plate ex). Two hours later the room was densely packed with naked 
men, their bodies undecorated, wearing small eagle plumes attached 
to the crown of the head. Two women were present. Anawita, chief 

270 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. axn.15 

of the KwAkwautu, sat alone on the southern side of the main floor 
which was clear in the middle, and twelve chiefs, among- them CImo, 
Siipela, and Tcubema, sat opposite him. 

Ten novices from the other kivas entered gorgeously arrayed in 
white kilts, brilliant crowns of feathers, white body decorations, bear- 
ing an imitation squash blossom, with spruce sprigs in their left hands 
and corn in their right hands. As the chiefs took their places Lesma 
sprinkled the floor of the room near the ladder with moist valley sand, 
about an inch deej). The novices stepped from the ladder upon this 
sand and passed up in front of the chiefs, then squatted before them 
facing the south, their kilts having been lifted so that they sat on the 
cold floor. 

Anawita then crossed over to the south side of the room and seated 
himself at the east end of the line of chiefs. 

At the west wall of the kiva a strange altar had been erected. 
Lesma had piled against tlie ledge of this part of the kiva a stack of 
corn, two or more ears of which had been contributed by the maternal 
head of each family in the pueblo. At either side and in front of the 
stack of corn shrubbery had been placed. In the space between the 
top of the corn pile and the roof wands were placed, and to these wands 
had been fastened many artificial flowers, 4 or 5 inches in diameter, set 
close together but in no regular lines. There were over 200 of these 
flowers of different colors, dark-red and white predominating. Nearly 
in the center of this artificial shrubbery there was a large gourd shell 
with the convex side turned toward the audience and having an aper- 
ture about 8 inches in diameter in its center. Through this opening 
had been thrust the head of an efiigy ' of Paliiliikonuh, the jdumed- 
head snake, painted black, with a tongue-like appendage protruding 
from the mouth. When all the assembled priests were seated a moment 
of solemn stillness ensued, after which Snpela arose, cast a handful of 
meal toward the efiigy of the snake, and said a short prayer in a rever- 
ent tone.^ Then the head of the snake, which was manipulated by an 
unseen person behind the altar, was observed to rise slowly to the cen- 
ter of the aperture, and a mellow sounding roar like a blast through a 
conch appeared to come from the mouth, while the whole head was 
made to quiver and wave. The sound was of short duration, repeated 
four times, and then the head reposed again on the lower rim of the 
ground shell. Presently was heard a sound as of a scajnila drawn 
across a notched stick six times. All the old chiefs in succession cast 
meal to the effigy and prayed, and in response to each the great snake 
emitted sounds identical with those mentioned above. The spectators 
then left the kiva, and a frenzied dance of strange cliaracter occurred. 
The societies from other kivas came in, and the chief of each declaimed 
in a half-chanting voice which rose to a shriek at the close of a stanza. 

'See figures of this effigy in my account of the PAliiliikofiti, Journal of American Folk-lore. Oct.- 
Dec, 1893. 

2 Hero evidently we have a prayer to the deity symbolized by the effigy and not an invocation to the 
etfigy itself. 


First, he drew b:ick to the fire])hn'e, and then with a shufHing- jjait 
approached the symbohc opening in the lioor called the sipapu. 

Anawita then shouted at the top of his voice, and the shufHer sprang 
in the air and vaulted over the sipapfi. Then everybody in the room 
shouted loudly and a song in concert followed. A moment later the 
visiting societies dashed down the ladder, each bearing a splendid 
shield ornamented with the figure of the sun and a rim of radiating 
eagle feathers. Each society had its distinctive sun shield, which on 
entering was handed to the chief. As lie received it he stamped on 
the sipapu and a fierce song was sung. Meanwhile two members of 
the society stood ajiart from their fellows against the southern wall 
facing each other, each holding a squash flower emblem in a bouquet 
of spruce twigs and an ear of corn in his left hand. 

