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Full text of "Annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution"

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18^7-98 -^ 












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The Hopi pueblos '^ ' ' 

Site? of Old Walpi - ''^^"^ 

Effects of Spanish contact " \^ 

Clans living or extinct in Waljii and Sichumovi '^^I- 

Clans from Tdkonabi "J'^" 

Clans from Palatkwabi and the Little Colorado -^^-^ 

Clans from ;Muiobi and New :Mexiean pueblos •]^*^;J 

Chronologic secjuence of the advent of clans '^Y!^ 

Clans from Tokonabi ■.' ' 

Tciia clans _ 

Ala-Lenya clans '_ 

Clans from Palatkwabi and the Little Colorado pueblos. . - f''« 

Patun clans _ „ 

Patki clans ^^^^ 

Clans from Muiobi and Xew :\Icxican pueblos " 

, , , 604 

I lonau clans 

Kokoii clans 

Honani clans 

Katcina or Anwuci clans 

„ , , ,„,„ BOS 

Pakab clans - ^, ^^^ 

Asa or Tcakwaina clans 

Total membership of Walpi and Sichumovi clans •] 

Hano clans 

Census of Hano clans '^'^ 

Religious societies at Walpi ," 

Religious societies from TokonaVii : ^- 

Snake-Antelope societies ■ '- ^ 

Religious societies from Palatkwabi |- ' 

Ala-Lenya societies ■^_ 

Patnii-Piba-Patki societies '|-' 

The Kalektaka society ]' 

Katcina cults from New ilexican pueblos ^^^ 

Tcukuwimpkivas ' 

_ ., ,. o.5l 


The East mesa rituals '„ 




By Jesse Waltb:r Fewkes 


The observant traveler in Arizona will often have his attention 
attracted by mounds of rock and earth, indicative of former habita- 
tions, which are widel}' distributed over this territory. These mounds, 
which are almost numberless, ai-e the remains of villages formerly 
inhabited by sedentary populations, and are particularly al)undant 
near springs or streams. Similar remains, varying in size from simple 
hillocks to clusters arranged in regular form, also occur in inaccessible 
canyons or on the tops of high mesas. 

The architectural characteristics of ancient Arizonian ruins arc not 
all alike. The dwellings are sometimes found in the form of caves 
hewn into a soft tufaceous rock, or as clitf houses built in caverns, or 
as pueblos constructed of adobe and situated in the plains. 

The great number of these ancient habitations now in ruins would 
indicate a large aboriginal population if thej^ were smiultaneoush' 
inhabited, but it is generally conceded that many of them were onl\' 
temporarily occupied, and that at no one time in the history of 
Arizona were they all peopled bj' the ancients. Although there is 
evidence against the synchronous inhabitation of all these villages, 
there is reason to believe that the sedentary population was in the past 
evenl}^ distributed over the whole pueblo region, but that in the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries causes were at work to concentrate it 
into certain limited areas. One of these areas of concentration was 
the present Moqui reser\-ation, to which the people of the ancient vil- 
lages were forced for refuge from their foe.s. The Hopi \allages were 
thus peopled by descendants of clans which once lix-ed as far north as 
the territory of Utah, as far south as the Gila vallej', and as far east 
as the upper Rio Grande. In these concentrated communities we 
may expect to find survivals of the culture of luany of the ruined 
pueblos of Arizona, combined with tiiat of colonies from the New 
Mexican villages of the Rio Grande and its tributaries. The problem 



before the student of the history of any one of the Hopi pueblos 
includes the origin and course of migration of the different groups 
of clans whose descendants now form the population of those villages. 

In preparing this paper the author has brought together such frag- 
ments of Hopi legendary history as could l^e gathered at Walpi. This 
account is not intended as a record of tribal genesis or creation myths, 
nor does it attempt a history from documentary sources of the deal- 
ings of the Spaniards or the Americans with the past or present inhab- 
itants of this pueblo. It lays no stress on the discovery of Walpi Ijy 
Europeans or the several attempts at mission work, but considers 
Hopi stories of the advent of different clans, the direction whence 
they came and the sequence of their coming, where they formerly 
lived, and the customs which they brought to the pueblo whei-e their 
descendants now live. In other words, it is an attempt to examine 
the composition of the present population of Walpi by clans, and to 
ti'ace the trails of migration of those clans before they reached the 
village. It is published as an aid to the archeologist who may need 
traditions to guide him in the identification of the ruins of northern 
Arizona,^ and it is hoped that a di-scussion of the subject will bring 
into clear relief the composite origin of Hopi ritual, language, and 
secular customs. 

It is impossible to interpret the Hopi ritual without a clear idea of 
the present relationship between the existing clans and of their connec- 
tion with the religious societies. The growth of the Hopi ritual has 
gone on pari passu with the successive addition of new clans to the 
pueblo, and its evolution can not be comprehended without an under- 
standing of the sociologic development and the clan organization of 
the pueblo. This applies also to the Hopi language and to secular 
customs which, like the ritual, are composite, and have resulted from 
the union of families of somewhat different stages of culture, each 
speaking a characteristic language. ^Vhat the idiom of each of these 
several component clans was before their consolidation we can best 
judge if we know the sites of their ancestral homes and the speech of 
the early kindred from whom they separated when they migrated to 
the Hopi mesas. So also with their other custo!iis and their arts, all 
of which are composite and were introduced some from one direction, 
others from another. 

The legends which have served as the groundwork of this account 
of the history of Walpi were gathered mainly from the clans now 
living in the East mesa pueblos. Some of these legends have never 
been collected, although considerable work of great value which was 
done in this held by that enthusiastic student, the late A. M. Stephen, 

1 The main types of pueblo ruins have been described, and what is now necessary is a study of the 
manners and customs of the peoplt who once inhabited them. This work implies an intimate 
knowledge of the ethnology of the survivors, and a determination of the survivors' identity may be 
had from migration legends of clans now living in the pueblos. 


was published in Mindeleff's account of the nrohitecturc of Tusayan.^ 
This material has been critically examined, and certain signiticant 
variations have been found which are embodied in the present article. 

There remains much material (in the migrations of Hopi clans yet 
to be gathered, and the identitication b_v archeologic methods of many 
sites of ancient habitations is 3'et to ))(• made. This work, however, 
can best be done under guidance of the Indians liy an ethno-archeolo- 
gist, who can bring as a preparation for his work an intimate knowl- 
edge of the present life of the Hopi villagers. 

While engaged in collecting the migration legends of different Hopi 
clans the author has consulted, when possible, the clan chiefs. AViki, 
Wikyatiwa. and Kopeli have furnished the migration legends of the 
Snake clans, Anawita those of the Rain-cloud, and Hani the Tobacco 
legends. Piitce has given the author the storj' of the Horn and Flute 
and Pautiwa that of the Eagle clans. The legends of the neighboring 
pueblo of Hano, the history of which is intimately connected with 
that of Walpi, were obtained from Kalakwai and others. As was to 
be expected, since human memory is fallible, different men of equal 
honest}' vary consideral)ly in their accounts, and hence the collector 
of the unrecorded history of Walpi soon recognizes that it is l)est 
not to give too much weight to stories of clans to which the inform- 
ant does not belong. An honest traditionist immediately declares his 
ignorance of the history of a clan not his own, and in the presence 
of a man of that clan will refer to him when questioned. Some of 
the older men take a pride in the history of their respective clans, and 
claim to know more than others; 1)ut manj- know or care little of the 
history of their clans, and when interrogated refer to their clan chief. 
To this class belong most of the young men. especially those who have 
attended school, where little encouragement is given to pupils to gain 
knowledge of the history of theii' ancestors. 


The present Hopi pueblos are seven in number, and are situated on 
three table-lands, called East mesa. Middle mesa, and Oraibi. The 
inhabitants of six of these villages speak the Hopi language and of one 
the Tanoan. The East mesa has two Hopi pueblos — Walpi and Sichu- 
raovi — and a Tewa village called Hano. About 7 miles in an air line 
from the East mesa is the Middle mesa, upon which are situated three 
towns, called Mishongnovi. Shipaulovi, and Shuiiopovi. The largest 
Hopi pueblo, called Oraibi, is situated about 20 miles westward from 

Walpi is regarded as the most ancient Tusayan pueblo, its settle- 
ment dating from before the middle of the sixteenth century. The 

' Eighth Annual Report o£ the Bureau oi Ethnology. 


neighboring pueblo, Sichumovi. was settled by foreign colonists about 
the middle of the eighteenth century, while Hano was founded by 
Tewa clans at the beginning of the same century. 

Two of the Middle mesa pueblos are mentioned by name in docu- 
ments of the seventeenth century, and one, Shipaulovi, was probably 
founded not far from 1750. 

Oraibi is known to be an old pueblo, being also mentioned by name 
in early Spanisli recoi'ds; but it is more modern than Shunopovi, hav- 
ing been founded by a chief named Matcito from the latter town.' 
The Hopi language as spoken in Oraibi is somewhat diflerent in pro- 
nunciation from that of the other Hopi pueblos, but this difference is 
not more than dialectic, so that the six Hopi pue}jlos may be said to 
speak the same tongue. The people of Hano, however, speak a 
Tanoan dialect which the Hopi do not understand. 

