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Smithsonian Institution, 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 

Washinr/ton, I). C, July 1, 1899. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit my Tweutietli Annual 
Report as Director of the Bureai i of American Ethnologj'. 

The preHminary portion comprises an account of the opera- 
tions of the Bureau during the fiscal year, and the further 
development of a classification of ethnic science that has 
grown out of the Bureau's work in the last two decades; the 
remainder consists of a memoir on the native pottery of the 
eastern United States, which embodies briefly the results of 
many years' archeologic exploration l)v the Bureau, supple- 
mented by study of all the important collections of aboriginal 
American pottery in the United States. 

Allow me to express my appreciation of your constant aid 
and your support in the work under my charge. 
I am, with res^ject, your obedient servant, 


Honorable S. P. Langley, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 




Introduotinn ix 

Field research and exploration , , x 

Office research xii 

Work in esthetology xu 

Work in technology - xiii 

Work in sociology xvii 

Work in philology xx 

Work in eophiology xxi 

Work in descriptive ethnology xxiii 

Miscellaneous work xxiii 

Collections xxiv 

Property xxiv 

Financial statement xxv 

Characterization of accompanying paper xxvi 

Technology, or the science of Industries xxix 

Introduction xxix 

Substantiation xxxi 

Construction xxxvi 

Mechanics xl 

Commerce xnn 

Medicine xlix 

Sociology, or the science of institutions nx 

Introduction lix 

Statistics lxi 

Economics lxiv 

Civics Lxxviii 

Histories xci 

Savagery xci 

Barbarism civ 

Monarchy cxi 

Repiiblickism cxviii 

Ethics cxxvi 

Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression c xxxix 

Introduction cxxxix 

Emotional language cxl 

Oral language cxliv 

Introduction cxliv 

Phonics cxLvi 

Lexicology cxlviii 

Grammar cxlix 

Etymology CLiii 

Sematology clvii 

The Aryan problem i i.x iii 




Philology, or the science of activities designed for expressif)n — continued. page 

Gesture language clsiv 

Written language clxv 

Logistic language clxix 

Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruction clxxi 

Opinions, the subject-matter of instruction clxxi 

Mythology clxxiu 

Metaphysic clxxxiv 

Science cxcii 

Instruction cxcv 

Xurture cxcv 

Oratory cxcv 

Education cxcvi 

Publication cxcvi 

Research cxcvii 


Aboriginal pottery of the eastern United States, by W. H. Holmes (plates 

i-CLX.xvii, figures 1-79) - 1 





By .1. W. I'owEi.L, Director 


Ethnologic researclies have been conducted throug-hout 
the liscal year ending June 30, 1899, in accordance with the 
act of Congress making provision "for continuing researches 
relating to the American Indians, under the direction of tlie 
Smithsonian Institution," approved Jul}' 1, 1898. 

The work was carried forward in acccirdance with a plan of 
operations submitted on June 18, 1898, and duly approved by 
the Secretary. 

Field operations were conducted in Arizona, California, 
Indian Territory, Maine, Nebraska, New Brunswick, New 
Mexico, New York, Oklahoma, and Ontario, while researches 
were made by special agents in Alaska and Patagonia. The 
office work included the collection and preparation of mate- 
rial from Indian tribes in Arizona, California, Colorado, Flor- 
ida, Idaho, Indian Territory, Iowa, Nebraska, New Bruns- 
wick, New York, Oklahoma, (Ontario, and in less (puintity 
from other States and Territories, as well as from neighboring 
American countries. 

As heretofore, tlu- work lias l)een condvicted in accordance 
with a classification of ethnic science based largely on the 
special researches of the last two decades and developed 
larsrelv in this Bureau. This classification has been set forth 
at length in previous reports and need not be repeated. 



•Early in the fiscal year the Director resumed the study of 
shell mounds and earthworks in Maine, and continued the 
comparison of aboriginal relics contained in these accumula- 
tions with the handicraft of the partially accultured aborigines 
still living in the adjacent forests and among the less-frequented 
inlets and islands of the coast. Some of the results were put 
in the form of a preliminary paper on "Technology, or the 
Science of Industries," designed for incorporation in this report- 
Under a special authorization from the Secretary, the 
ethnologist in charge, Mr W J McGee, with Mi- W. H. 
Holmes, of the U. S. National Museum, made an extended 
ethnologic and archeologic reconnaissance in California during 
October, November, and December. The districts examined 
comjDrised the western slopes and foothills of the Sierra Nevada, 
including the Table mountain region from Yiiba river south- 
ward to Tule riA'er; a portion of the northern Coast range 
region, centering about Ukiali; typical portions of the Sacra- 
mento valley, centering about Stockton, and the coastwise areas 
and offshore islands of the southwestern region of the state. 
The primary purpose was the collection of typical artifacts 
representing the aboriginal culture of the pecidiarlv interesting 
Pacific coast province ; a secondary purpose was the collection 
of prehistoric relics, the comparison of these with the early 
historical period, and the general study of the culture history 
of the region ; and a satisfactory degree of progress was made 
in the attainment of both purposes. The operations resulted 
in substantial enrichment of the Museum through the acquisi- 
tion of new and rejDresentative material, and indirectl)' the 
opportunities for local work led to the acquisition of a highly 
useful collection of basketrv — the Hudson collection — which 
throws much light on the aborig-inal handicraft and motives of 
the California Indians. 

In November Dr J. Walter Fewkes repaired to Arizona for 
the purpose of continuing researches concerning the winter 
ceremonies of the Hopi Indians, lint soon after his arrival an 
epidemic of smallpox manifested itself in such severity as com- 


pleteh" to demoralize the Indians and to prevent rheni from 
carrying out their ceremonial plans, and at the same time to 
place Dr Fewkes in gvnxe personal danger. It accordingly 
became necessary to abandon the work for the season. 

Early in the fiscal year an arrangement was effected with 
the managers of the Trans-Mississippi and International Expo- 
sition, at Omaha, by which Mr James Mooney cooperated with 
them in the installation and conduct of an Indian congress. 
In carrying out the plan Mr Mooney visited Indian Territory 
and (Jklahoma, and successfully enlisted the sympathy and aid 
of representatives of various tribes, including the Kiowa, with 
whom he was intimately acquainted. Portions of the aborigi- 
nal material obtained in the field for the use of the congress 
were subsequently acquired for the National Museum. 

In August Dr Albert 8. Gatschet revisited New Brunswick 
for the purpose of continuing the collection and analysis of 
Algonquian linguistic material. He sought new aboriginal 
informants, and was able to make satisfactory additions to the 
recorded dialects of the measurably distinct portion of the 
great Algonquian stock occu.pying the northern Atlantic coast. 

In September Mr J. N. B. Hewitt proceeded to various 
localities in New York and (Ontario for the purpose of obtain- 
ing additional material pertaining to both the languages and 
the myths of the Iroquoian Indians, and the work, coupled 
with efforts to obtain certain innque objects for the National 
Museum, occupied him in the field until January. 

During the autumn Mr J. B. Hatcher, who had previously 
brought from Patagonia certain valuable ethnologic material 
for the Museum, returned to the field and resumed collecting 
and the making of photographs illustrating the habits and 
haljitations of the Tehuelche trilie and the natives of Tierra 
del Fuego. His work was not completed at the end of the 

Dr Willis E. Everett, acting as a special agent of the Bureau, 
visited various remote districts in Alaska and contiguous British 
territory during the year, and obtained a quantity of linguistic 
data of considerable use in classifying the aborigines of a little- 
known district. 


Work in Esthetology 

Throughout much of the )'ear the Director continued giving 
attention to the synthesis of data in the Bureau archives and 
in pubhshed form, with the view of organizing anthropic 
science, inchiding ethnoh)gv in its several aspects. Among 
the subjects considered in detail was that of the more spon- 
taneous human activities, normally pleasurable in character, 
wliich form the object-matter of esthetology. The researches 
among the aborigines have thrown much light on this subject, 
since the symbolic devices, sports, games, and ceremonies of 
the tribesmen are relatively simple and little differentiated, and 
hence are readily perceived and synthesized — indeed the syn- 
thesis of the esthetic and other activities rests primarily on the 
observations among the American natives, corroborated by 
critical observations on other primitive peoples, and finally 
attested by the facts manifested among advanced peoples. It 
is convenient to denote the primary activities comprised in the 
domain of esthetology as pleasures, since they are largely 
physiologic in character, though, like other activities, chiefly 
demotic (or collective) in their manifestations; and the activi- 
ties may be classed as ambrosial pleasures, decoration, athletic 
pleasures or sports, games, and fine arts. The definitions and 
the classification of esthetology were formulated and printed 
in such manner as to facilitate examination and further discus- 
sion on the part of the collaborators of the Bureau and other 
students, and were finally incorporated in the last report. 

In continuing his researches concerning the collections 
made in the Florida muckbeds, Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing 
was led to comparative study of a wide range of those products 
of primitive handicraft expressing symbolic ideas in form, func- 
tion, and decoration; and certain of his generalizations are of 
much im])ortance in that they afford a satisfactory basis for 
the classification and interpretation of many of the protean 
artifacts of primitive origin. His researches indicate that the 
primitive implement-maker is actuated by a few dominant 


ideas, iniluenced lai'gely by habit, and measurably rontrolled 
by simple associations ; so that the products of his handiwork, 
when arranged by function and motive, niay readily be 
gTOuped in a limited number of catag'ories, which are, at the 
same time, convenient and significant. The type of ideative 
association is exemplified by the tomahawk-calumet, which is 
at once a war weapon and an appurtenance of peace, and hence 
serves as a symbolic expression of willingness for war and 
readiness for peace at the option of the other party; the war 
concept is emphasized by decorative motives, usually derived 
from strong and swift animals, while the peace concept is 
strengthened by emblems in the form of feathers of small birds 
or other decorative SYm})ols derived from gentle animals; and 
the antithetic symbolism serves to keejj alive the opposing 
sentiments of amity and enmity in the primitive mind. In 
this and other cases, the recognition of motive on the part of 
the maker enables the student to reduce the chaos of protean 
forms of primitive artifacts to definite order. Although his 
work was somewhat retarded by ill health, Mr Cushing's prog- 
ress in researches was satisfactory. 

When compelled to abandon field work, for reasons already 
noted, I>r J. Walter Fewkes turned attention to the collections 
made during earlier seasons, and began the preparation of a 
memoir treating of the decorative symbolism of Pueblo i)ot- 
tery. This memoir was nearly ready for puljlicatioii at the 
close of the fiscal year; it embraces various new interpreta- 
tions of importance, the account of which is reserved for a 
future report. 

Work in Technology 

As has been noted, the Dh-ector made observations on the 
aboriginal technology revealed in the contents of shell mounds 
and tumuli in Maine during the earlier part of the fiscal year; 
and these observations, with other data, were subsequently 
utilized in defining the science. The technical activities are 
intimately interrelated, and combine to form a complex group, 
which is commonly assumed to be irresolvable with scientific 
precision; l:)uf the relations of the activities are so well dis- 
played in primitive culture like that of the American aborig- 


iues as to suggest a, convenient arrangement for tlie use of 
investigators, and such an arrangement has been formulated 
and placed within reach of the collaborators and others for 
subjection to the test of actual use. In this arrangement, 
industries are classified as (1) simple production or substantia- 
tion, (2) construction, (3) mechanics, (4) commerce, and (5) 
the 2ii"6servation, reconstruction, and improvement of the 
human body by a series of processes conveniently connoted 
by the term inedicine. Provision has been made for complet- 
ing and adding details to the outline already prejjared, in a 
form suitable for publication in another part of this report. 

Mr Cushing's researches have sei'ved to illumine those early 
stages in the growth of industries in which utility was but 
vaguely perceived, and in which processes were largely cere- 
monial or symbolic, as when the hunter sought success by 
imitating the attitude and actions or by arming himself ^yhh 
the beak or claws of a raptorial tutelary. The reseai'ches 
conducted in the Bureau have already rendered it clear that 
decoration, as indeed the greater portion of the fine arts, 
arises in symbolism and develops through conventionism ; and 
the researches of the year suggest a related genesis for indus- 
tries. The results of the work are in preparation for full 

While among the surviving aborigines of (Jalifornia, Mr 
W J McGee was enabled to make observations corroborating 
and extending generalizations already fi'ained with resjaect to 
those of the primitive industries involving the use of stone as 
material for implements. The several tribes studied may 
conveniently be classed as Acorn Indians, since acorns form 
their princijial source of food, and since their characteristic 
industries are conditioned by this food supph*. Some of the 
processes and implements vary from tribe to tribe; for example, 
in some tribes the acorns are cracked in the teeth in order that 
the meats may be extracted, in othei's they are cracked with 
spheroidal hammer-stones, and in still othei's an elongated 
pestle-like stone, grasped by one hand and used in the fashion 
of a club or civilized hammer, is em})l(l^•ell for tlie same pur- 
pose. Other devices, such as those used foi- grinding the acorn 


meats, are substantially alike from tribe to tribe; though it 
is noteworthy that in each tril)e there is a diversity growing 
out of the age of the apparatus, or the degree of development 
by use. Thus it is found that the nether millstone, which may 
be either a ledge (»r other mass in place of a portable bowlder, 
is, in the earlier stages of use, a flat or slightly concave metate, 
Avhich after more extended use becomes a deeply concave 
metate, still later a shallow mortar, and at length a deep 
mortar, which may eventually be worn through if the original 
mass is not more than 9 to 15 inches in thickness; while the 
grinding-stone concordantly changes from a simple roller or 
crusher to a mano (or muller), and finally to a pestle, at first 
broad and short, but afterward long and slender. It follows 
that in this reg-ion the northern device of the mortar and the 
southern device of the metate overlap; yet it is much more 
significant that the overlapping is essentially genetic and only 
incidentally geographic. Not infrequently the genesis of an 
individual mill corresponds with the rise and passing of a 
family; the young woman may begin life with a bowlder 
having one flat side and a few river-worn cobbles as a mill; 
the bowlder is then used as a metate and the cobbles as mul- 
lers; graduallv the mill develops into a mortar with a well- 
rounded and polished pestle, both shaped chiefly b}- wear, 
perhaps supplemented by slight dressing. On this the matron 
grinds vigorously in her old age f()r tlie support of her 
daughters and their husbands and the growing grandchildren; 
and on her death apjiarently the })estle is broken and the 
bottom is knocked out (,)f the mortar. Neglecting the final 
act, the individual growth of the primitive mill well epitomizes 
the phylogeny of its species, and demonstrates that in general 
the mortar must be regarded as the diff'erentiated and even- 
tually degraded oftspring of a metate-like prototype, whence 
sprang also the metate along one line and the quern and its 
derivatives along another. It is particularly significant, too, 
that the milling- apparatus still used by the Californian natives 
consists initially of naturallv-formed ledges or bowlders, with 
stream-worn cobbles for grinders, and that both bowlder and 
cobble are, for the most part, shaped gradually by wear, with- 


out definite recognition of the shaping on the part of the 
operator — i. e., that the inills represent protolithic culture, 
rather than the technolithic art characterized Ijy designs and 

The plan for the Indian congress at Omalia (mentioned in 
a preceding jDaragraph) was formulated chiefly b)^ Mr James 
Mooney, in connection with Honorable Edward Rosewater, 
president of the board of publicity and ])romotion of the expo- 
sition, though conditions connected with administrative control 
and policing of the Indians assembled on the grounds led to the 
assignment of a representative of the Indian Bureau, Captain 
W. A. Mercer, as officer in charge of the congress; but Mr 
Mooney cooperated in the installation and remained on the 
ground throughout the exposition. In accordance with the 
jjlans of ]\Ir Mooney and Mr Rosewater, the Indians were domi- 
ciled, so far as was practicable, in houses or lodges of their own 
construction, and of more or less strictly aboriginal type; 
accordingly the installation afforded an excellent opportunity 
for the study of native house building, and of the ceremonies 
connected with the highly interesting house-cult of tlie native 
tribes. Among the lodges were two Blackfoot skin tents, 
made and decorated in aboriginal fashion in every respect, save 
that cow hides were substituted for buftalo hides. A lodge of 
special nature was a Wichita grass house, which faithfull}' 
exem])lified the aboriginal construction, since the structure was 
an actual example, the oldest in the Wichita village in Indian 
Territory; this was repaired, taken down, and recon.structed 
by aged men and women conversant with the house-cult of the 
tribe. At the close of the exposition this specimen was obtained 
for the National Museum. These and other .structures erected 
at Omaha and carefully studied by Mr Mooney have added 
materially to the knowledge of aboriginal houses. 

The researches in California by Mr McGee and Mr Holmes 
extended to basketry and added materially to knowledge of 
the processes of basket making, especially among the Pomo 
and Yokai tribes. The Hudson ba.sketry collection comprises 
examples of t^Aelve different weaves, which have been carefully 
studied ]>\ the collector, l>r J. W. Hudson, and are described 


fullv in his catalog; aiul, in addition, several processes were 

criticallv studied in actual use by basket makers. The functions 

or purposes of the baskets also received careful attention. In 

this region tliey form the common utensils of the householders, 

taking- the place sometimes filled by fictile ware, and serving 

various other jnirposes. They are used as cups, canteens, and 

other water vessels, as pots for boiling acorn meal and meats 

(by means of heated stones), as receptacles for stored foods and 

liquids, and especially as ceremonial and sacramental objects. 

The researches concerning the aboriginal basketry of California 

promise important results along different lines as tlie work 


Work in Sociology 

The synthesis of activities b}' the director extended into the 
domain of institutions during the year, and the science was 
characterized and formulated in a preliminary way; but, since 
the institutional activities are still more complex than the 
industrial activities, and since the data available in the arcliives 
of the Bureau are exceedingl}' voluminous, the fornndatioii 
was not completed at the end of the fiscal year, though the 
results will be ready for incorporation in another part of this 

In the course of his researches among the California Indians, 
Mr McGee obtained certain data tending to explain the lin- 
guistic diversity which so strongly distinguishes the Pacific 
coast province from the major portion of the continent — a 
di^'ersitv expressed by the fact that four-fifths of tlie area of 
the continent are represented on linguistic maps by only about 
one-fifth of the linguistic stocks, while the remaining four-fifths 
of the stocks are concentrated in less than one-fifth of the area, 
skirting the Pacific coast. In the first place, various indica- 
tions were found that the human period in this region has lieeii 
relatively short, or at least relatively uniform and uneventful; 
for, ^^'hile most portions of the country reveal some evidences 
of culture-succession, the Californian region reveals but a single 
culture-type in the relatively rare artifacts scattered over the 
surface or still in use among the tribal remnants; so that, on 
the whole, the region impresses the student as one of either 

20 ETH— 03 II 


short or slow, and, in any event, relatively slight, demotic 
development. In the second place, it was ascertained that the 
tongues of the several tribes are in exceptional degree held as 
esoteric or sacred. It is common among all primitive peoples 
to surround personal names and ceremonial terms nitli more 
or less secrecy or mystery, but it is not common to similarly 
guard and sanctify ordinary sjieech ; but the Californian tribes 
subjected to study apparently hold as sacred not merely 
personal names, but the name of the tribe and many if not all 
the common terms of their language; indeed, it would appear 
that they regard language as forming the primary basis of their 
social organization, or at least as a tangible and definite expres- 
sion of consanguineal relation. A third factor in the organi- 
zation of tlie Californian aborigines grows out of their industrial 
status. Since their chief food source is the acorn, and since the 
oak trees never grow in continuous forests, but are somewhat 
sparsely distributed among other trees or over the openings 
of the valleys, the native population was necessarily sparse 
and scattered, and each tribe tended to remain permanently 
attached to a definite range; and this sparse distribution per- 
mitted and promoted the retention of tribal dialects corre- 
sponding to each range. A fourth factor appears in ceremonial 
observances, apparently growing out of the industrial condi- 
tion, notably the affine tabvi which prohibits communication 
between sons-in-law and mothers-in-law, and among some of the 
tribes between daughters-in-law and fathers-in-law and other 
connections by marriage. The linguistic, industrial, and cere- 
monial factors all operate as repulsive forces tending to pre- 
vent aggregation of population and intercommunication of 
tribes, and hence to retard cultural development; and it would 
appear that tlie several factors, interacting with cumulative 
effect, have combined to produce the singular concentration of 
linguistic stocks in the Pacific coast region. Mr McGee also 
noted a hithei'to neglected factor tending toward the actual 
differentiation of speech, i. e., the custom of dropping from 
daily use all terms connoting the names of decedents (which 
obtains also among tlie Kiowa and some other tribes) ; and it 
is significant that this custom tends to produce lexic rather 


than morphologic changes, and hence to bring about the 
precise conditions long known to be characteristic of the 
Californian tribes. The researches concerning this subject are 
not yet complete. 

During the earlier part of the fiscal vear Mr Mooney con- 
tinued researches relating to the Kiowa Indians and noted as 
a conspicuous characteristic of the tribe the apparent absence 
of a elan or gentile system; for, despite his intimate acquaint- 
ance with and adoption into the tribe, he has never been able 
to discover unmistakable traces of this commonly prominent 
feature of primitive social organization. This peculiar charac- 
teristic has received attention from the Director and Ethnolo- 
gist in Charge, and an apparently satisfactory explanation has 
been discovered : On reviewing the tribal customs it became evi- 
dent that the widely roving Kiowa enjoyed contact with other 
tribes, and consequent acculturation in an exceptional if not 
unique degree. Sometimes the association was amicable, when 
ideas and devices were freely interchang-ed; not infrequently 
the contact was inimical, when the Kiowa were commonly 
enriched by the acquisition not only of plunder but of cap- 
tives who were subsequently adopted into the tribe; and the 
general effect of the wide association was to extend the intel- 
lectual range and differentiate the blood of the Kiowas. 
Especially important was the habitual adoption of captives, the 
effect of which is always to introduce arbitrary relationships 
tending to break down the natural kinship system; yet hardly 
less important were the oft-recurring excursions for hunting 
and plunder, since they involved more or less arbitrary- 
extensions of the consanguineal organization, somewhat 
analogous to those attending the development of patriarchy 
among regularly nomadic peoples. Collectivelv, the conse- 
quences of the roving and predatorv habits of the Kiowas 
must have been to subordinate, in exceptional if not unitpie 
degree, the prevailing kinship organization characteristic of 
primitive society and to gloss or even to replace it with the more 
strictly artificial or demotic system corresponding to that of 
higher culture The results of IMr Mooney's researches con- 
cerning the distinctive organization of the Kiowas will be 
incorporated in a memoir on the heraldic system of the tribe. 

xx bureau of american ethnology 

Work in Philology 

Toward tlie end of the fiscal year the Dh-ector made progress 
in systematizing the rich linguistic collections in the archives 
of the Bureau, with a view to formulating jjlans for further 
research conceriiing the aboriginal tongues of America; the 
results are to be made ready for another part of this report. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt continued the collection of Iroquoian 
material, both linguistic and mythologic, and made satisfac- 
tory progress in preparing it for juiblicatiou. His studies 
illustrate the importance of combining inquiries concerning 
primitive myths with linguistic inquiries. Thus, certain puz- 
zling inflections introduced in various terms eluded the best 
efforts toward analysis throughout the earlier portion of the 
year; but, on studying the creation myths with the aid of 
native informants in the course of his field ojjerations, he ascer- 
tained that these obscure inflections connote a characteristically 
primitive notion concerning individual activity or povv-er; for 
example, the shaman is supposed to work magic by the sound 
of his rattle or drum, and the witch to work her evil charms 
by the action of singing, both acquiring their mystical powers 
only by and through the supposedly mystical exercise of func- 
tion in producing the sound, and it is the purpose of some of 
the obscure linguistic inflections to denote the mj'stical states 
recognized in the mythology. It is well known that the 
aboriginal languages possess inflections for normal states, such 
as sitting, standing, reclining, and moving; but the recent 
researches show that there are inflections also for mystical 
states, and that some of these quite significantly correspond 
w^ith the inflections for sing-ing or dancing. A })reliminary 
announcement of results has been made, and formal publica- 
tion will follow so soon as the inquiry can be considered 

Dr Albert S. Gatschet continued the preparation of the com- 
parative vocabulary of the Algonquian stock, and at the same 
time, according to custom, compiled linguistic mateiialfor use 
in reply to numei'ous inqun-ies from correspondents for abo- 
riginal terms to be applied to parks, vessels, villages, etc., and 


for the meaning or etymology of aboriginal terms already in 
use. The field operations of the year materially enriched 
the comparative vocabulary, which has already attained such 
volume and completeness as to yield standards for classifying 
the tribes comprised in the extensive stock to which it pertains. 

Working- under a small allotment, Dr Franz Boas con- 
tinued the preparation of linguistic material collected among 
the tribes of northwestern United States and contiguous Cana- 
dian territory. The principal contributions of the year com- 
prise a complete Tsimshian vocabulary and a considerable 
collection of texts. The texts are in form for publication, and 
will be published in the series of Bulletins recently authorized 
bv the Congress. 

During the year the Bureau was so fortunate as to obtain, 
through the courteous offices of Dr Edward Everett Hale, the 
vocabulary of the Massachusettd (Natick) language laboriously 
prepared by the late J. Hammond Trumbull, and good prog- 
ress has been made in arranging the material for publication. 

Work ix Sophiology 

Throughout the history of the Bureau, it has been the pol- 
icy to organize the lines of research in such manner as to per- 
mit comparative study of well-defined categ'ories of activities 
and activital products. The maintenance of this policy has 
been particularl}'- difficult in connection with the science of 
opinions, or sophiology, since the object matter of the science 
is more elusive and complex than that of any other branch of 
knowledge; yet fair progress has been made in the introduc- 
tion of the comparative method in even tliis branch of inquiry. 
During the year the Director brought together the data recpiired 
for a charactei'ization of the science of sophiology in general 
terms, and this outline will be found on other pages of the 
present report. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt made an important comparative study 
of the creation myths of several Iroquoian tribes and of two 
or three Algonquian tribes. The results, which are of much 
interest, are jjractically ready for publication. The compara- 
tive method was used with success also by Dr J. Walter Fewkes 


in the iuterpretation of tlie symbolism depicted on the pottery 
of the Hopi and other Pueblo peoples, while the results at- 
tained by Mr Gushing in his technologic researches were made 
tangible only by constant use of the comparative method in 
seeking' the mystical motives of the primitive artisans. Prog- 
ress has been made by the Director in formulating the method 
for the guidance of future inquiries. 

Although retarded by ill health, Mrs M. C. Stevenson made 
substantial j^i'ogress in her analysis and discussion of Zuiii 
mythology during the year, though the portions of her memoir 
already completed have been withheld from publication pend- 
ing the revision made necessary by further researches concern- 
ing certain of the ceremonies. 

Toward the close of the fiscal year Mr McGee undertook 
an inquir}' concerning certain mystical symbols, such as that 
known as the swastika, so common among the decorative 
devices of the American aborigines, and these graphic devices 
were compared with the mystical number systen^s involved in 
the primitive Cult of the Quarters. The investigation served 
to indicate that neither finger counting nor quinary and deci- 
mal number systems are ])rimitive, but are products of binary' 
and quarternary systems, modified through magnification of 
the Ego in the manner described in previous rejiorts. The 
inquiry also afforded useful results bearing on the develop- 
ment of right-handedness and on the orientation instinct which 
survives even in the highest culture stages. A preliminary 
discussion was incorporated as an accompanying paper in the 
last report, Ijut the principal results are reserved for incorpo- 
tion in a memoir dealing with the time concept of the Papago 

Toward the close of the year Dr Cyrus Thomas was led to 
a comparison of the number systems of the northern tribes 
with those revealed in the codices and other aboriginal records 
of Mexico, and prepared a memoir on the subject, which was 
incorporated in the last report. 

After his return from Omaha, at the close of the Exposition, 
Mr Mooney began preparing for publication his extensive col- 
lection of Cherokee myths and searching for parallels in the 


records comprised iu the archives of the Bureau, as well as 
in the published literature; and his voluminous memoir was 
completed iu time for incorporation in the last report. 

Work in Descriptive Ethnology 

Mr F. W. Hodge continued super^•ision of the material for 
the Cj'clopedia of Indian Tribes and made such additions to 
the work as his duties in either directions permitted. Dr 
Cyrus Thomas spent the greater part of the year in reviewing 
and extending- that portion of the work relating- to the tribes 
of the Siouan stock. His progress in examining- the extensive 
literature invohed and in preparing the material for publica 
tion was satisfactory. During a portion of the year Colonel 
F. F. Hilder, ethnologic translator, was occupied in translating 
archaic Spanish records of especial value in connection with 
the Cyclopedia. One of these is a manuscript written in 1782, 
and describes the tribes of Texas with unequaled fullness. 
The manuscript is anonymous, but Colonel Hilder succeeded 
in identifving- the author as Padre Morfi. 


Miscellaneous Work 

Library and puhlications. Mr F. W. Hodge has remained 
in charge of the library, and has also continued editorial work 
on the reports. During the }'ear he outlined a plan of library 
arrangement on the basis of the classification of anthropic 
science set forth in this and preceding reports, thus preparing 
the way for a systematic catalogue for the use of the collab- 
orators and the many visitors to the Bureau. The editorial 
work of the year has been especially ai'duous by reason of 
the considerable volume of matter in the hands of the printer 
and the number and elaborateness of the accompanying- illus- 
trations, but his work has been performed with energy and 

Translation. During- a considerable part of the year Colonel 
F. F. Hilder has been employed as ethnologic translator, and, 
in addition, has performed the duties of chief clerk. One of 
his translations is noted in an earlier paragraph; others made 
from time to time as needs arose have greatly facilitated the 


pre^niration of the Cyclopedia of ludiau Tribes, the researches 
concerning the Seri and Papago Indians, and other Hnes of 

Illustrations. Mr DeLancey W. Grill has remained in charge 
of the photographic laboratory and of the preparation of illus- 
trations by other than photographic means, and the progress 
of his work has been highly satisfactory. The additions to the 
photographic negatives representing Indian visitors to Wash- 
ington and the work of iield parties have been unprecedented. 


Among the special collections made during the year were 
those of Mr McOee and Mr Holmes in California, comprising 
stone artifacts in considerable number and variety, baskets, 
and other objects, the collections being of special value in that 
they represent typical prehistoric workmanship and ty^jical 
modern woi'kmanship combined, and in that they were made 
on the ground by experts in archeologic and ethnologic 
research. Another collection of special interest, though of 
somewhat limited extent, was made in southern Patagonia 
and Tierra del Fuego by Mr J. B. Hatcher; a portion of the 
material was received during the year. A number of typical 
collections made by correspondents of the Bureau and others 
were also acquired during the year. One of these includes 
the "Wichita house and house furniture obtained by Mr 
Mooney, mentioned elsewhere; another is the suit and regalia 
of Kahkewaquonaby (afterward called Dr Peter Edward 
Jones), a member of the Messissauga tribe of the Ojibwa; a 
third is a small but rare and significant lot, including a beau- 
tiful example of the stone yoke, or ceremonial collar, obtained 
from Mexico through the agency of Mr Holmes. 


The property of the Bm-eau was classified and described in 
some detail in a previous report. During the past year a 
number of manuscripts have been added to the archives, chiefly 
bv conti-ibution from coiTespondents, and others have been 


])n>(Iuce(l. The collection of j)liotograph,s of Indian subjects 
lias been materially enlarged, partly through photographing 
the individuals and groups of Indian delegations to Washing- 
ton; while the library has increased at a normal rate, chiefly 
through exclianges. 


Appropriaticiu by Congress for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1899, "for 
continuing etlinologiral researches among tlie Ameriian Indians, under 
the direction of the Snuthsonian Institution, including salaries or com 
pensation of all necessary employees and the purchase of all necessary 
books anil periodicals, $50,000, of which sum not exceeding $1,000 may 
be used for rent of building" {sundry civil act, July 1, 1898) $50, 000. 00 

Salaries or compensation of employees $34, 306. 34 

Special services $414. 23 

Translating 75. 00 

Traveling and field expenses 2, 1 14. 19 

Ethnologic specimens 4, 499. 00 

Publications 453. 33 

Drawings and illustrations 574. 25 

Books and periodicals for library 1, 104. 70 

Othce rental 916. 63 

Ofhce furniture 63. 81 

Stationery, supplies, etc _ 1 , 692. 92 

Freight 377. 35 

Postage, telegrams, etc 41.51 

Miscellaneous 271. 74 

12, 658. 66 

Total disbursements 46, 965. 00 

Balance, July 1, 1899, to meet liabilities 3, 035. 00 


Priniarih' Professor Holmes's monograph on aboriginal pot- 
tery of eastern United States is a description of the fictile 
ware classified bj' districts, so far as practicable by tribes, and 
also by technologic types. The art of the potter is old, far 
older than writte)i history, so that its beginnings can never be 
traced directly. The antique and prehistoric wares them- 
selves yield a partial record of the dev(dopment of the art, and 
the areheologists of the Old World have been able to supple- 
ment and extend the written history of pottery making 
through study of such material, and their researches \m\e lent 
interest to the ancient vessels and sherds with which the 
museums of the world are enriched. Yet the fictile ware of 
Egypt and Babylonia, Etruria and India, and other (Jld 
World provinces falls far short of telling the whole story of 
the art, since it fails to reveal the actual motives and senti- 
ments of the early artisans — the relics are husks of the history 
of potterj' making without the vital kernel. Accordiugh' the 
archaeologic studies in America supplement the European re- 
searches in a highly useful way. In the first place, the period 
of j^ottery making by the American aborigines Avas compara- 
tively short, so that the prehistoric and the historic are closely 
related; and, in the second place, the several liAang tribes 
within reach of current observation I'epresent various stages 
in the development of the art, so that opportunities exist in 
America for studying the motives and sentiments of the arti- 
sans engaged in all of the earlier developmental stages of the 
art. In general, the craft of the potter may be said to arise in 
the social stage of savagery or the psychic stage of imitation, 
with its tedious growth through accidental improvement; in 
general, too, the art inay be said to expand and differentiate 
in the succeeding barbaric stage with the attendant divinatory 


coucepts as motives; and it is this stage, with its protean 
forms, textures, decorative devices, and modes of manutacture, 
which has been found peculiarly inscrutable by students of 
the products alone. Now it is precisely this stage which is 
represented b-s' most of the American aboriginal ware, both 
prehistoric and historic, and h)- the surviving tribes. Accord- 
ingly, Professor Holmes's description of the American ware, 
with its critical analysis of types and interpretation of motives, 
would seem to aft'ord not merely a supplement to, but a sound 
foundation for, the history of the pottei's' art. 



In former reports I have classified human activities as 
pleasures, industries, institutions, expressions, and opinions. 
In my last report I discussed pleasures as the science of 
esthetolog v. I now propose to set forth the nature of indus- 
tries as the science of technology, of institutions as the science 
of sociology, of exjjressions as the science of philology, and 
of opinions as the science of sophiology. 

An industry is an activity whose immediate motive is the 
production of welfare for self and others. The term welfare 
has various meanings, but here we use it as signifying welfare 
of life — not esthetic, moral, expressional, or mental welfare. 
An industry by this definition means an activity exercised to 
promote life. We must remember that in this discussion, 
which is meant to be scientific, whether it succeeds or not, tlie 
term industry is used in this sense and in no other. 

We use activities as a generic term including five species: 
esthetics, industries, institutions, exjjressions, and instructions. 
In this paper we are to consider industries. 

Technology is the science of industries. An industiy is an 
activity whose purpose is welfare or livelihood. We must 
here make clear the distinction between esthetic activity and 
industrial activity. The maid dances for the pleasure of her- 
self or of others. If she dances for others it is a pleasure for 
them, though she may dance for gain — that is, welfare; still, it 
is an esthetic activity. A company of musicians make music 
for an audience; the audience pays for the entertainment. To 
the musicians the making of the music is an industrial activity, 
but to the audience it is an esthetic entertainment. Thus, 
whether an activity be designed for pleasure or for welfare 
will often depend on the point of view of the person interested 


The housewife prepares the meal for her own welfare and 
for the welfare of others. She may flavor the food to make it 
more palatable; the jiurpose of the condiment is thus pleasure; 
but the preparation of the food is still an industry, the second- 
aiy motive a pleasure. A feast is given for pleasure, but the 
food still sustains life ; so pleasure and welfare are concomitant. 
In high civilization many activities are pursued for the pleas- 
ure of the people by persons who have welfare as their purpose. 

Again, what is conducive to welfare may be productive of 
pleasure. Tlie housewife in preparing the meal for Avelfare 
may have, and usually does have, these double motives. If 
we neglect the motive of welfare and act only from the consid- 
eration of pleasure, pleasure itself niay be curtailed or pain 
may be produced. If the housewife, in catering to pleasure, 
uses condiments that are unwholesome, j^ain may be produced, 
and whether her act in compounding the cake be good or evil 
in effect will depend on whether she has considered both wel- 
fare and pleasure; only then do her acts become wise. 

Motives are many and usually compound, and it requires 
no small degree of abstraction to discover the elements of 
motive even in self, while in others, whose minds are expressed 
in their acts, the task is still more difticult; for though the 
motive is best read in symbols of deeds, still, whether it be 
good or evil is often difficult to say. But every activity is 
performed for a purpose, and all demotic activities are per- 
formed for demotic purposes. We are now classifying activi- 
ties as demotic activities; but in classifying them in this man- 
ner we must ever remember that altruism is founded on egoism 
and that a demotic activity has an individual effect on the doer. 
A man may play the violin for others in order to gain money 
with which to make a journey of pleasure; thus his motive 
may be immediate pleasure for others and remote pleasure for 

This is a concrete world, and abstractions do not exist in 
themselves, but only in human consideration as abstracts. 
Every abstract has its concomitants from which it can not be 
dissevered, except in consideration. We may classify motives 
as motives for pleasure, welfare, peace, expression, and wis- 
dom; and by abstraction we ma}^ consider anyone of these 


motives, although they can not exist apart. Every activity, 
wlu'ii performed, involves all the concomitant effects. The 
world is concrete, but the method of consideration is often 

Industries are classified as substantiation, construction, 
mechanics, commerce, and medicine. 


Certain activities of welfare are fundamental thereto, l)ecause 
thev are necessary to life. We must breathe air, we must 
drink water, we mvist eat food, we must seek shelter from the 
elements, and we must wear clothing In the pursuit of these 
necessities of life human activities are employed, even in the 
primordial stage of savagery. Four of these necessary activi- 
ties are pursued by the lower animals — they seek water, food, 
and shelter for their young and sometimes for their compan- 
ions — but artificial clothing is not worn by them. Activities 
pursued for the welfare of self and others are industries. 

The natural kinds fundamentally necessary to man are 
found by experience to be air, water, rocks, plants and 

Air is necessary at every minute of life, and it is so abun- 
dant that man is not required to produce artificial air, though 
as civilization advances he finds it necessary to provide for its 

Water also is abundant. Man does not find it necessary to 
produce water from its. elements, but he does find it necessary 
to produce it at the place where it is needed and to provide 
for its purity. 

Minerals are found to be useful to man primarily, perhaps, 
for shelter; soon they are found useful as tools, and he engages 
in their production by quarrying and mining. 

Plants are found to be useful to man as food in all its varie- 
ties, as sap, leaves, bark, roots, seeds, and fruits. Plants are 
also useful to man in providing shelter, and various parts of 
the plant are used in the construction of houses by human 
devices. Plants are also found useful to man as fibers in 


Finally, animals are useful to man for food, shelter, clothing, 
and other purposes. 

Thus, tribal man utilizes all of these kinds or natural sub- 
stances, for which he especially develops the industries of 
quarrjnng (the simpler stage of mining) and agriculture for 
the production of natural plant products and natural animal 
products. Tribal man uses natural substances developed by 
natural chemistry; civilized man not onh^ uses the natural 
substances, but he produces innumerable artificial substances 
by artificial chemistry. 

The production of kinds or substances, whether natural or 
artificial, leads to the distinction which we are trying to make 
of the class of industries which we call fundamental industries. 
They are those in which men engage for the purjjose of pro- 
ducing substances, whether they be natural or artificial. Fun- 
damental industries maj^ well be called substantial industries 
because they produce substances. 

All industries are productive industries, and the product is 
consumed. Production is thus the correlative of consumption, 
and correlation must be distinguished from reciprocality and 
from antithesis. Reciprocality is a relation as of a whole to 
the parts of which it is comjjosed; antithesis is a distinction 
as between good and evil; correlation is a relation between 
terms neither one of which can be expunged alone. 

We must make a distinction between producing kinds and 
producing forms. A man may produce apples by cultivation; 
he then produces a kind; when he produces cider from the 
api)le he produces another kind or substance. A man may 
produce a flint by quarrying it, or he may produce it even by 
picking it up; he then produces a kind of rock; but when he 
makes the flint into a knife, he produces a form. 

In tracina- a series of transmutations from material to 
product, we may always reach a stage where the material is 
finall)^ consumed or used. To use an unfamiliar but very 
useful term, borrowed from metaphysic, we may say that an 
entelechy is ultimately reached. The entelechy is the final 
end had in view by the exercise of an activity. 

In tracing- material through its transmutations from its 


original state to its final purpose, there arise a succession of 
correlations, the terms of which are known as jwoduction and 
consumption. How these terms are used will be made clear 
by a few illustrations: Primitive man produces flint from the 
q*iarry and consumes it in making the arrowheads which he 
produces. With his arrowheads he produces rabbits ; thus his 
arrowheads are said to be consumed when they are lost or 
destroyed, but there is still tlie production of rabbits from the 
wold, and this production is consumed as food. 

The farmer purchases a tract of land covered with forest. 
The forest land he converts into a field ; the forest he con- 
sumes perhaps for fuel, and the fuel is the product which he 
consumes for welfare, and the entelechy is reached. The field 
T'emains, from which he grows corn, and at the liarvest the 
year's pi'oduction of tlie field is consumed; but the corn remains 
as a product, which is material for the miller, which he con- 
sumes as miller's material by grinding it, thus producing meal; 
the meal is baked by the housewife, who consumes it as meal 
in producing bread, and the bread is eaten by the farmer's 
household and consumed, thus producing welfare, which is the 

The lumberman cuts logs in the forest; he consumes forest 
trees and produces logs; the raftsman consumes them at the 
place where they were produced and delivers them at the mill 
as the product of his labor; the product is the log delivered 
at the mill. The log is material for the miller, out of which he 
produces lumber; logs are consumed and lumber is produced. 
To the builder the product of the miller is material which the 
builder consumes in the product of his labor, which is a house; 
the domiciliary user consumes the house in welfare, and this 
welfare is the entelechy. Maybe the lumber is used for 
making furniture, then lumber is consumed and furniture is 
produced, and the furniture is consumed in the production of 
welfare, which is the entelechy. 

The planter purchases a field on which he raises cotton; 
the time of the field, that is, its power of producing for a year, 
or, in other terms, the interest of the purchase money for the 
field for a year, is consumed in the production of a crop. 

20 ETH— 03 III 


The labor on the field is also consumed, and the field of cot- 
ton is produced. Then the cotton t'roni the plant is picked, 
and the field of cotton is consumed by the picking of the cotton 
bolls; the cotton now becomes the material for another process. 
Overlooking minor operations, it becomes material for tlte 
spinner, who makes a product of yarn; the cotton and the 
labor employed are consumed by the man who makes a pi'od- 
uct of cloth. Then the tailor consumes it as cloth, together 
with an amount of labor necessary to make it into clothing; 
then the clothing is consumed by the wearer, when it reaches 
its entelechy. Thus land, by a series of human processes 
through intelligent labor, produces welfare through a series of 
changes in which labor is consumed. 

In the course of production from one kind to another and 
from one form to another, the domain of nature and art is ran- 
sacked for the pur^^ose — air, water, land, plants, and animals 
are utilized and a multitude of persons are employed. 

In the consideration of production we must contemplate the 
natural material found in air, in sea, in land, in plants, and in 
animals. The air is ambient over all the surface of the earth 
as a hollow sphei'e of gas. The sea has its gulfs, bays, and 
straits, with its auxiliaries in springs, lakes, and rivers, while 
the lower portion of the air is laden with moisture which is 
partially gathered into clouds and precipitated on the earth in 
rain when favorable conditions pi-evail. Thus the water is a 
sphere of liquid which intervenes between air and land. The 
sea with its auxiliaries yields its materials and the air yields 
its materials. Plants are scattered over all the surface of the 
laud not covered with liquid water, and over a part of the sur- 
face of the land which is covered with liquid water, and over 
a part of the surface of the water, while animals inhabit the 
atmosphere and the watery envelope or hydrosphere. What 
is usually called the land is but the upper surface of a third 
sphere of solid rock which is denominated by geologists the 
lithosphere; this lithosphere contains another and important 
portion of the substances which are produced for the welfare 
of mankind. The lithosphere, the hydrosphere, and the atmos- 
phere, together with the plants and animals of the earth, con- 


stitute the environment of mankind. All human industries are 
therefore included in the consideration of the sources of the 
substances Avhich men produce. 

Hence, when we classify the substances of the environment 
in these five groups, we classify them in coordinate groups 
from the consideration of the environment of man, though we 
may afterward subclassify every one of these groups. We 
are not classifying substances into fundamental classes, but we 
are classifying the substances used by man into fundamental 
classes, and the subclassification will still include only the 
substances used by man. 

Man is a denizen of the air; he lives on that portion of the 
surface of tlie lithosphere which is called dry land, where the 
watery envelope is vapor. Thus he is directly connected in 
his environment with the three spheres and utilizes them for 
his purposes. Man is not content with the natural jn-oducts 
of the lithosphere, but he seeks to improve them. He is not 
content with the natural products of the hydrosphere, but he 
seeks to improve the water by purifying it or ]:)y charging it 
with other substances. He is not content to drink like the 
beast from the pool or the stream, but he seeks to bring the 
water to himself in the most convenient and best manner in 
which to enjoy it. Man is not even content with breathing 
the atmosphere, but he seeks to procure it in its purity, so he 
ventilates his habitation and otherwise secures the greatest 
purity. Man is not content with the jdants as they are fur- 
nished by nature, so lie im])roves tliem by cultivation and 
multiplies those wliicli are useful to him and destroys those 
which are useless or injurious. Man is not content witli the 
animals, so he improves them by zooculture and he destroys 
the useless and the injurious. 

To designate those industries in which men engage for the 
purpose of producing kinds or substances, we need a technical 
term which will distinguish them from all other industries; for 
this purpose I use the word substantiation, which must here 
mean the artificial production' of substances for human welfare. 
I have sought long and far for the best term. I may not have 
chosen wisely, but I have chosen with all the wisdom of which 


I am possessed. It does not lie in the i)rerog'ative of anotlier 
to reject my term when he attempts to understand mv meaning, 
though it may be his prerogative to use another term wlien he 
desires to express tlie same meaning. If the distinction pointed 
out is a valid one, and useful for scientific purposes, a dis- 
tinctive term is necessary; if the distinction is invalid or 
unfruitful to science, it may be neglected. Do not quarrel 
with me aljout my terms, but quarrel with me about my dis- 
tinctions. If you decide that the distinctions are good, then 
accept my terms as they are used, still reserving the right to 
use better terms when you wish to set forth the same concepts. 

In the transmutation of materials into products, the processes 
must be invented; but the product which is sought in manu- 
facture may he but a small part of the material used. Metals 
are extracted from the ores, while the residuum is often value- 
less. Quinine is extracted from the bark of cinchona trees, 
and the product is \erx small compared with the trees. Some- 
times secondary products are found still of value to mankind. 
From asphalt and other hydrocarbons illuminating products 
are manufactured, and from the substances which do not 
subserve this purpose aniline dyes are extracted. So by 
invention a nmltitude of substances are derived wliicli serve 
human purposes. 

Forever by art, substances are multiplied and their manu- 
facture is specialized. (1) In modern culture man produces 
pure air by })urifying it; (2) he produces pure water by 
purifying it; (3) he produces various substances by mining 
and metallurgy and other chennc processes; (4) he produces 
plants by ])lant culture, and (5) he produces animals by 
zooculture. Thus, the fundamental industries, which we here 
call industries of substantiation, are industries for the produc- 
tion of kinds. 


The next class of industries in which men engage are those 
which are desig-ued to modify the forms of thing-s for use. 
Here we must call attention to the distinction which we make 
between Jrind and form. In popular usage these terms are 
interchangeable, but in science we must use terms with single 


.meanings; this is a fundamental requirement. The faihire to 
observe this law opens the door to idle and vain speculation. 
We may find an illustration of what is meant by kind in ordi- 
nary enumeration and in the devices which men have invented 
to represent numbers. We have ten units as a sum; the ten 
units constitute but one ten, twenty units constituting two 
tens, and a hundred units constituting ten tens. The ninety- 
ninth is but one of the imits of a hundred ; it is V)ut one in the 
last unit of the second order which constitutes the hundred. 
Counting is fundamentally detei'mination of kind ; and count- 
ing, like classification, is first determining a kind and tlien 
seriating the kind to obtain the class. I wish to count the 
horses in the field, and I must first distinguish the horses from 
all other kinds in the field and then enumerate them. This is 
counting. But if I distinguish the kind of horse and include 
them all as horses, I thus include all of this kind in nature. 
The diff'erence between counting and classifying exists solely 
in the nature of the series which we consider. I invariably 
use kind in this sense and in no other. 

Form signifies figure and structure, and implies the relative 
position of the parts which make up the whole. Tliis distinc- 
tion which I make betv\^een kind and form must be held per- 
manently. You must not fall into tlie habit of confusing the 
terms as is done in common speech. In science we must use 
form to mean one thing and kind to mean another, and unless 
we adhere to this it is impossible to make scientific advance. 
Every man loves to use words as his neighbors use them, for 
speech is but a convention, and unless the convention is under- 
stood by others it is an unknown tongue; but no man has a 
right to demand of another that he use his words with the 
same meanings as himself if the other defines his meanings, 
and still less has he the right to demand that another should 
use a word with many meanings and thus obscure his 

]\Ian produces the clay when he digs up the kind of clay, 
or he may produce the kind of clay by mixing ingredients; 
but when he molds the clay into a l)rick lie determines the 
form. He may mold the clay into a vessel; then also he 
determines the form in ^vhicll it is useful. 


Man produces forms of tilings that he may utiHze ah-, water, 
rocks, phmts, and animals. He utilizes air when he produces 
thing's that insure proper ventilation. A chimney is a form for 
this 2:)urpose; an opening in a room and a shaft in a building 
are forms of this character; a fan is a form designed to secure 
a better movement of the air. 

For the utilization of water primitive man constructs a gourd 
into a drinking cup, or he moulds clay for the purpose of 
holding water, or he constructs wickerwork jugs for this pur- 
pose; so man digs wells ami constructs reservoirs, and lays 
pi])es for the transportation of water, and in higher civilization 
he constructs filters for the purification of water. Thus 
innumerable forms are constructed by man for the utilization 
of water. 

In the same manner many forms are produced for the utili- 
zation of rock material. The rocks are built into houses as 
rock structures proper; the clays are molded into bricks or 
adobes to be built into houses. Iron is extracted from the 
rock and molded into innumerable forms for men's use. Cop- 
per, gold, and silver are in like manner produced as sub- 
stances and wrought into forms which serve men's pui'poses 
for welfare. 

Plants are used for fuel and wrc^ught into forms that they 
may be utilized in stoves and furnaces. Plants are also 
wrought into forms of lumber and used in constructing forms: 
houses, furniture, vehicles, and ten thousand other shapes, 
that they may be useful to man; and many substances are 
extracted from plants to be wrought into forms. Many resins 
are used in this manner; indeed the forms produced from the 
product of the rubber tree that are useful to man are too great 
for eiuimeration. 

Time fails me to tell of the innumerable forms into which 
animal substances are wrought for the use of man. But animal 
substances and vegetal substances have their grand use as 
food. The forms into which they are converted before they 
reach the entelic use are innumerable, but the subject is so 
often illustrated in daily life that to call attention to the fact is 
all that is necessary to our purpose. 


111 the jiroduction of entelic forms many ancillary forms are 
produced. These, perhaps, are so apparent that they need no 
further illustration; but the forms which are produced by man 
through industrial processes that serve the entelic purpose of 
welfare are innumerable, and when we distinguish them it 
becomes necessary for ns to group these industries under one 
term in order that tliev mav properly be distinguished from the 
industries of substantiation and from others which we have yet 
to consider. I shall therefore call them the industries of con- 
struction, as that term seems liest to convey the concept. In 
late years there has grown up in science the use of a term 
which clearly sets forth the nature of the products of construc- 
tion as the term is here used. This is artifact; the products 
of construction are artifacts. Construction, therefore, is the 
industry of producing artifacts, just as substantiation is the 
industry of producing -substances. As substantiation is the art 
of producing substances from air, water, rock, plant, and 
animal, so consti'uctiou is the art of producing useful artifacts 
from air, water, rock, plant, and animal. 

Form and kind are concomitant. There can be no kind 
without form, and there can be no form without kind, and the 
distinction which we here make is but a distinction in consid- 
eration which classities the industry. The world is concrete; 
but man's method of looking- upon it is often abstract, and so 
his knowledge is ultimately built up into concepts of concrete 
things, which are first considered as abstract things when con- 
cepts of abstract things are utilized. All properties and quali- 
ties are abstract, but they inhere in concrete things. Con- 
crete bodies and their abstracts as properties and qualities 
require abstract concepts for their cognition. Again must 
we recall the demonstrations of the pentalogic essentials of 
every particle of matter incorporated into the bodies of the 
universe. That there are five and only five of these essen- 
tials is the ultimate purpose of this discussion, and the ultimate 
demonstration must remain in view if we ai-e to understand 
the nature of the argument. 



In classifiyiug' industries as those of substantiation or those 
of construction, we were compelled to use terms with specific 
meanings, and we selected the terms used because they seemed 
to be the most available for that purpose and because there 
seemed to be no terms in use for the industries which we 
wished to discriminate. Manufacture etymologically means 
"making- by hand." In all industries the hands are used to a 
greater or less extent, and the term is used with this wider 
significance, so that its etymology and wider use alike forbid 
its emT)loyment to signify what we desire when we adopt the 
term construction. In the case of mechanics we have a term 
which is already used in science for the purpose we wish, sig- 
nifying the industries which have for their purpose the utiliza- 
tion of powers. 

The mechanical devices, as forms which are emploved in 
the utilization of powers, are the hammer, the lever, the wedge, 
the wheel, and the pulley. 

A hammer is a device for condensing the motion of a pon- 
derable body through a space in a time and expending it in 
an in.stant; or it may be defined as the method of expending 
gathered momentum in the instant of impact. 

A lever is an instrument which is used with a fulcrum to 
move a weight by taking advantage of the motion in an arc 
of a larger circle in the correlative arc of a smaller circle, so 
that the force of the long arm is expended in the short ai'm. 
A smaller mass is thus made to move a larger mass, but the 
smaller must move a greater distance. A hammer which is 
used for percussion is often supplied with a handle, which is a 
lever with a fulcrum in the edge of the hand. Thus the long- 
arm of the lever is next to the hammer, and the momentum 
of the hammer is increased thereby. 

A wedge is an inclined plane used to subdivide the distance 
of the weight moved into minute parts. The wedge itself is 
usually employed in conjunction with the hammer, the wedge 
being a device for subdividing the distance moved, and the 
hammer being used to take advantage of the force of per- 


A wheel is a device for reducing friction, and the friction is 
reduced inversely as the perimeter of tlie wheel is enlarged 
over the perimeter of the axle. The wheel is variously modi- 
fied for the reduction of friction. 

A pulley is a wheel or succession of wheels so geared that 
the force applied must move over a greater space than the 
weight to which it is applied; hence a larger mass may be 
moved by a smaller, as in the case of the lever. 

These forces — the hammer, the lever, the wedge, the wheel, 
and the pulley — are often combined in the same mechanism. 
Thus, in the screw, the lever and the wedge are combined, but 
the wedge is a spiral wedge. These fundamental mechanical 
devices are combined in a great variety of ways in the machin- 
ery of the industries. 

These devices for applying power are sometimes called the 
mechanical powers, and the powers themselves are called 

Again I must remind the reader that there is no such tiling 
as abstract power; it is always concrete, and its concomitants 
must always be considered when we consider real power as 
such. Power exists as an abstraction only in consideration. 
- Having considered the devices for applying power, we have 
now to consider them as they are utilized in tools and machines. 
A tool may be defined as an implement employed to utilize 
human power. A machine may be defined as an implement 
employed for using any other power than that of human 
muscle. The tool is dependent on the hand and is adai)ted to 
the use of the hand, while the machine is adapted to the use 
of other powers than that of tlie hand, though these powers 
may be directly or indirectly controlled by the hand. A flint 
may be fashioned into a knife on a grindstone supported l)y a 
wooden horse; the grindstone is a tool, but it may be run by 
water power, when it becomes a machine, for it must be pro- 
vided with the apparatus necessary to utilize the fall of water. 
A hand hammer is a tool; but a trip hammer is a machine, for 
some other power than that of human muscle is iised in its 
operation. The hand dasher in a churn is a tool; a power 
dasher in our modern dairies is a machine. The flail is a 


tool used only by human power; the thrasher is a machine in 
which horse power or steam j^ower is employed. 

In the multiplication of processes, which we have already 
illustrated somewhat, many machines are employed in the 
manufacture of a single class of products. Often these machines 
are housed for their protection and for the protection of the 
liiljorers who are operating- them. Such a g-roup of machines 
with their houses is called a mill or a factory. In the mill many 
machines may be nsed, and many tools, all designed for the 
connnon purpose of producing a class of objects. 

It now remains for us to set forth the classes of powers 
wliich are used by )nen to promote their Avelfare. These ai'e 
muscular power, wind power, water power, heat power, and 
electric power. 

Muscular poiver. This power is the primordial force used 
by mankind. It was used first as human power, but in the 
second stage of human culture animals were domesticated and 
used as beasts of burden. Especially is one animal used for 
this purpose, namely, the horse, and the power of a horse fori 
a definite period of time, established conventionally, has come 
to be used as the standard of measurement for ])owers. Ani- 
mals are used not only for carrying and hauling burdens, Isut 
they are used also for impelling machinery. 

Wind poiver. Wind power is used to propel machinery and 
especially in the navigation of water to propel vessels, and the 
machinery devised for the latter purpose consists of masts and 
sails. In tlie early history of civilization tlie propulsion of 
vessels and the running of mills were relativelv much more 
common than at present, and yet this power is widely used. 
Since air has been liquified it seems likely that this substance 
is to play a still more important role in mechanics, and that 
air is to become a commodit}-. 

Water power. Water power is used chieflv for the running 
of mills. The tides as they rise and fall are utilized in their 
onward rush to impel mills by the consti'uction of the neces- 
sary machinery, and the fall of water in running streams is 
utilized for the same j^urpose. Water is used also as steam to 
coimect heat power with machinery. 


Heat 2)ower. This power is obtained from the combustion 
of plants and animals and the hydrocarbon products derived 
from them. Steam is but a medium through whicli heat 
power is a,pplied. 

Electric i^on-cr. Ellectric power is also a medium for trans- 
mitting- wind power, water power, and heat power; but it also 
seems to be an independent power itself. Not being a phys- 
icist I am not competent to properly discuss this sul)ject. 

The whole discussion of mechanics may be considered as 
exceedingly elementary and to be but a simple exposition of 
common knowledge. It serves the purpose of this discussion 
all the better for this fact, for we are trying to exhibit the 
nature of the activities in which men engage for the purpose 
of classifying them and discovering how five properties of 
matter, and only five, are recognized in tliese activities, and 
for the fui'ther ))urpose of showing how they lead to five classes 
of emotions. 


The fourth great class of industries in which men engage 
for the purpose of obtaining welfare is commerce. j\Ien do not 
produce substances everyone for himself, but everyone for 
others. They do not produce constructions everyone for 
himself, but everyone for others. They do not produce 
powers everyone for himself, but they produce powers every- 
one for others. The substances, artifacts, and powers pro- 
duced are designed for the consumption of others; they thus 
become the materials for exchange, which are then goods. 

Goods are produced, as we have already seen, by substan- 
tiation, construction, and mechanics, and there are other 
agencies whicli we have not yet considered. These products 
pass from one ^jerson to another in exchange before they are 
consumed as an entelech}'. Every exchange implies a pro- 
duction and a consumption until the entelic consumption is 

The five properties of matter give rise to five elements of 
commerce, which we must now set forth. The first element 
of commerce consists of the goods or kinds of things which 
are exchanged. The second element is transportation, which 


means the transfer of commodities from one person or place 
to another. The third element is the labor involved in making 
the exchanges. The fourth element involved is the money 
employed as the medium of exchange and measure of value. 
The fifth element employed is advertising, which is the 
method of informing those who desire goods for consump- 
tion that others have them and oifer them in exchang'e for 
money. The five elements of commerce, therefore, are goods, 
transportation, merchandizing, money, and advertising. Every 
one of these elements of commerce involves activities — the 
activities of producing goods, the activities of transportation, 
the activities of exchange, the activities of finance, and the 
activities of advertising. They follow in this order from the 
nature of qualities which are derived froni properties. Nature 
has established the order in which properties nmst be con- 
sidered, for Nature herself considers them in this order. Now 
we have to consider the five elements of commerce severally 
for the purpose of considering the elements of which they are 

Goods. Goods are classified as esthetic, industrial, social, 
linguistic, and instructional. 

Esthetic goods are ambrosial, decorative, athletic, gaming, 
and fine-art goods. These may all be reclassified in five 
groups. We have already seen " how the fine arts may be 
classified, giving rise to goods which are musical, graphic, 
dramatic, romantic, and poetical. In tlie same maimer indus- 
trial, social, ling'uistic, and instructional goods may be classi- 
fied and reclassified. Every value which man produces 
becomes goods, for in its production he expends activity, 
which is labor, and he receives in return for liis labor the goods 
which he desires. In modern society the goods are obtained 
through an intermediate commodity — money — which is the 
measure of value and instrument of exchange. 

Transportation. As men produce not for themselves, but for 
others, and receive money in exchange which they expend for 
themselves, the things which they produce must be transported 

" Esthetology. or the science of activities designed to give pleasure, in Nineteenth Annual Report 
of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1S97-98, p. Iv. 


to the Others. A man may produce an article wliicli liis next- 
door neighbor uses, and the transportation from one to the 
other is but an inconsiderable item. But the production may 
be a hundred or a thousand miles away; then the transporta- 
tion becomes an important element in commerce; hence ships 
and railroads are constructed, and large bodies of men are 
employed in their construction and utilization. At first thought 
these industries along the great highways seem to absorl) our 
whole attention, but on more minute consideration we tind that 
the transportation of commodities for short distances is no 
inconsiderable item. Thus, the transportation of the bread, 
milk, and other items of trade through the streets of the city 
and the liighways of the country, from the marts of trade to 
the individuals who are the entelic consumers, is of much 
relative importance. The transportation of commodities 
altogether will be found almost to vie in importance with 
the production of commodities by substantiation or construc- 
tion or mechanism. We tind that all of these operations are 

To the carrier, goods transported become freight. Goods 
and freight, therefore, are the same thing from different stand- 
points of consideration. In transportation we have to consider 
not only the freight but the substances, the constructions, and 
the powers employed in freighting, as well as the persons who 
direct the operations. 

We must notice the correlation involved in transportation. 
Ill ever}' transaction which involves transportation there is a 
producer and a consumer, and each party is both. The man 
who produces wheat is the consumer of the goods for which 
he exchanges wheat, so that there is correlative transportation. 
But the correlation is to some extent masked throug-li tlie 
employment of money as a medium of exchange, for as goods 
are not exchanged directly, the correlation of transportation is 
in the first step the transporting of money in one direction 
and the transporting of goods in the other When credits are 
used as symbols of money, the correlation is still further 
masked. Wherever a man niay be he has demands which 
must be supplied. Goods to satisfy these demands nuist be 


transported to liim, because he lives on the goods produced 
by other men which must be transported to him. The ulti- 
mate con-elation is dependent on the equity of transactions. 

There is still another phase of transportation that must be 
mentioned without stopping to fully set forth its nature. A 
man's wants may be supplied by transporting supplies to him, 
or they may be supplied l:)y transporting him to them. No 
inconsiderable part of transportation is employed in trans- 
ferring individuals themselves. 

The substances that are employed in transportation are air, 
water, rocks, plants, and animals. The constructions that are 
emjiloyed in transportation are (1) those which are designed 
to utilize the air, such as ships that are impelled b}" sails and 
pneumatic tubes in which air pressure is utilized; (2) those 
constructions which are employed to utilize water for trans- 
portation, such as the steam engine and that machinery by 
which material is transported from one part of the mill to 
anotlier b}' water power; (3) those which are employed to 
utilize wood, or coal (which is fossilized wood), for ti-anspor- 
tation; (4) those appliances which are necessary to utilize 
animal muscles for transportation, such as saddles, common 
road vehicles, and all of those articles which have become 
necessary when human beings transport freight; (5) all of the 
tools and machinery which are employed in the utilization of 
electricity for transportation. 

Exchange or iHerdiandizing. The man whose industry is 
buying and selling goods is the exchanger, and he regards 
goods or freight as connnodities. Goods or freight thus 
become commodities to him, but the merchant has to buv his 
commodities instead of to manufacture them. The industry 
of merchandizing is therefore distinct from the industry of 
transportation, as the merchant is distinct from the mech- 
anician wlio produces useful powers, or from the constructor 
who produces useful forms, or from the man who j^roduces 
useful substances. The elements of merchandizing are buying, 
storing, exchanging, delivering, and gaining. In buying, the 
merchant must consider the wants of the people; in storing, he 
must consider preservation of the goods; in exchanging, he 


must consider the value of the goods; in delivering, he must 
consider the distribution of the goods to his customers; and in 
considering gains he must consider the total cost to himself 
and compare it with the amount received, which mav show 
profit or loss. 

Money. This leads us to the fourth element of commerce, 
money, which, as one of the commodities, has to be considered 
as a value in relation to the other commodities, which are goods. 
Money consists of gold, silver, subsidiarj^ coins, bank notes, 
and credits. In different stages of culture different articles 
have been used as money, such as .shells, wampum, peltries, 
tobacco, and cattle; but in modern civilization the five kinds 
of money are almost universal. 

It has always been considered important that tlie value of 
money should be permanent, so far as this can be secured by 
human agencies. If we consider long periods of time, this has 
never been accomplished. The device which the more ad- 
vanced nations have adopted is to make either gold or silver, 
or both, at a fixed ratio, the measure of \'alue, and then by 
statute to provide that subsidiary coins shall be issued by 
the government. It is pi'ovided further that bank notes should 
be made exchangeable with coin at the option of the holder 
who presents them for payment; but in modern times credits 
are very largely used in transactions, so that much of the 
money used in commerce is of this nature. 

The business of the banker is the handling of money for a 
profit. He must therefore be a capitalist — must have money 
of his own — and tlie amount of money or credit of others 
which he handles, other things being equal, will depend on 
the amount of capital which he has invested either directly in 
banking or as security which it affords to the public in his 
transactions. In modern business much is transacted by cred- 
its, which are a kind of money, and the capital of the banker 
is held by his customers as either moral or legal security to 
them. The business man deposits money with the banker 
and draws it out on check from time to time as he uses it. 
A banker, having the deposits of many men, finds that he 
has in liis custody a surplus of money which is more or less 


constant. This surplus he lends at interest; he also lends 
his own money; his jM'oiits therefore come from the lending 
of mone}' — either his own or the money deposited. The 
banker lends money to the public, but he is especially a 
lender of money to his depositors; thus, a merchant may 
deposit money by giving his note bearing interest, against 
which he draws by check. 

Advertisini/. This leads us to the fifth element of commerce, 
which is advertising. In advertising, that which was first con- 
sidered as goods, then as freight, then as commodity, then as 
value, is now considered as want. The merchant's business is 
to supply want, and it becomes necessarv for him to inform 
the public of the goods which he offers for their supply. The 
method of giving this information to the people is advertising. 
The primal method of advertising is by the display of the 
goods themselves b}' the merchant or his assistants; no small 
proportion of the time of salesmen is occupied in displaving 
goods to purchasers. The second method of advertising is 
by the display of goods in conspicuous places, especially in 
show windows; this method of advertising has now become well- 
nigh universal. Show cases and window cases are arranged 
with deft hands in order to make goods attractive. The third 
method of advertising is with post bills, which are placed in 
conspicuous positions, on the walls of buildings, on fences, and 
by the wayside, or are worn on the backs of men. The fourth 
method of advertisino- is bv the distribution, throus'li carriers or 
by the mails, of handbills which are designed to inform the 
public of the character and prices of the goods offered for sale. 
Tlie fifth method of advertising is the insertion of such business 
announcements in books and periodicals. Much of the adver- 
tising is now absorbed by the periodicals; the daily, weekly, 
monthly, and quarterly journals are to a, large extent supported 
by advertisers who display in type the goods offered for sale, 
but the journals themselves are introduced to the public b}' 
the publication of news and the discussion of current topics, all 
of which are desired by the people. 

powell] technology xlix 


We have now to consider an industry which is designed to 
secure welfare for mankind in preventing, alleviating, and 
curing the diseases or other injuries to which men are subject. 
This industry is founded on the importance of securing the 
best opinions of men especially trained in the leamiug which 
pertains to sanitation and the remedies which are discovered 
to alle^date and cure diseases; it is especially an industry of 
opniions. Formerly this feature of the industry was some- 
what masked by the more or less constant habit of medical 
men to furnish the medicines and appliances which they use, 
and to charge for the same rather than for their opinions. But 
this industry has been differentiated from medicine proper and 
is relegated to the apothecary, who supplies, as merchandise, 
the medicines and appliances, and the merchant obtains them 
from manufacturers who produce constructions and substances. 

Here we have to note a peculiar habit of language by which 
the industry of medicine is called a profession. It will be 
observed that those persons who engage in the highest fonn 
of esthetic art, which we have called the fine arts, and who 
make a business of producing kinds of pleasui-e for others, are 
called professionals. In general, a professional is one who 
claims to be such an expert in his industry that he can com- 
mand welfare for himself by the production of an esthetic 
commodity. We might stop here to show how the lawyer or 
the judge is also called a professional, but it will be sufficient 
for us to notice that the term is applied in common usage to 
denote a high degree of excellence in an industry, and that it 
usually pertains to those persons who engage in the fifth grade 
of arts, as we have designated them, namely, esthetics, indus- 
tries, institutions, linguistics, and opinions. In medicine the 
jorofessional medical man is remunerated, not for the medicine 
which he furnishes, but for tlie opinion which he gives. 

Thus, in the order of arts which depend upon the properties, 
the fifth property of consciousness gives rise to a fifth industry 
of welfare, which we call medicine. 

The subject of medicine is fundamentally controlled by the 

20 ETH— <I3 IV 


five jjroperties of human bodies and the organs which are 
developed severally for these properties. These are (1) the 
organs of metabolism or animal chemistry; (2) the organs of 
circulation or animal construction; (3) the organs of activity 
or animal locomotion; (4) the organs of hereditary genesis or 
reproduction, and (5) the organs of the mind or the nervous 
system. In order that the opinions of the medical man shall 
be of value, he must acquire a knowledge of the metabolic, 
constructive, muscular, reproductive, and nervous systems of 
the human body. This is fundamental. 

Here it may be well to call attention to the organs of circu- 
lation, in order to show that they are organs of construction, 
though motion is involved therein, for the properties are always 
concomitant. When we consider circulation we are consider- 
ing it as the placement of the erythrocytes which are brought 
to the parts where they enter into construction. We are not 
considering the power by which circulation is accomplished, 
nor are we considering the motion of the particles as trajecto- 
ries, but we are considering the constructive result which arises 
therefrom, together with the result which is produced in remov- 
ing waste material. We are not considering how the removal 
is accomplished, but the results of the accomplishment. 

For the sanitary knowledge which he must obtain, the med- 
ical man must acquire a knowledge of the substances which 
men use in continuing life on this planet — air, water, rocks, 
plants, and animals — and how they are kept pure from dele- 
terious substances or conditions. This function of the med- 
ical man is of modern origin, and belongs solely to the scientific- 
period of medicine. We have to thank the medical profession 
for a vast body of scientific knowledge relating to this subject. 
It -is the glory of the profession that its most arduous labors, 
its greatest scientific discoveries, and its most enthusiastic pur- 
suits are devoted to sanitation. 

Remedial medicine has a long and interesting histor}-. We 
have already seen, in the account given of esthetology, how 
the fine arts are involved in the superstitions of mankind when 
they also play an important role in the religions of the world. 
Now we have to see how these superstitions conti'ol the practice 


of remedial medicine. In every early society there is used a 
word which has the significance of "priest" as well as "doctor." 
The word "shaman" has come to be used as the representative 
of such words. We have already seen how esthetology was 
emancipated from religion. We must now set forth how medi- 
cine was emancipated from religion, for in the earlier stages of 
culture, when the opinions of mankind were mostly supersti- 
tions, religion essayed to control all human activities, and the 
priest was the dictator in every field of life; especially was 
it true of all those tribal and national organizations in which 
the head of the ecclesiastical body was also the head of the 
political body, and thus church and state were one. How this 
slate of aft'airs oiiginated we can not here set forth in any ade- 
quate manner, but we are compelled to refer to it in treating 
of the subject of medicine, and to make a brief characterization 
of the nature of early remedies. 

Here we must set forth the doctrine of what I shall call 
mpidation. Imputation is the practice of erroneous attribution, 
as of effects to wrong causes; for example, when I impute the 
pain which I feel in iny head to a spell Avhich has been wrought 
upon me by a witch. A superstition is an opinion which a 
man may hold by reason of imputation. 

Now, we are briefly to consider how this practice originated. 
Savage men always impute mind, or organized consciousness, 
to inanimate things, such as plants, rocks, the phenomena of 
water, and phenomena of the atmosphere. They also impute 
mind to the heavenly bodies, which they suppose to be bodies 
in tlie tent of the sky, which to them is the great wigwam of 
this world. If the savage strikes his foot against a rock and 
seriously wounds himself, he does not attribute the accident to 
his own carelessness, b;;t he imputes it to the rock itself, as 
being designed by the rock in order to injure him. Thus 
motives are assigned to all inanimate things, and events are 
believed by him to be lirought about by others (animate or 
inanimate) which in fact are due to his own activity. This is 
the fundamental phase of imputation. 

Then tribal men believe that mind, which is a property of 
animal bodies, is a property of all bodies, and that this prop- 


erty is not a concomitant of the body and inherent in the body 
itself, but that mind is independent of body and can live apart 
from it, and when the mind leaves one body another mind 
may take up its residence there. This is the doctrine of ghosts 
as free, independent, and wandering minds. 

There are many phenomena wdiich to the savage mind lead 
to this opinion. I may briefly mention them: The phenomena 
of dreams, where men seem to go out of their own bodies and 
wander about the earth; the phenomena of ecstasy, produced 
by excessive mental or physical activity, where men seem to 
have visions of other times and places or to hear voices which 
do not speak in their ears; the phenomena of hypnotism, 
where men seem to see scenes which are not naturally pre- 
sented to the h5q5notized person; the phenomena of intoxica- 
tion, where men believe they observe that which bystanders 
know to be not true; the phenomena of insanity, where the 
diseased person has thoughts which are erroneous, in which 
case the savage believes that the ghost of another has taken 
possession of the invalid. The doctrines derived from these 
sources seem to be confirmed to the savage mind by the phe- 
nomena of shadows and especially of echoes. Hence, in 
tribal society a ghost life is held in universal belief Thus to 
imputation is added the ghost theory, or spiritism. 

The savage man imputes the diseases which afflict mankind 
not to the bodies with which he peoples the world, but to tlie 
ghosts of these bodies. Hence we often find in a savage tribe 
that diseases are classified in a more or less vague way as the 
diseases of the stars, the diseases of the waters, the diseases of 
the rocks, the diseases of plants, and the diseases of animals. 
He does not consciously classify them in this manner, but he 
imputes them to the ghosts of these objects. When a patient 
is examined by the medicine-man, he may affirm that he has 
the elk disease, the bear disease, the wolf disease, the rattle- 
snake disease, or the green-snake disease, or he may say that 
he has the spider disease, or the fly disease. -Especially are 
animals selected as the authors of ailments. I once witnessed 
the treatment of a child by an Indian .shaman who claimed 
that its ailment was due to a little fossil abundantly found in 


the carboniferous rocks of Colorado, and known as Atlnjris 
suht'dita. I liave many times known colds to be attributed to 
insects, toothache to be attributed to worms, rheumatism to 
be attributed to snakes, fevers to be attributed to birds; but 
on careful examination I have often found that the bodies of 
these things were not held to be the authors of the mischief, 
but that their ghosts were the active agencies. Not always 
can this explanation be obtained, and sometimes the thing 
itself will be exhibited as having been extracted from the 
jDatient; but, in the case of the Athyris, the medicine-man 
asserted to me that, when he extracted the disease from the 
child, he put the fossil iu his mouth before he performed the 
act of suction by which the ghost was extracted, and that his 
office consisted in extracting the ghost from the child and 
returning it again to the body of the fossil. 

It may be worth while for me to state how widely prevalent 
is this doctrine of disease among the North American Indians. 
I have found it myself among many of the Shoshoneau tribes, 
which occupy a large area in the western portion of the United 
States; I have found it among the Wintun of California and 
many other tribes of the Pacific slope; I have found it also 
among the tribes of the Gulf states, and have never failed to 
find instances in any tribe in which I have made diligent 
inquiry. Such causes for disease, however abundant they 
may be, must not be considered to be universal as they appear 
to the savage mind. The tribes of America seem rather to 
prefer to ascribe their evils to their enemies within the tribe, or 
still more often to their enemies in other tribes, for of course 
they believe in witchcraft. Especially are epidemics imputed 
to hostile tribes. The theory of the action of their enemies 
seems to be somewhat of this nature : That the shamans of the 
enemies have control over disease ghosts. But enough of this 
phase of the matter here. 

In barbarism, which is the upper stage of tribal society, the 
theory of disease undergoes marked development; not that 
imputation is abandoned, not that ghosts play a less important 
role, but that a new group of mythologic beings is developed. 
These mystic personages are personified jjlienomena of nature 


whicli exist as diviue personages, partaking in the affairs of 
mankind. While the hosts of savage mythology still exist in 
the popular mind, the leaders lay more stress on the doings 
of these nature gods. The nature gods are supposed not to be 
pure spirits, but have a celestial home where they habitually 
dwell and where they are organized into a tribe of their own. 
Now, the same characteristics of imputation are found, the 
same ghost theory prevails; but in addition there appear a 
host of nature ghosts which also take part in the affairs of 
mankind by assuming the shapes of men and representing them 
on earth. These new deities play a special r6le in producing 
diseases among mankind, and their assistance is invoked to 
prevent and cure disease. 

In a higher stage of culture, when tribes are organized as 
feudal dependencies about city governments which are ruled 
by tyrants — which I have called the monarchical stage of 
society — there occurs a marked development of the agency of 
the stars in the affairs of mankind, especially in determining 
good and evil, and still more especially in determining the state 
of health and the condition of disease observed on earth. 
Thus astrology is held to be the ranking science of the world. 
In this stage diseases are imputed to the stars and to their 
position, especially at nativity and in other important epochs in 
the lives of individuals. 

Perhaps we have already said enough about the theory of 
diseases antecedent to scientific medicine. We now must 
consider briefly the theory of remedies which prevails in the 
savage, barbaric, and monarchical stages of culture. 

In savagely, men find their remedies as they are revealed to 
them in dreams, ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and even in 
insanity. In every savage tribe there are particular ceremo- 
nies and other means instituted by shamans for the purpose of 
invoking these aids to diagnosis, and especially of appealing 
to them for the discovery of remedies. The ceremonies which 
the medicine-men perform by themselves for the discovery of 
remedies can usuallv be distinguished from those which they 
perform over their patients to secure the proper action of their 


remedies. In the one case ghosts are summoned to reveal the 
difficulties; in the other case the ghosts are commanded, 
abjured, begged, threatened, and in various ways induced to 
leave the body by ceremonial processes. But the shaman, to 
become such, nuist first driidc his black medicine ; he must 
summon his tutelar ghost by fasting and feasting and by danc- 
ing or by long- and intense contemplation, by one or another 
or all of the agencies for opening the portals of ghost-land ; 
and when the gates are ajar he communes with the spirits. 
Thus medical lore is acquired in these stages of society by 
dreams, ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and even by insanity. 

There are other methods of learning the potency of reme- 
dies. There springs up in savagery a body of occult learning 
which is a doctrine of signatui'es, which comes down to tlie 
present time. Plants that have red juices act on the blood; 
plants that have heart-shape leaves act on the heart. In like 
manner all forms or fancied resemblances of plants and ani- 
mals have a significance to the shaman as indicative of their 
medical potency. The world is ransacked to discover these 
wonderful things which can not help but reveal their use to 
the shaman eye. 

In early civilization the chemical transmutation of things 
seems to excite the greatest wonder, which leads to the devel- 
opment of a rude chemistry of ti'ansmutation. This new 
chemistry is alchemy, and the discoveries of astrology are 
met by the discoveries of alchemy. In this stage of culture, 
astrologv and alchemy prevail as the lore of medical science, 
wliicli is characterized by the emblems or signatures as they 
appear in astrology and alchemy. Could we enter into the 
subject we could show how the potency of words oi' of fornni- 
las is now held to be of supreme moment. As poetry is now 
the fine art of allegory, so medicine is now the healing art 
whose lore is taught in allegory. When science comes, the 
art of medical remedies is emancipated from the art of alchemy, 
astrology is divorced from diagnosis, and the shaman becomes 
either a priest on the one hand or a physician on the other. 
Thus relio'ion and medicine are divorced. But neither relisriou 
nor medicine is at once freed from superstition. The progress 


is slow, and forever there is a war in both departments between 
science and superstition. How long-, oh, how long will it last! 

We return now to the consideration of scientific medicine, 
merely for the purpose of classifying the science, for we are in 
quest of the evidence by which we desire to exhibit the facts 
relating to the five properties of matter, and to show that the 
sciences are legitimately classified by considering the leading 
properties in a science as the characteristics of that science, and 
then to see if such classification warrants the conclusion that 
there are but five properties of matter, and that in every body 
these five properties appear. 

In medicine we are attempting to show that the fundamental 
property on which the science is founded is consciousness, from 
which are derived the opinions by which physicians serve their 
fellow men to secure their welfare. We have tried to show 
that these opinions require a special study of the metabolism, 
anatomy, physiology, reproduction, and nervous organization 
of the human being. In addition to this, there is required a 
special study of the environment of mankind — the environment 
of air, water, rocks, plants, and 'animals, including human 
beings, by which the individual is surrounded. We might 
have resolved the immediate environment to more remote con- 
ditions in the universe, but have contented ourselves with the 
immediate or proximate environment rather for the purpose 
of showing that it is not necessary to make a final resolution 
of bodies and relations in order to discover pentalogic elements, 
although such elements appear whether proximate or ultimate 
conditions are viewed. 

The physician must be informed not onlj^ about the condi- 
tions of health in these realms of environment, but also the 
conditions of disease in the same realms, in order that he may 
properly advise his patient for the benefit of his sanitation, or 
that he may prescribe those remedies which are best adapted 
to allay the evil effects of his enviromnent. For this purpose 
he studies the etiology or cause of disease. He must first 
study the disease itself in its symptoms, and then discover the 
origin of the disease in unfavorable conditions. We may pass 
over the study of symptoms, and the classification of diseases 


tlieinselves, for here we iiiig-lit antagonize contending- patliies. 
Perchance, it" I were quite honest, I would confess my inabil- 
ity to treat the subject as a medical exjjert. Then the pliysi- 
cian must be versed in the causes of disease, and he discovers 
these causes in air, water, rocks, plants, and animals. Now, 
we might reclassify these agencies of disease, but the discus- 
sion would lead us too far from our theme, for we are not 
writing a medical treatise, and it might lead us too far from 
our knowledge. Then we are immediately led to the discov- 
ery of remedies, and here again we strike upon the pentalogic 
substances which are employed as remedies, and show how 
substances, forms, forces, causes, and concepts are employed 
as remedial agencies. Here again we must stop, lest we enter 
into disputation and show our ignorance. 



Au institution is a rule of conduct which men make by 
agreement or which is made for them by some authorit}' which 
they recognize as such. Many, perhaps most, of these rules 
are of great antiquity and are observed as customs, but new 
rules or modifications of rules are instituted from time to time 
as the exigencies of society demand. Thus, an institution is a 
recognized law of conduct de^^sed by men. Law and institu- 
tion are often synonymous terms. We use the term law from 
the standpoint of considei'ing the rule ; we use the term insti- 
tittion from the standpoint of considering the origin of the rule. 
I prefer to define sociology as the science of institutions rather 
than as the science of law, because in sociology I wish to 
include a study of the law itself and also a consideration of 
the manner in which it originates and the agency b}' which it is 
enforced, whether b}' sanctions of interest, sanctions of punish- 
ment, or sanctions of conscience. The term law itself has a 
wider sig-nificance than that in which I wish to use a term here. 
Law is a general term signifying not only the law of man, but 
the law of nature, and I wish to use it in this broad sense. I 
choose the term institution to designate the law made by man; 
but this term is often used with a broader signification than 
that which I desire — thus, an institution may be an organized 
body of men, or it may even be the name of a building. We 
sometimes call a well-known organization of men the Smith- 
sonian Institution, and we sometimes call the building where 
they carry on their operations the Smithsonian Institution; 
but I here use the terra institution to mean the rules of conduct 
instituted by men for the regulation of society, and do not 
include the material things which they produce by their 


When we examine the subject-matter of any treatise on 
sociology we usually find it dealing with the laws or institu- 
tions l)y which conduct is governed, and with the attempt to 
enforce these laws by governmental, moral, customary, cere- 
monial, and fashionable sanction. I use the term sociology to 
distinguish one of five coordinate sciences, esthetology, tech- 
nology, sociology, philology, and sophiology; and I call all 
of these sciences demononiy. 

I classify the sciences of sociology as statistics, economics, 
civics, histories, and ethics, and shall attempt to characterize 
them for the purpose only of setting forth their nature. I shall 
not extend the discussion into a treatise on tlie sciences of 
sociology severally, my purpose being classification only; for 
the end in view is to exhibit the logical necessity of making a 
pentalogic classification of all the sciences of denionomy in 
order that I may set forth the nature of qualities and how these 
qualities are founded on the universal properties of substances, 
having in view still another purpose, which is to classify and 
characterize the emotions. Pleasure, welfare, justice, expres- 
sion, and opinion are concomitant; one can not exist without 
the other, hence there can be no sociology without esthetology, 
technology, philology, and sophiology. 

We must now explain why we put sociology third in the 
order of demotic sciences. In industries we discuss natural 
forces under the rubric of mechanics, but we discuss only the 
forces not human — we consider only those of the environment 
of mankind, or those which exist in the air, water, rocks, 
plants, and the lower animals, and consider how they are 
developed from natural conditions by devices of control. In 
sociology we consider human forces exhibited in activities 
which ultimately arise through metabolism, so that men con- 
trol their own actions or conduct in obedience to their judg- 
ments of good and evil. Thus sociology is the science of the 
control of human activities, not by mechanical devices as in 
mechanics, but by institutional devices. As the order of prop- 
erties and qualities has already been established, and motion 
or force found to be third, sociology is consequently third in 
the demotic sciences. 

powell] sociology lxi 


Statistics is the science of the enumeratiou of human beings 
and the material things which they produce. Here we have 
to consider what is meant by enumeration or counting. First, 
counting is determination of kind, then it is the determination 
of the number of the kind. Classification consists in deter- 
minino- the kind and in considering- all of that kind in gdv- 
ing it a name; but enumeration consists in considering that 
series of a kind which is determined by some human purpose. 
The conventional series is always considered in conventional 
numbers, while the natural series or class is all of the kind. 

Kind and form are concomitant, and thus forms may be 
counted, but usually such counting would lead to unwieldy, 
impracticable, or even inconceivable numbers; hence repre- 
sentative numbers are devised. The device used in reducing- 
vast numbers to practical numbers is measurement. We do 
not count the grains of wheat, but we measure them in bushels. 
We do not count the blades of hay, but we measure hay in 
tons. We do not count the drops of molecules of wine, but 
we measure wine in gallons or by some other unit. Thus, 
measurements are adapted to the state in which the article 
exists, as gaseous, fluid, or solid, and the units of the different 
states are made commensurate. 

Animals may be counted without measurement, but they 
also may be lueasured; the method of measuring them is by 
weight. Other methods adopted in statistics for measuring- 
forms is the measurement of spaces ; but in weighing, a force 
is measured — the force of gra.vity. This method of measur- 
ing does not give units in terms of motion, but units in terms 
of one mode of motion, which is gravity; therefore the units 
are in terms of force. There are other units of measurements 
devised in the arts, as for example those for light, heat, steam, 
electricity, etc., but we will not consider them here. 

The common units of measure are units of space or of grav- 
ity. Governments prescribe the units of measurement in the 
interest of justice, and the instruments of measurement are 
regulated by law and kept under government surveillance. 


The unit for the measurement of vahies is of gold or silver, 
one or both; in the case of both, the ratio is established. 
These units of value are coined in pieces as forms, and the 
government stamp gives warrant to the correctness of the 
amount of metal which they contain. If the Government 
guarantee also their relative value, questions of great impor- 
tance arise, and these create political policies. If the Govern- 
ment coins only for itself, and purchases the metal Avhich it 
coins, it matters not what the ratio may be. If it coins at a 
ratio which is not the market value of the metals, the more 
valuable metal at the ratio adopted will give value to the coins 
of the less valuable metal, and both classes of coins will cir- 
culate at the value established by law. If the mints of the 
Government are free to coin both metals for the public, and 
the legal ratio differs from the market ratio, the metal of lesser 
ratio value only will be offered for coinage, and the coins of 
the metal of greater ratio value will be driven out of circula- 
tion. Thus, in considering measurement of values many ques- 
tions arise which are supposed to bear on the prosperity of 
mankind and especially on the people of a nation. 

l)nt why are statistics collected? The statistics of popula- 
tion in the United States are collected as a government func- 
tion either li^s' the nation or liy the state for the ]iurpose of 
fixing the basis of representation. Membership in the national 
and state councils is apportioned on the basis of population. 
The statistics of population, therefore, under our form of 
government, are necessary, for they are used as a basis for 
national and state legislation. School districts must have an 
enumeration of the children of school age who are to be pro- 
vided with schooling facilities. Tlie county must have an 
enumeration of the persons who reqviire charity that it may 
provide for their assistance. If the state builds an asylum for 
the blind, it must have the number of the persons to be enter- 
tained therein. Statistics are required by all sorts of busi- 
ness enterprises in order that men may act with intelligence. 
Tims a life-insurance company bases its rates of insurance 
on tables of statistics which show the probable average dura- 
tion of life from the age at which the insured persons sev- 


erally applied. All intelligent action in business enterprise is 
dependent largely on accurate statistical information. This 
function of statistics we will designate as the function of 

Statistics are compared for different conditions to exhibit 
important relations of social life as causes of good or evil 
effects. The comparison is made of numbers taken at different 
periods in the history of a people for the purpose of exhibiting 
the evolution of social conditions. This leads us to the con- 
sideration of statistics in verification. 

So common is this use that it would not be a bad definition 
to say that statistics is the science of the verification of soci- 
ologic inferences. The statesman, whose vocation is the study 
of practical government, deals largely with statistics, and the 
sociologist, whose theme is the social structure and its func- 
tions, resorts to statistics for the verification of his doctrine. 
In this use of statistics the greatest care is necessary in order 
that unsound doctrines may not receive apparent confirmation. 

We may assume that kinds are properly discriminated, that 
measures are reasonabh" accurate, that enumerations are well 
taken, and that comparisons are wisely inade. There yet 
remains a large field in the use of figures in verification in 
which they may be perverted to the sustaining of fallacies. 
This is the field in which they are habitually used to verify 
theories of social evolution. Perhaps the most potent sources 
of such fallacies are the use of figures for comparatively short 
periods of time which do not admit of the elimination of 
transient causes, and the proneness of men to look at causes 
in the interest of parties, sects, and social classes, and to 
impute false causes to such social conditions as they may 
lament or admire. 

This brief discussion will perhaps suflice to set forth the 
elements of statistics, which must be considered as integral 
jDarts of the science. To understand statistics it is necessary 
to understand the science of kind, the science of measure- 
ment, the science of enumeration, the science of com})arison, 
and the science of verification, as they are represented in the ' 
science of statistics. 


Causes are multitudiuous. Much of demotic invention is 
exercised for the purpose of discovering the particuhxr cause 
most easily modifiable in the interest of hinnan purposes. In 
the multitude of such devices the causes are examined in a 
multitude of ways by a multitude of people who naturally 
seek verification for their inferences as to the best methods of 
modifying' causes. In sociology this verification is bj' statis- 
tics, and any arrangement of figures which appears to verify 
an hypothesis may easily be believed to indicate the true or 
modifiable cause of the eftects considered. 

In all the field of human thought there is uo region in which 
verification is more important than in sociology, nor is tliere 
any field in which pseudo-verification entails more miserj' on 
mankind. Men mar claim to vei'ify their speculations about 
motors, and arrive at conclusions in which perpetual motions 
are supjiosed to be involved in mechanical constructions; Ijut 
only the deluded persons themselves who are engaged in such 
enterprises as inventors, jjromoters, or capitalists, are deceived. 
But when social inventions which are supposed to accomplish 
"perpetual justice" are adopted by men as bodies politic, 
calaniity for the multitude is the result. 

Statistics are collected by governments iu all their units as 
nations, states, counties, cities, townships or wards, and families. 

Within tile governmental organization there are many other 
bodies corporate, such as educational institutions, ecclesiastical 
institutions, and industrial institutions. Every body of [)eople 
is interested in the statistics which pertain to its functions. 
These secondary institutions are hereafter to be classified. 

We have thus found that the elements of statistics are classi- 
fication, mensuration, enumeration, information, and verification. 


When, on the frontier, a log house is to be built, the man 
who proposes its erection invites his neighbors to a house 
raising. Tlie logs cut from the surrounding forest are brought 
to accessible places around the cabin site, and a yoke of oxen 
is made to drag them one by one into position for use. Four 
logs are placed on rocks as a foundation; upon these logs 


others are placed Ijy rolling- them up on skids, and so log after 
log goes up and the house grows apace. That these opera- 
tions may be conducted successfully, a man is needed to drive 
the oxen; then a man is needed at each corner of the structure 
to fit the logs together where they cross each other near the 
ends. On each side of the house skids are used upon which 
the logs are rolled. As a log goes up a man at each skid 
stands ready with a chock to hold it in place as it is moved up 
by intermittent advances, and the two men at the corners 
receive the log, manage the adjustment of its position, and 
with their axes fit the ends of one log into notches in another 
in such manner that the house is well tied tog-ether. The log's 
are usually too heavy to be handled by a few men, hence a 
number are necessary to put them up, especially after the 
house grows, when the logs must be lifted to a comparatively 
gi-eat height. Thus the pioneer who is building a house 
enlists the services of many men to enable him to accomplish 
that which he can not do alone. When many men assist in 
the A\'ork, every one doing a like part, their mutual action is 
sometimes called "solidarity" in political economy. When 
they assist one another by doing unlike tasks, as do the men 
who are managing the skids, and tlie men who are fitting the 
logs at the corners, and the men who are driving the oxen, 
their method of cooperation is sometimes called "division of 
labor." Hence cooperation is accomplished as solidarity and 
as division of labor. 

For the purpose of cooperation men unite in associations, 
sometimes only for temporary purpose, but often for a more 
permanent purpose. When such persons unite for an indefi- 
nite length of time, which may be for years or even for gen- 
erations, the association is known by a fiction of legal 
expression as a "perpetual person," and hence it is often said 
of some corporations tliat they never die. 

In sociology a corporation consists of a number of jjersons 
who associate themselves for a common purpose to secure 
solidarity and division of labor. 

Incorporation has its reciprocal in organization. When we 
aftirm that a body of men constitute a corporation, we imply 

20 ETH— 03 v 


that they are organized; if we affirm that they constitute an 
organization, we imply that they are incorporated. The 
same body of men constitute an incorporation if we consider 
the pm-]^)ose of solidarity, or they constitute an organization if 
we consider the purpose of di^^sion of labor. 

The body of a man is incorporated as a body ; but the body 
itself is differentiated or specialized into organs, as the term is 
used in physical science ; or its parts exhibit division of labor, 
as the term is used in social science. Thus three terms are 
used in the sciences to express the same concept — differentia- 
tion, specialization, and division of labor. In treating of 
sociology it would be better to use the term s23ecialization of 
labor rather than division of labor, and the term integration of 
labor rather than solidarity of labor. 

We must now show tlie distinction which must be made 
between social incorporation and organization and physical 
incorporation and organization. In man tlie many organs are 
incorporated into one body by mechanical or physical bonds. 
The man is composed of actually coherent parts, but a society 
is composed of individuals who do not physically cohere. They 
may be together at one moment but apart at another, and mem- 
bers of the social corporation may wander about at will, inde- 
pendent of one another; they cohere only in purpose; that is, 
they have a common purpose, which is that for which the body 
jjolitic is incorporated. There is thus coherence in purpose, 
but not coherence in mechanical structure. Purpose is some- 
thing which exists only in the mind. We may therefore say 
that social bodies are ideally incorporated, while natural bodies 
are physically incorporated. 

Having noted that incorporation is integration, and that dif- 
ferentiation is specialization of parts, we have to note further 
that this organization and specialization is accomplished to con- 
trol the conduct of the members of the incorporation in relation 
to the purposes for which the society is organized. This con- 
trol of the conduct is control of the activities of the members; 
the control of the activities is the control of the motility 
of the members in coming together and in speaking at their 
deliberations, but the control of their motility is effected by 


conti'olling their judgments. The individual members, every 
one for himself, control their motility', or, which is the same 
thing, their acti\aty, by controlling the metabolism or affinity 
of their several members, so that pairs of muscles which are set 
in operation one against the other are made the one to con- 
tract and the other to relax. Thus, a physical control of the 
several persons who constitute a body corporate is ultimately 
resolved into the control of metabolism, which is the control 
of affinity. There is a physical control of the conduct of the 
members through appeal to their purposes, which may be 
resolved into the control of affinity of particles. With this 
introduction we are prejjared to consider the science of 

Economics is sometimes called the science of wealth and its 
distribution. More fully defined, it is the science which treats 
of the nature of propert)', the accumulation of property as 
wealth, the use of wealth as capital, the use of wealth as 
investment, and the use of wealth as endowment, together with 
the relations of property, wealth, capital, investment, and 
endowment to corporations. 

There are thus five elements for consideration in economics. 
First, property; second, wealth; third, capital; fourth, invest- 
ment; fifth, endowment. Every one gives rise to a group of 
corporations. The elements will be considered first. 

Froperty. We have seen that labor is human activity exer- 
cised for the purpose of producing welfare. In j^roducing 
welfare industry produces 23ro23erty. 

We have already shown that the wants of men are wants 
for pleasure, welfare, justice, expression, and wisdom. Then, 
we have shown that the wants of men for pleasure are supplied 
by esthetic arts;" we have also shown that the wants of men 
for welfare are supplied by industrial arts;* we are now 
attempting to show that the wants of men for justice are sup- 
plied by institutional arts; we shall hereafter show that the 
wants of men for expression are supplied by linguistic arts; 
and after that we shall show that the wants of men for wisdom 
are supplied by instructional arts. 

a Esthetoiogy, or the science of acrivities aesigned to give pleasure, in Nineteenth Annual Report of 
the Bureau of American Elhnology, 1900, p, LV. 
'^See the previous paper, p. xxix. 


In all these classes of arts something is produced for con- 
sumption, and we have already learned that the something 
produced does not immediately reach its entelic purpose, but 
may remain in a state of disuse until an event of production 
changes it in some manner so that it may. reach its entelic 

During all these stages it remains as property. This is true 
of all property of whatever nature. Then there is much prop- 
ertv which requires a long time for its consumption; for 
example, houses may remain to be consumed by a generation 
or even a succession of generations, but tlie houses are origi- 
nally produced from substances Avhich men produce, and a 
house may not be wholly consumed by the domiciliary user 
without the production of intermittent repairs. Land is not 
produced by man from original substances; it is only improved 
by man that it ma}' be rendered more useful through the pro- 
duction of improvements. 