Suddenly the fifteen or twenty members of the society drew back 
from their chief, who then sprang ujion the sipapu jilauk, and quickly 
turning faced tliem as all burst forth in an ecstatic shouting, with wild 
flinging of their arms as they approached the shield-bearers. They 
naturally formed two clusters, and as the shield-bearer dashed his 
shield in their faces they surged back, to leap again toward him. 
This seeming assault, wild though it appeared, was maintained in time 
with the song. The two chieftains joined their men, all in ecstatic 
frenzy, and one of them, shaking his shield, sprang from right to left, 
drawing back his assistants in rhythm with the beating of the feet of 
all on tlie floor. After a few moments of most exhaustive movements 
some of the weaker staggered up the ladder, and shortly after one of 
the chiefs fell fainting to the floor, overcome by exhaustion and the 
intense heat of the room. One splendid athlete danced with vigor for 
fully five minutes, and then swept toward the ladder where the assist 
ant was standing in readiness to receive his shield. An;jther stride 
and he reached the foot of the ladder and suddenly became as rigid as 
a corpse. Tlie men who belonged to the Moiikiva took no part in this 
exhaustive dance but stood in readiness to carry those who fainted up 
the ladder to the cool air outside. 

It has been suggested that this assault of the men on the bearer of 
the sun-shield dramatizes the attack of hostile jjowers on the sun, and 
that the object is to offset malign influences or to draw back the sun 
from a disappearance suggested by its southern declination.' In this 
possible interpretation it is well to consider that immediately preced- 
ing it the archaic offerings and prayers to the great snake were made, 
as described, in the presence of spectators. The idea of hostility of 
the great snake to the sun is an aboriginal American conception. In 
the Maya Codex Cortesianus (336) the plumed snake is represented^ 

'The (lance with the aun-sbield remotely resembles eertain so-called "sun dances," ivhich have 
been described among the nomads, in which physical exhaustion and sulfering are common features. 
This dance, it must be borne in mind, took place when llie Bun was at the winter solstice, and the 
dramatization of attack and defense may have some meaning in connection with this fact. 

*0n the authority of Cyrus Thomas, "Are the Maya hieroglyjihs phonetic?" American Anthropolo- 
gist, Washington, July, 1893, p 266. His reasoning tliat the scribe of the codes intended to repre- 
sent this astronomical event is plausible hut nut conclusive. 

272 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 

as swallowing the suu as iu an eclipse. If Soyaluua is a propitiatory 
ceremony to prevent the destruction or disappearance of the sun in 
winter or to offset the attacks of hostile malevolent deities upon him, 
we can see a possible explanation of the attacks and defenses of the 
sun as here dramatized.' The evil influences of the great snake are 
met by the prayers to his eflflgy; the attacks of other less ijowerful 
deities are dramatized in the manner indicated. 

The following contains a few suggestions in regard to the charac- 
ter of the dramatization iu the December celebration. In the prayers 
to the Plumed Snake his hostility was quieted, and the chiefs did what 
they could to propitiate that powerful deity, who was the great cause 
of their apprehension that the beneficent suu (Tawa) would be over- 
come. Then followed the dramatization of the conflict of opposing 
powers, possibly representing other deities hostile to our beneficent 
fathei-, the sun. Although the struggle involved, so far as the partici- 
pants were concei'ued, their highest powers of endurance and bodily 
suflering, the suu-shield or symbol of Tawa had the good fortune to 
resist the many assaults made upon it. 

The introduction of dramatization as an explanation of the warrior 
celebration is theoretic, therefore not insisted upon, and is at least 
plausible until a better interpretation is suggested. It has iu its sup- 
port the evidence drawn from a comparative study of ceremonials. In 
the light of this theory the return and departure of the Katcina has a 
new significance, and may l)e regarded as a modified sun myth. At the 
winter solstice the sun and his attendant deities have reached their most 
distant point, and turned to come back to the pueblos. In the mid- 
summer the solar deity appi'oached them; he was near them, and in 
appreciation of this fact, which means blessings, the poor Hopi made 
his ofleriiig;^ danced the Snake dance, asking the snake to bring the 
rain, believing he was no longer hostile or at enmity with the sun. 
But the withdrawal of the gods (Farewell Katcinas) could not be 
delayed by these rites, and the sun each day drew farther from them. 
The Katcinas (gods) departed; the bright, beneficent summer gave 
place to cold, dreary winter; life was replaced by death. In this most 
critical epoch the warriors, the most potent human powers of the 
pueblo, performed their ceremony to bring back the beneficent god 
and his train. The Nahuatl priest called a similar ceremony " Teotleco," 
the god comes — "The dead god is reborn," says Duran. The gods 
(Katcinas) come, say the Hoj^i (Soyaluna, all assemblage; derived 
from CO, all; yuBya, assemblage). The Nahuatl priest sprinkled meal 
on the floor of the teocalli, and when he saw in the meal the footprint 

*There are Tiieniliers of the American race living whore the sun disappears at the winter solstice or 
succumbs to evil powers. Have the Pueblos inherited this rite from people who once lived far to 
the north? 