Sites of Old Walpi 

The first site of Walpi on the mesa which has been positively 
identified was on the northern side of the terrace which surrounds this 
rock}^ height, below the present town. The ground plan of this settle- 
ment is still clearly indicated by the remains of old walls, the size and 
arrangement of the rooms being still traceable without difficulty. This 
was probably the position of the pueblo in the sixteenth century, when 
its population was limited to the Snake, Horn, and Flute clans, and 
when the Spaniards first came into the counti-y. It was also the site 
of the puel)lo during the troubles with the inhabitants of the neighbor- 
ing pueblo Sikyatki. which culminated in the destruction of the latter 

The Walpians found this situation exposed to the attacks of their 
enemies, and consequently moved their pueblo one stage higher, to the 
top of the projecting spur at the western end of the mesa. On this 
site the Walpians lived through the mission epoch (1628-1680), and a 
chapel, the outlines of which may still be traced, was erected there. 
This second .site of the, pueblo is called Ki.sakobi, and the Spanish 
mission house Niicaki. As the walls of the first and second settle- 
ments almost adjoin, it may have been that portions of the two were 
inhabited .synchronously. 

The amount of debris around these former settlements indicates that 
both were inhabited for a considei-able period, and evidently the size 
of the combined villages was not less than that of the present pueblo 
of Walpi. In this debris are found fragments of the finest old Tusayan 
ware, which bears pictography characteristic of the ancient epoch. 

The inroads of the Ute from the north and the Apache from the 
south hastened the abandonment of the early sites, but probably the 
main cause of the final move to the top of East mesa was a fear of 

'Matcito is said to have lived for some time in a cave near Oraibi, at a Tock still pointed out. 


the rpturn of the Spaniards after the imirder of the padres in the 
Pueblo revolt of 1680. The Hopi abandoned Kisakobi about the close 
of the seventeenth century and moved their habitation to the top of 
East mesa, where a few houses may already have existed. At that 
time they transported much of the Ijuilding- miUerial from Kisakobi, 
using the beams of the mission for the roofs and floors of new kivas 
and houses, in which they may still be seen. 

The name Walpi was apparently not applied to the settlement T)efore 
this last change of location, which may account for its absence from 
Espejo's list of Hopi towns in 1.5S3. The earliest documentary men- 
tion of Walpi was "Gualpi," in 1680, or about the time the puel)lo 
was moved to its present site. Parts of Kisakobi and modern AValpi 
may have been simultaneously inhal)ited for several years. l)ut l)etween 
1680 and ITOO the rooms at Kisakobi ' were completely al)andoned. 

Effects of Spanish Coxtact 

The advent of the Spaniards, in the middle of the sixteenth century, 
does not seem to have made a lasting impression on the Hopi, for no 
account of the first coming of Europeans is preserved in their stories. 
Undoubtedly the Hopi regarded earliest visits in much the same 
manner as they did the frequent forays of the hostile Ute, Navaho, 
and Apache. They were no douljt profoundly impressed by firearms, 
and greatly astonished at the horses, but special stories of the incidents 
of that time have long ago been lost. There survive many accounts 
of the life of the Spanish priests of a later epoch, with references to 
the building of the missions, but none of the Hopi have a good word 
to saj' of this period in their history. 

The influence of the zealous fathers in their attempts to convert 
the Hopi to Christianity seems to have been ephemeral. "While the 
padres may have introduced some slight modifications into the native 
ritual, with more exalted ideas of God, as a whole the products of 
these changes, if there were any, can not now be disentangled from 
purely aboriginal l)eliefs and customs. 

The new cult brought by the priests was at first welcomed bv the 
Indians, and no objection was made to it, for toleration in religious 
things is characteristic of most primitive men. The Hopi objected to 
the propagandist spirit, and strongly resented the efforts of the padres 
to make them abandon their time-honored religious practices (as the 
making of dolls or idols and the performance of ceremonial dances), 
and to accept the administration of Christian ])aptism. The Hopi 
further declare that the early padres practically tried to enslave them 
or to compel them to work without compensation. Thev obliged the 
natives to bring water from distant springs, and to haul logs from the 
distant mountains for the construction of the mission buildings. Per- 

^ Ki, pueblo, saka, ladder, obi, locative: " Place of the Ladder-town." 


haps sheep, horses, iron implements, and cloth were given in return 
for this service, or possibly they were not acle(|uately puid. The Hopi 
maintain that they were not; l)ut whether justly or not, time has not 
eradicated the feeling of deep hatred with which the Spanish mission 
epoch is now regarded by these Indians. 

A few relics of the Spanish dominion still remain in Walpi. Some 
of the beams and flooring of the old mission are still to be seen in 
kivas and private houses,^ and one or two old doors and windows date 
back to pre-American occupancy. There are also a few iron hoes — 
survivals of this early time — and metallic bells, the antiquity of which 
is doubtful. No Spanish written records are preserved in Tusayan, 
and nothing of Spanish manufacture has thus far been detected on anj' 
of the altars at Walpi. The lasting benefit of the Spanish regime 
was the gift of sheep, horses, goats, burros, and various fruits and 


In the following lists the component clans of Walpi and Sichumovi 
are referred to their former homes: 

1. Clans from Tokonabi (southern Utah): Tciia (Snake), Ala (Horn). 

2. Clans from Palatkwabi (southern Arizona) and the Little Colo- 
rado: Patuu (Squash)', Leuya? (Flute), Patki (Cloud), Kiikiitc (Lizard), 
Piba (Tobacco), Tiiwa (Sand), Tabo (Rabbit). 

3. Clans from the Muiobi (Rio Grande valley), and New Mexican 
pueblos, (Zuni, Acoma, Jemez, etc.): Honau (Bear), Kokop (Firewood), 
Pakab (Reed), Asa (Tansy -mustard), Bull (Butterfly), Honani (Badger). 

Although the original clans which settled Sichumovi belonged to 
group 3, and this is practicall}' a New Mexican pueblo in the Hopi 
country, the descendants of the original settlers have so intermarried 
with the Hopi that their linguistic characteristics are lost. 

1. Claxs from Tokonabi 

TciXa group 

Tciia win wu Snake clan. 

Tohou winwCi Puma clan. 

Hiiwi win \vu Dove clan. 

I>ii wifuvu Cactus clan. 

Yiiflu winwu Opuntia (cactus) clan. 

Nabovii winwu . 

1 Decorated beams from the mission may be seen in Pautiwa's house. 

-The Hopi names of these, which are corrupted Spanish [ktuwln. sheep: karnijo, horse; melone, 
melon, etc. I, show the sources of these iuestimnble gifts which have profoundly modilied the modern 
life of the Hopi. 

3 Extinct in Walpi and Sichumovi. 


1. Clans from Tokonabi — Continued 

Alii clinis iif 111,- Alii-I./'iliiii ririiiip^ 

Ala \vinwu Horn clan. 

Sowinu wifiwu Deer clan. 

Tciibio wifiwu Antelu)ie clan. 

Tcaizra winwu . 

2. Clans fhom 1'alatkwabi and the Little Colorado 

P'tiiiii group 

Patufi wifiwu Squash clan. 

Atoko wifiwu Crane elan. 

Kele wifiwu Pigeon-hawk clan. 

Tubic wifiwil Sorrow-making clan. 

Lenya clans of the Aln-Leniia (jroup^ 

Cakwalefiya wifiwCi Blue- (Green-) flute clan. 

Macilenya wifiwu Drab-flute clan. 

Paiiwu wifiwu Jlountain-sheep clan. 

Lelentu winwii Flute clan. 

Piitki group 

Patki winwvi Riiin-cloud clan. 

Kaii wifiwu Maize clan. 

Tanaka wifiwu Rainbow clan. 

Talawipiki wifiwu Lightning clan. 

Kwan wifiwu Agave clan. 

Sivwapi wifiwu Biffcloria grareohtu clan. 

Pawikya wifiwu Aquatic-animal clan 

Pakwa wifiwu Frog clan. 

Pavatiya wifiwu Tadpole clan. 

Tii ira-Kukiltc (/roup 

Til wa wifiwu Sand clan. 

Kiikiitc wifiwu Lizard clan. 

Sihu wifiwii Flower or bush clan. 

Taho-Piha (jroup 

Tabo wifiwu Rabbit clan. 

Sowi wifiwu Hare clan. 

Piba wifiwu Tobacco clan. 

1 The Ant clans (Ann, Tokoanu. Wukoanu, and Ciwanu) belong to this group, but the author i.s in 
doubt whether to assign them to the Ala or the Leiiya division, the latter of which did not come from 


3. Clans from Muiobi and New Mexican Pueblos 

Honau group 

Houau wifiwu Bear clan. 

Tokotci wiiiwii- Wildcat clan. 

Tcosro 'n"in wu Bluebird clan. 

Kokyan \viil \vu Spider clan. 

Axt or Tcaktmina group {Abiquiu, ria Zuni) 

Teak waina win wu Tcakwaina (a kateina) clan. 

Hosboa wiflwu Road-runner or Pheasant clan. 

Pociwvi winwu JIagpie clan. 

Tcisro winwii Bunting clan. 

Kalcinn r/roup (via Kicuhu) 

Kateina winwu Kateina clan. 

Aiiwuci winwi'i- Crow clan. 