We are thus led to understand the nature of propert}' itself. 
It is something which serves men's purposes and whicli remains 
for a time more or less ephemeral in the possession of individ- 
uals, or of corporations, or even of governments, and may be 
exchanged from one possessor to another at any time while it 
yet i-emains; and its continuance in time is. ended by the 
entelic consumption, except in the case of land itself, which 
does not cease with the production of one crop, but continues 
ior the production of others indetinitel)^ as long as proper cul- 
tivation is continued. 

Men create property by producing it througli labor; when 
produced to the entelic state it is consunned, yet it may remain 
in stages of production and also in stages of consumption. In 
any of, these stages it may be accunndated. 

The foundation of property is primordial appropriation from 
nature through labor. • The tribal man who appropriates fish 
from the sea constitutes it property, though it may be of an 
ephemeral nature. Still, while the food may be ephemeral, 
there may be appropriated other substances of longer ^-alue; 
thus, he may take wlialebone, which remains a longer time as 
property; if he appropriates animals from the forest, their 


skins may be property much longer than their flesh. This 
appropriation from nature has been universal among mankind, 
and in its simplest form is always recognized as just. 

But there come complications in the a|)propriation from 
nature which give rise to differences of opinion about the 
extent to which and conditions under which this appropriation 
may be carried on. By civilized man land is thus appropri- 
ated; this is absolutely necessary that he may make it use- 
ful. As he appropriates it by labor, the labor on the soil first 
produces a single crop. The labor of appropriating the land 
perhaps does not obtain its full reward by the first crop, but 
the lalx)r for the first crop enhances the value of the land for 
subsequent crops. 

All the land of the United States has been thus appropriated 
from nature — at first by individuals under grants from Euro- 
pean governments, but since the organization of the present 
government it has appropriated the land and has either sold it 
again to individuals or allowed them to appropriate it for 
themselves by homestead settlement. But in assuming the 
ownership of the land the general government has invariably 
recognized the prior titles to the land inhering in the aborig- 
inal tribes, and has purchased it from them by treaties, paying 
for the land by gi'ants of money. The total siim thus granted 
is more than three hundred millions of dollars. The title of 
the Indians to the land was a title which arose out of a quasi 
appropriation of the same — not by improving the lands them- 
selves, but by gathering from the land their food, clothing, and 
shelter; still, in some cases the natives cultivated patches of 
soil. But the ownership of the land by these seemingly 
imperfect processes was fully recognized by the government 
of the United States. 

The title to the land obtained by appropriating it through 
the labor of improvement has always been recognized among 
modern civilized peoples. But there are other agencies which 
give the land value, not included in that produced by improve- 
ments. Land may have an ever-increasing value given it 
by extraneous conditions sometimes equal to or even greater 
than the interest on the investment as purchase money. The 


interest on the purchase money may partly or wholh- Ije paid 
by the sale of farm products. In whom should the increased 
value to the land inhere? Men are divided in their opinion 
about the just method of distriliuting these increments of value. 
Our 25urpose is not to discuss such questions, but io point out 
the nature of the 2)roblems which are involved in the study of 

Wealth. Here we have to note tlmt tlie fundamental pro- 
duction of property is appropriation from nature by labor. 
The substance appropriated from nature becomes new prop- 
erty at every stage of production, as artifacts, powers, and 
goods. Forever the -value of tlie property is increased. 

Thus, property remains only as property which is consumed 
as it is obtained, but property becomes wealth as it is saved. 
Frugality is thus the fountlation of wealth, though industry 
and enterprise may contribute. Frugality, industry, and 
enterprise may add to wealth, for wealth already accunuilated 
may be used as capital to increase itself 

Capital. Property, which has become wealth, may now be 
considered as capital. Wealth may be used as capital in the 
purchase of machinery and the appliances necessary to the 
use of machinery, in the purchase of material for further stages 
of production, and, finallv, in the employment of laljor to aid 
in the industry of production. We liave thus considered capi- 
tal in its use in manufacturing. In the same manner we may 
'Consider it in its use in commerce. These cases are sufficient, 
■jjerliaps, to illustrate the principle. 

Investment. Capital may be invested in such manner as to 
j^roduce more without the owner of the capital engaging in 
■commerce or manufacturing or in any of the industries of sub- 
istantiation which we have heretofore considered. But as cajji- 
tal is of value in all of these industries, and as it may be 
invested Avith others who wish to conduct them, the interest on 
the cajjital may go to the owner of the capital. Thus capital 
becomes investment. That which in one stage we call prop- 
erty, in another stage wealth, and in anotlier stage capital, we 
here call investment, meaning by that pure investment for 


Endowment. And yet we are to see property and wealth 
and capital and investment assume a fifth form ; this is endow- 
ment. Men are not all chiefi}' interested in the pursuit of 
physical welfare, and those most deeply interested have other 
puri)oses which they hold dear. The fal-mer may still he 
interested in his church and may be g-lad to endow his church ; 
the manufacturer may still be interested in a library and be 
glad to endow a library; tlie merchant may still be interested 
in a college and may be glad to endow a college. So some 
wealth at last becomes endowment. 

We have difi"erent stages of the same thing, and call these 
stages, severally, (1) property; (2) wealth; (3) capital; (4) in- 
vestment, and (5) endowment. It would be convenient if we 
had a generic term to express these things. Let us call them 
all possessions. 

In the terminology of jurisprudence the word possession is 
somewhat ambiguous when it is used to denote a holding as 
soinethiug distinct from ownership. Thus, a horse may be 
said to be in the possession of a man who has the right to use 
it because he has hired it, and its more permanent ownership 
may be in another man. The man who has hired the horse has 
a right to its use during the time for which it is hired, but the 
ownershij) of the property is said to still remain in the man 
from whom it is hired. Still further, a thief is said to be found 
in possession of property when it is discovered in his custody, 
but the possession is fraudulent or criminal. Taking the term 
in all its uses, possession seems to be the best generic term to 
signify property, wealth, capital, investment, and endowment. 
Here we need terms for a genus and its species, and select the 
terms as shown. 

It is the nature of property to be consumed, and it becomes 
property only because it can be consumed; but ultimate con- 
sumption may be postponed, and often consumption requires 
time. In the same manner it requires time for production, and 
in modern industry it often becomes necessary that the materials 
of nature should undergo successive stages of production in dif- 
ferent hands; so property exists in stages of production and in 
stages of consumption. Entelic consumption is forever in prog- 


ress, aud what it produced is finally consumed. Wealth is that 
which remains over and above relatively immediate cousumj)- 
tion. Capital is that part of wealth which is used by its owners 
in gaining other wealth. Investment is that part of capital 
which is used by its owners in gaining other wealth as interest, 
while the capital itself is in other hands in order that it may 
produce property for these others. Endowment is that part of 
investment which is dedicated to perpetual purposes, which the 
endowers believe to be important to mankind and from which 
they do not expect gain for themselves. We call all of these 
things possessions. 


The several forms of possession which we have described 
lead severally to forms of corporations. We haA-e already 
defined corporations and shown how a body of men may be 
incorporated by organizing for a purpose. 

Assisting corporations. That form of possession which we 
have called property, in which the possession is held by the 
owner for consumption, gives rise to a class of corporations 
which we will call assisting corporations. They are necessarily 
temporary in their nature, but they are often organized. A 
group of forest men unite to make a circle hunt of deer, or a 
driving hunt of mountain sheep. Such a corporation would 
belong to this class. The instance to which we have already 
alluded of the men united to build a log house would be another 
example. In frontier countries the men of a community often 
unite to build a bridge across a stream, or they unite to work 
the roads, or they unite to burn the grass-lands that they may 
be more valuable for the production of natural hay. These 
instances will suffice to set forth the nature of what we call 
assisting corporations. 

Partnership corporations. Two or more men unite by form- 
ing 4 partnership to carry on a business together. They com- 
bine their limited wealth with their common labor. Perhaps 
they employ assistance, but such assistance is ancillary to the 
object of the corporation. No further description is needed 
to set forth the nature of partnership corporations. 


Creative corpcraiions. The third chiss of corpunitioiis we 
shall call creative corporations. Here capital in larger quan- 
tities is organized, a company to operate the enterjirise is 
organized, and the employees or laborers are organized, every 
one to accomplish some particular part of the work. It may 
be that a factory is built for the purpose of manufacturing 
shoes; in it there are man 3' machines, each operated by a 
special expert, and all the operations are supervised by a 
foreman, or there niay be a foreman and his assistant foreman. 
Modern industries present many illustrations of these creative 
corporations. First, there is an organization of capital; sec- 
ond, tliere is an organization of machinery; and, third, there 
is an organization of labor. This complicated organization I 
call a creative corporation. 

CreatiA'e organizations have the effect of instigating the 
laborers to organize societies which are known as trade unions, 
of which something more hereafter. When employers organ- 
ize, employees organize. Thus power offsets power. 

Investing corporations. We have seen how capital becomes 
investment. Investment is for interest. But there comes at 
last a stage in which the investors themselves organize as stock 
companies, not for the purpose of operating industries, but 
solely for the purpose of investing, while other corporations 
carry on the operations. These I call investing corporations. 
They might, perhaps, just as well be called stock corporations. 

Societies. We next come to that class of corporations to 
which endowments 23ertain; these are usually called societies. 

It is manifest that each group of corporations which we have 
hitherto defined may be classilied by the pentalogic qualities as 
those designed for pleasure, those designed for welfare, those 
designed for justice, those designed for expression, and those 
designed for instruction. Yet, if we were writing- a treatise on 
political economy it would be necessary to deal severally with 
assisting corporations, partnership corporations, creative corpo- 
rations, investing corporations, and society corporations, for 
there are pi-inciples of justice which specially pertain to every 
one of these classes. Thus, assisting corporations often assem- 
ble on the invitation of the person to be assisted, and whether 


tlie invitation be heeded is wholly voluntary with the individual 
invited, and yet custom is almost as imperative as statutory 
law. Then there are special principles of jurisprudence which 
pertain to partnership corporations, which aflfect the responsi- 
bility of the parties to others, and the mutual ownership of the 
incorporators. In creative corporations the employees are 
more thoroughly differentiated from the proprietors, and the 
employees themselves are apt to organize trade unions, and the 
employers as corporations negotiate with the trade unions in 
important particulars. Again, in investing corporations the 
stockholders constitute a special body themselves, the mem- 
bers of which may not take a personal part in the creative cor- 
porations, although the members of the creative corporation 
inay sometimes hold stock in the investing corporation. In 
these corporations the employees all receive salaries, but some 
are known as officers and others as laborers. In society cor- 
porations tlie purpose is usually to jiromote some desired end, 
the interest in which will continue for time indefinitely, as 
when schools are endowed or churches built. For present 
purposes we need not take up the classes of corporations seri- 
atim, but need only indicate their classification by qualities. 

Corporations for pleasure. A number of schoolboys wish to 
play ball. Two leaders are chosen, and each one selects his 
helpers and assigns to each a particular ])art in the game. He 
thus organizes a baseball nine, which is a corporation for pleas- 
ure. Nine men, with an additional number as alternates, are 
organized under a manager and i:)lay a game, not for the 
pleasure of themselves but for the ])leasure of others, and 
receive from tlie others payment as a reward. The players 
may also take pleasure in the game, but their ultimate pur- 
pose is gain or welfare, so that it is welfare to the players and 
pleasure to the lookers-on. Whether the game is considered 
as a ])leasure or welfare, provision must be made for render- 
ing justice when disputes arise, and hence there is an umpire. 
Now, the persons assembled to witness the game take great 
delight in the skill manifested by the players. Their delight 
is not in the activity of play, but in the skill of those engaged 
in the i^lay. At every moment as the play proceeds the 


players must use judgiuent, aud their sviccess depends as much 
ou their judg'ment as on the skill with which they express it. 
The observers also exercise their judgment, and have their 
opinions about the players and about the judgments of the 
umpire, and express these opinions in approbation or disap- 
proval, and the crowd is boisterous with such expression. In 
this example we see that the five qualities are concomitant in 
the same game, but the controlling quality is pleasure, for 
pleasure is the purpose of the multitude who come to look ou, 
and it is the purpose of the players to give them jjleasure that 
they themselves may have gain. 

This illustration is used to set forth the nature of demotic 
qualities and how some quality becomes a leading motive in 
demotic activities, while all the other motives remain ancillary. 
Purposes can not be dissevered from one another in concrete 
activities, but they niay be considered sejDarately; that is, 
qualities are concomitant. 

It will be noticed that the players must be organized into a 
corporation, but the oidookers constitute but an aggregate of 
people, although they may be assembled in a dense crowd. 
They are not organized for a purpose, although they have the 
common purpose of pleasure. 

Corporations for welfare. There are corporations to promote 
the industries of substantiation, such as farmers' clubs, organ- 
izations for agricultural fairs, stock-growers' associations, and 
mining associations. There are corporations for the industries 
of construction, such as corporations for manufacturing, or 
societies for the j^romotion of a special class of manufacturers, 
such as bicycle manufacturers, men engaged in manufactur- 
ing leather goods, men engaged in manufacturing iron and 
steel goods. Not only do the capitalists themselves organize 
into societies, but the laborers organize into societies ; these 
are usually trade unions; thus the carpenters are organized, 
and the locomotive engineers are organized, and all varieties 
of labor may be organized in like manner. 

There are many coii^orations to promote the interest of 
merchants, which are partnerships to promote solidarity and 
societies to promote division of lal>or. There are corporations 


of publishers to promote common interest, especially in the 
gathering of news, the publication of which gives circulation 
to advertisements. I need not consider such corporations 
further; they are apparent on the suggestion. 

Corporations for justice. All political j^arty organizations are 
designed to promote and secure justice. Individuals may have 
other purposes, as advancement in political life, but the body 
of people who are thus organized have justice for their purpose. 

All ecclesiastical bodies are organized for the establishment 
and promotion of the principles of justice, but it is rather the 
higher principles which are considered as ethical principles. 
There is another motive for ecclesiastical bodies, which is the 
wish to promote sound ethical principles supposed to depend 
on the acceptance of sound theological doctrines. But what- 
ever the theory of ethics may be the ecclesiastical organization 
has for its purpose the control of liuman conduct in the interest 
of the principles of justice. We need but to mention these 
principles to see the verity of this statement. The principles 
or elements of justice are peace, equity, equality, liberty, and 
charity, for which all courts as well as all ecclesiastical bodies 
are organized. 

Corporations for the promotion of expression. At first sight 
these incorporations may seem to be hopelessly involved with 
corporations which have knowledge for their 2Durpose, but on 
more careful consideration it will be seen that schools, which 
]:)erform the double function of organizations for knowledge 
and expression, are in practice clearly differentiated. Of 
course schools for expression can not succeed without con- 
sidering the knowledge to be expressed, nor can schools 
designed for the increase of knowledge succeed in their piu-- 
pose without considering how knowledge may be expressed. 
In America the differentiation is well recognized by the com- 
mon practice of calling the elementary schools "grammar 
schools." In these grammar scliools the primary object is 
expression; the ancillary object is thought to be expressed. 
The ])urposes can not be divorced, because expression and 
knowledge are concomitant; but we consider the primary 
object of the grammar schools to be expression. The teacher 


who supposes that he can teach language without teaching the 
nature of the knowledge to be expressed will fail utterly. So 
that the teaching of language or expression resolves itself into 
teaching the best method of expressing judgments and con- 
cepts, and before expression can be taught the nature of these 
judguients and concepts must be understood, that knowledge 
and habit of correct expression may be inculcated. The 
organizations which are designed to secure expression are 
therefore the common schools of the country, or, as they are 
often designated, the grammar schools of the country-, includ- 
ing the modern organization of kindergartens. 

High schools, colleges, and uni\ersities consider the knowl- 
edge obtained to be their purjiose, yet the}' do not neglect 
expression; in fact, it is only of late years that knowledge has 
become their primary purpose, and expression but an ancillary 
purpose. Originally such schools were organized for the study 
of the languages in which knowledge was buried, and their 
purpose seemed to be expression rather than knowledge. 

Common schools are not the only corporations for expres- 
sion; there are schools or clubs of oratory and many literary 
clubs whose function is to train in expression rather than to 
derive pleasure from literature. 

Corporations for tlie i^urpose of ohtaining hioivledge. There 
are many corporations of this character, and to properly set 
them forth we must touch them with the wand of pentalogy. 
Classified in this manner, they become corporations for instruc- 
tion in the knowledge relating to pleasure, Avelfare, justice, 
ex])ression, and opinion. Thus fine-art schools are organized 
to promote a knowledge of the arts of pleasure, industrial 
schools to promote the arts of industry. We may pause here 
to note how the schools of industry are classified. (1) There 
are schools of substantiation, such as schools of agriculture 
and schools of mining; (2) there are schools of construction, 
such as schools of manual training; (3) there are schools of 
technology, which are schools of mechanics; (4) there are 
business schools, under various names, which are schools of 
training in commerce; finally, (5) there are medical schools. 
Returning to the principal series, we find schools of justice; 


these are known as law schools. Then there are schools of 
expression, as we have already shown ; finally, there are schools 
whose purpose is knowledge; these are the high schools, col- 
leges, and universities. In addition to these there are many 
corporations designed to promote knowledge. 

After this consideration of the subject we are prepared to 
give a new definition to the science. Economies is the science 
of the relation of production to consumption through the media- 
tion of corporations. 


In characterizing the science of economics we have set forth 
the nature of possessions as exhibited in property, wealth, 
capital, investment, and endowment; then we have set forth 
the nature of the corporations to which possessions give rise. 
Corporations are groups of men organized for a purpose. 
We have further set forth that these groups of men may be 
classified to correspond with the fundamental classification of 
the qualities. From the demonstration of this subject the 
reader obtains a more or less clear concept of the way in 
which human interests are involved, and the relations which 
men sustain to one another. Forever we learn that the 
individual is compelled to consider the interest of others. 
Cultui-ed man inherits from the brute condition extreme 
egoism which the development of the arts is forever correcting. 
It is thus that the many individuals are incorporated into 
societies and finally into nations where every man is com- 
pelled to consider other men as partakers of his interest 
because he can not serve his own without first serving the 
purpose of his neighbor. This is the fimdamental lesson 
taught by economics. Only a few men can obtain food for 
themselves — the vast majority must eat from other men's cribs. 
Only a few can wear clothing produced by themselves — the vast 
majority must wear the clothing produced by others. Only a 
few men can take shelter in domiciles built by themselves — 
the vast majority must live in homes produced by others. 
Every man is dependent upon others for his existence, and in 
infancy is dependent upon others for his preservation, and he 


remains still dependent in old age. Passing beyond the 
primordial principles of welfare, we still find the individual 
dependent upon others for his pleasure; we still find him 
dejjendent upon others for his language, for no man has ever 
invented a language, and the language used by one man would 
be the language of a fool. For his opinions every man is 
indebted to others. None of the opinions of mankind could 
exist to-day without culture, and culture implies that human 
knowledge is derived chiefly from others and that language 
is necessary thereto. 

The act of a man to seek his own interests regardless of the 
interests of others is a crime. In s^iecialized society men must 
seek their own interests by promoting the interests of others. 
This is the law of political economy by which wealth is pro- 
duced. Self-intei"est may blind men's eyes to their true rela- 
tions to others in relation to jjroperty. The brutal self-seeking 
which is inherited nuist by some agency be thwarted, else 
others suffer and hence self suffers. Then, the passions of 
men blind their eyes, and their passions must be controlled. 

By common agreement rules or laws for the government 
of conduct are established, and these established rules are 
enforced ultimately by punitive sanctions. As punitive sanc- 
tions become more and more certain, the resort to such sanc- 
tions becomes less and less necessary if some method is devised 
by which the contending parties may have their cases adjudged. 
This leads to the organization of government. Government 
is a scheme for providing an organization of the body politic 
which will lead to the settlement of disputes, with power to 
enforce judgment by punitive measures. 

Civics is the science of government. Government is organ- 
ized to promote and establish justice. There are five elements 
of justice, no one of which can be neglected if any other is 
secured, and at the same time justice is maintained. These 
elements are peace, equity, equality, liberty, and charity. 

Peace. The fundamental principle of justice is peace, and 
primeval governments are organized to secure peace. There 
can be no pleasure without peace, and infractions of peace 
produce the most intense pain. 


Equity. On further consideration primeval man learns that 
he can not secure peace without exterminating the causes of 
infractions of peace. Every example of a disturbance of the 
peace is found to be the effect of soine cause, and tribal man 
speedily reaches the conclusion that the causes which disturb 
the peace are the inequities which spring up in society. Per- 
haps men cjuarrel over the distribution of the spoils of the chase, 
perhaps they quarrel over their wives, but every infraction of 
the peace is seen to be caused by some inequity, and the ques- 
tion is asked, "How can these inequities be removed?" So 
tribal men attempt their removal by instituting com-ts of justice 
that peace niay be maintained between the members of the 
tribe. Thev further find themselves involved in disputes and 
wars with neighboring tribes, and the}' make it a rule, even in 
the most primitive society, that the tribe, not the individual, 
has the right to declare war, and tliis declaration must be made 
by the council of the people. After the council has decided 
upon war, individuals on tlieir own initiative may make the 
war, but they can not engage in such war without the tribal 

We have seen that the incorporation and organization of 
social bodies is not fixed by juxtaposition of parts, but by 
purposes. Here we have to note that the equity which is 
necessary to the continual existence of social bodies is not 
equivalence of parts, as that term is used in physical science, 
but it is the equity of conduct. Equity, then, is the demotic 
term for equivalence. One man paddles the boat and another 
kills the game, but the gain is shared; this is equity, or equiva- 
lence of rights. While one party is hunting another party 
may be fishing; each party shares in the gains of the other; 
this is equity, or equivalence of rights. Still another party 
may be engaged in defending tlie whole group; all share in 
the protection, and all share in the food obtained; this is 
equit)', or equivalence of rights. 

Equality. Peace can be secured only if justice is maintained. 
That justice may be maintained, the entire tribal council must 
be consulted when it is assembled as a coui't of justice. The 
fundamental requisite for a decision of the matter in such a 


couiu'il is the equality of the members who compose the 
organization. One man's opinion may weigh more than that 
of another; equality of opinion is absurd, but equality of 
voice or vote in the council is necessary. So primeval man 
discovers the jjrinciple of equality, and ft-om the first organi- 
zation of tribal society to the ]iresent time, human equality 
has Ijeen a principle of justice. That which masks the princi- 
ple of equality in the councils of early nations is the idea 
which grows up in barbarism and becomes thoroughly estab- 
lished in early national society, that guilt or innocence can be 
established bv supernatural methods, and that the judgments 
of the council or tribal court should be controlled by super- 
natural agencies, as by ordeal; and when at last a stage of 
society is reached in which the ruler of the people is also 
the higli priest of its religion, then the principle of equality 
necessary to the establishment of justice is temporarily over- 
thrown, for the man who ctm render supernatural judgment 
has supreme authority. The law of equality in demotic bodies 
is the law of equality in asserting judgments. 

Here we note that tlie equality is not that physical equality 
which is fundamentally expressed in science as the law that 
action and reaction are equal, but it is the equality of opinions 
of justice in the trilial court, which may be resolved into 
equality of purpose — one man's j)urpose in rendering judgment 
must be equal to another's ))urpose in rendering judgment. 
They must be equal because tlie men have a common purpose 
in rendering- a judgment. 

We have noted how equality is masked or even overthrown 
when the ruler becomes a high priest. In modem society, as 
in the United States, when the authority of the priest is over- 
thrown, equality is more or less masked, although it may exist. 
Here the body politic is a very large group of people occupy- 
ing extended regions. The court is no longer the council and 
the court combined, but special individuals are selected to 
constitute courts, and individuals are selected to constitute 
councils. In these councils the members are chosen by 
equality of votes, and they become representatives of all the 
peo])le. But the council itself may be composed of two 

20 ETH — 03 VI 


bodiefi — a senate and a house ot" representatives. The house 
of representatives is directly representative of the people by 
their votes; but the senate is representative of the 2:)eople iu 
the second degree — it is representative of state leg'islatui'es 
wliicli are representative of the people of the state. 

Representative government recpiires a comparatively high 
degree of intelligence. Experience proves that uncivilized 
people can not properlv understand the nature of representative 
government and can not successfully take part in such govern- 
ment with equality of vote, for they desire to vote upon all 
measures themselves rather than for representatives to devise 
measures; they wt)ukl return to the savage council rather than 
submit to the judgments of the representative assembly. In the 
history of the United States we have been confronted with this 
difficulty in the management of the savage and barbaric tribes 
who were found as indigenes. It has been found impossible to 
induce them to abandon tribal government and to take part iu 
national government by representation. As tliey claimed the 
land by hereditary possession, and as civilized man claimed 
the right to use the lands for purposes and bv methods which 
civilization demands, a conflict speedil)- arose between the 
aboriginal inhabitants and the arriving' thousands from oriental 
lands. This conflict has continued tn the present time. 

(_)tlier nations having representative go\ernments rule over 
subordinate peoples, who are not }'et competent to take part in 
representative government, by the method of imjjerialism, as it 
has come to be called. In such cases the sul^ordinate peojdes 
are governed by rulers appointed l)y the central government, 
and the people ai-e permitted to rule themselves bv tribal gov- 
eiTunent, subject <nd}- to the central authorit}'. The ways in 
which this is worked out in practical affairs are ^er}' diverse. 

Liherti). Tribal men having discovered something of the 
principles of peace, equity, and equality, soon lear ^ an addi- 
tional principle necessary to tlieir establishment; this is the 
principle of libertv. Every man in the council wlio liecomes 
the judge of the conduct of liis neighbor must liave liberty 
to express his judgment, whatever may l)e the judgment of 
others. When the council considers iiuestious of common 


action, sucli us the rt'Tiioviil of the vilhige, or ;i Imnting or a 
fishing enterprise, everyone lanst liave a vote in (leterniining- 
action, for all must take part in the enterprise. The luiin- 
blest man in the tribe nuist liave liberty to express his judg- 
ment and ]uust not be subject to the dictation of other men; 
hence, liberty is recognized even in primeval society as essen- 
tial to justice. 

'^riie lil)ertA' which men claim in tribal society is libertv of 
personal activitv and the denial tliat such activity can justly 
be coerced b}' others. This remains in all stages of society; 
but in tribal go^•ernment it pertains only to the members of 
the tribe. Alien persons niay become slaves, and tlieir liber- 
ties are not held sacred — a subject which we will hci-eafter 
C( )iisider. 

When the otttces of priest and ruler are consolidated, the 
ruler becomes not only the judge, but he also becomes tlie arbi- 
trary ruler — not as one having authority to execute the judg- 
ments of a council, l)ut as one having authority to execute 
his own judgments, for he who can act h\' divine right and as 
the vicar of the deity nmst be obeyed. 

Chariti/. Still in primeval society men learn the nature of 
charity and incorporate that principle into the concept of 
judgment. Perhaps the principle of charity has a more lowly 
origin than in human society. It is fundamental in all animal 
life where the parent provides for its offspring. (Jn the 
bisexual organization of animals it receives an additional 
impulse in the cooperation of male and female and in the 
sympathy and assistance which they render each other. The 
third jjrinciple of charity seems to spring up in human societ)* 
when children render assistance to parents in tlieir old age. 
In tribal society these three principles of charity are well 
recognized, and jirovision is always made in the law of custom 
which is enforced by the tri!);d council. 

It remained for civilization to add two prlnci]_)les to the con- 
cept of charity. The first is individualh' acted on by tribal 
men, but seems not to be enforced b}' legal tribunal. It is the 
assistance which men rendei- to one anothei- in misfortune. In 
early civilization this took concrete form bv the estalilishment 


of cliaritaltle agencie.-;, l)y the institution of laws for their 
maintenance and su})port, either by social bodies corporate or 
by governmental bodies corporate. In that stage of society 
in wliich church and state were still under one head, while the 
fusion resulted in the temporary overwhelming of liberty, it 
performed a royal deed for mankind by enlarging the concepts 
of charity. 

The fifth principle of charity is the recognition that justice 
does not require punishment, liut onU' remedy for the past and 
prevention for the future, and that man may not mete out 
vengeance. This is the crowning element of charitj^. The 
elements of charity ma}- l>e stated as (1) care for the young, 
(2) assistance to companions, (3) provision for tlie aged, (4) 
help to the unfortunate, and (5) mercy to the criminals. V^'e 
have now developed the conce])ts of justice and have desig- 
nated them as peace, equity, e([uahty, lilxn-ty, and charity. 

The Dejjartmevts of Government 

The departments of government may be classified as con- 
stitutive, legislative, operative, executive, and judicative. 

Constitutive depariment. A modern government may luave a 
written constitution which sets fortli the plan of goverumeut. 
Other nations liaA'e a system of habitual practice, modified 
from time to time as circumstances seem to demand, wliich is 
observed as the common law of the government. I wish to 
use the term constitutive government for one of its depart- 
ments coordinate with the others whicii 1 will set forth. I 
desire a term which will signify the manner in which the 
officers of the government in all its departments are selected, 
chosen, or ajjpointed. 

In many governments the officers are sucli by hereditary 
succession. In other governments, as in the United States, 
the officers are largeh' elected, though provision is made for 
appointment even of certain important otficers, while a large 
number of minor offices are filled in tliis manner. The per- 
sons who have the appointing power are persons wlio are 
elected to their offices and thus represent the people in their 
acts of appointment. Here difiei-ent degrees of representation 
may be oliserved. 


We wish to liiive a. term wliicli will sig-nify tlie method by 
whifh the ofHcers of the government are selected and the rules 
by which such selection is accomplished, and for that purpose 
I adopt the term constitutive government. I liold that this 
department of government is coordinate with the others to be 

A representative government is one in which the officers of 
government represent the people. Tlie manner by which they 
become representative must be in liarmony with the third prin- 
cipal of justice, which is equality. All persons who constitute 
the body politic, and who acknowledge the government as 
authoritative and seek its protection from unjust encroachment, 
should have an equal voice, expressed by a vote, in the choice 
of tlie representatives of the people who perform the functions 
of the government. 

Tn trilial government everv person has a voice in the coun- 
cil, and the council is also the court. The chief of the council 
has but one A^ote like the other members, liut he is also the 
leader of the people when thev proceed to carry out the deci- 
sions of the council. 8ucli a method of government is impos- 
sible in modern civilization, where the people are many and 
are scattered o^■er a large region. So representative govern- 
ment is devised, in which few persons, compared with the 
whole muuber of the people, become the officers of the govern- 
ment, or, as they are sometimes called, the government itself. 

This is in harmony with that principle of evolution which is 
called specialization, in which the functions of society are par- 
celed among the people, so that one class of people may do 
one class of things for all. The experience of mankind in 
the evolution of society has resulted in an ever-increasing 
sjiecialization of tliese functions. 

In other de])artments of human activity the specialization is 
largely \dluntnry with the individual, and men become farmers, 
manufacturers, or tradesmen by their own will; but whether 
they become officers of the government or not depends not 
upon their own will, but upon the will of others whom they 
are to represent. In a high stage of culture the right to choose 
rulers is held of paramount importance. The wish to exercise 


tliis rio'lit has led tn tlie organizatidii of reprcsc^ntative goveni- 

The imjjossibilitv of continuing to realize primitive justice 
and primitive equality b}' priniiti\e methods has been more 
and more clearly demonstrated with the ages of advancing 
civilization. The savage is willing to be controlled V)y the 
voice of the people of the tribe, with every one of whom he is 
acquainted, and to every one of whom he is related by bonds 
of consanguinity and affinity ; but ruider the new conditions of 
society, where the individual man mav be unacquainted with 
the man who produces his bread as a farmer, or produces his 
shoes as a, manufacturer, but upon whom he depends for the 
supjjly of his wants, he finds it necessary to organize represent- 
ative government. All men in the nation are neighbors of 
every man, and to maintain justice with these neighbors 
representative government is devised. 

Here we are interested in the consideration of how govern- 
ments shall be made representative. This is accom})lished 
by some method of constituting a part of the members of the 
body politic the agents of justice, and those who select repre 
sentatives for this jiurpose are called their constituents. That 
department which I call constitutive government is tlie one 
that deals with the selection of the representatives of govern- 
ment in all departments. 

Legislative department. This department of government is 
organized for the purpose of considering principles and deter- 
mining methods by which society should be governed. It 
therefore enacts statutes of law. The modern legislature or 
parliament is the differentiated organ for performing one of the 
functions which was ])erformed liy the primeval council in 
primitive trilial society, while the other function — that of the 
court — is performed by another department of government. 
The relation between the constitutive department and the legis- 
lative department is pretty well recognized in the United 
States. We need not set forth the nature of the legislative 
department, as that is a subject upon which men in this country 
are well informed. 

Operative department. The third department is pretty well 


reco<inized in all lii<ililv civilized countries, although it is but 
iui])erfectlv differentia ted t'roni executive g-overunient. I mean 
bv operatiA-e government tliat department winch is undergoing 
rapid development and which is the subject of much contro- 
versY at the present time in this and other countries. It is 
affirmed bv some and denied by others that the government 
should operate the i-ailroads. Already the government, in 
one or another of its imits, constructs the common highways, 
V)ut b(M-()nd construction and maintenance further operation is 
unnecessarv. City governments construct and maintain 
streets and sidewalks, and some of these subordinate units 
provide and maintain the agencies for lighting the city. JMost 
citA' o-overnn:ients provide water for domestic use. The nation, 
the state, the city, the county, the township, or the precinct 
provides for the establishment and maintenance of schools. 
On everA- hand there is a development of the operative func- 
tions of gOA-ernment. The distinction which Ave here draw is 
well understood l)y the people, and jiarties are divided on the 
question of the wisdom of the assumption of operative functions 
by the gOA-ernment. On one hand extremists affirm that only 
executiAa^' functions should be exercised, and that all operative 
functions are encroachments upon the rights of individnals. 
On the other hand extremists affirm that all the operative 
functions of modern societA' should be assumed by the gov- 
ernment iu the interest of justice. This characterization of 
operative government seems to be all that is necessary for 
present purposes. 

Exi'Cidivr (lepartment. The executive department is |)rimarily 
organized for the purpose of causing the statutes to be enforced. 
It is charged with the maintenance of peace and order in 
societA', lioth in its internal affairs and in its external relations. 
It therefore consists, in its personnel, of the executJA'e officers 
of the governiuent, as presidents, goA'ernors, mayors, marshals, 
constables, and policemen, and in external affairs of the army 
and naA^y with all their multifarious personnel. Nowhere 
among civilized goA'eruments is the differentiation between 
the executive and the operative departments fully accomplished, 
though the distinction is Avell recognized. 


Judicative department. Tliis departinent of government is 
pretty well segregated or diti'ereutiated from the other depart- 
ments which we have indicated. Two distinct branches of the 
judicative department are well recognized, the one branch 
composed of justices of the courts, the other composed of the 
advocates or attorneys of the courts, who practice before the 
justices in guiding the procedure, in marshaling- the evidence, 
and in calling- attention t(T the law and the principles of law 
which they deem of imjjortance in deciding cases. This side 
of the court is employed in the support of the interest of the 
disputants, both parties being represented in this manner, 
while the justices of the court preside over the hearing- and, 
sometimes with the aid of ancillary juries, render a decision. 
While the legislature is engaged in the consideration of the 
principles of justice as applied to the people at large, the 
courts are engaged in the api)lication of these jjrinciples to 
cases which arise in dispute. 

Having set forth the nature of the five departments of gov- 
ernment and explained how they uiay be perfectly recognized 
and yet imperfectly differentiated in practice, we find it desirable 
to make some further comment in relation to the importance of 
complete differentiation in these functions. The founders of 
the Government of the United States were deeply imbued with 
the doctrine that the legislative, executive, and judicative depart- 
ments should be thus differentiated, and it is often held as one 
of the crowning marks of their wisdom. When we consider 
the stage of differentiation of function \vhich they found exhib- 
ited in the governments of the world, and consider their own 
accomplishment in this respect, it appears that a great advance 
was made in the interest of justice and the purification of polit- 
ical life. The fathei-s of the Republic were confronted l)y the 
very general, though not universal, opinion of mankind, tliat 
a republican government would fall h\ inherent weakness; so 
they adopted measures in the interest of stability of govern- 
ment which were inconsistent with the principles which they 
avowed. Ag-ain, thev had to meet and harmonize the interests 
of diverse colonies, and were compelled to adopt what have 
since been called the compromises of the Constitution. For 


these two reasons some things were embodied in the Constitu- 
tion bv its founders which their successors have deemed it wise 
to change. Among tliese may perhaps be placed their t'aihire to 
differentiate the departments of government to such an extent 
as fully to cairy out their principle, and the dream of repre- 
sentative government v/hich we find depicted in the writings 
and speeches of the fathers of the republic has in part failed. 
But more: At that time the whole scheme of differentiation 
was but imperfectlv understood. It niay be that some radical 
work is needed, but the progress exhibited in the last decade 
of historv gives warrant to the opinion that tliese changes may 
be made by evolution without revolution. It is now abun- 
dantly manifest that the government of the republic requires 
important changes in its constitutive methods. These methods 
should be revised and the constitutive functions fully differ- 
entiated. On the other hand, the divisit)n between operative 
and executive government requires immediate consideration; 
their union leads to corruption on the one hand and to injus- 
tice on the other. It is the opinion of the author that the 
great question in American politics to-day is to complete the 
differentiation of the departments of government. 

A remark is here necessary. It is needful to discriminate 
between what I have here called the departments of gov- 
ernment and the departments as they are known as offices of 
administration in the national union, as we speak of the Treas- 
ury dejjai'tment, the War dej^artment, the Navy department, 
the Interior department, and the Department of Agriculture. 
These departments do not correspond to tlie departments of 
government as herein considered. 


Grovernments are organized into a hierarchy of bodies. 
These bodies are units of different orders. The people of the 
United States, with trivial exceptions which need not here be 
considered, are naturally c:onstituted of families in which are 
involved duties and rights one to another. The families of a 
township or jjrecinct or ward are organized into another body 
politic. Here we nuist note that town, precinct, and ward are 


names of units of the same order, altlioug-li the different terms 
are used in different sections of the conntry and nnder differ- 
ent eonditions. The families which constitute the townships 
are also organized into counties. Sometimes a eit)" embraces 
more than one connty, hut usually tlie people of the city and 
the people of the countv are identical. The families of town- 
shi])S and of counties are organized into states. Here we adopt 
American nsage in the names of the subordinate units of the 
nation. The people of the states are organized into the nation 
which we call the United States of America. Wherever the 
Eno'lish lanc'uao-e is spoken this nation is known as the Ameri- 
can nation. In considering tliis organization we must clearly 
conceive of its units as a hierarchy of subordinate units in the 
national unit, and i'ecoaiiiz(' tliat the nation is not something 
different in its personnel from the states, the state not some- 
thing diffei'ent in its persoimel from the counties of which it is 
composed, the county not something different in its personnel 
from the townships of wliich it is composed, and the township 
not something different from the families of which it is com- 
posed, but that the people are organized in this manner by 
the territorial gTonj)ing of their domiciles for tlie purpose of 
promoting and securing justice, and that part of the social 
relations of the people are i-egulated In' tlie agencies of the 
nation, another part by the agencies of the state, another by 
the countv, another by the township, and another by the 
famih". Thus rights and duties are parceled out among the 
units of o-overmnental oro-anization. 

Over those relations which the nation controls, its organs 
are of supreme anthoritv, but it does not control those rela- 
tions which are relegated to the state governments, nor do the 
states assume to control the relations relegated to the counties, 
nor do the counties assume to control the relations relegated 
to the townships, nor do the townships assume to control those 
relations relegated to the families. At one period the differ- 
entiation between national and state government may differ 
from tlie differentiation wliicli prevails in another period; but 
when this differentiation is clianeed, it must be done bv a 
change in the written constitution sul)mitted to the states sev- 


erally tor their ratificatiuu, in which case tlie constitutional 
majority, which is more tlian a jjluraHtv. nmst afifirm. 

We have spoken of the orj^anization of this nation as an 
example, but all other civilized nations have a corresponding 
org-anization whicli ^•aries in differentiation of functions, but 
the same hierarchy of units is usually to be observed. In the 
same manner it is necessary to consider that the diflerentia- 
tion of the departments of government varies from nation to 
nation throughout the civilized world, and that the principles 
of government which we have set forth as peace, equity, 
equality, liberty, and justice are differently expounded and 
applied to governmental affairs. 


Histoi-ics is the science which records events of social life 
and shows the relation existing between social causes and 
social effects. A mere record of events is usually called annals, 
and furnishes the data for history. Onh' the history of peo- 
ples is usually called history, the history of individuals is 
usually called biograjihy; but as we wish to include history 
and biography in the science which we are to characterize 
we shall call it histories, meaning that history and biography 
are included therein. We sliall divide the periods or stages 
of social history into savagery, barbarism, monarchy, and 


To the ethnologist a savage is a forest dweller. In com- 
mon conception the savage is a brutal person whose chief 
delight is in taking scalps. Sometimes the sylvan man is 
cruel — but even civilized men are sometimes cruel. Savagery 
is a status of culture to the ethnologist, who recognizes foitr 
such stages, of which savagery is the lowest. Some of the 
Amerindian tribes belong to this lowest stage, while others 
belong to a higher stage which is called barbarism. Wishing 
to show my readers how a savage tribe is governed, I must at 
the outset ask them to consider the savage not as a man of 
cruelty, but as a man who takes part in a reg'ularly organized 
government, with laws that are obeyed and enforced. What, 


then, is a savage tribe, and how does triljal soeietv differ from 
national society? 

The nation, Hke the tribe, is a comjjound group of people, 
tlie distinction between them being in the method by which 
the grouping is accomplished. All the people of the United 
States belong to the national group. They are citizens of the 
nation, and, at the same time, are divided into 45 groups as 
citizens of states. In every state there are counties, and the 
people of the state are citizens of one or other of these coun- 
ties. Then, again, the counties are divided into precincts, 
towns, or townships. Sometimes towns are divided into school 
districts, and cities into wards. And there are numerous vil- 
lages. Thus the people of the United States are organized in 
a hierarchy of groups, from the school district to the entire 
nation. Tlie territory of the United States is divided into 
subordinate districts throughout the hierarchy, and there are 
at least four groups in the hierarchy — the town, the county, the 
state, and the nation; or, the ward, the city, the state, and the 
nation. Every citizen of the United States, therefore, belongs 
to four different organizations in a hierarchy. He has a vote 
in each organization, assists in the selection of its officers, 
obeys its laws, and holds allegiance to its authority. This is 
all very simple, but the plan of grouping or regimenting peo- 
ple by territorial boundaries is of late origin. Our iVnglo- 
Saxon ancestors were grouped by a very different method. 
History teaches that the ancient (rreeks and Romans were 
grouped by a different plan. In fact, it has been discovered 
that, in the two stages of culture which I have called savagery 
and barbarism, a very different plan of regimentation every- 
where prevails. This plan is known as tribal organization. 

Tribal organization characterizes the two lower stages of 
culture, though savage regimentation differs from barbaric 
regimentation in some very important particulars. 

In tribal society people are groujied or regimented in bodies 
of kindred. Let us tirst examine this grouping in the savage 
tribe. A savage tribe is composed of clans. Let us obtain a 
clear idea of what is meant by a clan. 

A tribe is a group of people belonging to clans; a clan is a 


group (it" people having- a common name. Suppose that a tribe 
springs from four persons, viz, a brother and a sister belonging 
to one clan and a brother and a sister belonoino- to another 
clan, and that each of the men marries the other's sister. Let 
us call one of our clans "Wolf" and the other "Eagle." The 
Wolf man marries the Eagle woman and the Eao-le man marries 
the Wolf woman. This is the tirst generation of a tribe com- 
posed of two clans, the man and his wife belonging to ditferent 
clans. The four persons belong to two clans, and constitute 
two families. Let us suppose that each couple has four chil- 
dren — two boys and two girls. They will l)elong to two clans. 
Tlie children of the Wolf mother will belong to the Wolf clan 
and the children of the Eagle mother to the Eagle clan, for 
the children take the name of the mother. This is the second 
generation. Then four people of the second genei'ation and 
two of the first generation belong to the Wolf clan; and four 
of the second generation and two of the first generation belong 
to the Eagle clan. Thus we see that clans do not correspond 
to what we call families. The husband and wife belong- to 
different clans; and the children belong to the clan of the 
mother, and take the name of the mother. The mother, not 
the father, owns the children; and the husband is but the guest 
of his wife, not the head of the household. 

Suppose that each man of the second generation marries 
a woman of that generation who belongs to a different clan, 
and that each pair has fovir children — two boys and two girls. 
These children constitute the third generation. The children 
belong- to the clan of the mother. There are now three genera- 
tions of people in each clan ; and everv mother claims her own 
cliildren as members of her clan. The head of the family is the 
mother; but the head of the clan is the grandmother's brother. 
Always the elder-man of the clan is the ruler of the clan; and 
the woman is the family ruler of her children. We may go 
on from the hypothetical beginning- of a tribe through succes- 
sive generations; and still the ruler of the clan will be the 
elder-man of the clan and will govern not his own children, and 
their descendants, but his sister's children and their descendants. 
We may therefore define a clan as a group of kindred people 
whose kinship is reckoned only through females. 


A clan always has a name, which is called its totem; and 
the object from which it is named is in like manner called its 
totem. Thus, in the two clans which we have considered, the 
wolf and the eagle are respectively called the totems of the 
clan. The totem receives g-reat consideration in savage society. 
It is usually some beast, bird, or insect, or some important 
plant, such as the corn or the tobacco; or it may be the wind, 
the rain, a star, or the sun. The totem of tlie clan is consid- 
ered to be the progenitor or prototype of the clan. The 
people of the Wolf clan claim to have descended ft-om tlie 
wolf; the people of the Eagle clan, from the eagle; the 
people of tlie Wind clan, from the wind; and the people of 
the Sun clan, from the sun. The totem is also the tutelar 
deity of the clan. 

There grows up about the clan a singular set of rules iuid 
observances which are rites on the one hand and i)rohibitions 
on the other. The prohibitions are usually called tabus. 
Thus, the members of the Wolf clan must not kill a wolf, as 
the killing of the wolf Is tabued to the clan; but if they see 
one they must perform some ceremony. The rites and tabus 
of the totem are universal in this stage of society, and are 
held as sacred obligations. ( )ne of these tabus is especially 
to be noted: A person must not marry into liis own clan. The 
tabu is saci'ed; and its violation is a hori-ible crime, whicli, in 
some tribes, is punishable with death. 

An individual is likelv to have as many kindred througli his 
father as through liis mother: and he is also likely to liave as 
many kindred through his wife by affinity as through his father 
and mother by consanguinity. All those persons t(> whom the 
clansman is related through his father and through his wife, 
together with all the members of his own clan, constitute the 
tribe. Thus in savage society we have families, clans, and 
tribes We have still a fourth unit. Two or more tribes may 
unite to form a confederacvfor offensive or defensive purjioses, 
or for botli. When a confederacy is formed, artificial kinsliip 
is introduced: and the tribes whicli unite agree to consider 
themselves related. If two tribes unite, the men of the tribes 
may consider each other as elder and yoiuiger l)rotliers, or as 


fathers and sons, or even as nncles and nephews. Where 
many tribes unite to form a confederaey, rehitionships are dis- 
tri\)uted to the niendjers of the confederacy, bnt only after 
h>ny' conferences, where sudi ([uestions are considered in 
detail. Thus we see that in tribal society men are not regi- 
mented or gTou[)ed territorially, as in national society, but are 
regimented b}' kinship, real or conventional as the case may 
be; the same end, however, is accomplished in full, that is, the 
people are grouped in a hierarcliy of units. Thus in tribal 
society men are grouped or regimented by kindred, and each 
person belongs to at least four groups of different grades in 
the hierarchy. Certain things are I'egulated by the confed- 
eracA', certain things by the tribe, certain things bv the clan, 
certain things b}" the mother of tlie fnmilv. In national society 
there is local government. In a democratic nation this is local 
self-government; and in a monarchical nation it is local gov- 
ernment through officers appointed by the monarch. In tribal 
society there is group government, the questions of govern- 
ment being relegated to the several grou])s, and the elder man 
of the group having authority. 

In the course of generations some clans may die out, and 
the children be left without parents or grandparents: they 
must then be adopted into some other famih'. If they are 
adopted 1))- a mother's sister they are still in the same clan; 
but if they are adoi)ted by a father's sister they are consid- 
ered as belonging to his clan, which is the same as that of his 
sister. It is thus that it sometimes happens that children 
change clans and, consequently, tlieir totemic names. 

When the men of a clan go out to hunt or fish, to make a 
boat or build a house, or to do any other work tog-ether, the 
oldest man of the clan is the director of the enterprise, the 
chief. All Indians hold tliat superior age gives authority; and 
every person is taught from childhood to obey his superiors 
and to rule over his inferiors. The superiors are those of 
greater age; the inferiors, those who are younger. It is the 
law of tribal society that superior age gives authority, and 
that inferior age imposes a duty. But the people of a tribe do 
Udt kudw their ag-e, for they do not keep a record of time. 


How,- then, can tliey carry out this law? Well, they have a 
very simple device, by which every person in the clan may 
know that he is older or vounger than other persons in the 
clan. , Besides the totem name they have kinship names. 
Thus, thei'e is a name for "father" and another for "son"; 
and the son always knows tliat he is younger than the father, 
and must obey him. Similarly the father always knows that 
he is older than the son, and that he has the riglit to connnand 
him. The same is true of mother and daughter. r)Ut there 
may be two or more brothers; so they have two names for 
"brother," one meaning "elder lirother," and the other 
"younger brother." In the same manner they have two 
words for "cousin," one signifying "elder cousin," and the 
other "younger cousin." They have also two words corre- 
sponiling to "uncle" and "nephew"; but the word ineaning 
"uncle" is always applied to the elder, and the word which 
means "nephew" is always applied to the one who is younger. 
Thus in the Ute language there are two words: aln and aitsen. 
Ain applies to the one who is the elder, whether he be uncle 
or nephew; and aitsen applies to the younger, whether he be 
uncle or nephew. 

So long- as the tribesmen live together in clans they have a 
simple method of keeping in memory their relative ages: for 
the names bv which they address one another always express 
the diiference in age; and it is a law in tribal society that one 
person must address another by a kinshij) term. He may 
speak of another hx his totem name, or bv any other name; 
but he must address another by his kinship name. It is 
always considered an insult to call another person of the same 
bod}' of kindred by any name other than his kinship name. 
A Caucasian boy on the street may call his brother "Jolin," 
but an Amerind boy in the woods nmst call liis brotlier by 
one of tlie terms which show that he is older or younger than 

The oldest man of the clan, having natural authority, accord- 
ing to Amerindian ideas, over all members of the clan, is their 
chief; and this is the basis of the patriarchy. A clan is said 
to have a patriarchal go\ernment. 


Poiiu'times the elder-nuui or patriarch or chief becomes old 
and imbecile; or there may be aiiotlier man in the clan whom 
they suppose to have greater ability, and they decide to 
make him the chief. In such a case the law is obeyed by a 
plan which lawyers term a legal fiction. The new chief is 
promoted; and then he becomes the grandfather of the clan. 
If his father is still living, he is compelled to call his chieftain 
son "grandfather"; if his elder brother is still living, he is 
compelled to call the chief "elder brother"; if his uncle is still 
li\ing, he is compelled to call the chief "uncle." So, by this 
legal fiction, the chief is still the patriarch of the clan. Not 
onlv can a chief be promoted to the head of the clan, but 
from time to time different individuals in the clan are promoted 
over their fellows. A young man who proves himself to be 
skillful in fishing and hunting, or a brave warrior, may be 
promoted over his fellows, who thus become persons younger 
than himself and must address him as if he wei'e oldei\ Every 
year adds a new spike to the antlers of the stag. Some 
Amerinds call such a promotion the adding of a spike to a 
man's horns; other tribes speak of it as adding another stripe 
to his paint; and still others, as adding another feather to his 
bonnet. Sometimes a chief may prove to be a coward; then 
he will be deposed. Or an individual mav disgrace himself, 
when he will be reduced in rank. When a man is deposed 
the Amerinds will say that his horns have been knocked off, 
or that his paint has been wiped off, or that his feathers have 
been plucked. 

In a similar manner tribes and confederacies are governed 
by reckoning kinship in different ways and making kinship 
by legal fiction. All such governments are patriarchal. It 
will readily be seen that sucli government is not possible in 
civilized society. What man can know the names of all the 
persons living in a county or a state, or who can learn all the 
names of the people who live in a city, and how can one trace 
out the kinship of the people of a city into clans? Tribal 
society, or kinship government, is therefore impossible in 
civilization, and is possible only where the group of people 
thus united in government is very small and the members 
know one another as kindred. 

2U ETH— 03 VIT 


I have already explained tlie adoption into other clans of 
infant children whose clan kindred have become extinct. 
Such cases seem to be infrequent, but there are other cases of 
adoption which are more common. Children, and even adults, 
cai^tured in war are usually adopted into some clan. r)ur 
European ancestors observed a curious custom among the 
tribes of this country, that of running tlie gantlet. A pris- 
oner was compelled to run between two lines of his captors 
armed with sticks and other missiles. This was formerly sup- 
posed to be a method of torture. On investigation it is proved 
to have had quite another purpose The prisoner was given 
an opportunity to show his mettle, his courage, and his ability 
to fight his way through a line of clubs. If he acquitted 
himself manfully, any woman among the captors might claim 
him for her child. Children ran the gantlet of children onh", 
but adults ran the gantlet of men, women, and children. 
Female children were rarely submitted to this ordeal. The 
adoption of a captive was his new birth into the clan, and his 
official age dated from his new birth. If he proved himself 
skillful, useful, and especially wise, he might be promoted from 
time to time, until at last tlie captive might become a chief 

Captives taken from tribes that are hereditary enemies and 
with which there have grown historic feuds, and who are held 
to practice monster sins, such as cannibalism, are given a fixed 
status from their birth into the clan, which they can not pass 
without promotion ; for all persons naturally born into the clan 
may call thein younger and have authority over them. This 
is the primal form of slavery, but by good behavior the rules 
of such slavery may be greatly relaxed, and captives from 
hated enemies may ultimately become promoted kindred. 

A person may not many another of the same clan, liut 
usually he must marry some one of the tribe not in his own 
clan. Before the marriage customs of the tribes of America 
were properl}' understood, a theory of endogamy and exog- 
amy was developed by McLennan and others, which has 
played quite a role in theories of ethnology. There are a 
great number of languages spoken by the tribes of America; 
so that the terms used to signify the clan and the tribe are 

powEi.i.] SOCIOLOGY xcrx 

nuiltitudinous. Tlie earlier writers on iu;ii-riage customs in 
tribal society culled from the literature of travel a vast body 
of stories about tubus in miu'riage; and it was finally con- 
cluded that certain tribes required their tribesmen to marry 
women who were foreigners and aliens. This was called 
exogamy. Then it was held that other ti-ibes required or 
permitted their tribesmen to take wives within the tribe, and 
this was called endogamy. So an attempt was made to 
classify the tribes of mankind, not only in America, but else- 
where, into two groups, the exogamous and the endogamous. 

Now, we understand tliat in all tribal society there is an 
endogamous or incest group, wliich we call the clan in sav- 
asrerv, and the o-eiis in barbarism; while at the same time the 
clansmen usually marrv W'ithin the tribe l)y regulations which 
vary greatly from people to people. It seems that the ties of 
marriage are used to bind different peoples together in one 
larger group which we call the tribe, and that the clans of a 
tribe may at one time have been distinct tribes; that when 
tribes become weak, or desire to form permanent alliances with 
other tribes for offensive and defensive purposes, such tribes 
agree N) liecome clans of a united body, and by treaty confirm 
the bargain b^' jiledging not to marry women within their own 
groups, but to exchange women with one another. "Give us 
your daughters for wives and we will give you our daughters 
for wives." Such a bargain or treaty, enforced for many gen- 
erations as customary law, ultimatel}' becomes sacred, and mar- 
riage within the group is incest. Perhaps there is no peo])le, 
tribal or national, which has not an incest group; so all peoples 
are endogamous, as all peoples are necessarily exogamous. 
The distinction set forth by McLennan proves to be iuNalid 
everywhere and among all peoples. 

Amono- the tribes of America there are many customs estao- 
lishing the group within which a person may mai-ry. It may 
be that a man may marry within any clan but his own, or it 
may be that a man must marry within some particular clan. 
Sometimes there is a series of clans, which we will call A, B, 
C, T), and N. A man of A must marry a woman of B ; a man 
of B must marry a woman of C ; a man of C must marry a 


woman oi D, aud so on; and, finally, a man of i\^ must many 
a woman of^. Tribes themselves comjjosed of clans unite 
with other tribes also composed of clans; and as a result of 
this consolidation into larger tribes there is found, in actual 
study of the Amerinds, a great variety of systems, all having 
the common feature of an incest group or clan, and provision 
for bonds of friendship, which are perennially sealed by inter- 
marriages. It thus happens that universally among the tribes 
of America marriages are regulated by customary law; and 
the parties married have no legal right to personal choice. 
Yet there are often ways established by which tlie clan confirms 
the personal choice. Though marriage is always regulated by 
the elders of the clan, yet they often consult the wishes of the 
candidates. There are three marriage customs, springing up 
from time to time among the tribes, which require special 

A young man aud a young woman may form a clandestine 
marriage and live apart in the forest, regardless of the consent 
of the elders of the two clans involved, until a child is born, 
provided the tabu is not viohited; that is, that the two parties 
do not belong to the same clan. 

There is another custom which the exigencies of life fre- 
quently produce. A clan may have many male candidates 
for marriage, while the clan in which their brides are found 
may have few eligilile women. Then the young man may 
wish to marry a woman in some clan other than that in which 
his rights inhere. In such a case the wife may be captured; 
but the capture is always a friendly one. If the girl has other 
contestants for her hand, slie must be won by wager of battle. 
The battle is fought as a hand-to-hand conflict, without weap- 
ons other than those furnished by nature. 

A third custom is found, especially on the western coast of 
North America, where men buy their wives. This seems to 
occur in the case of polygamy, where the man who takes a 
second or third wife not only remunerates the woman's clan, 
but makes presents to certain persons throughout the tribe who 
might have an interest in disposing of the girl in some other 
wnv. This seems to be the case in many tribes where "pot- 
latch" weddings are observed, and it may be true in all. 


The possession of property which is exclusively used by the 
iudividual, such as clothing, ornaments, and various utensils 
and implements, is inherent in the individual. Individual 
propertv can not be inherited, but at death is consigned to the 
grave. Property which belongs to the clan, such as the 
house, the boat, the garden, is common property. No article 
of food l)elongs to the individual, but is the common prop- 
erty of the clan, and must be divided by the authorities of the 
clan, often according to some rule by wdiich a special portion 
is given to the person who provides the food. Thus, when a 
hunter kills a deer, a particular portion is given to him; other 
portions may be given to those who assisted in its capture; 
and all the rest is divided according tf) the needs of the indi- 
viduals of the clan. The women gather fruits, seeds, or roots; 
that which is consumed at the time is divided by like methods, 
l)ut lliat which is preserved for future use sometimes l:)ecomes 
the property of the clan. 

The elder-man of the clan is res])onsil:)le for the training of 
children, and it is no small part of his duty daih" to exercise 
them in their games and to instruct them in their duties. Thus 
he who enforces clan custom is the same person who instructs 
in clan custom; and wdien councils of tribe or confederacy 
are held, he is the representative of the clan in such councils. 
The chief of the confederacy is usually the chief of one of the 
tribes, and the chief of the tribe is usually an elder-man in 
one of the clans. There are clan councils, tribal councils, 
and confederate councils. 

The council is the tribal court and legislative bo(h' in one. 
All Indian life is cooperative; and all cooperative life is regu- 
lated by the clan, the tribe, or the confederacy. The clan 
hunt and the clan fishing expedition are regulated by the 
council; and when the clan or the tribe would move the site 
of its village, the council must so decree and regulate the 
matter. The council of the clan settles disputes between 
individuals of tlie clan; the comicil of the tribe settles disputes 
between clans; and the council of the confederacy settles 
disputes between tribes. Sometimes the membevs of the clan 
live separately by households; but often the clan will build a 


liouse for all its members, when the households will he rele- 
gated to distinct sections. It is curious to see the people dis- 
M lived into households at one time, and at another aggregated 
in clans. If the clan moves temporarily" to a favorite loealit}', 
where roots or fruits are abundant in their season, it may dis- 
solve into households which provide for themselves rude 
shelters of bark, brush, and leaves; l)ut if the clan wishes to 
change its habitation permanently, it is likely to construct a 
new connnunal dwelling for the joint use of its members. 
Thus, tlie clan seems to be the most permanent and most 
fundamental iniit in the organization. 

In the study of North Ameriean tribes it is always found 
that the purpose assigned and recognized for the organization 
of that unit is the establishment of peace. Two or more bodies 
go to wai', and finally agree to live in peace, and make a treaty; 
and the terms of the treaty are invariably of one character, if 
the bodies unite as a tribe. The fundamental condition for the 
organization of a tribe is, that the one party agrees that its 
women shall be the wives of the other, with a reciprocal obli- 
gation. This is the characteristic which disting-uishes tribes 
from confederacies. A body of people organized for tlie pur- 
pose of regulating marriages is a tribe. A body of people 
organized for war is a confederacy. Thus the organization of 
a tribe itsell is the first recognition of the principle of peace in 
the origin of constitutions. The confederacy is always the 
unit of war organization. It is doubtful — in the present stage 
of investigation, at least — whether a tribe, as such, ever 
engages in offensive war. Confederacies become tribes b}" 
customary intermarriages, especially when the tribe becomes 
the tabu unit of intermarriage. It is thus that the three units — 
the clan, the tribe, and the confederacy — are variable from 
time to time, although at any particular time these three units 
can be distinguished as well as the family or houseliold unit. 

There are peculiar circumstances under which the household 
unit is variable. Tliis variability depends upon customs which 
sometimes spring up among tribes, and are known as polyandry 
and polygamy. Sometimes the man who marries a woman is 
entitled to marry her sisters as they become of age. There are 



other oouditions iiuder whicli men become polygamists, but 
they are iiot very common in savage society. In the same 
manner, there are cases in which the women of the clan are few 
as compared with the men to whom they are due ; and, hence, 
one woman becomes the common wife of several men. This 
is polyandry. It is not certain that polyandry has ever pre- 
vailed in an Amerind tribe; but certain forms of polvandry are 
found elsewhere, especially in Australia, where the clan system 
has an aberrant development, doubtless due to the development 
of many tribes of the same linguistic stock, and to the spread 
of the same totemic clan largely over the Australian continent. 

Another oi-ganization, which involves all civic relations, must 
now be explained. There is a bod}' of men (and sometimes of 
women also) who are known as medicine-men or shamans, and 
sometimes as priests, who control all religious ceremonies aiid 
who are diviners. As disease is supposed to be the work of 
human or animal sorcery, it is their function to prevent or 
to thwart it. They have the management of all ceremonies 
relating to war, hunting, fishing, and the gathering of the 
fruits of field and forest. It is their ofiice to provide ceremo- 
nies for abundant harvests, to regulate the climate, and gen- 
erally tt> divine and ct)ntrol good and evil. The principal 
shamans are men; but all the people are united into shanian- 
istic societies. Usually there is some determined number of 
these societies, over each of which some particular shaman 
presides, and he has subordinates, each one of whom has some 
particular office or function to jierform in the societies. Some- 
times a person may belong to two or more of these societies; 
usualh- he has the privilege to join any one, and a revered or 
successful shaman will gather a great society, while a shaman 
of less influence will preside over a feebler society. 

Let us call these societies ecclesiastical corporations, and 
the shamans priests. The way in which they are regimented 
and controlled diff"ers from tribe to tribe, and there is a great 
variety of ceremonial observances. In all civic councils the 
ecclesiastical authorities take part and have specified functions 
to perform; and they introduce into civic life the ceremonies 
which they believe will produce good fortune. Perhaps the 


ecclesiastical authorities may be more powerful than the civic 
authorities, and the hereditary line of special ecclesiastical 
governors may gradually overpower the civic constitution and 
absorb it as a secondaiy element in the ecclesiastic constitu- 
tion. It nuist be remembered tliat the chief priests are men, 
and tluvt the women play a very small part in ecclesiastical 
affairs. Now, as the men manage ecclesiastical affaii's as chief 
priests, so civil aftairs are managed mainly by men as elder 
men. The conflict which sometimes ai-ises between the two 
forms of government is mainly V>etween men and men, or 
between able elder-men and able shamans; but sometimes 
both officei's are combined in one person, and the great elder- 
man may also be the great sliaman. 


In barbarism the tribe is composed of groups which we call 
gentes, and is said to have a gentile organization. x\mong the 
Romans such persons were known as agnates. A group of 
agnates is composed of persons who reckon kinshij) through 
males. Gentile organization is best known through the early 
history of the Romans and Greeks; it was well developed 
among the jjeoples of early history wlio spoke the Sanskrit 
language; it appears among the early Anglo-Saxons; a few 
tribes in North America have gentile organization, and it has 
been at one time or another widely sjiread throughout the 
earth. As a clan is a grou}) of ])eople who reckon kinship 
through females to some ancestral female, real or conventional, 
so a gens is a group of people who reckon kinship through 
males to some ancestral male, real or conventional. It seems 
that the primordial constitution of the tribe is by clanship and 
that the clanship tribe is developed into the gentile tribe. 
Most of the tribes of North America have clanship organiza- 
tion, yet there is a goodly number with gentile organization, 
while perhaps it mav be said that a majority of the clanship 
tribes have some elements of the gentile organization, and 
there is scarcelv a gentile tribe whicli has not some feature ot 
clanship organization as a survival; so that it may be justly 
affirmed that a great many of the triljes on this continent are 


in tlie stage of transition. But more than this — all oi' the 
tribes of Nortli America have come into association to a 
greater or less degree with the European invaders, and have 
thus taken on some of the elements of civilized culture, so 
that the Columbian period has been one of very ra})id devel- 
opment in tribal organization. Now, again and again we find 
abundant evidence that the savage tribe yields its peculiarities 
by exchanging them for barbaric characteristics. A re^•iew of 
the evidence which has been accunmlating through a series 
of years on this subject demonstrates that clanship organiza- 
tion develops into gentile organization. To set forth in a 
sununarv manner how this development is accomplished will 
perhaps . be the best method of explaining the nature of a 
barbaric government. 

In savagery there are societies which are organized for the 
purpose of securing the cooperation of ghosts in the affairs of 
nuvnkind. These societies are often called phratries or In'other- 
hoods, and are the custodians of the lore of unseen beings. 
They occupy themselves with ceremonies and various practices 
intended to secure advantages and to avert evils which are 
attributed to multitudinous ghostly beings which are sujjposed 
to have tenuous bodies and to live an occult and magical life 
as they take part in human affairs. P^vervthiug unexplained 
is attributed to ghosts. The leader in these thaumaturgic 
societies is called by white men a medicine-man, or sometimes 
priest, or even a tliaumaturgist; a better term is shaman. The 
pln-atrv over which the shaman presides has a special care of 
health and the occult agencies of welfare, so he presides 
over elaborate ceremonies which have a religious significance. 
These phi'atries, called by some of our writers societies, take 
a very active part in savage society, for mucli of the time of 
the people is occupied in the jjerformance of the rites of thau- 
maturgy antecedent to any enterprise of importance in which 
the clan may engage. 

These pln-atries which are organized to olitain the assistance 
of ghosts develop periodical ceremonies whicli are designed to 
secure the annual productions of nature upon which human 
welfare depends. Thus the fishing tribes of tlie Pacific coast 


that depend largely for their food on the coming of the salmon 
from the sea at particular times have ceremonies designed to 
secure their coming; those that depend upon cereals, like wild 
rice, also have their ceremonies to invoke the aid of ghosts to 
bring abundant seeds. In arid lands, where vegetation is so 
dependent upon rain, these ceremonies take the form of invo- 
cations for rain. Thus in every region of the United States 
periodical ceremonies are performed to secure harvests and 
supplies of game. 

Again, human beings are subject to many diseases which 
are universally attributed to ghosts. Ceremonies to ghosts are 
common for the purpose of pro])itiating- them or of preventing 
their malign influences or even of obtaining the aid of some 
ghosts to defend the people from other ghosts. Societies, or 
incorporations, as we have called them, ]:)ut which are often 
called phratries, or brotherhoods, are fii'st incorporated among 
men as religious societies on the theory that the good and evil 
of life are largely dependent upon ghosts. 

In tribal life the head of such a society, if it be a man, is 
known as father; in some few cases the head may be a 
woman, when she is known as mother. The children of such 
a head of a society are known as brothers and sisters, hence 
among classical peoples the societies were known as phratries. 

These brotherhoods constitute an important element in 
savage society, and their chiefs have on some occasions quite 
as much influence as the governmental chiefs. Often the 
father of the brotherhood and the elder-man of the clan is 
the same person. When this is the case, authority is doubly 
established. Ultimately this union efl"ects a reoi'gauization of 
the tribe itself, and clans become gentes. How this is accom- 
plished we must now explain. 

Clans are the bodies corporate for all industrial purposes. 
Much of the hunting is clan hunting without firearms; the 
wild animals have to be entrapped or captured by many devi- 
ces in which all the members of the clan take part. These 
clan hunts are important occasions when distant woods, distant 
valleys, or distant mountains become the theater of operations. 
Under these circumstances it sometimes happens that the male 


members of the clan desire to have their wives with them, laut 
their wives belong- to other clans and have their households 
with other clans, hence on such hunting excursions the clan 
organization is to a greater or less extent interrupted, and the 
women fall tinder the control of their husbands instead of their 
brothers and mothers' brothers. This is but a temporary 
arrangement; but it often occurs when the clans visit some 
favorite stream or seaside resort to gather and drv tish. By 
and by agriculture is developed. The cultivation of the 
soil seems usually to have been iirst developed in the arid 
lands. Ever^'wliere in America where a primitive tribe has 
engaged in irrigation for agricultural purposes we lind a tribal 
village as a central winter homestead, with a number of out- 
lying villages or rancherias, which are occupied by the several 
clans during the season of irrigation. 

To understand the nature of primitive agricultural industry 
in America it l^ecomes necessar}' to take these facts into con- 
sideration. In every great ruin group in America situated in 
the arid lands where agriculture was practiced, and also in 
such humid lands as were cultivated, a central ruin of the 
habitations oi the tribe is found with outlj'ing ruins or ran- 
cherias. When people have thus reached the state of agricul- 
ture where irrigation is practiced there is still stronger reason 
why the clansmen should control their wives and children. 
Irrigation reqixires the management of the stream which is 
used to fructify the soil, and irrigation works must be con- 
structed. The stream must be dammed and the water carried 
over the laud l)y canals; this means the construction of works 
that have a perennial value, and attention to the crops during- 
the season of irrigation as >vell as that of planting and harvest- 
ing-. One clan on one little stream is separated from the 
other clans, who also have their streams during the entire 
season of growing- crops, and the clan is thus segregated in a 
little summer village of its own, and in a distinct village from 
that occupied by the tribe during the remainder of the year. 

Again, as animals are domesticated and flocks and herds are 
acquired, wives and children become still more essential to the 
prosperity of the men, for the women and children nmst take 


part in tlie care of the flocks. By all of these agencies the con- 
trol of women and children is taken from elder brothers and 
given to the husbands, and the practical accomplishment of this 
chano-e results in a new theorv of tlie familv — the children are 
no longer considered the children of the bearing )nother, but of 
the generating father; that is, the children belong to the father, 
not to the mother, for in tribal society there seems to be an 
inability to conceive of mutual parenthood and authoritv. In 
the clan the mother is the j)arent and owns the children, and 
the father is but temporarily the guest of the wife and children. 

When the elder-man has the authority of the sliaman, he 
easily usurps the authority of the elder-man of his wife's clan, 
especially wlien such authoritv is conducive to his industrial 
interests ; for the same reason that impels the elder-man to this 
acquisition of authority imj^els the elder-man of his wife's clan 
to a corresponding assumption of authority, so the interest of 
the one is the interest of the other. There may be many clans 
in the tribe, and all the elder-men are interested in the like 
acquisition of authority and are alike willing to give and take. 
When this transfer is made into what we now call the gens, and 
the elder-man or chief of the gens lias autliorit\' over his wife 
and children, this authoritv waxes very great, for he has a 
double power — that of the elder-man and that of the shaman, 
and we have the same state of affairs among the barbaric tribes 
of x\merica that is exhibited to us in the historic account of the 
tribes of the Greek and Roman j^eoples, and in fiict of all of 
the Indo-European peoples. Under these conditions kinship 
is reckoned in the male line and the clan is transformed into 
the gens. Tlie ruler of the gens is the patriarch who has a 
right to i-ontrol l)v reason of superior age, for the law that the 
elder rules is still supreme; but the elder rules with a rigor 
unknown in savage society. 

The phratry does not become the gens, though it is efficient 
in transforming tlie clan into the gens, and the phratry or 
brotherhood becomes a fifth imit in the hierarch}' of incorpora- 
tions which constitute a l^arbarie societv. The family remains 
as a more or less distinct unit of organization composed of the 
father, mother, and children, or it may hold together as a group 


ruled by the grandfather. The gens still remains as a group 
controlled by the patriarch or chief who is in fact or by legal 
fiction the elder-man; but there is a tendency in the gens to 
break up into a number of households, each one ruled bv a 
real or conventional elder-man. Then comes the |)hratrv, to 
which are relegated many functions. 

We must no\\' understand something more about the religion 
of gentile tribes. In this stage private and public religion are 
pretty clearly differentiated. The elder-man of the gens offici- 
ates as the priest in the domestic worshij), but the public wor- 
ship is conducted in the council chamber, or, as it is usually 
called in America, the ki\a, which is the place of meeting of a 
brotherhood or phratr}', and the ceremonial worship of the 
people is conducted in this place. Among- the Greeks the kiva 
was called the prytaneum. Various names are used among 
the barbaric ti'ibes of America, and various names were used 
among the barbai'ic tribes of the Orient. In the upper stages of 
savager}- there is develoj^ed a calendar system b)^ which the 
kiva ceremonies are regulated. The various codices which 
have been discovered in Central, North, and South America 
are all (if them calendars designed to regulate the ceremonies 
of the kiva. 

The kiva worship is controlled by the phratral unit; that is, 
by the brotherhood. The place of worship is also the place 
where the council of the brotherhood is held. Sometimes the 
council of the tribe is held now at one, now at another, of the 
kivas. The kiva is the general place for divination where the 
signs are consulted for the purpose of determining whether 
enterprises will be successful or not. All of the operations of 
the people and all of the things in which they are most deeply 
interested are controlled b)" these ceremonies held in the kiva. 
Especially is the weather controlled, for it is here that they 
pra}' for rain or for the abatement of storm. It is here that 
the ceremonies are performed which determine the nature of the 
crops. It is here that health or sickness is found. When the 
individual is once under the power of a disease the shaman 
may go to his relief and gather about his sick bed the members 
of the phratry, who sing, dance, and perform other ceremonies 


for his recovery. It is in the kiv;i that trials for witchcraft are 

In all barbaric societies and in many savage societies there 
is a place for the tribe to assemble. When architecture is 
developed this is called the temple, but very often it is a mere 
plaza under the shelter of trees, where special seats are fur- 
nished for the brotherhoods. Here men are promoted or 
invested with horns, feathers, or stripes — the investiture is 
alwnvs a time of merrjnnaking-, with a feast and with danc- 
ing — and here men are deposed. 

Tribal life is chiefly public life. There is little domestic 
seclusion; often the house is a communal house for the entire 
clan or gens. Nearly all hunting is public hunting; nearly all 
fisliing is public fishing; nearly all gathering of seeds is public 
gathering of seeds; nearly all gathering of roots is public 
gathering of roots; all agriculture is public agriculture, and 
all herds are public herds. The kiva is the gathering place of 
the brotherhoods, and here they meet not only for religious 
ceremony, but to pass the time in conversation or in jest. 
Here the shamanistic orator entertains the people, and here 
the men do tlieir weaving and the women their basket work. 
The kiva is the general jdace of rendezvous. 

In barbarism, where all the units of regimentation are fully 
developed, there are families, gentes, tribes, and confederacies, 
and for every unit there is a system of worship, and the high 
priest of the unit is the elder-man or chief of the unit; worship 
is thus specialized. The hearth of the family is the altar of the 
famih'. The place of worship of the gens is the kiva or pry- 
taneum. The kiva of the chief of the tribe is usually the kiva 
of the tribe. But sometimes the tribe has a special kiva inde- 
pendent of those of the gentes and we call it the temple. 

The chief of the confederacy is also the chief of the leading 
tribe, and the kiva of the tribe may thus become the kiva of the 
confederac)- ; usually confederacies only have temples. Thus 
three places of worship may always be recognized in barbaric 
society. On the hearth-stone worship is performed by obla- 
tions and other ceremonies, and sometimes with paraphernalia; 
in the kiva worship is performed with much ceremou}^ and with 


very elaborate |)araj)lieriuilia, while in the temple worship is 
performed especiallv for militant purposes and is elaborate and 
ceremonious. I know not wh\' four or five places of worship 
should not lie developed in tribal society; but I have never 
discovered more than three, tliouo-h I alwavs discover the five 
kinds of worship. 

When the fathers of the phratries become the elder-men or 
chiefs of the other units in tlie hierarchy of govermental units, 
l)arbaric societv is fnlh' ort^-anized and savage societv is fully 

When we come to a|)pl}- the criteria which we have set 
forth to particular tribal bodies, a difficulty arises in segre- 
gating savage bodies from barbaric bodies, for in matiy 
instances in America we find some of the characteristics of 
savagery and others of barbarism. Gradually a custom has 
grown up among the students of these societies to relegate a 
tribe to savagery wln\'h has the characteristics of savagery 
predominant, and to relegate a tribe to barbarism which has 
the characteristics of barbarism predominant; in so doing we 
make elan organization by kinship in the female line the 
deciding mark of savagery, and gentile organization by kin- 
ship in the male line the deciding mark of barbarism. 


The cradle of civilization was i-ocked by the waves of the 
Mediterranean. Of the origin of one of the monarchies here 
established we have much history. In the Greek and Latin 
lan<>uaoes there is found a literature in which is recorded the 
development of the Hellenic and Latin tribes into a monarchy 
extending far beyond the shores of the Mediterranean, through 
Europe on the north and large portions of Asia and Africa on 
the AA'est and south. Of the nature of the monarchies absorbed 
by Rome and of the nature of the tribes absorbed in northern 
Europe we have comparatively little data, but of the Hellenic 
and Latin ti'ibes we ha^•e much history. By adding to this 
histoiy the comparatively little-known history of the tribes 
that were amalgamated in the monarchies on the south, and 
the still less known histor\- of the tribes on the north that came 


viiider the douiiniou (^f Rome, and l>^' interpreting this tribal 
history from tlie standpoint which modern civilization has 
gained l)^• the stndy ot" savage and barbaric peoples, we are 
able to reconstruct an outline of the history of the origin of the 
Roman empire. 

As the Roman empire was fotuided on tlie inchoate mon- 
archies into which the Hellenic and Latin tribes were devel- 
oped, the literature of this transnuitation is recorded in these 
languages. The modern European nations are in some sense 
the offspring of the Roman em})ire, and a family of these 
nations was developed. 

After the fall of the Roman empire a period of centuries 
elapsed which are often called the Dark Ages. History which 
we may not stop to recount led to what is usually denom- 
inated the Revival of Learning. Then the younger nations 
sought in the literature of Greece and Rome for the history of 
their origin, and they found in these languages the records of 
a high state of culture, especially in architecture, sculpture, 
poetry, ;vnd metaphysics. Thus the Greek and Latin lan- 
guages were the repository of "the wisdom of the ancients" 
on these subjects. To trace the evolution of European relig- 
ion it is necessarv for us to go to its source in the Hebrew; 
but to discover the origin of the governmental institutions we 
n:iust go first to the Greek to discover the nature of the bar- 
baric tribe, and then to the Roman to discover the nature of 
the monarchy, and from the two sources we may learn the 
develojjment of tribal society into monarchical society. We 
must now characterize in a' few sentences the agencies by 
which barljaric society is transformed into monarchical 

We first note that the more highl}' cultured tribes are domi- 
ciled in walled cities. Every such city is a center of culture 
superior to that exhibited by tribes not vet domiciled in walled 

Li savagery the custom of causing the captive to "run the 
gantlet " was early observed by civilized men, but the signifi- 
cance of the custom was not understood, for it was supposed 
to be only a method of torture. Prisoners who have long 


remained in the custody of their captors tell us of the siguifi- 
cance of the custom. Modern scientific investigation clearly 
reveals its nature. There seems to be a desire among savage 
people to increase their numbers by incorporating captives 
into the body politic. Such captives are often selected to take 
the place of persons killed or captured by the enemy. Some- 
times the captive is required to exhibit his courage and skill 
by causing him to " run the gantlet," and if he emerges from 
the oi'deal with honor some woman adopts him as her son. 
When he is thus taken into the clan, his birth dates from his 
adoption. He is therefore younger to all the meinbers of the 
clan who at that time are living, but he is elder to those sub- 
sequently born. The captive may be promoted from time to 
time as other members of the clan if he wins such promotions 
by good conduct. He may thus become the elder-man of the 
clan or even the chief of the tribe or confederacy. There are 
circumstances under which the captive is refused promotion, 
as, for example, when captives are taken from hereditary ene- 
mies who are believed to be sorcerers, or who are popularly 
believed to be cannibals — that is, to eat human bodies for food 
instead of in a ceremony of magic, which is the universal prac- 
tice. The captive is thus doomed to perpetual i/oimgership, if 
the term may be permitted — that is, to perjietual servitude — 
because all other members of the tribe may consider him as 
last born and never to be advanced in age. In savagery there 
seems to be but little evidence of this state; but when in bar- 
barism agricultural and zoocultural industries are organized, 
and other industries are carried on for exchange, then the labor 
of captives becomes an important factor in the industrial life 
of the people, so that captives are taken, not simply to reduce 
the immerical power of enemies and to increase the numerical 
power of the captors, but they are also taken as laborers; then 
labor slavery is first developed. Before this stage family slav- 
ery only exists. In the brief accotint which we are giving, 
what seems to be a radical change must always be considered 
not as instantaneous but as requiring centuries of history with 
its vicissitudes. Many difi"erent examples, occurring at diffei'- 
ent times, furnish instances of evolution representing only a 
20 ETH — <)3 vni 


part of the liiial change — one of changes on changes in the 
treatment of captives which result at last in changing family 
slavery into labor slavery. We will hereafter see how labor 
slavery is changed into chattel slavery. 

Walled cities become cities of wealth, because they are cen- 
ters of esthetic and industrial art. The aggregation of wealth 
in these cities makes them rich prizes and stimulates war, so 
that wars are instigated not only by current disagreements, 
as in savagery and barbarism, but by greed for wealth, which 
consists in the stores accunnilated in cities and in the labor of 
the inhabitants when captured. Vengeance is a powerful 
motive for war, but greed has greater might. 

When men are gathered into cities, the land which they 
cultivate extends far outside their walls, and the animals Avhich 
they domesticate are pastured on distant hills. In the stage 
which we are now discussing, slaves are employed as artisans 
in the city, and they are also employed as agricultural laborers 
and herdsmen in the country. Their employment in this man- 
ner requires surveillance lest they escape. To ]>revent their 
escape and to relieve the constant watchfulness of their mas- 
ters, it becomes necessary to give them many inducements to 
remain and labor; this is accomplished by giving them an 
interest in the soil and an interest in the flocks and herds, and 
by promoting their domestic life. Thus slaves become clients. 
Sometimes whole tribes are conquered and employed as clients 
to cultivate their own lands. Thus captives become serfs 
attached to the soil, and the title to the serfs passes with the 
title to the soil. 

Still the conquering city may reduce other tribes to vassal- 
age and require of them annual tribute, but permit them to 
continue in the pursuit of happiness and welfare by their 
ancient methods subject only to the collection of ti-ibute. 
Sometimes the tribute may be in men, and is furnished to the 
armies of the conqueror. 

It is thus in monarchy that various forms of servitude are 
found, as family servants, as clients, as serfs, as vassals, and 
chattel slaver^' itself is common. 

In tribal society the integration of bodies politic is mainly 


by treaty aQTeeineut for oflfensive and defensive purposes; 
but iu monarchical society much integration is accomplished 
through conquest, impelled by ambition, by which foreign 
peoples are reduced to subordinate positions. They may be 
made slaves by the greed for gold, Init they may be made 
subjects by the ambition to rule. Such subject provinces 
must pay tribute, and usually the tribute- bearing people must 
be subject to rulers who are themselves subject to the central 
government, as members of the central aristocratic class. 
Thus monarchies are integrated through slavery and provin- 
cial government. 

There is yet another element of the transmutation which we 
nuist set forth. This is the consolidation of religious power 
in the chief of the central city, who is not only a kiug but is 
high priest of all tlie units of the monarchy. In the central 
city resides the central authority. The central tribe, in which 
are not included domestic servants, constitutes a distinct body 
politic with all its hierarchy of units, with its chief ruler who 
is also high priest, and subordinate rulers who are also subor- 
dinate priests. Tlie subject provinces are governed by rulers 
who emanate from the central city. The people of tlie central 
city thus constitute an aristocracy to govern the subject prov- 
inces. When things are brought to this pass the ijure mon- 
archy is developed. It will be seen that the fully fledged 
monarchy is a stage of society of long growth, but the steps 
in its growth are very irregular and often tiu'n back before 
monarchical society is instituted. 

We have said that the emperoi' is the high pi-iest of the peo- 
ple. Finally the high priest is fired with the ambition to 
become the high priest of all religions. Then comes the time 
of persecution for non-confoi-mists, and then comes that cause 
for war which is most potent — the doctrine that false religions 
ma}- l)e eradicated hy force. Then comes the jjrofound lielief 
in the thaumaturgic doings of the god of ai'istocracy as mira- 
cles, and its concomitant belief that the doings of false gods 
are sorcerA'. 

Such are the agencies by which tribal society with kinship 
regimentation is developed into national societA' with district 


regimentation, where the land of the aristocracy is the home 
of central government, and the provinces subordinate units of 
the nation. In savage society the most important unit of 
organization is its bodv of kindred who reckon membership 
in the female line. In barbarism the most important unit of 
regimentation is the body of kindred who reckon membership 
in the male line, and the patriarch becomes the high priest. 
In the monarch}' the pe(^ple are regimented b}- lands. The 
capital of the countiy of the aristocracy is the seat of govern- 
ment, the jarovinces are minor units of government, and the 
monarch is the vice-regent of the god. 

In monarchy a method of government and a consequent 
arrangement of society in hereditary ranks obtain. As the 
units of government constitute a hierarchy of control in liotli 
civil and religious conduct, so also there is a hierarchical 
aristocracy. Position in this aristocracy is determined by 
hereditary descent. Every person is born into a rank in 

The kingship is inherent in a family and descends from 
father to son. In the failure of lineal descent the kingship 
passes into a collateral line. Thus a dynasty is produced 
which continues from father to son, or to nephew, or occasion- 
ally to daughter or niece, until such dynasty is overthrown. 

Other members of the aristocracy are nobles of various 
ranks; nobility passes from father to son, the eldest living 
son taking precedence, and the title may pass beyond lineal 
descendants into collateral lines. The monarch may create 
new orders of nobilit}' at will ; and he may create nobles from 
the common ranks, and may also promote from rank to rank. 
It is thus that position among the nobles is in the gift of the 
crown as a reward for service. A shrewd monarch uses his 
power not only to reward men for service but also to keep up 
a body of persons of superior capacity to coo^^erate with him 
in sustaining the royal authority and dignity. 

In this maimer a governing bodv is constituted in a hier- 
archy of ranks, social, governmental, and religious, with the 
power which inheres in wealth, the power which inheres in 
government, the power which inheres in the command of the 


armies, and the power which inheres in ecclesiastical doniination 
and dignitA'. 

This comparatively small group of persons rule over the 
people, who are also arranged in a moi-e or less clearly defined 
hierarchy of ranks, as freemen, serfs, and slaves. The freemen 
constitute a middle class, as merchants, artisans, farmers, and 
soldiers. In this class also there is a tendency to differentiate 
the people by their occupation into hereditary groups as guilds, 
so that the man inherits the occupation of his father. An 
extreme development of guilds results in the development of 
caste. In caste intermarriage between groups is forbidden; 
the liigher castes become sacred, while the lower castes are 
held by the higher castes as unclean, and not only is inter- 
marriage prohibited but many other social functions can not be 
carried on in common. 

The failure of lineal descendants in the monarchy leads to 
disputes over the succession, and d3aiasties are often changed. 
The same thing occurs in the successions which occur in the 
ranks of the nobles. Sometimes these successions become a 
matter of interest to the crown, so that the monarch often takes 
part in determining successions, thus rewarding his friends and 
punishing his enemies. Throughout the stage of monarchy 
great armies are organized, and sometimes successful com- 
manders arise, and such commanders are rapidl}- promoted into 
the ranks of the aristocracy. Sometimes successful warriors 
become ambitious even for supreme rule, and they overthrow 
the reigning dynasty to usurp its wealtli, honor, and power. 
Thus hostile dynasties are produced. 

We have now presented a meager and perhaps inadequate 
account of that stage of society wliich we call monarchy; but 
the hoyje is entertained that the characterization has been suffi- 
cient to make plain how kinship society is transmuted into 
territorial society, while the principle of kinship with authority 
and privileges with the elder remains in the governing groups 
as an aristocratic body. 



Tribal governments are almost pure democracies, if we 
understand by that term that leadership and measures of gov- 
ernment are submitted to the voice of all the people for decisi(in. 
The ideal of tribal government which is forever held in view, 
though it may be obscured, is that of a pure democracy founded 
on tlie will <>f all the people directly expressed by them as 

When national government is established on a territorial 
basis, democracy is overthrown and kingship with aristoc- 
racy takes its place, and monarchial society is organized. 
Monarchical society, in turn, gives place to a fourth stage, 
which we here call republickism. We use the term in no 
partisan sense and select a new form of the word in order to 
avoid partisan implications. The term republicanism, as used 
by statesmen, of whatever party they may be, usuallj^ signi- 
fies a method of representative government. It is in this sense 
that we use the term republickism, and we leave the term 
democracy and also the term republicanism to be used with 
partisan meanings. 

As the fifteenth century drew to a close, Columbus, the 
great navigator and discoverer, l^ecame the promoter of an 
enter^^rise to sail westward from Europe in quest nf a better 
route to the Indies, a land of fabulous wealth. For cen- 
turies scientific men had l)elieved in the spherical form o{ the 
earth, but the great body of the people did not accept the 
doctrine. After many unsuccessful attempts Columbus at hist 
sailed westward with a fleet bought at the price of the good 
Queen's jewels. Instead of discovering a route to the Indies, 
he discovered a new world. Perchance others had previously 
discovered land at the north, but they knew it not as a new 
world, nor did they know it as a gateway to the land of fabu- 
lous Avealth, nor were they impelled to the discovery by the 
acceptance of a doctrine of science. The merit of Columbus 
was his faith in science, and as a reward for his faith history 
crowns him as the Great Discoverer. The New World was 
the trophy of science. 


The New World became the theater of new enterprise. The 
discovery gave to science the hope that it might prevail against 
superstition. Perhai)S the thought that science may be useful 
to mankind was more potent with boon to man than the 
enlargement of the theater of industrial enterprise. 

Be this as it may, the New World became the home of repub- 
lics. The example of these republics has spread the egis of 
free institutions over much of western Europe, and the leaven 
of freedom woi-ks unrest for all monarehial governments of 
the world. The principles of representative government may 
seem to flourish best when republics are founded in due form, 
but thev have an almost equal potency in reforming monarchi- 
cal governments. Such governments may not formalh' adopt 
republickism in terms of free institutions, but by a legal tiction 
thev may engraft on the monarchy the substantial principles 
of republickism, though nominally they are governed by an 
aristocracy with a kingly chief Formal republickism and 
virtual republickism seem thus to l)e competing for universal 
dominion, though competition may in fact be cooperation. 

The agencies at work to transmute monarchy into repub- 
lickism may be summarily, though imperfectly, stated in the 
following manner : 

First, the industi'ies of the world are undergoing transmuta- 
tion. Inventions multiply witli the scientific thought that was 
born with the discovery of Columbus. Brawn is governed by 
brain, and brain through brawn governs the forces of the 
world, and. thus men are emancipated from toil. Through 
invention toil is raised to the dignity of industry sweetened 
with pleasure and rewarded with welfare. 

The invention of machinery and the development of scien- 
tific processes of production have had potent effect on the 
reconstitution of society. Handicrafts have been revolution- 
ized by the introduction of a liigh degree of intellectual skill, 
as manual skill is relegated to the operation of machinery to 
which great precision is given. When manual skill was 
obtained only by long practice in a restricted number of man- 
ual operations, it was held to be necessary to serve a long 
apprenticeship to a trade; but as the machine performs all the 


nice mechanical work, the artisan turns his attention to the 
control of the machinery, and to be successful in its manipu- 
lation he must understand the principle of mechanism and the 
application of powers to the accomplishment of human pur- 
poses. The skill now required in handicraft is the skill of 
intelligence supplemented with universal skill in handiwork. 
It is thus that industry is emancipated from the system of 
slavery involved in apj^renticeship, and a new system is rap- 
idly developino- in which childliood ;ind youth are taught the 
fundamental elements of all handicrafts in the common schools. 
Political economists have deplored the inability of laborers to 
change their occupation, seeing that the introduction of ma- 
chinery destroys many a special handicraft, and the laborers 
employed therein are compelled to seek employments without 
the benefits of apprenticeslii}). The introduction into industry 
of scientific methods practically makes them all accessible to 
all men. 

Another change to be noticed is the enlargement of the 
sphere of commerce. Production may now be carried on in 
the most economic manner wherever special conditions exist 
favorable to production; climates may be more thoroughly 
utilized for the development of special products, and powers 
may be utilized wherever they are found under the most 
favorable conditions in nature. The enormous cheapening of 
products by their narrow specialization and by their multipli- 
cation through the efforts of the few who are the most favor- 
ably conditioned for the special production requires that the 
producers of large quantities of special goods have their prod- 
ucts distributed to great numbers of consumers, and thus com- 
merce is multiplied. For the development of connnerce to 
meet these new conditions inventions are employed, and the 
hig-hways of commerce are made to ramify throughout the 
country and throughout the world. All of these processes 
cooperate in the reconstitution of society by specializing- 
industries and integrating them through commerce, and the 
lesson is taught in everyday life that human success is best 
promoted by serving others. 

Second, fi-om the primeval state of society up to that state 


of societ}- wliicli we c-ull ivpublickisiu, tribes and nations were 
kept asunder by walls of language. An unknown tongue was 
a herald of enniitv and a mark of follv, and aroused all the 
hate of superstition. When 'culture was buried in the classical 
languages, and wlien the accoinplishment of the student was 
measured by his knowledge of these tongues, a great impetus 
was given to the acquisition of languages. Since science is 
promoted by all civilized nations, science itself demands a 
knowledge of nianv modern tongues. By all of these agencies 
it is discovered that a foreign tongite is not an unmeaning 
jargon, and language itself is no longer a barrier between 
civilized people. The wheels of commerce speed civilized men 
from land to land and they find themselves integrated bv com- 
mon interests. 

There is a third agenc)^ by which the transmutation of 
society is accomplished. The literature of all lands is read in 
every land. The current history of all lands is recounted in 
every land. The agencies of intellectual culture are not 
restricted by national boundaries. Higher than all, and more 
potent than all, is the universal brotherhood of science by 
which the discovery made by one man is revealed to every 
other man and by which the generalization made by one man 
enriches the thought of all 

A fourth agency for the transmutation of society is found in 
the fine arts. The musical artist sings for the world. The 
limner paints for all lands. The actor impersonates for the 
universal stage. The novelist jiortrays for every fireside. The 
poet chants a lay to every dreamy heart. Thus the esthetic 
arts make a universal appeal to the finer feelings of mankind 
and forever teach the lesson of fraternity, and with the balm 
of joy heal the wounds of conflict. 

Fifth, all of these indirect agencies for the transmutation of 
society cooperate with the development of governmental prin- 
ciples due to the increasing intelligence of ci%nlized men. With 
knowledge comes a love of justice that recognizes that rights 
may best be secured by the performance of duties. Forever 
and forever is this lesson taught by advancing cultiu'e. In the 
strife to establish justice through the agency of government 


men learn to delegate their power to representative men chosen 
for their wisdom. 

The first presentation of the true nature of representative 
government is recorded in the literature of Greece. In Plato's 
Republic we iind romance dealing with ideal government. 
The (lid philosopher dreamed of a state of society in which the 
conduct of government should be relegated to the wisest and 
best of mankind. Further, he attempted to set forth the con- 
ditions under which the wise men should rule by delineating 
their marriage relations and their property rights in terms that 
seem strange and even bizarre to modern thought. Alas, he 
did not properly comprehend the method by which the wise 
men could be selected. His theory of government by the wise 
and good became the ecclesiastical polity of the two srreat 
churches of early civilization — the Roman church and the 
Greek church, which were organized to secure the rule of the 
wise and good, and by both civil affairs were made subordinate 
to ecclesiastical affairs. 

While Plato thus became potent in founding the policies of 
these churches, Aristotle was more influential in founding their 
philosophies. The role which these two great thinkers played 
in the liistory of early civilization was profound, for they cast 
the thought of centuries into molds of learning, and these 
molds gave figure and structure to jjhilosophy and to church 
polity which has lasted until modern times, when the molds 
were broken only by the blows of science. 

We have stated that to Plato we owe the earliest compre- 
hension of the ])rinciples of representative government. ' These 
principles we must now set forth. 

It is an inherent principle in society that the many follow 
where the few lead. Knowledge is always born of one and 
diffuses to the man}'. The annals of science are the record of 
the discoveries of individuals. Advances are made by discov- 
erers and the world of science is dependent upon intellectual 
leaders. A new thought niay lie dormant until it finds clear 
expression. It often happens that new thoughts gain accept- 
ance only when they are presented by some person who has 
the genius of expression, but when they come to be deftly 
expressed they are speedily diffused among mankind. 


We discover iu nature f.liat all knowledge has its purpose, 
and that this purpose is its utilization in affairs of life. All 
knowledge must be utilized in this manner before it has its 
final expression which all men may understand. Universal 
diffusion of knowledge can come only by its utilization in the 
affairs of life which interest all mankind. This utilization 
depends first upon the inventor and second upon the under- 
taker — the entrepreneur. It is thus that knowledge must have 
a triune leadership in the discoverer, the inventor, and the 
undertaker, and they must cooperate for the increase and dif- 
fusion of knowledge among men; then only does knowledge 
receive its final expres.sion which all men may understand. It 
is within the province of every government to promote eco- 
nomic policies, and this it must do, either for weal or for woe. 
The leaders of the peojjle must be protected and encouraged — 
protected from injustice and encouraged by due reward. As 
their operations have a profound effect upon the progress and 
welfare of mankind, this effect must be promoted by the estab- 
lishment of justice to all. The four fundamental laws of eco- 
nomics for which governments are responsible are these: 
(1) Reward must be secured to the leaders; (2) protection 
must be given to leaders; (3) justice must be secured to their 
followers, and (4) welfare nmst be secured for all. 

The four maxims of good government require for their 
operation some method of securing wise and good men to 
carry on the government iu all its departments. We liave 
already seen that ancient society selected its leader by the 
methods of the pure democracy. There came a time when 
these methods broke down because of the great numbers of 
persons embraced in the bod}^ politic. Then the world tried 
a new plan of government by creating an hereditary aristoc- 
racy with hereditary kingship. This system also has failed. 
Now the efibrt to secure good government as representative 
government is undergoing trial. The theory of this method 
of government is fundamentally that of representation by 
election, but perhaps the principles of representation are 
inadequately understood. 

Let us try to formulate these principles. Fundamental or 


primary representation should not extend beyond the bound- 
aries of the primary units of government. Tliese are town- 
ships, or wards, and the governing officers of these units 
should be elected by the citizens of the several units. In the 
secondary units, or counties, electors should be chosen by 
every township or ward composing the countv, and they 
should select county rulers or city rulers where counties and 
cities are coterminous. In the third unit, which is represented 
by the state in this country, the county electors should choose 
the state ruler. In the fourth or grand unit, which is the 
nation, the county electors should choose national electors, 
and the national electors should choose the officers of the gren- 
eral government. This, it is believed, would perfect repre- 
sentative g'overnment. 