'The fact that the Snake dance follows the Nim^n may be explained as follows : The sun begins 
to be affected by the Plumed Snake at the Farewell dance, and the jirowing inlluenceof tliis divinity is 
recognized, hence his (children (reptiles) are gathered from the tields and intrusted with the prayers 
of men to cease his mali'ru iuHueuce. 


f'IfTEENTH annual report PL. cv'l 





of the War god, the leader of the divinities, be announced the fact. 
The Hopi priest still continues to sprinkle sand on the kiva floor 
during the ceremony. 

katcina's return 

The first celebration of the Katcinas iu the spring, several months 
after their departure,' took place in that division of the year called the 
Pamiiyawfi, and is known as Mohti Katcinumyiinya, or "First Katcina 
assembly." I have called it the Return Katcina. It follows directly 
after the winter piiho making of the Suake-Antelope or Flute societies, 
which varies in character according to whether the Snake or the Flute 
society gives the presentation that year. In 1893 it followed the Snake 
paho making, and in 1894 that of the Flute. It may be called a com- 
posite, abbreviated assembly of Katcinas. 

During the day Katcina masks were renovated in the kivas of the 
mesa, and there were visitations at all the kivas by the personators in 
the coming celebration. Women and children crowded the spectators' 
quarters of these rooms, and the performances lasted from 10 oclock in 
the evening until 2 oclock of the following morning. Previously to 
the exhibition in the kivas, men personating different Katcinas visited 
the following points to make homoya or meal offerings and to say 
appropriate prayers : 



Points from which 
prayers are made 

Prayers directed. 

or meal thrown 

tojvard — 



Kiitca anak^ 

Coyohim momoyamu. 

S.W. Walpi... 
do.. . 



Tcatca kwaina 







N. E. Walpi . 


Puviifitcomo . . 






Av^tchoya mana . . . 



N. E. Hano 


On the 24:th of this month (Pa), as after the Snake ceremonials,' 
the Niiitiwa, or struggles of the maids with the men for bowls, etc, 
took place, except that in this instance it was a struggle with a Katcina 
and not, as in the Snake observance, between girls and young men, 

^ At the Ninijin in the preceding July. 

'With Tatcii'kti (Mud-he.ida). 

^Journal of American Ethnology and ArchiEology, vol. IV. 

15 ETH 18 

274 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ ann.15 

From the foregoing table we leani that in the lieturii Katciua for 
1894 the following' were personified: 

1. Kiitca (white) aiia. 6. Hli'iki. 

2. (Joyohim, 7. Hehea. 

3. Tcakwaiiia. 8. Avatchoya. 

4. Popkotu. 9. Tacal). 

5. Mucaizru. 10. Humis. 

The accompanying clowns were the Tatcii'kti or knob-head priests. 
It is an interesting fact that in the celebration of the departure of the 
Katcinas the clowns took no part, but these priests were important 
additions to the Siocillako. 

The celebration of the lieturn Katcina, which occurs iu the winter 
Pa moon, is accomi)anicd by elaborate rites performed by either the 
Snake-Antelope or the Flute fraternity, the society observing it being 
that which will give its celebration in the summer Pa moon of the 
same year. A description of these rites naturally falls in an account 
of the group of unmasked dances. They extend over several days 
and ajipear to be wholly distinct from the celebration of the Return 
Katcina. While these are being i)crformed in the "upper world," 
the compleniental Flute or Snake observances are supposed to be 
taking place in the "under world," where the summer Pa moon then 
reigns. Precisely the same relationship is thought to exist between 
the two as that between the seasons of the north and south temperate 