Gyazru winwu Parrot clan. 

Sikyatci wiflwu Yellow-l)ird clan. 

Tawamana winwu Bird clan. 

Salab wiiiwu Spruce clan. 

Siihiib winwu Cottonwood clan. 

Kokop group {Jemez, via Sikyatki) 

■ Kokop wiii wu Firewood clan. 

Isauu winwu Coyote clan. 

KwewLi wnwi'i Wolf clan. 

Sikyataiyo winwu Yellow-fux clan. 

Letaiyo winwu Gray-fox clan. 

Zrohono winwu . 

Masi winwu ^Nlasauu (Death-god) clan. 

Eototo wifi wu Eototo clan. 

Tuvou wiiiwu Piiion clan. 

Hoko winwu Juniper clan. 

Awata wiiiwu Bow clan. 

Sikyatci wiiiwu Bird (?) clan. 

Tiivatci winwu Bird (?) clan. 

Pakah group 

Pakal) wiiiwu Reed or arrow clan. 

Kwahu wiiiwu F^agle clan. 

Kwayo win wii Hawk clan. 

Koyoiia wiiiwu Turkey clan. 

Tawa winwii Sun clan. 

Piiiikoii wiii wii War-god clan. 

Palafia win wii War-god clan. 

Cohu wiiiwu . 

llonani group (ria Kicuba) 

Honaiii Avifi wii Badger clan. 

Muiyawu wifuvii Porcupine clan. 

Wicoko wiiiwu Turkey-buzzard clan. 

Bull winwu Butterfly clan. 

Kateina wiiiwu Kateina clan. 



Traditions regarding the sequence of tlie arrival of clans (.-onflict in 
details, although they coincide in general outline. Anawita, one of 
the best informed men of the Patki clans, has given the following 
order of the arrival of clans at Walpi: 

1. Honau, Bear. 

2. Tciia, Snake. 

3. Ala-Lenya, Horii-Flute. 

4. Kokop, Firewoixi. 

5. Pakah, Reed. 

6. At^a, Tansy-niustanl. 
I Patki, Cloud. 

7.<KukuU', Lizard; Tiiwa, Sand. 
iTabo, Rabbit; Piba, Tobacco. 
8. Honani, Badger; Buli, Butterfly; Katcina. 
It will be noted that Anawita doe.s not mention the Squash claii, 
pi()lia])ly because it is now extinct at Walpi: 

Wikyatiwa. of the Snake clan, gave the following .sequence: 

1. Tciia, Snake. rPatki, Cloud. 

2. Honau, Bear. fi.| Kiikiitc-Tiiwa, Lizard-Sand. 

3. Kokop, Firewood. Ipiba-Tabo, Tobacco-Rabbit. 

4. Pakab, Reed. 7. Honani, Badger. 

5. Ala-Leiiya, Horn-Flute. 8. Katcina. 

9. Asa, Tansy-mustard. 

Poyi. a very intelligent man of the Okuwuii or Tewa Rain-cloud 
clan, gave the following sequence: 

1. Tciia, Snake. 7. Isauil, Coyote. 

2. Honau, Bear. i Patki, Cloud 

3. Patufi, Squash. 8.| Kiikiitc-Tuwa, Lizard-Sand. 

4. Ala-Lenya, Horn-Flute. Ipiba-Tabo, Tobacco-Rabbit. 

5. Kokop, Firewood. c) | Katcina. 

6. Asa, Tansy-mustard. 'iHonani, Badger. 

The late A. M. Stephen obtained, in 1893, from five chiefs now dead.' 
the following .secjuence: 

1. Honau, Bear. g IKokop, Firewood. 

2. Tciia, Snake. ■(Pakab, Reed. 

3. Patun, Squash. - IHonani, Badger. 

4. Ala-Lenya, Horn-Flute. JKatcina. 

{Patki, Cloud. 8. Asa, Tansy-mustard. 

Tiiwa-Kiikiitc, Sand-Lizard. 9. The clans of Hano pueblo. 
Tabo-Piba, Rabbit-Tobacco. 

Some of the inconsistencies in the foregoing lists may be explained 
by the ftict that a misunderstanding existed between the natives and 
the author in regard to the information desired, the former believing 
in some instances that the sequence of arrival of clans at Walpi, and 
in others that the order of their advent into Tusayan, was desired. 

'Cimo. Masaiumtiwa. Na-syunweve, Hahawe, and Intiwa. 
19 ETH. PT 2—01 2 


Evidence has now been gathered that other villages than Walpi existed 
in the Hopi country at the time of the arrival of the Tciia clans. 
Studies of the ruin of Sikyatki show that this puel)lo was older than 
Walpi, and consequently that the Kokop clans which founded it came 
into the Hopi country before the Tciia. The Leiiya were also in this 
region when joined l)y the Ala (who left Tokoiiabi with the Tciia clans) 
and pi'obably were living at Leiiyanobi. Moreover, there is every 
reason to suspect that Awatobi also was inhabited in that early epoch. 

Bearing on these probabilities, the testimony of one of the Ala men, 
who did not confuse the Hopi country with the pueblo of Walpi, but 
called the author's attention to the error of such confusion, is highly 
important. In his account of the sequence he declared that the Honau 
clan was the first to settle Walpi; t)ut that about the same time 
the Kokop clan founded Sikyatki and the Lefiya clan Leiiyanobi. 
Tile Ala and Tciia peoples came into the country at about the same 
time, by dili'erent routes, the former joining the Lenya at Lefiyanobi 
and the latter the Honau at Walpi. Sikyatki and Awatobi were in 
existence at that time. Although the Honau clan had not been at 
enmity with the Kokop, as both came from Muiobi (Rio Grande) and 
Jemez. the pueblo of combined Tciia and Honau clans was not on 
amicable terms with the people of Sikyatki. The outcome of the 
hostilities which followed was the overthrow of the Kokop clan of 
Sikyatlci, "while the Honau-Tciia people of Walpi conquered Masauu, 
the tutelary god of Sikyatki, who had given the Kokop a site for 
their pueblo." The combined clans of the Ala-Lefiya pueblo gained 
kinship with the Honau-Tciia through the Ala who had lived with 
the Tciia at Tokonabi. These two pucl)los were peacefully united by 
the moving of the Ala-Leiiya to Walpi. The tragic overthrow of 
Awatobi l)y its rival, Walpi, occurred later. 

Thus it seems that at an early period there had settled in the Hopi 
countrj' three groups of clans, the Honau, the Kokop, and the Leiiya 
and kindred Patuiii. The Honau had a pueblo on the site of Walpi ; 
the Kokop were settled at Sikyatki ; the Patufi on the Middle mesa; and 
the Leiiya at Leiiyanobi or Kwactapahu. The kindred Tciia and Ala 
clans, which had previously lived together at Tokonabi. entered the 
i'ountry l)y ditierent routes. The Tciia joined the Honau at Walpi; the 
Ala the Lefiya at Leiiyanobi or Kwactapahu. The Honau-Tciia and 
the Ala-Leiiya later consolidated at Walpi, and the town of the latter 
was abandoned. The combined people of Walpi destroyed the Kokop 
settlement at Sikyatki, as above .stated, adding some of the survivors to 
its population. With the assistance of the Middle mesa clans Walpi 
overthrew and destroyed Awatobi. The settlement of Patki people at 
Pakatcomo was abandoned, some of the clans from that place remov- 
ing to Walpi. The Honani, Asa, and other eastern clans sought Walpi 
as a home. Tiie details of the al)ove history are best brought out by 
an intimate discussion of each clan legend. 




It ma_y then be stated that while the main bodies of the three groups 
of clans from the north (Tokonabi), the south (Palatkwabi), and the 
east (Muiobi). settled at Walpi in the sequence given, individual clans 
of these groups were, so far as is known, of e([ual antiquity there; thus, 
while the majority of the clans from the Rio Grande were late arrivals, 
the Houau and Kokop were among the first to settle at the East mesa. 

The author has chosen the advent of the Snake clans as the epoch 
of the founding of modern Walpi, and for consecutive history he will 
consider the arrival of the clan groups in their order, namely, from 
Tokonabi, Palatkwabi. and Muiobi. 


TcuA Clans 

The clans known as the Tci'ia and the Ala ' say that they formerly 
lived together at Tokonabi. which place, so far as can be learned, was 
near the junction of the Little Colorado with the Great Colorado, in 
southern Utah. The Tci'ia. or Snake, clans were dominant from the 
very lirst in Walpi, and their chief was, as late as the end of the 
seventeenth century, governor of the pueblo, for he it was who is said 
to have sent to the Tewa people of the Rio Grande for aid against 
hostile nomads. 

The following list contains the names of the men and women of the 
Snake clans now (January 1, 1900) living at Walpi: 

Census of Tciia clans at ^\'alpi 

Men aud boys 

Women and girls 

























a Since deceased. 

1 The Ala, by union with the Lenya, later became the Ala-Leflya. There is no evidence that the 
latter clan ever lived at Tokonabi. 