The rights and duties, or the theater of operations of the 
several units of government, should be defined; that is, town- 
ship rights, county rights, state rights, and national rights 
should be jealously guarded and strictly observed. 

History has already demonstrated that the government 
can not safely be intrusted to an ecclesiastical body. History 
has already demonstrated that the government can not be 
intrusted to an hereditary body. History has already demon- 
strated that the government can not be intrusted to a purely 
democratic body. The advanced nations of the earth are now 
making the experiment of intrusting government to a repre- 
sentative body, and it would be wisdom to consider how a 
representative body may be best choserr. 

The history of mankind has been the constant theme of the 
ages, because it has been the subject in which men are most 
deeply interested. Especially has the rise and fall of nations, 
the rise and fall of dynasties, and the part which individuals 
have played in such affairs been the theme most attractive. 
Notwithstanding this fact, the outlines of history as they have 
heretofore been presented have consisted largely of a more or 
less bare statement of events in chronological order. Univer- 
sal history has therefore been treated as annals. Special 
writers have attempted to treat of the different parts of history 
as the succession of causations, but universal history has rather 


been a compendium of names and dates. Since the establish- 
ment of some of the laws of evolution and the overthrow of the 
ancient docti'ine of degeneracy, a new impetus has been given 
to history, and now a multitude of men are engaged in scien- 
tific research, ha^^ng in view tlie discovery of the progress of 
mankind by revealing the causations involved. For this pur- 
pose the world is ransacked for the vestiges of human culture 
in all of the pentalogic departments of the humanities. His- 
tories as a science is thus disclosing a vast body of facts relating 
to the evolution of pleasures, industries, institutions, languages, 
and opinions. 

Hitherto we have considered only the nature of institutions, 
in attempting to set forth the four fundamental stages to be 
observed in their consideration. The course of history in the 
evolution of institutions is the best nucleus about which to 
gather the data of progress in the other departments of history. 
The sketch we are attempting will not permit of any exhaustive 
treatment. We must content ourselves with only a brief refer- 
ence to the evolution of pleasures, industries, languages, and 

The four stages of esthetic culture are well represented in 
the fine arts, which are music, graphics, drama, romance, and 
poetry. The covirse of this evolution we have already set 
forth to the extent necessary to this argument. We have 
shown that the stages of development in music are rhj^thm, 
melody, harmony, and symphony. In graphic art they ai-e 
outlining, relief, perspective, and chiaroscuro. In drama they 
are dance, sacrifice, ceremony, and histrionic art. In romance 
they are beast fable, power myth, necromancy, and novels. 
In poetry they are personification, similitude, allegory, and 

The four stages of industrial culture we have shown to be 
the hunter stage, the agricultural stage, the artisan stage, and 
the machinery stage, by setting forth the transmutations which 
these agencies have produced in society. 

In like manner we shall briefly revert to four stages of cul- 
ture in languages, and also in opinions, and shall attempt to 
correlate them with savagery, barbarism, monarchy, and 


republickism. It hardly seems uecessary to call attention to 
the concomitancy of the five fundamental elements of culture, 
but simply to affirm that they are connate and that there can 
be no pleasure without welfare, and no welfare without justice, 
and no justice without expression, and no expression without 


There is a fallacy in the reasoning of primeval man which 
has produced what has come to be known as the ghost theorv. 
The notion of consciousness as a reified property independei.t 
of the body is the first-born of those fallacies which constitute 
the foundation of metaphysic. But primeval man did not dis- 
criminate consciousness from cognition; so that the fallacy 
was rather the notion that organized consciousness or mind has 
existence independent of the body. So mind is reified and 
given a subtle tenuous body that can enter or depart from the 
material body. 

To understand tiie origin of this notion we must first dis- 
ci'iminate between inference and cognition, and then realize 
that cog-nition is verified inference and that there is no cogni- 
tion without verification. Then we must understand tliat 
inference is the selection of a concept from meniorv with 
which to coTupare a sense im])ression. The consciousness of 
the sense impression and the consciousness of the concept are 
both attributes of self. Hence inference is the comparing of a 
psvchic effect on self witli a psychic memory of an effect on 
self, to discover whether this cause is like that cause. It thus 
happens that the self is taken as the standard of comparison in 
every inference. The objective world is tlius gauged by the 
subjective world. This doctrine in ^^•llich man is taken as 
the measure of the universe is known in science as anthropo- 
morphism. In the individual it is the interpreting of the 
objective world bv concepts of self, and as men coninmnicate 
concepts to one another in the race it is the interpreting- of the 
nonhuman universe in terms of the consciousness of man. 

If we understand the nature of inference and its dependence 
on verification to become valid cognition, we are j^repared to 


understaud the origin of the ghost theory by unverified antln-o- 
pomorphie inferences which produce fallacies. 

The fallacies at the foundation of the ghost theory are the 
fallacies of dreams. The notions of dreams are thus responsi- 
ble for the primitive doctrine of a ghost as a reified property. 
In dreams we traverse the regions of space and witness strange 
scenes and take part in wonderful deeds and have astounding- 

That the notions of dream liistory are reinforced bA' the 
ps3-chic phenomena of ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and 
insanity, we have set forth elsewhere. That such di-eain 
notions seem to be verified by certain phenomena of nature we 
have also shown, and need only to allude to shadows, reflected 
images, and echoes. Altogether this fallacy is deeply im- 
planted in the savag'e mind; it continues as a notion even in 
the minds of some of the most intellectual men of .modern 
culture. In savagery the notion is that all bodies animate and 
inanimate alike have ghosts; the theory is then called animism. 
The relic of this theory in modern culture is the belief that all 
animals have ghosts, or, still further specialized, that onl)' 
human being-s have g'hosts. 

The ghost theory has played an important role in the devel- 
opment of ethics, which we will try to unfold. 

In savagery, life and mind are attributes of ghosts. Material 
bodies are supposed to be inert, while to the ghostly bodies is 
attributed all action. Rocks, waters, plants, and stars, as well 
as animals, have ghosts. It is to ghosts that all purposes are 
attributed, and all powers to accomplish purposes inhere in 
the ghosts of material bodies. All of the good and evil which 
befall savage men are thus attributed to ghostly beings. 

Dancing, music, and feasting are the suf)erlative joj^s of 
savagery, and the joy is an attribute of ghosts. Pain also is 
the attribute of ghosts. Ghosts seek j)leasure and avoid pain. 
It is universal in the primitive stage of society to seek for 
g'ood and to avoid evil through the agency of ghosts. This 
motive leads to the organization of shamanistic customs which 
constitute the religion of the people to secure superlative good 
and to avoid superlative evil. The motive of primitive religion 


is the longing for superlative happiness, and it remains as the 
motive of religion in all stages of culture. Religion is thus a 
theory or doctrine of securing happiness. The happiness 
desired may be in the immediate future or the remote future; 
it mav be for time or it may be for eternity, or it may be for 
both time and eternity. If we are to understand the nature of 
religion we must always conceive it to be a system of securing 
superlative happiness. The motive of religion is the gain of 
happness, and the methods of religion are the methods of 
obtaining happiness. 

We are now to explain what methods of securing superlative 
happiness are devised in savagery. 

Esthetic joys are the primary pleasures. Such joys are 
founded on the pleasures of physical activity; not the activity 
of labor itself, but on social activity. The dance is the prime- 
val ceremony of religion; connate with it is the joy of feasting, 
so that both feasting and dancing constitute connate religious 
ceremonies that are universal in savage society. The festival 
is a religious ceremony of savagery. Preparation for the 
highest enjoyment of the festival is often found in the practice 
of fasting, so fasting becomes antecedent to festival. The 
pleasures of love naturally arise through the social pleasures 
of the festival and are often added. Therefore superlative 
happiness consists in the revelry of the festival. 

Days come and wants are renewed. Plenty brings joy, but 
hunger brings pain. The memory of want is the mother of 
fear. The expei'ience of hunger is the primitive motive to 
industry, but industry has precarious rewards in savagery. 
The hunt may be in vain. The tree may not yield its fruits. 
The savage seems forever to be the victim of chance. The 
seasons come with heat and cold, with sunshine and with 
storm, and these vicissitudes press upon the savage a load of 
care and thought, for good and evil are dependent on the 
changes of nature. Over this nature he seeks to gain control. 
Primitive man knows of control only as control of motive. 
The ghosts of the world must be controlled in the interest of 
the people of the tribe. Ere he has learned to plant he attempts 
to allure, and before he attempts to control he attempts to 


propitiate. He would secure happiness from the ghosts of the 
world by tempting tliem with the superlative joys of which he 
is himself conscious. So he attemjjts to influence ghosts with 
festivals, and to hold audience with the ghosts by charming 
them with the highest pleasures of which he has knowledge. 
Not only is the festival an assemblage of people, but it is also 
an assemblage of disembodied ghosts who take pleasure with 

The steps of the dance are controlled with the rhythm of 
nuisic. Thus music and dancing become associated. Ghosts 
also love music. Music and dancing attract the ghosts to the 
festival and inspire in their" tenuous hearts the highest grati- 
tude. But how can ghosts best exhibit this gratitude to men? 
To accomplish this the forest dwellers devise methods of talk- 
ing to ghosts, expressing their wants, revealing their inten- 
tions, and alluring to beneticent deeds. So ways are devised 
for comnuuiication with ghosts by gesture speech and illustra- 
tion. Tu savagery a religious ceremony is a text of prayer 
with illustrations — prayer in gesture speech and illustration 
in altar symbols. 

In every savage tribe a place of worship is provided, which 
is also a place for the assemblage of the people in council, in 
social converse, and in amusement. Then an altar is pro- 
vided. An altnr is a space on the floor or a table on which 
the paraphernalia of worship are exhibited. They consist of 
various things designed to symbolize the objects of prayer. 
Perchance the people praj^ for food; then corn, acorns, por- 
tions of animal food or parts of animals that are held to rep- 
resent them are placed on the altar. With tribes that collect 
grasshoppers for food, grasshoppers are used and grasshopper 
cakes are displayed. With tribes that cultivate maize, ears of 
corn become the emblems of desire, and ears of many difter- 
ent colors are selected to typify abundance. Then jewels of 
c][uartz and garnet and turkis and other precious stones are 
displayed to signify that the prayer is for well-matured grain, 
hard like the altar jewels. In arid lands they pray for show- 
ers and paint symbols of clouds upon altar tablets and provide 
flagons or ewers of water which they sprinkle in mimic show- 

20 ETH— 03 IX 


ers with wands made of the feathers of birds. Birds are also 
associated in their ininds with the planting time and with the 
harvest time, and they make images of birds, carving them of 
wood and painting them with brilliant colors, or they make 
their bodies of fragments of cloth and decorate them with 
feathers. The birds are then j)laced npon perches and the 
perches are placed npon the altar. Many are the devices to 
represent animal food. 

The similitudes and associations which are suggested to the 
savage mind are utilized in this manner in many a quaint way. 
The "correspondences" which the sylvan mind discovers and 
inA'ents to utilize in prayer speech would delight the heart of 
the mystic. 

Having provided an altar with its holy objects, the devout 
shaman pours forth his praises to the ghostly divinities and 
invokes their aid in controlling the sunshine and the storm, 
chanting in established forms of speech and prescribed reit- 
erations. As the prayer proceeds, at definite moments the 
appropriate symbols are displayed and symbolic actions are 
performed, all desig'ued to illustrate the prayer. 

Such are the prayers of the sylvan man, designed to secure 
superlative happiness. The ceremonies are performed period- 
ically at appropriate seasons, and that they tnay not be neg- 
lected calendric systems are devised. These are jjainted ou 
tablets of wood, on the tanned skins of animals, or on the walls 
of the house of worship, the calendars designating in some 
symbolic manner the time of the year when certain ceremonies 
are to be performed, the appropriate ceremonies for the time, 
the deities to whom the ceremonies are performed, and the 
characteristics of the ceremonies themselves. 

As primitive music has a religious motive, so primordial 
carving and painting have a religious motive. In like manner 
the tirst dramatic performances are religious, all designed to 
propitiate ghost deities and to secure their favors. When this 
stage of esthetic art as religion is fully developed, men have 
passed from savagery to barbarism. To rhythm melody is 
added in music, to outline drawing relief is added in graphics, 
and to dancing acting is added in the drama. Then terpjicho- 


reaii relig-ioii is developed iuti) sacriticial religion, for in bar- 
barism the altar symbolism is further developed, so that food 
and drink are sacrificed to the gods, la this stage the ghost 
deities are believed to enjoy for themselves not only the danc- 
ing l)ut the feasting- which is offered them. 

All of the fine arts have their origin in religion, for in the 
worship of ghost deities tribal men seek to propitiate them and 
win their favors. In this effort they exhaust all their ingenu- 
ity in the production of nuisic, graphic, drama, romance, and 
poetry. Tribal music is thus the worship of the gods; tribal 
gTapliic, in the same manner, is illustration to the gods; tribal 
drama is gesture speech to the gods; tribal romance is story 
about the gods, and tribal poetry is song of the gods; finally, 
tribal religion is first dancing to the gods, to which is added 
the feasting of the gods, and at the close of this state of society 
religion is terpsichorean and sacrificial in its essential cliarac- 
teristics. The practice of religion is no inconsiderable portion 
of tribal life, and it occupies a large share of tribal thought 

Here we must pause to emphasize the thought that religion 
has for its purpose the regulation of conduct in such manner as 
to secure, tln-ough the agency of the gods, superlative or per- 
fect happiness. Thus is the conduct of men regulated by 
motives that although artificial are yet profoundly potential, 
for the conduct which is thus instigated is held to be the 
wisest and best for mankind. It is tlie ethics of tribal men. 
Ethics is, therefore, a theory of superlati^^e or perfect conduct. 
If we consider it as conduct, it is ethics; if we consider it as 
reward, it is religion. Ethics and religion are identical, the 
one is the recijjrocal of the other. 

Through the stage of monarchy the king usurps the function 
of high priest. His courtiers flatter him as the vice-regent of 
deity, and he strives to be considered in this light. Often self- 
deceived by adulation he has a profound faith in the sacred 
character of his person and authoi'ity, notwithstanding which 
religion undergoes further develojjment. The pageantry of 
kingly courts is the pageantry of religious cei'emony. The 
festivals wliicli are promoted liy rulers all have a religious 
character, and the priesthood constitute a bodv of men who 


are often learned, often devout, often zealous, and often })ro- 
foundly interested in the good of mankind. Ecclesiastics thus 
constitute a specialized body of men whose function it is to 
receive the new born and consecrate them to the higher life of 
religion. It is their dutv to train the voutli in the nurture and 
admonition of religion. It is their duty to admonish and 
]"eprove for evil conduct It is their duty to guide men in all 
the ways of life. When the most important event of social 
life occurs, they solemnize the marriage and they seek and 
often exercise the power of controlling marriage relations in the 
interest of religion: in sickness and in pain they showier com- 
fort and fortitude, and they bear in their hands as offerings for 
religious conduct the bounties of paradise. When the portal 
of death is open, kindred and friends are consoled, and the 
occasion serves to enforce the doctrines of religion. Thus 
religion, which is a theory of superlative conduct, employs 
sanctions of superlative potency. 

The association of the fine arts continues tln-ough the stage 
of monarch V. Largelv tlieir evolution is accomplished through 
the agency of the priesthood, and men of genius who are devout 
worshipers contribute their share to the advancement of esthet- 
ics, often impelled by religious ecstasy. In nuisic melody and 
harmony ai-e added by ecclesiastics as an adjunct to temple 
worship. In graphic, to sculpture and i-elief perspecti^■e is 
added, impelling the motive of decoration to the walls of the 
temple. In drama the mysteries of religion still constitute the 
theme, while to dancing and sacrifice ceremony is added The 
drama is no longer the leading element in religious worship, 
but it bi-conies an accessory element designed to instruct the 
people in the mvsteries of religion. In romance, to beast fables 
and power myths tales of necromancy are added. In poetry, 
to personification and similitude allegory is added, and the 
themes of poetry are mainlv the tliemes of religion. 

Religion itself imdergoes marked development. There still 
remains an element of terpsichorian worship and an element of 
sacrificial worship, but ceremonial worship is more liighly 
developed, while terpsichorian and sacrificial worship is per- 
formed Avith an allegorical meaning. 


Here we iimst note, as of profound signiticance, that tlie iine 
arts or arts of i)leasure are all pursued in the interest of reh- 
g-ion. Music, hlce all the other fine arts, may be made by indi- 
viduals for personal pleasure, but in tribal and monarchical 
society the motive which secures excellence is demotic. This 
demotic excellence inheres in religious ceremonies. In these 
stages of society the evolution of the fine arts is therefore 
wliollv dependent upon religion. It is thus tliat religion is 
practiced in intimate association with the pleasures of mankind, 
from which it receives tlie glamor of superlative joy. 

Ethics and religion are still identical, for religion as a thet>ry 
of conduct is still the highest ethics of mankind. 

We have yet to portray the evolution of ethics during the 
social state of repul)lickism. On tlie threshold of this phase of 
the subject we must consider the role which is played by great 
leaders in society. This we have already set forth in other 
departments of sociology, Init in the department of ethics, moral 
leaders are most conspicuous, and by their disciples they are 
often esteemed divine, and especially do they rank as prophets. 
About their birth and about their personal history wonderful 
stories are told, and to their personal agency miracles are at- 
tributed. Among the most conspicxious of these great moral 
leaders, Laotse of the Chinese, Buddha of the Hindus, and 
Jesus of the Christians are perhaps most revered by the multi- 
tudes of mankind. Mohanmied has a great body of disciples, 
though he departed from the course piu-sued by the otliers in 
attempting to propagate his doctrines by the agencA" of the 
sword. Tliese }iersonages were all moral leaders who revolted 
against the ceremonial religion of their times, and as a substi- 
tute propounded doctrines of a higher ethical nature. He who 
woidd iniderstand the principles of divine ethics must seek 
them in the teachings of Laotse, Buddha, and Jesus. ( )ur 
civilization is ftimiliar with the teachin"s of him who tauii'ht 
moral jjerfection in the Sermon on the Blount, which has l>een 
reiterated, amplified, and illustrated ^)^' the greatest thinkers, 
the wisest men, and the purest characters that have live<l in all 
the history of the Christian nations. 

The disciples of these pro])hets have in\'oked the aid of the 


fine arts, and thus the most exahed of the esthetic pleasures 
have become associated with their teaching. The sweetest 
music has still a religious theme. The most beautiful graphic 
has still a religious motive — that is, an ethical motive. The 
most thrilling play has still an ethical purpose. The most 
absorbing story has still a high moral. The most entrancing 
poem is still informed with the spirit of truth. Music has added 
symphony to its methods; painting has added chiaroscuro; 
drama has added histrionic representations; romance has added 
the delineation of consequences for moral conduct, and poetry 
has added trope. 

Relig'ion also has developed another stage which demands 
our consideration: 

Moral concepts propagated by teaching and assimilated by 
acception are affiliated to the notions alreadv entertained ; hence 
gi'eat prophetic teachers are not able to ditfuse their doctrines 
in their purity, they can only [:ropagate them in a modified 

Concepts are propagated by cross fertilization, from which 
new varieties spring. To propagate fruits with their essential 
characteristics we must resort to cuttings; but concepts can 
not be propagated as cuttings, but only by fertilization. Thus 
moral concepts in the process of diiFusion are modified. It is 
impossible in society to start a new stock t>f concepts. Moral 
opinions can not abrupt!}' be revolutionized ; they caji only 
be developed. The past can not be ignored by the present; 
the present is ever modifying the past. Healthy change must 
be evolution, not revolution, though there is an element of 
revolution in all evolution. Something must be overthrown 
that evolution may be accomplished. The individuals of a 
species must die that new species may be developed, but the 
new species must be the offspring of tlie old. 

The great moral teachers and prophets have never succeeded 
in establishing a principle of ethics in all its purity as conceived 
by themselves. The notions of ceremony developed during 
the stage of monarchy were modified by the teachings of the 
])rophets, so that a ceremonial religion was developed into a 
fiducial religion in which the ceremonies are considered as effi- 


cieut iigeiR-ies oi" teaching'; but the essential nature of ethical 
conduct is held to inhere in the opinions which men entertain. 
Ethics is a faith, and hence we call this stage of ethics fiducial. 
Men must entertain the opinions believed to be wise that they 
mav gain that superlative happiness which is the reward of 

But how shall men know the g-ood from the evil conduct? 
By what criterion shall men be guided in the affairs of life? 
Here a tln-eefold standard is erected. The tirst is the teaching: 
of the ancients, the second is the teaching- of the priesthood, the 
third is the voice of conscience. These three authorities are 
supposed to coincide in producing- valid concepts of g-ood and 

Conscience is the instinctive impulse to moral conduct. To 
understand this statement we must explain the origin of instincts. 
Instinct is to the emotions what intuition is to the intellections. 
Intuitions are habitual judgments of intellect, as instincts are 
habitual judgments of tmotion. As intuitions become heredi- 
tary, so instincts becomie hereditary. The substrate of instinct 
is the choice exhibited m affinity. In the human mind the 
affinity of the several particles is organized as an apparatus of 
choice witli a nervous system of ganglia, nervous fibers, and 
muscular a[)paratus which consists of a liierarchy of instruments 
of activity, otherwise called self-activity. 

The liabitual exercise of this apparatus in any particular 
method results in the production of habits which, on becom- 
ing- hereditary, are called instincts. An instinct is inherited 
not as a developed habit, but as n tendency and facility to do 
or act in a definite manner. In common life these instincts 
are observed on every hand. The instinct to partake of food 
is inherited as an aptness and developed as a practice; so the 
instinct to walk is inherited as aptness and developed b}- prac- 
tice. The instinctive fear of serpents is inherited as an apt- 
ness and developed by practice, so that children as well as 
adults easily acquire the fear of serpents and express this fear 
and repulsion by acts of fright and avoidance. The fear of 
fire is easily and speedily developed. 

There thus exists a tendency in the human mind to moral 


conduct and to inhibition of innnoml conduct. This tendency 
is called conscience. Every human being is tlms endowed 
with conscience as an instinct or liereditary aptness to act in a 
moral way. There are many f)ther habits that are instinctive, 
and other instincts may control the individual while the moral 
instinct is held in abeyance. The moral instinct, like all the 
other instincts, is inherited only as an aptness and must l)e 
developed by exercise. Conscience can be cultivated only 
by the moral sentiments which the individual entertains. The 
sentiments of g'ood and evil are governed by the knowledge of 
truth and error; that is, the emotions are fundamentally gov- 
erned bv the intellect, although the emotions may in like 
manner o-overn the intellect, for intellect and emotion nre 
cooperative in every act of lite. 

The knowledge of good and evil follows hard upon the 
knovvledg-e of truth and error. In the economy of nature tlie 
intellect is first the servant of the emotional life until by its 
high development it becomes the master. In the ethics or 
religion of man in the scientific stage of culture the knowledge 
of good and evil will depend upon the knowledge of truth and 
error. Then conscience will be an infallible guide; thus con- 
science becomes the ultimate criterion. Ethical conduct is 
conduct sanctioned by conscience. The ideal of religion has 
ever been the control of conduct by that agency, although 
other sanctions have been employed. Conscience is the child 
of religion and evolves as religion evolves, and religion evolves 
as the intellect evolves. 

Such are the characteristics of the religion or principles of 
ethics inherited by the moral teachers of modern times — teach- 
ers who flourish in the atmosphere of science. Among these 
there is a goodly number of moral i-eformers; in fact, as a class 
they are all moral reformers, some preaching against tins evil, 
some against that; some exalting this virtue, others exalting 

The moral teachers of the times are more and more eschew- 
ing the ancient doctrines of theoretical ethics and devoting 
their energy to practical ethics. Theories of faith are held in 
abeyance to theories of practice. It needs but a few genera- 


tioiis to come and go betore the new teaching- of theory will 
be founded wholly on principles derived from practice. This 
will be the establishment of scientitic ethics. 

The agencies of religion are multifarious; the teachers of 
religion are potent. The organization of institutions of religion 
are all progressive. They have not to be overthrown, but 
onh' to be perfected. 

We have identified ethics with religion. The teachers of 
religion mav have erred in theories of ethics, and they may 
have l)een instrumental in the enforcement of ethical doctrines 
bv unwise ag-encies. Some of these ag-eucies have been of a 
character utterly revolting to modern concepts of good and 
evil conduct. Usually the religion taught has been the reli- 
gion believed, though hvpocrites have often nestled in the fold. 
The claim for superior conduct and for the sanctity of its 
teachings has enticed bad men into the ecclesiastical ranks. 
Above all, and more than all, the establishment of an oflficial 
priesthood as one of the functions of government and one of 
the aristocratic estates has been the cause of abuses and 
horrors in the name of religion for which the student of 
ecclesiastical historv nuist forever l)lusli. 

As astrononn' was developed from astrology, as chemistry 
was developed from alchemy, as medicine was developed from 
necromancy, so ethics is the lineal descendant of animism. 
Purified from animism, religion will remain forever to liless 

Having set forth the nature of ethics, it now remains to 
classify its subject-matter in compliance with the pentalogic 

It is believed that the classification will t)ccurto every atten- 
tive reader and that its fundamental nature is evident. It is 
necessary, therefore, to state the classification without further 
elaboration. The subject is grouped into (1) the ethics of 
pleasure and pain; (2) the ethics of welfare and want; (3) the 
ethics of justice and injustice; (4) the ethics of truth and false- 
hood; (5) the ethics of wisdom and foil v. 

It is the j)rovince of ethics to teach perfect character Ijy pro- 
moting conduct g'overned by princi])les instinctively enter- 


tained as eoiiscieuce, so that all acts are spontaneously good. 
Such conduct is purely ethical. 

In the science of economics we find that is sub- 
served by promoting the interest of others. In the science of 
institutions it is discovered that justice for self can be obtained 
only by doing justice to others. Rights may be obtained 
bv performing duties. In the science of ethics we learn that 
all conduct, egoistic and altruistic alike, must become sponta- 
neous and habitual. Habitual conduct thus spontaneously con- 
trolled has its sanctions in conscience. Ethics, therefore, is 
the science of conduct controlled by conscience. 



The fonrtli gToiip of arts in the scheme hitherto presented in 
this journal consists of the languages which men devise to 
express their thoughts. Every art has its foundation in nature, 
for art arises through the attempt to improve on nature. 
Activity, as we have defined it, or self-activity as it is often 
called in psj^chology, is the primeval expression of animals by 
which their thoughts are interpreted by other animals. This 
primeval activital expression assumes a new phase under 
development, when it is known as the language of the emo- 
tions. In fact, primitive activital expression is the germ from 
which all other kinds of language are developed. 

All nature is expressive, but activital natm'e is especially 
expressive of mind. Thus activities constitute a natural lan- 
guage expressing the minds of activital bodies, but such expres- 
sion is not designed to be understood by others; it is therefore 
not conventional, and therefore not artificial. Natural expi-es- 
sion must be distinguished from artitieial expression or lan- 
guage, for natural expression is not designed to convey con- 
cepts, while exjjressions which are designed to convey concepts 
constitute language. Hence language may be defined as the 
artificial expression of concepts in judgments by words in 

Natural methods of activity are themselves indicative of 
thought which others may interpret, but when activities are 
conventionally produced for the purpose of expression and 
are interpreted as such by others, language is produced. The 
producer of the speech implies the interpreter of the speech, 
and the two by custom come into a tacit agreement or under- 
standing by which the language becomes artificial as conven- 
tional. So language may again be defined as an activital 
movement designed to convey thought to others. 


It inav V)e well to reexamine briefly the nature of activital 
movement, altliouiili the subject has more elaborate treatment 
in mv former work entitled Truth and Error. Movements in 
the animal body are performed by nniscles. The muscles are 
found in opposing pairs, or more or less in opposing groups, 
which have the function of contracting and relaxing, and one 
may contract while the other relaxes, and thus originate a 
movement in the animal body. The contraction and relaxa- 
tion are ])roduced through the agency of metabolism. When 
metabolism is constructive it is called anabolism, when it is 
destructive it is called catabolism. I suppose that catabolism 
produces contraction and that anabolism produces relaxation, 
but of this I am not sure Certain it is that when muscles are 
contracted and relaxed, metabolism in both its methods is 
involved, so that all muscular action is founded on metabolic 
action, and metabolic action involves affinity^ which is choice, 
as we have heretofore deductivel}" demonstrated. The move- 
ments in animals which depend on muscular action due to the 
function of opposing nuiscles, one of which relaxes and the 
other contracts, we call activity. Activity is under the control 
of the will, for the individual animal controls activity indi- 
rectly by controlling the metabolism of molecules. It is thus 
that activitv is innate in everv living animal body. 

Emotionai, Language 

The natural expression of strong emotion is cultivated by 
man in the earlier stages of society and likewise in childhood, 
so that an artificial language of the emotions is ]n-oduced. 
Thus we have in laughter the language of joy, and in weeping 
the language of grief, each highly expressive of emotion. 

To man who already uses language in its highly developed 
state, it may seem at first blush that laughter is a purely nat- 
ural ebullition of jov, Init on further examination he will see 
that it is no less artificial and conventional than the tenn joy 
itself; \et it is probablv universal with mankind and is an 
expression inherited from his anthi-oj)oid ancestor. Those 
species nearest allied to this anthropojiithecus indulge in 
laughter, and even squirrels chatter in a manner exceedingly 
susfsrestive of laughter. 


Of what emotion lauylitfr is the exjiression in its i)ui"ely 
natural state we are left to coujeeture. Let lis assume, as 
seems probable from the little evidence we have, that it was 
the expression of joy, for it has this meaning with the species 
allied to anthropopithecus. Then came a time when laug-hing 
was conventional, as being designed for such expression that 
others who heard might understand it in this maimer; then 
laughter became true language as we have defined it. Used 
at first with difficulty, it speedily became easy, and becoming 
easv it gradually became habitual, and finally instinctive by 
inheritance. The nature of this process can well be illustrated 
by citiiig- the case of screaminja:, of which we will treat a little 
later. Even laughter is consciously used with designed 
expression, as when we laugh at things which are not amusing 
to us out of courtesv to others, when its original nature 
becomes apparent. 

In treating of emotional expressions it will serve present pur- 
poses to speak only of one meaning for each expression; thus 
we speak of laughing as an expression or word of joy, but 
laughter, like all words in spoken or written language, has 
many meanings; in fact, emotional signs are especially char- 
acterized bv multifarious meanings; for this reason emotional 
language is highly ambiguous and a ready tool for deception. 

SmUhifj as an. expression of pleasure. In smiling we have an 
expression of an emotion, less intense than that of joy, which 
may best be called pleasure. In laughter the muscles about 
the mouth, especially the risorius, are contracted, as also are 
the orbicular muscles about the eyelids. The grouj) of muscles 
involved may be called the smiling muscles. The smile needs 
no further description. It expresses pleasure in a great variety 
of meanings, and it is clearly seen to be artificial, whether the 
approval be genuine or assumed. 

"1 set it down 
That one may smile, and smile, and be a villain." 

Weeping as an expression of grief. In weeping tears flow 
and various muscles about the eyelids, especiall}' the orbicu- 
lars, are involved, for through their agency tears are produced. 


The expression of sorrow is also found about the corners of 
the mouth, which droop. All tlie muscles that take part in the 
expression, and there are man^-, may be calleil the muscles of 
grief. Those naturalists who are also psychologists explain 
the origin of weeping in the irritation to which the eyes are 
subject from smoke, dust, or other foreign particles and from 
scratches and blows. Primitive man seized u})(>n this natural 
effect of discomfort to artificially produce weeping in order 
that he might exjn'ess grief to others. Thus weeping became 
a linguistic sign, and a linguistic sign is a word in the gener- 
alized meaning of the term. Weeping is expressive of many 
emotions; hence the word has many meanings. Like all other 
signs of emotion it may be used in the practice of deception. 

Sohhing as the expression of despair. Sobbing is caused by 
sudden or spasmodic inspiration and is accompanied by the 
facial signs of grief through the action of the muscles of grief. 
Habit has made it instinctive, but its true nature as an arti- 
ficial sign is plainly exhibited when sobbing is simulated. 

Screaming as a sign of. command. Screaming is common to 
many of the lower animals, both mammals and brutes; it 
seems to be universally used Ijy the young as a cry for help 
aud is thus subject to the will. In the human infant the 
instinct of screaming is exhibited before that of weeping. It 
is probable that all generations of human beings and genera- 
tions of remote prehuman ancestry practiced the art. In the 
human being it is a cry or command for relief, and is so inter- 
preted by every mother. Thus a cry has evolved into a word. 

Bodily nftifiide as a sign of anger. The emotion of anger, 
which is naturally expressed by .striking, lias many concomi- 
tants. In the infant it is accompanied by kicking and the 
genei-al activity of the body which may be called squirming. 
This general activity causes a determination of blood to tJie 
head, so that the angry person becomes red. Another accom- 
paniment of anger is the assumption of an attitude of belliger- 
ence, when the form is held erect, the hands are clenched as 
fists, and the arms held akimbo. With the adult, striking 
and kicking- are often inhibited, while there vet remain tlie 
attitude and the flushed face. This attitude is a true linguistic 


sign and hence a word. Sometimes tlie anger is expressed bj 
simulated kicks, but usually this expi-ession is one of contemj)t. 
Among some of tlie lower races the expression of striking is 
Avith the hands, for they are more accustomed to slapping than 
to fisticuffs. 

Showing the teeth as a sign of rage. Rage is a more intense 
anger, and to the sign of anger is added an additional element 
wliich is earlier than that sign. Brutes fight mainly with their 
teeth, and express their anger by showing- their teeth, espe- 
cially their canines; they also express anger by bodily atti- 
tude, and finally they express it as an artificial sign bv erecting 
the liairs of the body, especially around the head and neck, 
thus causing a show of great size and strengtli. There remains 
with the more evolved man the sign-word of exposed teetli, in 
which the canines especiallv are disjdaved, as a habit inherited 
from the ))rnte. It is thus that the more intense anger which 
we call rage is artificially expressed by man in an exhibition 
of the teeth, and perhaps in grinding- them together. 

Compressing the tips as a sign of determination. The i-om- 
pression of the lips as a word expressing determination or fixed 
])U)-[)ose is universal among mankind. In origin it jjrobably 
expressed the meaning, "there is no further word to be said." 
If so, its meaning has gradualh' changed. With this meaning 
it has become habitual and hereditary, so that the ex[)ression 
is made when the determination is made, without conscious 
intent to express this meaning to others; yet it is still used 
with this intent when we wish to simulate determination. 

Frowning as a ivord of disapproval. Disapproval is expressed 
bv frowning-, wliicli as a siyn has become an artificial word. 
No word of emotional language is more common or more 
readily understood, and yet it is not devoid of ambiguit}-. It 
is exTjressed bv the evebrows throus-h tlie C(U-ruo-ator nmscles. 
But as these muscles are used in many other signs there is an 
element of uncertainty in its interpretation. 

Man}- other activities are used foi- expression. AVe may 
mention a few more without discussing- their origin. Thev are, 
avertiii"- the head as a word of disdain; shruo-a'in"- the shoul- 
ders as a word of doubt, hesitancy, or helplessness; raising the 


eyebrows as a word of surprise; turning the eye without 
averting tlie head as a word of warning; beckoning to 
approach; beckoning to depart; beckoning to keep silence; 
beckoning not to move: nodding assent; shaking the head in 

The principle of antithesis has been potent as an agency in 
the development of emotional language, as from its nature it is 
the expression of judgments about qualities. Qualities are 
always antithetic. This is one of the characteristics by which 
they are distinguished from jiroperties and quantities. Dar- 
win, in his Emotions ui Man and Animals, abundantly dem- 
onstrates this principle. 

In a subsequent article we shall attempt to demonstrate that 
the emotions are fundamentall}' and properly classified as feel- 
ings, enjoyments, affections, understandings, and sentiments. 

Oral Language 

One method of expressing emotional language has been 
developed as oral speech. The characteristics of this method 
peculiarly fit it for development in the first stag-es of human 
culture. The organs of speech can be used when the organs 
of locomotion and manipulation are -otherwise employed. 
This cliaracteristic serves a double purpose: it is advantageous 
to the maker of speech, and it is also advantageous to the 
interjjreter. In visual language the interpreter must liave his 
attention preadjusted thereto, while in order that it may serve 
his purpose the maker must also see that attention is paid. 
The conditions for conveying speech are supei'ior in these 
respects to those for conveying visual language. Doubtless 
this advantage led to tlie development of sj)eech in advance 
of the development of gesture language. 

With the development of speech the organs with wdiich it is 
produced were evolved until an apparatus was constructed 
capable of making with precision the differentiated sounds of 
speech and music, and of combining them into syllabic suc- 
cessions and the syllables into polysyllabic words. Doubtless 


the experience of ^'el■y many generations was necessary to the 
production of the apparatus, and without doubt it can be 
affirmed that oral speech itself was developed in many of its 
essential characteristics during- the process. 

From study of the speech of birds we are led to conclude 
rliat tlic primiti\-e speech of man was probably exclamatory, 
and that the first Avords were designed as warnings, calls, invi- 
tations to mates, and other simple expressions. To these wei'e 
then added pronouns which served both demonstrati^^e and 
personal functions. The J, the you, and the he probabl}' sub- 
ser\ed the purpose of the here, the there of you, and the there 
of him, for which specialized cries were developed even as they 
are among the lower animals. Such cries may best be called 
exclamations; thus the exclamation is the first part of speech. 
It is a A'erb or word of the imperative mode in being an excla- 
mation, and it is a noun in being a pronoun. In this stage 
parts of speech are undifferentiated, for every word serA-es the 
purpose of all parts of speech. Refined distinctions of thought 
and refined distinctions of expression were not as yet. 

From obser\'ations of child-language and from observations 
of bird-speech it seems probable that inflections or glides of 
the voice from higher to lower keys constitute the primitive 
method of differentiating the meanings of such words. Then, 
perhaps, adjectives of good and bad were developed, not as 
adjectives, l:)ut as asserters of good and evil. They were thus 
verbs as adjectives and as asserters. Thus pronominal verbs 
and adjectival verbs may have been made ere the org-ans of 
speech were fully developed for the expression of well-differ- 
entiated sounds. Words of a simple character were made with 
undifterentiated meanings, of undifferentiated sfounds, by 
imdifferentiated organs. Thus far we may legitimatelv go, 
guided b)" the phenomena of bird-speech and child-language. 
To trace the evolution of oral language beyond this stage we 
must depend on vestigial phenomena. 

To set forth the characteristics of oral speech it will be found 
advantag'eous to explain the evolution of its characteristics as 
found in tlie higher languages. For this purpose it becomes 
necessary to explicate the elements of oral speech. These ele- 

20 ETH— 03 X 


nieuts are (1) sounds, wliich give rise to the science of phonics; 
(2) vocables or words, which give rise to the science of lexi- 
cology; (3) the use of words in sentences, which gives rise to 
the science of grammar; (4) the derivation of words one from 
another, which gives rise to the science of etymology; (5) the 
significance of words, which gives rise to the science of oral 


The advantage which sound possessed over other elements of 
emotional lang'uage caused it to lie nuich useil and tluis to lie 
highly developed. In the process of this evolution special 
organs of speech were produced. Vocal speech thus became 
universal with mankind. In the passage of air through the 
throat b}" inhalation or expulsion, sounds are emitted by means 
of the vibration of the vocal chords, which sounds are made in 
great variety by lengthening or shortening the chords and by 
passing the air with greater or less force. Another class of 
sounds are produced by the modification of breathing with the 
lips, teeth, tongue, palate, and nosti'ils. The consonants may 
be classified in this manner. 

With such a complex apparatus, subject to the will of the 
speaker, a great variety of consonantal and vowel sounds may 
be produced. In the practice of ages the undifterentiated 
sounds made by primeval man are gradually specialized. This 
specialization pertains more to the consonants than to the 
vowels. A peculiarity is found in these consonantal sounds, 
for in the diff"erent languages particular differentiations occur 
more or less characteristic of them severally, so that a lang'uag'e 
may often be distinguished by its consonants. One language 
may be remarkable for its development of labial sounds, 
another for its development of dental sounds, another for its 
development of lingual sounds, another for its development of 
nasal sounds, anothei' for its development of palatal sounds. 

Again, languages maj^ vary in being more or less vocalic — 
that is, the speakers niay resort more or less to the vocalic 
sounds as compared with the consonantal sounds. Again, there 
are certain sounds that are intermediate between vowels and 


cousoiuiiits, and these may prevail to a greater or less degree 
in different languages. It is thus that the vocal apparatus of 
sound used to express speech in voice is capable of producing 
a o-reat lunnber of different sounds when we consider all the 
languages of mankind. On the other hand, when we consider 
the sounds of any particular language we find that onjy a 
limited numl^er of well-differentiated sounds are used. Per- 
haps two or three score of such well-differentiated sounds 
will be discovered. If for any language we wish to represent 
every sound by a distinct character, the problem is more easily 
solved because the number of sounds to be represented is thus 
restricted. Should we wish to represent all the sounds of all 
the languages by distinct characters, so that one character will 
stand for its sjjecial sound and no other, the problem is not so 
easilv solved. The characters, then, are far more mnnerous. 
Yer\' uuich practice and great painstaking are recjuired to 
discover the sounds of an unknown tongue. The speech of 
one man differs from another in the emission of sounds, even 
though they may have a common language. There are thus 
innumerable slight differences in the sounds jjroduced in the 
same language by different persons, l)ut habit interprets them 
according to a common standard which is established bv vocal 
and written spelling. The habit thus formed of interpreting 
the sounds of the lansruag'e to a conventional norm renders it 
verv difficult to interpret the sounds of an unknown tongue. 
It is thus that students of the lower and unwritten languages 
use ver}^ different characters, because they interpret the sounds 
of such languages by assimilating them to the sounds with 
which they are more or less familiar; and there are instances 
in which tlie same person will interpret a sound as one thing and 
then another by its associations, and even in the same word the 
sound will have a double interpretation on different occasions 
or when used by different ])ersons. There are certain characters 
used to represent sounds in wliich this liability- to misinterpre- 
tation is conmion. Such are tlie sounds represented by / and 
n, the sounds represented by p and ?;, and even by j), h, and tv. 
In one language related sounds may not be differentiated, and 
the synthetic sound produced will then be interpreted in vary- 


ing ways. It is thus that the student of the phonics of many 
languages will always have a perplexing problem to solve. 

Primitive languages are widely separated from one another. 
As they are now found they are alread}- evolved into a high 
state of complexity and special sounds are developed in every 
one, for the centuries during which they have been spoken 
can not l)e enumerated. Some languages are more highly 
evolved than others, but there is no reason to believe that one 
tongue has its roots more deeph' embedded in antiquity than 
another. Surely no philologist would dare to affirm that the 
roots of one lang-uage are more ancient than those of another. 

The philologist may compare a language as it is spoken 
now with the same language as it was spoken in some ancient 
time, and he may also compare a less developed languag-e 
with the ancient stages of a more highlv developed language. 
In doing this he mav speak of a current language as if it were 
antique ; but we must understand l)}* this not that he affirms 
greater antiquitv for the lang'uage, but that he affirms for the 
methods of the lower language a state of evolution revealed in 
the ancient forms of a highly developed tongue. 


I use the term lexicology to denote the s.cience of vocables 
or words. The dictionary and tlie thesaurus illustrate two 
methods of assembling words for use. By one they are 
arranger! alphabetically; by the other they are arranged clas- 
sificalh' with an al})habetic ke^'. The science of words is ])ur- 
sued in both of these methods, and I call the stud}^ of words 
the science of lexicolog)'. It will be seen that this science 
is well differentiated from the other sciences of language, 
although it can not dispense with phonology, grammar, ety- 
mologv, and sematology, for the elements of language are 

For dictionaries the alphabetic arrangement of words is not 
only convenient but necessary to their utilization. A classiti- 
cation of words bv their meanings is a very difficult task which 
has never been accomplished in any perfect manner, and yet 
sucli a classification, to whicli an alphabetic key is appended, 


is very useful to the scholar who is careful in the selection of 
his terms. 

A vocable is a succession of sounds that are emitted in a 
prescribed order. This constant order liy much repetition 
establishes a habit of emission which integrates the word and 
distinguishes it from other words. Thus an habitual succes- 
sion of sounds constitutes a word. In sentences words are 
used also in succession, but the successions are variable and 
hence they do not integrate by habitual expression. In sen- 
tences the variabilitv in the order of expression is an agency 
by which the sounds are prevented from coalescing; in words 
the invariability produces coalescence, so tliat we may define 
a word as a succession of coalescing sounds. The degree of 
coalescence is variable, and the degree of the separation of 
words in the emission is variable. Thus words may be of 
more than one syllable and yet tlie syllables may be distinct 
in a minor degree, while the words of a sentence flow into 
each other so that one sentence mav be distingfuished from 
another, but the separation of words is more distinctly marked 
than the separation of syllables. 

In the production of words from sounds idiosyncrasies pre- 
vail which are peculiar to the different languages severally. 
In one lang'uag'e certain sounds will not coalesce with certain 
other sounds to the extent necessarv to the formation of a 
word, but one or the other of them will be modified. Facility 
in the combination of soinids into words is thus variable fi'om 
languag-e to language. 


Grammar is the science of ari-ang'ing' words in the sentence. 
Sometimes it is called s^'ntax. Grammar is held to include 
other of the elements of language, but we have already seen 
that the elements of lansruag-e are concomitant, and one can 
not be considered without implicating the other, and often 
overt affirmation is necessary. The word and the sentence 
may be identical units; that is, a word maA' be a whole sen- 
tence. In some languages most sentences are but single 
words. In the examination of the many languages spoken by 


mankind tliey are found to differ from one another in the 
degree in which they construct monovocable sentences. It 
may be affirmed that the greater the prevalence of mono- 
vocable sentences the lower is tlie languag-e in the scale of 

The characteristic which we have here described has been 
called by various terms, as synthesis, polysynthesis, or encap- 
sulation — using as a figure of speech the inclosing of boxes, 
one within another, in the order of their size. Perhaps it will 
be better to use the term coined for the purpose by Lieber. 
He calls such languages "holophrastic," and a word-sentence 
may be called a "holoi)hrasm." Bird sentences seem to be 
holophrasms, Avhile some bird songs may be sentences com- 
posed of more than one word. In child speech we discover 
that the first words spoken are sentences. We may thus con- 
clude that the primal speecli was holophrastic. 

We must now set forth the manner in which speech is de^•el- 
oped from tlie primitive holophrastic condition to that which 
has sometimes been called analytic, but which we will here call 
organic. The terms synthetic and analytic are misleading in 
that they implicate fallacies, hence we have selected the terms 
holophrastic and organic as they will better conve}" our 

The organs of a sentence are the parts of speecli of which 
it is composed. We must therefore deal with the parts of 

In words the office of assertion is fundamental. This office 
is often called predication. Attempts have been jnade from 
time to time to group the things which can be asserted or 
predicated, and they have been called predicaments. In that 
stage which we have reason to believe to be universal in the 
lowest culture all the offices of words are ^lerformed Ijy one 
holophrasm. I say to an offender, "Go!" I mean by the 
expression. You, tlie offender, and I further mean to assert a 
conmiand that he leave my presence. All of these things are 
implied in the word go. The word come may thus be used. 
So we may use a great variety of imperative verbs. In like 
manner all adjectives may be used. In savage languages 


adjectives may be conjugated as verbs in the different voices, 
modes, tenses, nund^ers, and persons. We have in English 
many so-called verbs which are in fact adjectives used as verbs 
in this manner. Participles and adjectives are one in office; 
onlv difference in office constitutes different parts of speech. 
In all verbs the office of assertion still remains in the words. 
Words which still retain this office are called verbs, whether 
they express action or not ; that which is essential to the part of 
speech which Ave call a verb is the office which it performs as 
an asserter. When the verb to he is used as an asserter it is a 
more fully differentiated verb. All other verbs are less differ- 
entiated, for they perform other offices in a greater degree. 
In the expression "I hear," hear is both an asserter and an 
adjective. The two offices may be differentiated by using two 
words, "I am hearing," am being the asserter and licarhu/ the 
adjective. Even yet am is not a fully differentiated asserter, 
for am also conveys the idea of first person, singular number, 
and })resent tense. 

The degree to which the offices of words are specialized is 
variable in different languages, and it is also variable in differ- 
ent ways of expression found in the same language. The verb 
often contains in itself the elements of the holophrasm, which 
may or may not be repeated in the sentence, when the verb is 
said to agree in such characteristic with its subject or even with 
its object, using these terms in their grammatical sense. This 
is a characteristic of the classical lang'uao'es. Such tong-ues 
give duplicate expression to ideas, and hence require duplicate 
efforts of thought and expression. 

The evolution of modern lano-uag-es out of lano-uao-es in 
which holophrastic methods prevail has as its essential motive 
economy of thought and speech. This is obtained by the 
atrophy of methods of agreement. When number is expressed 
in the noun, in the adjective, and also in the verb or asserter, 
the number must be considered three times and expressed three 
times. The greatest economy is yet not all told. When such 
methods of expression are replaced by organic methods, and 
only one word is used to express the number, it is found that 
in the vast majority of cases the purpose of the speaker is 


better accomplished by omitting to express the number. It is 
thus that in a perfectly developed organic language it is pos- 
sible for the speaker to give his attention exclusively to the 
expression of the thought desired, and he need not detain 
the locution to consider and express multifarious inconsequent 
details. Why should a person in speaking of a ship be com- 
pelled to think of its number, its gender, and its case every 
time he uses the word, or the verb with it, or the adjective 
with it, when such particulars are of no consequence in the 
nari'ative ? 

The varying of forms of words to express particulars about 
the thing- of which the word is a name is called inflection. 
The classieal languages are thus highly inflected. The mod- . 
ern languages which have developed from the classical stage 
are more thoroughly organic. Yet men with linguistic super- 
stitions mourn the degeneracy of English, German, and French 
without being aware of the great improvement which has been 
made in them as instruments for the expression of thought. 

All words are names, and names are used in sentences for 
the purpose of making assertions. A sentence consists of a 
subject, an asserter, and an object. The subject is that of 
which something is asserted. The object is that which is 
asserted of the subject, and the asserter is that which predi- 
cates the object of the subject. In the science of language 
subject and object are terms used in a different sense from 
that in which they are used in psychology. Sometimes the 
sentence is said to be composed of subject and predicate, in 
which case the asserter and the object are considered as one; 
but this habit involves an error in the discrimination of the 
offices of words. It is fundamental to the sentence that the 
three offices should be performed. 

The offices of words in sentences, as distinguished from their 
meanings, are as subject, asserter, and object; but as we call 
the asserter a verb we may say that the primary parts of 
speech are subject, verb, and object. Then there are subor- 
dinate parts of speech. The subject may be qualified, limited, 
or defined; we shall call the words which perform this office 
adjectives. The verb may also be qualified, limited, or de- 


tiued: that is, tlie assertion mav be affirmative, negative, or 
conditional; we sliall call the words which perform this office 
modals. Again the object may be qualified, limited, or de- 
fined; we shall call the words which perform this office 
adverbs. Thus the six parts of speech are the subject, verb, 
object, adjective, modal, and adverb. 

The grammars of the higher languages have hitherto been 
constructed on the theory that the classical languages were the 
proper standard of comparison, but in English certainly there 
is a tendency to construct grammar on the theory that the 
standard of comparison must recognize the subject, the asserter, 
and the object, which are then treated as defined or modified 
by subordinate elements. Already this change has made 
much progress, for practical teachers find that the elements of 
grammar when considered in this manner ai-e far more simple 
and lend themselves better to intelligent instruction. 


Etymology is the science of the derivation of vocables or 
spoken words. Human cries are probablv the elements from 
which words are derived, and words have been evolved there- 
from by the gradual differentiation of specialized sounds as 
the apparatus of speech has lieen developed. 

That words may serve the purpose for which they are 
designed in expressing concepts thev must be enunciated by 
the speaker and heard liy the person addressed. In making 
and receiving- tlie sounds of speech the persons who are in 
daily association cooperate, so that the development of speech 
is a demotic process, for words must not only be spoken but 
heard, and they must be informed with thought if they 
convey thought. In tribal life, which is the earliest society, 
the tribe constitutes the body of persons bv whom a language 
is developed. 

We shall hereafter see tliat in this state an intertribal lan- 
guage is evolved which involves other methods of speech not 
produced by the vocal organs. This intertribal languag-e is 
gesture speech. Gesture speech thus seems to be the normal 
language for intertribal connnunication so long as tribes 
remain distinct. 


In the evolution of social groups one tribe coalesces with 
another. Some tribes develop their numbers to such an extent 
that they fall apart and no longer actively cooperate in 
the development of oral speech. The coalescing of distinct 
tribes or of fragments of distinct tribes is one of the great 
agencies in the evolution of language. Distinct tongues render 
mutual aid in the process. The language originating in this 
manner is compounded, and a wealth of synonyms is produced 
Avhich readily take on specialized meanings highly advanta- 
geous, partii'ularh' to people who extend over a wide area of 
country in search of food or impelled by a desire for barter, 
and especially is it advantageous for tribes or portions of tribes 
that migrate to new habitats. In early society migration is a 
potent agency in the evolution of language. New scenes origi- 
nate new thought, and new thoug'ht promotes new expression, 
and the new expressions are most readily learned from new 
tongues. It is thus that the vocables of a language are 
multiplied as synonyms by the coalescing of distinct languages, 
which words ultimately have specialized meanings. 

This process has been continuous among mankind. Small 
tribes have become great tribes, and tribes have become 
nations, and nations have been absorbed by nations until the 
multitudinous tongues spoken in savagery have been greatly 
reduced in number and the tongues spoken by the developed 
nations of civilization have become few in number. This is 
the grand factor in the evolution of language, thoroughly 
attested by the history of civilization, for the tribes of savage 
and barbaric people are found with a mucli greater diversity 
of tongues than the peoples of civilization. 

New thoughts come with advancing culture. The words 
by which the new concepts are expressed may be new words 
from new languages, but often, and perhaps usually, the new 
thoughts are expressed by the old words. It is a slow process 
by which the new thoughts are expressed by diflPerentiated 
words derived from distinct tongues. When new meanings 
are desii'ed, some modification of the old words is made. In 
this manner one word is derived from another. Languages 
integrate by coalescing and differentiate words as parts of 
speech by derivation. 


With advancing thought new concepts arise. For these new 
concepts new words mav be coined, or the synonyms of coales- 
cing kTnguages may be used; but the usual method is to use 
an old word with a new meaning; this leads to duplicate mean- 
ings of words. In every language words have inanv meanings. 
If the words of the English language were multiplied so that 
one word should have but one meaning, and if synonymous 
words were I'educed so that one meaning should be expressed 
onh" bv one word, still the number of words in tlie lauofuag-e 
would be multiplied several fold. Duplicate meanings give 
rise to amljiguities, for the speaker may Tise a word with one 
meaning and the hearer may interpret it with another. , There 
is a mechanical habit of using words by which maiiv fallacies 
are produced in logic. That pseudo-science which is known 
as formal logic is provocative of these fallacies, for formal logic 
is a system of reasoning with words rather than with things. 
When we rememlier the number of distinct meanings with 
which words are conventionally endowed, it is not surprising 
that such fallacies should spring up ; l)ut it is surprising that 
tliev should be used fi'om generation to generation and from 
centurv to centurv, so that fallacies of antiquity should still 

The rules for deriving one word from anotlier differ in the 
different languages, but the method of deriving one word 
from another is universal. There is a mnemonic advantage in 
knowing the derivation of a word. Wishing to express ideas, 
the words are more easil)^ recalled for deft expression through 
the laws t>f association, and words which are unfamiliar may 
be recognized b\' recognizing the elements of which they are 

In the earh* hi.story of the European nations the literature 
of Hellas and- of Rome played an important part in human 
culture, for tlie Latin and Greek languages were the reposito- 
ries of the thought to which scholarly men most resorted, and 
learning itself was dependent on these languages; so that 
learning was often considered as the acquisition of the lan- 
guage rather than as the knowledge of the thought contained 
in the literature of the lang-uaffe. 


In the derivation of new terms with the progress of culture, 
resort was had to these classical lano-uagfes for the new terms 
which were needed, and scholars developed a system of rules 
which were expressed or implied as regulations for the deriva- 
tion of new words. One of these rules was a prohibition upon 
the compounding of words from the elements of two languages; 
thus Greek and Latin eleinents should not be compounded 
in one word. As many of our words are not immediately 
derived from Greek or from Latin, the same rule was sought 
to be enforced with them all, and the words not compounded 
with the authority of these conventions were considered to be 
barbarous or unscholarlv. Most new words are not produced 
by scholars, l)ut by the common people in everyday speech, 
and thus a commonplace dialect is produced which scholars 
are ultimately forced to adopt in order that they may be 
popularlv understood. Yet there is a sentiment, whether 
well-founded or not, against the coining of new terms from 
other tongues than the Latin and the Greek, and against 
the mixture of different linguistic roots. Sometimes these 
conditions are carried so far that the new term must be made 
according to the methods i)racticed in the Greek or the Latin 
at some particular time in the history of those languages. 

Comparing those languages which exhibit the most highly 
differentiated parts of speech with the languages of savagery, 
we are able to discover the course of evolution in the past, 
and we mav with some confidence predict their further evolu- 
tion and even surmise the outcome — that is, the nature of the 
ideal language to which all languages are tending. The vast 
integration of tongues which has already been accomplished 
tells of a time when there will be but one human lang'uag'e as 
oral speech, and the state which will be reached in the special- 
ization of parts of speech may be stated as a surmise in the 
following way: 

There will be primary and secondary parts of speech. The 
primary parts of speech will be the subject, the verb, and the 
object, which will be distinguished as words. The secondary 
elements will be definers. The definers of the subject will be 
adjectives, which will be words, ])hrases, or subordinate sen- 


tences. There will be niodals to define the asserters for the 
purpose of distinguishing- affirmation and negation and mH 
conditional modes of assertion; these raodals will be words, 
phrases or sentences. There will be adverbs to define the 
objects; these also will be words, pln-ases, and sentences. We 
may conjecture that to such a stage the parts of speech will be 
difterentiated, guided by the motive for economy in thought 
and expression. 


Sematology is the science of tlie signification of oral words 
and sentences. In considering this subject it becomes neces- 
sary not only to consider the significance of words, but also 
the development of the significance. "Words are signs of 
ideas," or, as we say, words are signs of concepts. It is funda- 
mental that we recognize bodies as such by their properties, 
and cognize properties as good or evil for our 23urposes as 
qunlities. The nascent mind speedily learns by exj^erienee 
that different properties inhere in the same body. The mind 
thus posits or implicates the existence of one property when it 
cognizes another. The bodies of the world are cognized by tlie 
use of the five senses, every one of which primarily deals with 
a special property. The senses in highly developed man, 
though fundamentally devoted to a distinct property, have 
become highly vicarious, so that one sense seems to cognize 
all of the properties. The origin of this vicarious action of the 
senses is founded on the concomitancy of properties, for in 
cognizing a property we recognize other properties. In the 
developed mind every act of cognition is also an act of recog- 
nition ; it is an act of cognizing one property and of recognizing 
others. This maybe stated in another way : When we cognize a 
property we implicate the existence of other properties. All this 
has been set forth in another ^•olume, but it requires restating- 
here that we may properly understand how the meanings of 
words are produced. 

The first words were calls, then came demonsti'atives, then 
adjectives of quality followed. Things were called by such 
names as "the sweet," "the bitter," "the high," "the low," "the 
fierce," "the gentle" — so the qualities were pai-celed out to 


things as their names. Researches in the etjnnologv of the 
lower languages to discover the roots of words seem to lead to 
this conclusion. Not only were bodies named by their quali- 
ties, but properties also were named by their qualities. As 
gradually the qualities of things were discovered, quality 
names were ditferentiated ; then property names were ditferen- 
tiated, and then the names of bodies themselves were differ- 
entiated. In savagery every property is known as a quality 
and is called by a quality name. Even the sunset is read as 
a beautiful color, a hue of rejoicing, instead of as the result 
of the rates of vibration reveale<l to the scientific student of 
light. Properties are known as qualities in savager^-. Various 
jjroperties are found in the same body, and the names by which 
they are called may stand for the body itself. Thus every 
body may have a variety of names depending on its properties 
conceived as qualities. The discovery of this characteristic is 
the first contribution made to the science of lano-uao-e throug-h 
the study of ethnic or tribal languages. Max Miiller, with 
characteristic deftness and scholarship, was, so far as 1 know, 
the first to clearly propound this doctrine. He seems to have 
derived it from a study of the appellations of the deities. 
Surely it was Max Miiller who caused it to be accepted as a 
law of philological science. The same deity can be invoked 
by many names, and can be praised in varied speech; and 
when another god is addressed, many of the same terms can 
be employed. The substrate of this custom is found in the 
concomitancy of qualities and properties. Every god in sav- 
agery is the wisest and the best betimes, and every god has 
superlative attributes. The evolution of the meanings of 
words must first be considered as a development in knowledge 
by the discovery of new qualities, and new properties must be 
considered as qualities, because of their concomitancy. 

In primitive society the discovery of new bodies is ever in 
progress by a law of mind. As they are discovered they are 
affiliated to those already known and described in terms of 
the known. When experience finds it desirable to discrimi- 
nate, the terms of expression are gradually differentiated, and 
thus new methods of speech arise. In savage society the tend- 


encY is to produce a lioloplirasiu bv niodifyiug the old. As a 
linguistic phenouieuon, classification is thus an agency tor the 
development of speech. By classitication the same body may 
have different names. Thus, while the same body may have 
different names by reason of its different properties, it may 
also have different names by reason of the different classes to 
which it belongs in the hierarchv of classes. In this manner 
names are greatly multiplied. Again, by evolving culture, 
things previously unused come to be utilized and are given 
names which also signify their uses, so that names are multiplied 
by utilization. Meanings undergo corresponding evolution; the 
impulse for different meanings becomes the impulse for differ- 
ent names. This is general; the purpose gives rise to the 

The confusion which arises from the failure to distinguish 
consciousness from cognition, or the workings of the mind due 
to the organizatiin of the nervous system from the substrate of 
mind as exhibited in all bodies even without organization, led 
to the theory of ghosts. This theory, which has also been 
called animism, induced savage men to personify all bodies. 
The personification in savagery was developed into similitude 
which is fully evolved in barbarisuL In this stage of society 
a nmltitude of similitudes are found which in a later stag-e ffive 
rise to allegory, a variety of which is parable, and finally 
allegory is developed into trope. The meanings of words 
are multiplied by this agency, for the same word may have 
different tropic meanings, or, as it is often expressed, ^vords 
n:iay liave figurate meanings. The giving of words figurate 
meanings is founded on the concomitancy of properties, and 
is developed in a multitude of ways all through the course 
of culture until it appears in the highly developed language 
as trope. 

Here we may pause to note the fallacies of reasoning which 
are developed by the figurate meaning of words — fallacies so 
subtle that, although discovered by the ancient philosojjhers, 
who failed not to give their warning, they have yet been the 
bane of logic exemplified in all metaphysical literature. Form 
is the Anglo-Saxon term by which internal structure is desig- 


nated, but as the internal structure gives rise to tlie external 
shape, both structure and shape are exj^ressed by the term form. 
A spoken word is a succession of sounds. By a figure of sj)eech 
we sjjeak of the spoken word as a form, meaning thereby a 
succession which is an element of time, not of space. This 
usage is convenient, but it must be carefully distinguished 
when we reason, for the confusion which arises when a time 
succession is confounded with a spacial series is such a fallacy 
in science as to be disastrous. In psychology contiguity in 
time and contiguity in space are often confounded, especially 
in the discussion of the laws of memory. 

The term form is sometimes used with a figurative meaning 
in other ways, as when we say "the form of an argument," 
meaning thereby the constitution of an argument, or the order 
in which the averments occur. In this sense every argument 
has a form; but it is not the form of space — it is the form of 
succession or time. When the argument is committed to writ- 
ing, the letters may have forms as the sounds liave succession; 
but the letters not only hnve forms, they also have succes- 
sions. In the same maimer written sentences have forms as 
well as successions. In this fact there is another source of 
obscuration in the use of the term form. Kightly understood 
it is proper, but if neglected it is a source of fallacy. In phi- 
losophy it is better to use the ti'vni form onlv to express struc- 
ture and shape as they are found in space. 

The story of the confusion of meanings in the use of the 
term forDi is yet but imperfectly told, for there are manj' 
derivatives of the word, as formation and formative. We may 
use the verl) to form in 'a\\\ of the senses of "to make," "to 
produce," or "to generate." Sometimes we ma}' be consider- 
ing onlv the spacial form, but wlien we are considering some 
other topic the word is used in a sense which mav give rise to 
confusion. I may comliine oxvgen and hydrogen and jiro- 
duce water, and 1 may sa^' that oxvgen and liydrogen form 
water, wdien I mean that they produce water, or that the com- 
bination of the two substances results in water. The use of 
the term in this manner is convenient and rarelv leads to mis- 
apprehension; but when iu science we use the Xeviw form out of 


its spacial significance, pliilosopliy is apt to degenerate into 

We might go on to set forth tlie use of form and its deriva- 
tives in otlier senses than that of spacial form, and still the 
subject would not be exhausted — not even in a great tome. 
AVords in Enolish derived from lang-uages other than the Ano-lo- 
Saxon are subject to the same confusion of meaning. Mor- 
phology is the science of form, and yet the term is used as the 
name of a journal which deals mainly with the genesis and 
evolution of plants and animals, and which treats of the 
forms of plants and animals in but comparatively insignificant 
degree, for it is devoted mainly to the genesis of function. 
Metamorphosis is used not only to signif}' change of form, but 
also the change of all other properties. 

This habit of using words with figurative meanings leads to 
bad reasoning. Spencer, in the first volume of The Principles 
of Ethics, presents a masterly chapter on the relativity of pains 
and pleasures. Here, in the use of the term absolute, he dis- 
tinguishes it from the relative b}" properly implying that what 
is relative must also be absolute. The same act is absolute as 
an act, though relative in its consequences. 

Subsequently in his work Spencer sometimes uses absohde 
in another sense. Thus he speaks of "absolute ethics," mean- 
ing thereby conduct perfectly' or superlatively ethical, and he 
uses the term "relatively ethical'' to mean imperfectly ethical. 
No harm would be done by the use of the words in this manner 
did he not use a doctrine which he had previously developed 
about the absolute and the relative in ethics, as if he had 
demonstrated the same doctrine about the perfect and. the 
imperfect in ethics; hence his consideration of perfect and 
imperfect ethics is vitiated. 

Please permit the expression of an opinion about the origin 
of a fundamental fallacy in Spencer's Principles of Ethics: He 
fails to discover the true nature of ethics and its origin in 
religion, primarily by the failure to discriminate between 
perfect and imperfect on the one hand, and absolute and rela- 
tive on the other; hence he confounds ethics with justice. 
The principles of justice are evolved under the sanctions of 

20 ETH— 03 XI 


legal puuislinient, while the principles of ethics are evolved 
under the sanctions of conscience. Of course a discrimination 
of words must follow upon the discrimination of meanings, but 
the liabit of using words with different meanings is apt to 
prevent the proper evolution of concepts. 

Knowledge increases by the discovery of new bodies, new 
properties, and qualities. As new concepts are added in this 
manner, new methods of expression must be coined. Tlie first 
method is by asserting the existence of the new thing; after 
a time the new thing is given a name. It is the habit of 
modern science to give this new name at the time of the dis- 
covery, but in work-a-day life tliis is not common, and a name 
must be developed by experience. 

We have next to describe a method of developing the mean- 
ings of words which has not only been universal but has also 
been very efficient. This method has been called a "disease 
of language." When a fog settles over the coast, it may some- 
times be seen as a cloud of moving vapor; at other times it may 
be seen to descend as fine drops of rain, when it is described as 
a "long-stemmed" mist by seafaring folk. In the same man- 
ner I have heard the shower which is composed of very large 
di'ops of rain to be described as a "long-stemmed" storm. Let 
this method of expression become habitual to a people and 
the term long-stemmed will become an adjective descriptive of 
storms. Then the different words will coalesce and drop some 
of their sounds, and there will be an adjective descrijitive of 
storms as "long-stemmed." Again, a storm of rain may be 
called a "long-stem," and the connotive meaning may be lost 
and the denotive meaning remain in common comi)rehension. 
I have known sailors to speak of a storm as a "long-stem." 
It is reasonable to suppose that the term long-stem might be 
used in this manner: As we may say of a man who is char- 
acterized by his fits of anger that he is a "storm," so we might 
sav of such a man that he is a "long-stem," until an angry man 
might habitually be called a "long-stem." The "disease of 
language," as it has been called, is thus the specialization of 
sentences into words, and the use of connotive terms as denotive 

Literary' men are forever giving new meanings to old words. 


Lang, in the first volume of Myth, Ritual, and Religion, says, 
"It is 'a far cry' from Australia to the west coast of Atrica." 
We have only to suppose that the term crij becomes a measure 
of distance as tlie term foot was developed, and that the term 
be used onlj- in this sense, while other synonyms are used in 
what is now the ordinary sense, and Ave have a fine illustra- 
tion (if this phenomenoiL 

What has been called a "disease of language" is the substi- 
tution of a word to express a new meaning and tlie atrophy 
of the old meaning. 


In the study of the languages of the earth we find in a 
general way that the more primitive the culture of the people 
the fewer are the people who speak a common tongue and the 
greater are the number of distinct tongues. By a world-wide 
review of this subject we reach the conclusion that every tribe 
in the beginnings of human speech spoke a distinct language. 

We can not pause to completely assemble the data on which 
this conclusion is founded, but it seems that a language as an 
art of expression was originally developed by every distinct 
body politic. Tiie persons who habitually associated as a 
body of kindred developed a language for themselves. Thus 
in tliought we have to view an ancient condition of languages 
when every tribe had a tongue of its own and hence that the 
number of languages was approximately equal to the number 
of tribes. Languages thus commenced as a babel of tongues. 

If we investigate the modern development of any one of the 
languages of higher civilization we find its elements to be 
compounded of many diverse tongues. What we know by 
historical evidence we are compelled to infer as true of all 
existing languages, and in fact no language — not even that of 
the most savage tribe — can be intelligently studied without 
discovering evidence of its compound character. 

We must now call attention to the process of evolution of 
languages in which they are integrated — that is, they are for- 
ever becoming fewer in number. They do not multiply by 
evolution; they integrate. With this process of evolution, 
languages forever difl:erentiate more thoroughl}' specialized 


tong'ues; they also differentiate more thoroughly specialized 
parts of .speech, and they also integrate and differentiate mean- 
ings. The process of evolution in language, therefore, is the 
integration of distinct languages and the differentiation of more 
specialized elements. 

Many of the nations of Europe and America speak lan- 
guages which are held to be cognate, and thus most of the 
more highly developed languages of the earth are said to 
belong to one family. These tongues are called Aryan. Lin- 
guists have devoted great labor and profound scholarship to 
the task of discovering a primitive Aryan speech on the theory 
that this supposed ancient common speech has been differen- 
tiated into the tongues of the Aryan nation, the theory being 
that of a single people inhabiting some limited locality in 
Euro})e or Asia. Opinions that were held of the degeneration 
of mankind gave rise to the theory, and scholars liegan the 
research by assuming degeneracy of speech, and by as.suming 
the multiplication of tongues with tlie lapse of time. Research 
which has been pursued Avith so much labor and learning has 
failed to discover either the land or tlie people, but has for- 
ever resulted in the discovery of more and more diverse ele- 
ments in the speech of the Aryan nation until few scientific 
linguists remain to sj^eak of the separation of the Aryan 

The course of history has been continuous in the integration 
of languages, and no language can be found at the present time 
tliat is not a compound. Through this compounding of lan- 
guages many tongues of to-day have common elements, and 
the hio^her the lang-uao'e the more diverse are the elements that 
have been incorporated. Yet men will still seek to solve the 
Aryan problem! 

Gesture Language 

Gesture language, like oral language, has it foundation in 
natural expression and emotional language. In the earlier his- 
tory of speech it was ancillary thereto, and yet as language it 
remained more rudimentary and hence it retained more of the 
characteristics of natural expres.sion. As tribes develojied 
speech independently, every one for itself, gesture language, 


which still retaiued many of the characteristics of natural 
language, became a means of communication between tribes 
having- diverse tongues. The gestm-es themselves, though 
remaining largely natural, gradually became somewhat 
developed conventionally. IS'otwithstanding these artificial 
elements, gesture language in all history has been character- 
ized by great crudity, and it largely resembles emotional lan- 
guage because both of them are akin to natural language. The 
gesture language which is found in tribal society was replaced 
by written language, as we shall hereafter show; but new 
gesture languages have from time to time been devised for use 
by those unfortunate people who have been born deaf or who 
have by disease been rendered deaf. Therefore the nature of 
gesture speech is learned from the stud}^ of two distinct exam- 
ples — the languages of intertribal society on one hand, and the 
modern languages of deaf-mutes. 

While intertribal languages are founded on natural expres- 
sion, and wliile some of the deaf-mute languages also are 
founded on natural expression, othei's of the latter have a more 
highly artificial or conventional structure. When the sounds 
of spoken words are represented by manual signs, or the let- 
ters of the alphabet are represented by fiuger-wrought signs, 

then gesture language itself consists of signs for signs, the 
vocal signs themselves standing for concepts. This form of 
gesture speech is therefore very hig-hly conventional. 

It is not consonant with our present purpose to further 
enlarge on this topic; it is necessarj' only for us to mention 
gesture language as one of the pentalogic series that the com- 
plete series may be exhibited. 

Written Language 

Modern written languages differ from speech in that sounds 
are represented by letters. Letters, therefore, are signs for 
signs. When we study the history of the origin and growth 
ot written language we find that it does not always use the 
method of representing sounds by written characters. In the 
Chinese, for example, the written characters have no reference 
to sounds as sounds are analyzed in phonics. Thus the Chi- 
nese have no alphabet. WJien we come to investigate the 


origin of ali)liabets we are led into a vast field of research in 
whicli we find that alphabets have a long histor)- as jjicture 
writings anterior to their development into alphabets. In 
tribal society all written language is picture writing, used 
mainly for religious purposes. The }n-istine picture writing 
was a means of communication with the gods and a method of 
record necessary for the proper observance of religious cere- 
monies, and especially of the time when such ceremonies 
should be performed. Thus the chief picture writings of tribal 
society are calendric. 

In the lower stages of society, when spiritual })roperties are 
held to live a distinct existence from the other properties of 
bodies, so that animism universally prevails, then ghosts are 
invoked for the purpose of gaining their assistance in the affairs 
of human life. The oldest differentiated calling in society is 
that of the shaman — a man who is supposed to have skill in 
communicating with ghosts. He who makes a profession of 
ability to communicate with ghosts is called in various lan- 
guages by various terms that we now translate as shaman — a 
term derived from the early study of the Africans along the 
Guinea coast. Tlie shaman is thus a man who claims to hold 
linguistic intercourse with ghosts. The shanianistic profession 
is practiced in every tribe, and it is through invention by sha- 
mans that picture writing was devised, and it is further through 
their invention that picture writing was developed into alpha- 
betic writing. 

It will be equally interesting and instructive to contemplate 
the origin of picture writing. It is common in savage society 
to hold periodical festivals with fasting, feasting, music, danc- 
ing, dramatic performances, and athletic sports on the occasion 
of making invocation for abundant harvests. There are many 
other occasions for like festivities with all their accompani- 
ments. One example will suffice to set forth the nature of 
the picture writing displayed on these occasions, and we 
will select for this purpose a calendric festival of rejoicing- 
after the harvest-home which is also a prayer for future good 

The festival to whicli I am now to refer was continued 
through several days, kt one time the shaman and the mem- 


bers of the shamanistic society over which lie presided were 
gathered iu a kiva or underground assemby hall where mid- 
night jirayers were made for abundant cro})s. On this occasion 
the customary altar was arranged with the paraphernalia of 
worship. Among other things were wooden tablets on which 
were painted the conventional picture writings for clouds and 
lightning, below which were the conventional signs for rain- 
drops, and below the raindrops the conventional signs for 
gTOwing- corn. 

In order more fulh* to understand these picture writings we 
will mention some of the other objects placed on the altar. 
There were wooden birds painted and placed on perclies; 
there was a ewer of water about which ears of corn were 
placed; there was a case of jewels — crystals of Cjuartz, frag- 
ments of turkis, fragments of cai-nelian, and small garnets; 
then there was a bowl of honey upon the holy altar. Wlieu 
the shaman prayed he asked tliat the next harvest might be 
abundant like the last; he prayed that they might have corn 
of many colors like the corn upon the altar; he prayed that 
the corn might be ripened so as to be hard like the jewels 
upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be sweet like 
the honey upon the altar; he prayed that the corn might be 
abundant for men and birds, and that the birds might be glad, 
for the gods love the birds represented upon the altar as he 
loved men. Then he prayed that clouds would form like the 
clouds represented upon the altar, and that the clouds would 
Hash lightning like the lightning on the altar, and that the 
clouds would rain showers like the showers represented on 
tlie altar, and that the showers would fall upon the growing 
corn like the corn upon the altar — so that men and birds and 
all living things would rejoice. 

In savagery and in all barbarism such festivals are very 
common, and much of the time is occupied in worship. In 
savagery worship is terpsichorean, and in barbarism it is 
terpsicliorean and sacrificial, and in both stages of society 
all amusements are religious. So in tribal society all time 
devoted to amusement is religious. The ceremonial festivals 
are held in regular order tnrough the seasons from year to 
year. For this purpose a calendar is devised in weeks and 


mouths, when the days of the year are unmbered in a hier- 
archy of weeks and months. The number of weeks in a 
month and the luunber of inonths in a year vary g-i-eatly. 
The months and years are counted off and the seasons are 
indicated by the appearance of stars as signs of the zodiac. 
Now, these numbers, together with the signs of the zodiac, are 
arranged in calendars, and the principal events of each festival 
are recorded under the calendric signs or picture-writings. 
Great ingenuity is needed to symbolize the principal events of 
the festival. The season of the festival and the events of the 
festival are all recorded in picture-writings until the shaman 
becomes deft in picture language. The records Avhich have 
been discovered among tribal men are usually called codices. 
They are recorded on various things, such as papyrus, fiber of 
the maguey plant, birch-bark, and the skins of animals; espe- 
cially are calendars painted on the walls of temples. 

These records made from time to time through century after 
century become very highly developed. When a concept is 
Sfiven a sijrn it becomes more and more conventionalized until 
its character as a picture is lost. In this stage a curious 
phenomenon is observed. An ideoglyph is read as a word 
instead of as a pictorial event. This is the stage in which 
Chinese writing is to be seen at present. Now, when a glyph 
is read as a word, the interesting phenomenon of which we 
have spoken is this: Words have different meanings, the same 
word may express <lifferent concepts, and the glyph may 
be read by speaking the word and attaching to it any meaning 
which the spoken Avord represents. In this early society words 
are mysterious things supposed to be properties or qualities of 
things, rather than signs of things.' When such glyphs 
become signs of spoken words they are signs of sounds. 
Thev become sig-ns of word-sounds, then signs of svllabic 
sounds, and ultimately signs of alphabetic sounds; and thus 
picture-writing is developed into alphabetic writing. 

In the higher civilization written language is founded on 
alphabets as spoken language is founded on sounds; but prim- 
itive written languages do not consist of graphic signs designed 
to represent sounds. The written languages produced in primi- 
tive time have distinct words as ideographs; they also have a 


distinct graiumar for the arrangement of these glyphic words 
unlike that of liighly developed written language. Etymolo- 
gies also take a difterent course; thus, in the Chinese, the 
etymology of glyph words is highly complex and is upon a 
distinct and peculiar plan. The seniatology of the language 
rejjresents the culture of the people who employ such a writ- 
ten language. ( )n' the other hand, in fully developed written 
language alphabets represent sounds, while letters are arranged 
in words and the words in sentences. The etymologies of the 
written words correspond to the etymologies of the spoken 
words, while the sematologies of the written words also corre- 
spond to the sematologies of the spoken words. 

Logistic Language 

The fifth language of tlie series now requires characteriza- 
tion. Li the earliest and best developed condition it is found 
as tiie language of enumeration. Here numbers are repre- 
sented by graphic characters which have been called digits, 
because originally the fingers of the two hands were used as 
an abacus for counting, and the written numbers represented 
the fingers — the nine vertical strokes for nine fingers and a 
cross stroke for the tenth. Ultimately the ten strokes were 
developed into ten figures which are still called digits; the 
tenth digit is called a cipher, and in order that it may be sig- 
nificant it must be read as ten times some other digit; thus 
one with the zero is read as ten, two with the zero is read as 
twenty, etc. A hundred is represented with a one and two 
ciphers, two hundred by a two and two ciphers. Hence units 
of difterent orders are recognized. A constant ratio exists 
between one order and its next higher, which is ten, l^ecause 
the original abacus for counting was the ten fingers. As this 
linguistic system had its beginning in a number system, we 
call it logistic speech. There have been developed many 
tallies (if measures for quantities of various kinds; thus there 
are the long-measure table, the square-measure table, the cubic- 
measure table, the dry-measure table, the liquid-measure table, 
various weight-measure tables, various time-measure tables, 
etc. These are all examples of logistic s^jeech, whicli were 


developed out of ideographic writing into a language of more 
universal application. 

The highest development of this language which yet exists 
is found in the science of mathematics, which has a plus sign, 
a minus sign, a multiplication sign, a division sign, an equality 
sign, a root sign, and many others — we will not go on to 
enumerate them because they are many and so well known 
that the few will suggest them all. The science of astronomy 
has also developed an elaborate logistic language, the science 
of chemistry another, and the science of geography, the science 
of geology, the science of botanj', and the science of zoology 
have all developed something of a logistic language. A logistic 
language is also developed in many of the arts; especially is 
music thus written. 

The essential characteristic of logistic language is that its 
sematology is universal, so that the meaning of any character 
depends on the meaning assigned to it by the user — it is the 
special language of j-easoning and avoids all ambiguities of 
other languages due to the nudtifarious meanings of single 
words. There is no source of error in reasoning which com- 
pares with the fallacies of diverse meanings, but science con- 
structs for itself a special language which obviates this evil. 

The grammar of this language is yet unwritten, for the lan- 
guage has scarcely been developed to a sufficient extent for 
the purpose. It may be that when logic is wholly emancipated 
from metaphysic, logicians will devise a grammar of logistic 
language. Perhaps they will then call it the grammar of logic, 
and what I have called logistic language will be called logic. 
All tliat is valuable in the so-called logic will remain as com- 
ponent elements of a grammar — a grammar of the science of 
reasoning with language. Logic is tlie science of reasoning 
with language, and logistic language is the language of 

We liave thus seen the nature of emotional language, oral 
language, gesture language, written language, and logistic lan- 
<iua"'e. The five fundamental sciences of |)hilology are thus 
briefly characterized, and the nature of jthilology itself is set 
forth in its pentalogic elements, which I deem to be inclusive 
of all and severally exclusive of each other. 


Sopliioloo-y is the science of instruction. I slinll treiit tlie 
subject under two rubrics: First, tlie nature and origin of the 
opinions which are inculcated by instruction, and, second, 
the ag-encies of instruction 

Opinions, the Suhject-matter of Instruction 

Opinions are about jiarticles severally or about them con- 
jointly as they are organized into bodies. Particles thus con- 
sidered are found to have essentials, relations, quantities, prop- 
erties, and qualities. There are no essentials without relations, 
no relations without quantities, no (juan titles without ])rop- 
erties, and no properties without qualities, for the world is 
concrete and there is nothing- abstract but in consideration. 
Essentials, relations, quantities, properties, and qualities we 
call categories. 

When the world is looked upon as concrete, and bodies are 
discovered, it is found that every one is conq)osed of a group 
of bodies; Ijut to express the fact without confusion it is better 
to say that a body is a group of particles, for when one body 
is considered as a constituent of another it promotes clear 
statement to say that the compound bodv is composed of 
particles. Ultimate particles have never been reached by 
analysis unless it be in the ether. 

Concepts grow as the products of thonght. Tlie stream of 
thought is composed of instantaneous and successive judments, 
some of which are duplicated and endlessly reduplicated. 
While mentations arise from sense im})ressipns, like sense 
impressions are oftentimes repeated and li)- association past 
mentations are revived, so that there is avast repetition of the 
instantaneous judgments as the}' follow on through the stream 
of mental life. 


It is thus by repeated and revived mentations as judgments 
that concepts or notions arise. These notions constitute opin- 
ions. We can not make a complete consideration of opinions 
without considering their origin in the compounding of judg- 
ments into concepts. 

While opinions often change, tliey are not necessarily born 
to die. Correct opinions developed in the individual and 
pro])agated from man to man become immortal, while only 
incorrect opinions ultimately die; but the vast body of opin- 
ions as they arise from moment to moment are born only for 
an ephemeral life. Of those that have appeared upon the 
stage of history because they have been accepted by the 
great thinkers, it remains to be said that still the many die 
and the few live. While they live they are esteemed as 
science, when they die they are esteemed as errors; hence 
sophiology can be defined as the science of opinions and their 
classification as errors or truths when accepted as such by 
the leaders of human thought, together with the methods of 
discovering and propagating such opinions. 

We are now to consider how opinions originate and change. 
For this purpose we will consider them in groups in the order 
in which they were developed by mankind. These groups fall 
into five ruljrics: animism, cosmology, mythology, metaphysic, 
and science. Animism, which is the belief in ghosts, first pre- 
vailed. We will,tlierefore, consider this subject first. For the 
original formulation of this doctrine we are indebted to the 
great ethnologist Edward B. Tylor. 

The science of ethnology teaches the nature and origin of 
the ghost theory; that is, it discovers the nature of ghosts and 
explains how men come to believe in them. There are many 
people who believe in ghosts, the opinion being a survival from 
primitive society, but witli tribal men the belief is universal. 
Ethnology also teaches the nature and origin of primitive cos- 
mology, which has now become discredited, though vestiges of 
it exist in the opinions of simple folk, when it is called folklore. 
I have previously set forth the nature and origin of animism 
and cosmology. 



Heretofore in treating' of the fuudainental processes of jjsy- 
chology the nature of consciousness, inference, and verification 
liave been set forth. Inference ah)nc niay and often does 
result in error, wliile truth is assured only by verification. 
Every judgment involves a consciousness and an inference ; 
and if the judgment is valid, its validity can be established and 
known only by verification. The repetition of an erroneous 
judgment is often confounded with verification, and thus men 
come to believe in fallacies. Of the innltitude of errors in judg- 
]nent those most often repeated bv mankind, and especially 
those which have been coined l)y the leaders of thought, are 
those which are woven into niytlioloi>v. Though we have a 
criterion by which to distinguish true from erroneous judg-- 
ments, still judgments are compounded into notions that 
ultimately are exceedingly complex, and it is often found diffi- 
cult to resolve notions into their constituent judg-ments; so that 
while there is an infallible criterion, it is not easily applied. 
We are not here dealing with the whole subject of psychology, 
but only with the leading concepts which distinguish science 
from mythology. That history of opinions which is often 
called the history of philosophy (but which is mainly the 
history of metaphysic), together with the history of scieiice, 
gives us the data of what is here called sojijiiolof/ij. Science 
has already cost a vast amount of research, and we maj' safely 
prophesy that only a l^eginning has been made. It would be 
an inane proceeding to attempt to forecast what research will 
ultimately unfold, but perhaps it would not be unprofitable to 
review in outline the characteristics of tlie fundamental errors 
of mankind in so far as they liave already been detected. 

False inferences primarih* arise through referring sense 
impressions to wrong causes. A term is needed for this error, 
and it will be called imputation. Imputation, then, is the ref- 
erence of a sense impression of wliich the mind is conscious 
as an efi'ect, to a mistaken cause. This wrong cause may be 
a wrong Ijody or it mav be a wrong proj)ertv. 


Let IIS now see if these two propositions can be made plain. 
Tlie savage hears the thunder and infers tliat it is the voice of 
a bii'il. This is imputing- a sound to a wrong body. Birds 
have voices, and not knowing the cause of the thunder, the 
savage imputes it to a bird; but as he knows of no l>ird witli 
such a voice, he imag-ines a new and unknown bird. Thus an 
imaginary bird is created as the explanation of thunder. The 
creation of imaginary things io explain unknown plienoraena 
is mythology. Thunder may be interpreted as the voice of a 
bird in such manner by many people until it falls into common 
speech. Thus an imaginary thunder-bird may become the 
theme of much thought and much talk, and at last a number 
of stories may grow up about it. The barbarian who drives 
a span of horses to a war chariot becomes accustomed to its 
rattle and compares it to thunder. Then the thunder itself is 
symbolized as the rattle of the chariot of the storm. In this 
case a new imaginative being is created — a storm god with his 
chariot in the clouds So the reference of an effect to an 
erroneous cause results in a myth. 

There may be many analogies called up by tlie noise of 
thunder, and there may be many myths established in such 
manner; but it is manifest that none of them can be verified. 
In the course of the histoi-y of verification, which is the history 
of science, an hvpothesis as to the cause of thunder may be veri- 
fied; when such verification is reached, all myths relating to 
thunder die as notions, and the scientific concept is established. 
All false philosophy — that is, all erroneous explanation — must 
necessarily lack verification. It may be believed and become 
current in the philosophy of a people or of a time, and this 
current belief may be held as science; but sooner or later an 
erroneous notion, however widely believed, will present some 
incongruity to the developing concepts of mankind and will 
challenge such attention that new hypotheses will l)e made to 
be examined until one is verified. When the verification comes, 
science is born, and the old notion is relegated to mythology. 
Philosophy is the explanation of causes; whatever else may 
be involved in the term, this must be involved. It is the cen- 
tral point in philosophy, though not the whole of philosophy. 


We niav now make a definition of tlie growtli of science and 
tlie discovery of error. Research, by wliich science grows, is 
the verification nf hvp()theses and the ehniination of incon- 
grnons notions, and sucli discarded notions as have been pre- 
vionslv and generally received as science are relegated to 
iiiythologv. Let ns illustrate with another example. 

Conceive a people in such a primitive stage (if cultin-c as not 
to know of the ambient air. .Such people have existed and 
some even vet exist. In all that culture known as savagery 
this fact is unknown, llie air is unseen; but it often has 
corporeal motion, and is then called wind, and this wind pro- 
duces effects. Blow upon your hand, or invigorate the fire 
with -s-our breath, and then contemjdate tlie wind among the 
trees: How like the lireath is the wind! Now impute the 
north wind to some great monster beast, and you do onh' that 
which nullions of people have done before. Many savage 
peoples explain the winds in this manner, imputing them to 
monster beasts. In this instance, and in ten thousand others 
that can readily be supplied, the error of imputing an effect 
to the wrong cause as a wrong body results in the creation of 
imaginar}' bodies, which is the essence of mythology. 

When air is unknown there are other things besides breath 
which the wind suggests. You can blow the fire with a basket 
tray, and you can fan your brow with an eagle's wing. So 
the wind suggests a fanning, and may be explained in this 
manner. But what is it that fans! A liird with wings. If 
the wind fans it must lie accomplished by some great sky-bird. 
The myths of such sk}-birds are common. After this manner 
a host of imaginary animals are created. 

I'o the wildwood man, who roams the jirairie and haunts the 
forest, the world is the grand domicile of beasts. Beasts are 
luen, and men are but beasts. To his mind the beasts are 
ratlier superior to men. The beasts have more magical power, 
and hence are often immeasurably superior to human beings. 
The savage admires the superioritv of the beast and longs for 
his activities; he is forever contemplating the accomplishment 
of beasts — the wonders which they can perform — and is envi- 
ous of their skill in what he supposes to be magic. He sees 


the trout dart from liank to bank iu the brook aud is amazed at 
its magical powers, and from admiration he often proceeds to 
adoration. He sees the serpent glide over the rock, swift with- 
out feet and having- the sting of death in its mouth; in this 
respect it seems supei'ior to man. He sees the chameleon 
gliding- along the boughs of trees in sport with rainbow hues, 
and is delighted with its magical skill. He sees the eagle sail 
from the cliff to the cloud region, at home in wonderland. He 
sees the lion walk forth to conquer' with occult majesty. Yes, 
all the animal world is magical, and men are l)ut degenerate 
animals. Inspired with wonder, he is filled with adoration, and 
the beasts are gods. The world is thus the home of men and 
gods, and the gods are the beasts. 

A mythology has sprung up with ever}' primordial language. 
These languages are found to be many — how many we do not 
know, but certainly there have been many thousands, and with 
every tongue a mythology has l^een developed. The tribes of 
mankind scattered over the whole hal;)itable earth between the 
polar walls of ice, living in small clusters, every one having a 
distinct language and pouring out tlie generations that h;ive 
peopled the earth, have created a host of inraginary or mythic 

One of the methods of reasoning by means of which inou- 
sters are produced is imputing to one property- that which is 
due to another. Water is transparent and water reflects the 
light. These two facts are universally observed in savagery. 
It is something with which men are familiar as an experience 
growing from day to day and from hour to liour. There is 
another fact with which they are almost as well accpxainted, 
namely, that the eye is transparent, and also tliat it reflects 
images. The eye is the organ of sight, and it is not strange 
that the power of ^•isi()n should he referred to transparency. 
The reflection of light is an unknown and undreamed prop- 
erty, but transparenc-s' is \yell known, and images are well 
known, and images appear in vision. Thus, witli the Zufii 
Indians, as with man}' of the tribes iu North America, the 
property nf transparency is esteemed as vision: all water sees, 
and the dewdrop is the eye of the plant. It is long before it 


is learned that transparency is ability to transfer certain kinds 
of motion, while vision is a mentation. Thus force as reflec- 
tion and vision as mentation are explained as transjjarency. 

The mythologv of the Amerinds is replete with mvths con- 
cerning the jiowers of thought. There is no error more 
counnon than that' of confounding thought Avith force. When 
the savage theurgist tells us that his hero can think arrows to 
the hearts of his enemies he makes this mistake. So it is 
believed that there are mythic men who can think their boats 
OA'er the river; they can think themselves to the topmost 
branches of high trees; they can think rocks onto the heads 
of their enemies. There is no myth more common than this 
one of confounding thought with force, and there is no myth 
that has a more venerable historv. No Egyptian king has 
received higher honors, for it is embalmed in the cerements of 

We now know that heat is a mode of motion and that cold 
is a low degree of heat; in the same manner we know that 
color is a mode of motion, and we measure the number of 
vibrations in the ether tiiat are required in a unit of time to 
produce a variety of color. 

The love of knowledge is the most delightful plant in the 
garden of the soul. In the individual the failure to make 
correct judgments entails innumerable evils, while correct judg- 
ments lead to good. Judgments directly or indirectlv lead to 
action, and that action is wise as judgments are wise. Every 
hour, almost every moment of the day, brings the lesson that 
knowledge is advantageous, and tliese lessons are repeated 
by every individual in every generation. Thus there is an 
acquired and hereditary love of knowledge. Mental life pre- 
sents a vast succession of judgments, some correct, others 
incorrect, and as they come they are enwrought in notions 
that inspire activities, and by these activities the notions them- 
selves are adjudged. Those notions that stand the test are 
held fast, those that fail are cast away, for men love the true 
and hate the false. All this is so evident that it seems com- 
monplace, and yet we are compelled to accoimt for the inten- 
sity with which men cling to mvthologA'. 
20 ETH— 03 xn 


The repetition of a judgment is sometimes a valid conlirnia- 
tion, but it is often the l)ulwark of fallacy'. Judgments many 
times repeated becomes Laliitual, and habitual errors are hard 
to eradicate, for they are venerable. Errors associate in com- 
munities; as they dwell in the mind they constitute a fraternitv 
for mutual protection. Assail t)ne notion with the club of 
incongruity and a host of notions arise in its defense. Perhaps 
this Avill fully explain the fact, wliich we are to consider, that 
men invent arguments to sustain myths. He who contemplates 
this state of affairs mav readih- fall into despondency, for there 
seems to be as much mental activity occupied in the invention 
of false reasons as in the discovery of trutli; l)at on further 
contemplation it is seen that science has an advantage in that 
its gains are constant and imperishable, while the gains of error 
overstep themselves and sooner or later exhibit new incongrui- 
ties and hence are self-destructive. 

The appeal to antiquity is the appeal to habit, and the 
appeal to habit is the appeal to repetition, which must always 
l^e distinguished from the appeal to verification. The argu- 
ment from anti(|uity is a two-edged sword, and may be an 
instrument of suicide; but it is the first argument used to sup- 
port a myth. "It was taught by our forefathers" is inscribed 
on tlit^ lianner of mythology. But can we not nse the argu- 
ment from experience? Yes, if we distinguish the method of 
verification from the method of repetition. This is our only 

Myths are defended by another argument which must now 
be set forth. It may be called the argument from intuition. 
Plants grow from seeds; animals from eggs. The develop- 
ment of the individual from the germ is called ontogeny. The 
process of ontogeny has Ijeen well recognized from primordial 
human time. Germs also develop from generation to genera- 
tion. The acorn is a very different seed from that of the 
plant from which oaks were developed. The egg of the bird 
is a very different germ from the egg from which it was 
developed through successive generations. This development 
of germs is also called the development of species. The 
process is now well known to science, but it was long inu'ec- 


ognized except in a vii<z'ne way. The process is called pliy- 
logeny. Ontogeuv and phylogeny together are termed 
evolution. While ontogeny was more or less fully recognized 
in antiquity, phylogeny was very dimly discerned and it was 
su])posed to be exceedingly restricted; so that while tliere 
might be varieties of plants and animals, it was held that all liv- 
ing- creatures are encompassed by barriers beyond which they 
can not pass. It could be observed that plants and animals 
grow from germs, but that races grow by minute modifications 
of germs accumnlating through many snccessive generations 
was not so easily observed. That the offspring is like the 
parent is a more conspicuous fact than that the oftspring is a 
modification of the parent. Therefore it was believed that 
every existing species is the descendant of a primal species, 
and the number of primal species has remained constant. 
Finally it was discovered that species become extinct and that 
species begin at different periods in the world's history; this 
was revealed by the science of geology. Thus the notion of 
constancy of species was finally shown to be erroneous, and it 
has been replaced by tlie scientific concept of the evolution of 

So much of Avhat is now commonplace science must he given 
that we niay understand the doctrine of primordial intuition, 
which was invented as a defense of mythology. As plants grow 
from seeds by minute increments through the process of on- 
togeny, and seeds grow from other seeds by minute increments 
by the process of phylogeny; as animals grow from eggs by mi- 
nute increments, and as eggs themselves grow from other eggs 
b}' minute increments, so ideas grow ontogenetically by minute 
increments of judgmeiits and also phylogenetically by minute 
increments of judgments. Thus the notion grows in the mind of 
the child by ontogeny, and the idea groA\-s in the mind of the 
race from generation to generation b^' a process analogous to 
phylogeny. As man once believed that plants are inexorably' 
limited to specific forms that are constant, as he once believed 
that animals are limited to specific forms that are constant from 
generation to generation, so men have believed that ideas are 
limited to specific forms that are constant. That whicli in plants 


and animals was called the limitation of species in ideas was 
called intnitiou, and by that term was mesnit the limitation of 
certain specific ideas. It was recognized that ideas grow or de- 
velop in the individnal, but it was denied that they develo]) in 
the race. Sometimes it was conceded that ideas or concepts 
grow phylogenetically, that is, they are developed in the i"ace; 
but it was held that there are certain fixed limits to ideas or 
notions which can not change, these limits being fixed primordi- 
ally in the mind. Now, there have been many modifications and 
many phases of this doctrine which we can not here elaborate, 
but that which is essential ti • all forms of the doctrine of specific 
innate ideas has been set forth. 