This ceremony is one of the most elaborate iu which the Katcinas 
appear, and for want of a better name may be designated a renovation^ 
or purification observance. In the year 1893 it took ijlace near the 
close of January and continued for nine days, and in a previous^ arti- 
cle I have mentioned and figured the most striking personages, the 
monsters or Natackas, who appear in its presentation (plates cv, cvi, 
CXI). There are, however, certain other personages new to students 
of Tusayan ceremonials who are introduced, and I have therefore 
thought it well to describe the presentation in extenso. 
The details of this ceremony in 1893 were as follows : * 
January 20 — Early this morning Houyi went to all the kivas and 
formally announced that the ceremony was soon to begin. There was 
no public announcement, as no Katcina celebration is made known in 

* Numbers 1, 2, 7, 9 and 10 of this list have heen described as abbreviated Katcinas. The sym- 
bolism of 3 and 8 is shown in my figures of dolls; of the remainder my information is aa yet very 

'Comparable with the Nahuatl Ochpanitzli. The points of similarity between the two are the 
predominance of the Earth goddess and the ceremonial renovation of the sacred gathi^ring places. 

^American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1894. 

■'The accompanying observations on the PowAmd were made by the late A. M. Stephen in hia 
work for the Hemenway Expedition. 


tliis way, and the Katcinas must not be spoken of in public. lutiwa 
and Tauwatiwa began making pahos in the jMonkiva without prelimi- 
nary ceremony at about !» a. m., and fifteen other priests removed 
the masks and redecorated tliem, after having scraped off the old paint 
remaining from other ceremonials. 

All the masks were finished about 7 \). m., after which .'-iiuoitiwa 
and the other elders brought fox-skins and other paraphernalia into 
the kiva, where lvw;'itcak\va, Kopeli, Tciibi, Kakapti, and four or 
five other men began to decorate their bodies with pigment, using a 
jiale-red iron oxide (cuta) on their legs, knees, and waists. They 
daubed the whole upper leg above the knee with a white pigment, and 
drew two lines across the shins, the fore and upper arms, and on each 
side of tlie chest and abdomen. The entrance into the katcinaki, or 
paraphernalia closet, was open while this took place. 

The masks were all ornamented with large clusters of feathers. 
They were tied to the head with a loose loop across the top which 
slipped over the crown where the plumage rested, and there were 
strings at the sides of tlie mask by which they were attached. The 
body was ornamented with ribbons, red tiannel. and other articles of 
white man's make, which are innovations. 

Kwatcakwa, who later personated a Tcukiiwympkiya, drew a broad 
band of white clay across his shins, thighs, arms, and body. A great 
wisj) of cornhusks was tied in his hair, which was all brought forward 
and coiled over the forehead. The others donned their kilts, necklaces, 
turquoise eardrops, and moccasins. Each one wore a fox-skin hanging 
tail downward at tlie loins, and on the left leg below the knee a string 
of bells, while the majority had garters of blue yarn. Their hair, which 
was first bound in long cues, wrapi)ed high with strings, was later 
loosened, hanging in a fine Huffy mass. 

Sakwistiwa, who was the piiciiciitoi or drummer, wore pantaloons 
held up by a belt of silver disks, and a grotesque mask. All left the 
kivaimmediatelyafter their disguises were completed and assembled in 
the Mohkiva court. 

Intiwa hurriedly but thoroughly swept the floor of the chamber, 
during which time a number of women and children came down the 
ladder, filling the spectators' part of the room. The assembled group 
of Katcinas praj'ed and then went out, but about fifteen minutes later 
returned to the kiva entrance and shook their rattles at the hatchway. 
"Yuiiya ai," "come, assemble," said the old men, and the women invited 
them to come down, which they did. Kwatcakwa, who personated the 
Niiviikkatcina, entered, followed by ten others. They assembled in a 
semicircle, each with a rattle in the right hand and a spruce bough in 
the left. Intiwa sprinkled with meal all who came, after which they 
performed a dance, in which, however, tlieir leader did not join. 

Before they finished a band of ten men, disguised as Paiutes, carrying 
bows and arrows, rabbits, and small game which they wished to trade, 

276 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. ann. 15 

came to the hatchway. They had :i drummer with a Paiute drum, made 
of a buudle of skius wrapped in an oblong paiikage, on which he beat 
with a stick held in both hands. The persons performed a dance, which 
they accompanied with a song. They likewise talked, cracked jokes, 
and presented the rabbits to the assembled women. 