Mamaiia J 

[ETH. ANN. 19 

Nuvawinu / 


VVikirf Wikyatiwaf 

I Honyif Lomavuya ,/ Talasmuima? 
KtipoliJ Koyowaiamu / 


Haso9 Kabuzrn ^ 


Ahnla Cikwavunsi 9 


Kokyanmana 9 



Tho diflferent clans which, according to the legends, are associated 
with the Snake people are mentioned in an accompanying list (page 
58:^). When the Snake settlement was first made at the northern base 
of the East mesa, the Snake, Puma, Dove, and Cactus peoples were 
possi])ly all represented, but the Snake clan was dominant and its chief 
was governor of the town. 

In their former life at Tokonabi the Huwi (Dove), Toho (Puma), 
Ala (Horn), and Tciia (Snake) were associated, and in some accounts 
the Ti'iwa are also said to have been represented in this northern home. 
In most of the Patki traditions the Tiiwa are asserted to be a southern 
clan closely related to the Kiikiitc (Lizard) people. 

The burden of the Snake legend' is that in ancient times, when the 
Puma. Dove, and Horn clans lived at Tokonabi, a youth of the first 
named brought home as his wife a girl of the Snake clan. One of his 
"brothers," but of the Horn clan, also married a girl of the Snake 
clan, and it would seem that other members of the girl's clan joined 
the Puma-Horn settlements. In passing, it may theoretical!}' be sup- 

^This legend is couched in the form of a mythic story of 

the adventures of the god Tiyo in the 


po.sed that these women were of Shoshonean affinity, j^ossibly from a 
nomadic tribe, with which the Puma and Horn were thus united. 

As the offspring of the two Snake women did not get along well 
with the children of other t'lans at Tokonabi.' the Puma, Snake, and 
Horn clans migi-ated southward. They started together, but the Horn 
soon separated from the other clans, which continued to a place 50 
miles west of the East mesa, and built there a pueblo now called 
Wukoki. The ruins of this settlement are still to be seen. 

While the Piima and Snake clans were living at Wukoki one of their 
number, called Tcamahia, left them to seek other clans which were 
said to be emerging from the Underworld in the far east. He went to 
the Upper Rio Grande to a place called Sotcaptukwi, near Santa Fe, 
where he met Puiikonhoya. the war god, to whom he told the f)bject 
of his quest. This person shot an arrow to a sij>aj?u, or oritice, in 
the north, where people were emerging from the Underworld. The 
arrow returned to the sender, bringing the message " that the clans to 
which it was sent would travel toward the southwest, and that 
Tcamahia should go westward if he wi.shed to join them. He followed 
this direction and met the clans at Akokaiobi,' the Hopi name of 
Acoma. where, presumably, he joined them, and where their descendants 
still live. 

In answer to a (juestion as to the identity of Tcamahia, the narra- 
tor responded that the name signified the "Ancients." As the same 
term is used for certain ceremonial objects on the Antelope altar in the 
Snake dance, it may be possit)le, l>y a study of this ceremony, to give a 
more intelligent answer. Around th(> sand picture which constitutes an 
essential feature of this altar there is arranged a row of stone celts which 
are called tcamahias. During the altar songs one of the priests of the 
Sand clan, which is said to have lived with the Snake clan at AVukoki, 
rapped on the floor w itli one of these stone objects, for the purpose, 
it was said, of telegraphing to Ai'oma to the Tcamahia to join them in 
the Snake ceremony. On the eighth and ninth days of the dance 
Tcamahia came, and, while acting as asperger at the kisi or brush 
shelter, called out the invocation ''Awa/iia, teaniahia,'''' etc., the Keres 
invocation to warriors. 

The author is of the opinion that this asperger personates the old 
Tcamahia of Wukoki, who parted from the Snake clans at that pueblo 
to seek his fortune in the east, finding it at Acoma. Among the clans 
associated with the Snake at Wukoki were the Puma and Sand. Per- 
haps Tcamahia. the warrior, belonged to one of these, possibly the 
former. The Puma fetish on the Antelope altar at Walpi may also be 
interpreted as indicative of a former association of the Puma and the 

1 Tokonabi, possibly from toktci, wild-cat, and ohi, the locative. 

= This reminds iis of the use nf the paho, or prayer stick, as a message bearer. 

sThere is said to be a ruin on the Awatobi mesa called Akokaiobi. 


Snake clans, and the sand pieture of the mountain lion on the Snake 
altar of the same pueblo may admit of the same interpretation. The 
personation of the Puma-man in the exercises in the Snake kiva is 
regarded in the same way. These are all modern survivals indicative 
of the former association of Puma and Snake clans. 

Evidences of the contact of the Horn and Snake clans are also found 
in the ceremonial paraphernalia of the Snake dance, such as the two 
antelope heads on the Antelope altar at Oraibi and the man}' snake 
fetishes, to which it is hardh' necessary to call special attention. But 
the strongest of all evidences that the Horn and Snake clans have been 
associated are the Hopi names of the two priesthoods which celebrate 
this great festival, namely, the Antelope and Snake fraternities. 

Thus in the Snake dance we find in the ceremonial paraphernalia 
totemic evidences of composition from at least three clans — the Puma, 
the Horn, and the Snake — which substantiates the legend that in 
ancient times these three lived together. "When we study the Flute 
ceremony we shall see additional evidence that the Horn were once in 
contact with the Snake clans, notwithstanding that the Flute element, 
which predominates, had an origin different from that of the Horn. 

Ala-Lenya Clans' 

The first addition to the settlement of Bear and Snake clans at Old 
Walpi was a group composed of Ala (Horn) and Lenya (Flute) clans. 
As this group was couiposite, their legends are likewise composed of 
at least two elements. They go back to two cultus heroes, the Deer 
3'Outh and the Mountain-sheep youth, one of whom is the boy of the 
Horn clan who married one of the Snake girls, the other the male 
ancestor of the Flute clans. 

The numerous elements of the legends of the Horn-Flute clans which 
run paralltd with those of the Snake are interpreted as due to the 
former life of the Horn with the Snake clans. The Flute legendists 
say that their ancestor descended to the Underworld, and that while 
there he drew a maid to him by playing on a flute. He married this 
girl in the Sun-house and she became the mother of the Flute clan. 
This legend is thought to bear traces of a different origin from any 
of the Horn legends, although it is mixed with Horn stories. 

After the Horn clans parted from the Snake people in their migra- 
tion southward from Tokonabi, they drifted into ah eastern place 
called Lokotaaka. How far eastward they went is not known, but 
from Lokotaalca they moved to Kisiwi, and then to Monpa, where 
ruins are still to be seen. Continuing in their migration, which, 
after they left Lokotaaka, was toward the west, they came to a pueblo 
called Lenj'anol)i, "Place of the Flute" (clans). There the}' evidently 

' As has been previously stated, the Lenya clans of the Ala-Lenya group came from Palatkwabi, 
but for convenience they are here considered with their associated clans from Tokonabi. 


united with tiie Flute people, and from that time the group was com- 
posite. The combined clans did not remain at LeiTvanobi, but moved 
by way of Wikyaobi to a point called Kwactapabi, where they were 
well within the present Hopi reservation. The route from Kwactapabi 
toWalpi. where they joined the Snake pueblo, was by Wipo. Kanell)a, 
and Lefiyaci'ipu. or Kokyanba (Spider spring). 

The spring known as Kwactapahu, situated a few miles from Walpi, 
is said to have been the site of a pueblo of the Horn-Flute clans for 
some time, and it was possibly while they were there that news of 
the Snake settlement at Walpi reached them. The chief of the pueblo 
sent Alosaka to spy out the countrj- west and south of their settle- 
ment, and he returned with the report of the existence of the Snake 
town at Old Walpi. The Horn people, knowing that the Snake people 
must have made their way into the region after their separation, no 
doubt expected to iind them as the}' journej^ed westward. At all 
events, they recognized them as kindred. Kwactapahu was aban- 
doned, and the combined Horn-Flute clans were hospitably received 
by the Snake villagers. 

In the present Hopi ritual at Walpi there is a remarkable confirma- 
tion of that part of the above legend which deals with the union of 
the clans from Kwactapahu and the people of Old Walpi. It is no 
less than a dramatization of the event with a cast of characters repre- 
senting the participants. 

About noon of the seventh day of the Flute ceremony, the Flute 
chief, accompanied by several members of the Flute priesthood, visited 
in sequence the springs mentioned above, where the Horn-Flute people 
had tarried during the latter part of their migration. They went 
first to Kanelba, about 5 miles from Walpi, thence to AVipo, still farther 
to the north, on the west side of the table-land of which the East 
mesa is a continuation. They then crossed the plain west of AVipo, 
and made their way onto the mesa which bounds the western edge of 
this plain. At a point called the Flute house they slept, and on the 
following morning went a mile beyond the Flute house to Kwactapahu, 
where ceremonies were conducted and offerings made to the spring. 

The rites at Kwactapahu ended, the Flute priests retraced their 
steps, crossing the valley as their ancestors did in ancient times. At 
intervals they halted, set the tiponi or badge of office in position on 
the ground, and made symbols of rain clouds near by. One of the 
stopping places was near the mound called Tukinobi, on which there 
is a ruin of considerable size. They continued their course and 
approached the narrow neck of land called Hiitciovi, along which runs 
the trail by which Walpi is entered from the north. There they 
found a line of meal di'awn across the trail which symbolized that no 
one could enter the puel)lo. Entrance to Walpi was closed to the 
incoming personators of the ancient Horn-Flute clans. 