We must now see how this doctrine is used to shore up 

Venerable errors are supposed or affirnied to be universal 
and also to be innate — that the notions which they involve 
have been preserved fi-om primordial time, and that they were 
given to man at his creation when all species were created. 
This doctrine of primordial specific innate ideas is one of the 
most important themes of scholastic learning. Born in sav- 
agery, flourishing in barbarism, it is believed in civilization, 
and its exposition ultimately becomes one of the tests of scliol- 
ar.sliip. When the doctrine had reached this stage, so-called 
philosophers or mythologists attempted to defend these ])ri- 
mordial concepts. This attempt culminated in the Critique of 
Pure Reason. This defense of mythologj' by Kant led to the 
usual result; he, or at least his followers, supposed the argu- 
ment to be exhausted and the question of innate ideas set at 
rest when it was stated anew as innate forms of ideas. A 
calmer generation discovered the incongruity of this doctrine 
with the concepts of evolution born of science. While the 
doctrine remained vague, these incongruities were not so 
apparent; but when it came to be carefully fonnulated, it was 
doomed It may be claimed that the doctrine of the evolution 
of concepts by experience in the race as in the individual is 

Primarily judgments are formed as guides to action. In 
this first stage erroneous judgments are detected by the test 


of action. If t\w action proves unwise, the judgment is wrong; 
but as judgments niultiply and are comj)ounded in notions, a 
new test of error is developed, which is tlie incongruity of 
notions. But the discovery of incongruity is not the discovery 
of the specific error. The incongruity is a relation between 
two or more notions; some one of these notions must be erro- 
neous, but which one is not revealed by the incongruity. The 
eri'or is discovered only by submitting tlie judgments to trial 
by verification. The incongruity does not reveal a pai-ticular 
error, but only the fact that some error exists: on the other 
hand congruity does not prove validity. 

Mythologic notions may well be congruous with one another. 
There is no incongruity between the notioii of the thunder- 
bird and the notion of the wind bird. If there is a bird which 
roars in the heavens, there may be a bird which breathes in 
the hurricane; the one notion serves to confirm the other. It 
is strange how congruous mythic notions are with one another. 
Stud}' the mythology of any people as a system, and you will 
be surprised at the congruity of the notions which it reveals. 
Compare one mythology with another, and often tlie}' will be 
found strangely antag'ouistic. This congruity of mythic con- 
cepts in one system is a fact so conspicuous as to challenge 
the attention of thinking- men, and it is early discovered nnd 
widely used alike in savagery, l)arbarism, and civilization. 

This method of reasoning from the congruity of notions 
was finally developed in early civilization into a body of doc- 
trine called dialectic. By this doctrine any mythic notion 
could be expounded as a starting point and other mythic no- 
tions brought into judgment before the one selected and found 
to be congruous, and by this logic proved correct. Proceed- 
ing in this manner from notion to notion, man}' are ^•erified, 
and the assumed original notion is in this same manner found 
valid. It is thus that a special system of reasoning in the 
interest of mythology is gradually developed. 

If this system of logic were not already named, I should be 
tempted to call it Kanosh logic. Kanosh was the chief of a 
Shoshonean tribe in the central part of Utah, where cinder- 
cones and lava-beds are found. In years of my youth I was 


wont to sit at the feet of the venerable Kanosh and Hsten to 
mj^tliic tales. Once on a time he explained to me the origin of 
the cinder-cone and the scarcely cooled lava which in times past 
had poured from it. He attributed its origin to Shinauav — 
the Wolf god of the 8hoshonean. When I remonstrated 
with him that a wolf could not perform such a feat, "Ah," he 
said, "in ancient times the Wolf was a great chief." And to 
prove it he told me of other feats which Shinauav had per- 
formed, and of the feats of Tavoats, the Rabbit god, and of 
Kwiats, the Bear god, and of Togoav, the Rattlesnake god. 
H(nv like Aristotle he reasonei;! ! 

There is a phase of the defense of mythology which must 
not be neglected, although its contemplation is a source of sad- 
ness because it is an exhibition of the worst traits of mankind. 
It has ah'eady been seen that in the defense of mythology 
subtile arguments are produced, systems of psychology are 
born, and methods of logic are invented. The notions of 
mythology are not only woven into theories of institutions, 
but institutions are devised for their propagation and defense. 

Institutions are founded in the natural conditions of family 
organization. The love of man for woman and the love of 
woman for man, together with the love of parents for children 
and children for parents, are all involved: thus institutions have 
their origin in domestic love. The social life which develops 
from this germ, having its roots in domestic love and sending 
its branches into all the ways of life, constitutes the sheltering 
tree to protect mankind from the storms of foreig-n war and 
internal conflict. Peace, equity, equality, liberty, and charity 
are concepts at the foundation of institutions. An attack upon 
institutions is thus an attack upon all these sacred principles, so 
man defends them to the last extremity. On the other hand, 
men are constantly seeking to improve them, and that which 
is beneficent to one may be malign to another. When the 
tendrils of mythology are entwined in the branches of institu- 
tions, the attempt to substitute science for myth often appears 
to be an attack upon the institutions in which it is entwined, 
and thus the reformer and the defender come to blows. When 
the defender of venerable mythology is also the defender of 


ancient institutions, he is easily convinced tlint liis warfare is 
holy. When lie is the constituted and otiticial defender on 
whom the armor is buckled and by whom the sword is grasped, 
he is watchful and ready for the fight. Then his honor is at 
stake and his emoluments threatened. 

One element of this controversy — the saddest of all — is the 
passion for thaumaturgy which mythology })roduces. Then 
unknown beings with occult attributes people the world, and 
the air reeks with mystery. Men who deceive themselves are 
deft in the deception of others. The love of thaumaturgy 
becomes one of the monster passions of mankind that stifles 
the pure love of truth. When thaumaturgy becomes a source 
of gain, and greed is wed to wondercraft, there springs from 
the union a progeny of devils that wreak on the teachers of 
truth the tortures of rack and fagot. 

In savagery names are believed to be natural attributes of 
the objects which they signify. The many sig'uifications which 
the same word mav have are usually related to one another, 
but even when they are not related they are so habitually 
associated that aflinities are constantly suggested. The 
development of science to an important degree depends on 
the distinct recognition of different meanings, and in order 
that scientific reasoning may proceed it is always found 
necessarj^ to define words with exactness and to adhere to 
constant meanings; but mythological reasoning does not 
observe these precautions, and often succeeds in making- its 
arguments jilausible by the uncertain use of words. It must 
not be supposed that this is a device on purpose to deceive, 
for it is often a potent agency of self-deception. 

Trope is not an unmixed evil, although it is a dangerous 
device. When knowingly used and legitimately derived it 
adds power and vigor to language, and we have already seen 
that it is a necessity in nascent knowledge. Ultimately it 
becomes the foundation of the hig'hest fine art known to man, 
for it is an essential element in poetry, but that which is legiti- 
mate and useful in poetry is the bane of scientific reasoning, 
especially when it is used without comprehension. Mythology 
is thus eminently tropic. While it is held as science, its tropes 


are believed; when its incoiioraities are discovered and its 
trojies are recognized, mythology is often supposed to be a crude 
poetry. When dialectic methods of reasoning prevail, equivo- 
cal or duplicate meanings of words are common. At last mvth- 
ologic reasoning discovers the ad\antage to be derived from the 
use of words with many meanings, and it liecomes an essential 
and recognized element in such reasoning. Hegel, wlio is a 
master of dialectic, not only laj)ses into many equivocal mean- 
ings, but purposely uses them, and boasts of the ad^•antage to 
be derived from his native tongue by reason of the many mean- 
ings which its words present. His first great work. The Phe- 
nomenology of Mind, is esteemed by him and by his followers 
as the eft'ort by which the foundation of his philosophv was laid. 
When this work is read paragra})h by paragraph and the mean- 
ings of words are compared throughout the entire book, it will 
be found that the argument depends on the equivocal use of 
words. One can imag-ine the delig-ht with which he hailed 
the discovery that he could make an attractive arg-ument and 
a chain of seemingly invincible reasoning in this manner. 
His followers have claimed for him some profound secret, but 
with this key to the Hegelian riddle it is easily .read. 


Metaphysic is a system of explaining liow the essentials of 
bodies are generated one from another. 

Pythagoras taught that unity as number is the primordial 
essential from which others are derived, the conception being 
in the spirit of tribal cosmology in which all things are gener- 
ated or begotten by parents. 

Plato considered extension as form to he the primordial 
property. He exalted mind perhaps more than any philoso- 
pher before his time, and with transcendent literary skill 
sounded its praises. But as he considered form to be the 
property from which it was derived, he translated mind into 
terms of form and thus succeeded in imposing upon all coming 
time the word form as the term signifying notion or concept. 
Thus idea, which primai'ily signified form, is now a term of 


Aristotle seems to have considered t'oree as the primal [irop- 
erty from wliicli all other pi-operties are derived, for thus I 
interpret his doctrine of energy. Certain it is that sinee his 
time there have been metaphysicians who have held this doc- 
trine. Perhaps tliis error has more widelv prevailed than any 
doctrine of the genesis of the essentials. Aristotle's theory of 
mind is vague, and his reader may easily defend the proposi- 
tion that he derives energ\- from mind, rather than mind i'voni 

Spencer resolves extension into force, and impliedly, tliough 
not overtly, resolves duration into force in his discussion of the 
doctrine of evolution; and finally he resolves mind into force; 
so that Spencer is the modern champion of this theory. Of 
course Spencer does not consider the derivation to be parental 
genesis, but genesis by evolution. The American philosopher 
of this school Mr Lester F. Ward, also derives mind from 
force by evolution. 

Still other philosophers have taught that persistence is the 
primal property from which all others are derived. This plii- 
loso])hy has been taught as a reification of being, and is known 
as ontology. The term "being" signifies existence, but it is also 
used in Aryan languages as the common asserter. This double 
use has alwavs been found in ontology. The prevalent phi- 
losophy of medieval time was ontology. Being is not held to 
,be the father of properties, but rather the substrate. 

Idealism is the doctrine that the other properties are pro- 
duced by mind, the foundation of which is consciousness. It 
began with Berkeley and has been elaborately formulated in 
the German of Kant, Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel. Mind is 
reified, and the physical world has its genesis in the Imman 
mind, or, as some think, in the mind of God who endowed the 
human mind with faculties to think his thoughts as he thought 
them in creation. The physical world is thus au illusion called 
phenomenon, the reality being uoumenon or thought. Two 
schools of idealists are found; one speaks of uoumenon as 
mind, the other as will. In one school mind is the onh- sub- 
stance, in the other will is the only suljstance. 

The essentials with their relations, quantities, jjroperties, 


and qualities have severally given rise to a system of nieta- 
pliysic. As we have called them they are the system of 
Pythag-oras, the sj^stem of Plato, the system of Aristotle, the 
medieval system, and the system of Berkeley. The last sys- 
tem, when will is substituted for mind, may be called the 
system of Schopenhauer, as a vajiety of the Berkeleyan 
system, which also has. many other varieties. 

We are now prepared for a definition of metaphysic: Meta- 
physie is the doctrine that one of the essentials of a particle 
or bodv is primordial, or the one from which the others are 
derived. They may be derived b}' parental genesis, as in 
ancient metaphysic; by evolution, as in modern materialism; 
or bv creation, as in idealism. 

The Pythagorean and the Platonic systems have perished 
from the eai-t'h. The idealists claim that Plato was the founder 
of their svstem, and that Aristotle was also a believer in it. 
Thus they interpret these two Grecian metaphysicians, as I 
think, erroneous!)-. The medieval system is waning, though 
it may have some disciples; but apparently they have become 
idealists. There jet remain to us the Aristotelian and the 
Berkeleyan. The Aristotelian has been revived by Spencer, 
greatly expanded and placed upon a clearer foundation; 
Spencer has many illustrious disciples. Idealism in some one 
of its many forms prevails widely among metaphysicians. 
Enlisted among its disciples are many scholarly men who take 
a leading part in the metaphysic of the schools. They have 
usuallv not occupied themselves with the physical sciences, 
but there are some illustrious exceptions. The Aristotelian 
system, especially as revived by Spencer, is usually called 
materialism. Materialism and idealism are now rivals in the 
metaphysical world. 

Materialism is a theory of the existence of the world as con- 
stituted of forces. This theory is perhaps best expounded by 
Boscovich as points of motion, not points in motion ; centers of 
motion, not centers in motion. There are no atoms or molecules 
in motion, but there are atoms and molecules of motion; there 
are no stars in motion, but stars of motion ; there are no waters 
or gases in motion, but there are gases of motion; there are 


no rocks in motion, Ijut there are rocks of motion: there are no 
plants in motion, Ijut there are plants of motion; there are no 
animals in motion, but there are animals of motion; there are 
no thoughts that are the motions of brain particles, as there 
are no brain particles, for thoughts are motions themselves. 

Oftentimes idealism is a theory that all the material objects 
of the universe, other tlian human beings, are created or gen- 
erated by mind, and that human beings are the real things and 
all other things are but the concepts of human beings. There 
are no stars, but only human concepts of stars; there are no 
waters, but only human concepts of waters; there are no rocks, 
but only human concepts of rocks; there are no plants, but 
only luiman concepts of plants; there are no lower animals, 
but only human concepts of lower animals. God and human 
beings are realities wliicli manifest themselves to one another 
in perception and conception as ideas in the objective world 

Sometimes it teaches that science is a method of expressing 
ideas; it is but a system of language and has no other signifi- 
cance than that of a system of language. There is no objec- 
tive concrete world with which science deals; l)ut tliere are 
ideas with which science deals, and the whole function of 
science is to reduce these ideas to their simplest expression. 
There is no objective standard of truth; there is only a sub- 
jective standard of opinion, and all scientific research is the 
attempt to formulate these opinions or ideas or concepts or 
perceptions in universal terms. Science is onlv a device of 
language; mathematics is only a device of equations: chem- 
istry is only a device of atoms; astronomy is only a device of 
worlds; geology is only a device of formations; botany is 
only a device of cells ; biology is only a device of org-ans. All 
of these devices are useful for linguistic purposes: thev do not 
express objective reality, but only subjective ideas. The 
Avorld is a realm of ideas and words; it is not a realm of 
objective real things! 

Idealism accuses all scientific men of being materialists, and 
it divides mankind into two groups — the good and the evil. 
The good are idealists and the evil are materialists. The 
idealists are from hea^■en and the materialists are from hell. 


Idealism accuses materialism of ignorino- all values in the 
world; it forever seeks to belittle scientific research. Chem- 
istry is only a controversy about words; astronomy is only a 
disputation about words; physics is only a disputation about 
words; g-eologv is onlv a disputation about words; botany is 
onl}' a disputation about words; and zoology is only a dispu- 
tation al)out words! 

Materialism accuses idealism as being the enemy of science, 
of rejecting everv scientific discovery until it can be translated 
into terms of idealism, being the great bulwark of ignorance 
and the fortress of superstition. As idealism is interpreted by 
materialism, the accusations are true, and as materialism is 
interpreted by idealism, the accusations are true. Materialism 
is arrayed against religion, and idealism is arrayed against 

Idealism is a theory that there is no objective reality, or, to 
use the language of modern idealism, there is no trans-subjec- 
tive reality. Symbols are signs of ideas, but not signs of 
objects. The objective world thus becomes the creation of 
thought. The apparent or phenomenal objective world is cre- 
ated magically by thought. There are no stars as objective 
realities; there are only stars by the magic of thought. Astron- 
omy is not a science of orbs which depends on the existence of 
objective realities; but it is a science of words which depends . 
on oiu- concepts, and contributions to astronomy are only con- 
tributions to language and consist only in a better method of 
using S3nnbols as words to describe onr concepts. There are 
no atoms or molecules or substances as science teaches ; but 
there are concepts of atoms, molecules, and substances, and all 
contributions to chemistry are but contributions to language 
by which symbols that do not represent reality, Ijut only con- 
cepts, are made more useful as linguistic devices. There is no 
such thing as motion; motion is but the product of thouglit. 
We think there is motion, but it has no objective reality, and 
contributions to dynamics are only contributions to language! 

During the last decade Ladd has published a volume, titled 
What is Reality?, in which he sets forth in a masterly manner 
the concomitancy of the categories. In this great work he 


treats of the fuudameutal elements in the fallacies of material- 
ism and idealism, and the metaphysicians of l)Otli scliools must 
reckon with him before again stating their systems. 

The stream of thought is a succession of judgments, and 
judgments are made of essentials; hence we cognize by essen- 
tials. Judgments are made instantaneously ; hence our judg- 
ments are infinite, as that term is used in mathematics; they 
are so multitudinous that we can not enumerate them in statable 
quantities. Judgments are repeated again and again and thus 
become habitual, when the objects of judgment are again 
pi'esented or represented. These abstract judgments are con- 
creted or integrated; for when a judgment is made of one 
essential, the others are implicated, posited, or ])resupposed; 
thus judgments become vicarious. If I judge that a body is 
one I implicate that it has extension, speed, i)ersistence, and 

No particle or body can exist without all of its essentials, 
for they are concomitant. This fact is a refutation not only 
of matei'ialisni and idealism, liut of all metaphysical systems." 

In metaphysic qualities are not discriminated from other 
categories. The same number is few or many from an ideal 
or an adopted standpoint of consideration. The sands of the 
lake are many compared with the sands of the pond, but the 
sands of the lake are few when compared watli the sands of the 
sea. The stars of the Milky Way are many compared with 
the stars of Orion, but the stars of the Milky Way are few 
compared with all the stars of the firmament. So forms are 
large or small from artificial standpoints. Structures are sim- 
ple or complex in the same manner. Forces are strong or 
weak with different purposes in view; times are long- for the 
same reason, and causes are trivial or potent. Judgments are 
wise or unwise when the view comes, and the wisdom of yes- 
terday is the folly of to-day. Men have distinguished but 
slowly between qualities and other categoi'ies, and there lias 
always been a tendency to explain unknown categories as 
qualities, for often they have been dwelt upon before their 
corresponding categories were known. In the ordinary coui-se 

"For the demonstration of the concomitancy of essentiaKs. see mv volume Truth and Error, 


of human reason the lirst incentive to an investigation of the 
other categories is derived. fi-om a knowledge of their quaHties, 
and so long as they are unknown they are believed to he only 

It is this characteristic of qualities that seems to give war- 
rant to idealism. Qualities always change with the change 
in view, and they are ideal when we consider things with 
relation to purposes. You can always discover that idealists 
consider only qualities among the categories and confuse 
all others with them. Even while I am writing this state- 
ment there comes to hand a new work on idealism, titled The 
World and the Individual, bv Royce. On every page of this 
book he considers qualities and onlv qualities. On \rAge 209 
he says: 

Those other objects of common human interest are viewed, liy com- 
mon .sense, namely, not as Independent Beings, which would retain 
their reality unaltered even if nobody ever were able to think of 
them, but rather a.s objects, such that, while people can and often do 
think of them, their own sole Being consists in their character as ren- 
dering such thoughts about themselves objectively valid for every- 
body concerned. Their whole exvt then consists in their value as giving 
warrant and validity to the thoughts that refer to them. They are 
external to any particular ideas, yet they can not be defined independ- 
ently of all ideas. 

Do you ask me to name such objects of ordinary conversation i I 
answer at once 1)V asking whether the credit of a commercial house, 
the debts that a man owes, the present pi'ice of a given stock in the 
stock market, yes, the market price current of any given commodity; 
or. again. M'hether the rank of a given official, the social status of anj^ 
member of the comnumity, the marks received by a student at any 
examination: or. to pass to another tield. whether this or that commer- 
ciiil pai'tnership. or international treaty, or still once more. wh(>ther 
the British constitution — whether. I say, any or all of the objects thus 
named, will not be regarded, in ordinary conversation, as in some sense 
real beings, facts possessed of a genuinely ontologieal character? One 
surely says: The del)t exists; the credit is a fact; the constitution has 
objective Being. Yet none of these facts, prices, credits, debts, ranks, 
standings, marks, partnerships, constitutions, are viewed as real inde- 
pendently of any and of all possilile ideas that shall refer to them. 
The objects now under our notice ha\e, moreover, like physical things, 
very various grades of supposed endurance and of i-ecognized signifi- 
cance. Some vanish hourlv. Others mav outlast centuries. The 


prices vary from day to day; the creditf- may not survive tiie next 
panic: tlie constitution may very slowly evolve for ages. None of 
these olijects, moreover, can be called mere ideas inside of any man's 
head. None of them are arl)itrary creations of definition. The indi- 
vidual may tind them as stubborn facts as are material objects. The 
prices in the stock marivet may behave like irresistible physical forces. 
And yet none of these o))jects would continue to exist, as thev are now 
supposed to exist, unless somebody frequently thought of them, recog- 
nized them, and agreed with his fellows al)out tliem. Their fashion 
of supposed being i^s thus ordinarily conceived as at once ideal and 
extraideal. They are not "things in themselves," and the}' are not 
mere facts of private consciousness. You have to count upon them 
as objective. But if ideas vanished from the world, they would \anish 
also. They, tlien, are the objects of the relatively external meanings 
of ideas. Yet they are not wholly separable from internal meanings. 
Weil, all of these facts are examples of beings of which it seems 
easiest to say that tliey are real mainly in so far as they serve to give 
truth or validity to a certain group of assertions about each one of 

Yes, if ideas were to vaiiisli from the world, qualities would 
vanish also. 

What, then, are qualities; and can we define them? Quali- 
ties are attributes to good and evil. This definition is per- 
fect, for it is inclusive of all and exclusive of others. All that 
has been written in this series of articles is designed to set 
forth their nature. Qualities naturally fall into five groiips; 
There are esthetic qualities, or qualities of pleasure and pain; 
there are industrial qualities, or qualities of welfare and illfare; 
there are institutional qualities, or qualities of morality and 
immorality; there are linguistic qualities, or qualities of truth 
and falsehood; there are sophiological qualities, or qualities of 
wisdom and folly. 

Those attributes which we call qualities are always found 
in antithetic pairs. All human activities are performed for 
purposes, and these purposes are either good or evil; no pur- 
poses can be neutral. Hence we see that purposes plav a role 
of transcendent importance in huinaii affairs. Notwithstanding 
this, there are other categories of reality in the universe, but 
personal interest in qualities masks them from tlie considera- 
tion of the metaphysician. 

If there has been one cause for the l(ingevit\" of mvtlis more 


potent than another, it has been the doctrine^ of phenomenon 
and nounienon as it is held in metaphysic. How often have 
men erred in judg-ment when l)roiight to the test of action! 
What inuhitndes of judgments have been proved to be erro- 
neous by the test of experience through verification! When 
men contemplate the mistakes made in e^'ery hour of waking 
life; when men contemplate the hosts of erroneous notions that 
they have entertained, wlien they realize that the result of 
thought is mainly the reconstruction of notions, it is not strange 
that men should despair of all certitude and cry, "We know 
not reality, but only appearance!" 

Aristotle formulated the laws of disputation as laws of 
thought itself, and so the logic of scholasticism is but the logic 
of controversy. When men compared theories of the universe, 
the}^ found that any theory could be maintained with plausi- 
bility because the}' yet remained ignoi'ant of the laws of veri- 
fication; it was not strange that a sense of illusion seemed to 
pervade the universe. Thus the metaphysical doctrine of 
phenomenon and noumenon is seemingly confirmed. 


It would be a pleasing task to outline the history of science. 
Science is as old as error. Although human fallacies began 
with primordial man, knowledge also began with primordial 
man, and the two have grown together. Science has more 
and more prevailed, and error has inore and more succumbed 
to its power. As the errors of animism, mythology, cos- 
mology, and metaphysic have been overthrown, there are 
many who still entertain them, and scientific men have come 
to call all of these errors folklore, and folklore itself has 
come to be the subject-matter of science. 

The study of folklore is a study of superstitions. Supersti- 
tions are opinions which stand over from a lower into a higher 
state of culture. 

There are people who can move their ears at will. The 
lower animals can do this, but only a few human beings can 
wink their ears. Organs that are useful in lower species ma}' 
remain in an imperfect and practically useless state in a more 


highly deveh:)])ed species. They are then calletl vestigial 
(irg'ans. As there are vestig-ial org-ans, so there are vestigial 
opinions. These vestigial opinions are commonly called super- 
stitions. When we come to investigate vestigial opinions 
and treat them as objects of science, we no longer call them 
superstitions, but we call them folklore. 

The science of folklore may be defined as the science of 
superstitions, or the science of vestigial opinions no longer held 
as valid. Yet such erroneous opinions that hold over from the 
days of greater ignorance to the era of modern scientific 
research are found to be of profound interest in the re^•elations 
wliich thev make of the nature of superstitions themselves. 
We mig-ht nesflect them, or seek to substitute for them valid 
opinions. However, science does not liesitate to investigate 
any question, and even tlie natural history of suj)erstitions has 
come to be a profoundly interesting and instructive science. 

Some years ago a movement was made in Europe and 
America to investigate superstitions themselves on the theory 
that they are valid. Societies were organized in London, 
Paris, Berlin, and Boston for the purpose of determining 
whetlier or not there is substantial truth in error itself. This 
is the function of the Societies for Psychical Research, the pur- 
pose of which is to discover tlie truth of dreams, the validity 
of necromancy, and the reality of ghosts. I have a suspicion 
that the Societies for Psychical Research are rather instrumen- 
tal in increasing superstitions than in dispelling them, and that 
we reap the natural fruit of these researches iu tlie increased 
prevalence of such abnormal cults and arts as christian science, 
mind-healing, spirit-rapping, and slate-juggling. Be this as it 
may, there is one result growing out of the naodern Societies 
for Psychical Research which I hail with pleasure: In the 
transactions of these societies there is put on record a great 
body of superstitions, all of which are valuable material as 

Remember it is the science of superstitions, and the science 
must deal with the fundamental errors of mankind (how the 
phenomena of nature have been interpreted by savage and 
barbaric peoples), and how these errors as vestigial phenomena 

20 ETH — 03 XIII 


have remaiued over in civilization and are still entertained. 
Of course the ignorant entertain them by wholesale ; but it is 
not the ignorant alone who entertain superstitions. Supersti- 
tions are domiciled in many parlors, they are paraded on many 
platforms, they are worshipped in many temples, and they 
lurk even in scientific halls and aj^pear in scientific publications 
and are taught by scientific men. There is much folklore in 
this world, and sometimes it may be found in strange company. 

It is thus that the study of folklore reveals the origin and 
nature of superstitions and makes the grand scientific distinc- 
tion between valid concepts and uncanny visions. 

The habit of believing in the impossible, of expecting the 
absurd, and of attributing phenomena to the occult, gives rise 
to two classes of magical agencies which, from savagery to 
the highest stages of culture, have played important roles in 
the explanation of magic. These are the beliefs in mascots 
and tabus. 

Those who dwell on the mysteries of life, especially as they 
are revealed in ecstacy, hypnotism, intoxication, and insanity, 
are forever looking for mascots or mysterious causes. Such 
occult agencies are sweet morsels to superstitious people, 
as scientific men delight in the discovery of scientific facts. 
What a wonder it was to scientific men to discover that bones 
could be photographed through their covering of flesli ! The 
discovery of the Rontgen raj's was held to be so important 
that the discoverer was awarded a great meed of praise. But 
the potency of the left hindfoot of a graveyard rabbit plucked 
in the dark of the moon is held by siqjerstitious people to 
be of more importance than the Rontgen raj^s. More peo- 
ple believe in mascots than believe in telephones, and those 
who believe in mascots believe that telephones are magical. 
In the same manner tabus perform wonderful magic feats in 
the notions of many persons. In savagery there are many 
tabus, and men must not do this thing nor that thing lest their 
enterprise should fail. Survival of tabus still exists; for exam- 
ple, thirteen persons must not sit at the table lest one should 
die. So mascots and tabus still have their influence in civil- 
ized society. 



Having set forth the natvire of the opinions held h}' mankind 
in difterent stages of cultnre, and the way in which science sup- 
phxnts superstition through the agency of verification, it yet 
remains for us to characterize tlie agencies by which opinions 
are propagated. This gives rise to the fifth great system of 
arts, the last in the pentalogic series, the arts of sophiology. A 
brief characterization will be sufficient for our pur^joses. 

Sophiology is the art of instruction. 


It is found that in organized society man has developed five 
distinct agencies for instruction. In infancy parents instruct 
their children. As children advance in age, other members of 
the family take part in the work ; and still as the child advances 
in years his associations are enlarged and all of those persons 
who constitute his social environment take part. Instruction 
of this character is well recognized under the term nurture. 


In tribal society an important agency of instruction is found 
in oratory. Every jjatriarch of a clan, every chief of a tribe, 
every shaman of a brotherhood, every chief of a confederacy, 
must be an instructor of his people. This instruction is neces- 
sarily conveyed by oratory; hence in tribal society a com- 
paratively large number of persons are spokesmen or official 
orators. In the frequent assemblages of the people b^' clans, 
tribes, phratries, and confederacies abundant opportunity 
occurs for the exercise of this office, and when important mat- 
ters are up for consideration in the council every man has a 
right to a voice, and his influence in the tribe depends largely 
on his powers of persuasion as an orator. Oratory is there- 
fore very highly developed in tribal societ}'. At the da^^'n 
of ancient civilization the Greek philosophers employed this 
method of conveying instruction. In national society there is 
still opportunity for oratory in the more highly developed 
council of state. 


riiere are other occasions for oratory. There still remains 
a field for the employment of oratory in religion, for the reli- 
gious teacher must be an orator, and one day in the week is 
set apart for religious instruction. The method of instruction 
by this means has a long history, and through it mankind 
have received a large share of their instruction, although in 
modern times it has been employed chiefly in teaching morals. 


In modern society a distinct agency is organized for the 
instruction of youth in addition to those included under the 
terms nurture and oratory. This new instruction is education. 

In the highest civilization the years of adolescence, and 
sometimes of earl}- manhood, are consecrated to education, so 
that much of the time of individual life is occupied in this 
manner. A multiplicity of schools are organized, a host of 
teachers are em2)loyed, bnildings and apparatus are used, so 
that the cost of education is rapidly advancing j;an passu with 
the growing appreciation of its importance. The theor}- and 
art of education are undergoing rapid development. AYe may 
contemplate with surprise the development of manufacturing 
interests; we may gaze with wonder at the development of 
the agencies of transportation: we may consider with pro- 
found interest the development of commerce and the modern 
agencies upon which its highest .stages depend, but the wonder 
of wonders is the development of modern agencies of edu- 
cation. As human muscle is supplanted by electricity, the 
tallow dips by the incandescent light, the coin by credit, so 
the text-book is supplanted h\ the library, the teacher's rod 
by the instructor's illumination, and the memorized word by 
the informing idea. 


In early times many manuscripts were Avritten and important 
ones were often copied, 1 jut altogether this method of mviltipli- 
cation was infrequent. A new civilization began with the 
events and discoveries that came upon the world about the 
time of the discovery of America; in this ejjoch the art of 


printing was invented, throngh which was developed a new 
system of instruction which has ah-eady become universal in 
civilized society and whose potency for progress can hardly be 
underestimated. This new system is publication. Books and 
periodicals constitute the fourth great agency of instruction. 


Research is the potent agencv- for the development of new 
opinions. Aristotle is credited with organizing research. 
Intermittent and feeble research extended from his time on 
until the epoch of modern civilization. The discovery of 
America signalizes the beginning of this epoch. Prior to this 
time research was dangerous; the propogation of new truth 
was held to be impiety to the gods, old opinions were held 
to be sacred, and terrible punisment was the reward of him, 
who taught new truths to the world. Prior to this time 
even the discoveries in astronomy were held by men only in 
seoret, and the tlat earth with a revolving" sun was the sacred 
opinion. When the New World Avas discovered it was so, 
brilliant an example of the results of the belief in a scientific 
doctrine that science itself was exalted and the scientific man 
could hold up his head and walk the earth the peei' of all men. 
Since that time research has been organized in many fields 
and hosts of men have become votaries to research, and now 
the fifth great sociologic agent is firmly established among the 
institutions of civilization. 

We thus have Nurture, Oratory, Education, Publication, 
and Research as the five grand arts of Instruction. 


Annual Reports 

First annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of 
the Smithsonian Institution 1879-80 bj^ J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1881 

Ro}'. 8-. XXXV, 603 p., 317 fig. (incl. 51 pL), map. Out of 

Report of the Director. P. xi-xxxiii. 

On the evohition of language, as exhibited in the specialization of the grammatic 

processes, the differentiation of the parts of speech, and the integration of the 

sentence; from a study of Indian languages, by J. W. Powell. P. 1-16. 
Sketch of the mythology of the North American Indians, by J. W. Powell. 

P. 17-56. 
Wyandot government; a short study of trilial society, by J. W. Powell. P. 

On limitations to the use of some anthropologic data, by J. W. Powell. P. 71-86. 
A further contribution to the study of the mortuary customs of the North Ameri- 
can Indians, by Dr. H. C. Yarrow, act. asst. surg., U. S. A. P. 87-203, fig. 1-47. 
Studies in Central American picture-writing, by Edward S. Holden, professor of 

mathematics, U. S. Naval Observatory. P. 205-24.5, fig. 48-60. 
Cessions of land Ijy Indian tribes to the United States: illustrated by those in 

the state of Indiana, by C. C. Royce. P. 247-262, map. 
Sign language among North American Indians, compared with that among other 

peoples and deaf-nmtes, by CTarrick Mallery. P. 263-552, fig. 61-342o, 

Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, 

by .Tames C. Pilling. P. .5.53-577. 
Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages. From the manuscripts 

of ^Messrs. J. O. Dorsey, A. S. CTatschet, and S. R. Riggs. P. 579-589. 
Index. P. 591-603. 

Second annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution 1880-81 by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1883 [1881] 

Roy. 8^ xxxvii, i77 p., 77 pi., fig. 1-35, 347-714 (383 of these 
forming 98 pi.), 2 maps. Out of print. 

Report of the Director. P. xv-xxxvii. 

Zuni fetiches, liy Frank Hamilton Gushing. P. 3-45, pi. i-xi, fig. 1-3. 
Myths of the Iroquois, by Erminnie A. Smith. P. 47-116, pi. xii-xv. 
Animal carvings from mounds of the Mississippi valley, by Henr}- W. Henshaw. 
P. 117-166, fig. 4-35. 



Navajo i^ilversmiths, by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. 8. A. P. l(5"-17.s, jil. 


Art in shell of the ancient Americans, liy William H. Holmes. P. 179-305, pi. 


Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the Indians of New Mex- 
ico and Arizona in 1879, by James Stevenson. P. 307—122, fig. 347-697, map. 

Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the Indians of New Mex- 
ico in 1880, by James Stevenson. P. 423-465, fig. 698-714, map. 

Index. P. 467-477. 

Third annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the .secretary 
of the Smith.sonian Institution 1881-'8i) b^' J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Wa.shington Government Printing Office 1884 [1885] 

Roy. S'--. Lxxiv, 600 p., 44 pi., 200 (+ 2 unnumbered) fig. Out 
(if print. 

Report of the Director. P. xiii-lxxiv. 

On activital similarities. P. lxv-lxxiv. 

Notes on certain Maya and ilexican manuscripts, by Prof. Cyrus Thomas. P. 
3-65, pi. i-iv, fig. i-10. 

On masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs, with an inquiry into the l)ear- 
ing of their geographical distriljution, by William Healey Dall, assistant V. S. 
Coast Survey; honorary curator U. S. National Museum. P. 67-202, pi. v-xxix. 

Omaha sociology, by. Eev. J. Owen Dorsey. P. 205-370, pi. xxx-xxxiii, fig. 

Navajo weavers, by Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A. P. 371-391, pi. xxxiv- 
xxxviii, fig. 42-59. 

Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States, derived from impressions on pot- 
tery, by William H. Holmes. P. 393-425, pi. xxxix, fig. 60-115. 

Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collections made by the Bureau of Eth- 
nology during the field season of 1881, by William H. Holmes. P. 427-510, 
fig. 116-200. 

Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the pueblos of Zuiii, New 
Mexico, and Wolpi, Arizona, in 1881, Ijy James Stevenson. P. 511-594, pi. 


Index. P. 595-606. 

Foui'th annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the .secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution 1882-"S3 by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1886 [1887] 

Roy. 8°. Lxm, 532p., 83 pi., 565 tig. Out of print. 

Report of the Director. P. xxvii-lxiii. 

Pictographs of the North American Indians. .V preliminary paper, liy (Tarrick 

Mallery. P. .3-256, pi. i-lxxxiii, fig. 1-111, 111(1-209. 
Pottery of the ancient pueblos, by William H. Holmes. P. 257-360, fig. 210- 

Ancient pottery of the Mississippi valley, by William H. Holmes. P. 361-436, 

fig. 361-463. 
Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic art, by William H. 

Holmes. P. 437-465, fig. 464-489. 
A study of Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuiii <-ulture growth, by Frank 

Hamilton Gushing. P. 467-521, fig. 490-564. 
Index to accompanying papers. P. 523.\-532. 


Fifth iuinuul report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution 1883-84 by ,1. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] "Washington CTOvernnient Printing Office 1887 [1888] 

Roy. 8'-. Liii, 561 p.. •*?> pi. (incl. 2 pocket maps), 77 fig. Ouf 

of prlni. 

Report of the Director. P. xvii-liii. 

Burial mounds of tlie northern sections of the Uniteil States, by i^rof. (_'yrus 

Thomas. P. 3-119, pi. i-vi, fig. 1-49. 
Tlie Cherokee Nation of Indians: a narrative of their oiKcial relations with tlie 

colonial and federal governments, by Charles C. Royce. P. 121-.378, pi. vii- 

IX (pi. VIII and ix are pocket maps). 
The mountain chant: a Xavajo ceremony, by Dr. Washincrton Matthews, U. S. A. 

P. 379-467, pi. x-xviii, fig. .=i0-.59. 
The Seminole Indians of Florida, l>y Clay MacCauley. P. 469-.531, pi. xix, 

fig. 60-77. 
The religious life of the Zuni child, by Mr.s. Tilly E. Stevenson. P. .533-5.55, 

pi. XX-XXIII. 
Index. P. 5.57-.564. 

Sixth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution 1881— '85 by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1888 [1889] 

Roy 8°. Lviii, 675 p. (incl. 6 p. of music), 10 pi. (incl. 2 pocket 
maps), 546 fig., 11 small unnumbered cuts. Old of print. 

Report of the Director. P. xxiii-lviii. 

Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia, by William II, Holmes. 
P. 3-187, pi. I, fig. 1-285. 

.\ study of the textile art in its relation to the development nf form ami orna- 
ment, by William H. Holmes. P. 189-252, fig. 286-358. 

Aids to the study of the Maya codices, tiy Prof. Cyrus Thomas. P. 253-371, 
fig. 359-388. 

Osage traditions, by Eev. J. Owen Dorsey. P. 373-397, fig. 389. 

The central Eskimo, by Dr. Franz Boas. P. 399-669, pi. ii-x, fig. 390-546 (pi. 
II and III are pocket maps) . 

Index. P. 671-675. 

Seventh annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution 1885-"86 by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing-office 1891 [1892] 

Roy. 8°. XLiii. 109 p., 27 pi. (incl. pocket map), 89 fig. Out of 

Report of the Director. P. xv-xli. 

Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico, by .1. W. Powell. P. 

1-142, pi. I (pocket map). 
The ilide'wiwin or "grand medicine .society" of the Ojiliwa. by W.J. Hoffman. 

P. 143-300, pi. ii-xxiii, fig. 1-39. 
The sacred formulas of the Cherokees, by James Mooney. 1'. 301-397, pi. xxiv- 


Index. P. 399-409. 


Eighth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution lS86-'87 by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1891 [1893] 

Roy. 8°. XXXVI, 298 p.. 123 pi., 118 fig. Oufofj^rhif. 

Report of the Director. P. xiii-,\.\:.xvi. 

A study of Pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola, by Victor Mindeleff. 

P. 3-228, pi. i-cxi, fig. 1-114. 
Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand painting of the Navajo Indian.s, 

by James Stevenson. P. 229-28.5, pi. cxii-cxxiii, flg. 11.5-118. 
Index. P. 287-298. 

Ninth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of 
the Smith.sonian Institution 1887-''S8 by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1892 [1893] 

Eoj. 8°. XLVi, 617 p., 8 pi., 11:8 fig. Out of print. 

Report of the Director. P. xix-xlvi. 

Ethnological results of the Point Barrow expedition, by John Murdock, natural- 
ist and observer, International polar expedition to Point Barrow, Alaska, 
1881-1883. P. .3-441, pi. i-ii, fig. 1^28. 

The medicine-men of the Apache, by John G. Bourke, captain, third cavalry, 
U. S. army. P. 443-603, pi. iii-viii, fig. 429^48. 

Index. P. 605-617. 

Tenth annual I'eport of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary of 
the Smithsonian Institution 18SS-'89 by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1893 [1891] 

Roy. %^. XXX, 822 p., 51 pi.. 1291 fig.. 116 small unnumbered 
cuts. Out of print. 

Report of the Director. P. tii-xxx. 

Picture-writing of the American Indians, by Garrick Mallery. P. 3-807, pi. 

i-Liv, fig. 1-145, 145a-1290. 
Index. P. 809-822. 

Eleventh annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution 1889-90 by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1891 

Roy. 8-. XLVii, o53p., 50 pi., 200 fig. Out of print. 

Report of the; Director. P. xxi-xlvii. 

The Sia, l>y Matilda Coxe Stevenson. P. 3-157, pi. i-xxxv, fig. 1-20. 

Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hudson Bay territory, by Lucien M. Turner. 

[Edited by John Murdoch.] P. 1.59-350, pi. xxxvi-xliii^ fig. 21-155. 
A study of Siouan cults, by James Owen Dorsey. P. 351-544, pi. XLiv-i., fig. 

Index. P. 545-553. 

Twelfth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary 
of the Smithsonian In.stitution 1890-'91 bj' J. W.- Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1891 
Roy. 8°. XLViii, 712 p., 12 pi., 311 fig. Oat of print. 
Report of the Director. P. xix-xlviii. 
Report on the mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Cyrus Thomas. 

P. 3-730, pi. i-XLU, fig. 1-.344. 
Index. P. 731-742. 


Thii'teenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnolog_v to the secre- 
tarj' of the Smithsonian Institution 1891-92 by J. W. Powell 
director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 

Roy. 8-^. Lix, J:62p., 60 pi., 330 tig. Out of print. 

Report of the Director. P. xix-lix. 

Prehistoric textile art of eastern United States, 1iy "William Henrv Holmes. 

P. 3-i6, pi. i-ix, fig. 1-28. 
Stone art, by Gerard Fowke. P. 47-178, fig. 29-278. 
Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona, by Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 179-261, 

pi. x-L, fig. 279-305. 
Omaha dwellings, furniture, and implements, by James Owen Horsey. P. 

26.3-288, fig. 306-327. 
Casa Grande ruin, by Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 289-319, pi. li-lx, fig. 328-330. 
Outlines of Zufii creation myths, by Frank Hamilton Gushing. P. 321-147. 
Index. P. 449-462. 

Fourteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secre- 
tary of the Smithsonian Institution 1892-93 by J. W. Powell 
director In two parts — part 1 [-2] [Vignette] ^^"ashington Gov- 
ernment Printing Office 1896 [1897] 

Koy. 8-. Two parts, lxi, 1-637; 639-1136 p., 122 pi., 10-1 fig. 
Out of print. 

Report of the Director. P. xxv-lxi. 

The Menomini Indians, by Walter James Hoffman, M. D. P. 3-328, pi. 

i-xxxvii, fig. 1-55. 
The Coronado expedition, 1540-1542, by George Parker Winship. P. 329-613, 


Index to part 1. P. 615-637. 

The Ghost-dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890, by James Mooney. 

P. 641-1110, pi. Lxxxv-cxxii, fig. 56-104. 
Index to part 2. P. 1111-1136. 

Fifteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution 1893-'9-± by J. W. Powell director 
[Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1897 

Roy. 8-. cxxi, 366 p., frontispiece, 125 pi., 49 fig. Out of 

Report of the Director. P. xv-cxxi. 
On regimentation. P. civ-cxxi. 
Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province, by William 

Henry Holmes. P. 3-152, pi. i-cin and frontispiece, fig. l-29a. 
The Siouan Indians: a preliminary sketch, Ijy W J McGee. P. 153-204. 
Siouan sociology: a posthumous paper, by James Owen Dorsey. P. 205-244, 

fig. 30-38. 
Tusayan katcinas, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 245-313, pi. civ-cxi, fig. 39-48. 
The repair of Casa Grande ruin, Arizona, in 1891, by Cosmos 3Iindeleff. P. 

315-349, pi. cxii-cxxv. 
Index. P. 351-366. 


Sixteenth iiiumal report of the Bureau of American Ethnolog}- to tlie 
secretary of the Smitli.sonian Institution 1894-95 by J. W. Powell 
director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing Office 1897 

Roy. .s*^. nxix, 32rtp., SI pi.. 83 fig. Out <,f print. 

Report of the Director. P. xiii-cxi.x. 

List of publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology. P. ri-cxix. 
Primitive trephining in Pera, by !\Ianuel Antonio Muiiiz and W J ]McGee. P. 

.3-72, pi. i-xL. 
the cliff ruins of t'anyon de Chelly, Arizona, by Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 7:->-198j 

J)l. XLI-LXIII, fig. 1-83. 
Day symbols of the Maya year, by Cyrus Thoma.s. P. 199-265, pi. lxi\'-lxix. 
Tusayan snake ceremonies, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 267-312, pi. i.xx- 


Index. P. 313-326. 

Seventeeth annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to 
the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1895-96 by J. W. Powell 
director In two parts — part 1 [-2] [Vignette] Washington Gov- 
ernment Printing Office 1898 [part 1, 1900, part 2, 1901] 

Roy. 8^. Two parts, xcv, 1-128, 129*-344*, 129-468; 46.5-752 p., 
182 pi., 367%. Ovf of print. 

Report of the Director. P. xxv-xciii. 

List of publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology. P. L.x.xv-xeiii. 
The Seri Indians, by W J McGee. P. 1-128, 129*-344*. pi. i-iiui, ml,, wn, ixh, 

xa, \b, vifi, \ib, viKi, vnfe-ixo, ixi-LVi, fig. 1— i2. 
Comparative lexicology, l)y J. N. B. Hewitt. P. 299*-3'i4*. 
(Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians, by .James Mooney. P. 129-44.'i, pi. 

Lvii-Lxxxi, fig. 43-229. 
Index to part 1. P. 447-468. 

Navaho houses, by Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 469-517, j)l. lxxxii-xc, fig. 230-244. 
.■Vrcheological expedition to Arizona in 1895, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 

519-744, pi. xcM, xcifc-CLXXV. fig. 24.5-.357. 
Index to part 2. P. 745-752. 

Eighteenth annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to 
the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1896-97 by J. ^\ . Powell 
director In two parts — part 1 [-2] [Vignette] Washington , Gov- 
ernment Printing Office 1899 [part 1, 1901. part 2, 1902] 

Roy. 8-. Two parts, lvii. 1-518; 519-997 p., 174 pi., 166 fig. 
Out of prhit. 

Report of the Director. P. xxin-i.vii. 

The Eskimo about Bering strait, by Edward William Nelson. P. 3-518, pi. i- 

cvii, fig. 1-165. 
Indian land cessions in the United States, compiled by Charles C. Royce, with 

an introduction by Cyrus Thomas. P. .521-964, pi. cvni-CLXxiv. 
Index. P. 96.5-997. 

Nineteenth annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to 
the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1897-98 by J. W.Powell 


director In two parts — part I [-:ij [VignetteJ ^A'asbiug■ton Gov- 
ernment Printing Office 190(t [1902] 

Key. S-. Two parts, xcii. 1-568. 569*-576*: 569-1160 p.. fron- 
tispiece, SO pi., -19 lig-. 

Report of the Director. P. ix-xcii, frontispiece. 

Esthetology, or the science of activities designed to give pleasure. 1'. i,v- 


Myths of the Cherokee, by .Tames Mooney. P. 8-548, pi. i-xx, tig. 1-2. 

Index to part 1. P. 549-.568, .569*-.576*. 

Tusayan migration traditions, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. .17.3-633. 

Localization of Tusavan clans, bv Cosmos Mindeleff. P. 63.5-6.53, pi. xxi-xxviii, 
fig. 3. 

Mounds in northern Hondura.^, by Thomas Oann. P. 65.5-692, pi. xxix-xxxix, 
fig. 4-7. 

Mayan calendar systems, by Cyrus Thomas. P. 693-819, pi. xl-xliiki, xliii^- 
XLiv, flg. 8-17((, 176-22. 

Primitive numbers, by W J McGee. P. 821-851. 

Nmneral systems of Mexico and Central America, by Cyrus Thomas. I*. 853- 
955, flg. 23-41. 

Tusayan Flute and Snake ceremonies, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 957-1011, 
pi. XLV-Lxv, flg. 42-46. 

The wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes, a study in American primitive eco- 
nomics, by Albert Ernest Jenks. P. 1013-1137, pi. i.xvi-i.xxix, flg. 47-48. 

Index to part 2. P. 1139-1160. 

Twentieth annua! report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to 
the secretary of the Smith.sonian Institution 189S-99 by J. W. 
Powell director [Vignette] Washington (iovernmeut Priating 
Office 1903 

Roy. 8'. 180 pi., 79 tig. 
Repoit uf the Director. P. vii-ccxxiii. 

Technology, or the science of industries. P. xxi.x-LVir. 

Sociology, or the science of institutions. P. Lix-cxxxvin. 

Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression. P. cxxxix- 


Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruction. P. 


List of publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology. P. cxcix-ccxxiii. 
Aboriginal pottery of the eastern United States, by W. H. Holmes. P. 1-201, 



Twenty-tirst annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to 
the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1899-190O by .1. W. 
Powell director [Vignette] Washington Government Printing 
Office 190.3 

Roy. 8". 69 pi. In pres.s. 

Report uf the Director. PI. i. 

Hopi katcinas, drawn by native artists, by Jesse Walter Fewkes. P. 3-126, 
pl. ii-Lxni. 

Iroquois co.smogi my. by J. X. l'>. Hewitt. P. 127 , pl. i.xiv-i.\i\. 



Twenty-second annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1900-01 by W .1 Mc- 
Gee acting director In two parts — part 1 [-2] [Vignette] Wash- 
ington Government Printing Office 1903 

Roy. S°. Two parts. 91 pi.. 178 fig. In press. 
Report of the Acting Director. 
Two summers' work in pueblo ruins, liy Jesse Walter Fewkes. PI. I-Lxx, fig. 

:\Iayan calendar systems. 11, by Cyrus Thomas. PI. lxxi-lxxxii, fig. 121-168. 
Index to part 1. 
The Hako, a Pawnee ceremony, by AnceC. Fletcher, holder of Thaw fellowship, 

Peabody Museum, Harvard University. PL lxxxiii-xci, fig. 169-178. 
Inriex to part 2. 

Twenty-third annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
to the secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1901-02 by W J 
McGee acting director In two parts — part 1 [-2] [Vignette] "Wash- 
ington Government Printing Office 1904 
Roy. 8^. Two parts. //; pri-ptiration. 

Report of the Acting Director. 

The Pima Indians of Arizona, by Frank Russell. 

Index to part 1. 

Esoteric and exoteric life of the Zuni Indians, by Matilda Coxe Stevenson. 

Index to part 2. 


(1). Bibliography of the Eskimo language l)y -lames Con.stantine 
Pilling 1887 

8*^. V, 116 p. (inch 8 p. of facsimiles). 

(2). Perforated stones from California by Henry \\'. Henshaw 


8°. 3ip..l6fig. 

(3). The use of gold and other metals among the ancient inhabitants 
of Chiriqui, Isthmus of Darien liy William H. Holmes 18S7 
8°. 27 p., 22 fig. 

(i). Work in mound exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology T)y 
Cyrus Thomas 1887 
8°. 15 p.. 1%. 

(5). Bibliography of the Siouan languages by James Constantine 
Pilling 1887 
8°. V, 87 p. 

(6). Bibliograph}' of the Iroquoian languages by James C. Pilling 
1888 [1889] 

8°. VI, 208 p. (inch 4 p. facsimiles), 5 minumbered facsimiles. 
Out ofjyrlnt. 


(7). Textile fabrics of aiu-ient Peru by William H. Holmes 1S89 
8-. IT p., 11 fig. 

(8). The problem of the Ohio mouuds b3- Cyrus Thomas 18S9 
8°. 5ip., 8 fig. . 

(9). Bibliography of the Muskhogean languages by James Coii- 
stantine Pilling 1889 

8^. V, 11-1 p. Out qfjjrinf. 

(10). The circular, square, and octagonal (^irtliworks of Oiiio by 
Cyrus Thomas 1889 

8'=. 35 p., 11 pi., 5 fig. Oat of j,r/'uf. 

(11). Omaha and Ponka letters by -James Owen Dorsey 1891 
H'-'. 127 p. 

(12). Catalogue of prehistoric works east of the Rocky mountains 
by Cyrus Thomas 1S91 
8°. 246 p., 17 pi. and maps. 

(13). Bibliography of the Algonquian languages by James Con- 
stantine Pilling 1891 [1892] 

8-". X, 614 p., 82 facsimiles. Onf ofjjrint. 

(14). Bibliographj' of the Athapascan languages by James Con- 
stantine Pilling 1892 

8°. XIII, 126 p. (inch 4 p. facsimiles). 

(15). Bibliography of the Chinookan languages (including the C'hi- 
nook jargon) by James Constantine Pilling 1893 
8'-^. XIII, 81 p. (incl. 3 p. facsimiles). 

(16). Bibliography of the Salishan languagies by James C'onstan- 
tine Pilling 1893 

S*^. XIII, 86 p. (incl. 4 p. facsimiles). 

(17). The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia bv Jno. (iiirlancl Pollard 

8^. 19 p. 

(IS). The Maya year by Cyrus Thomas 1894 
8^. 64 p., 1 pi. 

(19). Bibliography of the Wakashan languages by James Constan- 
tine Pilling 1894 

8°. XI, 70 p. (nicl. 2 p. facsimiles). 

(20). Chinook texts by Franz Boas 1894 [1895] 
8°. 278 p., 1 pi. 

(21). An ancient quarry in Indian Territory by William Henry 
Holmes 1894 

8^. 19 p., 12 pL. 7 fig. 


(22). The Siouan tribes of the East by James Mooney 1894 [ 1 ,s;t5] 
S-. 101 p., map. 

(23). Archeologie investigations in James and Potoniaf valleys 
by Gerard Fowke 189i [1895] 
8°. 80 p.. 17 fig. 

(24). List of the publications of the Bureau of Ethnolooy with index 
to authors and subjects by Frederick Weljb Hodge 1894 
s . 2,5 p. 

25. Natick dictionary by James Hammond Trumbull 19(18 
Roy. 8'. xxviii. 349 p. 

26. Kathlamet texts by Franz Boas 1901 
Roy. 8'-. 261 p.. 1 pi. 

27. Tsimshian texts by Franz Boas 1902 
Roy. 8 . 244 p. 

28. Haida texts Jiy John R. Swanton In jyreparntimi. 

29. Mexican and Central American antiquities and calendar sys- 
tems Nine papers bv Eduard Seler translated from the German 
under the supervision of Charles P. Bowditch In prejxirntion. 

30. Mayan antiquities, calendar sj'stems, and history Twenty 
papers by E. Forstemann, Paul Schellhas, Carl Sapper, Eduard Seler, 
and E. P. Dieseldorff translated from the German under the super- 
vision of Charles P. Bowditch In prei)andi<m. 

31. Kwakiutl texts by Franz Boas In preparation. 


[AH I if the rohtmes of this series are out of print) 

Department of the Interior U. S. Geographical and Geological 
Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region J. W. Powell in charge — 
Contributions to North American ethnology — Volume I [-VH, IX] — 
[Seal of the department] Washington Government Printing Office 

1877 [-1893] 

4^. 9 vols. 

Volume I, 1877: 

Part I. Tribes of the extreme Northwe.«t, by AV. H. Dall. P. 1-106, 10 iiiinnm- 

bered pi., 9 uumiuibered fig., pocket map. 
On the distribution and nomenclature of the native trilies of Alaslia and 

the adjacent territory. P. 7-40, pocket map. 
On succession in the shell-heaps of the Aleutian islands. P. 41-91, 10 i)l., 

9 fig. 
On the origin of the Innuit. P. 93-106. 
Appendix to part i. Linguistics. P. 107-156. 

Notes on the natives of Alaska (communicated to the late George Uibbs, 

M.D., in 1862), by His Excellency J. Furuhelm, late governor of the 

Russian- American colonies. P. 111-116. 


Volume I — Continued. 
Part I — Continued. 

Terms of relationship used by the Innuit: a series obtained from natives 

of Cumberland inlet, by W. H. Dall. P. 117-119. 
Vocabularies [by George Gibbs and W. H. Dall]. P. 121-153. 
Note on the use of numerals among the T'sim si-an', by George Gibbs, 
M. D. P. 155-156. 
Part II. Tribes of western Washington and northwestern Oregon, liy George 
Ciibbs, M. D. P. 157-2-11, pocket map. 
Appendix to part ii. Linguistics. P. 243-361. 

Vocabularies [by George Gibbs, Wm. F. Tolmie, and G. Mengarini]. 

P, 247-283. 
Dictionary of the Niskvvalli [Nisqualli-English and English-NisqualU], by 
George Gibbs. P. 285-361. 

Volume II, 1890 [1891]: 

The Klamath Indians of southwestern Oregon, by Albert Samuel Gatschet. 
Two parts, cvii, 711 p.. map; iii, 711 p. 

Volume III, 1877: 

Tribes of California, by Stephen Powers. 635 p., frontispiece, 44 fig. (incl. 42 
pi. ), 3 p. music, pocket map. 
Appendix. Linguistics, edited by J. W. Powell. P. 439-613. 

Volume IV, 1881 : 

Houses and house-life of the American aborigines, by Lewis H. Morgan, xiv, 
281 p., frontispiece, 57 tig. (incl. 28 pi.). 

Volume V, 1882: 

Observations on cup-shaped and other lapidarian sculptures in tlie Old World 
and in America, by Charles Ran. 1881. 112p.,61fig. ( forming 35 pis. ). 

On prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets, by Robert Fletcher, M. R. C. S. 
Eng., act. asst. surgeon U. S. Army. 1882. 32 p., 9 pi., 2 fig. 

A study of the manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas Ph. D., with an introduc- 
tion by D. G. Brinton, M. D. 1882. xxxvii, 237 p., 9 pi., 101 fig., 25 small 
unnumbered cuts. 

Volume VI, 1890 [1892]: 

The Cegiha language, by James Owen Dorsey. xviii, 794 p. 

Volume VII, 1890 [1892]: 

A Dakota-English dictionary, by Stephen Return Riggs, edited by James Owen 
Dorsey. x, 665 p. 

Volume VIII: 

[Note. As was announced in the list of i)ublications issued as Bulletin 24, it was 
the intention to publish Professor Holmes' memoir on the pottery of the . 
eastern United States as Volume VIII of the Contributions, but as the act 
of January 12, 1895, failed to provide for the completion of this series, the 
eighth volume will not be published.] 

Volume IX, 1893 [1894]: 

Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, Ijy Stephen Return Riggs, edited by 
James Owen Doraey. xxxii, 239 p. 

20 ETH— 03 XIV 

ccx bureau of amekican ethnology 


(All nf Ike volumes of this series are out of print) 

(1). Introduction to the study of Indian languages, with words, 
phrases, and sentences to be collected. By J. W. Powell. [Seal of 
the Department of the Interior.] Washington: Government Printing 
Office. 1877. 

4°. 104 p., 10 blank leaves. 

Second edition as follows: 

(2). Smithsonian Institution — Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell 
director — Introduction to the study of Indian languages with words, 
phrases and sentences to be collected — by J. W. Powell — Second 
edition — with charts — Washington Government Printing Office 1880 

4^. xi, 228 p., 10 blank leaves, 4 kinship charts in pocket. A 16° 
"Alphabet" of 2 leaves accompanies the work. 

(3). Smithsonian Institution — Bureau of Ethnology — Introduction 
to the study of sign language among the North American Indians as 
illustrating the gesture speech of mankind — by Garrick Mallery bre- 
vet lieut. col. , U. S. army — Washington Government Printing Office 

4°. iv, 72 p., 33 unnumbered tigs. 

(4). Smithsonian Institution — Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell, 
director — Introduction to the study of mortuary customs among the 
North American Indians — by Dr. H. C. Yarrow act. asst. surg. 
U. S. A. — Washington Government Printing Office 1880 

4°. ix, 114 p. 

Miscellaneous Publications 

(All if the irnrks in this series are out of print) 

(1). Smithsonian Institution — Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell, 
director — A collection of gesture-signs and signals of the North 
American Indians with some comparisons by Garrick Mallery brevet 
lieut. col. and formerly acting chief signal officer, U. S. armj' — Dis- 
tributed only to collaborators — Washington Government Printing 
Office 1880' 

4'-'. 329 p. 

Note. 250 copies printed for use of collaborators only. 

(2). Smithsonian Institution — Bureau of Ethnology J. W. Powell 
director — Proof-sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North 
American Indians by James Constantine Pilling — (Distributed only to 
collaborators) — Washington Government Printing Office 1885 

4^. XL, 1135 p., 20 pi. (facsimiles). 


Note. Only 110 copies [irinU'il for tlie use of collaborators, 10 of them on one side 
of the sheet. 

It was the intention to have this Bibliography form Volume X of the Contribu- 
tions to North American Ethnology, but the work assumed such proportions that it 
was .subsequently deemed advisable to jiublish it as a part of the series of Bulletins, 
devoting a Bulletin to each linguistic stock. 

(3). Linguistic families of the Indian tribe.s north of Mexico, with 
provisional list of the princiixil ti-ihul iianics and s_vnonytns. [1885] 
16°. 55 p. 

Note. A few copies printed for the use of the compilers of a Dictionary of Ameri- 
can Indians now in preparation. It is without title-page, name, or <late, but was 
compiled from a manuscript list of Indian tribes by James Mooney. 

{■i). [Map of J Linguistic stocks of American Indian.s north of Mexico 
by J. W. Powell. [1891.] 

Note. A limited edition of this map, which forms plate i of the Seventh .\nmial 
Keport, was issued on lieavy paper, 19 by 22 inches, for the use of students. This 
map was revised and published in the Report on Indians Taxed and Not Taxed in the 
United States at the Eleventh Census, 1890. 

(5). Tribes of North Amei'ica. with synonymy. Skittagetan family. 
[1890] 1°. 13 p. 

Note. A few copies printed for the use of the compilers of the Dictionary of 
American Indians. It was prepared liy H. AV. Henshaw, and contains two samples 
of style for the Dictionary, the second beginnmg on page 7 with the head, " Diction- 
ary of Indian tribal names." 

(6). Advance pages Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American 
Ethnology — Dictionary of American Indians north of Mexico . . . 
[Vignette] Washington 1903 8°. 33 p. 

Note. Prepared by F. W. Hodge. Two hundred and fifty copies printed by the 
Smithsonian Institution for the use of the compilers of the Dictionary. 

Index to Authors and Titles 

A = Anniial Report. B=Bulletin. 0= Contributions to North American Ethnology. 
I=Introihiotion. M=Miscellaneous publications. 

Activital similarities (Powell) A iii, Ixv. 

Activities. See Esthetology; Technology; Philology; Sociologj", 

Alaska, Notes on the natives of (Furuhelm) C i, lU. 

Algonquian languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) B 13. 

Amulets, cranial, Prehistoric trtephining and (R. Fletcher) C v. 

Animal carvings from mounds of the Mississippi valley (Hen- 

shaw) A n, 117. 

Anthropologic data. Limitations to the use of some (Powell) A i, 71. 

Antiquities; Mayan calendar systems, history, ^nd (Forstemann, 

Schellhas, Sapper, Seler, Dieseldorff ) B 30. 

Mexican and Central American calendar systems and (Seler).. B 29. 

Apache, The medicine-men of the (Bourke) A ix, 443. 

Archeologic investigations in James and Potomac valleys 

(Fowke) "..B 23. 

Archeological expedition to Arizona in 1895 ( Fewkes) A ,xvii, 519. 

Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola ( V. Mindeleff ) A viii, 3. 

Arizona, .-Vboriginal remains in Verde valley in (C. Mindeleff) A xiii, 179. 

.Archeological expedition to, in 1895 (Fewkes) A xvii, •■)19. 

The cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly in (C. Mindeleff) A xvi, 73. 

Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 1879 (J. Stevenson) .A ii, 307. 

in 1881 (J. Stevenson) A ni, 511. 

The Pima Indians of (Ru.ssell) A xxui. 

See Casa Grande; Tusayan. 

Art, Ancient, of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia (Holmes) ..A vi, 3. 

ceramic, Form and ornament in ( Holmes) A iv, 437. 

in shell of the ancient Americans ( Holmes) A ii, 179. 

I 'rehistoric textile, of eastern LTnited States (Holmes) A xiii, 3. 

Stone ( Fowke) A xiii, 47. 

textile, A study of the (Holmes) A vi, 189. 

Artists, native, Hopi katcinas drawn by ( Fewkes) A xxi, 3. 

Athapascan languages. Bibliography of the (Pilling) B 14. 

Bering Strait, Eskimo about (Nelson) A xviii, 3. 

Bibliography of the Algonquian languages (Pilling) B 13. 

of the Athapascan languages ( Pilling) B 14. 

of the Chinookan languages, including the Chinook jargon 

(Pilling) .B 15. 

ot the Eskimo language (Pilling) B 1. 

of the Iroquoian languages (Pilling) B 6. 

of the languages of the North American Indians, Proof sheets of 

(Pilling) M 2. 

of the IMuskhogean languages ( Pilling) B 9. 

of the Salishan languages ( Pilling) B 1 '1 

• ccxin 


Biljliography of the Siouan languages (Pilling) B 5. 

of the Wakashan languages (Pilling) . . . * B 19. 

Boas, Franz. Tlie Central Eskimo A vi, 399. 

Chinook texts B 20. 

Kathlamet texts B 26. 

K wakiutl texts B HI, 

Tsirashian texts B 27. 

Bourke, John G. The medicine-men of the Apache A ix, 443. 

Bowditch, C. P. [Papers translated under the supervision of] . .B 29 and 30. 
Brinton, Daniel G. The graphic system and ancient methods of 

the Mayas C v (pt. 3), xvii. 

Calendar history of the Kiowa Indiana ( Mooney) A xvii, 129. 

Calendar systems, Mayan (Thomas) A xix, 693, and 


Mayan antiquities, history, and ( Forstemann, Sehellhas, Sapper, 

8eler, Dieseldorff ) B 30. 

Mexican and Central American antiquities and (Seler) B 29. 

California, Perforated stones from (Henshaw) B 2. 

Tribes of (Powers) C in. 

Carvings, Animal, from mounds of the Mississippi valley (Hen- 
shaw) .A II, 117. 

Casa Grande ruin (C. Mindeleff ) A xiii, 289. 

The repair of, in 1891 (C. Mindeleff) A xv, 31.5. 

Catalogue of collections from New Mexico and Arizona in 1879 

(J. Stevenson) A ii, 307. 

of collections from New Mexico in 1880 (J. Stevenson) A ii, 423. 

of collections from pueVjlos in 1881 (J. Stevenson) A iii, 511. 

of collections made in 1881 (Holmes) A in, 427. 

of linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology (Pilling) A I, .55.3. 

of prehistoric works east of the Rocky mountains (Thomas) B 12. 

(pegiha language. The ( Dorsey ) C vi. 

Central America, numeral systems of Mexico and (Thomas) A xix, 853. 

Central American picture-writing. Studies in (Holden) A i, 205. 

Central American and Mexican antiquities and calendar systems 

(Seler) B 29. 

Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand painting of the 

Navajo (J. Stevenson ) A viii, 229. 

Ceremonies, Tusayan Snake ( Fewkes ) A x vi, 267. 

Ceremony ; The Hako, A Pawnee (A. Fletcher) A xxii. 

Cessions, Indian land, in the United States (Royce-Thomas) A xviii, 521. 

of land b)' Indian tribes to the United States (Royce) A i, 247. 

Cherokee, Myths of the (Mooney) A xix, 3. 

nation of Indians, The (Royce) ^ A v, 121. 

The sacred formulas of the ( Mooney ) A vii, 301. 

Chinook texts ( Boas) B 20. 

Chinookan languages. Bibliography of the (Pilling) B 15. 

Chiriqui, Columbia, Ancient art of the province of (Holmes) A vi, 3. 

Isthmus of Darien, The use of gold and other metals among the 

ancient inhabitants of (Holmes) B 3. 

Cibola, Architecture of Tusayan and (V. Mindeleff) A vui, 3. 

See Zuni. 

Clans, Tusayan, Localization of (C. Mindeleff) ; A xix, 635. 

Cliff ruins of Canyon de C'helly, Arizona (C. Mindeleff) A xvi, 73. 


Codices, Aids to the study of tlie Maya ( Thomas) A vi, 253. 

Collections, Illustrated catalogueof, from New Mexico andArizona 

in 1879 (J. f^tevenson) A ii, 307. 

from New Mexico in 1880 (J. Stevenson) A ii, 423. 

from pueblos in 1881 (J. Stevenson) A iii, 511. 

made in 1881 (Holmes) A in, 427. 

Coronado expedition, 1540-1542, The ( Winship) A xiv, 329. 

Cosmogony, Iroquois (Hewitt) A xxi, 127. 

Cults, Siouan, A study of (Dorsey) A xi, .351. 

Cup-shaped and other lapidarian sculptures ( Rau) C v. 

dishing, F. H. Zufii fetiches A ir, 3. 

Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zufii culture growth .A. iv, 4(37. 

Outlines of Zufii creation myths A xiii, 321. 

Dakota-English dictionary, A (Riggs) ^ C vii. 

Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography (Rigga) C ix. 

Dall, William H. Tribes of the extreme Northwest C i, 1. 

Terms of relationship used by the Innuit C i, 117. 

On masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs A in, 67. 

and Gibbs, George. Vocabularies of tribes of the extreme 

Northwest C i, 121. 

Day symbols of the Maya year (Thomas) A xvi, 199. 

Dictionary, A Dakota- English (Riggs) C vii. 

Natick B 25. 

of American Indians north of Mexico. Advance pages (Hodge). M 6. 
Dieseldorff, E. P., and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar sys- 
tems, and history B 30. 

Dorsey, J. Owen. The (Pegilia language C vi. 

Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages A i, 579. 

Omaha and Ponka letters B 11. 

Omaha dwellings, furniture, and implements A xiii, 263. 

Omaha sociology A iii, 205. 

Osage traditions A vi, 373. 

Siouan sociology - A x v, 205. 

A study of Siouan cults A xi, 351 . 

editor. A Dakota- English dictionary, by Stephen Retui-n Riggs.C vii. 

Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, by S. R. Riggs ...C ix. 

Dwellings, furniture, and implements, Omaha (Dorsey) A xiii, 263. 

Earthworks, The circular, square, and octagonal, of Ohio 

(Thomas) B 10. 

Economics, primitive, A study in American (Jenks) A xix, 1013. 

Eskimo about Bering strait, The (Nelson) A xviii, 3. 

language, Bibliography of the (Pilling) B 1. 

The central (Boas) A vi, 399. 

See Point Barrow; Ungava district. 

Esoteric and exoteric life of the Zunis (M. C. Stevenson) A xxiii. 

Esthetcjlogy, or the science of activities designed to give pleasure 

(Powell) A XIX, Iv. 

Ethnography, grammar, and texts, Dakota (Riggs) C ix. 

Ethnology of the Ungava district (Turner) A xi, 159. 

Evolution of language (Powell) A i, 1. 

Expression; Philology, or the science of activities designed for 

(Powell) A XX, cxxxix. 


Fetiches, Zuni ( Cuiihing ) A n, 3. 

Fewkes, J. W. Areheological expedition to Arizona in 1895 A xvii, 519. 

Hopi katcinas, drawn by native artists A xxi, 3. 

Tusayan Flute and Snake ceremonies A xix, 957. 

Tusayan katcinas A x v, 245. 

Tusayan migration traditions A xix, 573. 

Tusayan Snake ceremonies A xvi, 267. 

Two summers' work in pueblo ruins A xxii. 

FIet<lier, Alice C. The Hako: a Pawnee ceremony A xxii. 

Fletcher, Robert. On prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets. C v. 

Florida, The Seminole Indians of (MacCauley) A v, 469. 

Flute and Snake ceremonies, Tu.sayan ( Fewkes) A xix, 957. 

Form and ornaments in ceramic art ( Holmes) A iv, 437. 

Formulas, Sacred, of the Cherokees (Mooney) A vii, .301. 

Forstemann, E., and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar sys- 
tem.?, and history B 30. 

Fowke, Gerard. Stone art A xiii, 47. 

Archeologic investigations in James and Potomac valleys B 23. 

Furniture, dwellings, and implements, Omaha (Dorsey) A xiii, 263. 

Furuhelm, J. Notes on the natives of Alaska C i. 111. 

Gann, Thomas. Mounds in northern Honduras .\ xix, 655. 

Gatschet, Albert S. Illustration of the method of recording In- 
dian languages A i, 579. 

The Klamath Indians of southwestern Oregon C ii. 

Gesture signs and signals of the North American Indians ( Mallery ) . M 1 . 
Gesture speech, Introduction to the study of sign language as 

illustrating ( Mallery ) I 3. 

Ghost-dance religion ( Mooney ) A xiv, 641. 

Gibbs, George. Notes on the use of numerals among the T'sim 

si-an' C i, 155. 

Tribes of western Washington and northwestern Oregon C i, 157. 

and Dall, W. H. Vocabularies of tribes of the extreme north- 
west C 1, 121. 

Gold and other metals, [Tge of, among the ancient inhabitants of 

Chiri(|ui (Holmes) B 3. 

Grammar, texts, and ethnography, Dakota (Riggs) C ix. 

Graphic system and ancient methodsof the Mayas (Brinton) C v (pt. 3), xvii. 

Haida texts (Swanton) B 28. 

Hako (The): a Pawnee ceremony (A. C.Fletcher) A x.xii. 

Hasjelti Dailjis ceremonial of the Navajo (J. Stevenson) A viii, 229. 

Henshaw, H. W. Animal carvings from mounds of the Missis- 
sippi valley A ii, 117. 

Perforated stones from California B 2. 

Tribes of North America, with synonymy. Skittagetan family .M 5. 
Hewitt, J. N. B. Comparative lexicology (of the Serian and 

Yuman languages) A xvii, 299*. 

Iroquois cosmogony A xxi, 127. 

History; Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, and (Forstemann, 

Schellhas, Sapper, Seler, Dieseldorff) .- B 30. 

Hodge, F. W. Advance pages. Dictionary of American Indians 

north of Mexico M 6. 

List of publications of the Bureau of Ethnology with index to 

authors and subjects B 24. 


H<il'fni;in, AV. ,1. The Mi(10''\viwin or "graixl meilicine socit'ty " 

of the Ojilivva A vii, 143. 

The Meuomini Indians A xiv, 3. 

Holden, E. S. Studies in Central American picture writing A i, 205. 

Holmes, W. H. Aboriginal pottery of the e:vsfern United States. A x.x, 1. 

An ancient quarry in Indian Territory B 21. 

Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia A vi, 8. 

Ancient pottery fif the Jlississippi valley A iv, 361. 

Art in shell of the ancient Americans A ii, ] 79. 

Illustrated catalogue of a portion of the collections made l)y the 

Bureau of Ethnology during the field season of 1881 A iii, 427. 

Introduction to archeologic investigations in James and Potomac 

valleys (Fowke) B 23. 

Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic art. .A iv, 437. 

Pottery of the ancient pueblos A iv, 257. 

Prehistoric textile art of eastern United States A xiii, 3. 

Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States, derived from 

impressions on pottery A in, 393. 

Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater prov- 
ince ■ A XV, 3. 

A study of the textile art in its relation to the development of 

form and ornament A vi, 189. 

Textile fabrics of ancient Peru B 7. 

The use of gold and other metals among the ancient inhabitants 

of Chiriqui, Isthmus of Darien B 3. 

Honduras, northern, Mounds in (Gann) A xix, 655. 

Hopi katcinas, drawn \>y native artists ( Fewkes) A x.xi, 3. 

See also Tusayan. 

Houses and house-life of the American aVjorigines (Morgan) C iv. 

Houses, Navaho (C. ]\Iindeleff ) A xvii, 469. 

Hudson Bay territory. Ethnology of the Ungava district (Turner) .A xi, 1.59. 

Illustrated catalogue of collections made in 1881 (Holmes) A in, 427. 

of collections from New Mexico and Arizona in 1879 (J. Ste- 
venson ) A II, 307. 

of collections from New Mexico in 1880 (.1. Stevenson) A ii, 423. 

of collections from pueblos in 1881 (J. Stevenson) A iii, 511. 

Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages (Dorsey, 

(iatschet, Riggs) A i, 579. 

Implements, Omaha dwellings, furniture, and (Dorsey) X xiii, 263. 

Stone, of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province 

( Holmes) A xv, 3. 

Indian Territory, Ancient quarry in (Holmes) B 21. 

Industries; Technology, or the science of (Powell) A xx, xxix. 

Innuit, Terms of relationship used by the (Dall) C i, 117. 

Institutions; Sociology, or the science of (Powell) A xx, lix. 

Instruction; Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to 

give (Powell) A x.x, clxxi. 

Introduction to the study of Indian languages ( Powell) I 1 and 2. 

to the study of mortuary custiMus ( Yarrow ) I 4. 

to the study of sign language ( Mallery ) _ . I 3. 

Iroquoian languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) B 6. 

Iroquois cosmogony ( Hewitt) A xxi, 127. 

Iroquois, Myths of the (Smith) A ii, 47. 


James and Potomac valleys, Archeologic investigations in 

(Fowke) '- B 23. 

.Tenks, Albert Ernest. Wild-rice gatherers of the iijiper lakes. . .A xi.x, 1013. 

Justice; Sociology, or the science of activities designed for 

(Powell) • A XX, lix. 

Katcinas, Hopi, drawn by native artists (Fewkes) A xxi, 3. 

Tusayan (Fewkes) A xv, 24.5. 

Kathlamet texts ( Boas) B 26. 

Kiowa Indians, Calendar history of the (Mooney) A xvii, 129. 

Klamath Indians of southwestern Oregon, The (Gatschet) C ii. 

Kwakiutl texts ( Boas) B 31. 

Labrets, masks, and certain aboriginal customs (Dall) A iii, 67. 

Land cessions, Indian, in the United States (Royce-Thomas) A xviii, 521. 

Language, The (fegiha (Dorsey) C vi. 

Evolution of (Powell) A i, 1. 

Philology, or the science of (Powell) A .xx, cxxxix. 

Languages, Indian, Illustration of the method of recording (Dor- 
sey, Gatschet, Eiggs) A i, 579. 

Introduction to the study of (Powell) I 1 and 2. 

of the North American Indians, Proof sheets of a bibliography 

of the (Pilling) , ".M 2. 

See Bibliography. 

Letters, Omaha and Ponka ( Dorsey) B 11. 

Lexicology, Comparative, of the Serian and Yuman languages 

(Hewitt) A xviii, 299*. 

Limitations to the use of some anthropologic data (Powell) A i, 71. 

Linguistic families of America north of Mexico, Indian (Powell). A vii, 1. 

of the Indian tribes north of !\Iexico ( Mooney ) M 3. 

Linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, 

Catalogue of (Pilling) A i, 553. 

Linguistic stocks north of Mexico, map of (Powell) M 4. 

List of publications of the Bureau of Ethnology ( Hodge ) B 24. 

MacCauley, Clay. The Seminole Indians of Florida A v, 469. 

McGee, W J. Preface to the Panumkey Indians of Virginia 

(Pollard) .' B 17. 

Prefatory note to the Maya year (Thomas) B 18. 

Primitive numbers A xix, 821. 

The Seri Indians A xvii, 1. 

The Siouan Indians A xv, 153. 

and Muiiiz, M. A. Primitive trephining in Peru A xvi, 3. 

Mallery, Garrick. A collection of gesture signs and signals of the 

North American Indians, with some comparisons. 51 1. 

Introduction to the study of sign language among the North 
American Indians as illustrating the gesture speech of man- 
kind I 3. 

Pictograplis of the North American Indians. A preliminary 

paper A iv, 3. 

Picture-writing of the American Indians A x, 3. 

Sign language among North American Indians compared with 

that among other peoples and deaf-mutes A i, 263. 

Manuscripts, linguistic, in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, 

Catalogue of (Pilling) A i, 553. 

Notes on certain Maya and Mexican, (Thomas) A iii, 3. 

Manuscript Troano, A study of the (Thomas) C v. 


Map of linguistic stockf north of Mexico ( Powell) M 4. 

Masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal customs ( Dall) A iii, 67. 

Massachusetts. See Natick. 

Matthews, Washington. Navajo silversmiths A ii, 167. 

Navajo weavers A in, 371. 

The mountain chant: a Navajo ceremony A v, 379. 

Maya codices. Aids to the study of the (Thomas) .V vi, 253. 

Maya and Mexican manuscripts, Notes on certain (Thomas) A in, 3. 

Maya year (Thomas) B 18. 

Day symbols of the (Thomas) A xvi, 199. 

Mayan antiquities, calendar S5'stenis, and liistory (Forstemann, 

Schellhas, Sapper, Seler, Dieseldorff) B 30. 

Mayan calendar systems (Thomas) - A xix, 693, and 


Mayas, Graphic system and ancient methods of the (Brinton) C v (pt.3),xvii. 

Medicine-men of the Apache, The (Bourke) A ix, 443. 

Jlenomini Indians, The (Hoffman) A xiv, 3. 

Metals, Use of gold and other, among the ancient inhabitants of 

Chiriqui ( Holmes ) B 3. 

Mexican and Central American antiquities and calendar systems 

(Seler) B 29. 

Mexican and Maya manuscripts. Notes on certain (Thomas) A in, 3. 

Mexico and Central America, Numeral systems of (Thomas) A xix, 853. 

Mide'wiwin or "grand medicine society" of the Ojibwa, The 

(Hoffman) A vn, 143. 

Migration traditions, Tusayan (Fewkes) A xix, 573. 

Mindeleff, C. Aboriginal remains in Verde valley, Arizona A xiii, 179. 

Casa Grande ruin A xni, 289. 

Cliff ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona A xvi, 73. 

Localization of Tusayan clans A xix, 635. 

Navaho houses A xvii, 469. 

Repair of Casa Grande ruin in 1891 , A xv, 315. 

Mindeleff, V. A study of puelilo architecture: Tusayan and 

Cibola - A vni, 3. 

Mississippi valley, Animal carvings from the mounds of the 

(Henshaw) A ii, 117. 

Ancient pottery of the (Holmes) A iv, 361. 

Mooney, James. Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians A xvii, 129. 

The Ghost-dance religion, with a sketch of the Sioux outbreak 

of 1890 A XIV, 641. 

Linguistic families of Indian tribes north of jNIexico M 3. 

Myths of the Cherokee A xix, 3. 

Sacred formulas of the Cherokees .\ vn, 301. 

Siouan tribes of the East B 22. 

Morgan, Lewis H. Houses and house-life of the American abo- 
rigines C IV. 

Mortuary customs. Introduction to the study of (Yarrow) I 4. 

of the North American Indians ( Yarrow ) A i, 87. 

Mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology (Thomas) A xii, 3; B 4. 

Mounds, Burial, of the northern sections of the Ignited States 

(Thomas) A v, 3. 

in northern Honduras (Gann) A xix, 655. 

of the Mississippi valley. Animal carvings from the ( Henshaw ) . A ii, 117. 

Ohio, The proDlem of the CThomas) B 8. 

prehistoric, east of the Rocky mountains, Catalogue of (Thomas) - B 12. 


Mountain ihant: a Navajo ceremony (Matthews) A v, 379. 

Mufiiz, M. A., and McGee, W J. Primitive trephining in Peru. .A xvi, S. 
Murdoch, ,Tohn. Ethnological results of the Point Barrow expe- 
dition -^ IX, 3. 

editor. Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hudson Bay terri- 
tory, by Lucien M. Turner - -^ xi, lo9. 

Muskhogean languages, Bibliography of the ( Pilling) B 9. 

Mythology of the North American Indians ( Powell ■) A i, 1 7. 

Myths, Zufii creation. Outlines of (Gushing) A xni, 321. 

of the Cherokee ( Mooney ) A xix, 3. 

of the Iroquois (Smith) A ii, 47. 

Natick dictionary (Trumbull ) B 25. 

Navaho houses (C. Mindeleff ) - - A xvii, 469. 

Navajo ceremony, The mountain chant, a (Matthews) A v, 379. 

Navajo Indians, Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and mythical sand 

painting of the (J. Stevenson) -^- viii. 229. 

Navajo silversmiths ( Matthews ) -A ii, 167. 

Navajo weavers (Matthews) A in, 371. 

Nelson, E. W. The Eskimo about Bering strait A x viii, 3. 

New ^lexico. Illustrated catalogue of <-ol!ections from, in 1879 

(J. Stevenson) -^ ii, 307. 

in 1880 (J. Stevenson) A ii, 423. 

in 1881 (J. Stevenson) - A in, 511. 

Northwest, extreme, Tribes of the (Dall) ---C i. 1. 

Notes on the natives of Alaska (Furuhelm) C i. 111. 

Numbers, primitive (Mc(ree) A xix, 821. 

Numerals, Note on the use of, among the T'sim si-an' (Gibbs). . .C i, 155. 

Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America ( Thomas ) A xix, 853. 

Ohio, The i-ircular, square, and octagonal earthworks of ( Thomas ) . B 10. 

Ohio mounds, The problem of the (Thomas) B .8. 

Ojibwa, The Mide'wiwin or "grand medicine society'' of the 

(Hoffman) A vii, 143. 

Omaha and Ponka letters (Dorsey) B 11. 

Omaha dwellings, furniture, and implements ( Dorsey ) A xiii, 263. 

Omaha sociology (Dorsey) A in, 205. 

Opinions; Sophiology, or the science of (Powell) A xx, clxxi. 

Oregon, northwestern, Tribesof (Gibbs) C i, 157. 

southwestern, The Klamath Indians of (Gat.schet) C ii. 

Osage traditions (Dorsey) A vi, 373. 

Pamunkey Indians of Virginia ( Pollard ) B 17. 

Pawnee ceremony, The Hako, a ( A. C. Fletcher) A xxii. 

Perforated stones from California ( Henshaw ) B 2. 

Peru, ancient, Textile fabrics of (Holmes) B 7. 

Primitive trephining in (Muniz-McOee) A xvi, 3. 

Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression 

(Powell) A XX, cxxxix. 

Pictographs of the North American Indians 'Mallery) A iv, 3. 

Picture-writing of the American Indians ( Mallery ) A x, 3. 

Picture-writing, Studies in Central American ( Holden ) -A i, 205. 

Pilling, .J. C. Bibliography of the Algonquian languages B 13. 

Bibliography of the Athapascan languages B 14. 

Bibliography of the Chinookan languages - B 15. 

Bibliography of the Eskimo language B 1. 


Pilling, J. C. — continued. 

Bibliojmipliy of the Iroquoian languages B 6. 

Bibliograiih y of the JIuskhogean languages B 9. 

Bibliograjih y of the Salishan languages B 16. 

Bibliography of the Siouan languages B 5. 

Bibliograi>hy of the \Vakashan languages B 19. 

Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts in the library of the Bureau 

of Kthuology A i, 553. 

Proof-sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North 

American Indians M 2. 

Pima Indians of Arizona, The (Russell) A xxm. 

Pleasure; Esthetology, or the science of activities designed to give 

(Powell) A .XIX, Iv. 

Point Barrow expedition. Ethnological results of the (Murdoch). A ix, 3. 

Pollard, J. G. The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia B 17. 

Ponka and Omaha letters (Dorsey) B 11. 

Potomac and James valleys, Archeologic investigations in (Fowke) B 23. 
Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province. Stone implements of 

( Holmes) A x v, 3. 

Pottery, Aboriginal, of the eastern United States ( Holmes) A xx, 3. 

Ancient, of the ^Mississippi valley (Holmes) A iv, 361. 

of the ancient pueblos (Holmes) A iv, 257. 

Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United States, derived from 

impressions on ( Holmes) A iii, 393. 

Pueblo, A study of, as illustrative of Zuni culture growth 

(Cushing) A iv, 467. 

Powell, J. W. Esthetology, or the science of activities designed 

to give pleasure A xix, Iv. 

Indian linguistic families of America north of Mexico A vii, 1. 

Introduction to the study of Indian languages, with words, 

phrases, and sentences to be collected I 1 and 2. 

Map of linguistic stocks of American Indians north of Mexico. M 4. 

On activital similarities A iii, Ixv. 

On limitations to the use of some anthropologic data A i, 71. 

On regimentation A .x v, civ. 

On the evolution of language A i, 1. 

Philology, or the science of activities designed for expression. A xx, cxxxix. 

Sketch of the mythology of the North American Indians A i, 17. 

Sociology, or the science of institutions A xx, lix. 

Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruc- 
tion A XX, clxxi. 

Technology, or the science of industries A xx, xxix. 

Wyandot government : a short study of tribal society A i, 57. 

editor. Linguistics (of the tribes of California) C iii, 439. 

Powers, Stephen. Tribes of California C in. 

Prehistoric trephining and cranial amulets (R. Fletcher) C v. 

Primitive numbers (McGee) A xix, 821. 

Problem of the Ohio mounds, The (Thomas) B 8. 

Proof-sheets of a bibliography of the languages of the North 

American Indians (Pilling) M 2. 

Publications of the Bureau of Ethnology, List of (Hodge) B 24. 

Pueblo architecture: Tusayan and Cibola ( V. Mindeleff) A viii, 3. 

Pueblo pottery as illustrative of Zuni culture growth (Cushing).. A iv, 467. 

Pueblo ruins, Two summers' work in (Fewkes) A xxii. 

Pueblos, ancient, Pottery of the (Holmes) X iv, 257. 


Quarry, Ancient, in Indian Territory ( Holmes) B 21. 

Ran, Cliarles. Observations on cup-shaped and other lapidarian 

sculptures in the Old World and i n A nierica C v. 

Regimentation (Powell) A xv, civ. 

Relationship, Terms of, used by the Innuit (Ball ) C i, 117. 

Religion, Ghost-dance (Mooney) A xiv, 641. 

Religious life of the Zuni child (M. C. Stevenson) A v, 533. 

Rice gatherers of the upper lakes ( Jenks) A xix, 1013. 

Riggs, Stephen R. Dakota- English dictionary C vii. 

Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnograjjliy C ix. 

Illustration of the method of recording Indian languages A i, .579. 

Royce, C. C. Cessions of land by Indian tribes to the United 

States: illustrated by those in the s^tate of Indiana A i, 247. 

The Cherokee nation of Indians A v, 121. 

Indian land cessions in the United States A xviii, 521. 

Ruin, Caaa Grande (C. Mindeleff) A xiii, 289. 

Repair of, in 1891 (C. Mindeleff) A xv, 31.5. 

Ruins, Cliff, of Canyon de Chelly (C. Mindeleff) A xvi, 73. 

pueblo. Two summers' work in (Fewkes) A xxii. 

Russell, Frank. The Pima Indians of Arizona A xxm. 

Sacred formulas of the Cherokees (Mooney) A vii, 301. 

Salishan languages. Bibliography of the (Pilling) B 16. 

Sand painting of the Navajo Indians, Mythical (J. Stevenson) . . . A viii, 229. 
Sapper, Carl, and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, 

and history B 30. 

Schellhas, Paul, and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, 

and history B 30. 

Sculptures, cup-shaped and other lapidarian. Observations on 

(Rau) ... C V, 1. 

Seler, Eduard. Mexican and Central American antiquities and 

calendar systems B 29. 

and others. Mayan antiquities, calendar systems, and history. B 30. 

Seminole Indians of Florida, The ( MacCauley ) A v, 469. 

Seri Indians, The (McGee) A xvii, 1. 

Serian and Yuman languages. Comparative lexicology of ( Hewitt) . A xvii, 299*. 

Shell, Art in, of the ancient Americans (Holmes) A ii, 179. 

Sia, The (M. C. Stevenson) A xi, 3. 

Sign language among North American Indians (Mallery) A i, 263. 

Introduction to the study of (Mallery) I 3. 

Signals, Gesture-signs and, of the North American Indians 

(Mallery) M 1. 

Silversmiths, Navajo (Matthews) A ii, 167. 

Similarities, activital (Powell) A in, Ixv. 

Si'ouan cults, A study of (Dorsey ) A xi, 351. 

Siouan Indians, The (McGee) A xv, 153. 

Siouan languages, Bibliography of the (Pilling) B 5. 

Siouan sociology ( Dorsey ) A x v, 205. 

Siouan tribes of the East (Mooney) B 22. 

Sioux outbreak of 1890 ( Mooney) A xiv, 641. 

Smith, Enninnie A. Myths of the Iroquois A ii, 47. 

Snake ceremonies, Tusayan ( Fewkes) A xvi, 267. 

Snake and Flute ceremonies, Tusayan (Fewkes) A xix, 957. 

Sociology, or the science of institutions (Powell) A xx, lix. 


Sociology, Omaha ( Dorsey) A in, 250. 

Siouan ( Dorsey ) A x v, 205. 

Sophiology, or the science of activities designed to give instruc- 
tion (Powell) A XX, clxxi. 

Stevenson, James. Ceremonial of Hasjeiti Dailjis and mythical 

sand painting of the Navajo Indians A viii, 229. 

Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the Indians of 

New Mexico and Arizona in 1879 A n, .S()7. 

Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the Indians of 

New Mexico in 1880 A ii,423. 

Illustrated catalogue of collections obtained from the pueblos 

of Zuiii, New Mexico, and Wolpi, Arizona, in 1881 A ni,511. 

Stevenson, Matilda C. Esoteric and exoteric life of the Zuni 

Indians A xxm. 

The religious life of the Zuiii child . . _ A v, Uli'd. 

TheSia A xi, 3. 

Stevenson, Tilly E. See Stevenson, Matilda C. 

Stone art (Fowke) A xiii, 47. 

Stone implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake tidewater province 

(Holmes) A xv, 3. 

Stones, Perforated, from California ( Henshaw ) B 2. 

Studies in Central American picture-writing ( Holden ) A i, 20.5. 

Study of Pueblo architecture, A (V. Mindeleff) A vni, 3. 

Study of Siouan cults, A (Dorsey) A xi, 351. 

Study of the manuscript Troano, A (Thomas) C v. 

Swanton, J. R. Haida texts B 28. 

Symbols, Day, of the Maya year (Thomas) A xvi, 199. 

Syni inymy, Skittagetan ( Henshaw ) M 5. 

Technology, or the science of industries (Powell) A xx, xxix. 

Textile art. Form and ornament in (Holmes) A vi, 189. 

Prehistoric, of eastern United States .(Holmes) A xiii, 3. 

Textile fabrics of ancient Peru (Holmes) B 7. 

Prehistoric, of the United States (Holmes) A ni, 393. 

Texts, Chinook (Boas) B 20. 

grammar, and ethnography, Dakota (Riggs) C ix. 

Haida (Swanton ) B 28. 

Kwakiutl (Boas) B 31. 

Kathlamet ( Boas) B 26. 

Tsimshian (Boas) B 27. 

Thomas, Cyrus. Aids to the study of the Maya codices A vi, 253. 

Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United States.. -A v, 3. 

Catalogue of prehistoric works east of the Rocky mountains B 12. 

The circular, square, and octagonal earthworks of Ohio B 10. 

Day symbols of the Maya year A xvi, 199. 

Introduction to Indian land cessions (Royce) A xviii, 521. 

Mayan calendar sysiitems A xix, 693, and 


The Maya year B 18. 

Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts , A in, 3. 

Numeral systems of Mexico and Central America A xix, 853. 

The problem of the Ohio mounds .B 8. 

Report on the mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology . .'1 xii, 3. 

A study of the manuscript Troano C v. 

Work in mound exploration of the Bureau of Etlmology B 4. 


Traditions, Osage (Dorsey) A vi, o73. 

Tusayan miirratiou ( Fewkes) A xix, 573. 

Trephinini.', Prehistoric, and cranial amulets (R. Fletcher) C v. 

Primitive, in Peru (Muniz-lMeGee) A xvi, 3. 

Tribal society; Wyandot government: a short study of (Powell). -A i, 57. 

Tribes of California (Powers) C iii, 1. 

of the extreme northwest (Dall) C i, 1. 

of North America, with synonymy. Skittagetan family ( Hen- 

shaw) M 5. . 

of western Washington and northwestern Oregon (Gibbs) C i, 157. 

Troano manuscript, A study of the (Thomas) C v. 

Trumbull, J. H. Natick dictionary B 25. 

Tsimshian texts (Boas) B 27. 

T'sim si-an', Note on the use of numerals among the ((iibbs) C i, 155. 

Turner, Lucien M. Ethnology of the Ungava district, Hu<lson 

Bay territory - A .xi, 159. 

Tusayan and Cibola, architecture of (V. Mindeleff ) A viii, 3. 

Tusayan clans, Localization of (C. Mindeleff) A xix, 635. 

Tusayan Flute and Snake ceremonies (Fewkes) A xix, 957. 

Tusayan katcinas ( Fewkes) A xv, 245. 

Tusayan migration traditions ( Fewkes) A xix, 573. 

Tusayan Snake ceremonies ( Fewkes) A xvi, 267. 

Ungava district, Ethnology of the (Turner) A xi, 159. 

Upper lakes, Wild-rice gatherers of the (Jenks) A xix, 1013. 

Verde valley. Aboriginal remains in (O. Mindeleff) A xiii, 179. 

Virginia, The Pamunkey Indians of (Pollard) B 17. 

Vocabularies of tribes of the extreme northwest (Gibbs-Dall) C i, 121. 

See Bibliography; Language; Linguistic. 

Wakashan languages. Bibliography of the (Pilling) B 19. 

Washington, western. Tribes of (Giblas) C i, 157. 

Weavers, Navajo (Matthews) A in, 371. 

Welfare; Technology, or the science of activities designed for 

( Powell ) A XX, xxix. 

AVild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes (Jenks) A xix, 1013. 

Winship, G. P. The Coronado expedition, 1540-1542 A xiv, 329. 

Wolpi, Arizona, Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 1881 

(J. Stevenson) A iii, 511. 

Wyandot government: A short study of tribal society (Powell) . .A i, 57. 

Yarrow, H. C. Introduction to the study of mortuary customs 

among the North American Indians I 4. 

A further contribution to the study of the mortuary customs of 

the North American Imlians A i, 87. 

Yuman and Serian languages, Comparative lexicology of (Hewitt i . A x vii, 299*. 

Zuni, New Mexico, Illustrated catalogue of collections from, in 

1881 (J. Stevenson) A iii, 511. 

Zufli child, The religious life of the (T. E. Stevenson) A v, 533. 

Zuni creation myths, Outlines of (Gushing) A .xiii, 321. 

Zuni culture growth, Pueblo pottery as illustrative of (Gushing). A iv, 467. 

Zuni fetiches (Gushing) A ii, 3. 

Zufii Indians, Esoteric and exoteric life of the (M. G. Stevenson). A xxiii. 
See Cibola; Coronado. 







20 ETH— 03 1 



Preface 15 

Introduction 18 

Ceramic art in human history 18 

Aboriginal American pottery 19 

Pottery of the eastern United States 20 

Geographic grouping 20 

Quantative distribution 2:-! 

Manner of occurrence 23 

Clironology 24 

Functional grouping 24 

Classification of use 24 

Differentiation of use 25 

Vessels for culinary and other domestic uses 25 

Salt-making vessels 27 

Sugar-making vessels 31 

Spindle whorls of clay 33 

JMusical instruments of earthenware 34 

Various implements of earthenware 35 

Baked-clay offering receptacles 36 

Cement and plaster 37 

Earthenware used in burial 37 

Personal ornaments of earthenware 42 

Earthenware disks and spools 43 

Earthenware tobacco pipes 44 

Materials 45 

Clay 45 

- Tempering materials 46 

Manufacture 48 

The records 48 

First use of clay 49 

Shaping processes and appliances 49 

Decorating processes 51 

Baking processes 52 

Processes of manufacture in present use 53 

Manufacture by Catawba women 53 

Manufacture by Cherokee women 5(3 

Early accounts of manufacture 57 

Size 60 

Foftns 61 



I n t rod uct ion — Continued. Page 
Pottery of the eastern United States — Continued. 