After them there came others from the ifacabkiva, each with a crook 
in the left hand and a rattle in the right. These wore grotesque masks, 
one representing an old woman with a long crooked staft' in her hand. 
Their bodies were whitened and they wore saddle-mat kilts around their 
loins and tortoise rattles on the right leg. They sang a very spirited 
song, shaking their rattles as they advanced. These were six in num- 
ber and were called the Powiimukatcinas. Directly after them there 
came a band of Tatcii'kti, who sang and danced on the roof of the 
kiva. The old men within repeatedly invited them to enter the room, 
and a dialogue of some length ensued Their leader carried a large 
basket tray in which were four cones made of wood and each mud-head 
had in his hand a wooden rod and an eagle feather. The leader placed 
the cones in the middle of the floor in a pile, one above the other, near 
the fireplace. The others danced around the pile, roaring a song with 
much dramatic action, and heaped up ears of corn in the tray. 

They then brought a young married woman from those assembled to 
the middle of the floor, where she knelt and tried without success to 
lift the cones as high as the staff which the leader held beside them. 
Four or five other women tried in turn, and all failed. The mud- 
heads then divided the cones into two piles and one of the women 
lifted them the required height. All the Tatcii'kti' then fell down on 
the floor and kicked their heels in the air, while certain of them stood 
on their heads for a minute or two. Tlie woman who was successful in 
lifting the cones received the contents of the tray. The Tatciik'ti then 
left the room and the Katcinas returned and unmasked, indicating 
that this part of the ceremony was over. 

January 31 — During last night there were ceremonials which were 
not seen in tlie Moiikiva, in which it was said the Ahii'lkatcina made 
parallel marks in meal on the four sides of the kiva and upon the ceiling 
and floor as in the Mamzraiiti and other ceremonials. A basin with 
sprouting beans, which had been planted at the full of the Pamiiiya 
or Pa moon (January li) and which were about a foot high, was brought 
from one of the houses opposite the Tcivatokiva. The beans, which 
were growing in a basin, were plucked from the sand, tied into a sepa- 
rate bundle, and given to Ahii'lkatcina. A large squirrel-skin was filled 
with meal and given to him, and he was handed also a wooden staff (moQ- 
kohu). The large discoidal mask characteristic of this personage had 
a pouch-like attachment of buckskin which was pulled over the head, 

' These men were from the Alkiva. They wore the knob-head helmets and their bodies were 
stained red. Each carried a rattle in the right and an eagle featlier in the left hand, and had a pouch 
of skin or other material slung over the right shoulder. This held com, beans, and other seeds, which 
the^ gave to the women and eiders. 


upon which was a large cluster of feathers. A white kilt was worn as 
a cape and the skin of a gray fox hung from the girdle at his loins. 

At daylight Ahii'lktacina and lutiwa returned, passing ti»e gap 
(Wala) and halting at the pahoki (shriue') to deposit certain nakwA- 
kwocis and pahos. Just as the sun rose the two visited a kiva in 
Hauo. Stooping down in front of it, Ahli'l drew a vertical mark with 
meal on the inside of the front of the hatchway, on the side of the 
entrance opposite the ladder. He turned to the sun and made six 
silent inclinations, after which, standing erect, he bent his head back- 
ward and began a low rumbling growl, and as he bent his head for- 
ward, raised his voice to a high falsetto. The sound he emitted was 
one long expiration, and continued as long as he had breath. This act 
he repeated four times and, turning toward the hatchway, made four 
silent inclinations, emitting the same four characteristic expiratory 
calls. The first two of these calls began with a low growl, the other 
two were in the same high falsetto from beginning to end. 

The kiva chief and two or three other principal members, each car- 
rying a handfiil of meal, then advanced, bearing short nakwdkwoci 
hotomni, which they placed in his left hand while they muttered low, 
reverent prayers. They received in return a few steins of the corn 
and bean plants which Ahii'l carried. 

Ahii'l and Intiwa next proceeded to the house of Tetapobi,^ who is 
the only representative of the Bear clan in Hauo. Here at the right- 
hand side of the door Ahii'l pressed his hand full of meal against the 
wall at about the height of his chest and moved his hand upward.' 
He then, as at the kiva, turned around and faced the sun, holding his 
stafiF vertically at arm's length with one end on the ground, and nmde 
six silent inclinations and four calls. Turning then to the doorway he 
made four inclinations and four calls. He then went to the house of 
Nampiyo's mother, where the same ceremony was performed, and so on 
to the houses of each man or woman of the pueblo who owns a tipoui 
or other principal wimi (fetich). 