[ktH. ANN. 19 

Back of this line, between it and tiie houses of the pueblo, stood the 
chiefs of the Bear and Snake clans. There was also a boy dressed like 
the Snake boy in the Antelope kiva rites, iis well as two girls dressed 
and decorated similarly to the Snake maid in the same ceremony. As 
the Flute chief and his followers approached, the Bear chief challeuored 
him, demanding, "Who are you^ Whence have you come f" The 
Flute chief responded that they were kindred and knew the songs 
necessary to bring rain. Then the Bear chief took his tiponi from 
one of the girls, while the Antelope-Snake chief received his badge 
from the other. Holding them tenderly on their arms, the}' advanced 
and welcomed the Flute chief to their pueljlo. As a symbol of 
acceptance the Flute chief gave prayer oft'erings to the girls, the line 
of meal barring entrance to the pueblo was brushed away, and a new 
line extending along the trail was made to symbolize that the entrance 
was again open. 

This symbolic reception of the Flute priests not only dramatizes a 
historic event in the growth of Walpi. but also displays a tendency to 
visit old sites of worship during cei-emonies, and to regard wiiter from 
ancient springs as efficacious in modern religious performances. It is 
a common feature of great ceremonies to procure water from old 
springs for altar rites, and these springs are generally situated near 
ancestral habitations now in ruins. 

This tendency is illustrated in the Sio-calako or Zufii C'alako cere- 
mony celebrated at Sichumovi in July, when the chiefs procure sacred 
water from a spring near St Johns, Arizona, called Wenima, the 
ancient home of the Hopi and Zufii Calako. The Kwakwantii chief 
obtains water for some of his ceremonies from a spring called Sipabi, 
where the Patki clans, who introduced the .Kwakwantu, once lived. 
The Piba chief of the Tataukyamu procures water from Clear creek, 
near the ruin of Cakwabaiyaki, the former home of the Pil)a clans. 
Thus in instances where clans have migrated to new localities their 
chiefs often return to ancestral shrines, or make pilgrimages to old 
springs for the purpose of procuring water to use in their litual. 

Ala-Lenya ( Walpi) 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 

Ala ])hratry: 







Tawak wal li 







Talahoniwa (Tiiba) 


Ala-Leilya { Walpi) — Continued 


Men and boys 

Women and girls 

Ala jihratry — Cont'd 









Lenya phratry: 


Sakbensi (Vensi) 






































Pontima ^ 




Humesi ? 

Turwa ? Slohumi J 

Tewaianima 9 

Tawaliwabicf Nabirf' Palufllioyad' 




[ETH. ANN. 19 

SakbeDsi 9 


Talawinka 9 

Nuvasi 9 



Masainumko 9 

He'wi9 Wikpala,:? Trnkwicf 

TubeoinimO 9 

Nawicoa 9 



Sikyaiama 9 


Tatciff Tuwasi^ 



Talakwabi 9 

Kuyaletsmina 9 

Nayamtiwacf TalawlpikicJ 

Tui'waninimft 9 

Tu'wirf • Tu'vakuwi9 Taiyo9 

Humita 9 




It is stated that the Little Colorado pueblos were settled by clans 
from the far south, or Palatkwabi, which accounts for their considera- 
tion under the above heading. There is good traditional and docu- 

^ By the Little Colorado pueblos the author does not refer to ruins at the Cascades or between them 
and the river's mouth. The pueblos south and southeast of Hopi are included. 


meiitarv evidoncc that some of the pueblos now in ruins along the 
Little Colorado, due south of AValpi, were inhabited until near the 
close of the seventeenth centurj% but they were not all abandoned at 
the same time. Some of the clans went northward to the Hopi pueblos, 
others eastward to Zuiii. Among the first groups to migrate north- 
ward was the Patuii (Squash), which may have been accompanied by the 
Leiiya or Flute. The former settled at the Middle mesa and Awatobi, 
the latter were later joined by the Ala at Lenyanobi. As there were 
Patuii clans in Awatobi, which was destroyed in 1700, this migration 
must have talten place l)efore that year. 

The Patki group left Homolol)! somewhat later, for it is said that 
they did not go to Awatobi, but as there were Piba clans in Awatobi, 
the Piba arrived in Tusayan ))efore the destruction of the pueblo of 
the Bow people. It may have been that Pakatcomo. the Patki settle- 
ment in Tusayan, was founded before Awatobi fell, but the evidence 
seems to be contrary to such conclusion. 

Patun Clans 

Among the first clans to migrate from the pueblos of the Little 
Colorado in quest of homes in northern Tusayan of which information 
has been gathered through legends were the Patun or Squash clans. 
They originally lived on the Little Colorado, southwest of the present 
Hopi pueblos, and were accompanied by the Atoko (Crane) and 
Kele (Pigeon-hawk) clans. They made a settlement at Tcukubi, on 
the Middle mesa, which was afterward abandoned, the inhabitants 
removing to another pueblo of Squash clans. Old ^Mishongnovi. Some 
of the Squash clans went to Awatobi and others eventually to Walpi. 
The Squash clans which went to the East mesa are now extinct, so 
that it has not been possible to investigate their legends, but ample 
material for this study is still extant at the Middle mesa villages. 

In their life along the Little Colorado the Squash clans came in con- 
tact with many others, some of which followed them in their northward 
migration. There is reason to believe that among those they met were 
the Leiiya clans, which may have preceded them in the journey. 
There are several reasons for associating the Lefiya with southern 
clans. In the Oraibi Flute altar the main image is a tigui'ine with a 
single horn on the head resembling the pointed helmet worn only by 
the Kwakwantu. a society of the Patki clan, the southern origin of which 
is miquestionable. In most of the Flute altars there are two mounds 
of sand {talactcomo, "pollen mound") in which artificial flowers are 
inserted. The construction of similar flower mounds {atlya sitcoriwvi) in 
the Underworld is mentioned in Piba and Patuii legends of the origin 
of their Tatiiukyamu, Wiiwiitcimtu, and Mamzrautu societies. The 
Patun legends contain much about the cult of Alosaka (a germ god),' 

lAlosaka is really another name for Muyinwti, the germ god. 


which they say originated in the .south. The personation of Alosaka 
is prominent in the Flute observance at Walpi. 

This Alosaka cult, which, as elsewhere shown, is in some way con- 
nected with the Mountain-sheep clan of the Flute group, is one of 
the most perplexing at Walpi. There is legendary evidence that 
Alosaka was introduced into Tusayan from the settlements along the 
Little Colorado, by Squash and kindred (Flute) clans, some of which 
joined the Horn, others went to Awatobi. and still others to the Middle 
mesa, where they founded Tcukubi and other pueblos. All the evi- 
dence would appear to indicate that the original home of this cult was 
in the south, and as the Squash and related clans (except the Flute) are 
extinct at Walpi. the perpetuation of the Alosaka ceremonies in that 
pueblo has fallen to other clans — the Asa and Honani — by which the 
nature of the cult has been somewhat modified. 

In the enumeration of the clans belonging to the Ala-Lenya group, 
there is a Panwii or Mountain-sheep clan. This fact is significant, as 
the Aaltii or Alosaka wear artificial horns and personate Mountain- 
sheep in several ceremonies. 

In the New-fire ceremony, where Alosaka are personated, the per- 
sonations observe rites at the shrine of a being called Tuwapoiitumsi 
(•'Earth-altar woman""). The shrine has no statue of this being, but 
contains simply a block of petrified wood. Sikyahonauwu, an old man 
of the Tiiwa clan, made for me as his totem a figure with two horns, 
which he called Tuwapontumsi, a female complement of the double- 
horned Alosaka. 

In the Soyalufia, or Winter-solstice ceremony, we find a figure of 
Alosaka on the shield of the Ala-Lefiva people, and at Oraibi a screen 
similarly decorated is found. It has not j-et been determined, how- 
ever, whether this Alosaka screen at Oraibi has any relation to the 
Ala-Leiiya clans. 

The Alosaka cult was practiced at Awatobi, for the figurines of 
Alosaka used in that pueblo, as well as legends connected with them, 
are known. This is explained on the theory that there were Patuii 
and related Lefiya clans in that ill-fated pueblo. 

Patki Clans 

In the general designation "Patki clans" are included the last group 
which sought refuge from their southern homes among the Hopi. 
This group includes the Kiiki'itc (Lizard), called also Tiiwa (Sand), the 
Tabo (Rabbit) and Piba (Tobacco), and the Rain-cloud. They say that 
they once lived on the Little Colorado, near Winslow. and when they 
entered the Walpi valley thej' built and occupied Pakatcomo, where 
they practiced a higher form of religion than that which existed in the 
pueblo founded by the Bear and Snake clans. An intimate studj- 
of the character of the surviving rites which these clans say thej'^ 


introduced substantiates this claim of tiieir legends, for all the cere- 
monies ascribed to southern clans are higher than the rite which came 
from Tokonabi. 