Color 63 

Color of paste 63 

Application of color 63 

Decoration _ 64 

Evolution of decoration 64 

Methods of decorating 65 

Relieved ornament 66 

Intaglio ornament 66 

Painted ornament 66 

Use of textiles in modeling and embellishing 67 

Relation of the textile and ceramic arts 67 

Classes of textile markings 68 

Use of baskets in molding and modeling 69 

Use of pliable fabrics in modeling 71 

Use of textiles in malleating surfaces 73 

Use of flat cord-wrapped malleating tools 73 

Use of cord-wrapped rocking tools 73 

Use of cords in imijrinting ornamental patterns 77 

Various means of imitating textile characters 79 

Pottery of the middle Mississippi valley 80 

Geographic distribution 80 

Ethnic considerations 81 

Chronology 82 

Preservation 82 

State of culture of makers 82 

Uses 83 

Materials and manufacture 83 

Surface finish 84 

Color 84 

Form 85 

Range 85 

Esthetic modifications 85 

Animal forms 85 

Ornament 86 

I tistinguishing characters of the group 86 

Sources of information 87 

Examples 87 

Platters, cups, and bowls 87 

Pota 89 

Bottles 90 

Eccentric and compound forms 93 

Life forms , 94 

Tobacco pipes 98 

Miscellaneous articles 99 

Decorative designs 100 

Painted vases 101 

Pottery of Tennessee 101 

Pottery of the lower Mississippi valley 101 

Pottery of the Gulf coast 104 

Occurrence 104 

Mobile-Pensacola ware 105 

Pottery of the Alabama river ...-.., 107 


Potterj' of the Gulf coa.«t — Continued. Page 

Pottery of Choctawhatchee bay 108 

Apalachicola ware 110 

Miscellaneous specimens 112 

Life elements in decoration 113 

Pottery of the Florida peninsula 114 

Historic aborigines 115 

Chronology 116 

Kange of the ware 116 

Materials 117 

JIanufacture 117 

Forms - 118 

Decoration 118 

Uses 118 

Examples 120 

Midden ware of the St Johns 120 

Stamped ware of the St Johns 122 

Engraved ware of the St Johns 123 

Improvised mortuary ware of the St Johns 124 

Painted ware of the St Johns 125 

Pottery of the west coast 125 

Animal figures 128 

Tobacco pipes 129 

Spanish olive jars 129 

Pottery of South Appalachian province 130 

Extent of the province 130 

Prevailing types of ware 130 

Materials and color 132 

Form and size '. 132 

Uses 132 

Decoration 133 

Examples 136 

Vases 136 

Tobacco pipes 140 

Pottery disks , 141 

Origin of the varieties of ware 142 

Pottery of the Middle Atlantic province 145 

Review of the Algonquian areas 145 

Pamlico-Albemarle ware 147 

Piedmont Virginia ware 149 

Potomac-Chesapeake ware 150 

General features 150 

Modern Pamunkey ware 152 

Shell-heap ware of Popes creek 153 

Potomac creek ware 155 

District of Columbia ware 156 

Ware of the Chesapeake and Eastern Shore 157 

Tobacco pipes 158 

Pottery of the Iroquoian province 159 

The Iroquoian tribes 159 

General characters of the ware 159 

Materials and manufacture 161 

Color, form, and size 162 

Ornament — plastic, incised, and relieved 162 


Pottery of the Iroquoian province — Continued. Page 

Distribution and cliaracters of .specimens 164 

Southernmost occurrence 164 

Lower Susquehanna pottery 165 

Pottery of northern Pennsylvania and ]Se«' Yorli 165 

Examples from New England 167 

Canadian ware 169 

Decorative designs 171 

Tobacco pipes 172 

The pipe a native product 172 

Distribution 173 

Material, color, and form 173 

Pottery of the New Jersey-New England jjrovince 175 

General characters 175 

Delaware valley ware. 176 

New England ware 178 

Pottery of the Apalachee-Ohio province 180 

Ohio valley pottery 182 

Culture groups 182 

Miami valley ware 184 

Salt vessels 186 

Pottery of the Northwest 186 

Family distinction 186 

Kouletted and stamped ware 188 

Cord- and textile-marked ware 194 

Mandan pottery 197 

Pawnee pottery 199 

Other Northwestern pottery 200 


Plate I. Indian woman of Florida, witli earthen bowl and ears of corn (?). 

From a drawing by John AMiite, now in the British Museum 1 

II. Use of the earthen pot in boiling. Drawn by John White, of the • 

Eoanoke colony, 1.58.5-1588 26 

III. Earthen vessels used in salt making. Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 28 

IV. Map showing distribution of aboriginal pottery groups in eastern 

United States 80 

V. Series of outlines indicating range of form of vases, Middle Missis- 
sippi Valley group 84 

VI. Series of outlines showing various features of vase elaboration. Mid- 
dle Mississippi Valley group 84 

VII. Vases of compound form. Middle Mississippi Valley group 84 

VIII. Cups and bowls, Middle Mississippi Valley group 88 

IX. Cups and bowls, Middle Mississippi Valley group 88 

X. Large bowl, burial casket, and caldron, Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 88 

XI. Cooking pots, etc. , Middle Mississippi Valley group 88 

XII. Large cooking pots. Middle Mississippi Valley group 88 

XIII. Bottles, jNIiddle Mississippi Valley group 90 

XIV. Bottles, Middle Mississippi ^'alley group 90 

XV. Bottles, Middle Mississippi Valley group 92 

XVI. Bottles, Middle Mississippi Valley group 92 

XVII. Various forms of bottles. Middle Mississippi Valley group 92 

XVIII. Bottles of eccentric shape. Middle Mississippi Valley group 94 

XIX. Vessels imitating shell and gourd forms. Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 94 

XX. Bowls imitating bird forms. Middle Mississijipi Valley group 94 

XXI. Vessels imitating bird forms. Middle Mississippi Valley group 94 

XXII. Vessels imitating bird forms, ^Middle Mississippi Valley group 94 

XXIII. Vessels imitating fish and liatraehian forms, Middle Mississippi 

Valley group 94 

XXIV. Vessels imitating animal forms, jNIiddle Mississijipi Valley group . . 94 
XXV. Vessels imitating animal forms. Middle Mississippi Valley group .. 94 

XXVI. Vessels imitating the human form. Middle Mississippi Valley group. 96 

XXVII. Vessels imitating the human form, Middle IMississippi Valley group. 96 
XXVIII. Vessel representing the potter at work, Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 96 

XXIX. Vessels imitating the human head. Middle Mississippi ^'alley group. 98 

XXX. Vessel imitating the human head, Middle IMississippi Valley group. 98 

XXXI. Vessel imitating the human head. Middle IMississippi Valley group. 98 

XXXII. Vessels imitating the human head. Middle ^lississippi Valley group. 98 




Plate XXXIII. Tobacco pipes, Middle Mississippi Valley group 98 

XXXIV. Trowels or modeling implements, Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 98 

XXXV. Modeling implements, Middle Mississippi Valley group 98 

XXXVI. Convex surfaces of trowels and modeling implements. Middle 

Mississippi ^'alley group 98 

XXXVII. Decorative designs, Middle Mississippi Valley group 100 

XXXVIII. Decorative designs. Middle Mississippi Valley group 100 

XXXIX. Earthen vessels finished in color, Middle Mississippi Valley 

group - - 100 

XL. Earthen vessels finished in color. Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 100 

XLI. Earthen vessels finished in color, Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 100 

XLII. Earthen vessels finished in color, Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 100 

XLIII. Earthen vessels finished in color. Middle Mississippi Valley 

group 100 

XLIV. Earthenware of Tennessee, Middle Mississippi Valley group- 100 

XLV. Earthenware of Tennessee, Middle Mississippi Valley group. 100 

XLVI. Earthenware of Tennessee, Middle ^Mississippi Valle.y group. 100 

XLVII. Earthenware of Tennessee, Middle ^lississippi Valley group. 100 

XLVIII. Earthenware of Tennessee, Middle Mississippi Valley group. 100 

XLIX. Ijarthenware of Tennessee, Middle Mississippi Valley group. 100 

L. Earthenware of Tennessee, Miildle JMississippi Valley group. 100 

LI. Vases with incised designs, Lower Mississippi Valley group . 102 

LII. Vases with incised designs, Lower ^Mississippi Valley group . 102 

LIII. Incised designs from vases shown in plates li and lii, Lower 

Mississippi Valley group 102 

LIV. Vases from a mound on Perdido bay. Gulf Coast group 106 

LV. Large bowls with incised designs, Gulf Coast group 106 

LVI. Vases variously decorated. Gulf Coast group 106 

LVII. Vases with engraved figures oi birds and serpents. Gulf 

Coast group 106 

LVIII. Heads of birds and animals used as vase ornaments. Gulf 

Coast group 106 

LIX. Heads of men and bird used as vase ornaments, (tuH Coast 

group 106 

LX. Vases with incised designs. Gulf Coast grouj) 106 

LXI. Vases with incised designs, Gulf Coast group 106 

LXII. Burial vases with covers, Gulf Coast group 1 08 

LXIII. Vessels of large size with incised and relieved ornaments. 

Gulf Coast group 108 

LXIV. Bottle with scroll design and tobacco pipes. Gulf Coast 

group 108 

LXV. Bowls with incised designs. Gulf Coast group 108 

LXVI. Platters with incised designs, (iulf Coast group 108 

LXVII. Vessels with incised designs. Gulf Coast group 108 

LXVIII. Fragment of vase with duck's head in relief, and vase repre- 
senting a hunchback human figure, Gulf Coast group 108 

LXIX. Vase with engravings of an eagle and an eagle-man mask, 

Gulf Coast group 110 

LXX. Platter and bowls with engraveil designs, Gulf Coast group . 110 



Plate LXXI. OutUnes of vases with engraved designs, Gulf Coast group 110 

LXXII. Bowls and bottles with engraved designs, Gulf Coast gn.iup. . 110 
LXXIII. Bowls with relieved and incised decorations representing the 

frog coneept. Gulf Coast group 110 

LXXIV. Bowls with relieved and incised decorations representing 

the bird concept, (julf Coast group 110 

LXXV. Bowl inverted over a skull in burial, Gulf Coast group 110 

LXXVI. Vases with engraved and stamped designs, Gulf Coast 

group 110 

LXXVII. Vases with engraved designs, Gulf Coast group 110 

LXXVIIl. Group of vases from a Florida mound. Gulf Coast group 112 

LXXVIII A. (jniijue bottle with engraved designs, Gulf Coast group 112 

LXXIX. Bird-form vases with incised decorations suggesting the origin 

of many conventional ornaments, northwest Florida coast. 112 
LXXIX A. Vases with incised and relieved decoration, northwest Florida 

coast 112 

LXXIX B. Vases of exceptional forms, northwest Florida coast 112 

LXXX. Engraved designs representing the bird concept. Gulf Coast 

group 114 

LXXXI. Engraved designs representing the frog concept, (xulf Coast 

group 114 

LXXXII. Engraved designs. Gulf Coast group 114 

LXX XIII. Engraved designs. Gulf Coast group 114 

LXXXIV. Fragments of pottery from shell heaps, Florida peninsula 120 

LXXXV. Pottery with stamp decoration, Florida [leninsula 122 

LXXX VI. Potter}' with stamp decoration, Florida peninsula 122 

LXXXVII. Pottery with stamp decoration, Florida peninsula 122 

LXXX VIII. Pottery with stamp decoration, Florida peninsula 122 

LXXXIX. Vases with relieved and engraved designs, Florida peninsula. 122 

XC. Fragments of vases with engraved designs, Florida peninsula. 122 

XCI. Rude earthenware from graves, Florida jjeninsuUi 124 

XCII. Rude earthenware from graves, Florida peninsula 124 

XCIII. Rude earthenware from graves, Florida jieninsula 124 

XCIV. Rude earthenware from graves, Florida [leninsula 124 

XCV. Rude earthenware from graves, Florida peninsula 124 

XCVI. Rude earthenware from graves, Florida peninsula 124 

XCVII. Rude earthenware from graves, Florida peninsula 1 24 

XCV'III. Rude earthenware from graves, Florida peninsula 124 

XCIX. Large painted vessel -with open base, Florida peninsula 124 

C. Fragments of painted vessel with open base, Florida penin- 
sula 124 

CI. Decorated vases, Tarpon Springs, Florida peninsula 12t) 

CII. Vases with engraved designs, Tarpon Springs, Florida penin- 
sula 1 2(5 

cm. Vases with engraved designs, Tarpon Springs, Florida penin- 
sula 1 26 

CIV. Engraved designs. Tarpon Springs, Florida peninsula 126 

CV. Fragments of decorated ware and compound cup, Florida 

peninsula 126 

CVI. Engraved and painted vases, Tarpon Springs, Florida penin- 
sula 126 

CVII. Cluster of vases in sand mound burial, Florida peninsula 126 

CVIII. Potsherds with ornate .stamp designs, Florida peninsula 128 



Plate CIX. Potsherds with griddle-like stami^designs, Florida peninsula 128 

ex. Handled cups and various sherds from the west coast, Florida 

peninsula 128 

CXI. Tobacco pipes, Florida peninsula 128 

CXII. Burial vases with covers. South Appalachian grcjup 132 

CXIII. Cherokee stamp-decorated pot ami paddle stamps, South Ajjpa- 

lachian group KM 

CXIV. Stamp designs restored from impressions on vases, South Appa- 
lachian group 134 

CXV. Typical specimens of stamp-decorated ware. South Appalachian 

group 1.36 

CX YI. Large vase decorated with filfot stamj) design, South Appalachian 

group 136 

CXVII. ^'ases decorated with paddle-stamp impressions. South Appala- 
chian group 136 

CXVIII. Vases of varied design and emljellishment, South Appalachian 

group 1 38 

CXIX. Engraved designs from vases shown in plates cxviii and cxx, 

South Appalachian group 138 

CXX. Bowl with elaborate engraved decorations. South Appalachian 

group 138 

CXXI. Large vessels from eastern Georgia, South Appalachian grou]) .. 138 

CXXII. Figurines from northwestern Georgia, South Appalachian group. 140 

CXXIII. Figurines from northwestern Georgia, South Appalachian group. 140 

CXXIV. Tobacco pipes from burial mou^ids. South Appalachian group . . 140 

CXXV. Tobacco pipes from burial mounds. South Appalachian group . . 140 

CXXVI. Tobacco pipes from burial mounds. South Appalachian group . . 140 

CXXVII. Modern pottery of the Catawba and Cherokee Indians, South 

Ajjpalachian group 144 

CXX VIII. ISIodern tobacco pipes of the Catawba Indians, South Appalachian 

group 144 

CXXIX. Pottery from burial mounds in North Carolina, South Appala- 
chian group 144 

CXXX. Kitchen midden pottery with varied markings, Chesapeake- 
Potomac group 148 

CXXXI. Kitchen midden jiottery of the Yadkin valley, Chesapeake-Poto- 
mac group 1 48 

CXXXII. Kitchen midden pottery of the Y'adkin valley, Chesapeake-Poto- 
mac group 148 

CXXXIII. Potsherds with textile markings, New River valley, Virginia, 

Chesapeake- Potomac group 150 

CXXXIY. Potsherds with textile markings from Luray, Virginia, Chesa- 
peake-Potomac group 150 

CXXXV. Incised designs from pottery and tattoo marks, Chesapeake- 
Potomac group 150 

CXXXYI. Pottery of the Pamunkey Indians, Virginia, Chesapeake-Potomac 

group 152 

CXXXYII. Pottery from shell heaps at Popes creek, Maryland, Chesapeake- 
Potomac group 154 

CXXXVIII. Pottery from shell heaps at Popes creek, Maryland, Chesapeake- 
Potomac group 154 

CXXXIX. Pottery from shell heaps at Popes creek, Maryland, Chesapeake- 
Potomac group 154 



Plate CXL. Pottery from Potoniao creek, Virginia, and Anacostia, District 

of Columbia, Clies-apeake-Potomac group 156 

CXLI. Pottery from tlie vicinity of Washington, District of Columijia, 

Chesapeake-Potomac group 156 

CXLII. Tobacco pipes of the Potomac valley, Chesapeake-Potomac 

group 1 58 

CXLIII. Pottery fi'om a burial jilace near Eomney, West Virginia, Iro- 

quoian group 164 

CXLH'. Pottery from a village site at Bainliridge, Pennsylvania, Iro- 

quoian group 164 

CXLA'. Vases from graves, northern Pennsylvania, Iroquoian group... 166 

CXLVI. Vases from graves, northern Pennsylvania, Iroquoian group 166 

CXLVII. Vases from graves in Pennsylvania and New York, Iroquoian 

group 166 

CXLVIII. Vases from the province of Ontario, Canada, Iroquoian group.. 170 

CXLIX. Incised designs from vases, Iroquoian group 172 

CL. Incised designs from vases, Iroquoian group 172 

CLI. Incised designs from vases, Iroquoian group 172 

CLII. Incised designs from vases, Iroquoian group 172 

CLIII. Faces and figures from vases, Iroiiuoian group 172 

CLIV. Earthenware [jipes, Iniquoian group 174 

CLV. Earthenware pipes, Iroquoian group 174 

CLVI. Earthenware pipes, Iroquoian group 174 

CLVII. Earthenware pipes, Iroquoian group 174 

CLVIII. Pottery from a village site near Trenton, New Jersey, New 

England group 176 

CLIX. Pottery from the Atlantic Coast states, New England group 178 

CLX. Pottery from New England, New England group 178 

CLXI. Vases of aiiddle Mississippi type, Ohio Valley group 184 

CLX II. Sherds with incised decorations from a village site at Fort 

Ancient, Ohio Valley group 184 

CLXIIl. Vases from mounds at Madisonville, Ohio Valley grouji 184 

CLXIV. Vases illustrating textile imprintings, Ohio Vallej' group 184 

CLXV. Incised decorations from earthenware, Ohio Valley group 184 

CLXVI. Sherds of stamped and rouletted pottery, Naples, Illinois, 

Northwestern group 188 

CLXVII. Sherds of' stamped and rouletted pottery, Naples, Illinois, 

Northwestern group 188 

CLXVIII. Vases decorated with the roulette, Illinois, Northwestern group. 188 

CLXIX. Examples of roulette-decorated ware, Northwestern group 192 

CLXX. Examples of roulette-decorated ware. Northwestern group 192 

CLXXI. Examples of roulette-decorated ware. Northwestern group 192 

CLXXII. Examples of roulette-decorated ware from Hopewell mounds, 

Ohio, Northwestern group 194 

CLXXIII. Large vase from a village site. Two Rivers, Wisconsin, North- , 

western group 196 

CLXXIV. Potsherds from a village site. Two Rivers, Wisconsin, North- 
western group 196 

CLXXV. Pottery of the Mandan Indians, Dakota, Northwestern group. 198 

CLXXVI. Pottery from the Missouri valley (?), Northwestern group 198 

CLXXVII. Pottery from a Pawnee village site, Nebraska, Northwestern 

group 200 



Figure 1. Indian women using earthen vessels in making cassine (Lafitau).. 26 

2. Suspension of the vessel from a tripod (Schoolcraft) 27 

3. Native maple sugar making ( Laf3tau ) 32 

4. Use of earthen vessel as a drum ( Potherie ) 34 

5. Earthenware rattle, with clay pellets ( Thruston ) 35 

6. Earthenware trowels and modeling tools 35 

7. Probable manner of using earthenware modeling tools 36 

8. Use of clay in plastering house wall of interlaced canes, Arkansas 

(Thomas ) 37 

9. Rectangular burial casket of earthenware, Tennessee 37 

10. Earthen vessel containing bones of children, Alabama ( Moore ) 37 

U. Earthen vessel inverted over a skull for protection, Georgia ( Moore) . 38 

1 2. liarthen ware burial urn and bowl cover, Georgia 38 

13. Earthenware burial urn with cover, Georgia (Moore) 38 

14. Elarthenware burial urn with bowl cover and other vessels, Ala- 

bama ( Moore) 38 

15. Earthenware burial urn witli bowl cover, Alabama (Moore) 39 

16. Mortuary vases imitating the ilead face, middle Mississippi valley. . 39 

17. Toy-like vessels used as funeral offerings, Florida (Moore) 39 

18. Toy-like funeral offerings imitating vegetal forms, Florida (Moore) . 40 

19. Toy-like funeral offerings imitating animal forms, Florida ( Moore ) . 40 

20. Toy-like figurine rejiresenting babe in cradle, Tennessee | Thruston ) . 40 

21. Small image of a turtle, Tennessee 41 

22. Small earthenware figures suggesting ancient Mexican work, 

Georgia 41 

23. Earthenware heads of Mexican type, Georgia 41 

24. Earthenware beads and pendants 42 

25. Ear plugs of earthenware, ^Mississippi valley 42 

26. Labrets of eartlienware, Mississip)3i valley 43 

27. Pottery disks, proliabh- used in playing some game 43 

28. Spool-shaped articles of clay 44 

29. Range in form of tobacco pipes 45 

30. Use of the coil in vessel building 51 

31 . Use of a basket in modeling an earthen vessel ( Gushing ) 69 

32. Use of a basket as a mold for the base of an earthen vessel ( Gushing) . 69 

33. Vase showing impressions resulting from the use^of pliable fabrics 

in wrapping and sustaining the vessel while plastic 70 

34. Fragment of salt vessel, witli cast in clay, showing kind of fabric 

used in modeling vessels 70 

35. Fragment of cooking pot showing impressions of a net-covered 

paddle. North Carolina 71 

36. Bowl from a North Carolina mound, showing impressions of a cord- 

wrapped malleating tool 72 

37. Bowl made by the author. The surface finished with the cord- 

wrapped paddle shown in figure 38 72 

38. Cherokee potter's paddle wrapped with cord and used in malleating 

the bowl shown in figure 37 73 

39. Potsherd showing effect jiroduced by rocking a cord-wrapped imple- 

ment back and forth 74 

40. a, A cylindric modehng tool wrapped with cord (restored); b, a 

notched wheel or roulette (restored); c, a vessel made by the 
author; surface finished with a cord-wrapped implement and 

decorated with the roulette 74 



FiGi'RE 41. Potsherds showing simple method of applying cords in decorating 

vases 75 

42. Small pot with finger-nail markings giving the effect of basket 

impressions 75 

43. The roulette (restored) inked and rocked on a sheet of paper 7li 

44. Potsherds illustrating markings produced by the notched wheel.. 7t) 

45. Potsherds with stamped markings giving te.vtile-like effects 77 

46. Modeling paddles with faces carved to imitate textile patterns 78 

47. Potsherd showing textile-like effect of finishing with engraved 

paddles 78 

48. Incised designs of textile character 71) 

49. Bottle decorated with serpent designs, Arkansas 91 

50. Winged serpents and sun symbols from the vase illustrated in 

figure 49 91 

51. Bottle ornamented with four engraved human figures, Arkansas.. 92 

52. Bowl made by Choctaw Indians about 1860 102 

53. Fragment of vessel with stamped design, Choctawhatchee bay, 

Florida 109 

54. Bowl with thick collar, Tampa bay 112 

55. Sections of thick-rimmed bowls. Early county, Georgia 112 

56. Bowl from Mobile district, with patterns in color. 113 

57. Restoration of forms of fiber-tempered midden ware, St Johns 

river, Florida 121 

58. Fragments of midden-ware bowls with incised scroll decoration, 

St Johns river, Florida 122 

59. Spanish olive jars, Florida 129 

60. Small disks cut from sherds 141 

61 . Rude earthenware figurine, Potomac valley 156 

62. Bark vessel showing characters sometimes copied in clay 160 

63. Fragments of decorated vase-rims from the Jlohawk valley 167 

64. Vase from a grave (?) in Colchester, Vermont 169 

65. Fragment of vase-rim with rudely modeled human figure, New 

York 172 

66. Vessel with animal-shaped handles, Tennessee 180 

67. Vessel with arched handle, Tennessee 181 

68. Shoe-shaped vessel, Tennessee 181 

69. Shoe-shaped vessel, Tennessee 182 

70. Two-handled cup with rows of encircling nodes, Tennessee 182 

71. Stamps used in decorating vessels ( restored ) _ 189 

72. Use of the roulette or rocking notched wheel 190 

73. Vase made for trial of roulette, and cord-wrapped modeling tool. 191 

74. Vases from a mound near Laporte, Indiana (Foster) 191 

75. Vase with conventionalized l)ird design 194 

76. Sections of rims of vases from a village .site at Two Rivers, Wis- 

consin 196 

77. Fragments of a large vase from Lake Nipigon, Ontario 197 

78. Outlines of vases from a Pawnee village site, Nebraska 199 

79. Fragment of a clay pipe from a Pawnee(?) village site, Nebraska. . 199 



Bj' W. H. Holmes 


During the decade beginning with 18S0 the writer published a 
number of detailed studies of the aboriginal pottery of the United 
States. These were based largel}' on the Government collections, and 
appeared mainly in the annual reports of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
The ware of several localities was desciibed and illustrated in a cata- 
log of Bureau collections for 1881, published in the Third Annual 
Report, and the same volume contained a paper on "Prehistoric Textile 
Fal)rics Derived from Impressions on Pottery." The Fourth Annual 
Report contained illustrated papers on " Ancient Pottery of the Missis- 
sippi Valley *" and " Forni and Ornament in the Ceramic Art." In 1885 
a paper on the collections of the Davenport Academy of Sciences 
appeared in the fourth volume of the Academy's proceedings, and sev- 
eral short articles have since appeared in the American Anthi'opologist. 
It was expected l)y the Director of the Bureau that the studies thus 
made, being prelimi>iary in character, would lead up to a monographic 
treatise on native fictile art to form one of a series of works covering 
the whole range of native arts and industries. 

The present paper was commenced in 1890, and in its inception was 
intended to accompany and form part of the final report of Dr Cyrus 
Thomas on mound explorations conducted for the Bureau during the 
period beginning with 1881 and ending in 1891. A change in the 
original plan of publication dissociated the writer's work from that of 
Dr Thomas, whose report was assigned to the Twelfth Annual, which 
it occupies in full. Dela}' in publishing the present paper afforded an 
opportunity for additional exploration and study, and the work was 
revised and amplified. Its scope was extended from the consideration 
of the pottery of the mound builders to that of the entire region east of 
the Rocky mountains, the volume of matter being more than doubled 
and the value of the work greatly enhanced. 



The collectious made use of in the preparation of this paper are verj' 
extensive, and represent a multitude of villau;e sites, mounds, graves, 
cemeteries, shell heaps, and refuse deposits in nearly all sections of 
the great region under consideration. At the same time it should be 
noted that the material available is far from complete or satisfactory. 
jNIuch of it was carelessly collected and insufficiently labeled, and some 
districts are represented by mere random sh(n'ds which can not be 
depended on as a ba.sis for important deductions. The collections 
made by the Bureau of American Ethnology are the most iiuportant, 
and some recent explorations have added material of a high order 
scientilically. Of the latter the work of Mr Frank H. Gushing in 
Florida and of Clarence B. Moore in Florida and other southern states 
may be specially mentioned. 

Details not con.sidered essential to the story of the art have been 
omitted. Tedious recitals of form, color, size, and use of individual 
specimens have been avoided, the illustrations l)eing relied on as the 
most satisfactory means of conveying a full and correct impression of 
the art. It was intended by the Director of the Bureau, when the 
preparation of preliminary papers on the various aboriginal arts began, 
that the illustrations jDrepared as the work developed should be 
brought together in final form in the uionooiaphic volumes of Contri- 
butions to North American Ethnology. It was found, however, that 
to utilize all of the material thus made available would in this case 
make the volume excessive, so a careful selection has been made from 
the earlier illustrations, and typical examples have been brought 
together in plates. In the main, however, the illustrations here pre- 
sented are new, as the old work did not extend much beyond the one 
ceramic group represented in the Middle Mississippi Valley province. 

The writer is much indebted to oiBcers and custodians of the follow- 
ing institutions and societies for privileges accorded and assistance 
given in the preparation of this work: The National Museum. Wash- 
ington; the Davenport Academy of Sciences, Iowa; the Peabody Mu- 
seum, Cambridge; the American Museum of Natural History, New 
York; the Academy of Sciences. Fliiladelpliia; the Free Museum of 
Science and Art, Philadelphia; the Museum of Art, Cincinnati; and 
the Canadian Institute, Tt)ronto. 

To many individual collectors grateful acknowledgments are due. 
Chief among them are the following: Mr W. H. Phillips, of Wash- 
ington, w'hose cooperation and assistance have been of the greatest 
service and whose collection of archeologic materials from the Potomac 
valley is unequaled; Mr Thomas Dowling, jr., collections from 
the same region have always been at the writer's dispo.sal; Colonel 
C. C. Jones, of Augu.sta, Georgia, to whom the country and especially 
the southern states are indebted for so nmch of value in the depart- 
ments of history' and archeology: General Gates P. Thruston, of 


Nashville, whose explorations in Tennessee have yielded an unrivaled 
collection of valuable relics and whose writings ha\"e been t'l'i^ely 
drawn on in the preparation of this worlv; Mr W. K. Moorehead, of 
Xenia, Ohio, whose various collections have been made available for 
study; Mr Clarence B. Moore, of Philadelphia, whose great collections 
from the mounds and shell heaps of Florida, Georgia, and Alai)ama 
the writer has been called on to describe; Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, 
whose technologic skill has been of frequent assistance and whose col- 
lections from the central New York region and from Florida have been 
of much service; Reverend "\V. M. Beauchamp, of Baldwinsville, New 
York, who has furnished data respecting the ceramic worlv of the 
Iroquois; Mr H. P. Hamilton, of Three Rivers, Wisconsin, a careful 
collector of the fragile relics of the west shore of Lake Michigan, and 
Mr E. A. Barber, who kindly supplied a large body of data relating 
to the tobacco pipes of the region studied. 

Mention may also be made of the writer's great indebtedness to those 
who have assisted him in various wa3's as collaborators; to Mr W J 
McGee, whose scientific knowledge and literary skill have been drawn 
on freel}' on manj' occasions; to Mr William Dinwiddle, whose excel- 
lent photographs make it possible to present a number of unrivaled 
illustrations; to Mr John L. Ridgway, Miss Mary M. Mitchell, and 
Mr H. C. Hunter for many excellent drawings; to Mr DeLancey 
Gill for his very efficient management of the work of drawing, 
engraving, and printing illustrations, and to many other members of 
the Smithsonian Institution, the Bureau of American Ethnology, the 
Geological Survej', and the National Museum for valued assistance. 

20ETH— 03 2 

Ceramic Art in Human History 

Object!? of art may he .studied with immediate reference to two main 
lines of investigation. First, they may Ije made to assist in telling the 
story of the origin and evolution of art and thus of many branches of 
culture. 'and, finally, of man; and second, they may be made to bear 
on the historj' of particular groups of people, of communities, tribes, 
and nations, and through these again on the origin and history of the 
race, the ultimate object of the whole group of investigations being a 
fuller comprehension of what man is, what he has been, and what he 
may hope to be. 

The ceramic art takes an important place among the arts of man, 
and its products, and especially its prehistoric remains, are invaluable 
to the student of history. Of the lower stages of progress through 
which all advanced nations have passed — stages represented still by 
some of the more primitive living peoples — this art can tell us little, 
since it was late taking its place in the circle of human attainments, 
but it records much of the history of man's struggles upward through 
the upper savage and barbarian stages of progress. It preserves, 
especially, the story of its own growth from the first crude effort of 
the primitive potter to the highest achievement of modern culture. 
It also throws many side lights on the various branches of art and 
industry with which it has been associated. 

Of all the movable products of barbarian art it appears that pottery 
is the most generally useful in locating vanished peoples and in defining 
their geographic limitations and migrations. The reasons for this 
may be briefly stated as follows: first, the need of vessels is common 
to all mankind, and the use of clay in vessel making is almost universal 
among peoples sufficiently advanced to utilize it; second, since the clay 
used readily receives the impress of individual thought, and, through 
this, of national thought, the stamp of each people is distinctly 
impressed upon its ceramic pi'oducts; third, the baked clay is almost 
indestructible, while, at the same time, it is so fragile that fragments 
remain in plenty on every site occupied by the pottery makei's; fourth, 
vessels are less than all other articles fitted for and subject to transpor- 
tation, being the most sedentary, so to speak, of all minor ax"tifacts. 
It follows that, so far as objects of art are capable of so doing, they 
serve, as has been said, to mark their maker's habitat and indicate his 


Still more fully potteiy records the history of the decorative arts — • 
the beginnings and progress of esthetic evolution. To a large extent, 
also, religious conceptions are eniliodied in it. Mythical l)ein<;s are 
modeled and painted, and their strange symbols are introduced into 
the decorations. Every touch of the potter's hand, of the modeling 
tool, the stylus, and the brush becomes, through changes wrought 
in the plastic clay by the application of heat, an ineffaceable record 
of man's thought and of woman's toil. These fictile products, broken 
and scattered l^roadcast over all haintable lands, are gathered and 
hoarded by the archeologist, and their adventitious records are 
deciphered witli a fullness and clearness second only to that attained 
in the reading of written records. 

Notwithstanding the alcove-mentioned very decided advantages of 
the ceramic art over other arts as a record of prehistoric peoples, its 
shortcomings in this direction are appai'ent at a glance. The student 
is embarrassed by the parallelisms that necessarily exist between the 
arts of widely- separated peoples of like grade of culture and like 
environment. Even the discriminating investigator may be misled in 
his efforts to use these relics in the tracing of peoples. Other classes 
of confusing agencies are interchanges by trade, multijile occupation 
of sites, adoption of pottery-making captives, and the amalgamation 
of communities; b\- all of these means works of distinct families of 
people may in cases be thrown into such close association as to make 
ethnic determinations difficult and uncertain. 

The danger of making erroneous use of prehistoric works of art in 
the identification of peoples is especially great where the number of 
available relics is limited, as is very often the case in archeologic col- 
lections. Conclusions of importance respecting a given people may in 
this way be based on evidence afforded by intrusive products or on 
exceptional conditions or phenomena — conclusions difficult to contro- 
vert and increasingly difficult to correct as the years pass b}'. 

Aboriginal American Pottery 

It is hardly possible to find within the whole range of products of 
human handicraft a more attractive field of investigation than that 
offered l)y aboriginal American ceramics, and probably no one that 
aff'oixls such excellent opportunities for the study of early stages in 
the evolution of art and especially of the esthetic in art. The early 
ware of Mediterranean countries has a wider interest in many ways, 
but it does not cover the same ground. It represents mainly the 
stages of culture rising above the level of the wheel, of pictorial art, 
and of writing, while American pottery is entirely below this level, 
and thus illustrates the substratum out of which the higher phases 
spring. But it should be noted that not merely the beginnings of the 
story are represented in the native work. The culture range covered 


is quite wide, and opportunities of tracing progress upward to the 
very verge of civilization are afforded. Between the groups of 
products belougiug to the inferior tribes scattered over the continent 
from Point Barrow to Terra del Fuego, and those representing the 
advanced cultures of Central America and Peru, there is a long vista 
of progress. Near the upper limit of achievement is the pottery of 
Mexico, comprising a wonderful cluster of well-marked groups. Some 
of the highest examples of the ceramic art are found in or near the 
valley of Mexico, and a number of striking vases of this region, pre- 
served in the Mexican National Museum, may be regarded as master- 
pieces of American fictile art. Central and South America furnish a 
series of superb groups of earthenware, among which are those of 
Guatemala, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Chiriqui, Colombia, Bolivia, Peru, 
Brazil, and Argentina, each disputing with Mexico the palm of merit. 
Following these in order are various groups of ware whose remains 
are assembled about the margins of the greater culture centers or dis- 
tributed widely over remoter districts. The work of the Pueblo tribes 
in Arizona and New Mexico, all things considered, stands first within 
the area of the United States; closelj- approaching this, however, is 
the attractive ware of the Mississippi valley and the Gulf coast. 
Below this and at the base of the series is the simple pottery of the 
hunter tribes of the North. 

Numerous tribes have continued to practice the art down to the 
present time, some employing their original methods and producing 
results but little modified by the lapse of centuries, while others, coming 
more directly under the influence of the whites, have modified their 
work so that it no longer has any particular value to the ethnologist 
devoted to aboriginal studies. The Pueblo country furnishes the best 
example of survival of old methods and old ideals. Here numerous 
trit)es are found practicing the art successfully, producing vases and 
other articles quite equal in manj' respects to the ancient product. 
The study of the present practices is highly instructive, and the arche- 
ologist may begin his study of the ancient pottery of America with a 
pi'ctty definite Icnowledge of the technical and functional status of the 
art, as well as a clear conception of the manner in which it embodies 
the symbolic and esthetic notions of a people. 

Pottery of the Eastern United States 
geographic grouping 

In the eastern United States the study of the potter's art is essen- 
tially an archeologic stud)', although something may be learned by a 
visit to the Catawba and Cherokee tribes of North and South Carolina, 
and accounts published by those who have witnessed the practice of 


the art in past generations, although meager enough, are not appealed 
to in vain, as will be ampl\' shown in subsequent sections of this paper. 

The first requisite on taking up the study of a field so extensive and 
varied is a means of classifying the phenomena. We soon observe 
that the pottery of one section dift'ers from that of another in material, 
form, color, and decoration, and that groups may be defined each 
probably representing a limited group of peoples, but more conven- 
iently treated as the product of a more or less well-marked specializa- 
tion area. By the aid of this grouping it is easy to proceed with 
the examination of the ware, and a reasonably clear idea of the art of 
the regions and of the whole field may readily be gained. 

First in importance among the groups of ware is that called in 
former papers the Middle Mississippi Valley group. Geographically 
this group presents some interesting features, which will be considered 
in detail later. The margins of the area it occupies are not well defined, 
and occasionally pieces of the ware are found far outside its ordinary 
habitat and associated with strangers. This area has a central posi- 
tion in the Mississippi valley, and other varieties of pottery lie to 
the north, east, and south, with overlapping and often indefinite out- 
lines. On the north is the area characterized by ware to which I 
have for convenience given the name Upper Mississippi or North- 
western group. In the Ohio valley we have varieties of ware to which 
local names may be attached. The New York or Iroquoian pottery 
occupies the states of New York and Pennsylvania, extending in places 
into other states and into Canada. We have Atlantic Algontjuian 
ware, South Appalachian ware, and several groups of Gulf Coast 
ware. Manj^ of these groups arc so clearly differentiated as to make 
their separate study easy. Within the limits, however, of their areas 
are numerous subgroups which do not jwssess such strong individu- 
ality and such clear geographic definition as the larger ones, but which 
may well be studied separately and may in time be found to h&ve an 
ethnic importance quite equal to that of the lietter-defined groups of 
wai'e. Although they are confined to such definite geographic areas 
we are not at all sure, as has been pointed out, that these groups of 
ware will be found to have any intelligible correspondence with the 
stocks of people that have at one time or another occupied the 
region, for varieties of art phenomena are often regional rather 
than ethnic. Besides, many important groups of people have not left 
great accumulations of art products, and great groups of products 
may have been left by comparativel3^ insignificant conmiunities. Sep- 
arate groups of people may have practiced nearly identical arts, and por- 
tions of a single people may have j^racticed very difierent arts. In 
view of these and other imcertainties hampering tlie correlation of 
archeologic data with peoples, we can not do better than at first 


study the ancient ware b_v itself, and afterward proceed in 8uch special 
case as maj' offer encouragement in that direction to connect the art 
with the 2)eoples, adding such evidence as may be thus secured to our 
knowledge of the history of families and tribes. 

Up to the present time there has lieen a very imperfect understand- 
ing of the character and scope of the fictile products of the whole 
region east of the Eocky mountains. Some writers have regarded 
everything indiscriminately as simple, rude, and of little importance; 
others, going to the opposite extreme, have found marked variations 
with impassible gulfs between the higher and lower forms — gulfs cor- 
responding to the wide distinctions supposed ]>y some early writers to 
exist between the cultures of the so-called mound-builder and the com- 
mon Indian. 

Notwithstanding the fact that the ware of eastern North America is 
easily separable into groups, some of which differ widely from others, 
when we assume a broader point of view all varieties are seen to be 
membei's of one great family, the points of correspondence being so 
marked and numerous that the differences by means of which we dis- 
tinguish the groups sink into comparative insignificance. A wide 
range of accomplishment is apparent, and strong evidences of indi- 
viduality are discovered in the different groups, but these differences 
are probably far in excess of the differences existing in the culture 
status of the peoples concerned in their production. This fact is 
apparent when we observe the relative condition of progress among 
the tribes of to-day. It is seen that the arts are not symmetricall}^ and 
equally developed; the inferior ware of one locality does not indicate 
that the people of that locality were inferior in culture, for the reverse 
may l)e the case, but it may signify that the conditions of life were 
such that the potter's art was uncalled for, or imperfectly practiced, 
while other arts took the lead and were highly perfected. The cul- 
ture status of a given people must be determined by a consideration 
of the sum of the planes of all the arts and not by the plane of any 
one art. 

It has often lieen remarked that the pottery of the North is rude as 
comj^ared with that of the South, but in Florida and on the Gulf coast 
jjottery is now and then found which is quite as low in the scale as anv- 
thing about the borders of the Great lakes, and occasional specimens 
from New York, Ohio, Michigan, and Wisconsin fairly rival in all 
essential features the best products of the. southern states. Condi- 
tions governing the practice of the art were, however, on the whole, 
decidedly more favorable in the South, and here it has been practiced 
more fully and more constantly than in the North. 

Climatic conditions, degree of sedentation, nature of food suj)ply, 
and availaljility of material have each a marked influence on the con- 
dition of the arts. The art that flourishes on the Gulf coast with a 


prosperous sedentary people may be undeveloped or entirely neg- 
lected by a people wandering- from place to place in the barren, icy 
regions of the North; yet, could we for a generation exchange the 
environments of these peoples, the potter's art would still be found 
practiced and flourishing in the more salubrious climate and neglected 
and disused in the rigorous one. 


Earthenware relics are very generally distributed over the country, 
but the distribution is far from uniform. Wherever pottery-making 
tribes dwelt, wherever thej' wandered, camped, sought water, collected 
food, conducted ceremonies, or buried their dead, there we find the 
relics of this art. Usually, no doubt, localities and regions occupied 
by prosperous sedentary peoples are marked by greater accumula- 
tions of such remains. The native tribes, no matter whence thej' 
came, distributed themselves along the great waterways, and the more 
favorable spots along such rivers as the Ohio, the Tennessee, the 
Mississippi, and the Red river possess almost inexhaustible supplies 
of ancient ware. A broad region, including the confluences of the 
great streams of the Mississippi system, the Missouri, the Ohio, the 
Tennessee, the Cumberland, and the Arkansas, seems to be the richest 
of all, yet there are less-extended areas in other sections almost equally 
rich. The observation has been made that an arid environment encour- 
ages the vessel-making arts, but here we have a region abounding in 
moisture which is richer than any other section in its supply of clay 


Since pottery was made very largely for use in the domestic arts, 
its remains are everywhere associated with household refuse, and are 
found on all village, house, camp, and food-producing sites occupied 
by pottery-making peoples. It is plentiful in the great shell heaps 
and shell mounds along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, and abounds in 
and ai'ound saline springs where salt was pi'ocured. Found under 
such conditions it is usually fragmentary, and to the superficial 
observer gives a very imperfect idea of the nature and scope of the 
art, but to the experienced student it affords a very satisfactory 

Nearly all peoples have at .some period of their history adopted the 
practice of burying articles of use or value with their dead, and the 
aborigines of this country were no exception. It is to this mortuary 
usage that we owe the preservation of so many entire examples of 
fi'agile utensils of clay. They are exhumed from burial mounds in 
great numbers, and to an equal extent, in some regions, from common 
cemeteries and simple, unmarked graves. The relation of various 


articles of pottery to the humau remains with which they were asso- 
ciated in burial seems to have been quite varied. It is probable that 
the position of the vessel was to a certain extent determined by its 
oiEce; it maj- have contained food or drink for the dead, personal 
articles of value, or offerings to deities to be propitiated, and custom 
or fancy dictated the position it should occupy; but it appears that in 
manj' cases the articles were cast in without regard to relative position 
or order. 


Anthropologists are well agreed that pottery making is not one of 
the earliest arts practiced by primitive man. Its beginnings probably 
mark in a general way the step from savagery to the lower stages of 
barbarism, as defined by Morgan. If the average aborigines of the 
eastern half of the United States be regarded as occupying, at the 
time of European colonization, the middle status of barbarism, it 
would seem that the practice of the art was not new, having probably 
extended through all of the first stage of barbai'ism. It is not possible, 
however, to arrive at any idea of the equivalent of this range of prog- 
ress in years. From the depth of certain accumulations, from the 
succession of strata, and from the great mass of the structures in 
which fictile remains are found in some sections, we are led to believe 
that many centuries have passed since the discovery or introduction 
of the art; but that it was still comparatively young in some of the 
eastern and northern sections of the United States is strongly sug- 
gested, first, by the scarcity of sherds, and second, by a comparison of 
its functional scope with that of the ceramic art of the more advanced 
nations of Mexico and Central America, among whom it filled a mul- 
titude of important offices. With many of our nomadic and semi- 
sedentarjr tribes it had not passed bej^ond the simplest stage of mere 
vessel making, the only form employed being a wide-mouthed pot. 
It may lie questioned, however, whether degree of simplicity is a 
valuable index of age. It is possible that in a region where condi- 
tions are unfavorable the art coidd be practiced a thousand j^ears 
without material change, while in a more favored environment it 
might, in the same period and with a people of no greater native abil- 
ity, rise through a succession of stages to a high degree of perfection. 


Classification of Use 

The uses to which the eai-thenware of the aborigines was applied 
were numerous and important; the_y ma_y be classed roughly as domes- 
tic, industrial, sacerdotal, ornamental, and trivial or diversional. To 
the first class belong vessels for containing, cooking, boiling (as in 
sugar and salt making), eating, drinking, etc.; to the second class 


belong various implements used in the arts, as trowels and modeling 
tools; to the third flass belong vessels and other articles used in 
funeral rites, as burial urns and offerings; as personal ornaments 
there are beads, pendants, and ear and lip plugs; and for trivial and 
diversional uses there are toy vessels, figurines, and gaming articles. 
JMost of the objects may serve a number of uses, as, for example, a 
single vessel may, with a simple people, answer for culinary, for 
religious, and for mortuary purposes, and tobacco pipes may have 
ceremonial as well as medical and diversional uses. 

Although the esthetic idea was considerably developed among all 
classes of our aborigines, and much attention was paid to emliellish- 
ment, it is not probal)le that any vessel was manufactured for purely 
ornamental purposes. Neither can it be shown that in the area cov- 
ered by the present study earthenware served, as do our terra cottas, 
for portraiture or for records of any description. 

Potterv was probably first used in connection with the employment of 
fire in culinary work — in heating water and in cooking food — and thei"e 
is no doubt that the cooking, the storing, and the transporting of 
food and drink remained everywhere the most important of its func- 

Differentiation of Use 

The differentiation of use, which must have taken place gradually, 
probably began by the setting aside or the manufacture of certain 
vessels for special departments of domestic work. Afterward, when 
vessels came to be used in ceremonies — religious, medical, or mortu- 
ary — certain forms were made for or assigned to special rites. The 
vessel that served in one office was not considered appropriate for 
another, and one that was sacred to one deity and had decorations 
svmbolizing his attributes was not considered acceptable to another. 
We do not know to what extent special shapes were made for different 
sacerdotal uses by our eastern aborigines, but it is safe to saj' that this 
class of specialization had made decided headway in the west and south. 

Differentiation in the functions of vessels was probably to some 
extent of preceramic development, since art in claj' sprang into exist- 
ence long after other arts had been well perfected, and pottery 
naturally fell heir to duties previously performed b}' vessels of bark, 
wicker, shell, fruit shells, horn, stone, or other more archaic recep- 
tacles for boiling, serving, containing, and transporting. 

Vessels for Culin.\rv and Other Domestic Uses 

Primitive earthen vessels have usually a round or somewhat conical 
base, which suggests the manner of their use. Among savage races 
hard, level floors wei'e the exception, while floors of sand or soft earth 
were the rule, and under such conditions a round or conical base would 
be most convenient. The pot in cooking was generally set directly on 



the fire, and was kept in position by the fuel or other supports placed 
about its sides. This is illustrated in plate ii, a copy of the origi- 
nal of plate XV of Hariofs New Found Land of Virginia, now pre- 

FiG. 1 — Indian women using earthen vessels in making eassine. From Lafitau, J. F., Moeurs des 
sauvages ameriquains, vol. ii, i>lale v, figun' 1. 

served in the British Museum. London. A curious specimen of early 
colonial illustration, depicting a number of women preparing a cere- 
monial drink called cassine in earthen vessels, is reproduced from 
Lafitau in tigure 1. Boiling by means of heated stones cast into the 





^ S 

Z a 

LU lu 

1 I 
H I- 

< o 


LU h- 

I I 






vessel may have been practiced for some time after the introduction 
of pottery as a survival of the preceramic usage, and was proba))ly 
resorted to on occasion by many primitive peoples. 

In cases, probably, the earthen vessel was suspended over the tire by 
means of poles, vines, and cords, as shown in figure 2, from School- 
craft's Indian Tribes. This method of suspension is madi' possil)le by 
the attachment of strong ears or handles, by eccentric modeling of 
the rim — such as accentuated incurving or outcurving- — or by perfora- 
tion of the upper margin. As a rule, howexer. the vessels show no 
indications of this kind of use, and the form is seldom such as to war- 
rant the conclusion that suspension was intended. But a small percent- 

FiG. 2 — Suspension o£ the vessel from a tripod. From Sehooleraft. H. E.. Historical and statistical 
information respecting the . . . Indian tribes of the United States, part 1, r'late xxii. 

age of prehistoric vessels recovered in the complete state show indica- 
tions of use over tire. This is accounted for by the fact that entire 
vessels are mosth- obtained from graves and were mortuary rather 
than culinary utensils. The broken ware obtained from refuse heaps 
and habitation sites is the debris of cooking, eating, and drinking 
utensils, and of vessels for carrying and storing, and this very often 
shows indications of use over tire. 

Salt-making Vessels 

The evaporation of saline waters for the purpose of obtaining salt 
was carried on by the natives in several favoralile localities in the 
Mississippi valley. It is probable that the waters were evaporated by 


means of heat applied to the vessel in the usual manner, but it is also 
held by good authorities that the work was sometimes conducted by 
means of exposure simply to the rays of the sun. 

A somewhat remarkable class of earthenware vessels, the remnants 
of which are found at several points in the Mississippi valley, is 
believed to have been employed in the manufacture of salt. The 
localities are scattered over a large area extending as far east as Knox- 
ville, Tennessee, and as far west as White river in north-central 
Arkansas and southern Missouri. The distinguishing characteristics 
of the vessels are their large size, their vat-like shape (see plate iti«), 
the great thickness of their walls, and their peculiar surface finish (J, 
c), which consists largely of impressions of coarse, open-mesh textile 
fabrics. Thej" are found in most cases in or near the vicinit}' of saline 
springs. Perhaps the best known locality is on Saline river, near Shaw- 
neetown, Illinois. It is not improbable that similar springs formerly 
existed at points now marked b}" the occurrence of this remarkable 
ware, where no salines now exist. It is definitely stated b}- the 
Knight of Elvas that the Indians of the Mississippi valley manufac- 
tured salt. He informs us that — 

The salt is made along by a river, which when the water goes down leaves it 
upon the sand. As they can not gather the salt without a large mixture of sand, it 
is thrown together into certain baskets they have for the purpose, maile large at the 
mouth and small at the bottom. These are set in the air on a ridgepole and, water 
being thrown on, vessels are placed under them wherein it may fall; then, being 
strained and placed on the fire, it is boiled away, leaving salt at the bottom." 

In another place it is stated that — 

They passed through a small town where was a lake and the Indians made salt; 
the Christians made some on the day they rested there from water that rose nearby 
from springs in pools. '' 

The above locations nuist lioth have been in Arkansas and not far 
from Hot Springs. 

Typical .specimens of this ware are found in the suburbs of Nashville, 
Tennessee; at Shawneetown, Illinois; near Vincennes, Knox county, 
Indiana; in Knox county, Tennessee; in Alexander and Union coun- 
ties, llhnois; atKimmswick, near St Louis, Missouri; at Stc Genevieve, 
Missouri; at one or more points in Ohio; and probably, as is indicated 
by Schoolcraft, on White river above Batesville, Arkansas. School- 
craft says that — 

It is common, in digging at these salt mines, to find fragments of antique pottery, 
and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the surface. 
One of these pots which was, until a very recent period, preserved by a gentleman 
at Shawneetown; was dismterred at the depth of 80 feet, and was of a capacity to 
contam 8 or 10 gallons. Others have been found at even greater depths, and of 
greater dimensions. We will not venture to state the surprising capacities of several 

'tSmitii. Thomas Buckingham, Narratives of tiie career of Hernando de Soto, as told by a knight 
of Elvas, and in a relation by L. Hernandez de Biedma, New York, 1866, p 124. 
''Same work, p. 153. 









of these antique vessels that were described to us, lest, imt having seen tlieni, there 
may be some error iu the statements, whioh were, however, made in the fullest oon- 
tidence. The composition and general appearance of this fossil pottery can not be 
distinguished from those fragments of earthenware which are disclosed by the 
mounds of the oldest period, so common in this quarter, and evince the same rude 
state of the arts. In all this species of pottery which we have examined there is a 
considerable admixture of silex in the form of pounded quartz, or sand, in compar- 
atively coarse grains; which, as is very well known, has a tendency to lessen the 
shrinkage of the clay, to prevent cracks ami flaws in drying, and to enable the mass 
to sustain the sudden application of heat without lial)ilit)' to burst. The whcile art 
of making chemical crucibles, as well as those emijloyed in a large way in several 
manufactures where great heats are necessary, is founded on this principle." 

Brackenridge states that — 

The saline below Ste Genevieve, cleaned out some time ago and deepened, was found 

to contain wagonloads of earthenware, some fragments bespeaking vessels as large as 
a barrel, and proving that the salines had been worked before they were known to the 
whites. '' 

In 1901 I visited a village site near Kimmswiek, Missouri, where 
salt had been made b}' the aborigine.s from local saline springs. The 
vicinity of the springs was plentifully supplied with the coarse, net- 
marked sherds, and many pieces were scattered over the neighboring 
village site. Specimens restored from the fragments, and now pre- 
served in museums in Kimmswiek and St Louis, are shallow bowls, 
from 20 to 30 inches in diameter. Some specimens are quite plain. 
A good example of this class is illustrated in plate x. 

The great depth at which the ware is sometimes found is recorded 
b}- Mr George E.scoll Sellers, who has had ample opportunitj- for per- 
sonal observation of the Illinois salines. The bed rock in one of the 
saline river springs worked by the whites is 42 feet below the surface, 
and pottery was found at this depth by the workmen who sunk the 

Mr Seller.s's views are expressed in the following paragraph: 

This, to me, is conclusive evidence that, whoever the peojile were who left the 
masses of broken pottery as proof of their having used the salt waters, they resorted 
to precisely the same means as did their more civilized successors of our time — that 
is, sinking wells or reservoirs to collect the brine; and the dipper-jug which had 
been dropped had sunk to the bottom, showing that their reservoirs were down to 
the rock. <■ 

That the aboriginal peoples should have excavated to so great a 
depth seems almost incredible. Even if there were good reason for 
such a work native appliances would hardly have been enual to the 
task of constructing the necessary walls of stone or casing of wood. 
It is more probable that the spring channels were naturally of dimen- 
sions permitting the ves.sels to sink graduall}' to these great depths. 

aSchoolcraft, H. E., Travels in the central portions of the Mississippi valley. New York, 1825, p. 202. 
ft Brackenridge, H. M., Views of Lonisiann. Pittsburg, 1811. p. 186. 

c Sellers, George Escoll, Aboriginal pottery of the salt springs, Illinois, iu Popular Science Monthly, 
vol, XI, New York, 1S77, p. 576. 


Mr Sellers discovered a village or camp site in proximity to one of 
these springs, and his observations with respect to it are as follows: 

I found the most abundant remains of pottery, not only represented by fragments 
of the large, coarse salt pans, but by many pieces of small vessels of much finer tex- 
ture and of superior workmanship, such as would be used for domestic purposes. 
From these and large quantities of chippings and offal I inferred that this was the 
site of the old settlement. The broken pottery, the black soil, the waste from long 
occupancy extending a considerable distance both east and west of the springs, and 
to the foot of the bluffs on the south, covering an area of about 30 acres, were con- 
firmatory of this view. « 

A burial place was found on a terrace at no great distance. Some 
of the stone cists were paved with fragments of the "great salt pans," 
but these were much decaj'ed. This, Mr Sellers believes, conclusively 
couples the tenants of these ancient graves with the makers and the 
users of the salt pans. 

In regard to the manufacture of these remarkable vessels it appears 
that Mr Sellers's observations and theories are in the main correct. 
That baskets were not used is apparent on the most casual examina- 
tion. The manner of using the fabrics with which the ware is marked 
is discussed in the present paper under the head Manufacture. 
Mr Sellers's identification of the factory is also well supported, and 
there is nothing improbable in the theory of the use of clay molds or 
cores to model on, though there is little corroborative evidence on 
this point. 

A remarkable example of this pottery recently found in the suburbs 
of Nashville, Tennessee, is now in the collection of General Gates P. 
Thruston, of Nashville. It is a flat-bottomed basin about 31 inches in 
diameter and 12 inches deep; the walls are nearly an inch in thickness 
and the surface has the characteristic fabric impressions (see plate iii c). 
A large fragment of this vase is illustrated in his work on the Antiqui- 
ties of Tennessee, plate x, and the following paragraph relating to it is 
quoted therefrom: 

The large vessel was found within a few yards of the " Suljihur Spring, ' ' or the old 
"French Lick," at Nashville, in excavating for the foundations of the new spring- 
house. This sulphur and salt spring was doubtless the central feature of a populous 
aboriginal settlement for centuries. Extensive burial grounds were found on lioth 
sides of the " Lick Branch," and many fine implements and specimens of earthen- 
ware have been obtained there. * 

In the discussion of stone graves in the vicinity of Nashville, Tennes- 
see, Mr R. S. Robertson makes the following remarks in regard to 
fragments of salt vessels: 

These graves are found everywhere about Nashville and within the city limits. On 
the ridges close to the Sulphur Spring the stones inclosing such graves may be seen 
protruding from the ground, where the earth above has weathered off. Fragments 
of pottery abound, some of the common sort, and others very thick — about one-half 

n Sellers, Aboriginal pottery of the salt springs, pp. 576-577. 

(> Thruston, Gates P., The antiquities of Tennessee, Cincinnati, isyo, iqt. 157-158. 


to thn^-fourths inch — coinposed nt' a {grayish <'la)', with large I'ragnientH of shells. 
The vessels o{ which they were part must have been very large. Trailitionall_v, they 
are believed tn have been vised in evaporating salt from the spring. .\ brief search 
resulted in finding mmierous specimens on the surface and protruding from the sides 
of the ridges near the surface. It is said that the saline properties of the spring were 
more noticeable before the deep bnre was made which (iroduceil the sulphni- water, 
which is so much patronized." 

We have from East Teuiieis.sce, in Knox county, s|x'ciniens of this 
ware identical with that from Nashville and other more western locali- 
ties. Although this pottery is not correlated with any particular .salt 
lick or .spring, we niiiy fairh' assume that it was employed in making 
salt, since there are salt .springs in the \icinity. 

Referring to explorations of Mr William McAdams, of Alton, the 
Alton, Illinois, Telegraph speaks of .salt springs on .Saline creek, 
Cooper county, Mi.s.souri, in the following words: 

These springs were also a great resort of the aborigines and mmuiil-liuilders, and 
the ground about the oozing brine, to the depth of 3 or 4 feet, is tilled with the 
remains of the peculiar earthen vessels used by the mound-builders in .salt making. 
In the woods about, for the whole vicinity is covered with a forest, are many mounds 
and earthworks. From one small mound two of the earthen salt kettles were 
obtained. They were shaped like shallow pans, an inch and a half in thickness and 
near 4 feet across the rim. '' 

Another site noted for the oc'currence of this peculiar earthenwai'e 
is located in St Louis county, Missouri, near the village of Fenton. 
Here there are springs, both sulphur and salt. This site has been 
visited bj- Mr O. W. Collett, of St Louis, who gives an account of 
it in the Kansas City Review, vol. rv, p. 104. 

The following statement made l)y Du Pratz is sufficiently definite 
(ju the question of nati\e salt making: 

About 30 leagues up the Black river on the left side, there is a stream of salt water 
flowing from the west; about 2 leagues up this stream is a lake of salt water which 
.s nearly 2 leagues in length Ijy 1 in width; 1 league farther uj) toward the north 
another lake of salt water is discovered, almost as long and broad as the first. 

This water passes without doubt through some salt mines; it has the taste of salt 
without the bitterness of sea water. The natives come from a long distance to this 
place to hunt in winter and to make salt. Before the French had traded them kettles 
the}' made earthen pots at the plac^e, for this purpose; when they had enough to 
load themselves, they returned to their country loaded with salt ami dried meats. '' 

SuG.\R-M.\KiN(; Vessels 

In comparatively recent aboriginal times, if not in very ancient times, 
earthen pots were used for collecting and boiling the sweet sap of the 
sugar maple. So far as my observations have gone the earliest mention 
of sugar making Ijy the aborigines is found in Joutel's Journal, writ- 

oRobertaon, R. S., .\ntiqiiities of Nashville, Tennessee. Smithsonian Report for 1877, Wa,shington, 

1K78, pp. 277-278. 

'•See also Mc,\dams. Win., Prehit-toric rcinaiiis from -Miutheast ilis.s(iiiri, Kansas City Review, 
vol. VII, Kansas City, 1884, p. 279. 

cDu Pratz, Antoine Simon Le Page, Histoiri' fie la Lr.uisiane, Paris, 17,58, vol. I, \>\k :^()7-308. 


ten nearty two hundred years ago. Lafitau, whose observations began 
about the year 1700, gives an illustration in which the whole process 
is indicated — the tapping of the trees, the collecting of sap, the boil- 
ing of the water, and the shaping of the soft sugar into cakes, the 
latter work being conducted by an Indian woman who in the engrav- 
ing is represented as a handsome Caucasian girl. It will be seen from 
the following extract that this author makes the definite statement that 
the French learned the art from the Indians — no particular nation 
being mentioned, however. He writes as follows: 

In the month of Maroh, when the sun has acquired a little force and the trees 
commence tii t'ontain sap, they make transverse incisions witli the hatchet on the 

Fig. 3 — Native maple-sugar making. Keproduced from Latitau. 

trunks of these trees, from which tliere flows inatjundance a liquid whicli they re- 
ceive in large vessels of bark; they then lioil this liquid over the fire, which consumes 
all the phlegm and causes the remainder to thicken to the consistency of sirup or 
even of a loaf of sugar, according to the degree and amount of heat which they 
choose to give it. There is no other mystery. This sugar is very pectoral, excellent 
for medicine; but although it may be more healthy than that of the canes, it has not 
a pleasing taste nor delicacy and almost always has a little burnt flavor. The French 
prepare it better than the Indian women from whom they learned to make it; l>ut 
they have not yet reached the point of bleaching and refining it." 

The description of Lafitau's plate may be translated as follows: 
The women occupied in watching the vessels, which are already full of the liquid 
that flows from the trees, caiT)' this liquid and pour it into the kettles ;^een on 

a Lafitau, Joseph Pranpois, Moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, Paris, 1724, vol. ii, p. IM. 


the Are, which are watclied by an old woman, while another, seated, kneads with 
the hands this thickened lirjiiid, now in a condition to acquire the cimsistenc-y of 
sugar loaf.« 

This plate was reproduced in an article on maple-sugar making- 1)V 
H. W. Henshaw, published in the American Anthropologist for Octo- 
ber 1890 and is given in figure 3. 

The following extract from Hunter indicates that the making of 
maple sugar b}- the Indians was very generally practiced. He is 
speaking of the Osage Indians and their neighbors. 

In districts of country where the sugar maple abounds the Indians prepare con- 
siderable quantities of sugar by simply concentrating the juices of the tree by boiling 
till it acquires a sufficient consistency to crystallize on cooling. But as they are 
extravagantly fond of it, very little is preserved beyond the sugar-making season. 
The men tap the trees, attach spigots to them, make the sap troughs; and sometimes, 
at this frolicking season, assist the squaws in collecting sap. ^ 

Dr Lvman C. Draper makes ,the following statement, which suffi- 
ciently indicates the nature of the sugar-making industry in recent 

From twenty-five to thirty years ago, when I resided at Lockport, in western New 
York, I well rememl)er that large quantities of stirred maple sugar were brought into 
the country, made lay the Indians in the ^Mackinaw region, and put up in small bark 
boxes, containing from one to several pounds each. '' 

Sugar is still made by a number of triljes, but earthen vessels have 
probabh" not been used in its manufacture for many years. 

Spindle Whorls of Clxy 

The state of culture of the eastern tri))es hr.d not yet led to the gen- 
eral employment of many earthenware articles beyond the mere vessel 
for cooking and containing. The clay effigies so common in some 
sections were generally vessels shaped exteriorly to resemble animal 
forms, exceptions being noted especially in Florida, where various 
mortuary figures having no practical function were manufactured. 
Spindle whorls ap])ear to have been used to a limited extent in the 
South, and in Adair's time clay was used for weighting the spindle. 
Speaking of the use of wild hemp, that author remarks that — 

The old women spin it off the distaffs witli wooden machines having some clay on 
the middle of them to hasten the motion.'' 

As found on ancient sites, however, there is difficulty in distinguish- 
ing such articles from beads, gaming disks, or other perforated bits of 
clay, and I have discovered few examples of fully authenticated spindle 
whorls within the area here considered. 

"Lafltau, Moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, vol. ii; Explication des planches et des figures, 
planche vn. 

i> Hunter, John D., Memoirs of a captivity among the Indians, London, 1823, p. 290. 

cDraper, Lyman c. in Grignon, Augustin, Recollections; Third Annual Report and Collections of 
the Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison, 1857, p. 2.'i.i. 

dAdair, James, History of the American Indians, London, 1775, p. 422. 

20 ETH— 03 3 


Musical Instruments of Earthenware 

Many early writers mention the use of earthera \'es.sels for drums. 
Parchment or buckskin was stretched over the mouths of large pots, 
and this, beaten with sticks, furnished the music for dances and cere- 
monies and noise for the gratification of savage taste.. Tn Central 
America and apparently, also, in Florida special forms were modeled 
for this purpose, the rim being shaped for the convenient attachment 
of the skin head. 

Joutel, speaking of the southern Indians, states that on burial occa- 
sions the — 

dancer.T take care to tie calabashes or gourds about their bodies, with some Indian 
wheat in them, to rattle and make a noise, and some of them have a drum, made of 
a great earthen pot, on which tliey extenil a wild goat's skin, and beat thereon with 
one stick, like our tabors." 

Fig. 4 — Use of earthyll v^.^sel us a drum (Putheriu). 

Potherie has bequeathed us an illustration of an Indian beating a 
pottery drum (see figure -i) — drawn from description, no doubt, but 
interesting as a record of facts or statements not embodied, .so far as 
has been noted, in the text of his work.' 

Lafitau mentions the use of earthenware drums by the Iroquois; and 
Butel-Dumont makes the following statement, reference being had 
to the Louisiana Indians: 

The next day at dawn all this troop sets out on the march, having at its head the 
cleverest among them, who carries the calumet, and as they approach the village all 
begin to sing and dance. One of them carries in the left hand an earthen pot covered 
with a dressed deerskin stretched tightly over it and fastened to it by a cord, and 
with a single drumstick in his right hand he beats the time on this pot, which serves 

"Joutel's Journal of La Salle'.'i last voyage, in French, B. F., Historical collections of Louisiana, 
pt. 1, New York, 1M6, pp. 187-lSS. 

?> Potherie, Bacqueville de la, Histoire de TAm^rique .septentrionale, Paris, 1753, vol. i, plate 
opp. p. 17. 




as a <lruiu; all n'spond by cries, which they utter in time; some carry Chlcliicouas or 
empty ^ounls, in which are placed glass heads or little pebbles to make a noise, and 
they shake them in time with the rest." 

Liiwson mentions the use of an earthen poi-ridge pot with deerskin 
head as a drum by Indians of Carolina. Were it considered necessary, 
many other references could be made to the use of earthenware drums. 

Whistles and rattles of baked 
clay are very common in Mexico, ^-a ^.-'''"^■s 

and in Central and South America; 
but few examples, so far as the 
' writer has learned, have been dis- 
covered in the mound region. 
General Thruston, in his valuable 
work on the " Anti(iuities of Ten- 
nessee,'' illustrates an earthenware 
rattle and the pellets of clay used in it (see figure 5). A few vases 
have been found having hollow legs or attached animal features, in 
which pellets were placed so that when used on festive or ceremonial 
occasions they would serve as rattles as well as receptacles. 

Various Implements op Earthenware 

Trowel-like objects of baked clay are occasionally found in the cen- 
tral districts of the Mississippi valley, and illustrations are given in 
figure 6«, and also in a subsequent section. The body is discoidal in 
shape, and an arched loop or a ridge springing from one side serves 
as a handle. The other side, which is the working surface, is slightly 
convex, never flat, and generally shows considerable polish. These 
objects resemlde in a general way our ordinary smoothing or "flat" 

-Earthenware rnttle, with rliiy pellets 

Fifi. — Earthenware trowels and modeling tools. 

iron for laundry work. General Thruston found excellent examples 
of these implements in graves near Nashville, Tennessee, and he is 
convinced they were trowels used in plastering and smoothing walls 
and floors of houses. A similar implement having, instead of a loop 
handle, an upright stem from 1 to 6 inches in length and 1 inch or 
more in diameter occurs very generally over the middle Mississippi 
region (see figure 6i,c). The upper end of the handle is sometimes 
enlarged a little or simply rounded oflf, and again it is divided into two 

"Butel-Dumont, George Marie, jr^moircs siir la Louisiane, Paris, 17.53. vol. I, pp. 192-3. 



Fig. 7— Probable manner of using earthenware morlel- 
ing tools; b as an interior support, c as a modeliUK 
or decorating paddle, d as a polishing implement. 

or three lolie.s or prongs. When placed .stem do\rnw:ird these imple- 
ments very eloseh' resemble an ordinary form of toadstool. They 
have been regarded by some as stoppers for bottles, but this was 
certainly not their normal use, and General Thruston is proba])ly 
right in classing them as modeling tools for potteiy making. The 
convex .surface is smootli. often retaining the peculiar polish that 
comes from long use. The form is exactly suited to use in supporting 

the wall of the semiplastic \ase 
c from within while the manipu- 

lation of the outer surface is 
going on with paddles or other 
modeling or decorating tools 
(see figure 7). It is true that 
all forms of these objects may 
have been used in ruhl)ing sur- 
faces under manipulation or iu 
pulverizing substances in mor- 
tars, taking the place of muUers 
or pestles of wood and stone, 
and this was the view of Dr Jo- 
seph Jones with respect to the 
loop-handled variety. When a 
number of these objects of both forms are placed together, with the 
polished convex surface to the front, all are seen to be identical in 
appearance, .save that a few of the loop-handled vai'iety are oval in 
outline (see plate xxxvi). 


Another not uncommon use of baked cla3' was in the construction of 
sacrificial basins or altars. Dr Joseph Jones in the following para- 
graph describes the use of a large shallow receptacle not difiering 
materially from the salt pans already described: 

In the center of the mound, about 3 feet from its surface, 1 uncovered a large 
sacrificial vase or altar, 43 inches in diameter, composed of a mixture of clay and 
river shells. The rim of the vase was 3 inches in height. The entire vessel had 
been molded in a large wicker basket formed of split canes and the leaves of the 
cane, the impressions of which were plainly visible upon the outer surface. The cir- 
cle of the vase appeared to be almost mathematically correct. The surface of the 
altar was covered with a layer of ashes about 1 inch in thickness, and these ashes 
had the appearance and composition of having been derived from the Ijurning of 
animal matter. The antlers and jawbone of a deer were found resting upon the sur- 
face of the altar. The edges of the vase, which had been broken off apparently by 
an accident during the performance of the religious ceremonies, were carefully laid 
over the layer of ashes, and the whole covered with earth near 3 feet in thickness, and 
thus the ashes had been preserved to a remarkable extent from the action of the rains. " 

ajones, Joseph. The aboriginal mound-builders of Tennessee, in American Naturalist, Salem, 1869, 
vol. Ill, p. 68. 



l"h(' altars found in tlie niound.s of the Ohio valley ai'i' usually lai'ge 
.shallow basins ))uilt in place by applying clay to a ba.sin-like depres- 
sion in the ground and smoothing the surface roughly with the hands 
or trowels. The altar tires baked the clny, giving it the consistency 

of earthenware. 

Cemext and Plaster 

Native clays and earths were extensively u.sed in the construction of 
numerous classes of fixed works, and it is found that various mix- 

— .fi» 


^lUj^-'^rL'-^ M . 

Fig. S — Use of clay in plastering house wall of interlaced canes, Arkansas. From Thomas, ]2th 
Annujil Rt-port of the Bureau of Ethnology, figure lis. 

tures — cement-like combinations of clay, sand, gravel, etc. — were em- 
ployed to add to the firmness of constructions. In the middle and 
lower Mississippi valley provinces plastic clay was employed exten- 
sively in phLstering the walls and roofs of houses of cane and other 
interlaced vegetal parts, and floors were laid in the same material (see 

figure 8). 

Earthexware Used in Burial 

To what extent earthen vessels were used as receptacles for the 
remains of the dead can not be satisfactorily determined. The whites, 

Fig. 9 — Rectitngular burial casket 
of earthenware, Tennessee. 

Fig. 10 — Earthen vessel containing bones of 
children, .\labama (Moore). 

accustomed to the practice of burial of ashes in cinerary urns among 
eastern nations, were prone to discover traces of similar customs here. 



and perhaps made statements on insufficient evidence. It is true, how- 
ever, that the dead were burned in many sections of the country, and 
that the ashes or rather, perhaps, the charred remnants of ])ones were 
placed in such receptacles as were at hand for burial. The burial of 
the disarticulated bones of the dead, especially of children, in earthen 



Fig. U — Earthen vessel inverted over a skull for 
protection, Georgia (Moure). 

Fig. 12 — Earthenware burial urn 
and bowl eover, Georgia. 

vessels, was quite common in the South Appalachian province and 
occurred occasionallj', at least, in other regions. To what extent vessels 
were manufactured exclusively for mortuary purposes can not be 
determined, since no particular form seems to have been considered 
necessary. The larger boiling or containing pots, taken from the 
household supply, seem to have been .satisfactory. Occasionally, how- 

FiG. 13 — Earthenware burial urn with 
cover, Georgia. 

Fig. 14 — Earthernware burial urn with bowl cover 
and other vessels. Alabama (Moore). 

ever, receptacles appear to have been shaped for the purpose; the 
casket shown in figure 9 was of this class. It was obtained from a 
burial mound at Hale's point, Tennes.see, and contained the bones of 
an infant. Figure 10 shows the top view of a burial vase from a 
mound in Wilcox county, Alabama, containing bones of infants. 




In \-erv nuinv cases oartlu'ii vessels, especially bowls, are found 
inverted over the skull of the deceased, as shown in figure 11, and not 
infrequently large fragments of earthenware 
were placed over and around the head. j)rol)- 
ably as a protection. 

The commonest form of pot Inirial is 
illustrated in figures 1-2, 13, 1-1, and 15. The 
remains were crowded into the vessel and the 
bowl was fitted over or into the mouth of 
this receptacle. 

Perhaps the most general use of vases in 
burial was that of containing food, drink, and 
other offerings intended l)y friends of the de- 
parted to serve some mythical post-mortem 
purpose. That the deposition of these arti- 
cles with the dead had, however, become a mere form or symbol in 
many cases is shown by the fact that the vessels were often liroken and 

Fig. 15 — Earthemware burial 
um with bowl cover, Alabama 

1 Moore K 

Fig. Itj — Mortuary vases imitating the dead face, middle Mississippi valley. 

that fragments merely were sometimes used. In one section of the 
Mississippi valley we find small mortuary receptacles made to repre- 

FiG. 17 — Toy-like vessels used as funeral offerings, Florida (Moore). 



sent the human face as it appears after death. So unusual is the shape 
that vrc are justified in assuming; that the vessels were made exelu- 

Ptr. 18 — Toy-like funeral offerings imitating vegetal forms, Florida (Moore). 

sively for iiiurtuarj' use and consignment to the tomb. They are too 
small to have contained bones, and we can only surmise that they were 
intended to contain food, drink, or other kinds of offerings. An 

Fig. 19 — Toy-like funeral offerings imitating animal forms. Florida ( Moore). 

example is shown in figure Kl. and two excellent specimens appear 
in jjlate xliii. In some other regions, notably in Florida, rude imita- 
tions of ves.sels, hardly capable of 
bearing up their own weight, were 
made and cast into the grave (see 
figure 17). With these were also 
figurines made in the rudest way, 
representing many forms of animal 
and vegetal life, sliown in figures 18 
and 19." It is possible that these 
were off'eriugs made after the man- 
ner of the ancient Egyptians, who 
placed images of slaves and various 
iiiiplements and utensils in the tomb, 
with the idea that they would in some 
way be of service to the dead in the 
future existence. 
The modeling of various life forms was extensively practiced by 

Fig. 20 — Toy-like figurine representing 
babe in cradle, Tennessee (Thruston). 

oMoore, Clarence B., Certain sand mounds on the St .lohns river, Florida, part i, in Journal of 
Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, ser. '2. vol. x, fit. 1, Phila., 1894. 

HI 'LSI lis] 




Fig. 21 — Small imaare of a turtle. Tennessee. 

the potters (if .some set-tioiis, hut uiiivor.sally a-s elaborations 
aud embellishments of vessels, pipes, and other useful articles. Serious 
attempts at the modeling- in clay of human or animal fig-urcs for the 
figure's sake were apparently cpiitr 
exceptional, although images in 
stone are common. Nearly all 
solid figures in clay so far report- 
ed have the chai-acter of toys or 
rude votive or mortuary ofi'erings. 
The collections of Clarence B. 
Moore contain many specimens of 
such ):)urial ligurines from the 
mounds of Florida (.see figure 19). General Thruston illustrates a small 
clay figure representing a babe in its cradle from a mound in Tennessee 
(figure 20); also the image of a turtle from the Noel cemetery near 

Nashville (figure 21); and recently 
Dr Roland Steiner, of Grovetown, 
Georgia, has forwarded to the Mu- 
seum a number of small figures of 
reddish terra cotta in which a variety 
of physiognomy and facial expres- 
sion appear (see figures 22 and 23). 
Tiiese hgures ha\e a more marked 
reseml)lance to Mexican work of the 
same class than anj' j^et found within 
the territory of the United States. 
The flattening out of the head, as 
seen in profile, is especially note- 
worthy. They are from the Etowah 
groujj of mounds in Bartow county, Georgia. 

Strangely enough, the most striking' examples of this chiss of work 
yet found in the eastern United States are fi'om a region where the 
ordinary wares are inferior and not very plentiful. I refer to some 

Fig. 22 — Small earthenware fiKures suggest 
ing ancient Mexican work. Georgia. 

Fig. 23 — Earthenware heads of Mexican type, Georgia. 

specimens of small figurines in clay obtained by Professor F. W. 
Putnam from a mound in southwestern Ohio. They appear to excel 
any similar work north of Mexico in the appreciation of form and 



projiortion showu b}^ the makci's, ))ut illustrations have not as yet been 

The occurrence of such unusual features of art as this and the flat- 
headed ligurines mentioned above, adds force to the suggestion afl'orded 
by certain unique works in stone, copper, and shell found in the gen- 
eral region, that some of the early people had contact, more or less 
direct, with the advanced nations of Mexico. 

Personal Ornaments op Earthenware 

Clay, colored by a variety of oxides and other substances, was exten- 
sively used for painting the person as well as various objects of art, but 

Fig. 24 — Earthenware beads and pendants, varions localities. 

Fig. 25 — Ear plug.s of eartlienware, middle and lower Mississip])! valley. 

articles of baked clay were rarely utilized for ornament. Occasion- 
allv baked clav was employed for beads and pendants (see figure 24), 




and for ear plugs and labrets (figures 25 and 26), in the same manner 
as were similar forms in stone and shell, but this use was not common, 
as the material was not suflieiently attraeti\e in appearance to gratify 
the savage taste. 

Fig. '26 — Labrut^ ul uartln-iiwaro. middle and lower Missis.sli>pi valley. 

Earthenwake Disks and Spools 

Fi'om many sections of the country we have small earthenware 
disks, generalh' shaped from potsherds, and in some cases perforated. 
They average )>etween 1 and 2 inches in diameter, and are in many 
cases ver}' carefully rounded and finished. They are obtained from 
dwelling sites, and occasionally from graves. One theory as to their 
function is that they were used in playing games of skill or chance. 
The perforate variety may in cases have been used as spindle whorls, 
but recently Mr Clarence B. Moore has found specimens so related 
to human remains in burial as to lead to the conclusion that they had 
served as cores for copper ear disks. Examples are presented in 
figure 27. 

Fig. 27 — Pottery disks, probably used in playing some game. 

Among the imperfectly understood varieties of earthenware objects 
are some spool-like forms found in the Ohio valley. Illustrations of 
two specimens found near Maysville, Kentucky, appear in figure 2S. 
The following notes regarding them are furnished me by Mr Gerard 
Fowke, of Chillicothe, Ohio: 

I have seen a few, probablj- 15 or 20, of these "spools," though I am at a lass to 
classify them. A few are drilled [longitudinally] through the center. The figures 
engraved represent, perhaps, the extremes of slenderness and thickness in propor- 


tion to length. So far as my knowledge of them goes they are found only in Lewis, 
Fleming, Mason (of which 'Maysville is the county seat), Nicholas, and Bracken 
counties, Kentucky, and Brown and Adams counties, Ohio — all these counties being 
contiguous. It is reported that one was found in Ross county and one in Scioto 
county, Ohio. 

While tliere is considerable variation in tlie inciseil lines, they all seem to be mod- 
ifications of tlie two systems in the specimens illustrated. 

Fig. 28 — spool -shaped articles of clay, containing unusual designs in incised lines. From a photograph 
furnished by Thomas \V. Kinney. Portsmouth, Ohio. 


Pipe.s for sinokino- toV)iU'co itiid other dried j)lixnts vfevc generally 
made of vegetal sitbstance.s or of ,-<tone, l)ut in .some .sections clay wa.s 
much used. Smoking as a matter of gustatory gratification was a 
widespread custom, and many accounts agree in making it an impor- 
tant feature in magic, religious ceremonials, councils, and treaties. 




TIktc is pn)l)al)ly no g-ood reusoii to (juostion the geiienil liclirf that 
the pipe wsi.s in use in Aineiiea on the arrival of Europeans. Speei- 
mens are found in such \aried situations and. besides, the shapes 
are so highly differentiated that any other conclusion nuist needs be 
supported by strong evid<Mice. The simplest form of the pipe is a 
straight tube, found only now and then in the Elast, but the prevailing 
form on th(> Pacitie coast. In the northeastern states the fundamental 
shape is a nearly plain bent tube slightly enlarged at the bowl end, 
represented in the most elementary form by the pipes of the Chesa- 
peake province, and appearing in moi'e elaborate shapes in the 
Irocpioian region in Pennsylvania and New York. The short, wide- 
bowled, bent trumpet of the South Appalachian province is a local 
•development of the same general type, and the cliausy, massive, bent 
tube of the Gulf and Middle Mississippi states is a still more marked 
variant. The monitor and jjlatform shapes of the Central states depart 
wideh' from the simple tube, and no end of curious modifications of 
form come from changes in the relative ])roportions and positions of 


Fig. 29 — Riins:e in form of toliaoeci pipes. 

stem and bowl, and especially from the addition of plastic life forms 
in almost infinite variety. A .synopsis of the range 6f form from the 
straight tube to the platform with discoid bowl is given in figure 
29. It is remarkable that the great Ohio Valley province and the 
Middle South, furni.shing stone pipes of the highest grade, yield few 
and rude pip(\s of clay. Pipes were smoked with or without stems of 
other material. Illustrations and descriptions of tyi^e specimens will 
be given as the various groups of ware to which they belong are pre- 
sented. A comprehensive work on American tobacco pipes has been 
published recently I)}' the National Museum." 



Clay suited to the manufacture of the plain earthenware of the 
aborigines is widely disti'ibuted over the country, and it is not likeh' 
that any extended region is without a plentiful supply. The clay 
used was often impure, and in many cases was probabh' obtained from 

11 McGuire, J. D., Pipes and smoliing customs, Report of the United States National Museum, 1897. 


recently deposited alluviiil .sediments. Clean clays were, however, 
diligently sought and generally procured,- and in many cases they seem 
to have been carefully pi'epared by pulverizing, washing, and knead- 
ing, as was observed by Dumont and others. Finely prepared washes 
of clay were made for surface finish. Clay unmixed with any kind of 
tempering was sometimes used for modeling vessels, pipes, and some 
of the less important articles. The more advanced potters used paste 
having degrees of refinement suited to the nature of the object modeled. 
Utensils to be used over fire were tempered with coarser ingredients. Materials 

Great diversity of tempering materials is observed. This diversity 
is due to the multiplicity of mineral products brought within the 
range of experiment. It is apparent that many materials were suited to 
the purpose. The choice of a single material, where many abounded, 
must have been due to accident in the incipient stages of the art. It is 
not uncommon, however, to find several substances used in the work 
of a single communitj' — or what appears to be such. The ingredients 
varied to some extent also with the uses to which the vessels were to 
be devoted. They include pulverized rocks and mineral substances of 
many kinds, powdered shells of molUisks, powdered potsherds, and per- 
haps cinders, besides ashes of bark, sponge, and the like. Raw vegetal 
substances were also used, the fibrous parts being broken or pulverized. 

The advantages to be secured b}^ the introduction of foreign par- 
ticles into the clay may be somewhat diverse. It is fair to assume 
that tempering was intended to impart some quality or property to 
the paste that the pure clay did not possess to the desired degree. In 
building vessels the clay may have been handled with greater facility 
through the introduction of sand, but this could not be true of the 
addition of coarse, sharp particles of shell or crystalline rock; their 
presence must reall_yhave added to the difficulty of shaping and finish- 
ing the vessel. 

Tempering may have served a useful purpose during the drying and 
baking of the clay. It is well known that pure claj' has a strong ten- 
dency to shrink and crack in drying, and it is readily .seen that the 
particles of tempering material would in a measure counteract this 
tendency. The coarse particles would interfere with the progress of 
the parting movements; the undulations that separate finer particles 
with ease would produce no efl'ect. The progress of a crack would be 
impeded, just as a fracture in a glass plate is stopped by boring a hole 
at the extremity of the flaw. It would thus appear that even cavities 
in the paste serve a useful purpose, and that sawdust and cut straw, 
even if reduced to ashes by firing, would have performed in a way the 
functions of tempering. In a fine-grained paste the flaw would, when 


once started, continue through the wall of the vessel in a direct line 
without interference. In the tempered paste it would, in avoiding the 
solid particles, or through interference of cavities take a sinuous 
course or be led off in diverging directions. 

Again, any condition or ingredient that reduces the anjount of con- 
traction resulting from drying out during the baking process must be 
advantageous. It may be jiossible for a body of clay to contract so 
evenly as to suffer no injury, yet, as a rule, there must be considerable 
unevenness of contraction, with consequent danger, and it would seem 
that the greater the contraction the greater the danger of disaster. 
Clay contracts through the evaporation of water held between the minute 
particles. The coarse particles of temjaering may contain water, but, 
being rigid, they do not contract on drying out. The amount of con- 
traction would thus be reduced in direct ratio with the increase of tem- 
pering material, and this would seem a most important consideration to 
the potter. 

It ma}' be further surmised that the presence of foreign particles in 
the clay may serve some purpose in connection with the distribution of 
the heat in firing or in subsequent use over fire. The points reached 
by a given degree of heat in pure clay may be on or close to a particular 
line or plane and may thus give rise to distinctly localized strain, 
whereas the foreign particles may tend to conduct the heat unevenly 
and distribute the strain. 

In reference to the function of the tempering material during the 
subsequent use of the vessel, it might seem that the presence of large 
fragments of hard substances would weaken the wall of the vessel so 
that when in use it would readily be fractured by a strain or blow; 
but the particles arrange themselves so that strong points alternate 
with the weak ones in such a way as to increase strength rather than 
to reduce it. It appears further that the particles of tempering, espe- 
cially if coarse, must add greatly to the toughness of the paste during 
the use of the vessel, much as the}' do during the drj'ing-out process, 
and it is not impossible for a flaw to extend entirely through and across 
a vessel, and still not seriously impair its strength, as the particles of 
tempering are so interlocked or dovetailed that separation can not 
readily take place. It would appear, therefore, that the offices of the 
tempering ingredient are almost purely physical, and not chemical. 
In America the heat emploj'ed in firing earthenware was not sufficient 
to seriously alter any of the mineral constituents. It rarely happened 
that the heat was sufficient to calcine the shell material with which the 
clay in many sections was filled. 

The favorite tempering materials were powdered shell and pulverized 
crystalline rock. Sand, the grains of which were rounded, and various 
other materials, so fineh' i:)owdered as to be almost impalpable, were 
often emploj'ed. In the piedmont regions of North Carolina and 


Virginia vessels are found made of paste consisting of coarsely pulver- 
ized steatite and barely enough clay to hold the particles together. Mica, 
iron pyrites, and other crystalline substances were nuich used in some 
sections. It is not uncommon to see examples in which the paste con- 
tains 75 or 80 per cent of the tempering ingredients. 

The use of po\vdei"ed shell was very general. It is not known that 
any particular variety of shell was preferred. The shells were puher- 
ized in mortars or bj^ means of such devices as were at hand. Du 
Pratz observed their use in early times. He remarks that — 

Near the Nactchitoches are found banks of shells ["Coquilles de Palourdes"] such 
as those which form the shell island. This neighboring nation says that ancient tra- 
dition teaches them that the sea was formerly extended to this spot; the women of 
this nation come here to gather them [the shells]; they make a powder of them and 
mix it with the earth of which they make their jxjttery, which is considered the 
best. However, I would not advise the indiscriminate use of those shells for this 
purpose, because by nature the\' crack when exposed to fire; I think, therefore, that 
those which are found among the Nactchitoches have acquired thisgoud quality only 
))y losing their salt during a period of several centuries that they have been out of 
the sea." 

It is rather remarkable that in many, if not in a majority of cases, 
the bits of shell have not 1)een atfected by the heat of baking or use, 
as their original luster is fully preserved. The Pamunkey Indians of 
Virginia, who were found practicing the art of pot making onh' a few 
years ago, calcined their shells, and, as a consequence, where a large 
percentage of the material was u.sed in tempering the cla3', the ves.sels 
are inclined to fall to pieces from the slacking that follows use in water. 


The Records 

A careful study of the methods and processes or manufacture 
employed in the ceramic art of America nnist furnish nuu'h that is of 
interest to the student of technic evolution. Besides this, tlie intimate 
knowledge of the art gained in the studj'^ of the technique of manufac- 
ture may also be of value when applied to questions of a more purely 
ethnic nature, for peculiar methods and devices of art characterize the 
peoples employing them, and in connection with other classes of evi- 
dence may be of use in tracing and identifying peoples. Much remains 
to be done in this branch of the study, for, considering the fact that 
the ceramic art has been so generally practiced by the natives since 
the advent of Europeans, our knowledge of the methods of manu- 
facture seems very meager. Those whites who came in contact with 
the aborigines most intimately took ^-ery little interest in the native 
arts, and, as a rule, made no record of them whatever, and now, when 
interest is finally awakened, we find these arts in the main superseded 
and lost. 

nDu Pratz. Aiitoine Simon Lt; Pase, Histoire de la Louisiane. Paris, 1T58, vol. i. pp. 163-164. 


Our knowledge of the technic of the art is fortunately not limited 
to that furnished by literature or hy obser^■ation of modern practices. 
An examination of the many relics preserved to our time throws much 
light on the methods of lictile manipulation. The pottei''s fingers have 
left an indelible and easily read record upon every sherd. Slips, enam- 
els, and glazes which tend to obscure evidences of manipulation had 
not come into use or were sparingly employed, and the firing was so 
slight as t(j leave all the ingredients, save in color and hardness, practi- 
cally luichanged. 

First Use of Clay 

Clay was probably first employed in the unbaked state as an auxil- 
iary in various arts, but in such a simph^ manner that traces of the 
work are not preserved to us. The lieginnings of the use of utensils 
of bak(>d clay by our northern tribes must have been of comparatively 
recent date, but these incipient stages are necessaril}' obscure. If the 
ai't was of local origin a long series of almost imperceptible steps must 
have led up to successful methods of shajDing and baking. Suitaljle 
clays would have to be discovered and brought into use, and it would 
be long before the intelligent use of tempering materials and advanced 
methods of manipulation were known. 

Shaping Processes and Appliances 

The shaping processes employed in vessel making were chiefly 
modeling and molding. These operations are equally elementary and 
probal)ly of nearly equal antiquity, or, what amounts to the same 
thing, they came into use at corresponding stages of culture. If, as 
has been suggested, the chu' vessel originated with the employment of 
iday as a lining for cooking pits, or in protecting l)askets, fruit shells, 
or other articles from destruction b}^ fire in culinary operations, the 
clay would be applied to, and would take the form of, the pit or 
vessel, and the art of molding would ])e suggested. Modeling Ijegan 
with the first touch of the fingers to a plastic material. })ut modeling 
directed to a definite end — the art of modeling — did not begin until 
some desired form was designedly reproduced. The assumption that 
the ^•essel was the first art form in baked clay may or ma\- not be 
well founded, but that it soon became and always remained the most 
important product of the potter's art must pass unchallenged. 

Although the molding process was much used in archaic times, it 
alone was never competent to complete a utensil; the plastic clay had 
to be sqvieezed into the mold and was therefore shaped, on one side at 
least, by modeling with the fingers or an implement. On the other 
hand, modeling alone was capable of accomplishing every necessary 
part of the shaping and finishing of vessels. 
•20 ETH — 03 ± 


There has lieen much discussion regarding the probable nature of 
the mechanical appliances in use by pre-Columbian potters. It is now 
well estalilished that the wheel or lathe was unknown in America, and 
no substitute for it capable of assisting materiallj- in throwing the 
form or giving symmetry to the outline by purely mechanical means 
had been devised. The hand is the true prototype of the wheel as 
well as of other shaping tools, but the earliest artificial revolving device 
probabty con.sisted of a shallow basket or bit of gourd in which the 
clay vessel was commenced and by means of which it was turned back 
and forth with one hand as the building went on with the other. This 
device is illustrated farther on in connection with studies of textile 
appliances employed in the art. 

Within the United States molds were generally, though not always, 
improvised affairs and seldom did more than serve as a support for 
the lower part of the clay vessel during shaping and finishing by the 
modeling processes. These molds were employed either as exterior 
or interior supports, to be removed before the baking began or even 
before the vessel was finished. They consisted of shallow baskets, 
sections of gourd shell, and vessels of cla\^ or wood shaped for the 
purpose. The textile markings so often seen on the exterior surfaces 
of vases are not, however, impressions of baskets employed in model- 
ing and molding, but of plial)le fabrics and cords used, possibly, in 
supporting the vessel while in the process of construction, but in most 
cases as a means of shaping, texturing, and ornamenting the surface, 
and applied by successive imprintings or malleations. This topic is 
presented in detail toward the close of this section. 

It is apparent that the actual process of building and shaping an 
ordiriarj' vessel was in a genei'al way much the same, no matter whether 
it was supported b}' a shallow vessel serving as a rudimentary mold 
or wheel, or whether it was the work of the hands unaided by such 
mechanical device. The work was commenced at the center of the 
rounded bottom, either with a small mass of clay, which was flattened 
but and modeled into the proper curve by pressure of the tingers, or 
with the end of a strip of clay coiled on itself and welded together 
and worked into the desired form. In either case the walls were, as a 
rule, carried upward from the nucleus thus secured l)_v the addition of 
strips of clay which were often so long as to extend n:ore than once 
around the growing rim, thus assuming the character of a coil. Coil 
building was practiced in a very skillful manner by the ancient 
Pue})los. With these people the strips of clay were cut and laid on 
with the utmost regularit}% and the edges were made to overlap on the 
exterior of the vessel, forming spiral imbrications. In the eastern 
United States the strips of clay were wide, irregular, and rude, and 
were worked down and obliterated, the finished vessel rarely showing 




traces of their employment. The strips were not systematically^ over- 
lapped as the}' were with the Pueblos, but one turn was set somewhat 
directly on the edge of the preceding turn and was attached to it by 
pressure and by drawing down the edges, both exterior and interior. 
Specimens from many sections fracture along the stri|) junctions, thus 
revealing the width of the tillets and the manner of their manipulation. 
The beginning of a coil is shown in figure 30 a. Attachment was acconi- 
plished by drawing l)oth edges of the fillet down over the convex edge 
of the preceding turn, as is seen in h and v. Commonly the walls were 
evened up and the form corrected and developed by the aid of modeling 
tools. A convex-surfaced implement, a piece of gourd, for example, 
was held on the inner surface to support the wall, while paddles, rock- 
ing tools, and scrapers were used to manipulate the exterior surface. 
When the body of the vessel had been brought into approximately 
final shape, the margins — or in consti-icted forms the neck and rim — 

Fig. 30 — Use oi the coil in vessel building: a, beginning of coil; 6, ordinary superposititui of coils 

or strips: c, section. 

received attention. Handles, legs, and other relieved features, includ- 
ing ornaments, were shaped and added, and the points of junction were 
carefully finished ofi'. In the case of compound or even of complex 
forms the parts wei"e separately shaped and afterward joined h\ pres- 
sure and rultbing. Surface finish was accomplished in a niunbor of 
ways, varying with the peojjle, the period, and the locality, and with 
the use to which the vessels were to be applied. The most elementary 
treatment consisted of rubbing the surface with the hand and finger 
tips. But various tools were used, each leaving its own characteristic 
markings, and these in the more ordinary ware served as an ornamental 
finish. In the better ware the surface was rubbed down and polished 
with smooth stones or bits of shell. 


When the vessel was built and practically complete, attention was 
turned toward decoration. During the shaping operations features of 
form and texture very often arose that proved pleasing to the potter. 


and these were pre.ser\'ed and elaborated. Thus the potteis of each 
community, each nation, developed their own set of devices for deco- 
rating, besides acquiring- from associated ai'ts and from npighl)oring 
peoples additional ideas and facilities l)y means of which their art was 
gradually enriched. 

The fingers and tingernails were employed to produce many rude 
effects in relief and in intaglio; tools of many shapes, improvised or 
manufactured for the purpose, were used; sharp pointed ones to incise, 
gouge-like forms to excavate, dull and rounded points to trail, and all 
the varieties for indented designs. Of kindred nature is a si)ecies of 
rude inlaying, which consists of setting into the clay, in patterns, bits 
of colored mineral, such as mica and quartz. 

In some sections of the countrj' engraved stamps, which generally 
took the form of paddles, were used to cover the plastic surface with 
diaper-like i)atterns; in others thin disks with indented or otherwise 
finished peripheries were rolled liack and forth on the plastic surface, 
producing similar figures. Again, in many places woven fabrics were 
applied to the clay, leaving artistic patterns, and cords were impressed 
to produce ornamental figures of textile character. Then again proc- 
esses of preparing and applying color were known in some sections 
and extensively employed. Clays of varying hues were ground and 
prepared in a liquid state to be applied with Ijriishes. The surface 
was in cases prepared for the color by the addition of a layer or wash 
of fine paste. No description of the processes of applying t!ie colors 
has been recorded, ))ut they are probabh' not unlike those practiced 
in the Puel^lo country today, and may have been borrowed ]jy the peo- 
ple of the lower Arkansas from their Pueblo neighbors or from 
nations inhabiting the western or southern shores of the Gulf of 


Baking Pkocesse.s 

When completed the utensil was dried in the shade, in the sun, or 
before the fire, according to the needs of the case or to custom; after- 
ward it was baked with greater or less thoroughness. The Catawbas. 
it would seem, having excellent clay, found baking before the fire 
quite sufficient. The Cherokees embedded the vessel in liark, which 
was fired, and the vessel came out i-ed-hot. In no section was a verj' 
high degree of heat intentionally applied and the paste remained com- 
paratively soft. The shell material used in tempering was often not 
calcined, and vitrification rarely took place. Such traces of vitri- 
fication as have been oliserved may have been produced long sul)sequent 
to the original baking. It has often been stated that furnaces pre- 
jiared for the purpose of firing earthenware have been identified, but 
it is difficult to substantiate this belief, as the phenomena observed 
mav be due to the use of earthenware in connection with fireplaces or 
with kilns built for other purposes. 