He repeated the same ceremony in houses in Sitcomovi and in Walpi, 
where Intiwa left him. Ahii'l entered this pueblo by the north street 
and passed through the passageway to the Monkiva. He proceeded to 
the houses of Kwumawumsi, Nasyiiuwewe, Samiwiki, and to all the 
kivas and the houses of all the leading chiefs. 

After visiting all the kivas and appropriate houses mentioned above, 
Ahii'l went to Kowawainovi (the ledge under Talatryuku) and depos- 

' With the coiled stone, which resembles the cast of some large fossil shell. I venture to suggest 
that the reason we find petrified wood in some shrinea can be exi)lained in the following manner: In 
times long past trees were believed by the Hopi to have souls and these breath bodies were powerinl 
agents in obtaining blessings or answering prayers. The fossilized logs now put in shrines date back 
to the times of which I apeak, consequently they are efficacious lu the i)rayer.s of tlie present people. 
This is but the expression of an animistic belief in the souls of trees. 

^ She has the Bear tijioni and other fetiches. 

3 The name given for this marking by Ahii'l is <)mowiih niouwitdpeadta. It is an appeal to all the 
gods of the six regions to bless these kivas anil bouses. 

278 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.anx.15 

ited ill the pahoki all the offerings that he had received, after which he 
returned to the Monkiva, divested himself of his ceremonial disguises, 
and went home. 

At 2 p. m. the Niivak (snow) Katcinas came from the Nacabki, led 
by Soyoko. They were nine in number and were accompanied by a 
drummer. All wore bright ])lumage on their heads and their masks were 
painted green and white, but that of the drummer was pink. They 
were adorned with many necklaces, and wore white kilts and gray fox- 
skins. Yellow stripes were painted on the shoulders, the forearm, 
on eiich breast and the abdomen, and the bodies of all were stained red. 

After singing and dancing for about five minutes, nine clowns (Ta- 
tcii'kti) came from the Alkiva and danced madly around the court, at 
first independently, but tinally keeping step with the Katcinas. They 
joined in line one behind the other, each grasping the uplifted leg of the 
man in front of him, and then tumbled pell-mell over one another, 
shouting and laughing as they did so.' 

At 2.20 a personification of Tcavaiyo, arrayed in a conical black mask 
with globular eyes and great teeth, entered the kiva. He carried a bow 
and arrows in his left hand and a saw in his right. His forearms and 
legs were i)aiiited black with wiiite spots. This monster disper.sed the 
clowns, during which many Zufii words were uttered. 

At 2.50 the Katcinas again returned and repeated their former dance 
in the same way as described. The antics of theTatcii'kti continued, 
and the Katcinas api)earid again at 4.20 p. m. ; then later at 5, when 
they all departed, not to return. When the Katcinas retired to Wik- 
yatiwa's house at 4 oclock the clowns went down into the Alkiva and 
returned in their characteristic procession, the drummer in front, the 
other eight in two lines of four persons. Each carried on his back a 
large bundle composed of a fine blanket, cotton cloth, yarn, and all 
kinds of textile articles of value. One also had the four cones which 
they had used the night before and a tray of shelled corn of all colors, 
mixed with various kinds of seeds. They laid the tray in the center of 
the court and spread a blanket beside it, on which they placed all their 
bundles. One of their number then piled the cones, one on top of 
another, and while he was doing this the drummer rapidly beat his 
drum, while the others shook their rattles and sung vigorously. When 
the cones had been set up one of the men sought out a girl and brought 
her to them and told her if she would take hold of the lowest cone with 
both hands, raise the pile, and set it back in place without letting any 
of the cones fall she should have all the wealth piled on the blanket. 
But theleast jar tumbled the cones down, and each one of the half dozen 
or more girls to whom they made the same offer failed in turn. Then 
they invited the youths to try, and several essayed, but none were able 
to perform the feat. So the prize, doubtless designedly, was left in the 
original owner's hands. They then brought a blanket full of hoyiani 

• The performances with the clowns were not unlike others in which they appear. 







ami placed the couos in two