The original home of the Patki clans is called in their legends 
Palatkwabi, and is said to have been near San Carlos in the Gila 
valley, southern Arizona. The legends of this clan say that their 
ancestors were forced to leave their ancient home by reason of destruct- 
ive floods, due to Paliiliikon, the Great Snake, and they migrated 
northward along the traU indicated by the ruined pueblos mentioned 
in the following pages. From Kufichalpi. the most ancient pueblo of 
the Patki, proliably, in the Palatkwabi region, they went on in turn to 
Utcevaca, Kwinapa, Jettipehika (the Navaho name of Tciibkwitcalobi, 
or Chaves pass), Homolobi (near Winslow), Sibabi (near Comar spring), 
and Pakatcomo (4 miles from Walpi). The last four ruins have been 
identiiied, and extensive archeological investigations have been con- 
ducted at the fourth and fifth. 

We thus have the names of three pueblos occupied by the Patki 
during their northern migration from Palatkwabi, before they arrived 
at Chaves pass, which have not yet been identified. These are Kwinapa, 
Utcevaca, and Kufichalpi. The determination of the sites of these 
villages, and a studj' of their archeology, would prove to be an impor- 
tant conti'ibution to the knowledge of the origin of the Patki clans. 
Anawita, chief of the Patki, a very reliable man, can point them out 
to any who has the means to prosecute these studies in 
Arizona. When the Patki clans arrived in Tusayan they built the 
pueblo of Pakatcomo, from which some went to the Middle mesa and 
others to Walpi. The Patki traditionists sav that when their ancestors 
lived at Pakatcomo the people of AValpi were in sore distress on account 
of the lack of rain and the consequent failure of crops, hence the}' 
invited the Patki to perform their rites to relieve them from calamity. 
This invitation was accepted, and the Patki societies erected their altars 
and sang their rain songs at Tawapa. As a result there came over the 
land first a mist, then heavy rain with thunder and lightning. Although 
the latter alarmed the Walpi women, the men were grateful, and the 
Patki were admitted to the pueblo, which the}' later joined. 

There was probably also another reason for the abandonment of Pakat- 
como. The pueblo was in a very exposed position, and the Apache 
were raiding the surrounding country, even up to the very foothills of 
the East mesa. Pakatcomo was in the plain, and its inhabitants 
naturally sought the protection of Walpi on its inaccessible mesa site. 

Pakatcomo is a small ruin, with walls of stone, and closely resem- 
bles the ruins at Homolobi, but it was evidentlv not inhabited for a 
long time, as the quantity of debris about it is small, and there are 
only a few fragments of pottery in its mounds. 


Date oftlie removal of clan.^ from ILtmolohi 

Historical documents of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries 
point to the existence at that time of inhabited pueblos in the reg'ion 
west of Zuni and south of the present Hopi towns. We find constant 
references to the ''Cipias" as living west of Zuiii in the seventeenth 
century, but the name drops out of history in the century following.' 
Where did they go ? Probably to Pakatcomo. In 1604 Juan de Ofiate, 
in search of the South sea (the Pacific), marched u^estward from Zuni 
to '• Mohoce" 12 or li leagues, where he crossed a river. This Mohoce 
is generally said to be modern Tusaj^an, which, unfortunately for the 
identification, is not west but northwest of Zuiii, is three times the dis- 
tance mentioned, and is not on a river. Moreover, to visit the South 
sea, Ofiate had no reason to go to the northern or modern Hopi pueblos. 
He had been there in 1598, and had gone from them to the mines 
north of Prescott and returned to Zuni by a "shorter'" route. Why 
should we suppose that he went out of his way from a direct route to 
the South sea on a subsecpient journey* The line of march of Ofiate 
in 160-4 was stated to be from Zuni west to Mohoce, which name is not 
restricted by the author to the present Hopi pueblos. The pueblos 
along the Little Colorado were in Mohoce, for, as we shall see, the 
Gilenos told Fray Francisco Garces in 1775 that "la nacion Moquis" 
formerly extended to Rio Gila. 

In 1632 the Little Colorado settlements were still occupied, but by 
the middle of the seventeenth century the Apache had raided the ter- 
ritory between the settlements of sedentary Sobaipuri tribe of the 
San Pedro and those of the Hopi along the Little Colorado, preventing 
the trade between the tribes which had been common in the sixteenth 
century. In 1674 the hostiles had destroyed a Zufii pueblo, and there 
is every reason to Ijelieve had forced the clans in the Little Colorado 
valley northward to modern Tusayan. It is therefore highly probable 
that the pueblos in the neighborhood of Winslow were deserted in 
the latter half of the seventeenth century. 

The " Kingdom of Totonteac," which is mentioned in documentary 
accounts written in the sixteenth century, is now generally regarded 
as the same as Tusayan, but neither name was restricted to the pres- 
ent Moqui reservation in early times. There is every reason to sup- 
pose that when Coronado marched through New Mexico in quest of 
Cibola, the puelilos along the Little Colorado south of Walpi were 
inhabited, and that there were other inhabited pueblos, now in ruins, 
south of these. Totonteac may have been the name of one of these 
clusters" possibh^ as far south as Verde valley or Tonto basin; but 

^In talking over traditions with Suiioitiwa, a member of the Asa clan, the author found that he 
placed the home of the Cipias or Zipias south of Laguna and east of Zuiii. Whether these were 
related to the Cipias west of Zuiii was not known to him. 

^Tusayan extended far south of Walpi in the sixteenth century. According to Castaiieda it was 
25 leagues from Cibola, which distance he later reduces in his account to 20 leagues. Espejo .says 
that Zuni is another name for Cibola. Now, 20 leagues from Zuiii, in the direction indicated, would 
not bring one to Walpi in northern Tusayan, but to some other Tusayan pueblos, possibly Homolobi, 




Captain Melchior Diaz learned from the natives that "Totonteac lies 
about seven days' easy journey from Cibola. The country, the houses, 
and the people are of the same appearance as in Cibola. Cotton was 
said to grow there well, but I doubt this, for the climate is cold. 
Totonteac was stated to contain twelve towns, each of them greater 
than Cibola. "1 

The above quotation is from Mendoza's letter of April IT, 1.540, but 
on August 3 of the same year Coronado wrote to Mendoza that the 
Cibolans informed him that the kinsrdom of Totonteac was "a hotte 
lake on the edge of which there are five or six houses." In the same 
letter Coi'onado says: '"The}' tell me about seven cities which are at 
a considerable distance. . . . The first of these four places about 
which they know is called Tucano."" 

Certainly, if we judge from the contents of this letter, Coronado's 
informants did not regard Totonteac and Tucano as the same cluster 
of towns or "kingdoms."' It seems more rational to believe that 
they were names applied to two different groups of \illages, west and 
northwest of Cibola, respectively, neither of which may have been 
the present Hopi pueblos, but both may have been inhabited by clans 
which later found refuge in what is now the Moqui reservation. 

The old men of the Gila Indians told Garces in 1775 that the 
"Moqui nation" formerly extended to the Gila, and that its people 
built the pueblos then in ruins in their country.' 

Patki ( Walj)!. and Sichumot'l) 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 



















1 Letter of Don Antonio de Mendoza to Charles V, Ternaux-Compans, ser. 1, tome ix.p. 292. Ibid., 
Nordenskiold's translation, p. 135. 

-Winship, Coronado Expedition, p. 562. 

3 " Esta enemistad me la habian contado los Indies viejos de mi Mision los Gilenos, y Cocomarico- 
pas per cuya noticia he discurrido quela nacion Moqiiis se extendia antiquamente hasta el mismo 
Rio Gila: fundome para esto en las Riiinas que se hallaron desde Esta Rio hasta la tierra de los 
Apaches, y que lo las he visto ent^e las sierras de la Florida," etc. — From a copy of the Diario in the 
Library of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

Since this paper was written a translation of the Diario, with valuable notes, by that eminent 
scholar, the late Dr Elliott Coues, has been published (see On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer, the 
Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Carets, New York, 1900. vol. ii, p. 386). 



Fiithi ( M'alpi and Sichumovi) — (.^ontinued 

[ETH. ANN. 19 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 




















Nac'iumsi 9 

Tcazra,-r Sakwistiwacf Saeitacf 


Supelacf KwatoakwaJ MakiwOcT 

Nemsi 9 


Sunicf Cltaimu^ TciecT 

Kwazracf Ku'yu 9 


Napwaisia J K umalctaima 9 


Kotsyumsi 9 

Yuna 9 



N"aciainima9 Gnenapi9 Talasnunu/ Povona cf 


MowOJ Koinranumsi9 Poliena 9 





Tuwabensi 9 


Poctoc? Leninana9 Toeia9 Niisiiiiihoya^ 



Several members of the Patki elan live in Si<'humovi. Their names 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 









Tcoshoniwu / 

Sikyomana 9 

Kwamana V 

Loci 9 


Tazru } 

The Piba (Tobacco) and the intimately associated Tabo (Rabbit) and 
Sowi (Hare) clans are given a southern origin liy their traditionalists. 
Some associate them with the Squash, others with the Water-house or 
Rain-cloud group, but all ascribe to them former habitations on the 
Little Colorado near Winslow. The ruin which now marks the site 
of their former home is probably that near the mouth of Chevlon 
fork, called Cakwabaiyaki. There is well-nigh strict uniformity in 
the statements that there were Piba clans in the village of Awatobi, 
and some say there were Piba people in the Patki settlement of 
Pakatcomo. The chief of the Piba clans at the former pueblo ^vas 
Tapolo, who was the first Tataukyamu chief at Walpi; and Hani, who 
says he is a direct descendant of Tapolo,' is chief of the same I'eligious 
societj' in that pueblo. 