Methods of firing' observed in use were extremely simple and con- 
sisted usually of devices for surroundiiit;' the vessels somewhat evenly 
with burning- fuel. By such means the paste was hardened, and, in 
most eases discolored, taking a variety of hues depending on its min- 
eral ingredients and on the manner of applying the fire and the degree 
of heat attained. Some of the efleets of color observed are undoubt- 
edly due to causes operating at a period subsequent to the original 
firing. In cases where pigments were used in surface tinisli or in 
ornamental designs it can not be determined whether or not changes in 
hue produced by chemical reactions in baking were anticipated and 
relied on to produce desired results. 

Processes of Manufacture ix Present Use 

Authors from whom information derived from personal oljserva- 
tions can be obtained are very few in number, and up to the present 
time no detailed account of the manufacture of earthenware in the 
great province covered by this paper has been published. The best 
accounts are casual notes by writers who sought only to entertain, or 
who had little conception of the subject with which they were dealing. 
Perceiving- this I sought means of securing detailed and accurate infor- 
mation. In 1888, learning that Mr James Mooney, the indefatigable 
student of aboriginal history, was about to pay a visit to the Cherokee 
villages of western North Carolina, I secured his aid. Armed with a 
list of topics furnished by me he made a careful study of the art as 
practised among these peoples, and from his notes have been compiled 
the two valuable accounts which follow: 


Living with the Cherokees were (in 1890) two Catawba women, Sally 
Wahului. an old woman of SO years, who had come from the Catawba 
reservation in South Carolina about fifty years before, and Susanna 
Owl, about 40 years of age, who had been with the Cherokees four 
years. These women, being skilled potters, were induced to make 
some vessels, that Mr Mooney* might witness the operations. Their 
methods were probably in the main Catawban, but the manner of 
Ijaking, 1)y means of which a rich T)lack color was given to the ware, 
was said by the elder woman to have been acquired from the Chero- 
kees. She also maintained that the Catawbas did not burn their wares 
in the fire, but baked them before it. 

On the Cherokee reservation two kinds of clay are used. The}- are 
found mainly on the north bank of the Soco creek, in Jackson county, 
North Carolina, and are usually closely associated in their deposition. 
One variety is fine-grained and of dark brown color; this is used for 
pipes, because it readily takes a high polish. The other variety is 
light gray or whitish in color and contains sand so coarse as to give it 
a gritty texture. For the manufacture of ordinarv earthenware these 


clay^* are mixed in about equal proportions; they are placed together 
and pounded with a stick or with such tools as happen to ))e conven- 
ient. By adding water a paste of al)out the consistency of puttj' is 
soon produced, which in this state is ready for use; it may, however, 
be preserved an indetinite period provided it does not freeze. 

In making a vessel a sufficient quantity of tiio paste was placed by 
the Catawba women on a board and rolled into cylinders about an inch 
thick, which were cut up into sections eight or ten inches long. A 
small mass of clay was then taken, from which a disk al)out five inches 
in diameter was formed: this, turned up at the edges, served as the 
bottom of the vessel. It was placed on a board and one of the strips 
of clay, properly flattened out, was carried around its circumference 
and broken off on completing the circuit. The margin was bent 
slightlj' upward and the junction was rub])ed over with the thumb nail 
to unite it. The process was repeated until the Ijowl was complete, 
the last strip lieiiig turned slightly outwaixl with the fingers to form 
the rim. The joints were then rul)bed over with the nails, and the 
whole surface, inside and out, was rubl)ed with a piece of gourd siiell 
until it ))ecame quite even. During the smoothing process the vessel 
was beaten with the hands and dexterously turned Ijv tossing in the 
air. The work up to this point had occupied al)out fifteen minutes. 
In the case of vessels requii'ing ears or handles, small cylinders of stiff 
clay were shaped, set in holes bored through the vessel, and clinched 
inside, and the joints were carefully smoothed over. The vessel was 
then allowed to dry until the next day. Having remained in the sun 
for a numl)er of hours it was again placed on a })oard which was held 
in the lap and the surface was sci'aped with a bit of gourd shell until 
the walls were sufficiently thin and even. Some parts, including the 
edges, were pared off with a knife. When the scraping or paring 
dislodged grains of sand, the holes were filled with bits of clay from 
the bottom of the vessel and the surface was smoothed over with the 
fingers. The surface was now ru))l)ed over M'ith the gourd shell and 
polished with a smooth pebble which, in this case, had been brought 
from Soutii Carolina l)v the elder woman. This part of the process, 
occupying aliout fifteen minutes, finished the second day's work. 

After the vessel had dried until the afternoon of the third day, 
in the sun, as far as possi))le, the surface was again ru1)l)ed inside and 
out with the polishing stone. This work occupied half an hour. 
After this the vase was placed Ijefore the fire where not exposed to 
drafts and dried or baked for an hour; it was then ready for firing, 
which was conducted indoors. Oak bark was used for firing; Sally 
Wahuhu stated that poplar bark gave a superior color and finish. 
Bark was preferred to wood l)ecause it was more easily broken up and 
was more convenient. A heap of bark was laid on a ])ed of living coals; 
the vessel was filled with broken bark and inverted over the pile of 
ignited bark and then completely covered with the same fuel. The 


exterior liark was lirod and the supply renewed for an hour, when the 
red-liot vessel was taken out. It was kept awa\- from drafts during 
the burning and the first part of the cooling- to prevent cracking. It 
was allowed to cool near the (ire until the red heat had disappeared, 
when it was removed to the open air. On examination it was found 
that the inside had ))een colored a deep, glistening black by the burn- 
ing, but the exterior, save in spots where the bark had been dense and 
the fire much smothered, was of grayish and reddish tints. 

The Catawba potters excel in the manufacture of pipes. Susanna 
Owl used only the tine brown clay. In making an ordinary pipe she 
first rolled out a cylindric cone about tive inches long, one end of which 
was less than half an inch in diameter and the other an inch or more. 
This cone was broken in the middle and the narrow piece was joined to 
the other near the smaller end and at right angles, the junction being 
perfected by the addition of bits of clay and 1)y manipulation with the 
fingers. The processes of shaping, polishing, and drying were the same 
as with ordinai'v pottery. Three other varieties of pipes are made, 
described severally as cockscomb-shaped, ax-shaped, and boot-shaped. 
Incised ornamental figure^ are executed with a needle or a l)ent pin. 
This work is done on the evening of the second day or on the morning 
of the third. The bowl is not bored out until the pipe is nearly ready 
for firing. The pipes are baked, often several at a time, by embedding 
in burning bark, and a vessel is inverted over them during the process 
to impart a uniform glistening l)lack finish. 

The work of the Catawba potters was observed by Dr E. Palmer 
on their reservation in South Carolina in 18S4, and somewhat detailed 
notes were furnished l)y him to the Bureau of Ethnology. They use 
a light porous clay containing a large percentage of vegetal matter. 
It is moistened, then taken in the hands by bits, and kneaded by the 
fingers until all hard partick'S are removed and the texture becomes 
uniform. When enough is thus treated to make a vessel, a small por- 
tion is taken up and flattened between the hands and formed into a 
disk. This is placed on a board, and other portions are rolled out into 
rolls a foot or less in length. One of these is wrapped aliout the mar- 
gin of the disk and worked down and welded with the fingers, and 
others are added in like manner until the walls rise to the desired lieight. 
When the surface is made sufficiently even and the clay becomes firm, 
smooth quartz pebbles are used to give a polish. 

The vessels are carefully dried in the shade and then ))aked ])y 
covering them with bark which is kept burning until they are suffi- 
ciently hardened. They are frequently moved about to prevent such 
constant contact with the liurning ])ark as would blacken them too 
much. The colors produced are shades of lu-own mottled with grays 
and blacks. When the potters desire they produce a black shining- 
surface by covering the articles with some inverted receptacle during 
the baking process. 



Mr Mooney found that although the making of pottery had fallen 
into disuse among the Cherokees, three women were still skilled in 
the art. The names of these potters are Uhyunli, then 75 yeai-s of 
a<'-e. Katulsta, about 85 years of age. and Ewi Katalsta. daughter of 
the last named and about 50 ^-ears old. 

Cherokee processes differ from the Catawba, or more properly', per- 
haps, did differ, in two principal points, namely, '/, the application of 
a black glossy color by smother- tiring, and, h, the application of orna- 
mental designs to the exterior of the vessel by means of figured paddles 
or stamps. The employment of incised decorations was more common 
among the Cherokees than among the Catawbas. 

Katalsta used clay of the fine dark Aariet^v obtained near Macedonia 
Church. She prepared it as did the Catawba women, but in building- 
she sometimes used one long coil which was carried spirally from the 
bottom to the rim after the manner of the ancient Pueblos and the 
potters of Louisiana. The inside of the vessel was shaped with a 
spoon and polished with a stone, the latter having l)een in use in the 
potter's family, near Bryson City, North Carolina, for three genera- 
tions. The outside was stamped all over with a paddle, the body of 
which was covei'ed with a checker pattern of engraved lines, giving a 
somewhat ornamental effect. The rim was lined vertically by incising 
with a pointed tool. At this stage of the process the vessel was lifted 
by means of a bit of cloth which pi-evented obliteration of the orna- 
ments. When the vessel was finished and dried in the sun it was 
heated by the fire for three hours, and then put on the fire and co\-ered 
with bark and burned for about three-quarters of an hour. When 
this step of the process was completed the vessel was taken outside the 
house and inverted over a small hole in the ground, which was filled 
with burning corn cobs. This fuel was renewed a number of times, 
and at the end of half an hour the interior of the vessel had acquired 
a black and glistening surface. Sometimes the same result is obtained 
by burning small quantities of wheat or cob bran in the vessel, which 
is covered over during the burning to prevent the escape of the smoke. 

The implements used by the potters of this reservation are the tool for 
pounding the clay; the bits of gourd or shell, or other convex-surfaced 
devices for shaping and polishing; the knife for trimming edges; smooth 
pebbles for final polishing; pointed tools of wood, metal, etc., for 
incising patterns; and paddle stamps for imparting a rude diapered 
effect to the exterior surface of the vessel. The stamp patterns are 
usually small diamonds or squares, formed by cutting crossed grooves 
on the face of a small paddle of poplar or linn wood. 

Plain pipes of rather rude finish are made by the Cherokees after 
their ordinary manner of earthenware manufacture. 


Early Accounts of ^Iaxufactcre 

For the purpose of showing the close general resemblance of the 
processes here recorded to those of Louisiana Indians witnessed, though 
inadequately descri])cd, by Du Pratz and Butel-Dumont one hundred 
and fifty years ago, I add the following paragraphs from these authors, 
quite literally translated. 

As soon as these peoples had settled in a fixed dwelling place, it was necessary to 
find the safest and most convenient method of cooking maize and meats; they 
bethought themselves of making pottery. This was the work of the women. They 
sought for greasy earth, reduced it to powder, rejected the gravel which was found 
in it, made a sufliciently firm paste, and then established their workshop on a flat 
block of wood on which they formed the pottery with the fingers, smoothing it with 
a pebble, which was carefully preserved for this purpose. As fast as the clay dried 
they added more, supporting it with the hand on the other side; after all these 
operations they baked it by means of a hot fire.". 

The following is from Butel-Dumont: 

Moreover, the industry of these Indian girls anil women is admirable. I have 
already rejjorted elsewhere with what skill, with their fingers alone and without a 
turning lathe they make all sorts of pottery. This is the method they employ: 

After having gathered the earth suitable for this kind of work, and having well 
cleansed it, they take shells which they grind and reduce to a very fine powder; 
they mix this very fine dust with the earth w-hich has been provided, and, moist- 
ening the whole with a little water, they knead it with the hands and feet, form- 
ing a <lough of which they make rolls 6 or 7 feet long and of whatever thickness is 
desired. .Should they wish to fashion a dish or a vessel, they take one of these rolls 
and, holding down one end with the thumb of the left hand they turn it around 
with admiratile swiftness and dexterity, describing a spiral; from time to time they 
dijj their fingers in water, which they are always careful to have near tliem, and 
with the right hand they smooth the inside and outside of the vessel they intend to 
form, which, without this care, would be undulated. 

In this manner they make all sorts of utensils of earth, dishes, plates, pans, pots, 
and pitchers, some of which contain 40 and 50 pints. The baking of this pottery 
does not cause them much trouble. After having dried it in the shade they build 
a great fire, and when they think they have enough coals they clear a place in 
the middle where they arrange the vessels and cover them with the coals. It is 
thus that they give them the baking which is necessary. After this they can be 
placed on the fire and have as much firmness as ours. Their strength can only be 
attributed to the mixture which the women make of the powdered shells with the 
clay. 6 

A few additional accounts of the making of earthenware ))}' the 
tribes of the region under review may be quoted. The statements of 
persons who have not themselves witnessed the processes of manufac- 
ture may in cases be vitiated by information derived through unre- 
liable sources and should always be carefully considered with this 
possibility in view. 

«Du Pratz. Antoine Simon Le Page. Histoire de la Louisiane, Paris, 1758. vol. ii, pp. 178-79. 
&Butel-Dumont, George Marie, Memoires sur la Louisiane, Paris. 17.^3, vol. ii, pp. 271-73. 


Hunter, who is one of the best early authorities on the Osages and 
other lucliaus of the Missouri and the upper Mississippi regions, nialies 
the following statement: 

In mauufai'turing their jiottery for conking and domestic purposes, they collect 
tough clay, beat it into powder, temper it with water, and then spread it over Ijlocks 
of wood, which have been formed into sliapes to suit their convenience or fancy. 
When sufficiently dried, they are removed from the molds, placed in proper situa- 
tions, and burned to a hardness suitable to their intended uses. 

Another method practiced by them ia to coat the inner surface of baskets made of 
rushes or willows with clay, to any required thickness, and, when dry, to burn 
them as above described. 

In this way they construt't large, hands(3me, and toleralily duraljle ware; though 
latterly, witli such tribes as have much intercourse with the whites, it is not much 
used, because of the substitution of cast-iron w-are in its stead. 

When these vessels are large, as is the case for the manufacture of sugar, they are 
suspended by grapevines, which, wherever exposed to the fire, are constantly kept 
covered with moist clay. 

Sometimes, however, the rims are made strong, and project a little inwardly quite 
around the vessels, so as to admit of their being sustained b\- flattened pieces of wood, 
slid underneath these projections, and extending across their centers." 

, These paragraphs appear to apply to the Osage Indians and proba- 
bl}' to their neighboi's. 

Mr Catlin's account of the manufacture of pottery by the ^Slandans 
of the upper Missouri is a valuable addition to our knowledge. Al- 
though often quoted it should not be omitted from this jiaper. 

I spoke also of the earthen dishes or bowds in which these viands were served out; 
they are a familiar part of the culinary furniture of every Mandau lodge, and are 
manufactured by the women of this tribe iu great quantities, and modeled into a 
thousand forms and tastes. They are made by the hands of the women, from a tough 
black clay, and baked in kilns which are made for the purpose, and are nearly equal 
in hardness to our own manufacture of pottery, though they have not yet got the 
art of glazing, which would lie to them a most valuable secret. They make them so 
strong and serviceable, however, that they hang them over the fire as we do our iron 
pots, and boil their meat in them with perfect success. I have seen some few speci- 
mens of such manufacture, which have been dug up in Indian mounds and tombs in 
the Southern and Middle states, placed in our Eastern museums, and looked upon as 
a great wonder, when here this novelty is at once done away with, and the whole 
mystery; where women can be seen handling and using them by hundreds, and they 
can be seen every day in the summer also, molding them into many fanciful forms 
and passing them through the kiln where they are hardened. '' 

That the art was ver}' generally practiced even by the less sedentary 
tribes of the great Missouri basin is attested by the following extract 
from a very interesting book by ^Ir George Bird Grinnell: 

Years ago, on the sites of abandoned Pawnee villages, on the Loup Fork and on 
the Platte, fragments of pottery used to l)e found among the debris of the fallen 
lodges. The manufacture of this pottery was no doubt abandoned long ago, and has 
probably not been practiced to any considerable extent since they met the whites. 

o Hunter, John D , Memoirs of a captivity among the Indians, London, 1823, pp. 288-89. 
bCatlin, George, Letters and notes on the North American Indians, London, 1844, vol i, p. 116. 


A man alioiit fifty j-eara of age stated to me that he had never seen these pots in use, 
but that his grandmother had told him that in lier da}-s tliey made and used them. 
He said that they were accustomed to smooth off the end of a tree for a mold. A 
hot fire was then built, in whicli stones were roasted, which were afterward pounded 
into tine jjowder or sand. This pounded stone they mixed with fine clay, and when 
the material was of the proper consistency they smeared it over the rounded mold, 
which was perhaps first well greased with buffalo tallow. After the clay had been 
made of even thickness throughout, and smooth on the outside, they took a small, 
sharp stone, and made marks on the outside to ornament it. AVhen the material 
was sufficiently dry, they lifted it from the mold and burned it in the fire, and 
while it was baking, "put corn in the pot and stirred it al:)0ut, and this maiie it hard 
as iron." This may mean that it gave the pot a glaze on the inside. In these pots 
they boiled food of all kinds. Mr Dunl>ar informs me that these pots were also 
made in later times within a frame-work of willow twigs. The clay, made very stiff, 
was smeared on this frame, ttie inside being repeatedly smoothed with the moist- 
ened hand, and but little attention being given to the appearance of the outside. 
After they had been sun-dried, such pots were baked without removing the frame, 
which burned away in the fire, leaving the marks of the twigs visible on the outside 
of the pot." 

The following extracts from the writing.s of Peter Kalm refer to 
the practice of this art in the ea.stern portions of the country, and 
indicate that the art of clay vessel making was entirely abandoned in 
those sections familiar to that author more than a century ago. The 
specimens exhiliited by ]\Ir Bartram prol)ably came from the South. 
Mr Kalm wrote: 

Mr Bartram shewed me an earthen jiot, which had laeen found in a place where 
the Indians formerly lived. He who first dug it out kept grease and fat in it to 
smear his shoes, boots, and all sorts of leather with. Mr Bartram bought the j^ot of 
that man; it was yet entire and not damaged. I could perceive no glaze or color 
upon it, but on the outside it was very much ornamented and upon the whole well 
made. Mr Bartram shewed me several pieces of broken earthen vessels which the 
Indians formerly made use of. It plainly appeared in all these that they were not 
made of mere clay, but that different materials had oeen mixed with it, according to 
the nature of the places where they were made. Those Indians, for example, who 
lived near the seashore pounded the shells of snails and mussels and mixed them with 
the clay. ( )thers, who lived farther up in the country where mountain crystals could 
be found, pounded them and mixed them with their clay; but how they proceeded 
in making the vessels is entirely unknown. It was plain that they did not burn 
them much, for they are so soft they might be cut in pieces with a knife; the work- 
manship, however, seems to have been very good, for at present they find whole 
vessels or pieces in the ground which are not damaged at all, though they have lain 
in the ground above a century. Before the Europeans settled in North America 
the Indians had no other vessels to boil their meat in than these earthen pots of 
their own making, tint since their arrival they have always bought pots, kettles, and 
other necessary vessels of the Europeans, and take no longer the pains of making 
some, by which means this art is entirely lost among them. Such vessels of their 
own construction are therefore a great rarity even among the Indians. I have seen 
such old pots and pieces of them, consisting of a kind of Serpentine stone, or Lin- 
nseus's Talcum, Syst. Nat. 3, p. 52.6 

nGrinnell. George Bird, Pawnee hero stories and folk-tales. New York, 1893, pp. 255-56. 
b Kalm, Peter, Travels into Nortk America, vol. i, Warrington, 1770, pp 227-29. 


In the follo''.ving- exti-act the autlior appears to refer to the use of 
pottery in New Jerse\'; and sherds now found in so many localities 
no doubt represent the art of the time referred to. 

The old boilers or kettles of the Indians, were either made of clay, or of different 
kinds of pot stone (Lapis ollaris). The former consisted of a dark clay, mixt 
with grains of white sand or quartz, and burnt in the fire. Many of these kettles 
have two holes in the upper margin, on each side one, through which the Indians 
put a stick anil held the kettle over the fire as long as it was to boil. Most of the 
kettles have no feet. It is remarkable that no pots of this kind ha\'e l)een found 
glazed, either on the outside or tlie inside. A few of the oldest Swedes could yet 
remember seeing the Indians boil their meat iu these pots." 

Many details of clay manipulation are given in subsequent pages as 
the various groups of ware are presented. 


The production of a vessel of clay required much skill, experience, 
and foi'esight: it was not a single, simple act of construction that was 
necessary, but a series of progressive operations of a delicate and diffi- 
cult nature, extending over a number of days. These difficulties were 
much increased with the increase in dimensions of the utensil. A ves- 
•sel so small as to be kept Mell within the grasp of the ringers could be 
built at once, and without great dang(>r of failure at any stage of the 
work, but in building a large vessel the walls had to be carried upward 
by degrees, time being required to allow the plastic paste to set and 
thus to become capable of supporting additional weight. The danger 
of failure in .sub.sequent .stages of the woi'k also increased with the 
size, and a vessel of clay two or more feet in diameter, and three-fourths 
that height, carried .successfully through all the steps of modeling, 
drying, burning, coloring, and ornamentation may well be regarded 
as a triumph of barbarian manipulative skill. 

The average Indian vase, as seen in our museums, is rather small, 
having a capacity of a gallon or less, but these surviving ves.sels do 
not fairl}' represent the dimensions of the original products; large 
vessels are rarely preserved for the reason that as a rule, save in 
limited districts, they were not buried with the dead, as were the 
smaller pieces. 

The use for which the vessel was intended had much to do with its 
size. The boiling of messes for feasts where many people were to be 
served required large pots, as did also storage, and evaporation of 
water for salt or svigar. The .so-called salt pots found in Tennessee, 
Illinois, and Missouri are among the largest vessels known in any sec- 
tion of the country, and fragments have been found indicating a 
a diameter of three feet or more. In such vessels the depth usually 
is not great; indeed, few vessels of any class have been collected having 
a height greater than twenty-four inches. The thickness of the walls of 

"Kalm. Peter. Travels into North America, vol. ii. London, 1770, pp. 41-12. 


these large vessels, in uuiny cases, reaches or exceeds thi'ee-fourths of 
an inch, and their weight must have been considerable. The potter 
undoubtedly found it a difficult task to handle them while tlie (lay was 
still in a plastic or semisolid state. 

As a rule the walls of ordinarv vases are surprisingly thin, and we 
are led to admire the skill of the potter who could execute vessels of 
large size and tine proportions with walls at no point exceeding three- 
eighths of an inch in thickness. Size varies from the extreme propor- 
tions above mentioned to those of toy vessels not more than an inch in 
diameter and height. 


The aosence of all suggestiveness of form in the natural clay, 
together with its plasticity when moist, and its brittleness when dry, 
must have prevented its early independent use in the shaping arts; 
but when the means of hardening it by baking, and strengthening' it 
by temjDering, came to be understood, a new and ever-expanding field 
was opened to art. 

With primitive peoples the first known use of baked clay is in the 
construction of ve.ssels. The development of form in vessel making 
is governed by numerous influences and conditions; first, there are 
functional influences or retiuirements; second, inherited suggestions 
and limitations; third, mechanical agencies; fourth, ideographic 
requirements; and fifth, esthetic forces. 

1. Function is of necessity the leading influence in all that pertains 
to the selection of models and the determination of size and general 
contour. Primarily the vessel was intended to contain that which unre- 
strained would be diflicult to hold, handle, and transport, and its shape 
had to be such as would permit the successful performance of these 
functions. As uses difl'erentiated and multiplied, the various jtrimal 
forms underwent many changes. The manner of use also led in many 
cases to special modifications of shape. A pot to be placed upon the 
fire differed in base and rim from one that was to be suspended; a vase 
intended to stand upright on a hard floor was diflerent in shape from 
the one that was to be set upright in the sand. 

2. The duties to which earthen vessels were assigned were originally 
performed by other classes of vessels, and when a new material, wliolly 
amorphous and ofl^ering no suggestions of form, came into use, shapes 
were copied from antecedent vessels, as men. in constructing, necessa- 
rily follow suggestions ofl'ered ])y what already exists. Clay vessels, 
therefore, took forms depending much on the vessels with which the 
potter was acquainted, and the potters of diflerent nations having 
unlike models produced diflerent forms from the very start. These 
inceptive characteristics were long retained and exercised a lasting 
influence. No race in the world appears to have made as much use of 


natural forms in the art at a corresponding grade of culture as the 
American Indian, and the striking result is seen at a glance, when any 
large number of vessels made by the more advanced tribes is brought 

8. In the use of any material in the shaping arts certain processes 
and certain mechanical aids are employed, and these vary with the 
materials and with the acquirements of the potter so that groat varia- 
tion of form results. Clay has limitations of strength unburned and 
burned, and form is governed by these limitations. If the potter is 
unskilled of hand and eye, his work will lack in symmetiy and grace; 
and if his appliances are imperfect, its form will as a consequence be 
unsymmetric and rude. The introduction of each improved device 
leads to nioditications of form. It is readily seen, for example, that 
the discovery of the wheel must have led to the introduction of many 
new features of form, consigning many others to oblivion. 

4. Ideographic influences are felt but little in early stages of the art, 
yet in time the}^ become a powerful force in giving shape to articles 
of clay. If, for example, a vessel is intended for use in connection 
with rites I'elating to a particular animal deity, the shape is made to 
suggest the form of that deity. The idea in such cases governs not 
only the shape but the color and decoration. 

5. Esthetic influence is necessarily weak during the earliest prac- 
tice of the art, and shape is apparently slow to receive esthetic notice 
and moditication; but, even at this stage, use, model, and technic give 
much that is regarded as pleasing in form. Certain proportions and 
something of grace are necessarily embodied in each vessel and it is 
quite impo.ssible in a given case to determine at just what point the 
esthetic idea begins to produce its effects. In even the most primi- 
tive groups of earthenware there are apparent traces of the action of 
this foi'ce in the moditication of margins and in the turning of curves. 

The forms produced in the primitive stages of the art are, as a rule, 
exceedingly simple. We may assume that the most elementary form 
is the bowl or cup with rounded bottom, wide mouth, and plain margin. 
There are a number of influences tending to give the base a rounded 
rather than a flat or concave shape, among which are the available 
natural forms or models, the manner of use, and the ease and natural- 
ness of construction. Flat and concave bottoms come late, as do also 
such features as pedestals, annulai' bases, feet, and legs. These come 
into use no doubt with the introduction of hard, level floors in the 
dwelling. As skill increases, the margin of the vessel rises, the outline 
vanes from the globular form, and many causes lead to specialization 
and elaboration, so that we have oblong and flattened l)odies, constricted 
rims, straight and recurved lips, short and high necks, and many 
degrees of constriction of openmg. Compound and complex forms 
follow, and rinall}' the potter ventures on the production of natural 


forms, representing and portraying shells, fruits, birds, beasts, and 
men, essa\'ing also many fanciful creations. However, for a long time 
the fundamental purpose of vessels was that of containing, and the 
various changes rung on their forms do not seriously interfere with 
this normal function. 

After great skill is acquired in tlie handling of clay other articles are 
manufactured, and the ceramic held is greatly enlarged; thus we have 
implements, pipes, tigurines, idols, spindle whorls, musical instru- 
ments, and personal ornaments. 

Color of Paste 

The colors observed in prmiitive earthen vessels are, in a great meas- 
ure, the result of causes not regulated or foreseen by the potter; the 
claj^s employed have different hues, and in the process of baking alter- 
ations in color take place through chemical changes or through the 
deposition of carbonaceous matter on the surfaces. The range of 
these colors is quite lai'ge and varies with materials and processes, but 
the prevailing colors are dark reddish, yellowish, and lirownish graj's, 
often unevenly distributed over the surface of the vessel. Many tribes 
were not satisfied with the colors produced in this way. but submitted 
the vessel to special processes to effect desired changes. One method, 
already referred to and thought to be aboriginal, consisted in covering 
the vessel with fuel which was burned in such a way as to confine the 
smoke, thus giving a glossy black finish. 

When vessels are broken, it is observed that the color of the paste 

is not uniform throughout the mass; usually the interior is darker than 

the surface, which was exposed directly to the heat in baking and lost 

such portions of its original coloring matter as happened to be most 

volatile. Possibly this effect may in cases be pi'oduced by weathering, 

or, rather, bj' the bleaching action of the soil in which the vessels were 


Application op Color 

It was a common practice with some tribes to apply a wash of color 
to the surface of the vase, generally to the more exposed parts of the 
exterior only. Little is known of the manner in which the colors 
were mixed and used. They were usually applied before the })aking, 
and were always polished down with a rubbing stone. Red was the 
favorite color. 

Du Pratz mentions the use of color bj' the Natchez Indians in the 

following lines; 

On the same hill (White hill) there are veins of ocher, of which the Natchez had 
just taken some to stain their pottery, which is very pretty; when it wa.s besmeared 
with ocher it became red after burning." 

The preference for particular colors may be due to a number of 

oDu Pratz, Antome Simon Le Page, Histoirede la Louisiane, Paris, 1758, vol. i, p. 124. 


causes, two of which are of especial imiDortance: first, with some peo- 
ples colors had peculiar mytholotfic significance, and on this account 
were appropriate to vessels emplo.yed for certain ceremonial uses; 
second, most savage and barbarian peoples have a decided fondness for 
colors, and appi'eciate their esthetic values, taste being exercised in 
their selection. There is good evidence that both superstitious and 
esthetic motives influenced the potters of the mound region; but it is 
impossible to say from a study of the vases exactly what part each of 
these motives took in producing the results observed in the wares 
studied. Ordinarily domestic pottery did not receive surface coloring, 
as subsequent use over fire would entirely obliterate it. Coloring for 
ornament is more full}' discussed in a subsequent section (page 66). 

Evolution of Decoration 
A volume could be written on this most attractive subject, but a 
brief outline is all that can l)e given in this place. The origin and 
early development of the idea of embellishment and the manner in 
which decorative features came to be introduced into the ceramic art 
can not be examined in detail. I have dwelt on these topics to some 
extent in two papers already published, Foi-m and Ornament in the 
Ceramic Art, Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, and 
the Evolution of Ornament, an American Lesson, in the American 
Anthropologist, April 1S90. It is not essential to the purpose of this 
paper that I should here do more than characterize and classify the 
native decoi'ative work of the eastern United States in a somewhat 
general way, detailed studies being presented in connection with the 
.separate presentation of ceramic groups. 

Decoration may be studied, first, with reference to the subject- 
matter of the ornamentation — its form, origin, and significance — and, 
second, with reference to the methods of execution and the devices 
and implements employed. It may also be examined with refer- 
ence to such evidence as it affords regarding racial and tribal history. 
The subject-matter of primitive ceramic ornament, the elements or 
motives employed, may be assigned to two great classes based on the 
character of the conceptions associated witli them. These are non- 
ideographic, that is to say, those having a purely esthetic office, and 
those having in addition to this function associated ideas of a super- 
stitious, nuiemonic, or other significant nature. Nonideographic ele- 
ments are mainly derived from two sources: first, bj' copying from 
objects having decorative features, natural or artificial, and second, 
from suggestions of a decorative nature arising within the art from 
constructive and manipulative features. Natural objects, such as sea- 
shells and fruit shells, abound in features highly suggestive of embel- 
lishment, and these objects are constantl}' and intimately associated 
with the plastic art and are copied by the potter. Artificial o))jects 


have two cla.sses of features capable of giving I'isc to ornament: these 
are constructional and functional. Those of tlie former clas.s are 
represented by such features as the coil employed in building, and the 
stitch, the plait, and the twist employed in textile fabrics. Those of 
the latter are represented bj' handles, legs, bauds, perforations, etc. 
Suggestions incidental to manufacture, such as finger markings, 
imprints of implements, and markings of molds, are fruitful sources 
of non ideographic decoi'ations. 

In the primitive stages of the art simple nonideographic elements 
seem to predominate, but it is difficult to draw a line separating them 
from the ideographic, for an idea may at any time become associated 
with even the most eleiuentarv design. When, however, we encounter 
delineative elements or subjects employed in ornamental offices, we 
may reasonably assume that ideas were associated with them, that they 
were symbolic. It is pretty generally conceded that life forms were 
not employed in early art save wIkmi they had a peculiar significance 
and applicability in the connection in which they were used, and it is 
probable that the associated idea was often retained even though the 
representation became so conventionalized and formal that the oi'dinar^' 
observer would no longer recognize the semblance of nature. This 
topic was examined in detail in a recent study of the art of ancient 
Chiriqui," and is presented in equally definite form in the section of 
this paper devoted to Gulf Coast ware. 

The range of imitative subjects employed in surface decoration is 
not large. Within the whole area studied, no representation of a plant 
has been found; birds and the human figure were rarely delineated, 
and even qiiadrupeds, so generally employed in modeling, do not 
appear with frequency in other forms of expression. Ceramic decora- 
tion is probably late in taking up the graphic and ideographic art of a 
people. This conservatism may be due to the fact that in early stages 
the art is purely domestic, and such delineations would have little 
appropriateness. It is probablv not until the fictile products come to 
take a prominent place in superstitious usages that significant designs 
are demanded and employed. 

Methods of Decorating 

The decoration of earthenware was accomplished in a luimber of 
ways which are classified by form characters as relieved, flat, and 
depressed. The processes employed are modeling with the fingers and 
with tools, molding in baskets or other vessels having ornamented 
surfaces, and stamping, paddling, impressing, puncturing, carving, 
incising, polishing, and painting with such tools as wei'e most conven- 
ient. A brief review of the decorating processes has already been 
given under the head Manufacture. 

"Holmes, W. H., Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, in Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau o£ 
Ethnology, Washington, 1SS8. 

20 ETH— 03 5 



The modeling- of animal forms constituted a prominent feature of the 
potter's art in the Mississippi valley as well as in some other sections. 
Asa rule the figures were modeled, in part at least, in the round, and 
were attached to or formed essential parts of the vase. Usually, no 
doubt, they had a symbolic office, but their decorative value was not 
lost sight of, and the forms graded imperceptibly into conventional 
relieved features that to all appearances were purely decorative. 

Decorative designs of a purely conventional character were often 
executed in both low and salient relief. This was generally accom- 
plished by the addition of nodes and fillets of clay to the plain surfaces 
of the vessel. Fillets were applied in various ways over the body, 
forming horizontal, oblique, and vertical bands or ribs, ^^'hen placed 
about the rim or neck, these fillets were often indented with the firtger or 
an implement so as to imitate, rudely, a heavy twisted cord — a feature 
evidently borrowed from basketry or copied from cords used in mending 
or handling earthen vessels. Nodes were also attached in various waj's 
to the neck and body of the vessel, sometimes covering it as with spines. 
In some cases the entire surface of the larger vessels was varied by 
pinching up small bits of clay between the nails of the fingers and the 
thumb. An implement was sometimes used to produce a similar result. 


The esthetic tendencies of the potters are well shown by their 
essays in engraving. They worked with points on both the plastic 
and the sun-dried clay, and possibly at times on the fire-baked surface. 
Figures thus produced exhibit a wide range of artistic achievement. 
They illustrate all stages of progress from the most archaic type of 
ornament — the use of loosely associated dots and straight lines — to the 
most elegant combinations of curves, and the delineation of life forms 
and fanciful conceptions. 

In many cases when a blunt implement was employed, the line was 
produced by a trailing movement. The result is quite distinct from 
that of incision, in which a sharp point is used, and excision or exca- 
vation which is more easily accomplished with the end of a hollow reed 
or bone. The application of textile fabrics giving impressions of the 
mesh was very general, and engraved paddles were used to gi\'e simi- 
lar effects. These topics are treated at length elsewhere in this paper. 
Repousse work, which consisted in punching up nodes by applying a 
blunt tool to the opposite side of the vessel wall, was common in some 


The use of color in decorating earthenware marks a very decided 
advance beyond the inceptive stage of the art. Vessels to be employed 
in ordinary culinary work needed no surface ornament, and could not 
retain it during use. When differentiation of use had made some prog- 


ress, and neat appearance became desirable, coloring was applied, and 
when the office became ceremonial or superstitious, elaborate designs 
were employed. Ornament in color is common in the middle and 
lower Mississipf)i regions, and is seen to some extent along the Gulf 
coast and in Florida; rare examples have been found in the middle 
Ohio region and east of the Appalachian high land in Georgia and the 
Carolinas. The most decided prevalence of color in finish and decora- 
tion is discovered in the Arkansas region, from which locality as a 
center this feature is found to fade out and gradually disappear. The 
reason of this is not detennined, but it is to tje remarked that Arkansas 
borders somewhat closely on the Pueblo country where the use of color 
was general, and this idea, as has already been remarked, may have 
been bori'owed from the ancient Pueblo potter. 

The colors used in painting were white, red, brown, and black; they 
consisted for the most part of finely pulverized claj' mixed with ochers 
and of native ochei's alone. Occasionally the colors used seem to have 
been mere stains. All were probably laid on with coarse brushes of 
hair, feathers, or vegetal fiber. The figures in most cases are sim- 
ple, but are applied in a broad, bold way, indicative of a well-advanced 
stage of decorative art. Skill had not yet reached the point, however, 
at which ideographic pictorial subjects could be presented with much 
freedom, and the work was for the most part purely conventional. 
As would be expected, curvilinear forms prevail as a result of the 
free-hand method of execution; they embrace meanders, scrolls, cir- 
cles, spirals, and combinations and groupmg of curved lines. jOf 
rectilinear forms, lozenges, guilloches, zigzags, checkers, crosses, and 
stellar shapes are best known. Many of these figures were doubtless 
sj'mbolic. Life forms were seldom attempted, although modeled fig- 
ures of animals were sometimes given appropriate markings, as in the 
case of a fine owl-shaped vessel from Arkansas, and of a quadruped 
vase, with striped and spotted body, from Missouri. Examples of 
human figures from Arkansas have the costume delineated in some 
detail in red, white, and the ochery color of the paste, and numerous 
vases shaped in imitation of the human head have the skin, hair, and 
ornaments colored approximately to life. 

In some cases the patterns on vases are brought out Iiy polishing 
certain areas more highly than others, and an example is cited by 
C. C. Jones in which inlaying had been resorted to." 


Relation of the Textile and Cekamic Akts 

Among the tribes of a wide zone in southern British America and 
northern United States, and extending from the Atlantic to the Kock}^ 
mountains, the ceramic art was intimately associated with the textile art, 

a Jones, C. C, Antiquities of the soutliern Indians, p. 459. 


and the (>arthenware exhibits traces of this intimacy as one of its most 
constant characteristics. These traces consist of impressions of textile 
articles made on the plastic clay during manufacture, and of markings 
in imitation of textile characters traced or stamped on the newly made 
vessels. The textile art is no doubt the older art in this region as else- 
where, and the potter, working always with textile appliances and with 
textile models befoi'e him, has borrowed many elements of form and 
ornament from them. Textile forms and markings are thus in this 
part of America a characteristic of the initial stages of the ceramic art. 

It is true that we can not say in any case whether the potter's art as 
practiced in the northern districts is exclusively of local development, 
springing from suggestions offered by the practice of simple culinary 
arts, especially basketry, or whether it represents degenerate phases of 
southern art radiating from far away culture centers and reduced to 
the utmost simplicity by the unfriendly environment. We are cer- 
tainly safe, however, in assuming that this peculiar phase of the art 
represents its initial stage — a stage through and from which arose the 
higher and more complex phases characterizing succeeding stages of 
barbarism and civilization. 

Whether with all peoples the art passed through the textile stage 
may remain a question, because the traces are obliterated l)y lapse of 
time, but we observe as we pass south through the United States that 
the textile-marked ware becomes less and less prevalent. However, 
sufficient traces of textile finish are still found in Florida iind other 
Gulf states to suggest a former practice there of the archaic art. 
Classe-s op Textile Markings 

Textile markings found on pottery are of live classes: first, impres- 
sions from the surface of rigid forms, such as baskets; second, im- 
pressions of fabrics of a pliable nature, such us cloths and nets: third, 
impressions from woven textures used o\er the hand or over some 
suitable modeling implement; fourth, impressions of cords wrapped 
about modeling paddles or rocking tools; fifth, impressions of bits of 
cords or other textile units, singly or in groups, applied for ornament 
only and so arranged as to give textile-like patterns. In addition, we 
have a large class of impressions and markings in which textile effects 
are mechanically imitated. 

The several kinds of textile markings are not equally distributed 
over the country, but each, to a certain extent, seems to characterize 
the wares of a particular region or to belong to particular groups of 
ware, indicating, perhaps, the condition and practices of distinct peo- 
ples or variations in initial elements affecting the art. There may 
also be a certain order in the development of the various classes of 
impressions — a passing from simple to I'omplex phenomena, from the 
l)urely mechanical or the simply imitative to the conventionally modi- 
fied and highly elaborated phases of embellishment. 





Use ok Baskets in Molding and IModeling 

The extent to which basskets were used in modeling pottery in this 
great province has been greatlj^ overestimated. Instead of being the 
rule, as we have been led to believe, their use constitutes the excep- 
tion, and the rare exception. 
The functions of the fa))- 
rics and textile elements 
used ill connection with the 
manufacture of potter}- de- 
serve careful consideration. 
There can be little doubt 
that these functions are both 
jjractical and esthetic, but 
we shall not be able to malte 
the distinction in all cases. 
Practical uses maj' be of 
several kinds. In modeling 
a clay vessel a basket may 
be used as a support and 
pivot, thus becoming an in- 
cipient form of the wheel 
(see figure 31). It may 
equally well assist in shap- 
ing the bodies of the ves- 
sels, thus assuming in a limited waj- the functions of a mold (see fig- 
ure 32). The mat on which a plastic vessel happens to i-est leaves 
impressions rendered indeliV)le l)y subsequent tiring. The same may 

be true of any fabric brought into 
contact with the plastic surface, but 
the impressions in such cases arc ac- 
cidental and have no practical func- 

That baskets were used in the East 
as molds is attested by historical evi- 
dence, as may be seen by reference 
to the citation from Hunter, previ- 
ously made. I can Itut regard it as 
remarkable, however, that in hand- 
ling thousands of specimens of this 
pottery I have found no vase the im- 
prints on which fully warrant the 
statement that a l)asket was employed as a mold, or even as a support 
for the incipient clay form. Many assertions to the contrary have 
been made, probably through misapprehension of the nature of the 

Fig. 31 — Use of a basket in modeling an earthen vessel 
(Pueblo Indians, Gushing, in the Fourth Annual Re- 
port of the Bureau of Ethnology). 

Fl(i. 32— Use o( a baski_-t us a mold tlu' 
base of an earthen vessel (Rieblo Indians, 
Cushing, work cited). 


Fi«. 3:i— Vase showinsr impressions resulting from the use of pliable fabrics in wriippint; an<l sustain- 
ing the vessel while plastic. Height 4 inches. 


Fi<;. 31— Fragment of salt vessel, with cast in clay, showing kind of fabric used in inodcliiig vessels. 

About one-half actual size. 


markings observed. On fragments of imperfectlj- preserved vessels 
distinctions can not readily be drawn between disconnected impres 
sions made by the partial application of pliable fabrics or textile- 
covered stamps and the systematically connected imprintings made by 
the surface of a basket. The unwary are likely even to mistake the 
rude patterns made by impressing bits of cords in geometric arrange- 
ment about the rims of vases for the imprints of baskets. 

Use oe Pliable Fabrics in Modeling 

Pliable fabrics, such as sacks, nets, and cloth, were made use of as 
exterior supports in holding or handling the vessel while it was still 
in a plastic condition. Mr Mooney says that the Cherokees use a rag 
to lift the pot at one stage in its manufacture, and it is easy to see 
that cloths or nets wrapped about the exterior surface of the plastic 
walls would serve to prevent quick drying and consequent cracking of 

Fig. 35 — Fragment of a cooking pot showing impressions of a net-coveretl paddle, North Carolina. 
About three-fourthiii actual size. 

the cla}' along a weak line. Binding up with cloths or.nets would inter- 
fere with the deforming tendency of pressure during the modeling 
process and of sinking from weight of the plastic walls. Mr Sellers, 
a verj^ acute ol)server, believed that the modeling of certain large salt 
basins was done on coi'e-like molds of clay. In such a case, or where, 
as observed by Hunter, blocks of wood were used, the cloth would 
serve an important purpose in facilitating the removal of the plastic or 
partly dried clay shell and in supporting it during subsequent stages 
of the shaping and finishing processes. Such removal would probably 
be accomplished b}* turning the mold, with the vase upon it, upside 
down, and allowing the latter to fall off into the fabric by its own 
weight or by the means of pressure from the hands. An excellent 
example of the impressions made on the surface of vases by fabrics 
applied in the course of manufacture is shown in figure 33. The 


Fig. SfJ— Bowl from a North Carolina mound, »hu\v ing impressions ot a cord-wrapped malleating tool. 

Diameter 6 inches. 

Fig. 37— Kowl made by the author. The surface finished with the cord-wrapped paddh- shown in 

figure 38. Diameter 6 inches. 




.specimen is a .siuull vessel obtained from a oiound in Lenoir county, 
Xortli Carolina. Figure S-ti/ illustrates an ordinar}' example of the 
fabricfc used by the maker.s of salt pans in wrapping the plastic form. 
The positive restoration. I. was obtained by making an impression in 
clay from the potsherd. 

Use of Textiles in Malleating Surfaces 

An extended series of experiments, made for the purpose of deter- 
mining the functions of falirics in pottery 
making, has led to the observation that the 
imprintings were in many cases not made by 
textiles used as supports, but were applied 
wrapped about the hand or a modeling tool 
as a means of knitting or welding together 
the clay surface. Experiment shows that the 
deeper and more complex the imprintings, if 
properly managed, the more tenacious be- 
comes the clay. An example of net-paddled 
ware is given in figure 35. Scarifying, comb- 
ing, pinching with the fingernails, or malleat- 
ing with engraved paddles, served the same 

Use of Flat Cord-wrapped JIalleating Tools 

It was further ohser\'ed, as a result of these 
investigations, that more than half of the 
textile markings on vases are not really im- 
prints of fabrics at all, but are the result of 
going over the surface with modeling tools 
covered or wrapjjed with unwoven twi.sted 
cords. This is well illustrated in figures 3(5 
and 37. 

Figure 36 illustrates a small bowl from a 
mound in North Carolina. The surface i.>- 
completely covered with deep, sharp mark- 
ings made by paddling with a cord-wrapped 
tool applied repeatedly and at various angles. 

Figure 37 shows a similar cup made of 
potter's cla}' as an experiment. The mal- 
leating implement was a Cherokee potter's paddle \vliich I had wrapped 
with native cord (see figure 38). 

Use of ( 'ord-wrapped Rocking Tools 

Of the same general class as the cord-wrapped paddle were other 
tools, more or less rounded and wrapped with cord. These m&y have 
been applied as paddles, but were usually rocked back and forth, the 
rounder forms being revolved as a roulette. The imiDressions of the 

Fig. 38 — Cherokee potter's paddle 
wrapped with cord and used in 
malleating the bowl sliown in 
figure .37. 


Fig. 3ii— Potsherd showing effect produced by rocking a cord-wrapped implement baolc and forth. 

About threc-tonrths actual size. 

Fig. 40— «, A cylindric modeling tool wrapped with cord (restored); h, a notched wheel or roulette 
(restored); c, a vessel made by the author; surface finished with a cord-wrapped implement and 
decorated with the roulette. About one-half actual size. 




flat paddlo are distinouished by the patchy and disconnected nature of 
the imprints. The rolling or rocking implement was not lifted from 
the surface, and gave a zigzag connection to the markings, illustrated 
in figure ?>0. 

The rolling or rocking modeling tools had an advantage over the 

Fig. 41— Potshercis showing simple metliod of applying cords in decorating vases. 
About throe-fourth.s actual size. 

flat paddles in treating round surfaces, and especially about the con- 
stricted neck of the vessel. I have undertaken to restore this imple- 
ment, as illustrated in figure 40 «, and have used it successfuUj^ in 

Fig. 42 — Small \nti wUh finger-nail markings giving the effect of basket impressions. 
One-tliird actual size. 

imitating efl'ects common in the simpler wares of a vast region (see 
figure 40 c). Implements of this class served the triple purpose: (1) of 
modeling the surface, reducing irregularities; (2) of kneading and knit- 
ting the surface, making the walls stronger; and (3) of imparting a 


Fig. 43— The roulette (restored) inked and roeked on a fh' « i ,,i p;i|,Li 

/ ' / ." ' > / / / 

Fig. 44— Potsherds iUustrating markings produced by the notched wheel: a about three-fourths 
actual 8izp: /. iilmut one-third actual size. 




texture to the .surface tliat may liave l)een regarded as pleasing to the 
eye. It is seen, however, that whenever it was desired to add orna- 
mental designs, even of the most simple kind, this cord marlving was 
generally smoothed down over that part of the surface to be treated, 
so that the tigures impi'inted or incised would have the advantage of 
an even ground. 

Use of Cords in Imprinting Ornamental Paiterns 

Growing out of the use of cord-wrapped tools in modeling and finish- 
ing the clay surfaces is a group of phenomena of great importance in 

Fig, 45— Potsberda witli stamped markings giviug texlile-like effects. Oni'-liHlf m-tiial size. 

the history of ceramic ornament. I refer to the imprinting of twisted 
cords, singly and in such relations and order as to produce ornamental 
effects or patterns. In its simplest use the cord was laid on and 
imprinted in a few lines around the shoulder or neck of the vessel. 
Elaborations of this use are imprintings which produce a great variety 
of simple geometric patterns, differing with the regions and the peoples. 
Connected or current fretwork and curved tigures were not readily 
executed by this method, and are never seen. A few examples of cord- 
imprinted patterns are .shown in figure -fl. Hard-twisted cords were 


Fig. 4G— JModuling padilU-s \\\Xh fares carvi'd to imitate tv-xtil'' pattnn-'. ( Mie liat aiinal si/e. 

Fig. 47— Pdtshcrds showing textile-like effect of fmishins withonsraved paddles. About one-lialf actual 



in mo-st yenerul use, but their markings were imitated in various ways, 
as by imprinting- strings of beads and slender sticks or sinews wrapped 
with thread or other unwoven strands. 

Variois ilEANS OP Imitatinu Textile Chakacteks 

It would seem that the textile idea in decoration went beyond the 
imprinting of textiles and cords, and that textile markings were imitated 
in many ways, indicating possibly the association of ideas of a special 
traditional nature with the textile work and their jjerpetuation in cera- 
mics by the imitation of textile characters. A few of these imitations 

Fig. 4S — Incised designs of textile character. About one-half actual size. 

may be mentioned. In figvire 42 is shown a small pot to which the 
appearance of a basket has been given by pinching up the plaster 
surface with the linger nails. 

The notched wheel or roulette, restored in figure 40 5, was used in 
imitating cord-made patterns, and this was probably an outgrowth 
of the use of cord-covered malleating tools. This tool was confined 
rather closely to one great group of pottery, the so-called roulette- 
decorated ware of the Northwest. Its effective use is shown in figure 
40(?, and in illustrations of the ware given in the sections treating of 
the pottery of the Northwest. The manner of using the implement is 
well illustrated in figure 43, where an imjirovised wheel has been 
inked and rocked back and forth on a sheet of paper. The potsherds 
shown in figure -14 illustrate these markings as applied by the ancient 


Decorative effects closely resembling- those produced by the use of 
cords and the rocking tool were made ]iy narrow, notched stamps 
aj)plied to the jjlastic surface in the manner indicated in tigure -tS. 
Connecting directly with this simple stamp work, in which a succes- 
sion of separate imprintings give the textile effects, is the use of the 
engraved modeling and decorating paddle, so common in the South 
Appalachian region. 

Two Cherokee paddles with engraved surfaces are given in figure 
46 a and h. and the effect of the use of similar impalements is shown in 
tigure 47. The sherds illustrated are from Florida mounds. 

In figure 48 is presented a l)it of ware fi'om a New .Terse}' village site 
in which textile-like combinations of lines have been worked out with 
an incised tool. 

Owing to the close association of these rouletted, stamped, and 
incised effects with the textile-imprinted groups of ware, I feel war- 
ranted in speaking of them as in general growing directly out of textile 
pi'actices, although they are not necessarily always so connected, as 
the use of the stamj) may in cases have arisen from the use of non- 
textile tools in modelinj^^- 

It is thus .seen from what has l)een said that the textile art has served 
in various ways to shape and modif j' the ceramic art, and the textile 
technic has bequeathed its geometric charactei's to the younger art, 
giving rise to most \aried forms of embellishment, and no doubt pro- 
foundh' affecting the later-phases of its development. 


In presenting a review of the several groups or varieties of earthen- 
ware it seems advisable to begin with that group most f ulh' represented 
in our collections, as it will exhibit the widest range of those features 
and phenomena with which we must in all cases deal. By far the 
most complete in every essential is the great group of utensils repre- 
senting the middle Mississippi valley region. The descriptions and 
illustrations of this group will serve as a basis of comparison in pre- 
senting all other groups, thus greatly facilitating and abbre\'iating the 

Geooraphic Distribution 

The geographic distribution of the ware of this group naturally 
receives first consideration. Apparently its greatest and most strik- 
ing development centers aliout the contiguous portions of Arkansas, 
Missouri, Illinois, Kentucky, and Tennessee. The area covered is 
much greater, however, than would thus be indicated; its borders are 
extremely irreguliir, and are not as yet at all clearly defined. Typical 
siDecimens are found as far north as Chicago, as far northeast as 




Pittsbui'of, iiiid as far .southeast as Augusta. Georgia. Closely related 
forms are found also along- the Gulf of Mexico, from Tampa bay to 
the Rio Brazos. As a result of the segregation of the peoples of 
this vast province into social divisions — each more or less isolated 
and independent and all essentially sedentary — there are well-marked 
distinctions in the pottery found, and several subgroups may be recog- 
nized. The most pronounced of these are found, one in eastern 
Arkansas and western Teiuiessee, one in southeastei'n Missouri, one in 
the Cumberland valley, Tennessee, and a fourth in the lower Missis- 
sippi region. Others may be distinguished as collections are enlarged. 
The pottery of this great group does not occupy exclusivelj' any 
large area. Varieties of ware whose typical de^■elo2^meut is in other 
centers of habitation may be found in many places within its range. 
As to the occurrence of occasional specimens of this ware in remote 
localities, it may be remarked that there are many agencies that tend 
to distribute art products beyond their normal limit. These have been 
referred to in detail in the introductory pages. The accompanying 
map, plate iv, will assist in giving a general impression of the distri- 
bution and relative prevalence of this ware. 

Ethnic Considerations 

It is not clearly apparent that a study of the distribution of this 
pottery will serve any important purpose in the settlement of purely 
ethnic questions. The matter is worthy of close attention, however, 
since facts that taken alone serve no definite purpose may sujjplement 
testimony acquired through other channels, and thus assist in estab- 
lishing conclusions of importance with respect to tribal or family 

It is clear that this ware was not made by one but hy many tribes, 
and even bj^ several linguistic families, and we may fairly assume 
that the group is regional or environmental rather than tribal or 
national. It is the product of conditions and limitations prevailing 
for a long time throughout a vast area of country. As to the modern 
representatives of the pottery-making peoples, we may very reason- 
ably look to any or all of the tribes found occupying the general 
region when the whites came — Algonquian, Siouan, Muskhogean, 
Natchesan, and Caddoan. 

With respect to the origin of this particular ceramic group we may 
surmise that it developed largely from the preceramic art of the 
region, although we must allow that exotic ideas probably crept in 
now and then to modify and improve it. That exotic features did mi- 
grate by one agency or another from Mexico is amply attested by 
various elements of form and technic found in the ceramic as well as 
in other arts. 

1 have sought by a study of the plastic representations of the human 
20 ETH— 03 6 


face and figure to learn something of the physiognomy of the pot- 
tery-making peoples, but have sought without success. It is evident 
that portraiture was rarely, if ever, attempted, and, contrarv to what 
might ])e expected, few of the greatly varied representations of faces 
suggest strongly the Inditui type of countenance. 


The pottery of this g-reat pro\ince is wonderfully homogeneous in its 
most essential characteristics, and we are not able to say by its appear- 
ance or character that any specimen is older or more primitive than 
another. Exploration has been too unsystematic to enable us to reach 
any safe conclusions respecting- the comparative age of specimens 
based on the manner of occurrence or relations to artificial or natural 
deposits. There can ))e no reasonable doubt, however, that the manu- 
facture of this ware began many centuries before the advent of the 
white race; it is equally certain that the art was extensively practiced 
until qiiite recent times. The early explorers of the valley withessed 
the manufacture, and the processes and the manner of use of the ware 
are, as we have seen in a preceding section, described by several writers. 

Notwithstanding the early introduction of metal vessels and other 
utensils that naturally superseded those of clay, some of the tribes of 
the province seem to have practiced the art continuoush' nearly to the 
present day. and some of the pieces recovered from mounds and graves 
are thought to suggest European models. It is certain, however, that 
the art had reached its highest stage without the aid of civilized hands, 
and in the study of its many interesting features we may feel assured 
that we are dealing with essentially aboriginal ideas. 


It is generally admitted that there is no vital ethnic or other dis- 
tinction between the pottery found in mounds, that found on village 
sites, and that obtained from ordinary graves or stone cists. The con- 
dition of the mortuary ware varies with the quality of the terra cotta, 
and with the conditions of its inhumation. Considering the porous 
character of the paste and the great degree of moisture in the soil of 
the Mississippi valley, the state of preservation of many of the vases 
is remarkable. In some other sections of the countrj' the pieces of 
2>ottery were perfoi'ated or broken before their inhumation took place, 
but such was not the practice in this province. The ware of village 
sites and middens naturally is largely in fragments, and the plowing 
of cemetery sites has broken up vast luimbers of the mortuary vessels. 

State of Culture of Makers 

The simple life of these people is indicated by the absence of such 
ceramic forms as lamps, whistles, bricks, and tiles, and by the rare 


occurrence of other articles in coiuinoii use with luany barbaric 
nations. Chiy pipes, so neatly shaped even in neighboring districts, 
are of very rude character over a large part of this district, as is 
shown in plate xxxiii, at the end of this section. The reason for this 
is not plain, since the potters of the middle and lower Mississippi 
region were in advance of all others in the eastern half of the United 
States in the manipulation of cla}-, as a comparative study of form, 
color, and decoration will amply show. In variety and retineznent of 
form this ware excels perhaps even that of the ancient Pueblos, but in 
almost every other respect the fictile art of the latter was superior. 
There is nothing to indicate that the culture of the earlier occupants 
of the valley differed materially from that existing among the historic 
tribes of the same area. 


It is difficult to determine with precision the functions of the various 
forms of vessels in this group, or, for that matter, in any group where 
differentiation is well advanced. Certain varieties of rather plain and 
often rude vessels show traces of use over fire; these were doubtless 
for boiling and cooking, and for the manufacture of salt. They are 
usualljr recovered from midden sites and are in a fragmentary con- 
dition. Particular forms were probably intended for preparing and 
serving food, for storing, carrying, and containing water, oil, honey, 
salt, paint, fruit seeds, and all ai'ticles pertaining to domestic or cere- 
monial use. Nearly all the better finished and delicate vases are with- 
out marks of rough usage, and there can be little doubt that manj- of 
them were devoted to sacerdotal and mortuarj' uses, and that they 
were made expressly for these purposes. Vases of refined and unusual 
shape, carefully finished and ornamented, especially those decorated 
in color, were certainly not generally intended for ordinarj' domestic 

Rarely an unusual shape is found suggesting manufacture for burial 
purposes, and the larger culinary vessels were at times devoted to the 
burial of children, and probably, also, to the Inirial of the bones of 
adults. The presence m the graves of unbaked vases, or what are 
believed to be such, and of figurines, miniatui'e image vessels, and 
death's-head vases is suggestive of special making for mortuary use. 
Probablj' no other people north of the valley of Mexico has extended 
its ceramic field as widely as the southern mound-builders. The 
manufacture of images, toys, rattles, gaming disks, spool-shaped ear 
ornaments, labrets, beads, pipes, trowels, modeling tools, etc., indi- 
cate the widening range of the art. 

Materials and Manufacture 

Materials and manufacture have been discussed in the introduction 
in such detail tliat little further need be said here. A few features 


distinctive of the group may bo noted. It is observed tliat tlic paste 
varies in color from a light yellowish graj' to dark grays and browns. 
The light colors were used in vases to be decorated in color. The 
paste is never vitrcoixs, but is often well l)aked, firm, and tenacious. 
Now and then a specimen is discovered that seems to have been sun-dried 
only , disintegrating readily in water. It is not unusual to find examples 
of vessels whose paste is quite porous and of low specific gravity. 
This may be due parti}' to the use of combustiljle tempering matter or 
to the decay of portions of the pulverized shell tempering. As a rule 
the vases are of mediuiu or heavy weight, and in some cases the walls 
are quite thick, especiallj^ in the tall bottles. 

In the better ware tempering materials were finely pulverized or 
were used in comparatively small quantity. Coarse shell was used in 
the ruder forms of domestic ware and for the so-called salt vessels. 
Fragments of shell fully an inch in greatest dimension have been 
observed in the latter ware. In exceptional cases, especially on the 
outskirts of the area covered l)y the group, powdered quartz, mica, 
and other minerals in large and sharp grains are observed. The paste 
was manipulated after the fashion already indicated in the introductory 
pages, and the tiring was conducted, no doubt, in the visual primitive 
ways. Traces of potterj' kilns within the district have been reported, 
but sufficient particulars have not been given to enable us to form a 
definite notion of their character. 

Surface Finish 

The finish, as compared with the work of civilized nations, is crude. 
The surface was often simply hand-.smoothed, while in it was 
scarified or roughened by the finger nails or by modeling tools. Gen- 
erally, however, it was more or less carefully polished l)y rubbing 
with an implement of stone, shell, bone, or other suitable material, 
the markings of these tools being distinctly visible. There is no rea- 
son for supposing that glazing was understood, although pieces having 
partially vitrified surfaces are occasional!}' found. The surface was 
often washed with a film of fine light-colored clay, which facilitated 
the polishing, and in manj' cases a coat of thick red ocher was applied; 
this also was polished down. The comparatively rare occurrence of 
textile finish in the better wares may be due in a measure to the pref- 
erence for polished or painted surfaces, in producing which original 
texturings were necessarily oblitei'ated, but it is also probable that 
these potters had risen above the decidedly primitive textile stage 
of the art. 


As has been indicated, the paste of this ware presents two marked 
varieties of color- a dark hue, rangmg from a rich black to all shades 
of brown and gray, and a lighter series of tints comprismg warm 

















ochery grays, rarely aijproaching the reddi.sli or terra-cotta tones. It 
is possible that these ditlerences of color were, to some extent, inten- 
tionally produced by regulation of the mateiials or methods of firing. 
Tins tlieory is confirmed by the fact that cei'tain forms of vases are 
quite generall}' dark, while other forms are as uniformly light, tlie 
latter in nearly all cases having been finished in color or with designs 
in color. 



This ware exhibits great variety of outline, many forms t)eing 
extremely pleasing. In this respect it is far superior to the other 
groups of the eastern United States. The vessels are perhaps more 
varied in shape than those of the Pueblo country, but are less diversi- 
fied and elegant than those of Mexico, Central America, and Peru. 
They take a higher rank than the prehistoric wares of northern Europe, 
but, as a matter of course, lack the symmetry and refinement of out- 
line that characterizes the wheel-made j)ottery of Mediterranean coun- 
tries. As the vessels are grouped by forms later, in pi-esenting the 
illustrations, it is unnecessary to make further reference to this topic 
here, save to call attention to the accompanying plates of outlines 
(plates V, VI, and vii), which give in a connected series the full range 
of form of this group. 


It can hardly be maintained that the ancient peoples of this region 
had a very refined appreciation of elegance of outline, yet there are 
many modifications of shape that indicate a taste for higher types of 
beauty and a constant attempt to realize them. There is also a very 
decided leaning toward the grotesque. To such an extreme have the 
dictates of fancy been followed in this respect tliat utility, the true 
and original office of the utensil, has often taken a secondary place, 
although it has never or rarely been entirely lost sight of. Bowls 
have been fashioned into the shape of birds, fishes, reptiles, and shells, 
and vases and bottles into a multitude of animal and vegetal forms, 
without much apparent regard for convenience. Much of this imita- 
tive and imaginative art is undoubtedly the direct offspring of myth- 
ologic conceptions and superstitious practices and is thus sj^mbolic 
rather than esthetic; but it seems to me highly probable that pure 
fancy, mere playfulness, had a place, as in more southern countries, 
in the creation of unusual forms. 


The portrayal of animal forms in one art or another was almost 
universal among the American aborigines, but with these middle Mis- 


sissippi vallej- peoples it was more prevalent, perhaps, than elsewhere. 
Not only are manj^ animal forms recognizably represented, but a con- 
siderable number of the grotesque shapes alread}' referred to probably 
originated in representation of animals. 


The ancient potter of the middle Mississippi valle}' province gave 
particu^lar attention to the emljellishment of his ware, and the results 
are much more varied and mature than those of the northern and 
eastern sections. Nearly all methods known in the country were 
employed, but the higher types of linear and plastic design prevailed 
much more fully here than elsewhere. 

The method of execution was usually bj' incision, a more or less 
sharp point being used. Finger-nail marking and indentation with a 
point were favorite decorations, and ridges and nodes were set on in 
decorative arrangements. Decoration in color was common in this 
province, though rare in others. The colors used in painting were 
white, red, brown, and black, and generally consisted of clays, white 
or tinted with iron oxides. Occasionally the colors used seem to have 
been mere stains — possibly of vegetal origin. All were probably laid 
on with coarse brushes of hair, feathers, or vegetal h))pr. The 
color designs are in most Cases qiiite simple, and are applied in broad, 
bold lines. The figures are, to a great extent, curvilinear, and 
embrace meanders, scrolls, circles, and combinations and groupings 
of curved lines in great variety. Rectilinear forms, lozenges, guil- 
loches, zigzags, checkers, crosses, and stellar forms are usual, and the 
stepped figures so characteristic of Pueblo work are sometimes seen. 

The decided prevalence of curved forms is worthy of remark. 
With all their fertility of invention, the inhabitants of this valley seem 
not to have achicA-ed the rectangular linked meander, or anything 
more nearly approaching it than the current scroll or the angular 
guilloche, while with other peoples, such as the Pueblos of the South- 
west and the ancient nations of Mexico and Peru, it was a fa\orite 
device. The reasons for this, as well as for other peculiarities of the 
decorative art of the province as embodied in pottery, must be sought 
in the antecedent and coexistent arts of the province. These peoples 
were probably not so highly accomplished in the textile arts as were 
the Pueblos, and had not felt the influence of advanced architecture 
as had the Mexicans. The practice of highly developed forms of 
these arts gives rise to and encourages angular geometric styles of 

Distinguishing Characters of the Group 

If asked to point out the one feature of this ware by which it could 
most readily be distinguished from all other groups, I should select 


the l)ottle shape as the most satisfactory. There is no group of primi- 
tive ware in America, save possibly in Peru, in which tiie slender- 
necked carafe or decanter-likt' bottle is so marked a feature. In most 
of the native groups it is unknown. This, however, is not the only 
marked characteristic of the ware. The range of shape is very wide, 
and several features are strikingly unique. There are many effigy \'ases 
of remarkable character; of these may be mentioned those representing 
hunchback human beings, cups or vases imitating heads of men and 
beasts and grotesque, nondescript creatures or conceptions. Again, 
the use of color in surface finish and decoration is a strong- character- 
i.stic of the ware. Colored ware is found in many sections, especially 
in the South, but in no other part of the region considered in this 
paper was color so generally or so fully applied to the execution of 
ornamental designs and realistic delineations, as in dej^icting wings and 
feathers of birds, spots of animals, costume on human figures, and in 
effigy vases even the color of hair, skin and face-paint — features of 
decollation practically unknown elsewhere in the area considered. 
Head-shaped vases are rathei' rare in North America, although common 
in Peru. Excellent examples are found in the center of the Middle 
Mississippi province, and in cases are so well modeled as to have lead 
to the suggestion that they may be actual casts from the human face. 

Sources ob^ Infoem.\tion 

Owing to the wide range of form and character exhibited hy the 
vessels of this group it will be impossible fully to illustrate them within 
the limits of this paper. The student may, in a great measure, supply 
the need for fuller illustration by referring to the following works: 
Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee, by Joseph 
Jones, Washington, 1876; Reports of the Peabody Museum, bj' F. W. 
Putnam; and Antiquities of Tennessee, by (iates P. Thruston. 
These works for the most part illustrate the ware of Tennessee. 
Edward Pavers, in Contributions to the Archeology of Missouri, pre- 
sents a large number of \ases of the southeast Missouri district; and 
an extended series of illustrations of the wares of Arkansas was 
published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 


The illustrations brought together in the accompanying plates com- 
prise examples of almost every type of the earthenware of this prov- 
ince, but they still fail to give a satisfactor}- idea of the very wide 
range of form and ornament. 


Platters and Ijowl-shaped vessels exhi))it great diversity of size, 
sha^Je, and ornament. In size they range from less than 1 inch in 


diameter unci depth to upward of 2() inches iu diameter and a foot or 
more in depth. If we include under this head the so-called salt pans, 
described in the introduction, the greatest diameter will reach perhaps 
40 inches. In material, color, and surface finish they are g-cnerally 
uniform with vessels of other classes. Their uses were doubtless 
chiefly domestic. 

Man}' of these bowls are simply segments of spheres, and vary 
from a shallow platter to a hollow, perfoi-ated globe. Others have 
elongated, compressed, or conic bodies, with round or flattened bases. 
The horizontal outline or section may be I'ound, oval, waved, rectan- 
gular, or irregular. Some have flattish projections at opposite sides 
or ends, imitating a common form of wooden tra}' or basin. Stands 
and legs are but rai'ely attached; handles, except those of grotesque 
character, are rarely seen. A dipper or ladle shape is encountered 
now and then. 

The ornamentation of bowls was accomplished in a \ariety of waj'S. 
Rim modifications constitute an important feature. In section the 
margin or lip is square, oblique, round, or grooved. The scallop was 
often employed, and notched and terraced forms, resembling the 
sacred meal bowls of Zuni, are not uncommon. Relief ornaments 
such as fillets and nodes and various horizontal projections were also 
employed, and pleasing effects were produced by the use of incised 
lines and indentations. 

The potter was not satisfied with these varied forms of decoration, 
and his fancy led him to add embellishments of elaborate and extra- 
ordinary' character. The nodes and ridges were enlarged and pro- 
longed and fashioned after a hundi'ed natural and fanciful forms. 
Shapes of shells, fish, birds, beasts, human and imaginary creatures 
were utilized in a multitude of ways. Especial attention was given to 
the heads of animals. These were modeled in the round and attached 
to the rim or side, while other parts of the animal were placed upon 
different portions of the vessel. 

The body of the bowl was somewhat less profusely ornamented than 
the rim. The interior as well as the exterior received painted, 
relieved, and intaglio designs. In the painted ))owls the favorite idea 
for the interior was a series of volutes, in broad lines, radiating from 
the center of the basin. Groups of festooned lines, either painted or 
engraved, and arranged to give the efi'ect of imbricated scales, formed 
also a favorite motive. The exterior surface of the incurved rims of 
globular vessels offered a tempting surface to the artist and was often 
tastefully decorated in varied styles. 

As a rule the bowls and platters of this region are fairly uniform 
in material, surface finish, and decorative treatment with the other ves- 
sels of the region. A somewhat unique group of bowls was obtained 
from a small domiciliary mound near Arkansas Post, Arkansas, two 





















































illustnition.s appearing in plate viiiy and h. The most striking- ciiar- 
acteristic of these vessels is their ornament, which embodies some 
unusual combinations of lines deeply and rather boldly incised. Many 
of the pieces are new-looking, but a small number have been black- 
ened by use over lire. The hemispheric shape is most common, 
although there are some shallow forms, and a few of the vessels have 
flaring rims. The paste is yellowish and the surface is I'oughly fin- 
ished. A very large j^ercentage of shell has been used in tempering. 
Other bowls of simple though varied form, and having a variety of 
incised decorations, are shown in the same plate. All are from graves 
or oiounds in Arkansas, except e and /', which are from a mound in 
southeastern Missouri. 

A second group of bowls is given in- plate ix. All these are from 
Arkansas except 5, which is from a contiguous locality in Missouri. 
An exceptionally fine piece of work is illustrated in e. An example 
of the deep cauldron-like boiling vessels found in some sections is 
presented in plate x a. A curious casket used for burying the bones 
of a child is given in plate x h. It is preserved in the collection of 
the Davenport Academy of Sciences, and was found in a grave at 
Hales point, Tennessee. One of the largest examples ever recovered 
in a complete state is shown in plate x c. It was obtained from a mound 
in Jefferson county, Missouri, and is 2!tA^ inches in diameter. Most 
of these specimens have been described in the annual reports of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. 


Plate XI serves to illustrate a very large class of wide-mouthed vessels 
of pot-like character. They are generally darkened by use over fire, 
and more than any other form probably served as ordinary culinary 
utensils. The size varies from that of a drinking cup to that of a 
cauldron of 1.5 or 20 gallons capacity. Two large and fine specimens 
are given in plate xii. The frequent occurrence of strong handles 
confirms the theory of their use for boiling and handling food. The 
specmiens illustrated are from Tennessee and Arkansas. 

The rims of these vessels were modified for decorative purposes very 
much as are the rims of the bowls. The bodies arc sometimes elabo- 
rately ornamented, mostly with incised figures, but often Nvith punc- 
tures, nodes, and ribs. The incised lines, curved and straight, are 
arranged to form simple patterns encircling the upper part of the 
vessel. The punctures, made with a sharp point, form encircling 
lines and various carelessly executed patterns. A rude sort of orna- 
mentation was produced by pinching up the soft cla}' of the surface 
between the nails of the fingers and thumb. Relief ornament consists 
chiefly of applied fillets of clay arranged to form vertical ribs. Kows 
of nodes are sometnues seen, and in a few cases the whole body is 
covered with rude nodes or spines (see plate xi). 



Of all the forms of vessels found in this province the bottle is the 
most varied and interesting, and is more suggestive of the advanced 
taste of the potter than is anj' other class of vessel. In plate xiii some 
fine examples of bottles are shown. Two neat specimens are illus- 
trated in a and I. The surface finish is excellent in both cases. The 
.lines of the figures are carefull_v drawn, and seem to have been pro- 
duced bv trailing a smooth, rather blunt point, under even pressure. 
It is difficult to get a line so even and nicely finished by simple 
incision or by excavating the clay. The design in a consists of 
groups of curved lines arranged in pairs, which are separated by 
plain vertical bands. It might be considered an interrupted or 
imperfectly connected form of the running scroll. This grouping 
of lines is frequently met in the decorative designs of the southern 
states. The design on the other vase, i, is still more characteristic 
of the South. It consists of an encircling row of round, shallow 
indentations, about which are linked series of imperfectly developed 
incised scrolls, and of two additional rows of depressions, one above 
and the other below, through which parallel lines are drawn. The 
handome vase shown in c was obtained, along with many other fine 
specimens, from mounds near Little Rock, Arkansas. It is of the 
dark polished ware with the usual fire mottlings. The form is sym- 
metric and graceful. The neck is ornamented with a band of incised 
chevrons, and the sloping upper surface of the body is encircled by a 
series of stepped figures engraved in the plastic clay. The vessel shown 
in d has a wide annular base and a liody apparently compounded of a 
large fiattish form and a smaller kettle-like form set upon it. The 
latter is furnished with handles and decorated with encircling lines 
of indentations. The vessel shown in e may be taken as a type of a 
very large class. It is most readily described as a short-necked, wide- 
mouthed bottle. It is symmetric and nicely finished. The lip is sup- 
plied with a narrow horizontal rim. The body expands somewhat 
abruptly from the base of the upright neck to the squarish shoulder, 
and contracts below in an even curve, giving a hemispheric base. 
We have in /" a good example of a class of bottle-shaped vessels, the 
necks of which are wide and short and the })odies much compressed 
vertically. It is a handome vase, symmetric, quite dark in color, 
and highly polished. The upper surface of the body is ornamented 
with a collar formed of a broad fillet of clay, or rather of two fillets, 
the pointed ends of which come together on opposite sides of the vase. 
As skilled as these people were in modeling life forms and in 
engravmg geometric devices, they seem rarely to have attempted the 
linear representation ■ of life forms. We have, however, a few good 
examples of such work. The engraved design covering the body of a 


















small vase, figure 49, is one of the most remarkable ever obtained 
from the mounds. It consists of two winged and crested rattlesnakes 
which encircle the expanded part of the vessel, and of two sunflower- 
like fio-ures alternating with them. These designs are carefully 
engraved with a needle-like point and are adjusted to the form of 
the \'ase in a waj^ that suggests forethought and experience and an 


FiQ. 49— Bottle decorated with serpent designs, Arkansas. Three-fourths actual size. 

appreciation of the decorative value of the figures. Jiy dint of rub- 
bings, photographs, and sketches, a complete drawing of the various 
figures has been obtained, and they are given in figure 50 on a scale 
of about one-third actual size. The rosette figures probably represent 
the sun. There can be little doubt that the figures of this design are 
derived from the mythologic art of the people. 

50 — Winged serpents and sun symbols from the vase illustrated in figure 49. 

The ancient potter of the central districts did not venture, save in 
very rai'e cases, to delineate the human figure graphicallj', and such 
attempts as have come to hand do not do much credit to the artistic 
capacity of the people. A .specimen is shown in figure .51, the four 
figures in simple lines occupying the peripherj' of the body of a large 
plain bottle of the usual dark-coloi'ed ware of eastern Arkansas. 


In plate xiv we have selections from the very large group of high- 
necked bottles. The piece shown in a is a good illustration of a type 
of form common to Missouri and Arkansas. The neck is high and 
cylindric and the body resembles a slightly flattened globe. Set 
about the shoulder are four medallion-like faces, the features of which 
are modeled roughly in low relief. The ware is of the ordinary dark, 
slightly polished variety. There are few vases from the mound 
region more pleasing in appearance than that shown in 1>. It is a 
black, well-polishod bottle with neck expanding below and body pecul- 
iarly flattened beneath. The body is encircled by a band of chaste 
and elaborate scroll work. 

A handsome bottle-shaped vase with flaring lip is shown in c The 
neck widens toward the base and the body is subglobular, being slightly 
conical above and rather abruptly expanded at the periphery. The 

surface is only moderately smooth. 
The body is ornamented with a hand- 
some design of incised lines, which con- 
sists of a .scroll pattern, divided into 
four sections by perpendicular lines. 
The vase shown in d is compound, 
and represents a bottle set within the 
mouth of a pot. The neck is high, 
wide, and flaring, and rests on the 
„ , „ , back of a rudelv-niodeled frog, which 

Fig. 51 — Bottle ornamented with four en- . * '^ , 

graved human figures, Arkansas. One- HeS extended On the Upper SUrtace 

fifth actual size. ^f j]^^ ^^^y rpj^^ notched encircling 

ridge, beneath the feet of the creature, represents the rim of the lower 
vessel, which is a pot with compressed globular body and short, wide 
neck. This vase is of the dark, dead-surfaced ware and is quite plain. 
Four vertical ridges take the place of handles. 

One of the most striking of the bottle-shaped vases is shown in <■. It 
is symmetric, well-propoi'tioned, and well-finished. The color is 
dark and the surface is roughened by a multitude of pits which have 
resulted from the decay of shell particles used for tempering. The 
paste crumbles to a l)rownish dust when struck or pressed forciblj^ 
The most remarkable feature of the piece is the broad, convex, hood- 
like collar that encircles the neck and spreads out over the body like 
an inverted saucer. This collar is curiously wrought in incised lines 
and low ridges, b}^ means of which grotesque faces, suggesting owls, 
are produced. The eyes are I'eadily detected, being indicated by low 
knobs with central pits, each surrounded by three concentric circles. 
They are arranged in pairs on opposite sides. Between the eyes of 
each pair an incipient nose and mouth may be made out. The face is 
outlined below by the lower edge of the collar and above by a low 
indented ridge crossing the collar tangent to the base of the neck. The 





















UJ 3 

-1 o 

h- " 

o > 

£□ y 

o § 

CO 5: 

S 5: 

CC to 

O ^ 

u "^ 

CO 5 



most expanded part of the body is encircled by an incised pattern con- 
sisting of live sets of partially interlocked scrolls. 

A step in differentiation of form is illustrated in the vessels pre- 
sented in plate xa'. A flat bottom would serve to keep a tall bottle 
in an upright position on a hard, level floor, but a ring was still better, 
and could be added without deformation of the vessel. Annular bands 
of varying heights and shapes were used, several forms being illus- 
trated in this plate. 

The tripod afforded even better support than the ring, and had come 
into common use with these people; four legs, in imitation of the legs of 
quadrupeds, were occasionally employed. The form of these supports 
is extremely varied, and some of the more usual types are illustrated in 
plate XVI. The first, a, is a large-necked, rather clumsy vessel of 
ordinary' workmanship, which rests on three globular legs. These are 
hollow, and the cavities connect with that of the body of the vessel. The 
whole surface is well polished and dark in color. 

The vessel depicted in J has a number of noteworthy features. It 
resembles the preceding in shape with the exception of the legs, which 
are flat, and have stepped or terraced margins. The whole surface of 
the vessel is a warm graj-, and is decorated with characteristic designs 
in red and white. A stepped figure encircles the neck, and semicircu- 
lar figures in white appear on opposite sides at the top and base. The 
body is covered with scroll work in broad, red lines, the spaces being 
filled in with white. Each leg is half red and half white. The bottle 
c is from Missouri, and is of the plain dark ware. The specimen 
shown in d is finished in plain red. 

For the purpose of conveying an idea of the great variety of shape 
characterizing the simple bottles of this group and the boldness of 
the painted decoration the series presented in yAate xvn have been 
assembled. The four pieces in the first group are of the plain, dark 
ware and have annular bases. Those of the second group are supported 
on tripods; the series beneath shows variations in the form of the body; 
and the specimens in the third line illustrate the use of designs in 
white, red. and black. 


Three vessels are shown in plate xviii i/. h. and e which in form 
resemi)le the common teapot. The specimen shown in /> is well made 
and carefully finished. A spout is placed on one side of the body and 
a low knob on the other. The latter is not a handle but represents, 
rather, the head of an animal. These characters are repeated in 
most of the specimens of this type that have come to my notice. Two 
small circular depressions occur on the sides of the vessel alternating 
with the spout and the knob, and these four features form centers 
about which are traced four volutes connecting around the vessel. In 


a fiue red piece from Mississippi, now in the National Museum collec- 
tion (plate XL J), the knob is replaced liy the head of a turtle or other 
reptile and the spout becomes the creature's tail. In connection with 
the teapot-like vessels it will be well to describe another novel form 
not wholly unlike them in appearance, an example being shown in d, 
plate XVIII. The shoulder is elongated on opposite sides into two curved, 
horn-like cones, which give to the body a somewhat crescent-shaped 
outline. The vessel is of the ordinary plain, dark waie and has had an 
annular base which is now broken away. 

Vases with arched handles, like those shown in e and /', are quite 
common. In some cases the handle is enlarged and the body reduced 
until the vessel assumes the appearance of a ring. Similar forms are 
common in other parts -of the American continent, especially in Peru. 

Vases of compound form are of frequent occurrence in this region. 
A number of examples in outline have been assembled for convenience 
of comparison in plate vii, and many others could bj added. 


Clay vessels imitating in form marine and fresh- water shells are 
occasionall}^ obtained from the mounds and graves of the Mississippi 
valley. The conch shell appears to have been a favorite model, espe- 
cially as modified for a drinking cup by the removal of one side of the 
walls and all the interior parts (plate xix, a and ?>). A two-story cup 
of the same class is shown in <;. The clam shell is also imitated. The 
more conventional forms assumed by these vessels are especially inter- 
esting as illustrating the varied ways in which life forms modify the 
normal conventional shapes of vessels, thus widening the range of 
the art." 

A very good illustration of this class of vessel is given in rj. It is evi- 
dently intended to imitate a trimmed conch shell. The apex and a few 
of the surrounding nodes are shown at the right, while the base or spine 
forms a projecting lip at the left. A coil of clay forms the apex, 
and is carried outward in a sinistral spiral to the uoded shoulder. 
Excellent examples in clay, imitating clam shells, are illustrated in 
General Thruston's work on the Antiquities of Tennessee, plate vi 
(plate XLVii of this paper). 

In many countries the shape of earthen vessels has been profoundly 
intiuenced by vegetal forms and especially by the hard shells of 
fruits.'' The gourd, the squash, and the cocoaiiut are reproduced with 
great frequency. In many cases the shape of the body of vases not 
at once suggesting derivation from such forms may finally be traced 
to them'. Thus the lobed bottles of Tennet^see prol)ably owe their chief 
characteristic to a lobed form of the gourd. In plate xix/'and g 

nFor studies of shell vessels and their influence on ceramic forms, see Second Annual Report, 
Bureau of Ethnology, p. 192, and Fourth Annual Report. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 3S4 and 454 

''This subject is discussed in a paper on form and ornament in the ceramic art. Fourth Annual 
Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 446. 








































/■^-^ - 










'. ^ 


























two examples of gourd-.shaped vessels from Arkansas are given. The 
Tennessee forms are fully illustrated by (leneral Thruston (work cited). 

Plates XX, XXI, xxii are intended to illustrate the treatment of 
animal forms by the ancient potter. The animals imitated cover a wide 
range, including prolialily a large percentage of the more important 
creatures of the Mississippi valley. The manner of applying the 
forms to the vessel is also extremely varied, making a detailed account 
quite impossible. The degree of realism is far from uniform. In many 
cases birds, fishes, and quadrupeds are modeled with such tidelitj^ 
that a particular species is forcibly suggested, but the larger number 
of the imitations are rude and unsatisfactory. ^lany forms are 
grotesque, sometimes intentionally so. In plate xx are several illus- 
trations of the manner of applying bird forms to the elaboration and 
embellishment of bowls. Specimens a and 1> are from southeastern 
Mi.ssouri. The peculiar form of head seen in a is found all over the 
lower Missi.s.sippi and Gulf regions, while the example c has the head 
turned inward, and resembles a vulture or buzzard. In d two heads 
are attached, both grotesque, but having features suggestive of birds. 
A finely modeled and finished bird-shaped bottle is shown in e. It is 
finished in red. black, and white, the wings being striped with red and 
white. The heads in h and /'appear to have human features, but it is 
not improbable that the conception was of a bird or at most of a 
bird-man compound. 

A very striking specimen is shown in plate xxic, the neck of the 
bird lieing unusually prolonged. In J> the bird is placed on its back, 
the head and feet forming the handles of the vessel. The wings are 
rudely represented by incised lines on the body of the vessel. Other 
bird forms are shown in plate xxii. The delineation of the painted 
specimen <■ is unusually realistic, and the general appearance recalls 
very forcibly the painted owl vases of the Tusayan tribes and the 
more ancient occupants of the valley of the Rio Colorado. 

The usual manner of treating forms of fish is shown in plate xxiii 
«, h, and c. The exceptional application of the fish form to a bottle is 
illustrated in d. The frog or toad was a favorite subject for the 
aboriginal potter, and two ordinary examples are presented in e and/". 
The originals of ;/ and /< are not readily made out. 

The use of mammalian forms in vase elaboration is illu.strated in 
plates XXIV and xxv. There can be but little doubt that the potter 
had a deer in mind when plate xxiv« was modeled, while h suggests 
the opossum. But the originals for the specimens presented in plate 
xxv are not readily identified, and the head in e is decidedly grotesque, 
although it is not impossible that the particular species of animal 
intended in this and in other cases may finally be made out. 

Plates XXVI, xxvii. and xxviii serve to illustrate some of the varied 
methods of employing the human figure in ceramic art. In plate xxvi 
five bottles are shown: a represents the entire figure, and !> the entire 


figure seated upon the globular body of the vessel, while c and d are 
avei'age examples of the hunchback figures so common in the art of this 
region. It seems probable that persons suffering from this class of 
deformity were regarded as having certain magic powers or attri- 
butes. A small blackish bottle, capped with a rudely modeled human 
head, is illustrated in e. The opening in all of these figurines is at the 
top or back of the head. 

A number of novel forms are given in plate xxvii. In a the heavy 
figure of a man extended at full length forms the body of the ])ottle. 
The treatment of the figure is much the same in 7j, and other forms are 
shown in c, d, e, and_/. A very interesting specimen is shown in plate 
xxviii. The figure represents a woman potter in the act of modeling 
a vase. 

In plate xliii we have two examples of the remarkable head vases, 
probably mortuary utensils, found in considerable numbers in graves 
in eastern Arkansas and contiguous sections of other states. The 
faces have been covered with a whitish wash well rubbed down, the 
remainder of the surface being red. Fuller desci'iptive details are 
given in preceding pages and in the Fourth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. Additional specimens are shown in plates 
XXIX, XXX, XXXI, and xxxii. Specimen a of plate xxix has two owl- 
like faces modeled in low relief on opposite sides of the body, and h is 
embellished with a well-suggested human mask painted white and 
having closed eyes. The striking vessel presented in c and in plate 
XLiii h and plate xxx serves well as a t^^pe of the raortuaiy death's- 
head vases, and the various illustrations will serve to convey a very 
complete idea of their character. So well is the modeling done and 
so well is the expression of death on the face suggested that some 
students have reached the conclusion that this and other specimens of 
the same class are bona fide death masks, made possibly by coating 
the dead face with clay and allowing it to harden, then pi'essing plastic 
clay into this mold. Mr Dellenbaugh" has urged this view, but it is 
difficult to discover satisfactory evidence of its correctness. Most of 
the heads and faces of this group are so diminutive in size and so 
eccentric in shape that ordinarj' modeling was necessarily employed, 
and this implies the skill neces.sary to model the larger specimens. 
This head (plate xxx), which is the largest of the group, is only 6 
inches in height, and if cast fi'om the actual face, would thus repre- 
sent a young person or one of diminutive size. My own feeling is that 
to people accustomed to model all kinds of forms in claj', as were these 
potters, the free-hand shaping of such heads would be a less difficult 
and remarkable undertaking than that of molding and casting the face, 
these latter branches of the art being ajjparently unknown to the 
mound-building tribes. 

«Dellenbaugh, F. S., Death mask in ancient American pottery. American Anthropologist, Feb- 
ruary 1H97. 


























In form this particular vessel is a simple head, <] inches in height 
and (i inches wide from ear to ear. The aperture of the vase is in 
the crown, and is surrounded by a low, upright rim, slightly recurved. 
The cavity is roughly finished, and follows pretty closely the contour 
of the exterior surface, except in projecting features such as the ears, 
lips, and nose. The walls are from one-eighth to one-fourth of an 
inch in thickness, the base being about three -eighths of an inch thick. 
The bottom is Hat, and on a level with the chin and jaw. 

The material does not differ from that of the other vessels of the 
same locality. It contains a lai'ge percentage of shell, some particles 
of which are quite large. The paste is yellowish gray in color and 
rather coarse in texture. The vase was modeled in the plain clay and 
permitted to harden liefore the devices were engraved. Afterward a 
thick tilm of tine yellowish-gra}' claj' was applied to the face, partially 
filling up the engraved lines. The remainder of the surface, includ- 
ing the lips, received a thick coat of dark red paint. The whole sur- 
face was then polished. 

The illustrations will convey a more vivid conception of this strik- 
ing head than any description that can be given. The face can not be 
said to have a single feature strongly characteristic of Indian phj'si- 
ognomy ; instead, we have the round forehead and the projecting chin of 
the African. The nose, however, is .small and the nostrils are narrow. 
The face would seem to be intended for that of a young person, 
perhaps a female. The features are well modeled, and the artist mtist 
have had in his mind a pretty definite conception of the face to be 
produced, as well as of the expression appropriate to it, before begin- 
ning his work. It is possible even that the portrait of a particular 
face was intended. The closed eyes, the rather sunken nose, and the 
parted lips were certainly intended to give the effect of death. The 
ears are large, coiTectly placed, and well modeled; they are perfo- 
rated all along the margins, thus revealing a practice of the people 
whom they repi'esented. The septum of the nose appears to have 
been pierced, and the horizontal dej^ression across the upper lip may 
indicate the former presence of a nose ornament. 

Perhaps the most unique and striking feature is the pattern of 
incised lines that covers the greater part of the face. The lines are 
deeply engraved and somewhat "scratchy." and were apparently exe- 
cuted in the hardened clay before the slip or wash of clay was applied. 
The left side of the face is plain, excepting for a figure somewhat 
resembling a grappling hook in outline, which partially surrounds the 
eye. The right side is covered with a comb-like pattern, placed ver- 
ticalh- with the teeth upward. The middle of the forehead has a 
series of vertical lines and a few short horizontal ones just above the 
root of the nose (.see plate xxx). In plate xxixc an outline of 
the front face is gi\en. and the engraved figure is projected at the 
20 ETH— 03 7 


side. The significance of these marivings, which no doubt represent 
tattooed or painted figures, can only be surmised in the most general 
way. It happens that some rather indistinct markings at the corner 
of the mouth have been omitted in the engraving. 

It is observed that on the forehead, at the top, there is a small loop 
or perforated knob. Similar appendages may be seen on many of the 
clay human heads from this valley. A Mexican terra-cotta head, now 
in the Museo Nacional, Mexico, has a like feature, and. at the same 
time, has closed eyes and an open mouth. 

A head covering, possil)ly the hair conventionallj^ treated, extenas 
over the forehead and falls in a double fold over the back of the head, 
terminating in points behind, as is seen in plate xxixc. 

Another vase of a very similar character, now in the Davenport, Iowa, 
Museum, is about one-half the size of this. The face is much muti- 
lated. A third specimen, also in the Davenport collection, is somewhat 
larger than the one illustrated in plates xxixc and xxx, but is nearlj^ 
the same in finish and color. The face has the same semblance of death, 
but the features ai'e different, possessing- somewhat decided Indian 
characteristics, and there is no tattooing. 

The specimen shown in plate xliik/, and again in plate xxxi, was 
exhumed at Pecan point by agents of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
In size, form, color, finish, modeling of features, and expression, 
this head closeh" i-esembles the one first described. The work is 
not quite so carefully executed and the head probablj^ has not such 
pronounced individuality. The curious engraved device that, in the 
other example, appeared near the left ej'e here occurs on both sides. 
The lower part of the face is elaborately engraved. Three lines cross 
the upper lip and cheeks, reaching to the ear; a band of fret-like 
devices extends aci'oss the mouth to the liase of the ears, and another 
band, filled in with oblique, reticulated lines, passes around the chin 
and along the jaws. The ears are perforated as in the other, and 
the septum of the nose is partly broken awaj^ as if it had once held a 
ring. A perforated knob has occupied the top of the forehead as in 
the other examples. The face is coated with a light yellowish-gray 
wash, and the remainder of the surface is red. 

Four additional examples of the death's head vases are shown in 
plate xxxii. They present varied characteristics in detail, but all cor- 
respond closely in the more important features of form and expression. 


In the East and Northeast the clay tobacco pipes of the aborigines 
were often superior in execution, design, and decoration to the ordi- 
nary utensils of clay associated with them. In the central and south- 
western sections pipes were for the most part remarkably rude and 
without grace of outline, and generally without embellishment, while 











■ii^<^j^3 -^sm-- 


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jgnCT^ -.- jj^-c- :^-^ 



iii^ *:-i)'. 

.;-.X . 
























































































tne earthenware of the same territory was well iiiade and exliibits pro- 
nounced indications of esthetic appreciation on the part of the potters. 

A number of the pipes of the nuddle Mississippi province are illus- 
trated in plate xxxiii. Generally they are made of the same admix- 
tures of clay and pulverized shell as are the associated vessels. The 
colors are the ordinary dark and yellowish-gray shades of the ])aked 
claj-. Traces of blackening by use are observed, and the bowls in a 
few instances are still parth' tilled with the compacted black ash left 
presumably' by the native smoker. The shapes are simple, being as a 
rule slight modifications of a heavy bent tube somewhat constricted at 
the elbow and expanding toward the ends. Both openings are large and 
conic and are often nearly equal in capacity and closely alike in shape. 

Without modification of the fundamental outlines, many varieties of 
shape were produced, the most common being a flattening of the base 
as though to permit the bowl to rest steadily on the ground while the 
smoking wss going on, probably through a long tube or stem. This 
flattening is in many cases accompanied by an expansion at the mar- 
gins, as in plate xxxiii </, i, or by a flattish projection beyond the 
elbow, as in e. Occasionally the shape is elaborated to suggest rudely 
the form of some animal, the projection at the elbow being divided and 
rounded ofl' as though to represent the knees of a kneeling figure, and 
in rare cases various features of men or other creatures are more f ullj^ 
1)rought out. In one instance the projection at the elbow becomes an 
animal head, in another medallion-like heads are set on around the 
upper part of the bowl. In a and c incised figures have been executed 
in a rather I'ude way, the motives corresponding with those found on 
the earthen vessels of the same region. The specimen shown in a was 
lent by Mr Warren K. Moorehead. Other variations of the type are 
illustrated in McGuire's Pipes and Smoking Customs, pp. .530-535. 
Typical as well as variously modified forms of this variety of pipe are 
found in Tennessee. Alabama, Georgia. Florida, and, more rarely, in 
other states." 


The art of the modeler was directed in the main toward the making 
and embellishing of vessels, yet solid figurines of men and animals and 
heads of men, mosth' small and rude as though merely toys or funeral 
oflerings, are now and then secured bj^ collectors. Specimens are 
illustrated in the introduction and in connection with various groups 
of ware. 

In plates xxxiv and xxxv several articles are brought together to 
illustrate the use of clay in the manufacture of implements, personal 
ornaments, and articles of unknown or problematic use or significance. 
The specimens shown in plate xxxiv represent a rather rare variety of 

« For .southern pipes see the various papers of Clarence B. Moore. 


implement, already described in the introduction. They seem to be 
adapted to use as trowels or finishing- tools for plastered vralls or 
floors. They are found mainh' in Tennessee. The discoidal smooth- 
ing surface shows generally a decided polishing bj' use, and the looped 
handle is manifestly intended for grasping, in the manner of a com- 
mon smoothing iron. These implements could have served, however, 
in the modeling of large earthenware vessels, or as crushers or pul- 
verizers of foods or paints. Illustrations of a large class of stopper- 
like or mushi'oom-shaped forms that may have been used as modeling 
or smoothing tools in pottery making, as indicated in the introductorv 
section, are included in plate xxxv. That the functions of these 
objects and those given in the preceding plate are similar or identical 
is indicated by the character of the convex polishing surface .shown in 
plate xxxvi. Illustrations of earthenware earrings, labrets, a small 
I'attle and the pellets derived from it are given in the introduction. 


Plate XXXVII is introduced for the of conveying an idea of 
the character and range of the decorative designs mcst usual in this 
region. Many of the more elementary forms are omitted. The more 
elaborate meanders, twined designs, and scrolls are incised. Another 
group of designs, embodying many symbolic devices, is given in plate 
XXXVIII. These are executed usually in red and white paint. 

From the beginning of my rather disconnected studies of the orna- 
mental art of the native tribes, I have taken the view that, as a rule, 
the delineative devices employed were .symbolic; that they were not 
primarily esthetic in function, but had a more serious significance to 
the people using them. When vases were to be devoted to certain 
ceremonial ends, particular forms were made and designs were added 
because they had some definite relation to the uses of the vessels and 
were believed to add to their efficacj'. The studies of Dr J. Owen 
Dorsey, Mr Gushing, Mrs Stevenson, Miss Fletcher, Dr Fewkes, and 
others have little by little lifted the veil of uncertainty from the whole 
group of aboriginal delineative phenomena, and the literal significance 
and function of a multitude of the designs are now known. We thus 
learn that the devices and delineations on the Mississippi valley pottery 
are symbols derived from mj'thology. Stellar and lobed figures and 
circles probabh- represent the stars, the sun, or the horizon circle. The 
cross, the various forms of volutes and scrolls, and the stepped figures 
represent the four winds, the clouds, and rain ; and the reptiles, quadru- 
peds, birds, men, and monsters are connected with the same group of phe- 
nomena. The vessels marked with these figures were no doubt devoted 
to particular functions in the ceremonial activities of the people. Plate 
xxxvii presents a series of the purely formal designs. Speculation 
as to the significance of particular foi'ms of these figures is probably 













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' I » 








































































•^-^■^figHgrTr.^^ — ^^ 




UJ w 

I i 

I 9 



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quite unnece^^siirv. since the genenil nature of all is so well understood. 
Definite explanations must come from u study of the present people 
and usages, and among- the Mississippi valley tribes there are no doubt 
many direct sui'vivals of the ancient forms. Mr C. C. Willoughby 
has discussed this topic at length in a paper published in the .lournal 
of American Folk Lore. The same region furnishes many similar 
symbols engraved on shell, hone, and stone. 