1 Tapolo admitted the hostile Walpi into Awatobi on the night that the latter pueblo was destroyed. 
After the massacre he settled in Walpi. 

1!) ETH. PT 2— (11 3 



Pibri-Tnhii ( ]Vnlj)i <nid Sicliinvori) 

[ETH. ANN. 19 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 







































Tciewiiqti 9 

Hani,:f Tciiwiigti 9 Niiatiwa if 

Samimolci f 


Tubenumka 9 

Kwabehucf SikyaweamUtf Somat^ Lapii/ Sil£yatci9 

Owakoli 9 Koitswft9 Siepnimana 9 




Tubi 9 

Masaiinimsi 9 


Taho ' 

LelaiyoJ 'riTiabi,:f Talasicf Tcalic^ 

Tihiii-Kuki'itc (Walpi and Sichumori) 



(Tom) 1 

Huvmimana? Sikyampu9 



Men and boys 

Women and girls 






























Tcabicf Tcakaj* Ijomatcokicf 


Kutco 9 


Kakapti' 8ikyalpt>timacf Takalacf Sania,^' Sikoboli? Wakoi? 
Humiumka ? 

Koiyabi ? 

Tcozra ? Talaskubi 9 

Hahabi^f Peryauma^f 

1 Tom's mother was ol" the Ala clan; wheu she died Tom was adopted into the Tiiwa. 



HoNAu Clan 

The author has beeu unable to gather much information regarding 
the early history of the Boar elan. Kotka, the chief, asserts that his 
people were the first to come to the Hopi country; that they formerly 
lived at Muiobi, the Rio Grande region, and that they "overcame" 
^lasauu. the ancient owner of Tusayan. The author is inclined to 
regard the Bear clan as one of the groups of Pueblo people from the 
east which migrated to Tusayan at an early date, founding a pueblo 
on a site assigned to it by the Kokop, with whom it lived in friend- 
ship until the advent of the Snake people; his interpretation of the 
" overthrow of Masauu," a tutelary god of Sikyatki, will be given later. 

There are at the present time only three members of the Honau 
clan in Walpi: Masaiumci, the oldest woman, with her son, Kotka, the 
chief, and a daughter, Honsi, wife of Tu''noa, the Flute chief. Honsi 
has no children, and if none are born to her, the Honau clan, which 
was once most powerful in Walpi, will become extinct at the death 

of the chief and his sister. 

Honau ( Walpi) 

Masaiumci i 
Kotka (^ - Honsi? 

KoKOP Clans 

The former home of the Kokop clans was Sikyatki, a pueblo now in 
ruins, about three miles north of Walpi. Archeologic evidence indi- 
cates that this pueblo was destroyed before the first contact of the 
Hopi with the Spaniards, and the Kokop legends declare that it was 
overthrown by Walpi. There was a clan in the Kokop group called 
the Masauu clan, and the Snake legends recount that Masauu formerly 
owned all the country, but that they, the Snake people, overcame him 
and received their title to the site of Walpi from him. This is believed 
to be a reference to the Sikyatki tragedy, and to indicate that Masauii, 
the God of Fire, was a tutelary god of the Kokop or Firewood people. 

Katci, the chief of the surviving Kokop clans, says that his people 
originally came from the pueblo of Jemez or the Jemez country, and 
that before they lived at Sikyatki they had a pueblo in Keams canyon. 
Others say that they also once lived at Eighteen-mile spring, between 
Cotton's ranch (Pueblo Ganado) and Punci (Keams canyon); others 
that they drifted at one time into the eastern part of Antelope valley, 
where the ruin of their pueblo can still be seen. 

Archeologic investigation shows that Sikyatki was inhabited for many 
years, that its population was large, and that it had developed ceramic 
art in special lines characteristic of Tusayan ware. The technique 

-Kotka really belongs to the Kokyan (Spider) clan of the Bear phratry. 




and pictooraphy of Sikyatki pottery are distinctly Hopi. showing 
tliat the makers had developed a charaeteristic art whieh could have 
been attained onh' after a long interval. The peculiarities of this 
pottery are not found elsewhere in the Pueblo area and are not equaled 
by modern Hopi potters. These conditions indicate long residence in 

The being called Eototo has many resemblances to Masauii and may 
he the same being under another name. There was formerly an 
Eototo clan among the Kokop people, and the masks of the two pej-- 
sonilications are ver}^ similar. In Niman-katcina. in which Eototo is 
personated, the Kokop chief assumes that part. 

Kokop ( Walpi) 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 

















Sakabenka 5 

Kutcnaiya ? 

Katci cf Kuiialiia ' MaliOcf Heya f 

During the last decades of the seventeenth century many clans fled 
fi-oni upper Rio Grande valley to the Hopi country. These were 
mainly Tewa people, for hardly had the Spaniards been driven out of 
New Mexico in 1680 than the eastern pueblos began to quarrel among 
themselves and, as a rule, the Tano and Tewa were worsted. A few 
of the former and many of the latter escaped to the province of Alaki 
(Horn house, Hopi country) between 1680 and 1700. 

About the middle of the eighteenth century many of the descend- 
ants of these fugitives were persuaded to return, being reestablished 
ill new pueblos. It is highly probable that the people who were thus 
brought back belonged to Tanoan clans, and were not true Hopi, 
although called "Moquis," or "Moquinos,'' in the accounts of that 
time, from the fact that they had lived in the Hopi country. In other 
words, they were Tewa and Tano people who had fled to Tusayan. and 
not original Hopi. There has been a wave of migration from the Rio 
Grande to the Hopi country and then a return of the same people to 
their former homes. No considerable number of true Hopi have 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

niignitcd to the Rio Grando aiul reinuinod there, Init iiiany Tewa 
people who Hed to Tusaj'an have never returned to their former 
homes on the Rio Grande. This is an important fact, and partially 
explains the existence of so many Tanoan ceremonies in the Hopi 
pueblos, especially of the East mesa, where Tewan influence has been 
the strongest. The Hano \'illagers are of Tanoan stock, as were prob- 
ably the Asa. who were somewhat modified during their life at Zufii.' 
No connected migi'ation story of the Honani clans has j'et been 
obtained, but it is said that they lived at Kicuba, and brought katcina.s, 
which are now in their special keeping. The Katcina clan is also 
supposed to have come from eastern pueblos, but of that no circum- 
stantial proof can yet be given. 

Honani Clans 

The Honani clans once lived at Tuwanacabi, noi'th of the Hopi 
pueblos, where ruins are still to be seen. They say that the Honani 
katcinas came up from the Underworld at that point, and that they 
entrusted themselves to the special keeping of these clans. The Honani 
migrated to Oraibi from their home at Tuwanacabi, and later some of 
them went to the ^liddlc mesa, and to Awatobi and Walpi. At the 
time of the Awatobi massacre, in 1700, some of the Honani women were 
carried to Mastcomo, near the Middle mesa, where they were divided 
among their captors, some being taken to Mishongnovi, and others to 

These women are not now represented by female descendants in Walpi , 
as all the Honani women on the East mesa are domiciled in Sichumovi.'^ 
Evidences drawn from the pictography of modern pottery shows that 
the katcinas were late arrivals at Walpi, and their association with 
Honani and Asa clans shows that these two groups were kindred. That 
the Honani claim to have the katcinas in their special keeping points 
the same way and supports the legends that this cult was a late addition 
to the preexisting Hopi ritual. 



Men and boys 

Women and girls 









Totci (Zufii) 





1 There is no doubt that the Asa people lived in Zufii, where they left some members of their clan. 
Tlu' desoendants of these are now called Aiwahokwe. 

2 The ancestors of the Honani of .Sichumovi came to that ptieblo from Oraibi. 







Kelewiiqti $ 

Kokaamfl J 



Tcutcunamaim 9 Knteamana 

The Buli or Buttei-fly clan is regarded a.s the same as the Honani or 
Badger. It formerly lived at Awatobi, and, although not now repre- 
sented at Walpi, it is important in Sichumovi. 

Bull {Sichumwi) 

Meu and boys 

Women and girls 

















Siwikwabi 9 

Lakonemana 9 

Ami/ Xanakocicf Koitshonsi? Tabohia, f Neanunamana? SiomanaJ Aksic^ Cikulicf Seziitacf 


Kotcama f 

Katcina or Anwuci Clans 

The Katcina or Anwuci clans were of late arrival at the East mesa, 
and are reported to have come from the east. The onlv ruins which 
have been identified as homes of these clans are Kicii and Wiiiba, or 
Katcinaba, the small ruin of which is situated aljout 3 miles east of 
Sikvatki, in the foothills of the same mesa. There are at present 
very few people of this group at Walpi, and none at Sichumovi. 
Hano contains a consideral)le numl>er. which would indicate that the 
main 1)ody went to that settlement. The abandoned houses east of 
the main cluster of Hano. where the site of the Katcina-kiva was 
j)ointed out by Wehe, are said to have been once inhabited by people 
of this group. The modern houses of the Katcina clan of Hano are 
on the other side of the main house cluster. 