Several specimens, selected to illustrate the interesting color treat- 
ment so characteristic of this group of pottery, ai-e presented in plates 
XXXIX, XL, XLi, xLii, and xliii. The flattish bottle, plate xxxix n^ is 
by no means as handsome or elaborate in its designs as are others in 
our collections, but it serves quite well to illustrate the class. The 
red color of the spaces and figures is applied over the light yellowish 
ground of the paste and is carefully polished down. The specimens 
reproduced in plates XL, xli, and XLii have been referred to and suf- 
ficiently described in preceding pages. An exceptionally fine example 
of the colored human figure is given in plate xxxix h. Parts of the 
head and body are finished in red, other parts and the necklace a)'e in 
white, while certain spaces show the original j^ellowish gray color of 
the paste. 


I am so fortunate as to be able to add a number of plates (xliv, 
XLV, XLVi, XLVii, XLViii, XLix, and l) illustrating the wares of the 
Cumberland valley, Tennessee, and especially of the Nashville disti'ict. 
These plates appeared first in Thruston's Antiquities of Tennessee, 
and I am greatly indebted to this author for the privilege of repro- 
ducing them here. 


Archeologic investigation has not extended -into the central south- 
ern states s'ave in a few widely separated localities, and enough 
material has not been collected to permit a full and connected study 
of the primitive art of the province. It would seem from present 
information that the region of the lower Mississippi is not so rich in 
fictile products as are many other sections; at any rate our nuiscums 
and collections are not well supplied with material from this pai't of 
the South, and literature furnishes but brief references to the practice 
of the ceramic art (see Introduction). Some fugitive relics have come 
into the possession of museums, and on these we must mainly rely 
for our present knowledge of the subject. Much of the earthenware 
appears to be nearly identical with, or closely allied to, that of the 
middle Mississippi region, as well as with that of the Gulf coast far- 
ther east. 


A liirge series of tlie vases from Louisiana and Texas would, if they 
were brought tog-ether, undoubtedly yield many points of interest 
with resjject to the influence of Mexican and Pueblo art on that of this 
province. Such a series would also be of nuich ^alue in connection 
with the history of the various tribes occupying the valley when it 
was first visited by the French. Du Pratz and Butel-Dumont have 
left us Ijrief but valuable records of the practice of the art in this 
section, but we are not definitely informed which of the various peoples 
were referred to in their accounts. In those daj's no distinction was 
made between the linguistic families, although Natchesan, Tonikan, 
Caddoan, Muskhogean, and Siouan peoples were encountered. So far 
as the evidence furnished by the collections goes, there is but one 
variety of the higher grade of products. Citations i-egarding the 
practice of the ai't in this province have been made under the head 
Manufacture, and need not be repeated here. 


Fig. 52 — Bowl made by Choctaw Indians about 18(iu (diameter 9i inches). 

The only specimen of recent work from this province which is pre- 
served in the national collections is a blackish ])owl. well polished 
and ornamented with a zone of incised lines encircling the body. It 
is illustrated in figure 52. The record shows that it was made by the 
Choctaw Indians at Covington, St Tammany parish. Louisiana, about 
the year 1S60. It is said that the art is still practiced to a limited 
extent by these people. 

The highest types of vases from Louisiana and Mississippi have 
but slight advantage over the best wares of the St Francis and Cumber- 
land valleys. The simpler culinary wares are nuich the same from St 
Louis to New Orleans. Some localities near the Gulf furnish sherds 
of pottery as primitive as anything in the country, and this is consistent 
with the early observations of the condition of the natives. The 
Natchez and other tribes were well advanced in many of the arts, 
while mimerous tribes appear to have been, at times at least, poverty- 
stricken wanderers without art or industry worthy of mention. It is 
possible that the primitive forms of ware found on some of these 












"•/'^-- ^ ■■>■■ l^'^ 











southern sites maj' represent the art of the archaic ancestors of the 
more advanced peoples of the vallev, but at present we seem to have 
no means of settling such a point. It is well known, however, that 
single communities produced at the same time a wide range of war«, 
the style, material, shape, and finish depending on the uses of the 
vessels or on the haste with which the)' were prepared. At Troy- 
ville, Catahoula county, Louisiana, for example, a mound examined 
by agents of the Bureau of Ethnology yielded almost every variety 
and grade of ware known in the South and Southwest, including 
coarse shell-tempered ware, silicious ware, fine argillaceous ware, 
stamped ware, red ware, fabric-marked ware, and incised ware. 

Of great interest, on account of the perfection of its finish, is a 
variety of pottery found in graAcs and mounds on the lower Missis- 
sippi and on Red river. Daniel Wilson published a cut representing 
some typical sijecimens of this ware from Lake Washington, Washing- 
ton county, Mississippi." Several years ago a number of fine examples 
of the same ware, labeled "Galtnej's," were lent to the National 
Museimi by the Louisiana State Seminarj' at Baton Rouge. Photo- 
graphs of some of these vessels were kept, but the Curator made no 
definite record of their origin or ownership. A small number of 
pieces of the same ware are to be found in the A'arious collections of 
the country, notably in the Free Museum of Science and Art, Phila- 

The most striking characteristics of the better examples of this 
wai'e are the black color and the mechanical perfection of construc- 
tion, surface finish, and decoration. The forms are varied and s3-m- 
metric. The black surface is highly polished and is usually decorated 
with incised patterns. The scroll was the favorite decorative design, 
and it will be difficult to tind in any part of the world a more chaste 
and elaborate treatment of this motive. In plate li a a photograph of 
a small globular vase or bottle marked "'Galtneys'" is rejiroduced. 
The design is engraved with great precision in deep, even lines, and 
covers nearlj' the entire surface of the vase; it consists of a double 
row of volutes (plate iaikI) linked together in an intricate and 
charming arrangement, corresi:)onding closely to line examples from 
Mycene and Egypt. A skilled draftsman would find the task of exe- 
cuting this design with equal precision on a plane surface extremely 
trying, and we can but marvel at the skill of the potter who could 
produce it, properlj- spaced and connected in every particular, on 
the surface of the globular vase. Farther up the Mississippi there 
are examjjles embodj'ing the same conception of compound volutes, 
but the combinations are much less complex and masterly. 

In plate li four other vases, all presumably of this group, have been 
lirought together. They do not difler widely from the pottery- of the 

a Wilson, Daniel, Prehistoric man, London, 1862, vol. ir, pp. 21-22. 


St Francis riv'er region, and may be regarded, it .seems to me, as excep- 
tional examples of the same general group of ware. The little bottle e 
contains a rather riideh' enoraved figure of an eagle, the head appear- 
ing on one side, and the tail, pointed upward, on the other. The par- 
ticular locality from which the bottle came is not known. Ware closely 
related to the Middle and Lower Mississippi potterj- is found in Texas, 
but its limitations on the west are not yet defined. Examples of the 
more elaborate incised designs belonging to this group of ware are 
brought together in plate i.iii. 

The vessels illustrated in plate lii are now preserved in the Museum 
of Science and Art in Philadelphia, and were kindly placed at my dis- 
posal by Dr Stewart Culin, of that umseum. They form part of the 
Dickerson collection recently- acquired and reported on by Dr Culin." 
It is noteworth}^ that the designs engraved on these vases bear a 
striking resemblance to . the scroll work of the middle Mississippi 
valley on the north and of the Gulf coast farther east, and it is to 
be expected that these designs will be found to affiliate closely with 
Mexican work, as do the forms of many of the vessels. 


Along the Gulf coast east of the delta of the Mississippi pottery is 
found in many localities and under varying conditions. The features 
most characteristic of the wares of the "\^^est recur with decreasing 
frequency and under less typical forms until Florida is reached. 
Features typical of Appalachian and Floridian wares make their 
appearance east of Pensacola l)ay. 

Tlie manner of occurrence of the ceramic remains of the Gulf region 
is interesting. In many cases several varieties of ware are inter- 
mingled on a single site. This is especially true of some of the kitchen- 
midden and shell-mound sites, which, it would seem, must have been 
the resort of different tribes, and even of distinct linguistic families, 
who visited the tide-water shores from time to time in search of 
shellfish. In the mounds, however, the conditions are .simpler, and 
in cases we seem to have the exclusi\'e product of a single people. 
This simi)licity in the burial pottery ma^' be due to the fact that only 
particular forms of ware were used for mortuary purposes. With 
some peoples, as has been already noted, certain kinds of vessels were 
devoted exclusivelj' to culinary uses. Remains of the latter utensils 
will be found very generally in shell deposits, and it is in these deposits 
and not in the mounds that we would expect to find the wares of non- 
resident communities. 

oCuIin, Stewart, Bulletin of the Department of Archeology and Paleontology, University of Penn- 
sylvania, vol. 11, number 3. 


Speculation as to the ptM)ple.s to whom these wares should he attiib- 
uted will for the present Ije practically unavailing. It is proliahle that 
the ^luskhogean tribes occupied the coast rather full\- between the 
delta of the Mississippi and Tampa bay. but several linguistic stocks 
must have had access to this important source of food supply. Even 
the Siouan family was represented (by the ancestors of the Biloxi of 
to-da^-). and it is not impos.sible that some of the ware, especiallj' that 
embodying animal figures, may be due to the presence or influence of 
this people. Strangely enough, in the national collection? from south- 
western Alabama there is a lot of sherds exhibiting typical features of 
the peculiar pottery of New York state, which seems to belong to the 
Iroquoian tribes. It is possible, however, that the Museimi record 
may be defective and that the association is accidental. 

Mobile-Pensacola Ware 

The leading group of ware found along the great northern curve of 
the Gulf coast is well represented by the contents of mounds situated 
on Mobile, Perdido, Pensacola, and Choctawhatchee ])ays. The 
National Museum has a large series of vessels from a mound on Perdido 
bay, obtained by Francis H. Pai'sons and other members of the United 
States Coast and Geodetic Survejr about the \'ear ISSit. Recent 
explorations conducted by Clarence B. Moore at several jDoints along 
the tidewater shores of the Gulf have supplied a wonderful series of 
vases now preserved in the jNIuseum of the Academy of Natural Sci- 
ences, Philadelphia. These collections have been very generously 
placed at my disposal l)y INIr ]Moore. and as they belong in the main to 
the same ceramic group with the Par.sons linds, all will l)e presented 
together. The range of form in this group is quite wide, but not 
equal to that in the pottery of the Arkansas region. If the collec- 
tions were equally complete from the two regions, this relation might 
be changed, yet it is still ai^parent that the western ware has the 
advantage in a number of essentials. In the ]\Iobile-Pensacola district 
few traces of painted vessels have been found, and there is apparently 
less symmetry of outline and less refinement of liuisli than in the best 
products of the West. There are cups, bowls, shallow and deep jrots, 
and a few bottles, besides a number of compound and eccentric forms, 
but the deep pot, the tripod vase, and the slender-necked bottles are 
practically absent. Such pots as occur show, as they do in the AVest, 
indications of use over fire, and it is worthy of remark that some of 
them correspond to western cooking vessels in being pro\ided with 
handles and in having bands of crude ornamentation incised or 
relieved about the rim and neck, while otliers, occurring always in 
fragments, approach the eastern type, which is without handles and 
is characterized by an oblong body, somewhat conic below, and by 
stamp-finished surfaces. 


The paste is fine and silicious, with ))ut little distinguishable temper- 
ing: its colors are yellowish or bi"ownish grays, rarely approaching 
black, and the surface is even, though seldom very highly polished. 
The walls are thin and of uniform thickness. Animals and animal 
features modeled in relief and in the round are attached to the vases 
or enter into their form in much the same manner as in the West, but 
with less frequency and freedom. They have, however, perhaps a 
greater interest on account of the peculiar and verj' definite correla- 
tion of the incised designs on the vases with the modeled life forms. 
This subject will receive attention separately farther on. The potterj'' 
is nearly all obtained from burial mounds, and it is observed that the 
vases in most, if not all, cases have been perforated or broken before 
consignment to the graves. This custom extended eastward through 
Georgia and Florida to the Atlantic coast, but it was practically 
unknown in the North and West. 

The Parsons collection of pottery was obtained from a sand mound 
on Bear point, Alabama. Nearly all the pieces were broken, but 
otherwise the}' were so well preserved that many have ])een restored 
to nuich their original appearance under my supervision. Illustrations 
of a large number of the simpler forms are given in plate lit. 

From^shallow bowls we pass to deeper forms and to glo))ular vessels. 
A few specimens are C3'lindric, and occasionaly a wide-mouthed bottle 
is encountered. One specimen has a handle and resembles a ladle in 
form. The outlines are generally graceful, the walls thin, and the 
rims inconspicuous and neat. The incised designs are lightly and 
freely drawn, and include a wide range of formal figures, from simple 
groups of sti'aight lines to widely diversified forms of meanders and 
scrolls. Life-form elements, often obscure, appear in numerous 

In plate lv three of the large bowls are presented. These exhibit 
characteristic varieties of form, and all are embellished with incised 
designs embodying life elements which ai-e referred to later on in this 
section. Plate Lvi a is a neat little jar with incised meander and 
step design from the Bear Point mound. It is also shown in outline 
in plate Liv. In h is introduced a bottle of northern type from Frank- 
lin county, Mississippi. It is of special interest, since it contains a 
painted design, c, embodj'ing the most prevalent Gulf Coast life-form 
device, and is, at the same time, nearly duplicated by a similar bottle 
from near Nashville, Tennessee, illustrated by Thruston in his work, 
figure 40. Part of plate Lvi and plates lvii, lviii, and Lix are 
devoted to the presentation of life forms. 

A rather remarkable piece, resembling middle Mississippi forms, is 
illustrated in plate lvi d. The head of a Ijird, probably intended for 
an owl, forms the apex of a full-bodied bottle, the funnel-shaped open- 










Bureau of American ethnology 

Twentieth annual report pl. lvi 
















Twentieth annual report pl. lix 





















jng being placed at the back of the neck. The wings and other features 
of the body appear to have been depicted in incised lines. The little 
vase shown in plate lvi(^, from the Bear Point naound, is cleverlj' 
modeled to represent a frog, and shows close analogies with the Missis- 
sippi valiej' work. 

The builders of the sand mounds on Perdido Imy seem occasionall}^ 
to have executed ver}- elaborate engravings of eagles and serpents on 
cjdindric cups, which probably served as ceremonial drinldng vessels; 
illustrations are given in plate lyii. The first figure, a, represents 
the base of a cup which is encircled by the engraving of an eagle; the 
second figure, 1), represents a fragment of a handsome cup of similar 
shape, and serves to indicate the relation of the figure of the l)ird to 
the rim of the cup. Part of the tail, talons, and wing are shown. 
In (' we have all that remains of the design on the cup a projected at 
full length. The strange figure illustrated in <I was obtained from 
nuich shattered fragments of a well-made and neatly finished cup of 
cylindric shape. It .seems to represent the tails of three rattlesnakes, 
the lines joined at the right as if to represent a single body. 

In plate lyiii «, h, c. d, and c, we have examples of the modeling of 
heads of birds and other creatures for bowl embellishments. The 
treatment closelj^ resembles that seen in more western work. Here, 
as in the Mississippi country, the duck is a favorite subject. In /"wo 
have a grotesque creature common in the art of the West. An eagle 
is well shown in c, and what appears to be the head of a serpent or 
turtle with a stick in its mouth is given in h. This feature app(\irs in 
the wares of Tennessee and Arkansas, the animal imitated being a 
beaver. Additional specimens appear in plate lix, three representing 
the human head and one the head of a bird. These are not figuiines 
in the true sense, but are merely heads broken from the rims of bowls. 

Mr Moore's collections from the Bear Point mounds furnish several 
very well-preserved specimens of bowls and vases with wide mouths 
and narrow collars, besides a number of heads of l)irds and mammals of 
usual types, derived, no doubt, from the rims of bowls. All repeat 
rather closely the finds of Mr Parsons, shown in plates Liv to lix. 
Specimens from Mr Moore's collections ai'e presented in ^jlates LX 
and Lxi. 

Pottery of the Alabama Riyek 

Before passing eastward it will be well to notice the collections made 
by Mr Clarence B. Moore in the vallejs of the Alabama and Tombig- 
bee. An examination of the superb series of vases obtained from 
mounds at several points between Mobile and Montgomery makes it 
clear that the Gulf Coast tribes extended inland well up toward the 
middle of the state. Below Montgomery there is hardh' a trace of 


the South Appalachian wares and only a trace of the Tennessee influ- 
ence. The differences noted in passing northward from the coast are 
the larger size of the vessels, the moi'e frequent occurrence of pot 
forms and bottle shapes, and the coarser and more silicious character 
of the paste. The decorations are almost wholh' of Gulf Coast tjpes. 
The use of some of the lai'ger vessels in burial is well illustrated in 
plate LXii. Plate lxiii contains a large bowl with animal-derived 
incised designs, and below is a splendid specimen of pot or caldron, 18 
inches in diameter. It is characterized, as are others of the same 
group, by a line of vertical ridges encircling the upright neck. In 
plate Lxrv have been brought together a well-shaped bottle, of noi'th- 
ern or western type, embellished with simple incised scroll work, and 
two tobacco pijjes. One of the latter, 5, is somewhat suggestive of 
Appalachian forms, and the other, c, is of the heavy southern tj^pe. 


The next point east of Pensacola hay at whicli ]\Ir Mooi'e obtained 
collections is Waltons Camp, situated at the western limit of Choctaw- 
hatchee bay, Florida. In the main the ware repeats I'erdido bay 
forms, as will be seen by reference to plates lxv, lxvi, lxvii. Three 
typical bowls are given in plate lxv, and two platters, one with plain 
circular margin and the other with six scallops, are shown in plate 
LXVI. The form is exceptional, and all the pieces have been perfor- 
ated on burial. The incised designs of the scalloped specimen prob- 
a])ly represent the flsh. In jilate Lxvii have been assembled outlines 
of a large number of the Waltons Camp specimens. They ser\'e for 
comparison with collections from points east and west. We are here 
within the range of the staaqjed ware typical of the Appalachian 
province, and a fragment with a simple angular type of filfot figure is 
shown in figure .53. 

Among the animal forms obtained at this point are two strongly 
modeled heads of large size, apparently representing geese. Shell 
forms are common (see plate lxvii), and the engraved designs, treated 
farther on, are striking and instructive. From four sites along the 
northern and eastern shores of Choctawhatchee bay Mr Moore obtained 
large and very interesting collections. Perdido bay and western 
forms prevail, but there is a strong infusion of elements of Appa- 
lachian and Floridian art. A fragment of a cylindric bowl with the 
head of a duck modeled in relief at the top and conventional incised 
figures representing the body below appears in plate lxviii a; and two 
views of a hunchback-figure vase are given in /> and <:. 

Of special interest is a small jar or bottle from a mound on Jolly 

« Moore, Clarence B., Certain aboriginal remains of the Alabama river, in Journal of the Academy 
of Sciences, vol. xi. Philadelphia, 1899. 
















C (actual SIZE) 


(MOORE collection! 








Bureau of American ethnology 















'1 - 









bay. on which an eag-le and an eaole-nian arc inscribed. These 
tioures are shown in phxte lxix. Plate lxX(? illustrates a curious 
dish with elaborate incised and indented designs rej^resenting conven- 
tionalized life forms. A rude bowl with highly- conventional bird 
s_ymbols appears in h. Both specimens were perforated before burial. 
In (' we have the top view of a bowl with incurved rim. about the lip 
of which are engraved devices prolxibly intended to repi'esent the 

The most striking and instructive ware yet brought from the (lulf 
coast was obtained by Mr Moore from Point Washington, on the 
eastern margin of Choctawhatchee baj', just south of Jolly l)ay. Here 
the local group of ware prevails to a large extent, but two or three other 
varieties take a prominent 
place, not. apijarently, as 
a result of the intrusion 
of outside peoples or of 
their ware, liut through 
the adoption by local pot- 
ters of the forms and 
symbols of neighboring 
districts. The exotics are 
the stamped ware of the 
Appalachian district to 
the north, and two or 
more varieties of some- 
what well differentiated 
Florida pottery. Plate 
Lxxi includes a large 
number of the bowls, 
ladles, etc., in outline, 
and specimens of excep- 
tional interest appear 
in plates lxxii-lxxiv. 
Plate Lxxii illustrates three pieces which resemble the Mobile- 
Pensacola ware, but show rather exceptional forms and decorations. 
The deeply incised lines of the elaborate patterns have, in two of 
the specimens, been filled in with some white substance, giving a 
striking effect and reminding one of Central American methods of 

These people had a marked fancy for embellishing their vases with 
animal forms, and birds and beasts have been much utilized. In plate 
Lxxiii we have three fine bowls embodying the frog concept, partly in 
low relief and partly in very conventional incised lines. Plate Lxxiv 
contains two delineations, probabh* of the owl. The interesting point 


Fig. 53— Fragment of vessel with stamped design, from Wal- 
ton.s Camp, Choctawhatchee bay, Florida. 


is that the conventional incised features representing the body and 
wings grade into the generahzed ornament. 

Plate Lxxv represents a handsome bowl with engraved design, 
meant apparently for the frog, which was found by Mr Moore inverted 
over a skull in a grave at Point Washington, Florida. 

Apalachicola Ware 

It is interesting to note that here and there along the Gulf coast 
there are certain pieces of pottery that do not affiliate fully with the 
ordinary ware and that at the same time appear to present closer 
analogies with the wares of Yixcatan and the Caribbean islands than do 
any of the other varieties; such peculiarities are more marked in the 
Choctawhatchee-Apalachicola section than elsewhere. The specimens 
brought together in plates Lxxvi and lxxvii, belonging to Mr 
Moore's Point Washington finds, offer, to my mind, these hints of 
exotic influence. At the same time, they can not be divorced from 
their close affiliations with the ware of the Gulf coast to the west and 
with that of the Florida peninsula to the east. 

Two \essels of rather rude shape are shown in plate lxxvi a and i. 
The upper part of the body is embellished with a wide zone of stamped 
figures, such as are common over a vast area to the north and east of 
Choctawhatchee h&y. The most interesting feature of these designs 
is that, though typical of the South Appalachian stamped ware, they 
are seen at a glance to embodj' the commonest concepts of the Gulf 
Coast group — the conventional life elements, in which the eye, the 
teeth, and the body features of the creature are still traceable. Similar 
vessels are found toward the east, along the Florida coast, and appear 
in connection with a group of vases typically developed on Apalachi- 
cola drainage in Franklin county. The peculiar little vessel shown in 
c has an oblong, flattened 1>ody, rudely suggesting an alligator's head. 
The incised markings affiliate with the Mobile-Pensacola decoration. 
Vase d departs from western models, and approaches closely forms 
of ware typically developed on the peninsula of Florida. The remain- 
ing figure, e, is the top view of a small jar with a remarkable rounded 
lip. Although the engraved designs embody the Gulf Coast life 
elements, the method of execution departs radically from the normal 
treatment. The elaborate figures are traced over nearly the entire 
vessel, and are deeply incised, the channels being carefully carved out, 
leaving rounded ridges Ijetween them. The form and the material 
unite with the decoration in indicating a type of ware radically 
different from that of the Mobile-Pensacola district, yet represented 
by few other pieces in our collections. It affiliates most closely with 
the Apalachicola forms. 

Equally distinct from the Mobile-Pensacola ware are the five pieces 
shown in plate lxxvii m, 5, c, d, and e. In ornamentation tfieir asso- 




























Bureau of American ethnolocSy 






"II 'V -1 









(-) '(^) 

// ■ l-lLlijM I D- INl^Htb 


























a IHEICHT 'J 'Ni. HL: 











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ciatiuii 18 close with the potteiy found ;it Turpon Springs iind otlier 
central and western peninsular sites. Their paste, color, and some 
details of form connect them with the Apalachicola ware. The frag-, 
ment shown in c appears to represent a well-executed vessel corre 
spending in shape to 6' of the preceding plate. 

A characteristic and very interesting series of \'essels was acquired 
recently l\v the National Museum from Mr C. H. B. Lloyd, who exhumed 
them from a mound in Franklin county. Ten of these are shown in 
plate Lxxviii. They represent a wide range of form and finish. The 
paste is silicious but generally tine-grained, and in some pieces flecks 
of mica are plentiful. The color is a warm gray, save in one case, where 
the firing has given a mottled terra-cotta red. In general they are 
South Appalachian rather than Floridiau, as is indicated by their 
material, form, and decoration. Two pieces resemble the porous ware 
of Florida in appearance and finish. Three are decorated with elabo- 
rately figured stamps, and one is painted red. Incised lines appear in 
a few cases. Unstamped surfaces are finished v>'ith a polishing stone. 
All ai-e perforated, a hole having been knocked in the bottom of each, 
save in one case, in which a circular opening about an inch in diameter 
was made while the clay was still soft. This vessel has a thickened 
rim, flat on the upper surface and nearly an inch wide. A rudely 
modeled bird's head is aflixed to the upper surface of the rim. The 
surface is rather roughly finished and has received a wash of red 
ocher. A small fragment of another similar vase, supplied with an 
animal head, belongs to the collection, and a closely analogous speci- 
men, now in the National Museum, came from a mound near Gaines- 

A remarkable vessel — a bottle with reddish paste, squarish cruci- 
form body, as viewed from above, and a high, wide foot — is shown in 
plate Lxxviii, and on a larger scale in plate lxxviiiaI. A vertical 
view in outline is given in -2^ and the engraved design encircling the 
base — partly broken away — appears in 3. The four flattish horn- 
shaped wings that extend from the collar out over the body, ending in 
rounded projecting points, constitute a wholly unique plastic feature, 
although the engraved figures are repeated in sherds from northern 
and western Florida. The lines and figures are deepl}^ engraved and 
almost certainly represent some graphic original, traces of the life 
features appearing through the mask of convention. Something in 
the general appearance and decorative treatment suggests Caribbean 
work, and in the shape of the base and the band of encircling deco- 
ration there is a hint of Yucatec treatment; still the piece is, as a 
whole, esseutialhr Floridian. 

Three vessels shown in plate lxxviii, the largest pot and two 
smaller pieces, have collars of stamped figures, the remainder of the 
surface being somewhat rudely polished. In two cases the stamped 


figures are sufficientlj" complete to j^ermit a practical restoration of 
the full design. While I was observing the unique and remarkable 
nature of these designs and their dissimilarity to the ornamental 
designs of the surrounding areas in the United States, the idea of 
comparing them with the decorative conceptions of the West Indies 
occurred to me. The result of this study has been presented in a 
separate pajaer." 

Researches made by Mr Clarence B. Moore in 1902 among the 
mounds of the west coast of Florida, between St Andrews bay on the 
west and Cedar keys on the east, ha\'P lirought to light a i-emarkable 
series of vases, a few sjiecimens of which I am 
able to add at the last moment in plates Lxxix, 
Lxxix A, and lxxix b. Several exceptional 
features appear, among which are certain com- 
pound and eccentric forms, bird shapes display- 
ing most interesting treatment of wings and 
other features; and pierced walls, the openings 
I'epresenting the interspaces of the designs. 
The well-marked local characters grade off into 
western, northern, and eastern forms, so that no decided break occurs 
at any point. Stamp-decoi'ated ware display ing a great variety of the 
highly elal)orate figures occurs everywhere in association with the 
prevailing variety.* 

Miscellaneous Specimens 

Fig. 54.— Bowl with thicli col- 
lar, Tiimpa bay. Diameter 
Sj inches. 

Associated with the above-described ware along the Gulf shore are 
bowl-.sliaped vessels characterized l>y a i)eculiar thickening of the lij) 

Fig. 5.") — Sections of thick-rimmed bowls. Early county. Georgia. 

or riuL and }>y the presence, in many cases, of red coloration. The 
largest collection of these vessels in our possession comes from a vil- 
lage site in Early county, Georgia, although specimens are found 
about Mobile l)ay and all along the west coast of Florida to Tampa and 
even father south. They are best illustrated by the collections of Mr 
A. S. Gaines and Mr K. M. Cunningham, now in the National Museum. 
These vessels, mainly in fragments, are not separable from the other 

aHolmes, W. H., Caribbean influence on the prehistoric ceramic art of the southern states, in the 
Amerionn Anthropologist, vol. vii, number 1, January, 1894. 

''IMoore, Clarence B., Certain aboriginal remains of the Florida coast, part ii, Philadel- 
phia, 1902. 























3 (ONt-f-UUKTH) 




>v — 



1* »/' 





Bureau of American ethnology 

Twentieth annual report PL. Lxxix B 







X \ 







forms of pottery associated with them, altliough they exhibit features 
so peculiar as to suggest that the t_vpe may have had a separate origin. 
They are associated, at dirtei-ent points, with the remains of nearly 
everj" variety of southern potterj-. Although from the richest of shell- 
bearing districts, this ware, in common with the Appalachian pottery, 
is usually tempered with silicious matter. 

The thickening of the margins of vessels in this group is a notable 
and peculiar feature belonging to the ware from no other region. A 
specimen from Tampa 
bay, Florida, is pre- 
sented in figure 54, and 
a series of sections is 
given in figure 55. The 
surface retains but little 
of the red color. These 
bowls are symmetric in 
shape and were neatly 
finished with the polish- 

ino'tiril TT^iTillvn thin Fig. 56— Bowl from Mobile district, ivlth patterns in color. 

coat of red ocher has been applied. In a few cases the color forms 
simple patterns, as is shown in figure 56. The pattern in this exam- 
ple is executed in white paint on a red ground. This vessel lias a 
flaring rim. only slightly thickened. 

In .sp-^cimens from Mobile shell heaps there is, as has been already 
mentioli- 1, a certain suggestion of Mexican or Central American art, 
and it is not impossible that definite correlations with the ware of the 
South may in time be made. 

Life Elements in Decokation 

Before more eastern groups are treated, attention niav be given to 
the interesting decorations of the Central Gulf Coast ware. The for- 
mal designs — the groupings of straight and curved lines, the meanders, 
the guilloches, and the scrolls — were at first treated independently of 
the life forms so variously embodied in the vessels; but as these studies 
advanced it came to lie realized that the life idea runs through all the 
designs, and that the formal figures are connected by an unbroken 
series of less and less conventional forms with the semirealistic incised 
designs and with the realistic plastic representations as well. This 
is a very important matter to the student of the embellishing arts. 
The investigation was begun by assembling each variety of crea- 
tui'e embodied in the ware — man, quadrupeds, l)irds, reptiles, bat- 
rachians, and fishes — placing the most realistic representations in 
both relieved and incised forms first, the others following in the 
series according to progress in conventional modification. The pur- 
pose was to ascertain whether there was general consistency, whether 
20 ETH— 03 8 


each variety of creature passed down to the purely conventional 
forms through its own peculiar and distinctive series of variants. 
The conclusion reached is that there is at least a large degree of con- 
sistency, and that particular forms of creatures may be recognized 
far down the scale toward the geometric. Exceptions were noted, 
however. The symbols are occasionally intermingled, as if the sig- 
nificance of the particular forms had been lost sight of. the potter 
using them as symbols of the life idea in general, or as mere decorations. 

As a rule, the incised designs are more highly conventional than the 
plastic, the eagle and the serpent being the only incised forms, so far as 
has been observed, realistically treated; but it was possible to recognize 
others through their association with the modeled forms. In vessels 
fui-nished with the head of a bird in relief, for example, the same kind 
of incised figures were generallj- found around the vessel, and these are 
recognized as being more or less fully conventionalized representations 
of wings. The same is true of the fish and its gills, fins, and tail; of the 
serpent and its spots and rattles, and of the frog and its legs. The 
relieved figures, realistically treated, become thus a key to the formal 
incised designs, enabling us to identify them when separately used. 
It will be seen, however, that since all forms shade ofl: into the purely 
geometric, there comes a stage when all must be practically alike; and 
in independent jjositions, since we have no ke}', we fail to distinguish 
•them, and can only say that whatever they represented to the potter 
they can not be to us more than mere suggestions of the life idea. To 
the native potter the life concept was probably an essential association 
with every vessel. 

In plate lxxx is arranged a series of figui'es illustrating progressive 
variations in the bird concept, and in plate lxxxi the frog concept is sim- 
ilarly rej) resented. The series are too limited to be entirely satisfactory, 
as it is only when a great number of these designs are before us that we 
see clearly the meaning of the transformations. Plates lxxxii and 
Lxxxiii show some purely conventional designs, and many more or less 
fully conventionalized life forms copied from vessels of this group. 


Exploration on the peninsula of Florida has made such decided 
headway in recent years that archfeologists may now i'easona))!y hope 
to secure a firm grasp on the problems of Floridian prehistoric art. 
The general nature and range of the art remains are already fairly 
well understood, but little study has been given those details that must 

" Acknowledgments are due to Mr Clarence B. Moore for a large part of the data embodied in this 
brief study of Florida pottery. Not only have his published works been drawn on but correspondence 
and frequent consultations with him have furnished valuable assistance. As an indelatigaljle worker, 
an accurate observer, a faithful recorder, and a prompt publisher. Mr Moore stands at the head of tlie 
long list of those who have undertaken personally to explore the ancient monuments of the eastern 
United States. 



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• " • ••- ». , • • / V'.' ' ' ♦ » » • • I » v* 


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be relied upon to ii.s.sist, lirst, in assigning these relics to particular 
tribes and stocks of people, second, in correlating- them with culture 
features of neighboring regions, and, third, in determining ([uestions 
of chronology. The extensive and careful researches of ]Mr Clarence 
B. Moore seem destined to fairly initiate this important work, and 
Mr F. H. Cushing has conducted very important excavations along 
the western coast, the results of which, although only half published, 
give us the first clear and deiinite insight into the life and habits of 
the prehistoric inhabitants of the Gulf coast. 

HiSTOKu; Aborigines 

The group of tribes occupying Florida during the period of Spanish 
discovery and conquest belongs to what is now known as the Timu- 
quanan linguistic family. These people have now entirely disap- 
peared, and little is definitely known of their arts or history. Other 
tribes have since occupied the territory, but none have been per- 
mitted to remain except a few Seminoles, some two hundred strong, 
who now occupy portions of the Everglades. There appears to be 
only the most meager record of the making of potterv' by any of the 
historic tribes of the peninsula, yet pottery making was the rule 
with the southern Indians, and wo may fairly assume that all of the 
tribes found in the peninsula by the Spanish were potters, and that 
nuich of the earthenware obtained from the mounds and shell heaps 
belonged to tribes of the historic linguistic stocks of the general 
region. The Timuquanan peoples are probably fully represented, but 
Muskogean influence must have been felt, and at least one of the prin- 
cipal varieties of pottery found in the northern half of the peninsula 
was typically developed in the region occupied by that stock. Traces 
of intrusive ideas are present, perhaps even traces of peoples from the 
West, and evidences of Antillean (Arawak) contact on the east have 
recently come to light. As the case stands, however, we have such 
slight historic knowledge of the native ceramic art of Florida that no 
part of its products can, with entire safety, be attributed to any partic- 
ular tribe or stock of people. 

The colored plate presented as the frontispiece of this paper is 
reproduced from a drawing b^- John AVhite, of the Roanoke Colony, 
1585-1588. It represents a native woman holding in her hand what 
appears to be an earthen bowl. This is one of the few authentic 
illustrations extant of a native of "Florida" in Colonial times. 

The ware of Florida is extremely varied and presents numerous 
pronounced types of form and docoration, but it is found very diffi- 
cult to separate it into groups other than regional. The various forms 
are intimately associated, the diversified characters grading one into 
another in the most confusing manner. It is very much as though 
the peninsula had been occupied by peoples of distinct origins, who 
had come together on common ground in such intimate relations that 


their respective cultures became in a large measure blended. This 
apparent intermingling of elements would seem to pertain to a late 
rather than to an early period. 


Questions of antiquity naturally present themselves for consideration 
in this place, but very definite answers can not be given. We may 
reas(_)nably anticipate that in time the ceramic evidence will materially 
assist in determining the succession of peoples and also in arriving 
at a somewhat definite chronology of events. The ware embedded in 
successive layers of midden refuse gives hints of change and progress, 
and the absence of sherds in the subordinate strata points aj^parently 
to a time when pottery was not used by the tribes represented. Then 
again the higher forms of ware appear well up in the strata and pre- 
vail over the surface of the countr}' in general. Mr Moore refers to 
the topic in the following language: 

When after a long and careful search in a shell heap no pottery ia brought to light, 
it may be considered that the makers of the heap lived at a time when its method 
of manufacture was unknown. Pottery filled so great a want in the lives of the 
aborigines and was so extensively used by the makers of the shell heaps, where it is 
found at all, that it seems impossible to account for its absence upon any hypothesis 
other than the one suggested. One fact relating to pottery which Professor Wyman 
neglects to state is that in many shell heaps pottery is found to a certain depth only, 
after which it disappears. In other shell heaps, pottery plain and ornamented is 
fovind in association for a time, after which unornamented pottery alone is found. 
These points in connection with the pottery of the shell heaps have been noticed in 
so many scores of cases that the writer is convinced that many shell heaps were in 
process of formation contemporaneously with the first knowledge of the art of pot- 
tery making and its subsequent development. * * * It is well known that later 
Indians occupied the shell heaps as places of residence long after their completion, 
some doubtless cultivating them, and hence distance from the surface is a most 
important factor in determining the origin of shell-heap relics of all sorts." 

Range of the Ware 

The pottery in our collections from Florida comjirises a wide range 
of technic and esthetic characters. There are si^ecimens rivaling the 
best work of the Lower ^Mississippi region, and others so rudimentary 
as hardl}' to deserve the name of earthenware. There are also numer- 
ous varieties resulting apparently not so much from diflerences in 
peoples and time as from the diverse uses to which they were applied. 
One group is wholly unicjue, consisting in the main of toy-like forms 
of rude workmanship, and exhibiting decidedly abnormal characters. 
Tliere is good reason for supposing that it was manufactured e.xclu- 
sivel}' for mortuary ofierings, as it is associated almost wholly with 
burials. Again, the shell heaps furnish an inferior variety of ware 
quite peculiar to them. It is difficult to say just how much of this 
inferiority is due to antiquity and how nmch to the fact that midden 

n Moore, Clarence B.. Certain shell heaps of the St Johns river, American Naturalist, November, 
1892, p. 916. 


ware in general is rude on account of its inanut'ucture for the prep- 
aration of food and its exclusive use in that process. The pottery of 
the burial mounds, except the peculiar ware mentioned above, and 
of the country in general is of a higher grade, often exhibiting neat 
tinish. varied and refined forms, and tasteful decorations. Considered 
as a whole, the ceramic art of the Florida peninsula indicates a state 
of culture much inferior to that of the middle and lower Mississippi 


The clay used, considering the whole i:)euinsula, seems to have had 
a wide range of composition and to have been subjected to varied 
methods of treatment. The infei'ior potterv shows pooidy selected 
materials and I'ude treatment, while the better product is characterized 
by finely prepared paste. Much of the ware is of unusually low spe- 
cific gravity, as if rendered porous by weathering or decay of some of 
the denser ingredients. 

The tempering materials are also varied. Much of the shell-deposit 
ware has been tempered wit'. _ibrous vegetal matter, such as pounded 
grass or bark, thought by Wyman to be i^almetto fiber, which burned 
out in firing or has disappeared through decay, leaving the paste light 
and porous. This ware is rude and coarse in texture and is said to 
occur only in the older shell deposits. In many places the paste is 
exceptionally free from tempering ingredients, ))eing fine-grained and 
chalky. These conditions may be due to the nature of the available 
materials rather than to any peculiar local ethnic conditions. The soft 
jjaste prevails in the St Johns river region and extends also to the west 
coast. The gritty paste of the Appalachian provinces reaches south- 
ward into northern Florida and is found, though quite rarely, down the 
east and west coasts. The use of pulverized shell is noted in a few 
cases along the west coast. 


The vessels were built up often of wide strips of clay, whicii, in 
many cases, were so poorly worked or welded together that the ves- 
sels fall to pieces along the joints. In the ruder pieces the lines of 
junction are still traceable, especially on the inner surfaces, where 
neat finish was difhcult or unnecessary. The walls of the ruder 
ware are thick, clumsy, and uneven; those of the better varieties are 
thin, uniform, and evenly dressed. The finish is also v'aried, ranging 
from the roughest hand-modeled surfaces through those variously 
textured to well-polished surfaces. In many cases a thin coat of 
finer clay has been applied to the exterior to hide the coarse materials 
and render the polishing easy. 

The baking or firing seems to have been of several grades or varie- 
ties; usually, however, the surfaces show the mottlings characteristic of 


the open-air trt'iitment coiiiinon with the tribes of the United States. 
The paste in the more porous wares is often somewhat whitened super- 
ficially by volatilization of veg'etal elements, the interior of the mass 
remainino^ dark or black. In some localities decided reddish and yel- 
lowish tints are seen, a result probably of oxidization of iron con- 
tained in the clay. The improvised mortuary wares are gencralh* 
only slightly baked. 


The forms of tie ordinary ware, as well as those of the "freak" 
mortuary pottery, are much diversiiied. Vessels of the culinary class 
are apparently not numerous; but. being- especially subject to break- 
age, they rarely appear in collections except as sherds. Neither the 
pot nor the deep caldron are common. Cups and bowls, the latter 
often of large size, are very numerous, a subglobular form with con- 
stricted lip being typically Floridian. Bottles, or forms approaching 
the bottle in shape, are rare, while eccentric and compound forms 
occur in all sections. Bottoms are rounded, conic, or slightly flat- 
tened. Handles are not an important feature, while feet or added bases 
of any kind are rarely seen in the normal ware. Animal forms were 
modeled with considerable freedom in later times, and occasionally 
shells of mollusks and the gourd were imitated. The shapes as a 
whole are inferior to those in the districts to the north and west, 
although, if we include the improvised mortuary pottery, they are far 
more diversified. 


Decoration is varied and heterogeneous, so much so that it can not 
properly ])e described, except in connection with illustrations, it 
rarely includes fabric- and cord-marked surfaces, but the paddle stamp, 
with varied designs, was used extensively in most sections. Incising 
and indenting were employed in working out designs of many classes, 
and especially symbolic subjects. In some varieties of ware the work 
was very crude, in others it was extremely skillful. The appli- 
cation of I'ed ocher was general, and simple designs were executed in 
this pigment. Decorative effects were also secured by roughening the 
surface in various ways, as by pinching up the soft clay with the fin- 
ger nails, and by modeling ridges, nodes, and other forms in low or 
high relief. The lip or rim is often embellished by notching or scal- 
loping. The subject-matter of the designs ranges from the simple 
geometric elements to somewhat realistic, although crude, delineations 
of men and animals. Conventional treatment of life forms is often 
exceptionally refined and effective, but symbols of special or highly 
developed types have not been identified. 


The uses to which the pottery of Florida was devoted were about 
the same as amoncj other native tribes. There were vessels to serve 


iu the full rauge of domestic activities — cookiug, carrying, contain- 
ing, eating, and drinking — and others for ceremonial oiEces, and for 
burial with the dead. There were also miniature vessels, as well as 
figurines representing animals, 2:>robably intended to be used as toys. 
There were tobacco pipes, Ijeads, and pendants, and other objects not 
assignable to any particular use. 

The emplo^'ment of earthenware iu burial is of special interest. 
The dead were buried in ordinary graves and in sand and earth 
mounds, and, exceptionally, in shell mounds, and here as elsewhei'e it 
was customary to deposit various utensils with the bodies; but there 
are some curious and interesting features connected with the practice. 
Over much of the territory covered by this paper the vessels were 
deposited in the graves entire and are so recovered b}' our explorers, 
but in the Florida i^eninsula, and to some extent in Georgia and Ala- 
bama, a practice had arisen of breaking the vessel or perforating the 
bottom before consigning it to the ground. The most satisfactory 
explanation of this proceeding is that since the vessel was usually 
regarded as being alive and endowed with the spirit of some creature 
of mythologic significance, it was appropriate that it should 1)e 
"killed" before burial, that the spirit might be free to accompanj' 
that of the dead. 

The facts brought out by recent explorations of Mr Moore add new 
features of interest." In cases it is apparent that the vessels were not 
only broken for burial, but that fragmentary vessels were used; and 
again that, as in the case of the Tick Island and other mounds, sherds 
were buried, serving probably as substitutes for the entire vessels. 
An exceptional feature of these phenomena is the presence in some 
of the burial mounds Of sherds broken out to rudely resemble notched 
spear and arrow points. It would seem that the sherd was made to 
represent the vessel which was formerlj' buried entire, and that, 
possibly, extending its office to another field, it was modified in shape 
that it might take the place of such implements of stone and other 
materials as were formerlj^ devoted to the service of the dead. 

Still more remarkable is the practice, which seems to have become 
pretty general in Florida, of manufacturing vessels especially for 
burial purposes. Some of these pieces are in such close imitation of. 
the i"eal vessels that the distinction between them can not be drawn 
with certainty, while others are made with open bases, so that they 
did not need to be broken or "■killed" when inhumed, having never 
been made alive. Others are of such rude workmanship and eccentric 
form that no ordinary use could be made of them. In seeking to 
explain these exceptional products two suggestions may be made: 
First, it is noted that the perforating of the vessels used in burial 
and the placing of sherds and toy-like vessels and figurines with 

"Moore, Clarence B., Certain sand mounds of the St Johns river, Florida, Journal Academy of 
Natural Sciences, ser. 2. vol. x, Philadelphia, 1S94. 


the dead is confined, mainly at least, to Florida and the Gulf coast, 
and further that these practices pertain to comparatively recent 
times. It is also observed that articles of European make — Vene- 
tian beads. .Spanish olive jars, articles of metal, etc. — are found in 
man}- mounds of this region, indicating- the very general practice of 
mound-building during a considerable period following the arrival of 
the Spanish — a period extending over a hundred years or more. It 
is suggested, therefore, that possibly this whole group of extraordi- 
nary mortuary practices ma\' have sprung up in post-Columbian times. 
The most prolific sources of gain known to the Spanish were the 
cemeteries of the aborigines, and the seekers of El Dorado and the 
Fountain of Life were the princes of grave robbers. It would be 
but natural that people i^ossessiug the ready resources of the southern 
Indians, finding the graves of their fathers ruthlessl_y desecrated by 
the invaders in their mad search for gold and pearls, should, while 
still preserving the spirit of their mortuary customs, cease to consign 
to the ground any articles of real value. It will be conceded that the 
inroads of hordes of avaricious and merciless strangers must have 
exercised a powerful influence on the habits and customs of the native 
tribes, and such phenomena as these mentioned might result natu- 
rally. The fact, however, that graves containing these objects are 
very numerous and often contain other articles of real value, as has 
been pointed out by Mr Moore, seems to render this theory untenable. 
Second, a somewhat more satisfactory explanation may be found in 
the idea of sulistitution for purely economic reasons; perhaps the 
demands of mortuary sacrifice grew burdensome to the people, or 
possibly the practice of the art in its normal phases fell into disfavor 
or gradually gave way to some other form of vessel-making art, 
while the practice of making ceramic ofi'erings kept on in conformity 
with the persistent demands of superstitious custom. At any rate, 
the practice of hastil\- making sacrificial offerings of clay came into 
great favor and a study of the objects, many of which are illustrated 
in accompanying plates, shows that they embody in their rude way 
all varieties of form and decoration known in Florida, and shows, 
beside this, that the imagination ran riot imitating objects of many 
classes and conjuring up forms entireh' new to the art. 

The use of earthen vessels as receptacles for human remains has not 
been noted by Mr Moore in his extensive explorations on the Florida 
peninsula, although the practice was common in Georgia and other 
sections to the north and west. 


midden ware of the st .johns 

The shell mounds of the St Johns furnish varieties of ware said to 
be confined almost exclusively to these deposits, and supposed espe- 
cially to characterize the middle period of their accumulation, the 








eaTlior period beiuj;' without potto r_y, and the later having .several vari- 
eties of ware, which appeal- on the surface in great plenty. This 
pottery has l)een recovered only in the shape of sherds, and can not 
be studied to the best advantage. Among the fragments are found evi- 
dences of considerable variation in texture, treatment, and ornamen- 
tation. One varietj' exhibits a rather fine-grained paste preserving 
the warm gray colors of the baked clay. The surfaces were finished 
with a rubbing tool, and ar(^ plain or have been rather carelessly 

embellished with j)atterns in 

,t(;C "^K straight and curved inci.sed 

^<v^V:""---::::~:--'":;;;;:v;rc=:z rr3t?\ft))i lines. Another, and the most 

noteworthy variety, is char- 
acterized b}' the unusual ap- 
pearance of the paste, which 
has been tempered M'ith a 
large percentage of fibrous 
matter, probably shredded 
palmetto fiber. This tem- 
pering substance has t)eeu 
destroyed by fire or decay, 
leaving the paste highly vesi- 
cular and porous and of low 
specific gravit3\ Generally 
these sherds show clearly the 

c d ••-. .-- 

Fig- 57— Restoration of forms of fiber-tempered midden ware, St Johns river. 

efl'ects of use over fire. The walls are thick and uneven and the surfaces 
are rudely rubbed down. The forms appear to have consisted mainly 
of bowls with rims variously recurved, incurved, and otherwise modi- 
fied, and with rounded or flatfish bases. The diameter varies from a 
few inches to a foot or more. Examples restored from fragments sufli- 
ciently large to indicate the shape and suggest the true character of the 
ornament are shown in figure .57. They are from, the Tick Island 
mound, and appear typical of what is assumed to be the earliest pottery- 


making period. The execution of the designs is decidedly rude, the 
incised lines being deep, wide, and irregular. The designs themselves, 
however, seem to comprise not only the archaic forms seen in a and 5, 
but running scrolls such as occur in the most advanced grades of 
southern ])ottery. as in r. The angular interspaces in the latter designs 
are tilled in with indentations, as in the Mobile-Pensacola and other wares 
(see figure 58). There is no absolute measure of the \'alue of particu- 
lar decorative motives in determining degree of culture itrogress, but 
elaborate scroll work can hardly l)e called aichaic, and we must con- 
clude either that this ware does not represent the earliest use of pot- 
tery among the shell-mound peoples, or that the more western tri))es, 
already practicing this art, encroached on the original shell-heap 
people at a comparatively' early date. It may be remarked further 
that the shapes, so far as observed, are nearly identical with the pre- 
vailing shapes of the best wares of Florida. This fiber-tempered pot- 
terj' was found by Wyman at Old Town, Old Enterprise, Watsons 

• ••*** 4i;* .•%»•* • 



7 '••-^ ^ ^ 

Fig. 58— Fragmeula ol uiidduu- auIc buivU vutUiutitL>: ., ; Luratiou, St Johns river. 

Landing, Silver Spring, and Palatka," l)ut no details of occurrence 
are given. Mr Moore obtained specimens from Tick island, Orange 
mound. Huntingtons. Mulberry mound, and other localities, and his 
determinations of relative position and age have already been quoted. 
Two sherds derived from hemispheric bowls decorated with running 
scrolls are illustrated in figure 58. There arc pieces, however, that 
approach the better wares of later time in texture and finish, and it 
may yet be shown that the earlier pottery of Florida developed without 
marked interruption into the later and more highly elaborated forms. 
Additional sherds are shown in plate Lxxxn'. 


Tlic use of the stamp or figured paddle in decoration was com- 
mon througout the peninsula, extending west into Alabama and north 
to North Carolina and Tennessee. It is not likely that it was charac- 
tei'istic of any particular people or culture gx'oup. That it is not of 

nWyman, Dr Jeffries, Fresh-water shell mounds of the St Johns river, Florida, Memoirs of the 
Peabody Academy of Science, Salem. Mass., 1875. 









c- 9 
























Bureau of American ethnology 

Twentieth annual report pl. xc 


^ / / — w. 






Mexican origin would seem to bo proved hy the fact that it does 
not occur west of Mobile bay. It is no doubt related to if 'not 
derived from the art of embellishing the vessels b}- impressing textile 
fabrics upon their plastic surfaces, practiced so extensively in the 
North. Mr Cushiug expresses the idea, originating with his Sau 
Marco work," that the use of wooden tools in which the grain of the 
wood gave rise to decorati\'e surface markings might ha\-e led to the 
making of figured stamps or modeling paddles, but this idea requires 
confirmation. I have observed that some of the more elaborate 
stamped patterns employed are closely akin to designs used by ancient 
wood carvers and sculptors of the Antilles, thus suggesting some kind 
of connection between Florida and the islands.'' 

The wai'e of the St Johns shows the ver\' common use of a modeling 
paddle the face of which was carved in checker patterns, consisting 
of shallow grooves crossing generally at right angles and numbering 
from five to twelve to the inch. Examples are shown in plate lxxxv. 
Occasionally we encounter more elaborate and artistic designs, such as 
prevail in the Aiipalachian province on the north. Various examples 
from the St Johns are brought together in j^lates LXXX^■I, lxxxyii, and 
Lxxxviii. It would appear that the stamp paddle was not in use dur- 
ing the earlier stages of pottery making in Florida. According to 
ISIr Moore the stamped ware occurs less frequently as we descend 
into the midden deposits, rarely appearing at any considerable depth. 


The St Johns furnishes occasional specimens of ware of excellent 
make, seemingly not akin to the common pottery of the region, 
although apparently intimately associated with it in burial. An 
examjile is presented in plate Lxxxixrt. It is a well-modeled globular 
bowl from a mound in Duval county, is 10 inches in diameter, and is 
tastefully ornamented with representations of a bird, probably the duck. 
The head of the bird is modeled in relief on opposite sides of the vessel. 
The l)ill points upward, and the wings, depicted in simple incised lines, 
extend around the upper jjart of the l)ody of the vessel. A sketch 
of one of the heads appears in J. The duck is a prominent feature in 
the embellishment of Florida wares, but in many cases the forms are 
so highly conventionalized that only those who have traced the duck 
motive down from more realistic delineations can do more than guess 
at the original. An example of conventional duck design is presented 
in plate xca. An equally conventional treatment, possibh' of the 
vulture, appears in 5. Other examijles of this class are referred to in 
describing the pottery of western Florida. Much of the mortuary and 
midden ware is decorated with incised work, always carelessly executed. 

aCushing. F. H.. Exploration of ancient key-dweller remains, Proceedings American Philosophical 
Society, vol. xxxv. p. 74. 

^ Holmes. \V. H.. Caribbean influence on the prehistoric^ ceramic art of the southern states, American 
Anthropologist, January, 1894, p. 71. 


Explorations on the St Johns have brought to light a form of earth- 
enware having- characters not heretofore observed in any locality, and 
likely to give rise to considerable discussion. The possible functions 
of this ware have already received attention. It has been found by 
Mr Moore and others' at varying- depths in the burial mounds, but 
never in the shell heaps. A few pieces were obtained from Mount 
Royal at a depth of 13 feet beneath the surface. It consists of vessels, 
vessel-like articles, animal figurines, miniature imitations of fruit, and 
various objects of eccentric shajie, nearly all of rude construction and 
finish. ■ As a rule these objects have the appearance of toys made by 
hands unskilled in the manipulation of clay and practically untram- 
meled by the traditions of the normal native art. The clay used was 
generally crude and untempered, the construction careless and hasty, 
and the baking very slight. Specimens worthy of being- called vessels 
are mostly so crudelj' made that they would be of little service in any 
of the usual ofiices of a vessel. As a rule the bottoms of such speci- 
mens were perforated while the clay was j^et soft, the opening being- 
left rough as cut or punched, or dressed down rudel}^ after the manner 
of the noi-mal opening- at the opposite end. They repeat, in a measure, 
the forms of the real pottery, but with many trivial xariations. 
Decoration is in all styles, the incised, stamped, relieved, and painted, 
but in the main it is crude. The animal and vegetal forms are often 
so graphically suggested, however, that the idea of the modeler is 
intelligible. The panther, the wolf or dog, the squirrel, the turkey, 
the turtle, and the fish are more or less forcibly suggested. The 
size is usuallj' small, and the clumsy forms, modeled with the unaided 
fingers, are solid or nearh' so, the more massive portions having been 
in cases roughly perforated with a stick to prevent cracking and fall- 
ing to pieces in the process of baking. Vegetal forms are extremely 
rare in the normal native art of the eastern United States, the gourd 
appearing in some cases as a model for earthen vessels; but in this 
mortuary ware various essays have been made to represent acorns, 
flowers, buds, ears of corn, and the like. A large number of unclassi- 
fied forms, quite as rude as the preceding, resemble cylinders, cones, 
beads, spools, houi-glasses, druggist's moi'tars, etc. On examination 
of the various ceramic collections in the United States, there are found 
occasional examples of small, rudclj- made, toy-like figures from other 
localities that may possibly fall into the same general class as these 
Florida mortuarj^ fantasies. 

The most satisfactory evidence of the close relationship of this pot- 
tery with the normal wares of Florida is its occurrence in a number 
of mounds at considerable depths and under varying conditions, and 
associated intimately with a wide range of relics. Besides this, there 







































































.^VUSWAHH J'k ij2 Jf ' 




are many features of the ware that approach in appearance or man- 
ner of treatment the ordinary pottery, and, in fact, there is such a 
comjjlete grading- into vessels of normal character that in places no 
line can be drawn separating the trivial from the serious. We may 
therefore safely infer that all varieties were made by potters of the 
same period and linguistic family. In appearance these articles are 
rather new-looking, and, being found generally near the surface, may 
be regarded as representing a comparatively recent period. Examples 
of several varieties are brought together in plates xci-xcviii." 


The use of colors in decoration prevailed most decidedly in the Mid- 
dle Mississippi Valley jirovince, but in Florida color was in somewhat 
general use. Commonly the red color was spi'ead over the entire sur- 
face and polished down, as it was in the West. "When designs were 
used, the}' were always simple, and, in the main, consisted of broad 
bands in clumsy geometric arrangements. It is not known that color 
was confined to any particular class of vessels. A very large and 
remarkable piece of the painted ware is presented in plate xcix. It 
was obtained by Mr Clarence B. Moore from a sand mound near 
Volusia, Volusia county, and is 19 inches in diameter and 1.5i inches in 
height. The base or smaller end is neatly perforated, as may be seen 
in the lower figure, the opening having been made when the vessel 
was modeled, and finished with the same care as was the mouth. 
It is possible that this vessel had some special domestic use in which 
the perforation was an essential feature, as in straining liquids, or it 
may have been a drum; but the practice of perforating vessels for 
burial and of making toy-like vessels with perforated bottoms for 
mortuary purposes oft'ers an explanation of the significance of the 
whole class of perforate objects. It is surmised that the native 
theory was that a vessel which had only a supernatural purpose was 
properly perforate. It was never endowed with the powers and quali 
ties of a living thing. The red color is applied in broad bands encir- 
cling the aper^'ures and in four vertical stripes connecting these. 
Fragments of a vessel of similar design are given in plate c. It 
also is from the mound near Volusia, and has been some 18 or 20 
inches in length. 


The several varieties of pottery described as occurring in the San 
Juan province, with the exception of the midden and mortuary ware, 
ai'e found scattered over the state in mounds and on residence sites, 
but few examples have found their way into our nuiseums. In the west, 
and especially along the M'et-t coast of the peninsula, other interesting 

a Recent collections made by Mr Moore in the Apalachicola region sliow equally novel and varied 
shapes of this general class, the work being of much higher grade. 


varieties of products are encountered. The most striking of these is 
characterized b}- its style of ornamentation, which consists of elaborate 
designs worked out largely with indentations or punctures instead of 
with plain incised lines, giving tattoo effects. Specimens in the main 
f ragmental have been found over a wide ai"ea, but the best preserved 
and most typical examples are those recently obtained from a burial 
mound at Tarpon Springs by Mr F. H. Gushing. Some of these are 
presented in the accompanying plates, and the ornamental designs are 
projected at full length in plate civ. Notwithstanding the large degree 
of individuality displayed Ijy these specimens, they by no means stand 
alone, being closely allied in paste, shape, and ornamentation to one 
or another of the varieties of Florida potter}*. 

The vase shown in plate ci is perhaps the most interesting and 
artistic of the group. The lower figure gives a top view of the shat- 
tered vessel as it appeared when the various pieces were first hastily 
set together, while the upper shows it as restored bj- Mr Gushing, 
save in one respect, namely, that as in his restoration the base is 
more delicately pointed than seems warranted by any model found 
in Florida, the liberty of changing it has been taken, the bottom 
being given a gently rounded or slightly flattened outline, as if 
the vessel had been intended to stand alone. The color is a yel- 
lowish terra cotta, the surface is even and well polished, and the 
walls are very thin. The incurved rim is narrow and rounded on 
the margin and is embellished with four conic nodes placed at equal 
distances about the lip. The decoration, which is applied and worked 
out in a very pleasing and artistic manner, appears in plate CTva. 
Although it is highly conventional, it is undoubtedly significant and 
symbolic, and is based on some life form. It is seen that the leading 
feature of the design is repeated four times above a broad meander 
band which encircles the body of the vessel, and that below the band a 
.second and less elaborate feature is also four times repeated. As we 
recall the usual association of animal features with vases in the gen- 
eral region, we examine the design to discover, if possible, some sug- 
gestion of a life concept. It would seem that the leading elements of the 
design must represent the head of some creature, and by studying the 
four principal features, it is seen that they show decided analogies 
with more realistic delineations of the duck observed on other vessels, 
and the conclusion is reached that the device is a conventional treatment 
of this favorite concept and that the vessel was invested with appro- 
priate life sj'mbolism by the people to whom it belonged. 

A second specimen from the Tarpon Springs mound is given in plate 
ciicf. It is quite equal to the other in delicacy of execution and in 
interest, and the exquisite design shown in full in plate civli may be 
looked on as of the same class as the preceding and as intended 
to svmbolize nothing more esoteric or mvsterious than the life idea 












■'.. 4 ';:. 




• • • • ^ i 

\f ) 


































'( (height 10i- INCHESI 







■ 1 











































;'i« uani 


associated with the vase in aecoi'daiice with ahnost universal eustoni. 
It is instructive, however, to observe the graceful ways in which the 
esthetic instincts of a primitive people have taken hold of the crude 
elements of symbolism, making them things of beauty. 

A third vessel of the same group, similar in shajje antl tinish and 
embodying analogous elements of decoration, appears in plate cm and 
the design is drawn out in plate civc. This specimen is shown also 
in the preceding plate, cii, in connection with a large plain pot, c, of 
.symmetric shape and excellent surface finish. Two fragments deco- 
rated in this stipple style, one showing a graceful shield-shaped tigure 
in relief, are shown in plate cv5 and c. They came from a mouud 
at Cedar Keys. The little cup shown in a of this plate is decorated 
with incised lines and punctures representing a crab-like animal, and 
also in color, certain spaces being finished in red. It is from Frank- 
lin county, Florida. 

The same plate includes a remarkable specimen of compound vessel 
from a mound in Fraidclin county. It is a plain ware of usual make and 
has five compartments, four circular basins arranged about a central 
basin of S(iuarish shape. One of the encircling basins has been broken 
away and is restored in the drawing. 

One of the most novel forms is shown in plate cvia. It is goblet- 
like and is open at lioth ends, reminding one of the Central American 
earthenware drums. It appears, however, from a careful examination, 
that the base was originally closed or partly closed, and that the end 
was l^roken out and the margin smoothed down so that in appearance 
it closel}' resembles the larger open end. The surface is embellished 
with broad bands of red and incised figures, all probably highly con- 
ventionalized animal features. A similar specimen embellished with 
unique incised patterns is shown in h and c of the same plate. 

In plate cvii a bunch of four vessels, as exposed while excavating a 
grave in a sand mound at Tarpon Spi'ings, is shown. Still other speci- 
mens of inferior size and make, also from Tarpon Springs, are similar 
in style to the pieces already illustrated, while some are small, rude, 
and quite plain or decorated with crude designs, and a few are 
modeled in imitation of gourds, seashells, and animals. In some cases 
compound and eccentric forms are seen. One medium-sized pot-like 
form, suggesting a conmion western type probably intended to stand 
for some life form, has a rudely incised design encircling the shoulder 
and four looped handles placed at equal distance about the neck. 
Occasional specimens are tall, and have the wide mouth and conic 
base so characteristic of the Appalachian region, and these are orna- 
mented with the patterned stamp in various styles. Fragments from 
Tarpon Springs showing the florid stamp designs are given in plate 
CVII I. and griddle patterns appear in plate cix. 

The potteiy secui'cd by Mr Cushing at San Marco on the Pile- 


dwelling sites, and associated with i-emains and relics of tlie most 
remarkable kind." is extremely simple in style, hardh' excelling in its 
plastic and gjaphic features the g-ourd and wooden vessels found in 
such profusion in the muck-filled canals and. in many cases, it appears 
to be modeled in imitation of these vessels. It does not differ in kind 
from the ordinary West Florida ware, however, which indicates the 
practical identity of the Pile-dwellers with other occupants of the 
region in time and culture. 

Somewhat common in the western and northwestern peninsular 
region is another variety of decorative treatment related to the deli- 
cate engraved work described above, but contrasting strongly with it. 
The designs in cases duplicate the peculiar scroll work of the Mobile- 
Pensacola district, and again are somewhat like the Tarpon iSprings 
scroll v.ork. The main peculiai'it}' is that the lines are wide and are 
deeply incised, as is shown in plate cxrt, h, c. In ?/, which is part of a 
large globular bowl, the figures are outlined in deep, clean lines, and 
some of the spaces are filled in with stamped patterns consisting of 
small checks, giving very pleasing results. In a and e some of the 
spaces are filled in with indentations made with a sharp jioint. Han- 
dled vessels — dippers, cups, and pots — are common, and it is not unu- 
sual to see the rim of a pot set with four or eight handles; e illustrates 
this feature and also a treatment of the scroll much like that preva- 
lent farther up the west coast. There are traces along this coast of 
rather pronounced variations in composition, shape, and decoration. 
A numl)er of sherds ilFustrating the varied decorative effects produced 
by pinching with the finger nails are illustrated inf\ g, and h. 


It is not uncommon to find in manj' parts of Florida, and especially 
along the Gulf coast, portions of fairly well modeled animal figures, 
mostly only heads, which originall}^ formed parts of bowls and other 
vessels. These correspond very closely with similar work in the West, 
and are almost duplications of the heads found in the Pensacola region. 
The detached heads have been found as far south as Goodland point, 
San Marco island, where Mr Moore picked up two specimens that had 
evidently been made use of as pendants, probably on account of some 
totemic or other significance attached to them. Mr Gushing also found 
one of these bird-head amulets in the canal deposits at San Marco. 
All are of western types, and may have been brought from north of 
the Gulf. On the whole, the employment of animal figures in the 
art of Florida, as well as of the Atlantic coast farther north, seems 
a late innovation, and the practice of embellishing vessels with these 
features has proVjably, in a large measure, crept in from the West. 

n Gushing, F. H., Exploration of ancient key-dweller remains, Proceedings of the American Philo- 
sophirnl Society, vol. xxxv. 










' X.. %.. 





>^*v.- ,-— ~*~a«_^ 


d h 












Tobacco pipes of earthenware are quite rare in Florida. The speci- 
mens tig-ured in plate cxi are types. <t being embellished with the imper- 
fect figure of a bird resting on the Ijowl and perforated by the bowl 
cavity, while It is iindeeorated. 
Other specimens ajjpear in <-. 
d, and c. In general shape 
they correspond closely with 
the prevailing heavy-bodied 
pipes of the South and AVest. 
Only one entire specimen and 
two fragments have been re- 
ported from shell heaps. 


From time to time collectors 
have reported the finding of 
pottery in Florida and other 
southern states l)earing evi- 
dence of having been turned 
on a wheel, and also showing 
traces of a brownish glaze. 
Examination alwaj^s discloses 
the fact that the ware is of 
Spanish manufacture. The 

Fig. ."iD — Spanish nlivc lars, Florida. 

paste is that of ordinary terra cotta, and in cases is burned quite hard, 
resembling stoneware. The forms are little varied, the short bottle 
neck and the long-pointed base being notable characteristics. The 
encircling ribs left by careless throwing on the wheel are often cjuite 
•JO ETH— 0?. y 


pronounced. In numerous cases the inside of the Up has received a 
yellowish glaze. Occa.sionally these vessels are recovered from Indian 
mounds. In early times it was a common practice to shij:) olives to 
America in earthen jars of this clas.s. Illustrations are given in figure 
.59. A very interesting specimen of this ware, figure 59 c, may he 
seen in the Natural Histor\- Museum at Boston. It is a jar with long, 
attenuated, conic base, whicli, with a glass bottle, was found eml)edded 
in a mass of coral obtained by dredgers from a coral reef off Turks 
island at the point where the frigate Severn is said to ha\e 
been wrecked about the year 1793. In a few instances very large and 
thick vessels of terra cotta have been reported, which are probably of 
European origin, and an antif[ue liatli tul) of glazed earthenware was 
recently unearthed in one of the (xulf states. 


Extent of the Province 

A culture province of somewhat marked characteristics comprises 
the states of Georgia, South Carolina, and contiguous portions of Ala- 
bama, Florida, North Carolina, and Tennessee. On the arrival of the 
whites a large portion of this area was occupied or overrun by the 
Creek Indians or their congeners, now included by Major Powell 
under the head of the Muskhogean linguistic family. The early 
explorers of this region referred to the tribes encountered as "Apa- 
lachee," and the name Appalachian has been given by our geographers 
to the range of mountains that extends into the area from the noi'th. 
The designation of the culture area is therefore historicallj' and geo- 
graphically appropriate. The general area over which the pottery of 
this group is distributed is indicated in the accompanying map, plate 


Prevailing Types of Ware 

The ceramic phenomena of this province include one great group of 
products to which has been given the name South Appalachian stamped 
ware, and also several less distinctly marked varieties, lielonging, in 
the main, to groups typically developed in neighboring areas. Of 
these overlapping varieties the Florida and Gulf Coast groups on the 
south, the middle Mississippi valley group on the west, and other 
less striking varieties on the north and east may be mentioned. Tribes 
of at least three of the stocks of people inhabiting this general region 
continued the practice of the potter's art down to the present time. 
The Catawbas and Cherokees are still engaged to a limited extent in 
pottery making: and the Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Seminoles have, if 
the labeling of certain specimens now in the National Museum is cor- 
rect, but recently abandoned the work. The manufacture of earthen- 
ware by the two tribes is described in the introductory 
pages of this paper, and illustrations are presented in this section. 


Among- tlu' more noteworthy features of tlie ancient ceramic art of 
thi>< jJi'i-'vince are the novel .shajjes of some of the vessels, the peculiar 
style of their decoration, the intermingling of local and what appear to 
lie exotic forms, and. lastly, the very common use of vessels as recep- 
tacles for remains of the dead. A I'are and exceptional feature of 
decoration, described by Colonid V. C. .Tones and others, is the use 
of bits of shell and bright stones in inlaying. These liits were set in 
decorative arrangements into the clay while it was yet plastic — an art 
practiced to a limited extent at the present day l\v primitive peoples 
on both continents, but never rising to a place of importance. 

The principal fictile product of the province was the large caldron 
or cook pot, although bowls were used and fancifully shaped vessels 
are sometimes encountered. Small figurines and tobacco pipes were 
made in considerable numbers, and potsherds were often cut into 
discoid shapes, perhaps for playing games of skill or chance. 

Tlie remains of what are supposed hy some oljservers and writers 
to be primitive pottery kilns have l)een reported, but the evidence 
is not conclusive in an}' case. 

The most striking variety of earthenware found within the limits of 
the Atlantic drainage is distributed very generally over Georgia and 
contiguous portions of all the adjoining states. For convenience of 
designation it has been called the South Appalachian stamped ware. 
Man}' of the more tj'pical specimensin our collections came from tlie 
valley of the Savannah. The most strongly marked characteristics of 
this ware are its material, which is generally hard, heavy, and coarsely 
silicious; its shapes, the most notable of which is a deejj caldron with 
conic base and Haring rim; and its decoration, which consists in 
great part of stamped tigures of no little technic and artistic interest. 

This stamped pottery is obtained from mounds, graves of several 
classes, village sites, and shell heaps. In some localities it is asso- 
ciated with remains of distinct varieties of ware, but in others it 
seems to occur alone. This intermingling of different varieties is not 
contined to \illage sites and shell heaps where accident could have 
brought the different sorts together, but is eonnnon in mounds whose 
contents appear to have belonged to a single connnunity. Whether 
the different kinds of pottery originated with a single people, or 
whether the association is the result of the amalgamation of distinct 
groups of peopl(>, can not be determined. The area over which the 
sherds are .scattered is so wide that we can hardly connect the manu- 
facture of even the more typical forms with any single tribe or group 
of tribes. It is distributed over areas occupied in historic times by 
numerous stocks of people, including the Algonquian. Iroquoian. 
Siouan, Muskhogean, and Timuquanan. Of these groups the Musk- 
hogean probably has the best claim to the authorship of this ware. The 
modern Catawbas (Siouan) and Cherokees (Iro([uoian). esi)ecially the 


latter, iiiakc vessels corres2)onding' souiewhut closelj- to those of Musk- 
hogeau make in some of their features, but these featui-es may have 
been but recently adopted liy them. In the region producing- type 
.specimens, the material, shape, and ornament are so distinctive as 
unitedly to give the ware great individuality; but in other localities 
less typical forms are found to occur. In some sections the material 
changes, and we have only the shapes and decoration as distinguishing- 
features, while in others we must depend on the decoration alone to 
indicate relationship with the typ(> forms. 

Materials and Color 

Usually the paste is hard and heavy, consisting of clay tempered 
■with a large percentage of quartz sand or pulverized quartz-bearing 
rock. Occasional specimens from the Eastern Shore are tempered 
with shell. In color this pottery is of the normal gray and brownish 
hues of the ])aked clay. 

Form and Size 

The vessels of this group are w<dl built, and have even, moderately 
thick walls and fair symmetry of outline. The shapes are not greatly 
varied as compared with other southern and with the western groups. 
There are bowls, shallow and deep, mostly of large size, having 1)oth 
incurved and recurved rims. There are pots or caldrons ranging from 
medium to very large size, the largest having a capacity of 15 or 20 
gallons. The form varies from that of a deep bowl to that of a much 
lengthened subcylindric vessel. The base is usually somewhat conic, 
and in the bowls is often slightly truncated, so that the vessels stand 
upright on a flat sui^face. 


As a rule the larger pieces show indications of use over fire, and it 
is not improbable that this stamped ware was largely the domestic or 
culinary ware of the peoples who made it, and that other forms less 
enduring, and hence not .so frequently preserved, except in frag- 
ments, were employed for other i:)urposes. This view would seem to 
be confirmed in some degree by the occurrence of smaller and more 
delicate vessels distinct in shape and decorative treatment along with 
the stami^ed ware on village sites and in some of the mounds opened 
by the Bureau of American Ethnology. Some of these vessels, how- 
ever, are so very distinct in ever}- wa}' from the stamped pottery, and 
are so manifestly related to groups of ware in which stamped designs, 
conic forms and quartz tempering were unu.sual, that we may regard 
them tentatively as exotic 

The preservation of the culinary utensils elsewhere almost univer- 
sally found in fragments is due to their utilization for mortuary pur- 
poses. In no other province, perhaps, was the custom of burying the 











doiul ill ciirtlicu vessels so common ;is it wjis in the Soiitli Appalachian. 
Generally the hones are charred, and in many eases they helong to 
children. Apparentl}' it was not customary to make vessels exclusively 
for burial purposes, although in some cases the bowl cover was con- 
structed for the purpose. (xenerally the mortuary vessel stood 
upright in the grave, but in some instances a large wide-mouthed \ase 
was tilled with bones and inverted, and in a few cases bowls have been 
found inverted over skulls or ln-aps of lioncs. 

In plate cxii we have illustrations of the manner in which these 
ves.sels were employed in burial. A bowl with incurved rim of a size 
to tit the mouth of the pot was set into it in an inverted position as a 
cover, as is shown by a. This sjjecimen is from a mound near Mill- 
edgeville, Cxeorgia. A vase of different type is shown in A. It w:is 
obtained from a mound in Chatham county by Mr E. 11. Hill, and is 
covered with a small howl exactly titting the cone-shaped top of the 
vase. Colonel C. C. Jones" gives a careful description of the discov- 
ery in a mound on Colonels island. Liberty county. Georgia, of a 
burial vase with a lid of liaked clay shaped to tit neatly. A smaller 
vessel containing the bones of an infant had been placed within the 
larger one. The larger \essel apjjarently differed from those found 
farther inland in having been covered with textile imprints, and in 
having a slight admixture of shell temjaering. In these respects it 
resembled the typical pottery of the Atlantic seaboard, affiliating with 
the Algonquian wares of the Middle Atlantic province. 


As has ])een mentioned, the remarkable style of decoration, more 
than any other feature, characterizes this potterv. Elaborately fig- 
ured stamps were rarely used (dsewhere, except in Central and South 
America. The exact form of the stamping tool or die is, of course, 
not easily determined, as the imprint upon the rounded surface of the 
vases repre.sents usually only the middle portion of the figured surface 
of the implement. It is highly probable, however, that the stamp had 
a handle and thei'efore assumed the shape of a p.^ddle, as do the 
stamps used by the Cherokees at the present time. Occasionally par- 
tial impressions of a .small portion of the square or round margin of 
the stamp are seen. It was the usual practice to apply the stamp at 
random over the entire exterior surface of the vessel, and thus it hap- 
pened that the impressions encroach(>d upon one another, rendering an 
analvsis of the design, where it is complex, extremely difficult. In 
many localities the design was simple, consisting of two .series of shal- 
low lines or grooves crossing the paddle surface at right angles, leav- 
ing interspaces in relief, so that the imprint on the clay gave 

"Jones, Charles C, Antiquities of the Southern Indians, New York, 1873, p. 465. 


tile ic\ -thiit is. low ridges witli .shalluw ic'ctangulur depressions 
in the interspaces. The lines vary from 3 to 10 to the inch, and, when 
covering- the surface of a vessel, give a hatched or clieckered effect 
closely res<'nil)iino- that made by imprinting a coarse fabric or a cord- 
wrapped tool. These figures have occasionally been regarded as 
impressions resulting fi'om modeling the vessel in a ))asket or net. 
but close examination shows that the imprintings are in small, discon- 
nected areas, not coinciding or joining at the edges where the impres- 
sions overlap, and that the arrangement of parts is really not that of 
woven sti'ands. 

Tlic rjiaracter of the work is fully elucidated by the Cherokee 
wooden paddles which are shown in plate cxiii a. h, c. One side of 
the l)road part of the implement is covered with deeply engraved 
lines, carx ('(I no doubt witii steel knives, but the work is not so neat 
and tile gi'ouping is not so artistic as in the ancient work. The effect 
j)ro(hiceil by the use of such an imjjlement is illustrated in i/,a modern 
Cherokee pot, collected in 1889 bj' Mr James Mooney. and referred to 
ali'eady under th(> head Manufacture. 

\Vliere an intricate design was employed the j^artial imjjressious from 
the flat surface of tli; i)addle are so confused along the margins that in 
no case can tli(! complete pattern be made out. By a careful studv of 
a numlier of the more distinct imprints, however, the larger part of 
the designs may be restored. For several years rubbings of such 
im])rintings as came to hand have been taken, and some of the more 
inter<;'sting are presented in plate cxiv. They consist, for the most 
part, of curved Jines in graceful but formal, and possibly, as here used, 
meaningless combinations. By far the most common figure is a kind 
of compound filfot ci'oss. swastika, or Thor's lianmier — that is to say, 
a grouping of lines having a cross with bent arms as a base or center, 
shown in i/ and 7>. The four border spaces are filled in with lines 
parallel witli the curved arms of the central figure. The effect of this 
design, as applied to the surface of a fine large vessel from a mound 
on the Savannah river 10 miles below Augusta, is well shown in plate 
cxA^rt. Another excellent example is seen in plate cxvi. 

An interesting result of mj- recent studies of the pottery of the 
region, referred to in the preceding section, is the observation that 
the designs stamped on the clay are in many cases closely analogous 
to designs used by the ancient insular Caribbean peoples. Many of 
the latter designs are engraved on utensils of wood, and the Appalachian 
stamps on which the designs were cai'ved were likewise of wood, which 
suggests contact or intimate relationship of the peoples in ancient 
times. There can hardly be a doubt that Antillean influence was felt 
in the art of the whole southeastern section of the United States, or 
that, on the other hand, the culture of the mainland impressed itself 
strongly on that of the contiguous islands. A comi)arison of the 













-\\V "-. 

t ~ , 

1 1 , 1 

i J 





X ■ 


f S f T". r T ars S' 




sf?» wg"r ? 




stunipod dosig-ns illu.stnitod in plate cxiv witli others of Floi'ida and 
Guadeloupe island. giv<>n in a recent publication," will make the anal- 
ogies apparent. 

The stamped ware is found plentifully thi'oughoutthe state of Georoia 
and as far west along- the Gulf coast as Mobile bay. Stamp designs 
constitute the prevailing- decoration in the wares of Eai'ly county, 
southwestern Georgia. In eastern Tennessee, at a few points on the 
eastern side of the valley- of the Tennessee river, examples varying 
considerabh^ from the Savannah type have'been observed. The vessels 
are generally intermingled with western forms of pottery. North 
Carolina furnishes .some stamped ware, and in South Carolina stamped 
ware appears to be the prevailing- variety. On the Florida peninsula 
this ware seems to have lost some of its most typical characters, the 
vessels having- different shapes and the stamp designs consisting- mainly 
of simple reticulations. 

Although some of the peculiar designs with which the paddle stamps 
were embellished maj' have come, as has been suggested, from neigh- 
boring Antillean peoples, it is probable that the implement is of conti- 
nental origin. It is eas}' to see how the use of figured modeling tools 
could arise with any people out of the simple, primitive processes of 
vessel modeling. As the walls were built up by means of fliattish strips 
of cla}', added one upon another, the fingers and hand were used to 
weld the parts together and to smooth down the uneven surfaces. In 
time various improvised implements would come into use — shells for 
scraping, smooth stones for rubbing, and paddle-like tools for malle- 
ating. Some of the latter, having- textured surfaces, would leave 
figured imprints on the plastic surface, and these, producing- a pleas- 
ing- effect on the primitive mind, would lead to extension of use, and, 
finally, to the invention of special tools and the adding of elal)orate 
designs. But the use of figured surfaces seems to have had other 
than purely decorative functions, and. indeed, in most cases, the deco- 
rative idea may have been secondary'. It will l)e observed )iy one who 
attempts the manipulation of clay that striking or paddling with a 
smooth surface lias often a tendency to extend flaws and to start new 
ones, thus weakening- the wall of the vessel, but a ribbed or deeply 
figured surface properly applied has the effect of welding- the clav 
together, of kneading- the plastic surface, producing- numberless 
minute dovetailing-s of the clay which connect across weak lines and 
incipient cracks, adding greatly to the sti'eng-th of the vessel. 

That the figured stamp had a dual function, a technic and an esthetic 
one, is fully apjiixrent. When it was applied to the surface it removed 
unevenness and welded the plastic clay into a firm, tenacious mass. 
Scai'ifving- with a rude comb-like tool was employed in some sections 
for the same purpose, and was so used more generally on the inner 

1 Holipes, W. H. , Caribbean iuflucnee on the prehistoric ceramic art of the southern .states, American 
Antliropnlogist, vol. VTI, p. 71. 


surface, when' a paddle or stamp coidd not be employed. That this 
was recognized as one of the functions of the stamp is shown liy the 
fact that in many neatly tinished vessels, where certain portions 
received a smooth tinish. the paddle had first been used over the entire 
vessel, the pattern being afterward worked down with a jjolishing 
stone. However, the beauty of the designs employed and the care 
and taste witli wliicli thej- were applied to the \ases l)ear ample testi- 
mony to the fact that the function of the stamj) as used in this prov- 
ince Avas largely esthetic. It may be safely assumed, in addition, that 
in many eases the figures were significant or symbolic. The use of 
stamps and stamp-like tools in other regions will be mentioned under 
the proper headings. 



The specimens shown in plate cxv may well be taken as types of 
the larger vessels of the Appalachian variety. The large vessel a is 
blackened by use over fire, and it not iinlikely served the humble 
purpose of preparing food messes for the family, somewhat after the 
manner so graphically described and illustrated in Hariot's history of 
the Roanoke colony," and shown in plate ii. It is nearly symmetric, 
is 16 inches in height and the same in diameter, and has a capacity of 
about 15 gallons. The paddle-stamp has been carefully used, giving 
a i^retty uniform all-over pattern; the design is shown three-fourths 
actual size in plate cxiva. The rim is decorated with two encircling- 
lines of annular indentations and four small nodes indent(>d in the 
center, placed at equal intervals about the exterior. 

From the same mound with the above several other similar vessels 
were obtained, two of them being larger than the one illustrated. 
Some fine, large bowls from the same mound have the entire exterior 
surface decorated with the usual compound filfot stamp. One of these 
is presented in the lower figure, plate cxv ^y. 

The handsome vessel illustrated in plate cxvi was uncovered by the 
plow on Ossabaw island, Chatham county, Georgia. The negroes who 
discovered it at once reburied it. The manager of the place, learning 
of this, dug it up again. Within the vase were the bones of a child, 
with a few beads and ornaments. The bones were reinterred ])y the 
negroes, who feared that ])ad luck would follow wanton disturbance 
of the dead. A bowl, parts only of which were saved, was inverted 
over the top of the urn, and had prevented the earth from accumulat- 
ing within. The specimens were acquired by Mr William Harden, of 
Savannah, who presented tliem to the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
This vase corresponds fully in material, shape, and finish witli others 
from various parts of the Appalachian region. The stamped pattern 

" Hnriiit. Thomas, A brief «nd tnlt' report of tlic new loimd Ijiml of Virginia, Frankfort, 1-590, pi. XV. 



f:s>«!!*«*S^**"SS».^-^V:*:.::rr- fE . 




















i.s of the most usuiil tyj)*'. but (liti'crs from others in hiiviiio- nodes at 
tlu' center and in havin<i- the arms of the cross curved, as shown in 
plate v\\\7'. The lieiylit is 15 inches, and the diameter at the rim 
12 indies. Tlie tiowl cover is of the same kind of ware, and is well 
made and symmetric. Tlie surface inside and out is finished with a 
])olishing tooh The color, as in most of this ware, is a dari\ bi'ownish 
gray, somewhat mottled by tiring or ])y use over tire. Four S-shaped 
ornaments, with nodes placed within the curves, are set about th(^ most 
I'xpanded part of the body. Tlie diameter is 12^ inches and tlie dej)tli 
7 or 8 inches. 

The specimen presented in plate cxvii <i was plowed up near Mil- 
ledgeville, Georgia. It was engraved on wood for Dr. Charles Kau, 
and was published in his Collections of the >;ational IMuseiim, but 
the defects of drawing are such as to mislead the student with respect 
to the character of the surface tinish. The stamp design was a very 
sinij)le one, founded on the cross, the four inclosed angles being tilled 
in liy straight lines, as is seen in plate cxivr. One ai*m of th(^ cross 
was more strongly relieved than the other, and this gave rise. \vh(M'e 
the impressions happened to be continuous, to the heavy lines shown 
in exaggerated form in the Kau engra\"ing. That the stamp was rigid 
and Hat on the face is apparent from the nature of the impressions on 
the convex surface of the \ase, and also from numerous deep impi'es- 
sions of the edge of the tool at the sharp curve of the \essel where 
the neck joins the body. The somewhat fragmentary \'ase presented 
in h was obtained from a mound in Georgia. The stamp design, so 
far as it could be deciphered, is given in plate cxiv d. and embodies 
as its main feature the guilloche or the imperfectly connected .scroll. 

The association of the stamped earthenware with ware typical of 
surrounding regions ma}' be accounted for in two ways — first, through 
occupation of a single .site by more than one group of people at the 
same or at different times, and, second, by the possession or manu- 
facture of more than one variety by a single community. Two inter- 
esting illustrations of the intermingling of types maj' be presented. 
Ex])lorations carried on for the Hureau of American Ethnology under 
tiie direction of Dr Thomas in the mounds and graves of Caldwell 
county. North Carolina, yielded many fine examples of pottery, among 
which were vases and bowls of southern type, liowls decorated with 
modeled animal heads and other relieved oi'naments in western style, 
fabric-marked pieces, and rude, undecorated vessels, such as character- 
iz(> the middle Atlantic tidewiiter region. 

A striking example of the intermingling of separate types was 
brought to light by the opening of a small mound 10 miles below 
Augusta, on the Savinnah I'iver, Kichmond county. Georgia, by Mr 
H. L. Reynolds, of the Bureau of American Ethnology. No mound 
lias yielded finer examples of the stamped ware, two pieces of which 


have already been given (plate cxv), and along with them and intimatel_v 
associated in the original interments were tj'pical western forms. One 
piece, a long-necked bottle, with decoi-ation in black paint, would, so 
far as its general appearance goes, be more at home in western Ten- 
nessee, or even be.voud the Missi^isippi. This piece is shown in plate 
cxviiirt. It is neither as well made nor as neatly finished as its 
western prototypes, and the walls are unusually thick. The clay is 
tempered with quartz and mica-bearing sand, a strong indication that 
the vase is actually of Appalachian manufacture. Other bottles of 
western form, but undecorated, were recovered. One remarkable 
piece is shown in h; it resembles closel}^ the famous "triune," 
c, from Cany branch of the Cumberland river, Tennessee, described 
by Cak'l) Atwater." 

Hardlj' less remarkable was the occurrence in this riclily stocked 
mound of two cylindric cup-shaped vases, embellished with ligures of 
rattlesnakes, combining in execution, materials, hnish, and decoration 
most of the best features of the wares of the lower Mississippi and 
the Gulf coast. Unlike the ordinary vessels of the region, ves- 
sels are of the tinest clay, which in the interior of the mass is of a 
light gray color. The surface is blackened and well polished, and the 
designs, engraved with a fine sharp point, penetrate to the light paste, 
giving a striking effect. One of these vases appears in plate cxviik/. 
Encircling its slightly incurved walls are figures of two horned or 
antlered rattlesnakes and a third serpent only partially worked out. 
Occupying one of the interspaces between the sinuous bodies of the 
serpents is a human face resembling a mask, connecting with lines 
apparently intended to suggest a serpent's body. The smaller cup 
contains the drawing of u single serpent extending twice around the 

These rattlesnakes are drawn in highly conventional style, but with 
a directness and ease that could result only from long practice in the 
engraver's art. They are doubtless of symbolic origin, and the vases 
were probably consecrated to use in ceremonials in which the rattle- 
snake was a potent factoi'. The delineation of the sei'pent is not spe- 
cifically different from other examples engraved on stone, clay, and 
shell found in several parts of the South and West. This remarkable 
design is illustrated one-third actual size in plate cxix«. The pai't 
at the extreme right repeats the corresponding part at the left. The 
hiunan head or mask is unique among pottery decorations, but it is 
not distinct in type from the heads stamped in sheet copper found in 
the mounds of Georgia and those engraved on shell in many parts of 
the Appalachian and Middle Mississippi regions. 

That such a diverse array of ceramic products, inadequately repre- 
sented by the illustrations given, should have been assembled in an 

".\t\vater, Caleb, Westeru antiquities. Columbus, 1833. p. 140. 




« ' ritluH I M INCHES) 

A (HEIGHT 5 inches) 







































obscure niouiul on the lower Savannah is indeed remarkable. Excel- 
lent examples of the pottery of tlu' South, the Southwest, and the West 
are thus found within 100 miles of the Atlantic seaboard. Not the 
least interostino- feature of this find was the occurrence of part of 
an old-fashioned English iron drawing knife and some wrought-irou 
nails, associated, according- to the report of Mr Reynolds, with the 
various articles of clav, stone, and copper in the mound, thus apparentlj^ 
showing that the mound was built and that all the \'arieties of ware were 
made or assembled by a single community in post-Columbian times. 

Mr Reynolds was firm in his belief that these vases and the diverse 
articles referred to were associated in the oiiginal interments in the 
mound, yet manj' will feel like questioning this conclusion. If a mis- 
take was made by the explorer with respect to this point, the interest 
in the series is hardly lessened. If he is right, the mound was built 
by a jjost-Columbian communitj' composed of distinct groups of people 
still practicing to some extent their appropriate arts, or by members 
of a single group which, by association, capture, or otherwise, had 
brought together artisans from distinct nations, or had from various 
available sources secured the heterogeneous group of objects of art 
assembled. If he is wrong, we are free to assume that the original 
stock which practiced the ordinary arts of the Appalachian province 
had built the mound and deposited examples of their work : that, at a 
later period, they had acquired and used exotic artifacts in l)ui'ial in the 
same mound, or. that the mound was, after the coming of the whites, 
adopted by a distinct people who there buried their dead, together 
with articles of their own and of European mauufactui'e. In such a 
case it would be reasonable to suppose that the earlier people were of 
Muskhogean or Uchean stock, and that the latter were the Savannahs 
or Shawnees. The report of Mr Reynolds on the opening of this 
remarkalde mound is embodied in the work of Dr Thomas in the 
Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnolog}'. A number of 
clay pipes obtained from this mound are shown in plate oxxrv. They 
are of forms prevalent in the general region. 

The extension of typical Appalachian wares eastward toward the 
coast of North and South Carolina and Georgia is made manifest by 
recent researches of Mr Clarence B. Moore. From a mound in Mcin- 
tosh county, Georgia, Mr Mooi'e obtained the remarkable bowl shown 
in plate cxx, and a second specimen nearly duplicating it. It is quite 
eccentric in shape, as is well shown by conti-asting the end view, a, 
with the side views, h and c. The color is quite dark, and the surface 
well polished. It is embellished with engraved figures in lines, and 
excavated spaces covering nearly the entire surface. The scroll bor- 
der above is somewhat irregularly placed, and encircles, at opposite 
sides, a little node, the only modeled feature of the vase. The design, 
drawn at full length, is shown in plate cxix ''. and is apparently a 


Tiithcr crufU' iitteinpt tu depict a liird-.serpeiit monster, some of the 
elements undoubtedly referring to the eye, wings, and feathers of the 
bird, while certain other features suggest the serpent; as a decoration 
it is very effective. It undoubtedly represents an important mytho- 
logie concept. The design from the companion vessel is siiown alsc) on 
this plate (r). and is a more simplified presentation of the same subject. 

The large jar illustrated in plate cxxi« is unique in the shape of 
the neck, which is depressed, sinking partly Avithin the shoulder. The 
form is graceful and effective, however, and the decoration is the 
typical button-centered filfot, applied with a paddle-stamp. 

It appears also that vessels of the Gulf Coast t.vp<' — at least with 
I'espect to the ornamentation— occur on the Atlantic coast, and one is 
shown in plate cxxi7>. This is a tub-like specimen, 15 or Ki inches in 
diameter, with ))roken incised scroll work encircling the upper half 
of til" body, which expands toward the base in a way seldom noticed 
in ware of its class. 

In the collections recently made by Dr Roland Steiner in northwest- 
ern Georgia, we find anotlier novelty in the shajjc oi some terra-cotta 
figures. Some of these appear to have been derived from the mai'- 
gins of bowls or other vessels, while others are figurines pure and 
simple. The faces in some cases are modeled with exceptional skill. 
but the most notable feature is the flattening of the head, which gives 
to the specimens a striking resemblance to the flat-headed teri'a-cotta 
figures of Mexico. These oV)jects are shown in plates cxxii and <'xxiii. 
The associated vessels are all of South Ap^^alachian type. 


It is dilhcult to say what forms the tobacco pipes of the southern 
Indians had taken in pre-Columbian times, the early writers having 
said little with reference to them. Their great number, the high 
degree of elaboration, and the wide differentiation of form indicate, 
however, a long period of tobacco pipe making. Stone was evi- 
dently the favorite material, and steatite. es2:)ecially, l)eing easily' 
carved, handsome in appearance, and not ati'ected liy fire, took a promi- 
nent place. The historic tribes of the region, and especially of the 
Carolinas. have always been great pipe makers and have for at least 
a hundred _years" practiced the art with much ardor, using the prod- 
uct in trade with neighboring tribes and with the whites. This 
commercial work has led to no end of fanciful elaboration of form, and 
to much that is strained and bad. We are led l)y this circumstance to 
question the age of all the more ornate forms of pipes not found in 
associations that prove them to V)e ancient. 

The prevailing Algouquian chi}' pipe was a simj^le bent tube, and 
the Iroquois elaborated the same general form by various modifica- 

"Lawsoii, .Tnhn, History of Carolina. Raleigh, IStiO, pp. 56, 338. 





























tions and additions. The saiuf radical t'orni is disco vei'tnl in tlic cla}' 
pipes of the Appalacliian country. As has t)een observed elsewhere 
in this i^aper, the groups or varieties of pipes are not so well marked 
as are the groups of vessels. Pipes are subject to free transportation, 
and no matter how distinctive the work of a given people, the pres- 
ence of so many stocks moving back and forth nuist necessarily 
have led to much confusion. 

Nothing more will here be attempted than the presentation of jjlates 
in which are brought together a number of th(^ moi-e usual clay pipe 
forms from the general region. The clay used was probably much 
the same as that employed })y the same peoples in \essel making, but 
was left pure or was tempered with tinely comminuted ingredients. 
The surfaces were usually well polished or were covered with various 
relieved ornaments. The colors were those of the baked clay. Asa 
rule the fundamental shape was the bent trumpet; often, however, it 
was much modified, and was sometimes loaded with animal and con- 
ventional features in relief or in the round, as is shown in plates cxxiv 
and cxxv. Efligy pif)es in clay are not conmion. })ut good examples 
are seen in our museums, and several are presented in plate cxxvi. 

The heavy pipe with stem and bowl of nearly equal weight is a 
western and southern tyj^e found all the way from Florida to Arkan- 
sa.s. Two specimens of this variety were found in a mound on the St 
Johns river, Florida, liy Mr C. B. Moore. 


Pottery disks cut from sherds of ordinary ware are common in the 
South Appalachian region as well as along the Gulf coast, and it may be 

Fig. 60 — Small disks cut from sherds. 

added that they are found to some extent over nearly the entire pot- 
tery-producing region. Some of these objects may have been used in 


playiug games of skill or fhance. but two pairs, found bj' Mr Moore 
in graves, indicate the use of the perforated ones as cores for copper 
ear-disks. A few examples are illustrated in figure 60. 

Origin of the X'akietif.s of Ware 

It is not yet possible to make a satisfactoiy analysis of the pottery 
of the Carolinas. The presence here in pre-Columbian times of 
numerous stocks of people and the i)ractice of the art by some of the 
tribes down even to the present day have led to great complexity of 
phenomena. It happens also that the region has been l)ut little 
studied, and no one has undertaken the interesting task of tracing the 
art of the modern tribes — the Cherokees and Catawbas — back through 
the many changes of the last three hundred years to its pre-Columbian 
phases. The Cherokees and Tuscaroras ai'e of Iroquoian stock. The 
former people practice their art to-day in one locality in western North 
Carolina; the latter, who removed to New York to join the league of 
the Iroquois early in the eighteenth century, dwelt in central and east- 
ern North Carolina, and probaV)ly left war(> of somewhat marked pecu- 
liarities in this region, as well as in Virginia. The lichees, and the 
Yamassees, of Muskhogean stock, dwelt on the Savannah, but probably 
ceased pottery making at an early date, as they were among the first 
to come into familiar contact with the colonists. The Shawnees, a 
tribe of Algonquian stock known in early times as "Savannahs." occu- 
pied part of Carolina and Geoi'gia, and must have left numerous traces 
of their presence. Two tribes of Siouan stock, the Tutelo and Catawba, 
and perhaps others not so well known, inhabited parts of northern 
Georgia and western Carolina, and a small area in south-central Vir- 
ginia, and it is probable that nuich of the confusion observed in the 
ceramics of these sections is due to this occupation. The stock was 
a vigorous one, and must have developed decided characteristics of 
art, at least in its original habitat, which is thought to be west of 
the Alleghenies. Through the presence of the various tribes of these 
five linguistic families, and probably others of prehistoric times, the 
highly complicated art conditions were brought about. Whether the 
work of the various tribes was sufficiently individualized to permit of 
the separation of the remains at the present day is a question yet to be 
decided, but there is no doubt that the task may be at least partially 
accomplished by sj'stematic collection and study. 

The first necessaiy step in this work is a stud}- of the modern and 
historic work of the tribes that have kept up the practice of the art to 
the present day. In the inti-oductory pages, under the head Manu- 
facture, the plastic ai't of the C'atawbas and the Cherokees has been 
described at some length. We naturally seek in the Siouan work in 
the \Vest analogies with the work of the former tribe, as it was of 


Siouan stock. But the Sioiian peoples ha\e not heen pottery makers 
in recent times, and we have no means of making comparisons, save 
on the th(>ory that the MidcUe Mississippi ware is wholly or partly of 
Sioiuui make. Moreover, the modern Catawban pottery has heen so 
modified by post-Columbian conditions that few of the original char- 
acteristics are left, and comparison is fruitless. But an (wami nation of 
numerous ancient sit(»s and a number of mounds in the region occupied 
by the Catawbas in early historic time, and for an indefinite period in 
pre-Columl)ian times, yields forms of vessels distinctly western in 
some of their features, and in cases there appear also pretty' well- 
defined characteristics of the historic Catawba work. A group of 
Catawl)an vessels collected between the years 187<i and 1886 is pre- 
sented in plate cxxxua. A number of pipes of this people of the 
same or a later period are shown in plate cxxviii. 

Specimens found on the older dwelling sites of the people resemble 
the modern pottery in color and finish, but they are of better work- 
manship, and the shapes resemble less closely those of the whites. 
All are flat-bottomed, have the thick walls and peculiar color and polish 
of modern Catawba ware, and are well within the Catawba habitat, 
even if not from sites inhabited by them in historic times. One speci- 
men labeled "Seminole" is identical with Catawba ware. It is prob- 
able that many other examples of old Catawban work exist, but 
only these few have fallen into my hands. Points of correspondence 
between this modern ware and the ware of the mounds in ancient 
Catawban territory. North Carolina, will be pointed out when the 
latter is presented. 

A remnant of the Cherokee tribe now occupies a small reservation in 
Swain county, western North Carolina. These people were in posses- 
sion of an immense tract of the South Appalachian region when first 
encountered by the whites, and there is nothing to indicate that they 
were not long resident in this region. An examination of their mod- 
ern art in clay develops the fact that they are skillful potters, and 
what is of special interest is the fact that their ware has se^'eral 
points of analogy with the ancient stamped pottery of the South Appa- 
lachian province. Their ware retains more of the archaic elements of 
form than does that of the Catawbas, and the stamps they use in deco- 
ration are identical in many respects with those formerly used in the 
entire region extending from southern Florida to Vii'ginia. 

The question may thus be raised as to whether the Cherokees, rather 
than the Uchees or the ^Nluskhogean tribes, are not the people repre- 
sented by the ceramic remains of the Southeast. Such speculations 
are, however, in the present state of our knowledge, quite vain, and 
they may be misleading. All we can surely know is that these jjeople 
retain well-defined features of the ancient art of the region, and that 
much of the ancient stamped ware of northern Georgia, western 


Caroliuii, and eastern Tennessee is probably theirs, for it is found on 
the sites known to have been long occupied by them. 

Specimens of modern Cherokee work are .shown in plate cxxvii/>. 
Pi'ocesses of manufacture have been sufficiently dwelt on in the intro- 
ductory paijes. 

In plate cxxix a number of vases from mounds in Caldwell county. 
North Carolina, are brought together. They display great diversity 
of characters — eastern, southern, and western — and, at the same time, 
bear evidence of recentness, and, in cases, of relationship to modern 
ware. All are tempered with silicious ingredients, and all seem, from 
the manner of their occurrence, to have belonged to a single com- 
munity. Two specimens, the right and left in the lower row. are typic- 
ally western in appearance. In the upper middle vase we see the 
handles and the side ornament in relief characters rare on the eastern 
slope but common in Tennessee; the stamped piece on its right affiliates 
with the southern ware, and the upper left-hand vase is a southern 
shajie having incised designs like those of the Gulf coast. The 
remaining cup shown illustrates the use of fabrics in the construction 
and embellishment of potter}'. The entire surface is deeplj' marked 
with a textile mesh, which at first sight suggests that of the interior 
of a rude basket, but close examination shows that it is the impres- 
sion of a pliable fabric of open mesh woven in the twined style. It 
is seen that there is much lack of continuity in the imprinting, and 
also that the markings must be the result of wrapping the plastic 
vessel in fabrics to sustain it, or of the separate applications of a bit 
of the texture held in the hand or wound about a modeling paddle. 
This ))iece is more at home on the Atlantic coast of North Carolina and 
Virginia than it is in the South or West. From the Jones mound, in 
the same section, we have a series of vessels of still more modern look. 
So far as shape and finish go they are decidedly like the modern 
Catawba ware. 

Over all this Carolina region there are indications of southern as 
well as western and northern influence, and vessels and sherds are 
obtained in many places that affiliate with the art of the South. The 
stamped varieties are intermingled with the other forms in the shell 
heaps of the Atlantic, on river sites back to the mountains, and, in 
places, even across to the heads of western-flowing streams. 

There are also sj^ecimens of the peculiar florid scroll woi'k of the 
Gulf province, and Me may infer that southern tribes made their influ- 
ence felt as far north as Virginia, beyond which, however, a scroll 
design, or even a curved line, is practically unknown, and the southern 
peculiarities of shape are also absent. 

As we pass to the east and north in North Carolina it is found that the 
southern and western styles of ware gradually give wa}' to the archaic 
forms and textile decorations of the great Algonquian area. From a 






































kitclieii iiiirldeu on tlic YadUiii. in ^\'ilkes county, within less than 25 
miles of the Virg-iniii line, we liave a few specimens of veiy rncle 
stamped ware and many pieces of large, coarse vessels that duplicate 
the shell-heap ware of the Chesapeake. This is about the northern 
limit of southern forms, hut northei-n forms extend, with gradually 
decreasing frequency, to the western and southern borders of the 



As was pointed out in the introductory pages, a tiroad and impor- 
tant distinction i.s to be drawn between the ceramic products of the two 
great regions which may be designated, in a general way, as the North 
and the South. The former comprises that part of the great Algou- 
quian-Iroquoian territory of historic times which lies to the north of a 
•somewhat indefinite line extending from below Cape Hatteras. on the 
Atlantic coast, through .southwestern \'irginia, eastern Kentucky, 
middle Ohio, northern Indiana, northern Illinois, and middle Iowa to 
Neliraska. and beyond; the latter comprehends the territory to the 
.south of this line. The ceramic art of the North is archaic and simple, 
that of the South is well advanced and complex. South of the line 
there are compound and variinl forms; north of it all forms are simple. 
The pottery of the South has animal shapes; that of th(^ North has none. 
The South has vessels with high, narrow necks, and stands and legs; the 
North has none. The South has painted surfaces and decorations; the 
North has no color, save the natural hues of the baked clay. The South 
has the fret, scroll, and other current ornaments, as well as symbolic 
and delineative designs; the North lias little else than simjile condiina- 
tions of straight lines. 

There are questions coming up for consideration in this coiuiection, 
aside from those relating to the grouping and description of the 
ware, with which this paper is mainly concerned. We seek, for 
example, the meaning of the somewhat abrupt change of phenomena 
in passing from the South to the North. Is it due to diiJerences in 
race? ^^'ere the southern tribes as a liody more highly endowed than 
the northern, or did the currents of migration, representing distinct 
centers of culture, come from opposite quarters to meet along this 
line? Or does the difference result from the unlike environments of 
the two sections, the (jne fertile and salubrious, encouraging progress 
in art, and the other rigorous and exacting, checking tendencies in 
that dicretion? Or does the weakening art impulse indicate increas- 
ing distance from the great ai"t centers in the far South, in Mexico and 
Yucatan? We are con.strained also to ask. Is it possible to identify 

20 ETH— 03 10 

146 ABORIGINAIj pottery of eastern united states [eth.ann.20 

the people or any of the pcople.s concerned on either hand, to follow 
their movements from place to place, to follow them back through the 
mutations of their history? These questions and others come up for 
consideration. Answers, or partial answers, to .some of them will 
probably be forthcoming as investigation goes on. 

Aside from these general ciucstions, which are always uppermost in 
the mind of the ethnologist, tliere are others which pertain to the 
ceramic art in particular. What do these archaic northern forms teach 
of the beginnings and progress of art, and what can we learn from 
theui of the inceptive stages of ornament? These qvieries have been 
considered to some extent in the introductory pages, and additional 
suggestions are made in presenting the various groups of ware. 

To exactly what extent the Algonquian tribes are responsible for 
the northern tyf)es of potter^-, aside from those definitely assignable 
to the Iroquois, may never be fully determined, but that these t3'pes 
are largeh* Algonquian may be assumed from the historic occupation 
of many sections by pottery-making communities of that family. 
There are complications in the Ohio valley and also, to some extent, 
in the northern Illinois-Indiana region, where the ceramic phenomena 
are complex, apparently representing successive occupations of the 
area by different peoples. It may in time appear that numerous stocks 
of people were concerned, for, though the ceramic remains indicate in 
general a primitive condition — a rather uniform grade of progress for 
the peoples represented — there is marked divergence in the other 
groups of products; art in stone, bone, and metal had reached a com- 
paratively high degree of advancement in some sections. It may be 
remarked, however, that had the whole area now assigned to the 
Algonquian stock been occupied l)y that stock from the first, to the 
exclusion of all others, we could not expect uniformity in art remains 
over so vast an area. Communities of the same blood and culture 
grade, separated for a long period by great distances, and existing 
under distinctive environments, would acquire and develop activities 
and arts only a little less varied than would nonconsanguineous groups 
under like conditions. It is significant, however, that as we glance 
over the whole field we observe in the ceramic remains a marked family 
resemblance, not an equality of grade only, but close analogies in 
many features of treatment, form, finish, and decoration. 

Beginning in the coastal districts of the Carolinas, we pass to Vir- 
ginia, to New Jersey, to Connecticut, to Massachusetts, and to IMaine 
through a series of groups exhibiting differences in detail, but having 
decided general likeness. If we pass from the east aci'oss the great 
highland to the Oliio valley, we find that the differences are more 
mai'ked. There is a general resemblance, with here and thei-e signs 
of stronger touches and more advanced ideas and practices, but as we 
pass Ijeyond to the upper Mississippi and th(> Great lakes, the East is 


seen to !»' repented in a marlved luaniier. and the merest details imist 
be relied upon to separate sherds from the two distant regions, if, by 
accident. tliey ])ecome interinine'led. 

Tiie Iroquoian grou]) will be treated in a separate section, wliile the 
northern and eastern .\.lgonquian territory may be reviewed as care- 
fully as the meager collections and incomplete o])servations at hand 
will permit. 

In the rather imperfect light of present knowledge, we may to best 
advantage consider the ceramic work of this great province under 
heads which express something of geographic culture grouping. First, 
we have the Middle Atlantic province, which, for comparative study 
of details, may be further separated into several subdivisions, the 
principal l)eing the Chesapeake-Potomac region, which presents a well- 
defined unit, geographically, culturally, and ethnically." Second, 
there are the entin^ New -Tersey and New England areas. The lirst of 
these appears to be divided somewhat between the Delaware valley and 
the coastal districts, while in the second collected data are so meager 
that little can be done in the way of systematic technic or comparative 
study. These Atlantic provinces are indicated approximately on the 
accompanying map, plate iv. Third is the Ohio Valley pro\ince, in 
which we shall have two or three subdivisions of fictile remains which 
are not distinct geographic groups, one of them, at least, extending far 
to the west in a succession of areas. Fourth, we have the Upper Mis- 
sissippi and Mis.souri Valley provinces, so far little studied: and fifth, 
the region of the Great lakes, of which we have only fragmentary bits 
of information. 

Pamlico-Albemakle Ware " 

South Appalachian forms of ware prevail throughout Georgia and 
South Cai'olina, save along the coast, where the simple textile-marked 
wares of the North extend far southward, gradualh' diminishing in fre- 
quency of occurrence. Southern forms prevail largely in !North Caro- 
lina, giving way farther north and in the region of the great sounds 
and their tide-water tributaries to other forms apparently showing 
Algonquian handiwork or influence. The change from southern to 
northern types is rather gradual, which may have resulted from con- 
tact of peoples living contemporaneousl}^ in neighboring districts. In 
some cases all varieties are found together, as in the Lenoir mounds in 
Caldwell county. North Carolina, the village sites of the Yadkin, and 
elsewhere. The intermingling does not consist exclusivelj' in the 
assemblage of specimens of separate groups of ware, as if people from 
different sections had successively occupied the sites, but features 
t3'pical of these sections are combined in the same group of vessels, 
or even in the same vessel. 

ninthe illustrations all the pottery of the Middle Atlantic province has been classed as of the 
Chesapeake-Potomac group. 


The iiorthenmiost advance of strictly South ^Vppalachiaii features of 
the art so far observed is in the valley of the Yadkin in North Carolina, 
near the Virginia line; and tlip farthest advance of southwestern fea- 
tures is in the upper valleys of the Shenandoah and James, on the his- 
toric highway of the tribes between the North and South. 

Particidar attention may he called to the contents of village sites on 
the Yadkiu in Wilkes county. North Carolina, just referred to. Here 
we have rather rude ware, mostly large, fire-blackened culinary uten- 
sils, manifestly of comparatixely recent date, .\mong the sherds are 
a few pieces bearing stamped designs of southern type. Vt^e also have 
examples of the large, conic, net-marked vessels so prevalent in the 
Potomac-Chesapeake country. A wide zone of sites extending across 
the middle section of the state on the line of the Yadkin, and probablj^ 
down to the sea in South Carolina, exhibits a remarkable intermingling 
of Morthei-n and southern elements. 

In form tlie Wilkes county midden ware is limited almost exclu- 
si\ely to the wide mouthed caldron, with rather long body and some- 
what conic base. The vessels are rudely treated, misymmetric in 
shape, and thick- walled. The paste is tempered with a large percentage 
of gritty sand or coarsely pulverized steatite, the fragments of the latter 
standing out in high relief on weathered surfaces. The steatite in 
many cases forms one-half or two-thirds of the mass. In plate cxxx 
a series of outlines is given, restored from the many large fragments, 
whicli will convey a fair ideii of the character of the vessels. 

This ware exhibits great diversity of surface treatment. Aside 
from the few stamped pieces (which may be the work of a .separate 
people, altliough akin to the pivvailing type in everything save the 
surface finish), the vessels are nearly all marked with netting of about 
the weight of our finest tish netting (plate cxxx /*). A superficial 
examination gives the impression that the vessels have been modeled 
or handled when plastic in a n(>t, or that a net has been applied to the 
entire surface l)y wrapping, l)ut a study of the markings shows that 
gi'nerally tlie texture lias ))een apjjlied with the aid of a net-covered 
paddle witli whicli the plastic surfac»> was beaten. In plate cx.\.\i« is 
photograiihicallv reproduc(>d a fragment in which five facet-like sur- 
faces, the result of that nuui))er of applications of the net-covered 
implement, are imperfectly shown. Certain heavier knottings are 
repeated in each impression, demonstrating the fact that the fabric 
was fixed to the tool and not applied to the vessel as a mold or wrap- 
ping. Had th(> latter been the case, the mesh impi'ession would have 
been somewhat completely connected and continuous. In numerous 
cases parts of the surfaces have been scarified with a serrate-edged tool 
or comb. o])literating' the net marks, as if in pre|)aration for polishing 
and decorating. In a few cases \'ery rude incised figures have been 
add(Hl, as is seen in the examples given in plates cxxxi.-/ and cxxxiir^ 




' ' . .1 








. ^^•.^:^^ 

■J ,i/ fhlf- !t'^:- 







/ <■/,'/•*-• 


'^y-'^ ■-■->« >A.4 






The lini wa^^ sinoDthod clown with the linocrs. uiul tlic iiitcr'Kir surface 
was linishod with the scarifying tool, roughly api^licd. In a few cases 
rude ornamental efl'ects have been ])r()duc('d hy using the tingcr nail 
as a roulette, giving much the etlVct of tine net impressions. The nail 
was rolled })ack and forth as the finger was moved with rather strong 
pressure around the neck of the vessel. A specimen of this luiicjue 
treatment is shown in plate rxxxir/, and some simpler finger-nail work 
is seen in plate oxxxii a. The use of a notched indenting tool is indi- 
cated in plate cxxxi/'. Narrow fillets of clay were in cases rudely 
laid on and decorated with the nail in herringbone effects. 

The surface treatment of a number of specimens is identical with 
that t)f the net-marked vase from Caldwell count}', shown in the pre- 
ceding section, plate cxxix. It appears exident that in finishing the 
rim of the vase a fillet of netting was wrapped aljout thi^ neck to cause 
the desired constriction and hold the \csscl together while the margin 
was pressed outward and finished. 

The sherds shown in plate cxxxii h and c, the former from Wilson, 
North Carolina, and the latter from Clarksville, Virginia, illustrate 
the use of the cord roulette or cord-wrapped stamp in texturing and 
mallcating the surface of vessels. The effect of rolling the tool back 
and forth is readily seen. The small fragment given in <1 shows the 
use of a wooden stamp witii a neat design in cui'ved lines in South 
Appalachian style. The clay retains the impressions of the grain of the 
wood. In e the surface has been textured with a wooden stamp or 
paddle the face of which was grooved, the effect being very like that 
of stamping with cord-coxcred tools. 

Piedmont Virginia Wake " 

111 northwestern North Carolina ami in southwestern \^irgiiiia a 
.somewhat marked local variety of pottery is developed which partakes 
to some extent of the character of the ware of the far Northwest, and 
probably represents some of the tribes which occupied tht^ A'irgiiiia 
highland aliout the period of English colonization. Indeed, traces of 
this variety occur on the James in its middle course, and appear on the 
Dan, the Yadkin, and possibly m\ the upper Shenandoah. It occui-s 
plentifully on New river, and will no doubt be found to extend down 
the westward-ffowing streams, thus connecting with the little-known 
groups of northeast(>rn Tennessee, eastern Kentucky, and western 
West Virginia. The pottery is always rude, and consists of simple 
pots, nearly always showing the soot-blackened surfaces of culinary 
utensils. Their strongest characteristics ai'c the very general presence 
of rudely modeled looped handles, which connect the outcurved rim 
with the shoulder, bridging a short, slightly constricted neck, and the 

"Sec footnolu till pagt' 1 17. 


frequent occurrence of a thickened collar, .sometimes slightly over- 
hanging, after the Iroquoian style, but marked with cords and cord 
indentings. characteristic of the rim decoration of the Upper Missis- 
si2:)pi and Lake Michigan pottery. More extensive collecting ma}- 
enable us to separate these wares into two or more groups or varieties. 
Pipes of the simple form common in the eastern Algonqviian country 
are found on some of the sites. A number of sherds illustrating this 
pottery are brought together in plate cxxxiii. The people concerned 
may have lielonged to the AlgoiKjuian stock, foi' Algonquian features 
decidedly prevail, but there is a possibility that they were Siouau. 

Several sherds from a village-site burying ground 3^ miles north 
of Luray, Virginia, are presented in plate cxxxiv. The simple l)ut 
extremely neat pots to which these fragments belong were Ijuritxl with 
human bodies in individual graves on the bottom land near a moiuid, 
but this mound itself, though containing the remains of many hundred 
bodies, did not yield any potterj' whatever." About Harpers Ferry 
and Point of Rocks we have the same ware, but at Romney, West 
Virginia. Iroquoian types prevail. 

The pottery of upland Virginia and "West Virginia is distinguished 
from that of the tidewater provinces liy the prevalence of handles, 
few examples of which liaA'c been found in the latter areas, and the 
ware of the genei'al Piedmont zone also diflers from that of the lowland 
in the i^rominence given the neckband — a feature appearing frequently 
west of the fall line, but rather ('xcej)tional east of it. 


The central ethnic group of the Potomac-Chesapeake province in 
historical times was the Powhatan confederacy, seated for the most 
part between Chesapeake bay and the James river. The art of this 
district was probably, in the main, developed within the general region, 
and was practiced in conmion 1iy the confederacy and other tribes of 
the same stock along the Carolina coast and throughout the Virginia- 
Maryland tidewater province. It was probably practiced in more or 
less modified forms by isolated tribes of other stocks coming within 
the Algonquian influence. Possibly the conditions of existence along 
the thousands of miles of tidewater shore line, where the life of the 
inhabitants was largely maritime and the food was principally marine, 
may have had a sti'ong influence on the potter's art, tending to make it 
simple and uniform. The shifting of habitation, due to varying food 
suppl}^, and possiblj^ to the necessitj' of avoiding the periodic malarial 
season, must have restricted the practice of an art which is essentially 
the offspring of sedentary existence ; or the exclusive practice of simiDle 

oFowke, Gerard, Archeologic investigations in James and Potomac valleys, Bulletin of the Bureau 
of Ethnology, 1894, p. 49. 



















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culinary phases of the art may have resulted from the absence of cus- 
toms demanding- vessels for mortuary purposes, ossuary burial at the 
end of a more or less prolonged period ha\'ing prevailed to the (exclusion 
of individual inhumation. At any rate, the elementary character and 
narrow range of the art are its most notable features, and it is remark- 
able that tribes culti\'ating maize and practicing several arts with 
exceptional skill should have been such inferior potters. 

Whole vessels are rarely found in the region, and the archeologist 
must depend for his material on kitchen middens and village sites 
whicli furnish fragmentary remains exclusively. There is little 
trouble, however, in securing enough evidence to reach a correct esti- 
mate of the nature and range of the ceramic products. Only pots 
and kettles and a few simple pipes were produced. The ordinary 
forms are deep bowls and wide-mouthed pots of medium or small size. 
Save in remote sections where western and southern tribes are known 
to have wandered, we do not encounter such features as eccentric or 
compound forms, animal shapes, constricted mouths, high necks, 
handles, legs, or flat bases of anj- kind. Ornament is archaic, and 
curved lines are almost unknown. These statements are in the main 
true of the whole Atlantic Algonquian belt from Albemarle sound to 
the Baj' of Fundy. 

Though simple in form and archaic in decoration, much of the ware 
of the great tidewater province was well made and durable. The 
materials are the clays of the section, tempered with a wide range of 
ingredients, including pulverized shell, quartz, gneiss, and steatite, 
besides all grades of ordinary sand. The vessels were largely, if not 
exclusivelj', culinarj'. 

Decoration is to a larger extent than elsewhere of textile character, 
though the Algonquian everj'wherc emploj-ed this class of embellish- 
ment. As a rule, the entire body of the vase is covered with imprint- 
ings of coarse cloths or nets or cord-wrapped tools, and tlie ornament 
proper, contined to the upper portions of the surface, consists in the 
main of simple geometric arrangements of impressions of hartl-twisted 
cords. Details will be given as the wares of representative localities 
are described. Besides the textile designs, there are similar figures 
in incised lines, indentations, and punctures, or of all combined. In 
plate cxxxv a are assembled a number of the figures employed, and 
with them are placed some tattoo designs (J) copied from the work of 
Hariot," Avhose illustrations represent the natives among whom the 
Roanoke colony was planted. 

Kims are slightly modified for esthetic efi'ect. Occasionally they are 
scalloped, and inconspicuous collars were sometimes added. Various 
indentings of the margin were made with the finger nails, hard cords, 
or modeling tools. 

o Hariot, Thomas, A briefe aud true report of the new found land of Virginia, Frankfort, 1590. 


There is mai-ked unifoniiity in tlio ware of tliousands of sites scat- 
tered ov^er the entire tidewater country, an area nearly 2n,()00 squai'e 
miles in extent. Tlie only distinction worth notinsf is that existlnsr 
between the commoner variety of village-site ware and a coarser form 
found nearly everywhere associated with the ordinary variety, but pre- 
vailing over it in tlie great oyster-shell deposits. This latter ware cor- 
responds to the net-marked pottery found so plentifull}^ on the Yadkin 
in North Carolina, illustrated in preceding plates. In the Chesajieake 
country this pottery is not exclusively net-marked, other textile mate- 
rials having been used. Whether or not this ware belonged to a dis- 
tinct peojile dwelling at times in the region or whether it is a variety 
due to differences in function merely can not yet be iuWy determined, 
although analogies with the prevailing style arc so marked that the 
theory of separate peoples finds little support. 


Before we pass on to the ware of particular localities it may be 
mentioned that while the art i^racticed by the tribes of this province 
when first visited by the linglish colonists was soon practically' aban- 
doned, at least one conmiunity, a remnant of the Panmnkey Indians, 
residing on their reservation on the Pamunkej' river adjoining King 
William county, Virginia, was practicing a degenerate form of it as 
late as 1878. At about that time Dr Dalyrimple, of Baltimore, visited 
these people and made collections of their ware, numerous specimens 
of which are now preserved in the National Museum. A few of the 
vases then gathered are shown in plate cxxxvi. 

Professor O. T. Mason, referring to the work of Dr Dalyrimple, 
remarks that these i^eople are ' ' a miserable half -lireed remnant of the 
once powerful Virginia tribes. The most interesting feature of their 
present condition is the preservation of their ancient modes of making 
pottery. It will be news to some that the shells are calcined before 
mixing with the clay, and that at least one-third of the compound is 
triturated .shell."" 

The modeling of tlicse vessels is rude, though the surfaces are neatly 
polished. They are very slightly baked, and the liglit-gray surface is 
mottled with clouds of lilack. The paste lacks coherency, and several 
of the specimens have crumbled and fallen to pieces on the shelves, 
probably as a result of the slaking of the shell particles. Ornament 
is confined to slight crimping and notching of the rim margins. None 
of the jiieces bear evidence of use, and it seems probable that in recent 
years the art has been practiced solely or largely' to supply the demands 
of curiosity himters. The very marked defects of luanufacture and 
th(^ crudeness of shape suggest the idea that possibly the potters were 

"Mason, Otis T., Anthropological news, in American Naturalist, Boston, 1877, vol. .xi, p.6'^7. 

































reality uii:ic(|ii:iiiit(^cl witli iihoriyinul methods. It will Ix' seen hy refer- 
ence to' the illu.stnitions presented in this iiiid the ])reeedino- section 
that this pottery corresponds somewhat closely in i>eneral appearance 
with that of the Cherokces and Catawbas. 

In lSi»l th(\se Indians were visited hy Mr .lohn (t. Pollanl, fioni 
whom the followino- paragraphs are quoted: 

Mr Terrill Bradby, one of the best informed members of tlie tribe, furnished, in 
substance, the following account of the processes followeil and the materials used in 
the manufacture of this pottery: 

"In former times, the opening of a clay mine was a great feast day with the 
Pamunkey. The whole tribe, men, women, and children, were present, and each 
family took liome a share of the clay. The tirst steps in jireparing the clay are to 
dry it, beat it up, pass it through a sieve, and pound it in a mortar. Fresh-water 
mussels, flesh as well as shell, having been burnt and ground uj), are nuxed with the 
clay prepared as above, and the two are then saturated with water and kneaded 
together. This substance is then shaped with a mussel shell to the form of the arti- 
cle desired, placed in the sun and dried, then scraped with a mussel shell, and rub- 
bed with a stone for the purpose of producing a gloss. The dishes, bowls, jars, etc., 
as the case may be, are then placed in a circle and tempered with a slow fire; then 
placed in the kiln and covered with dry pine bark, and burnt until the smoke comes 
out in a clear volume. This is taken as an in<',icati(m that the ware has been burnt 
sufficiently. It is then taken out and is ready for usa."« 


The heavy, rude, net-marked or coarsely cord-roulette<l pottery so 
conmion in this })rovince has been found most plentifidly at Popes 
creek on the Potomac, for the reason, no doubt, that the removal of 
the shells at this place for fertilizini;- ])urposes has exposed the pottery 
more fully than elsewhere. Ty])ically developed, it is a coarse, heavy 
ware, having a narrow range of form, size, and finish. The paste is 
highly silicious. and is tempered very generally with (juartz sand, 
some grains or l)its of which are very The color is mostly 
somewhat ferruginous, especially on the surface, the interior of the 
mass being grayer and darker. The shapes are simple, and apparently 
without variations for esthetic effect. The vessels are deep ))owls, 
wide-mouthed pots, or caldrons with conic, and are identical in 
nearly every respect with the midden vessels of Wilkes county. North 
Carolina, of which sherds are shown in plates cxxxi and cxxxii. 

The walls rarelj' show constriction at the neck, and descend with 
slight even curves, at angles of from 80 to hO degrees to the base, as 
is indicated in plate cxxxvii. The thickness varies from less than 
one-fourth of an inch to 1 inch, the greatest thickness being at the? 
conic base. The diameter of the largest pieces was 20 inches or more, 
the depth averaging considerably less than this. The surfaces are 

« Pollard, John Garland, The Pamunkey Indians of Virginia. Bulletin o( the Bureau of Etlimilogy, 
Washinglon, l.'»94. p. 18. 


uneven and roughly finished, but have received a large share of a rude 
kind of decorative texturing. The exterior surface has usually received 
the imprint of an open-mesh net, applied by repeated jaaddling (plate 
cxxxviii), and the interior has been scarified with a comb, or a serrate- 
edged tool, the teeth of which, occurring about ten or twelve to the 
inch, were blunt and not very even. The original and principal 
function of this scarifying tool was no doiibt that of modeling, but 
in cases it was di"awn back and forth in such a manner as to produce 
simple, irregular, patterned effects, illustrated in plate cxxxix. These 
combs were probably notclied bits of wood, shell, or bone, not over 
an inch or two in width. The net-marked exterior and scarified 
interior are peculiar to this heavy ware, and give it a high degree of 

Attempts at systematic decoration are rare. In a few cases, when 
the rim was turned i-ather decidedly outward, a band along the inner 
margin received impressions from a bit of net. The outer margin 
was rudely rounded or squared off', and, in cases, marked with a net, 
the finger nail, or an implement. Rude, archaic patterns were some- 
times traced with the finger or a blunt tool over the net-marked 
exterior of the vessel. The net was wrai:)ped about the hand or an 
improvised paddle and applied to the plastic surface by paddling or 
rocking. The object of this application was possibly threefold: 
first, to knit the clay together; second, to roughen the surface to 
facilitate heating, and, third, to give a pleasing finish. It can not be 
determined whether the netting used in finishing the surface of these 
rude vessels was the same as that used in fishing nets, but it may fairly 
be assumed that it was the same. Rather rarely here, but frequently 
elsewhere, this same style of ware was finished b_y applying other 
varieties of fabric, or bj' rolling cord-covered tools over the surface, 
as is indicated in plate cxxxviii 1>. 

By taking claj' impressions from the fictile surfaces, numerous 
restorations of the netting have been made (plate cxxxviii h). The 
cords used were well twisted and varied from the size of a small thread 
to that, even, of coarse wrapping thread or twine. The knotting is 
generally simple, the ineshes ranging from three to seven to the inch. 
Illustrations are given in plate cxxxvii d, tf, _/, g, h. One exami^le, 
ti, appears to have the threads arranged in pairs, but this effect, though 
often recurring, may be the result of duplicate impiinting. In cases 
certain strands present the appearance of having been plaited. 

As we have seen, similar i)ottery occurs on the Yadkin, in North 
Carolina; the materials are the same, the shape, size, degree of rude- 
ness, treatment of the surface, and decoration are the same, even 
the netting and the practice of partially obliterating the net impres- 
sions on the whole or a part of the vessels are the same. This 
pottery is found in more or less typical forms intermingled with the 















ordinary varieties of ware on sites extending- from the Yadlvin to the 


The Popes creek slicll-heap site, referred to above, is the best 
representative of its class in the province. It is located just below the 
upper liuiit of the oyster })anks on the Potomac, which was possibly 
farther upstream in the period which witnessed the accuuudatiou of 
the shells on these sites than it is to-day. It will be interesting and 
instructive to compare the ceramic remains of these deposits with 
those of a neighboring site on Potomac creek just above the oyster- 
producing limits, a stretch of nearly 20 miles of the luke-like Potomac 
intervening. The Potomac creek site, the seat of the famous Algon- 
quian village of Pottowomeck. referred to bj' Smith, is still well 
supplied with fragments of the finer varieties of the war(^ of the 
region. Few coarse, heavy, carelessly made pieces are found, and 
net-marked specimens of the Popes creek type ai-e rare, if not absent. 
It is observed, however, that the coarser wares are fragile, and that 
they disintegrate readily, as w^as observed at Popes creek, where the 
sherds taken from the shell deposits generally crumble on being- 
handled. The two hundred yeai's of cultivation to which the Potomac 
creek site, unprotected T)y compact laj'ers of shell, has ])een subjected, 
must have gone far toward destroying all save the particularly' durable 

The clay used in the Potomac creek ware was usually very fine in 
texture, the sand employed increasing in coarseness with the size of 
the vessel. Weathered surfaces show the particles of white sand in 
relief, while shell is rare or absent. The paste is well baked, an4 of 
the usual warm graj' colors, i-arely approaching terra cotta. 

The modeling was often skilful, and the surfaces of many of the 
smaller vessels were even and well polished. Most of the vessels were 
quite small, many being mere cups, holding from a pint to a quart. 
The walls of these vessels were thin and even, and the outlines approxi- 
mately symmetric. The forms were well -nithin the lines usual in the 
province, Aarying from that of a deep cup or liowl to that of a wide- 
mouthed pot with upright rim and slightly swelling body. The few 
bases preserved are slightly conic, the point being a little flattened, 
so that the vessel would stand aloue on a hard surface. The finish 
is considerably varied within certain narrow limits. The prevailing- 
body finish was given l)y some form of modeling- tool covered or 
wrapped with fine, well-twisted threads, which was rolled back and 
forth, or was applied as a paddle. In some cases the textile markings 
were rubbed down for the application of incised or indented designs, 
and rareh' the entire surface was polished. 


Decoration was conHiicd mostly to a zone about the rim, and con- 
sisted in the main of cord iiii])ressions arranged in lines encircling the 
vessel, or grouped in various ways to form simple patterns. The 
effect was varied, in cases, by series of indentations made ))y impress- 
ing a sharply folded cord of larger size. Rim-sherds are shown al)out 
one-half actual size in plate cxlJ. The work was all, or nearly all, 
done hy the application of cords singh', the cord having been wrapped 
about a wheel or some round surface so to })e readily rolled Ijack 
and forth. The rim-margins are simph" treated, and are round or 
squarish, and either plain or indented with an angular tool or a cord. 
A few small ])ieces hear marks made apparently by very neat stamps 
<if chevroned lines, possibly some animal or vege- 
tal form. There are other markings too obscure 
to be made out. It is e\-ident that in cases a 
finely rib})ed paddle was us(>d. almost duplicating 
the textile effects. 

Numerous fi-agments of the simplest foi-ni of 
tulndar clay pipes have been found on this site. 
The best specimens are in collections made by Mr 
W. II. Phillips, of "Washington, and are ilhisti'ated 
in J)late CXLII. 


(renerally speaking, tiie important village sites 
of the Potomac present a jjretty full range of the 
two types of ware described above as the Popes 
creek and the Potomac creek varieties, although 
th(> latter may be said to pred<iminate and to have 
the more general distribution. It will be unneces- 
sary to examine othei- localities in detail, Init, on 
account of local and national interest in the his- 
tory of the site of the capital city, reference may 
l)e made to ceramic remains from the ancient vil- 
lage sites now occupied ))y the city of Washington. 
When the English first ascended the Potomac they found a small com- 
munity' of the natives occupying the terraces on the south side of the 
Anacostia river or Eastern branch, near its junction with the Potomac. 
Archeologists now find that the occupation was very general in the 
vicinity, and that relics of stone and clay utensils occur on nearly every 
available spot along the slioi'es of })oth rivers, within as well as above 
and below the city limits. 

The ceramic remains of these sites, as turne<l up by the plow and 
exposed by enjsion and city imj)r()vements, are wholly fragmental, 
but restorations are icailih' made, and a few illustrations will ser\'e to 

Fig. 01 — Rude eartheiiwaix 
ligurine. Potomac vaDey 
(Phillips t'Ollt'Ction i. 



f. i- 












foin ey a correct idea of the art as practiced by the prehistoric Wash- 
ingtoiiiiuis. Outlines of several vases are presented in plate cxli, and 
photograi)hic reproductions of fragments are given in c, d, c, plate 
cxL. The fragment c is a part of the vessel outlined in a, plate cxli. 
It was found on a village site which was partly destroj-ed in building 
the south al)utmentof the Pennsylvania avenue bridge across the Ana- 
costia river in 1890. The shape was pleasing and synnuetric. and the 
surface was well smoothed, though not highly polished. The simple 
ornament about the scalloped rim consists of cord imprintings arranged 
in a series of connecting triangular spaces. The inoutli was about 9 
inches in diameter. 

It may be mentioned as a curious fact that as vvt' appruach the head of 
tide water on the Potomac and enter the district furnishing soapstone 
we observe th(> influence of this material on both the paste and the 
form of the earthenware. The sites about West Washington contain 
many sherds tempered with pulverized steatite, and the vessels to 
which they belonged were, in cases, supplied with rude nodes set a 
little beneath the rim, closely resembling the handler characterizing 
the steatite pots of the same section. From this circumstance it is 
clear that the making of pottery and the working of the soapstone 
cpiarries were contemporaneous events, a fact shown also by the 
intermingling of articles of lioth classes in th(> deln-is of many village 

In tigure til a rudely modeled doll-like figure from the Phillips col- 
lection is shown. It is from one of the Potomac river sites, and is the 
only example of its kind so far found in the whole province. 


A description of the sherds of an average Potomac ri\'er site could 
be repeated without essential change for those of an aveiage site on 
the shores of Chesapeake bay. At Kiverton, on the Nanticoke, for 
example, the general features of form, size, color, fragility, finish, 
and decoration are repeated. Minor differences are observed in many 
cases. Incised decoration takes the place, in a measure, of the cord- 
imprinted tigures of Potomac creek. Shell tempering prevails, and 
the wrapped-cord paddling and rouletting takes the place largely of 
cord texturing. Net impressions are comj)aratively rare. The plain 
and indented rim, the conic base, and the combed interior surface 
observed in the Potomac wares are repeated here. 

In advancing to the north we come to realize that gradually a change 
is taking place in the character of the ware, and that the change is 
toward the characteristics of the work of the Iroquoian province. The 
scalloped rim and the peculiar arrangements of incised lines take on 
northern characters. We ha\e tluis. as in other cases, indications of 


the close association in some way or other, peaceable or warlike, of the 
occupants of neighboring- noi'thern and southern provinces. 

Collections from the ujjper Maryland and Delaware districts are 
extremely meager, and it is impossible now to trace in detail the tran- 
sitions that take place lietween the drainage of the Potomac and that 
of the Sus(juehanna and ))et.ween the latter stream and the Delaware. 

Tobacco Piri:s 

Altiiough it was \'irginiu, possibly, that gave to England the form 
of tobacco pipe largely adopted there and most used by the whites gen- 
erally tlirougliout the three centuries that have elapsed since the found- 
ing of Raleigh's colonies, the clay pipes of the Virginia province are 
of the shnplest possible type. They are slightly bent tubes from -1 to 
6 inches in length, having gently expanding howls less than 2 inches 
long, and stems that taper slightly to a neat mouthpiece. Thej' are 
not unlike .some forms of cigarette or cigar holders of the present 
period. The stem, in cases, is flattened so as to be held easilv between 
the teeth or lips, as is indicated in the sections in j)late cxLiirt and 
c. The finish is of all grades between rude smoothing with the fingers 
and an (excellent polish. The paste is usually very fine grained, the 
baking is often excellent, and the colors are the ordinary warm grab's 
of the baked clay. 

Ornament is seen only in rare cases; some .specimens ha\-e a slightl}' 
relieved l)and about the })owl. and in a very few instances indented 
designs are observed. The bowl of the specimen shown in d has been 
decorated with an extremely neat design of the usual style of the 
region, ajjjjlied ajiparently with a delicately notched roulette. The 
inside of the bowl and stem is usually blackened liy use. Tt is a fact 
worthy of note that many of the sites yield fragments of pipes of 
much the same size and general style, whicli are made of j)ure white 
clay and bear indications of having been pressed in molds after the 
fashion of our ordinary clay pijies. This would seem to indicate that 
the whites took to making pipes for trade while yet the shores of the 
Potomac and Chesapeake were occupied l)y the native \illagers. I will 
not enlarge on this subject here further than to present an illusti'a- 
tion of a pipe and tobacco pouch, ^/, copied from a plate in Harlot's 
Virginia. The pipe is identical in shape with the clay pipes of the 
region as here illustrated, and we have the good fortune thus to be 
able to connect the historic tribes of the Roanoke pro\incc witli the 
sites supplying nearly all of our archeologic material. 

Pipes of this class are confined pretty closely within the South 
Algonquian province. The change from the wide rimmed, sharplj' 
bent clay pipe of the South Appalachian ])ro\ince is quite abrupt; but 
on the north the change is somewhat gradual into tlie iiKire elaborate 
and elegant pipes of the Iroquois. 








The Iroquoiax Tribes 

The g-roup of tribes now classed, on tlic basis of language, as Iro- 
i|U()ian. eonstituted one of the most important grand divisions of the 
aborigines of North America. The central culminating event in their 
history- was the formation of the league, which included at first five 
nations and finally six. The seat of this g-reat g-roup of connnunities 
was in New York, but their sti-ong arm was felt at times from Nova 
Scotia on the east to the Mississippi on the west, and from the drain- 
age of Hudson bay on the north almost to the Gulf on the south. There 
were several outstanding tribes of this stock not absorhed bv the 
league — the Conestogas on the lower Susquehaima. the Cherokces in 
the Carolinas and Georgia, the Wyandots along th(^ St Lawrence and 
the Great lakes, and others of less prominence in other sections. All 
sa\'e the Cherokees were surrounded by tri})es of Algoncjuian stock. 
The cultural remains of this strongh' individualized people constitute 
a well marked group of art jjrodiicts. fully identified and correlated 
with the makers. These remains are central in New Y'ork. in which 
state the types are found. ))ut they extend out into the neighboring 
states, where they gradually lose theii- typical character. The tracing 
of the p(>culiarly Iroquoian art and art influ(>nc(> from center to cir- 
cumference of the great province occupied, is a matter of Aery consid- 
erable importance to the historian of the aborigines. l)ut littl(> has 
been done as yet in a systematic way towai'd carrying out the work. 
Morgan. Schoolcraft, Hale, Boyle, Beauchamp, Harrison Wright, 
Perkins. Squier. Thomas. Gushing, and many others have conti-ilnited 
not a little, though most of the work has been fragmentarv. 


Pottery constitutes the most important feature of the Iroquoian 
remains. In general, it falls in with the simple w\are of the northeast- 
ern states, but at the same time it presents numerous striking and 
distincti\e characteristics of shape and decoration. Within the group 
there are many local \ariations in form, ornament, and comjjosition, 
indicating the existence of somewhat marked tril)al pecuLiarities. and 
it may be possible in time to segregate the work of some of the stronger 
tribes, such as the Onondagas and the Mohawks, who dwelt for a long 
time in limited areas. The Cherokees and Tuscaroras had for gener- 
ations or perhaps centuries been completely isolated from their kin, 
and their work was thus highly distinctive. 

The Iroquois did not dwell largely on the Atlantic seaboard, but 
occuf)ied the shores of the lakes, especially Lake Ontario. Their 
favorite resorts, however, were along the rivers and on the banks of 
the hundi-eds of ehai'ming upland lakes in New York state. The 


question of the intiuciKi' of tlie sea aiid of the lake environments 
upon their art, as distinguished from that of the great interior upland, 
has been raised by Mr Frank H. Gushing, who gives his observations 
and deductions witli respect to this obscure Init interesting matter in a 
paper published in Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthro- 
pology at Chicago." At present I do not feel qualified to discuss the 
question, lacliing the necessary knowledge of the peoples and environ- 
ments concerned. It is possible that the Algonquian Indians may be 
responsible for most of the shore work, and the Iroquois responsible 
for the art of the inland and upland districts, which would account 
for }uost of the diti'erences. ^Ve are not able to determine the precise 

effect of environment on an art until 
we have made full allowance for 
peculiarities of peoples and differ- 
ence in period. 

When the French entered the 
great St Lawrence basin the Iro- 
quoian tribes were actively engaged 
in the practice of the plastic art, ))ut 
its total abandonment was quickly 
brought al)Out by the inti'oduction of 
utensils of European manufacture. 
That these peoples had dwelt for a 
long period in this general province, 
and that their arts, as developed at 
-,.„„„, , , • u . the time of Columbus, were largelv 

FiK- 62 — Bark vtssul showing characters some- ^ " . 

times copied in clay by Iroiiuoian pntters. of local CVOlution, SeemS highly 

probalile, and the stamp of local 
environment is especiallj- marked in the potter's art. The accom- 
panying map, plate iv, indicates in a general way the distribution 
of the Iroquoian pottery. 

In the various groups of plastic pi'oducts previously examined, the 
vessel in its numerous foi'ms is the leading feature, and in some cases 
it is almost the exclusive feature of the fictile remains. In the Iroquois 
region it is different. The art of tobacco pipe making shared the 
honors with vase making, and led to an elaboration of plastic forms 
and to a refinement of manipulation seldom surpassed within the area 
considered in this paper. Life forms, rai'ely imitated by the sur- 
rounding Algonquian tribes, were freely employed by the Iroquois. 

The strongest characteristics of the earthen vessels, and those which 
ma}' best be relied on to distinguish them from all other like wares, 
is the pronounced projecting or overhanging collar — a frieze-like 
development of the rim — the outer surface of which was almost always 
ornamented with incised patterns. A squarish mouth, with elevated 

n Chicago, 1894, p. 216. 


points at the coi'iiens iiiul sagging margins between, is also a marlved 
featui-o, and the sliarp constriction about tli(? neclc and the gracefully 
swelling body, conic below, are hardly less pronounced and valuable 
group characters. It is possible that some of these features owe their 
origin to the bark vessels of the same region. This idea is presented 
b^' Cushing ill the Foui'th Aniuial Report of the Bureau of Ethnologj'," 
from which figure 62 is reproduced. In the application of the human 
face or form in relief, we have another group index of the highest 
value. The angles of the frieze are very often emphasized by enlarg- 
ments, projecting ridges, and raised points, and to these the plastic 
life features, mostly human, are added. 

Besides the large percentage of ^-ases presenting these character- 
istics, there are many of rather plain appearance that might not, if 
placed with vessels of Algonquian type, be easily distinguished save 
by the expert. Many are round-bodied and wide-mouthed, with 
inconspicuous lips. Some are howls and others mere cups, the latter 
often quite minute. Leading features of form are brought out to good 
advantage in the numerous illusti'ations accompanying this section. 

Materials and Manufacture 

The materials used were usually mixtures of clay and rather coarse 
tempering ingredients, in typical localities mostly silicious. The Iro- 
quois occasionally used pulverized shell, as did their neighbors, the 
Algonquians, but they seem to have preferred pulverized rock of 
crystalline \arieties. Respecting the securing and selecting of the 
ingredients, and the levigating, mixing, and manipulation of the paste, 
but little can l)e said. Evidences of the nature of the building proc- 
esses are obscure, but there is no reason to suppose that other than 
the usual methods were employed.* The walls were probably built 
up of bits and strips of clay welded together with the fingers and 
worked down and polished with scrapers, paddles, and rub})ing stones. 
The surface of the convex body of the vessel was sometimes finished 
by malleating with a textile-covered paddle or by rouletting with a 
cord-wrapped tool. The rim was added, and was then squared or 
rounded on the margin and polished down in preparation for the use 
of the gi-aver and the tubular or pointed punch. The paste for large 
vessels was often quite coarse, but for the smaller pieces and for most 
pipes pure clay of the finest quality was employed. 

The baking was conducted in shallow pits or on the surface of the 
earth, and in usual ways, no doubt, for the ordinary fire mottling is 
observed. No great degree of heat was applied. 

a P. 520. 

&For a very carefully made e-xperimental studyof this subject, see F. H. Cushing's article, The 
germ of shoreland pottery, in the Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chicago 

20 ETH— 03 11 

162 aboriginal p01 tery of eastern united states reth.ann.20 
Color. Form, and Size 

The colors of this ware are the colors of the baked clay; where it 
has not changed by use or age, graj-s of yellowish and reddish tones, 
rarelj' approaching a terra cotta, prevail. 

In the matter of size these vessels have not the wide range of the 
more southern varieties. There are very few large pieces, and few 
veiy small ones. A height oi' diameter exceeding 12 inches is unusual. 
Small to3'-like cups are occasionally found. 

To the student of the many and \'aried ceramic groups of aboriginal 
America, a most notable feature of this, and of the Algonquian ware as 
well, is the marked simplicity of the forms. As the vessels were based 
on simple models and employed for a limited range of uses, there has 
been little tendency toward elaboration or differentiation of shape. 
The art as practiced here must have ))een still very near its origin — 
young as compared with the potter's art in the South. The only form 
prototypes that appear, and these are strongly suggested bj' the shapes 
of the vases, are the liark vessels and baskets in common use in the 
region. All are forms of use, yet a certain rude grace characterizes 
the outlines. The narrow limitations of form are indicated by the 
absence or rarity of ])ottles, bowls, plates, animal figures, compound 
shapes, flat bottoms, handles, feet, and pedestal-like additions. 

Ornament — Plastic. Incised, and Relieved 

The decoration of Iroquoian earthenware is simple in execution, and 
limited in range of subject matter, indicating a people yet near the 
threshold of their esthetic career. This archaic simplicity is not so 
pronounced, however, in the treatment of plastic details as it is in the 
linear designs. 

The forms of vessels are considerably varied within a Ihnited range, 
and convey the notion, in many cases, that the makers had conceptions 
akin to our own with respect to proportion and grace; yet we are 
unable to say how much these qualities are due to suggestions acting 
within the art, and how much is the result of conscious appreciation of 
the esthetic in contour. Forms of tol^acco pipes are often interest- 
ing and graceful. Nearly all are modifications of the trumpet shape, 
and the representations of living creatures so freely employed are 
generally added without serious detriment to the fundamental shape. 
The plastic additions to vases are also executed in a way to indicate the 
existence of restricting forces, traditional, esthetic, or otherwise, tend- 
ing to hold the potter to simple, consistent models. This is in strong 
contrast with the employment of life features by the jiotters of the mid- 
dle and southern provinces, where variety is endless and consistency is 
often disregarded. The rim-collar or frieze is often divided into two, 
three, or four parts by salients or ridges, and the modeled life-shapes 


are confined strictly to these features, adding emphasis to the form 
without reducing the simplicity or ovci'burdening- the vessel. Plastic 
ornaments comprise ridges, nodes, projecting j^oints, medallion-like 
heads mostly or exclusively of men, and more or less complete figures 
of men. ^Ir Gushing has observed modifications of the ornamental 
ridges at the corners of the frieze which seemed to him to make them 
represent ears of corn. The modeling was done with the fingers, aided 
by modeling tools; the latter were used auiinly in indenting, incising, 
and jiolishiug. The fact that the life-forms employed in vase model- 
ing are confined almost universally to the human subject is worthy of 
note, since in modeling pipes many varieties of animal were employed. 
The idea is thus emphasized that pipe making and vase making, though 
practiced by the same people, must have been carried on under some- 
what different conditions or at periods not fully coincident. It is not 
unlikely that superstition gave rise to the use of these life-forms, and 
restricted them to the places on the vases and pipes to which they are 
so scrupulously confined. The women probably made the vases, but 
the pipes, it is surmised, were' made by the men. 

The archaic, rectilinear decorations of this pottery 'are in strong- 
contrast with the graceful and elaborate designs of the South and 
West. So far but few curved lines have been observed, and the cur- 
rent ornaments, such as the scroll, the fret, and the meander, were 
wholly unknown. So elemental are the motives that they may safely be 
regarded as illustrating the first steps of these people in freehand cera- 
mic decoration, though they were doubtless familiar with textile 
embellishment at a much earlier period. Textile texturing is not 
uncommon, and, in cases, nearly the entire body of the vase is covered 
with impressions of cords or coarse cloth applied )iy paddling or by 
some other method of malleating or imprinting. I am not certain that 
any specimen examined by me has markings made by handling the 
plastic vessel in a net or other inclosing fabric, as has been suggested 
by Mr Cushing's experiments already referred to. 

The formal pseudotextile ornamental designs consist of straight 
incised lines and indentations arranged in simple combinations, form- 
ing encircling zones, generally around the frieze, but in cases around 
the body of the vase. The zones are usually )>ordered by parallel 
lines and marginal rows of indentations or notches, interrupted in the 
frieze by relieved features placed at intervals, dividing the space into 
two, three, or more sections. The margin or lip is rounded, square, 
or sloping, and is embellished with indents, punctures, or short lines, 
and the lower margin of the frieze is variously finished with a band of 
short lines, indented circlets, notches, indents, or relieved bead-like 

The execution is varied. The lines were incised with an acute or 
roiuided point, sometimes forced rudely through the clay, leaving a 


ragged line, and again trailed across the surface, giving a compara- 
tively smooth channel. This, in the finer work, is gone over again and 
again to give it a smooth finish or polish. In cases, the effect seems 
to indicate that a curved edge was rolled back and forth, leaving linear 
indentations, and again that a notched or dentate edge, as of a wheel, 
was rolled along the line, being reset for each line, and not rolled back 
and forth in a zigzag, as the common roulette was. The skill exhibited 
in the use of the various decorating tools in the making of pipes is 
exceptional, and, in cases, remarkable. In rare instances the decoi-at- 
iiig tools took the character of small stamps, the figures being squares 
in relief, made b}' cutting cross grooves on the end of a stick or the 
face of a paddle. 

The use of colors in ceramic decoration had not, so far as we can 
discover, reached the Iroquois country proper, and the very general 
use of intaglio and relieved decoration indicates that the plastic methods 
were exclusively employed. 

In plates cxlix-clii a number of examples of the grouping of incised 
and indented lines and attendant plastic features in the decorated zones 
of the vessel are brought together. The combinations are essentially 
the same throughout the Iroquoian province, and the nature of local 
variations maj' be seen l)y i-eference to the plates. 

• Distribution and Characters of Specimens 

southernmost occurrence 

In passing up the Chesapeake and Potomac vallej's, where Algon- 
quian forms of earthenware are encountered on every village site, the 
archeologist begins to observe the occurrence of strange features in 
the ceramic remains on the Chesapeake about the head of the bay. and 
on the Potomac about the mouth of the Shenandoah. In the vicinity 
of Romney, West Virginia, the burial places have yielded numerous 
specimens of Iroquoian ware, not. however, wholly typical in every 
respect. These are intermingled, apparently, more or less intimately, 
with pieces that resemble in a general way the Algonqiiian vases. The 
scalloped expanding rim. with its frieze of groupings of straight 
incised lines, is present, and leaves no doubt as to the placing of most 
of the specimens. In plate cxliii illustrations are given of finds at 
this place; they are from the collection of Mr Warren K. Moorehead, 
who visited the locality in about the year 1890, a period at which the 
freshets of South fork had exposed the contents of numerous graves. 
The general region is one likely to have been occupied, temporarily, 
at least, by the tribes inhabiting New York and Pennsylvania, and it 
is probable that the Tuscaroras passed this way on their journey north- 
ward to join their brethren of the League. The execution of the 
vases is rude, and the frieze is rather heavy for the weak body, liut 
the lines are not, as a whole, ungraceful. Identical wares ai-e obtained 












from Cavetowii jind other localitie.s in northern ^SlarvlaiKl. The pipes, 
though resembling- the .south Algonquian forms, are like those of north- 
ern Maryland and southern Pennsylvania, and are distinctly Iroquoian. 


The occupation of the lower Susquehanna 1)y tribes of Iroquoian 
stock might be readily proved by the cei-amic remains of that region, 
if history were entirely silent on the subject. The peoples to whom 
this earthenware lielonged were possibly the Susquehannocks of John 
Smith, l)ut verj- prol)aljly were the Conestegas of later times, a people 
not connected with the League, and at war with some of the League 
tribes. The last remnant of these people were the unfortunate vil- 
lagers of Conestoga, who wei'e massacred there and at Lancaster by 
the Paxton boys only a hundred and fifty years ago (175.5). 

From a village site near Bainbridge, on the Susquehanna, Mr Gal- 
braith obtained a number of broken vases and sherds which came into 
the possession of the National Museum. These are of familiar types 
of form and decoration, as will be seen lij' reference to plate cxliv. 
Pulverized mussel shells were used in temijering the clav, and in 
cases the percentage of this ingredient is very large. We have here, 
as elsewhere, the small body, the scalloped rim, the heavy overhanging 
collar, and the archaic arrangements of incised lines. There are also 
the rather rudely modeled faces, two or four in number, projecting from 
the angles of the frieze {d. I, and c)\ and a somewhat unique feature 
is the enlargement of the notched lower margin of the frieze into 
pendant points, marked with incised lines, as is seen in d and c. The 
diameter of this vase is about 10 inches. The surfaces are imper- 
fectly smoothed, as if rubbed down with the tinger tips rather than 
with a polishing tool; and there are traces of textile imprints on the 
body and neck, as if a cord or fabric-covered tool had been used in 
malleatiug the surface. The incised lines are rather carelessly drawn, 
and the modeled faces are extremely elementarJ^ 

The extension of this ware into eastern Pennsylvania and New Jer- 
sey has not been recorded, although Warren county, in northwestern 
New Jersey, has furnished examples of vases, preserved in the collec- 
tions of the Acadeni}- of Sciences, Philadelphia, which have the over- 
hanging upright collar, not, however, typically developed and not 
decorated in the Iroquoian style. The tempering is silicious, the 
treatment rude, the walls thick, and the bodies long and conic below. 
The bodies are finished with textile-like impre.ssions, and they have 
Algonquian rather than Iroquoian characters. 


The Wyoming Historical and Geological Society of Wilkesbarre, 
Pennsylvania, located in the midst of the Iroquoian territory, has been 


excoptioiuilly fortunate in si'furing several speeiniens of these vases 
in an excellent state of preservation, and descriptions and illustrations 
have been published in the pi'oceedinos of the Society by Dr Harri- 
son Wright. 1 have had seven examples reenorav<>d from the Pro- 
ceedino-s of the society, where thej^ were published by Dr ^Vri^)•ht. 
along with valuable descriptive matter. 

The tine and unusually large specimen shown in plate c\l\ n was 
found among the rocks at the Falls of the Wallenpaupack, Hawley, 
Wayne county, Pennsyhania, about forty miles northeast of Wilkes- 
barre, by Alouzo H. Blish, in 18i7. The specimen shown in h was 
found by Weston Goss, Julj^ 12, 1879, under a rock, about one and a 
quarter miles from the Allen settlement. Lake township. Luzerne 
county, Pennsylvania. This is aliout fifteen miles west of Wilkes- 
barre. The striking little vase shown in c was taken from an Lidian 
grave on the site of an extensive biirying ground in Pljauouth town- 
ship, Luzerne county, Pennsylvania, about one mile west of Wilkes- 
barre, and presented to the Wyoming Historical and Geological Soci- 
ety' by Mr John Kern. The symmetric pot illustrated in d was found 
by Asa L. Dana, in the year 1S36, in a cave in Eaton township, oppo- 
.site Tunkhannock, Wyoming county, Pennsylvania, about thirty miles 
north of Wilkesbarre. 

The neat little vessel shown in plate cxlvi ti is described as Tioga 
vase 1 b_v Mr Wright, and was obtained from a grave near Athens, 
Bradford count}', Pennsylvania. It had been placed near the head of a 
body buried there, and had associated with it a " lapstone," and a rude 
arrow point of local type. The mouth of the vessel is elliptical, 4 by 
3i inches in dimensions, the rim is carried up in rounded projections 
at opposite ends, and is embellished without by a simply modeled 
human face, signalized liy a headdress or notched fillet, flowing grace- 
fully to the right and left. 

From another grave at the same place, and similarly placed with 
respect to the skeleton, we have the exceptionally interesting piece 
presented in I>. It is notable for the abrupt battlement-like elevations 
placed at opposite sides of the rim. and also for the double zone of dec- 
oration. Several other vessels in a more or less fragmentary state, 
and less typical in shape, were recovered from graves at this point. 
It is interesting to note that these graves are on a tract of land pur- 
chased by the Susquehanna company from the Iroquois in 1751." 

The vases shown in c and d are from the general region undei- con- 
sideration, but the exact locality is not recorded. 

In plate cxlvii a is given a handsome vessel with very unusual deco- 
ration. It is from the vicinity of Wilkesbarre and was found by Mr 
Jacob Cist in the early part of the nineteenth century. The decora- 
ti^'e patterns resemble textile patterns, and have been worked out with 

" Wright, Harrison, Report of tlio .special arctiseoloerical committee on the Athens locality in 
Proc. and Coll. of the, Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, Wilkesbarre, 1886, p. 59. 














J # / 3* -rTW0TmiH 

,1 '%JL t ^ 



Bureau oP American ethnology 







gri'ut care with a pointed or notched tool, the form of which can not 
be determined. 

The s;tate of New York has furni,shetl many examples of ware of the 
general type illustrated al)o\-e, hut, as a rule, it is in a fragmentarj' 
state. It is hardly necessary to present additional examples, save in 
two cases. The remarkable vessel shown in plate CXLVII h was obtained 
by Dr D. S. Kellogg in I'lattsburg, New York. It is 11 inches in 
height, and is apparently very well made. The shape, which is espe- 
cially notable, and the peculiar oi'namentation take it out of the ordinary 
Iroquoian group and place it with the wares of the upper Mississippi 
valle}'. It has a long, conic body, slightlj' constricted neck, and simple 
expanding rim. The entire surface is decorated with roulette mark- 
ings. A minutely notched wheel was used on the neck, and apparently 
a distinct and more coarsely notched wheel or tool was used on the 
bodv. This vessel is decidediv an exotic in the region. 

Fig. 63— Fragments of decorated vase-rims from the Mohawk valley. 

Two fragments of the very neat and quite tvpical ware of the 
Mohawk district are represented in figure 63. They belong to a small 
series of like sherds presented to the National Museum by Mr S. L. 
Frey. Reverend William M. Boauchamp, of Baldwinsville, New York, 
has made careful examinations of the earthenware of the state and has 
acquired an extensive series of drawings, some of which have been 
placed at my disposal. It is expected that Mr. Beauchamp will in the 
near future pubhsh detailed studies on this and other branches of Iro- 
quoian art. 


Historically and traditionally we learn that the Iroquoian tribes 
occupied or overran the greater part of the New England province. 
They are known to have visited the Atlantic coast at many points 
between New Jersey and Maine, and, according to Leclercq, the Gas- 
peian Indians of St I-awrence gulf were three times defeated or 
" destroyed " by this bold and enterprising people. The Abnakis of 


Maine, in a treaty with the whites, claimed the land as far westward 
as the Connecticut river, which they spoke of as the ancient boundary 
between their people and the Iroquois." It is therefore to be expected 
that now and then remains or relics of the latter people will be found 
scattered over the New England states. 

A number of earthen vessels approaching tlie Iroquoian type were 
recovered by Professor Putnam from a grave in Winthrop, Massa- 
chusetts (plate CLx). They were accompanied by articles of Eurojiean 
manufacture, leaving no doubt that pottery- was in use after the coming 
of the whites. During early colonial times this region was occupied by 
Algonquian tribes, and, thougli the Iroquois are known to have visited 
the vicinity' of Boston bay, tlie question may be raised as to whether 
this variety' of ware was not, in this section, common to the two stocks 
of people. Its presence here is perhaps more reasonably accounted for 
b}' supposing that the Algonquians were subject to Iroquois influence, 
possibly obtaining the art of working clay from them. The larger 
piece ((•) has the pronounced overhanging collar, embellished with a 
frieze of incised lines grouped in usual ways, the shoidder being encir- 
cled by a line of indentations. The small cup (/>) is tj'pically Algon- 
quian, while the fragment [a) presents Iroquoian characters repeated 
in vases from Ipswich, part of which were obtained by Professor Baird 
from shell banks. Good sjjecimens of the same variety of ware are pre- 
served in the museums at Salem, and an interesting specimen, belong- 
ing to the same subgroup, was found by Professor Wyman in a grave 
at Hingham, Massachusetts. A rudel}' incised twined meander is the 
most remarkable feature of this vessel; it is the onl} example of its 
class, so far as my observation extends, found in New England. The 
treatment of the rim and the lower margin of the frieze, as well as 
the pointed base, is Iroquoian rather than Algonquian. In an inter- 
esting review of the antiquities of Connecticut, Mr James Shepherd 
illustrates a fragmentary vase from that state.* The restoration is 
possibly somewhat inaccurate as to outline, for, judging by the many 
other specimens of its class, the body should be much longer and 
the base somewhat more conic. The form as restored is not so much 
Iroquoian as Algonquian save in its rolled rim, but the zone of incised 
ornament is apparently Iroquoian. 

The discovery of typical Iroquoian ware in the region of Lakes 
George and Cbamplain is to be expected, for the dominion of the east- 
ern tribes of that stock certainly extended over much of this country 
at one time or other. The collections and writings of Professor 
George H. Perkins, of Burlington, bear ample testimony to this.' 

aVaudreuil, Marquis de, letter of April 21, 1725, in Doc. Col. Hist, of New York, Albany. 1.S55, vol. 
LX, p. 943. 

ft Shepherd, James, New England Magazine, December, 1893. 

c Perkins, George H., The calumet in the Cbamplain valley, in Pop. Sci. Monthly, New York, 1893, 
Tol. XLiv, p. 238; some relics of the Indians of Vermont, in .\raer. Nat.. Salem, 1871, vol. v, p II; on 
iome fragments of pottery from Vermont, in Proo. Am. Ass. Adv. Soi., 1.S77. p. 32.'). 




A typical example of thi^; ware from Vermont was illustrated and 
described by Mr Perkins in the American Naturalist, vol. ^ , p. 14, 
and again very fully described in the Proceedings of the American 
Association for 1876. The specimen was found at considerable depth 
l)elow the surface of the ground, in the town of Colchester, Vermont, 
in 1825. It is remarkable for strongly emphasized contours, sym- 
metry, careful finish, and elaborate ornamentation, and is in every 
way typical of the group. An excellent cut of itappear(>d in Harper's 

Fig. (i-1— Vasf from a grave (?) in Colchester. Vermont. 

Magazine, vol. lxv, p. 254. The illustration here presented, figure 
64, is from a photograph of a cast of this vase, now preserved in the 
National Museum. The rim has been pai'tially restored. 


In historic times, and for an luiknowii period of pre-Columbian 
time, the Iroquoian tribes occupied a wide belt north of the St Law- 
rence river. Lakes Erie and Ontario, and their dominion extended at 
times over the Lake Huron region, and into the country about Lakes 
Superior and Michigan. As a matter of course the region is strewn 
with the fragments of their earthenware, which bears throughout the 


peculiar characteristics of Iroquoian art. There are many variations, 
however, of shape and decoration, as a number of tribes, tlie Hurons, 
Eries, etc.. and. later, the Wyandots, occupied the region. 

Ontario is especially rich in f ragmental ceramic remains, and through 
the praiseworthy efforts of the Canadian Institute and other learned 
bodies of the Dominion, and especially of Mr David Boyle, of 
Toronto, many specimens have been collected and preserved, and 
numerous illustrations and desci'iptions have l)een published. I shall 
be able only to glance at these products, leaving all tlie details to 
those who ha\'e the opportunity for working pei'sonally in the various 

The earliest publication of illustrations of Iroquoian jjottery was 
made by Mr W. E. Guest, in the Smithsonian Report for 1856, 
p. 274. Many fragments were found in or near an ancient earthen 
inclosure at Spencerville, a few miles north of Prescott, Ontario, and 
the cuts published by Mr Guest are I'estorations, a little defective in 
outline, perhaps, as the base is more nearly flat than is usual with this 
ware. In e^'ery other respect their features duplicate those of the 
typical wares of the Iroquois. Mr Guest also gives illustrations of 
three small disks made from potsherds, one apparently being per- 
forated, as if for use as a spindle whorl or an ornament. The others 
are nearly identical with similar objects found plentifully in the 
southern states, and supposed to have served for playing some game 
of chance. 

Village and camp sites in the Balsam lake region, Victoria county, 
have yielded to the intelligent efforts of the Laidlaw brothers, resi- 
dents of the locality, numerous interesting sherds, of which a large 
series has been illustrated and described l)y David Boyle in the Fourth 
Annual Report of the Canadian Institute. In plate cxlviii is presented 
a series of vases selected from his work. So tyjaical are all of these 
in form and decoration that description is unnecessary. There is not 
a new element, beyond the simple variations to be expected in the art 
of a single people as practiced at different times or under changing 

The island of Montreal, the site of the ancient Hochelaga, an Iro- 
([uoian resort of great importance, furnishes much t\'pical ware of this 
class. Illustrations are given by Dr J. W. Dawson, in the Canadian 
Naturalist, volume \, page 435, and in his Fossil Men, page 'Jl. In 
the latter work is shown also a well-preserved pot obtained from the 
upper Ottawa. It is not so typical as some others, but has the upright 
projecting collar somewhat developed, and is finished with vertical and 
horizontal incised lines. The line of indentations about the upper part 
of the body is rather exceptional in the central and southern Iroquoian 
regions, but is repeated in a similar piece from Bruce county, Ontario, 
and in many of the New England specimens. It is possible, since the 




/^///,// ////A 







Alg'ouquian trilx's encroached at times on the northern margin of 
Ontario, that vessels may have ])eeii modified in certain details 
bj' the art of that people. 

Mr Boyle, in the Annual Report of the Canadian Institute for i8S9, 
records the discovery of much fragmentary ware along- and near the 
north shore of Lake Erie. It is stated that numerous unusual features 
of minor importance occur, but, from the descriptions and illustrations 
given, there is no reason for supposing it other than Iroquoian work. 
A number of exceptionally large pieces were observed, a diameter 
and height of 17 inches being noted. 

In the same publication Mr Boyle presents a vessel of unusual shape, 
restored from numerous fragments found by Mr John McPherson on 
Mindemoj-a island, northern Lake Huron. This piece is shown in plate 
cxLviiif. Attention may be called to the fact that it differs essentially 
from Iroquoian tyjjes, and resembles somewhat the Algonquian pottery 
of the Lake Michigan and Upper Mississippi regions. Since Algon- 
quian tribes occupied this region more fulh% perhaps, than the Iro- 
quoian, the pi'obabilities are that this vessel is of Algonquian make. 

It is a remarkable fact that in the National Museum there are a 
number of fragments of t3'pical Iroquoian ware entered as ha\-ing 
been found in southern Alabama. Fearing that there may have been 
a mistake on the part of the curator or his assistants in placing this 
accession on the books. I will not venture to do more than mention 
the circumstance. Such an occurrence, if sustained, would be of nuich 
interest to students of stock distribution. 

Decorative Designs 

In plates cxlix. cl, cli, and clii, a series of figures is presented to 
illustrate the nature and range of the incised and modeled decorations 
of this pottery. The example shown in plate cxlix a is from a Rom- 
ney, West Virginia, vase; 5, c, </, and e are from fragmentary vessels 
prociared from a village site on the Susquehanna, near Bainbridge, 
Pennsylvania, while /'and g are from Mohawk valle}' sherds. 

The designs shown in plates ci> and cli are mostly from vases in the 
Wyoming Historical and Geological Society collections, and belong in 
the Wilkesbarre region. The second figure, l>, of plate cL, represents 
part of a zone of ornament encircling a Cherokee split-cane basket, 
and is intended for comparison with tlie incised design illustrated in a. 
There can be little doubt that the latter motive was derived almost 
directly from some similar textile ornament, the art of basketry having 
been universally practiced by the ancient tribes of the East. 

The remaining figures of plates cl, cli, and clii serve to indicate 
the general uniformity and simplicity of the linear designs of the 
whole province. The employment of double zones of figures is illus- 
trated in the lower figui-es of plates cli and cm. The design in the 


latter plate is from the Vermont vase shown in figure 64. The curved 
lines seen in these figures are not so by design of the decorator, but 
merely take the curves of the vessel margins with which they were 

The manner of introducing life forms is also clearly shown in four 

instances. The entire human 
figure, modeled in rather bold 
relief, is seen in plate cliii?. 
The face, with horizontal mark- 
ings indicating the place of the 
liody. appears in 1>^ and a highlv 
conventionalized treatment of the 
face is given in a. These con- 
ventionalized forms are present 
in great \-ariety. One of the most 
realistic examples of figure pre- 
sentation is shown in figure ^6. 
Other figures and a numlicr of 
rudely modeled faces are brought 
together in plate CLiii. These 
ornaments are in all cases at- 
tached to the angles of the frieze 
of square-rimmed vessels, or are 
placed beneath the elevated points 
of the round, scallop- rimmed 
variety. It is probable that these features are recent additions to the 
decoration, which consisted, originally, of archaic arrangements of 
lines and dots. 

Tobacco Pipes 

Fig. 65 — Fragmeul of va^f -run w ith rudely modeled 
human figure, New York. 


The American natives were a race of smokers, and the use of tobacco 
in political and religious ceremonials elevated the pipe to a place of 
unusual importance among the various products of the shaping arts. 
Much time, labor, and ingenuity were expended on the manufacture 
of pipes of stone, and nearh^ every section of North America has fur- 
nished to collectors excellent examples of this class of work. 

Pipes were also made of wood, bone, horn, and other substances. It 
is highly probable that the antitype of the pipe was a vegetal form, 
such as a section of cane or othei- hollow stem, but, since smoking was 
practiced in widely separated localities, the earlier forms must have 
been divers. Clay was very generally employed in this art, and in 
some sections was in great favor. It is a notable circumstance that 
the Iroquois took a high rank as pipe makers, excelling all other 
peoples in the number and quality of these productions. With this 



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people the manufacture of clay pipes was, no doubt, practiced pari 
passu with that of vase making-, but it seems in many ways to ha\-e 
been a distinct and independent art. Pipes were not made of the same 
varieties of cla}-, or >)y the same hands, as were the vases. In all 
proliabilit}' claj^ pipes were the work of men, as were the pipes of 
stone, while vessel making- was the work of women. That pijje mak- 
ing- was contemporaneous with vase making is shown bj' the repetition 
in ijipe bowls of the form and deco'-ation of vases, T)ut it is apparent 
that the former art continued long- after the cessation of the potter's 
art proper, extending- down nearly or quite to Revolutionary times 
in the North, and down to the pi'esent day in the South among- the 
Cherokees. In support of the theory of the later use of pipes of 
native make may be cited the fact that pipes are especially plentiful 
on the more recent town sites of the New York Indians. Metal pots 
were supplied plentifully by the earliest traders and colonists, but "Jis 
smoking- and pipe making- were indigenous to America, it was prob- 
ably many j-ears before the intruders engaged actively in jjipe manu- 
facture. It is well known, however, that tobacco pipes of European 
make formed an important article of trade in colonial times, and we 
can not assume in all cases to distinguish the foreign from the native 


Earthen vessels were made and used by women, and were little sub- 
ject to transportation beyond the permanent settlements, but pipes 
belonged to the men, and were carried habitually" about the person, 
thus reaching- the farthest limits of the expeditions and forays of the 
people. They were also readily made on short notice at any point 
where clay could be secured. Since they were used in councils with 
neighboring- peoples they were thus subject to still wider distribution 
by friendly or ceremonial exchange. It is observed, however, that 
the pipes of outlying- communities are not wholly tj'pical. The pipes 
of Komney. West Virginia, and Bainbridge. on the Lower Susque- 
hanna, resemble somewhat the South Algonquian pipes, and those of 
the Lake Huron region vary equally from the t^'pes. This is the 
result, no doubt, of contact with neighboring peoples and the influence 
of their art forms. 


In the manufacture of pipes by the Iroquois, fine clay, pure or 
mixed with verj' finely comminuted tempering- ingredients, was used. 
Pulverized .shell was used at times on the outskirts of the province. 

So far as has been observed, the pipes have not been colored arti- 
ficiallv. The varied hues of light and dark yellowish, reddish, and 


brownish grays, the latter sometimes approaching lilack, are the result 
of baking, use, accident, or conditions of burial. 

The simplest pipe form is a straight tube, with large enough open- 
ing at one end to receive the necessary bits of tobacco, and a passage 
small enough to permit the drawing of smoke without admitting parti- 
cles of the ashes or leaf. The original forms must have varied with 
the diverse models at hand, and, if we take the whole country into 
account, there is considerable diversity in form, size, and material. 
Pipes of stone are much more varied in shape than are pipes of clay. 
The clay pipe of the East and North is ba.sed on the plain tube, the 
prevailing modification being the development of the bowl and the 
addition of a trumpet-like mouth. The tube is not straight, but is 
bent at the base of the bowl at angles varying from a few degrees to 
a right angle or even more. 

The bowl was subject to varied and often extraordinary modifica- 
tion of form. The stem, as a rule, remained a plain tube straight 
or slightly incurved, often of uniform thickness save at the tip, or 
swelling gradually toward the elbow or curve. Very often the bowl 
did not begin to expand decidedly at the bend but beyond it, some- 
times at the very rim, while in cases the expansion was gradual, the 
mouth being encircled by an inconspicuous band. In cases the lip 
was somewhat constricted. Description must fail to convey a clear 
and full notion of the varied modifications of this trumpet-shaped 
pipe, and four plates are introduced to .serve this purpose. The bowl 
was the subject of much fanciful modification by the application of 
life forms, quadrupeds, bii'ds, and men being freeh' employed. Occa- 
sionally the full figure of a man was represented, the feet forming 
the mouthpiece and the bowl opening in the top of the head. In 
cases animal forms were similarly treated, and serpents were made to 
coil about the full length of the tube. Generally, however, the 
upper part of the figure, the head alone, or certain features only 
were embodied in the bowl. Sometimes two creatures, or parts of 
two creatures, were affixed to one pipe, and a few specimens have 
been collected in which a number of heads or faces have been com- 
bined or knotted together in a grotesque cluster covering the whole 
exterior of the pipe. In very many cases a wolf-like head is modeled 
so that the mouth forms the bowl, the muzzle of the creature pointing 
upward. Generally when the head is placed on one side of the rim it 
faces the smoker, but pipes have been observed in which it looks to 
one side, or from the smoker. In one case a small face is modeled on 
the inner surface of the divided lip of the bowl. I have been able to 
recognize with reasonable certainty, besides faces of men, the features 
of the bear, wolf or dog, owl, eagle or hawk, crow or raven, and 
snake. Grotesque figures, comliining features of men and animals, 
are rare, hut fancy was likely to take almost any direction with these 
versatih^ potters. 









Bureau of American ethnology 

Twentieth annual report pl. clv 

iroquoian group 










In order that a fuller notion ma}' be convej'ed of the artistic ability 
of the pipe makers, and their plastie treatment of men and other crea- 
tures, a number of pieces are assembled in plates cliv, clv, clvi. and 




General Characters 

The pottery of the coastal districts throughout the middle and north- 
ern Atlantic states is unifonuly archaic in its shapes and elementary 
in its decoration. Entire specimens are rarely found, as the custom 
of burying vases with the dead was not so generally practiced here as 
elsewhere, and the fragile culinary utensils found on the middiMi sites 
are always fragmentary. Sherds have been collected all along the coast 
and on the bays and tidewater rivers from the Chesapeake to Nova 
Scotia. They abound on countless ancient sites, and are especially 
plentiful in the shell deposits which line the shores. These wares are 
to a large extent Algonquian in type, although there is more or less 
l)lending with the Iroquoian wares of the interior districts along the 
fall line" and beyond in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and some- 
what nearer the ocean in New York and the New England states. The 
materials are, as in the Chesapeake country, clays of no great purity, 
intermingled with much coarse silicious tempering and. rather excep- 
tionally, with pulverized shells and other substances. The jiaste is 
hard and is moderately tenacious where well preserved. l)ut it crum- 
l)les rapidly when decay once sets in. The fracture is rough and 
uneven, and the colors are the usual brownish and reddish graj's. 

Manufacture was confined almost exclusively to vases and pipes; the 
former are simple utensils, and the latter are the small, bent trumpet 
tubes common to the Algonquian areas. In shape the vessels are 
extremely limited in range, extending tt) no other forms than those 
included between a deep cup or bowl and a wide-mouthed pot. 
Vessels of the latter variety were rarely more than 10 or 13 inches in 
diameter or in depth. The rims were usually carelessly rounded or 
squared ofl', and were seldom nuich thickened. Exceptionally they 
were supplied with exterior bands, which in New England expanded 
into a rounded frieze, resembling closely that of the Iroquoian ware. 
The rims were also occasionally scalloped, as in the Chesapeake coun- 
try and in New York. The neck was never greatly constricted, 
the body swelled but little, and the base was often, especially in 
the New Jersey region, considerably lengthened below, and was 
decidedly' pointed. Generally the walls were thin and the surfaces 

"The term "fall line ' is applied to the rather abrupt line of descent that occurs wliere the upland 
joins the lower tidewater district.s. It passes through Ne^s' York, Trenton, Philadelphia, Washing- 
ton, and Richmond. 


roughly finished. The polishing tool was used only to give sufficient 
finish to enable the decoratoi' efl'ectively to use his stylus or roulette. 
Details of decollation and finisli nia^^ better be given when the varieties 
of ware are presented. The presence hei'e and there of peculiar and 
apparently exotic types of decoration is quite puzzling; for example, 
in Maine and New Jersey are encountered occasional examples of 
rouletting exactly duplicating tlie style so common on the upper Mis- 
sissippi. The peojjles probal)ly l)elonged to the same stock, however, 
and it is not at all improbable tliat migrations took place between 
these wideljr separated regions. The reticulated stamp, charactei'istic 
of Florida, appears now and then in Pennsylvania and New Jerse3^ 

No attempt will be made in this place to cover the coastal districts 
in detail, and attention will be confined to a few localities chosen to 
represent the ceramic remains of the Northeast. The area considered 
in this section is included, in a general way, on the map. plate iv, 
accompanying a preceding section. 

The Delaware valley is separated from that of the Susquehanna and 
Chesapeake by only a few miles of lowland, and it is not surprising 
that the forms of ware found on the village sites of the districts dupli- 
cate one another very closely. There is apparently no decided break 
in the characteristics of the art from Norfolk to New York bay. 

Delaware Valley Ware 

By far the most prolific of the pottery -producing sites in the Dela- 
ware valley is that on Pocatquissing creek, 3 miles south of Trenton, 
so thoroughly explored by Mr Ernest Volk for the Columbian Expo- 
sition. Here was found the largest, the best preserved, and the most 
highly elaboi-ated pottery yet collected on the coast north of the 
Savannah river. Its relationship with the Algonquian wares of the 
Chesapeake and Yadkin is, however, very close, and is especially so 
in several minute details of form, elaboration, and decoration, thus 
enforcing the idea that the peoples were the same, or were very inti- 
mately related or associated. The forms and ornaments are somewhat 
more elaborate and graceful than those in the Chesapeake ware, and 
in some features it difl'ers decidedly from that ware. Among these 
features of unlikeness may be mentioned the occasional much elonga- 
tion of the bodies, the decided squaring ofl' of the rim, the use of 
the roulette in decoration, and the addition of a line of indentations 
encircling the body low down and separated entirely from the main 
zone of embellishment about the neck. 

Characteristic examples of the better ware of this locality are given 
in plate clviii. Large fragments appear in ^7 and b, and the general 
shape is indicated in c. The diameter is 12 inches, and the height was 
probably a little more than this. The finish is excellent. The rim 
is fiattened above and indented. The genei-al surface is smooth, and 




d (HEIGHT 6 (?) INCHES) 






the patter.ns, executed with a sharp point, are ehiborate and 
ally neat. The figures which covei- tlie upper part of the body have 
little syuuuetr.yor continuity, a chai~.icteri.stic of Alt.'ouquian work, and 
consist of spaces and bands lilled with simple lines, i-eticulated lines, 
and herring-bone patterns boixlered by plain and zigzag' lines. The 
prevailing outline of these vessels is given in c. 

A smaller vessel, nearly complete, though broken, is illustrated in 
d. plate CLvni. It does not ditfer in any essential from the preceding, 
but is smaller and much simpler in treatment, and its protile .shows a 
decided angle separating the upper and lower slopes of the body. 
The stylus has been used from the inside of the margin to punch out 
a series of nodes about the exterior of the rim, and an isolated line of 
indents appears far down toward the conic base. 

An additional example is presented in plate CLtx«, the outline 
restored appearing in c of the preceding plate. The diameter ap- 
proaches 10 inches, and the height must have been a little more than 
that. The rim is turned sharply outward and minutely notched on 
the 'outer edge, the neck has been very slightly constricted, and. as 
in many better preserved specimens, the base was probably sharply 
conic. The paste is silicious. moderately tine grained, and yellowish 
gra\- in color. The surface is smooth, but without polish. The deco- 
ration consists of 22 lines of roulette markings, imitating coarse cord 
imprints, encircling the upper part of the body. A double line of 
like markings encircles the body (juite low down. 

The largest vessel of which any considerable fragments were recov- 
ered was originally about 25 inches in diameter and nearly the same 
in height. The surface was tinished lirst with a net-covered tool, 
the meshes of the fabric being over half an inch in width. The 
upper part of the body was smoothed sufficiently for the addition 
of incised figures, but not so fully as entirely to destroy the deeper 
net impressions, and on the lower part and base the imprint is per- 
fectly preser\ed. The rim is three-fourths of an inch thick, flat- 
tened, and sloped inward above, and is decorated, as in many other 
cases, with cord or stylus imprints. The use of the net and the man- 
ner of rubbing down the impressions more or less ctirefully, accord- 
ing to the needs of the decorator, are identical with corresponding 
features of the Che.sapeake and Carolina net-marked wares. So closely 
do some of these specimens resemble those of Popes creek, Marj- 
land, and Yadkin river, North Carolina, that the reader may be referred 
to plates cxxx and cxxxvii for details of shape and ornament. 

A village site at Point Plea.sant, ou the Delaware, 25 miles above 
Trenton, has furnished numerous specimens of earthenware. It is a 
notable fact that some of the fragments gathered by ]Mr H. C. Mer- 
cer from the surface or from exposures made by floods are of a 
stamped ware, resembling very closely the checker-stamp varieties so 
20 ETH— 03 12 


characteri.stic of Florida, (leorgia. and parts of the Carolinas. It 
would seem that, if no mistake has been made in the identity of the 
sherds, colonists or visitors from the far soutli must liave dwelt on 
the site loni,' enough to engage in the practice of tiie potter's art. 

Aside from these specimens, all the \arieties of ware observed cor- 
respond very closely with those of the Trenton sites and with the 
typical tidewater Algonquian forms of the lower Delaware and Chesa- 
peake regions. Higher up the Delaware we encounter vessels 
approaching the Ii'oquoian type, and finally, in the upper valleys, the 
ordinary Iroquoian wares prevail. It is stated by Mi' Ernest Volk, and 
confirmed Ijy Mr Mercer, that there were two successive occupations 
of some of the Delaware valley sites, and it is surmised from various 
reasons, one of which is the scarcity of pottery at the lower level, 
that a considerable jJeriod elapsed between the first and second occu- 
pations; but as these villages were situated on land subject to inun- 
dation. th(> change from the lower to the higher level may have l)een 
brouglit about in a single season. The greater number of relics in the 
upper deposits may have been due to longer occupation or to more 
thorough protection from floods. If there are pronounced difterences 
in art. methods of burial, materials used, etc.. it is quite as reasonable 
to svippose that the peoples changed as it is to assume that a period 
of such duration passed between the successive occupations that 
decided advances in culture status were made. It is a significant 
fact that, though there is less earthenware in the lower than in the 
upper deposits, there is no perceptible diflerence in the make. There 
appears, therefore, to be no sufficient reason foi' supposing that the 
earlier occupation of the valley, as shadowed forth in these remains, 
extends far back toward glacial times, or that the people in either case 
were other than the Algonquian inhaliitants found in the Delaware 
valley by William Penn. 

Nkw Enolani> Wake 

The ware of the region of New York bay. Long island, Connecti- 
cut, and Rhode Island indicates a closer affiliation of the makers with 
the Iroquoian ^^otters than existed between the latter and the more 
southern Algonquians. A good illustration of the ware of the New 
York region is given in plate clix J. A similar specimen, found 
at Farmington, Connecticut, is illustrated in an article on Connecti- 
cut archeology by James ShejAerd, published in the New England 
Magazine, 189.3. If we judge by the examples of this wai"e known to 
me. the restoration given by Mr Shepherd niiikes the vessel too short 
in the body and without the usual conic tendency of the base. The 
indented designs in these specimens resemble a prevailing Iroijuoian 

The same wai'e is found tlirougiiout Massachusetts, and I have had 











'(LUl (( 

/ M 1 ( H f I ft, I' 

■i ' '/:i'"(i ^^ {■.fll)f.. 






the good fortune to tiiul fragments of a small vase on the island of 

The pottery of eastern Massachusetts is represented b}' a con- 
siderable number of pieces, some of which are entire, or nearly so. 
That the Algonquian tribes were making and using pottery on the 
arrival of the whites is made certain by numerous references to the sul)- 
ject in early writings. Thomas Morton, in Force's Ti'acts, volume ii, 
page 30, says that " they have earthen potts of divers sizes from a 
quarter to a gallon, ■^. or 3. to boyle their vitels in; very stronge, 
though they be thin like our iron potts." It seems, therefore, that 
notwithstanding the presence of apparently Iroquoian features in these 
vessels, we are warranted in attributing them to the historic Algon- 
quians, since all the specimens are nuxch alike in every essential re.spect. 

The figures given in plate clx will convey a good idea of the 
characteristics of this ware. Specimens i/, Zi, and c were obtained by 
Professor F. ^V. Putnam from graves in Winthrop, Massachusetts. 
With them were associated glass beads, so that the date of their niaiui- 
facture is probably somewhei-e Ijetween 1<>2(I and l(i5o. The height 
of the larger vessel is al)out seven inches, and the others are shown on 
the same scale. Specimen il is from Hingham, Massachusetts, and 
the others given in outline are sketch restorations of small vessels 
recovered from a grave at Revere (<), and from a grave at ]\Iarl)le- 
head (_/"). In nearly all cases the surface has been worked down with 
textile-surfaced tools, and subse([uently 2)ortions about the rim and 
neck have been rubbed down and rudely decollated with incised lines 
and indentations. The pipe ;/ was found in Connecticut, and is deco- 
rated in a style cori-esponding closely to that of the Algonquian vases. 

The village sites and shell banks of Maine yield considerable pottery 
of the simple stvles common in the Algonquian areas. It is found in 
fragments, and but few specimens even of these have found their way 
to the museums. The vessels were mere pots, and the pipes, although 
sometimes ornamented with incised lines and indentations, are mainly 
the simple lient trumpet of the more southern areas. The clay is tem- 
pered usually with a large percentage of coarse sand, the finish is 
comparatively rude, and the ornament, though varied, is always ele- 
mentary. The surfaces have, in man}- cases, been textured with cord- 
covered paddles, and over these, or on spaces smoothed down for the 
purpose, are various crude patterns made with cords, bits of fabric, 
roulettes, and pointed tools of many varieties. The use of the roulette 
would seem to link the art of this Abnaki region very closely with that 
of the Middle Atlantic states and portions of the upper Mississijipi 
region. The simple notched roulette was used in the manner shown 
in plate CLix c, and the compound roulette was quite common. 

Prolific sites are found on the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers, and 
all along the shellfish-producing shore as far as Nova Scotia. 



The pottery of a largo area lyiii^ between the Appalachian ranges 
and the Ohio river is difficult of characterization. The ceramic con- 
ditions in certain parts are apparently such as might result from an 
intermingling of the work of })eoples from the North, West, South, 
and East, while in other sections the ware of a single style prevails. 
Collections have not been made with sufficient care to enable us to say 
what is the nature of the association of the difi'erent exotic forms 
and features with products of more strictly local development. In 
many localities in East Tennessee we find together specimens of the 
stamped ware of the South Appalachian district, the polished bowls, 
pots, and bottles of the Mississippi region, vessels that resemble 
quite closely the ware of the valley <if tlie Ohio on the north, and 

others almost identical 
with those of the Gulf 
,^_^-^2. -v^T» . -,vj^_, , , province on the south. 

j^ff " '^^^%^_' '^^- .^Nv The stamped ware of 

■^ ' ~'-'' "^^MS. the East Tennessee dis- 

trict does not always 
repeat the forms and 
patterns of the South 
Appalachian region 
with accuracy, but ex- 
hibits, in cases, decided 
individuality. In like 
manner pottery of 
western appearance is 
not typical of the West, 
but has a local flavor. The high-necked bottles, the humpback fig- 
ures, the grotesque animal forms, and the red and white painted dec- 
oration are apparently wanting. 

From moiuids, graves, and dwelling sites over a large part of the 
pr()\ince we have examples of a variety of ware, mostly shell-tempered, 
and consisting largely of culinary vessels, the strongest characteristic 
of wliich is the looped handles connecting the rim with the neck or 
shoulder. These handles are of many styles and Viuy in number from 
two to eight to a vessel. They are sometimes elaborated into ani- 
mal figures, as is seen in figure 66. but generally they are less care- 
fully worked out than in the West. Besides the two animal-shaped 
loops, placed on opposite sides of the rim of this vase, there are alter- 
nating comb-like ornaments, which probably represent some animal 
feature, set on the shoulder of the vessel. It is possible they stand for 
the liand or for a wing, and may thus be a conventionalized form of 
animal symbol common in the Central Southern states. This piece 

Fig. C>6 — Vessel "witli aniraal-shaped handles, from ii moimd on 
Fains island, Jefferson county, Tennessee. 




illustrates a prevailing form of culinary vessel, and exhibits the pecu- 
liar finish of the hody produced l)y nialleating with textile-covered 
modeling tools. A unique form 
of handle is shown in figure 67. 
This piece is not unusual in any 
other respect. 

A small vessel of very unu- 
sual shape t\)r eastern America 
is shown in figure 6S. It ex- 
hibits the usual crude manipu- 
lation of tlie region, and is tem- 
pered with coarse shell. It is 
in every respect characteristic 
of the district, save in the pro- 
longation of one side of the body 
into a rounded point, giving 
what may be likened to a shoe 
shape, but which also, as seen 
in profile, suggests the form of 
a bird. The two handles are 
placed as usual; one is normal, but the otlier extends out on tlic pro- 
jecting lobe and is continued in thi'ee spreading notched fillets which 
connect with a notched band carried around the shoulder of the ves.sel. 

!•'■— Vessel with arched handle, from a mnund 
in Sevier eounty, Tennessee. 

Fig. 68 — Shoe-shaped vessel, with incised designs, Loudon county. Tenne-ssee. 

The neck and shoulder are embellished with a pattern of incised lines 
rranged in alternating triangular groups. A similar vessel from 
n adjoining county is sliown in figure 09. Especial attention is 

Flo. 09 — Shoe-shaped vessel, Monroe 
(■(ninty. Tennessee. 


called to Ncssels by the fact that they are the only examples .so 
far added to our collection.s from the eastern half of the United 
States exhibiting- the peculiar shoe .shape so frequently appearing in 
the Pueblo country, and again as a pi'ominent feature in the ware 

of Central America. There can be no 
doubt that the shape and the plastic 
elaborations are significant uiid sym- 
bolic, but the exact nature of their and the explanation of 
their isolated occui-rence are not yet 

A small cup with three rows of nodes 
encircling the body is presented in 
figure To. 

Ware of the general tj'pe to which 
the above specimens .l;)elong is found along the eastern slopes of the 
Appalachian mountains in North Carolina. Virginia, and West Virginia. 
It occurs along numerous streams entering the Ohio fi-om the south, 
and probably passes gradually into the well-known ware of the Miami 
valley, where, at Madi- 
sonx'ille, we have the 
most striking types of 
handled pots. It is un- 
fortunate that we must 
pass so briefly over a 
great area that ought to 
furnish much material 
for the history of arts 
and peoples, but such 
meager collections have 
been made that we seem 
to have warrant for the 
theory that the absence 
of permanent residents, remarked of this region in early historic times, 
may have, in a measure, charat^terized the eastern portions of the " dark 
and bloody ground" from the very beginning of native art in clay. 

Culture Groups 

Fig. 70 — Two-handled cup with rows of encircling nodes, 

The art remains of the Ohio valley occupy an important place among 
the existing vestiges of our native I'aces, and the relics of earthenware 
pertaining to the region, although generally simple and inartistic, are, 
from their associations, invested with exceptional interest. 


The province is a vast oin'. lia\ iiiy a width of from 2<i(t to idO niih's 
and a length of nearly 8<M> niilcs. It is divided into iiumerMiis physio- 
graphic districts, more or less independent of one another, and furnish- 
ing boundless resources to peoples fortunate enough to occupy them. 
As a consequence, the ancient remains represent luimerous important 
culture groups. The Allegheny river, heading far to the north in 
New York and Pennsylvania, was the home of the warlike Ii-oqnois, 
and the region is strewn with the remains of their peculiar arts. The 
Monongahela drains part of the region occupied ]\v the (Cistern 
Algonquians. and transiently by many hunter-tribes of other stocks, 
and it contains traces of their simple yet instructive handiwoi-k. The 
main southern branches, heading along the Appalachian ranges, were 
overrun in their upper courses by the South Appalachian peoples, 
whose art has already lieen d(>seril)ed; and in their lower courses they 
penetrated the very lieart of the great culture province of the middle 
Mississippi valley. The northern tributaries drain a fertile region 
occupied in historical times ])y numerous tribes, mostly of Algonquian 
stock, but at earlier periods by tribes of mound builders whose atiini- 
ties of blood are not yet fully made out. 

I have already dealt l)rierty with th<> wares of the eastern and south- 
ern borders of this wonderful pro\ince, and have now onl}- to review 
the pottery of the immediate valley of the river and its extensions to 
the north and west. The study of the pottery of this latttn- region is 
invested with especial interest, for the reason that it may be expected 
to assist in elucidating the nmch-discussed problems of the mound 
builders and the relations of these peoples to neighboring tribes and 
to the Indians of historic times. 

Opportunities for stud}' have not been wholly satisfactor}', as the 
collections made l)y numerous explorers are uuich scattered, and, at 
best, are not rich. It has been possible to distinguish only two groups 
of ware that differ so decidedly from the surrounding groups, and that 
possess such individuality, as to warrant the predication of distinct 
groups of people or phases of culture. It is worthy of special note 
that although they represent regions furnishing evidence, according 
to manj' authorities, of exceptional progress in art and in general cul- 
ture, few of the examples of earthenware utensils rise above the level 
of the average ware of the eastern United States which is assignable 
.to historic stocks. Indeed, it may be said that as a rule the ware 
belongs to the archaic northern grand division of the art rather than 
to the more highly developed product of the South. A number of 
small terra-cotta hgures found by Professor Putnam in one of the 
Turner mounds near Cincinnati", and referred to briefly in his report, 
seem to be an exception. The tigures are said to be remarkably 
well modeled and wholly unique. 

<i Reports of the Peabody Museum, vol. iii.^. 173. 


Professor Putnam's reference to these objects is as follows: 

On another altar, in another mound of the group, were several terra-cotta tiguriues 
of a character heretofore unknown from the mounds. Unfortunately these objects, 
as well as others found on the altars, had been more or less burned, and many of them 
appear to have been purposely broken before they were placed on the altars. Many 
pieces of these images have been united, and it is my hope that we shall succeed in 
nearly restoring some of them. Enough has already been made out to show their 
importance in the study of early American art. The peculiar method of wi'aring the 
hair, the singular headdresses and larg«*feutton-like ear ornaments shown liy these 
human figures are of particular interest. The ear ornaments leave no dnulit i<i the 
character of the spool-shaped objects I'eferred to on a previous page." 

Occasional specimens of Middle Mississippi Valley type arc found in 
Ohio, but I am not able to reach any conclusion as to the relation of 
the people concerned in their manufacture to the tribes referred to in 
the preceding- paragfraphs. Two excoillent examples of this class are 
shown in plate clxi. They come from a mound in Ross county, and 
are now preserved in the Ohio State Museum. 

Miami Vat.lky Wake 

The jjottery to be considered under this head does not include all 
the ware of the Miami district, but only that possessing- character- 
istics peculiar to certain prominent sites located mainly on the Little 
Miami. This ware is not confined to the Miami region, for, as I have 
already indicated, it extends out with