KatriiKi or Aniriici (]]'alpl) 

[ETH. ANX.19 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 















Komaletsi 9 

Nakwainumsi 9 

Talawinti;^ Tcoki,^ Lomaiumtiwacf 

Napwaiasi 9 


Sikyawisi ;f 

Pakab Clans 

The legends of the Pakab clans are somewhat conflicting, but Paii- 
tiwa, of the Eagle clan, has given the most intelligible account. His 
ancestors, he asserts, came from the eastern pueblos, and once inhab- 
ited a village, now in ruins, called Kwavonampi. This ruin has not 
been identified, but was probably not far from Pvieblo Ganado. and 
possibly may have Ijeen the same as Wulvopakabi ("Great reed or 
arrow place"). It has been suggested that the Pakab (Arrow) was the 
same as the Awata (Bow) clan, which lived at Awatobi ("Place of the 
bow"), and additional evidence to support this suggestion is that the 
Bow priests came from the Bow clans. It is highly probable that the 
Pakab lived at Awatolji, where they were known as the Awata. 

According to Stephen, on authority of Pautiwa, the Eagle clan once 
lived at Citaimu, now a ruin at the foot of the Middle mesa, wliich 
they abandoned, part of the inhabitants going to Walpi. others to 

The afliliation of the Pakab ceremony has an important bearing on 
the (juestion of clan origin. The Momtcita ceremony peculiar to the 
Pakal) has strong resemblances to a Zufii rite. This ceremony occurs 
just after the winter solstice, and although it has never been thoroughly 
studied,' the author has ample hearsay data concerning it. Pautiwa. 

'The author witnessed the ceremony in 1900. 




the Pakab chief, is also chief of a warrior society called Kalektaka. 
which the Hopi declare is the same as the Zuiii "Society of the Bow" 
(Api hlaushiwaiii). lie has a tiwurine of Fiulkofihoya which corr(>- 
sponds with the Zuiii Ahaiuta, and when he sets it in place his acts 
are identical with those of Naiiiche, the Zuiii Bow chief. On the 
walls of the room where it is kept there are figures of animals of the 
cardinal points identical with those at Zuiii, and the puhlir (lan((> of 
the Momtcita resembles the War dance at the latter puehlo. 

The evidence is sti'ong- enough to show that the ^Momtcita is closcdy 
related to the wariior cele))ration of the Zuiii Bow priests, and it is 
believed to have l)cen derived from Zuiii, from some pueblo colony of 
Zuiii, or from the same source as the Zuiii variant, which means that 
the Pakab clans are of Zuni origin. 

The probat)ility that the Pakal) (Reed, Arrow) clans were the same as 
the Awata (Bow) clans makes it possible that Awatobi was settled by 
the Pakab people. There is nothing in the Pakab legends to forbid 
this, l)ut on the other hand there is nothing detinite to support it 
except the important statement that there were Pakab people at 
Awatobi. The Pakah-Awata may then be regarded as the founders of 
Awatolji, and if this l)e true there must have been close kinship 
between Awatobi iind Zuni, or some settlement or Pueblo whose inhabi- 
tants later went to Zuni. 

Pakub ( Walpi and Sichumom) 

Men mill Ijoys 

Women nnd girls 


Nuiisi ' 

















1 Her arm was amputated years ago by Dr Jeremiah Sullivan (Urwici). Dr Sullivan lived for Hoinc 
years at Walpi. studying Hopi customs. 



Nuiisi 9 

[ETll.ANN. I'J 


Tcoro 5 

Kaiimie^ Piba:' 


Sikwi.f Lenhonima9 
Klltckwabi ' 



Knkoma $ I'avunamaiia 'J 

Kiimahabi J Poiiyanumka 9 

NaeJ Potcacf 

Asa or Tcakwaina Clans ' 

The Asa rlans are said to havo foi-inerly lived at Kaetibi, near Santa 
Fe (Alaviya),'- and near Abiquiu. They are reputed to have originally 
been of Tewa ancestry, and to have left the Rio Grande at about the 
end of the sixteenth century. In their western migration they went 
to TukM'i (Santo Domingo) and from there to Kawaiku (Laguna). 
From Kawaika they proceeded to Akokaiabi (Acoma). and thence to 
Sioki (Zufii). where some of this clan still live, being- known to the 
Zuiii as the Aiwakokwe clan. How long the Asa lived at the pueblo 
last named, and whether the Zufii ascribe to the clan an origin in the 
upper liio Grande, are unknown. 

Some of the Asa continucfl their migration from Zufii, proceeding 
to the Awatobi mesa, where they built a pueblo called Tcakwainaki 
("village of the Tcakwaina clans"), near the wagon road west of the 
extreme end of the mesa. It is said that katcinas were then with them. 
They did not remain at this village a long time, but continued to the 
East mesa. The site of their first village at this mesa is not clearly 
indicated l)y the legends; perhaps they joined the Tewa clans, their 
kindred, above the spring called Isba, and it is said by some that they 
aided the other TeM'a in their fights with the Ute. The Asa legends 
recount that after they had been in Tusayan for some tinu^ they built 
houses on the end of the East mesa above the gap (Wala), east of 
Hano. Years of drought resulted in a famine, and the Asa moved 
away to Canyon de Chelly. in the '" Navaho country." where they lived 
in houses now in ruins. They intermarried with the Navaho, but 
ultimately returned to Walpi, and found that other Tewa clans occupied 
their former dwellings, whereupon the Walpi chief assigned them a 
site for a new village at the head of the " Stairway trail," if they would 
defend it against enemies. Their houses for the greater part are now 

1 The cult of Tcakwaina (■ommon to Ziini and the East mesa is ascribed to this clan. 
- Alta villa, Spanish '■ High town." 


in ruins, although one <>f tliciii. cast of th(> Wikwali()l)i-ki\ a. i^ -till 
inhabited by an old woman oi the Asa clan. 

Toward the end of the eighteenth crntury the niajority of the 
women of the Asa phrati-y moved to another jjoiiit on the East mesa 
and founded the pueblo of Sichumo\i. where their descendants still 

The exodus of the Asa peoph? to the Navaho country may have l)een 
about the j^ear 1780, Mhen Anza was governor of New ^Mexico. At 
that time we learn that the Hopi were in sore distress owing to the 
failure of their crops, as the legend also states, antl many moved to 
the Navaho country, where men were killed and women "" reduced to 
slaver3^■' In September of the year named. Anza found that two llopi 
pueblos had been abandoned and that forty families liad departed.' 
As the legends declare tliat the Asa left at about this time for the 
same region, it is pro})ab]c that these were the people to whom Anza 

It is iKjt unlikely that the Asa and 'I'ewa clans formed a part of the 
Tanoan people who were forced to leave the upper Eio (Irandc valley 
directly after the great rebellion of 1080. Niel is said to have stated" 
that at a)x>ut this time -1.0n(» Tanos went to Tusayan by way of Zufii, 
which is the trail the present Asa people say their ancestors took. 
We are told that they went to Alaki. and as the Ala (Horn) j)eople 
were then strong at the settlements of Walpi, on the terrace of the 
East mesa, it is not improl)abl(' that their village was sometimes called 
Alaki. or "Horn pueblo." Erom the Hopi side we find verification 
of this historical event, for it is said that many people cam(> to them 
from the great river just after the rebellion of ICiSO. The number 
mentioned by Xiel. the statement that they went to Orailii. and indeed 
all that pertains to the "kingdom founded by Ti-ascjuillo." may have 
been from hearsay. At all events the Asa people do not seem to 
have gone to Oraibi. nor are theii- clans now represented at this 

As bearing on the claim of Asa traditionists, the following quota- 
tion from that well-known scholar. Bandelier. has great importance: 

The modern town of Abiquiu stands almost on the site of an ancient village. The 
town was built in part by (.ienizaros or Indian captives, whom tlie Spaniards had 
rescued or purchased from their cajitors. The Tehuas of Santa (.'lara contend that 
most of these Genizaros came from the Moquis, and that tlierefi)re the old puelilo 
was called Josoge. ' 

As the Asa legends claim the site or vicinity of Abiquiu as their 
Eio Grande home, it would have been a natural proceeding if any of 

' See Bancroft, Works, vol. xvn (New Mexico and Arizona i, p. 186. 

2 See Bancroft, op. cit., and others. 

3 Final Report, part 2. p. M. 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

theiu I'osettled there when they went back. These ' " Joso " (Hopi) were 
probably Tewa from the East mesa, aad as some of the Asa returned 
to the Rio Grande in the middle of the eighteenth century, it would be 
quite natural for the Tewa to call the old pueblo on the site of Abi- 
quiu Josoge ("Hopi pueblo"). 

The Asa people, like the Honani, brought some katcinas to Walpi, 
among which may be mentioned Tcakwaina. . In the winter solstice 
meeting of the Asa. at which their peculiar fetishes are exhibited in 
the kiva, the Asa display as an heirloom an old mask called Tcakwaina, 
wliicli they claim to have brought with them when they came into the 
country. There is a striking likeness between this mask and those of 
Natacka, and it is suspected that the Asa brought the Natacka to the 
East mesa. It is instructive to note that the Asa are not represented 
in the Middle mesa pueblos and Orail)i, and important light could be 
shed on this question if we knew that the Natacka were also unrepre- 
sented in these villages. The author suspects, on good ground, that 
the Oraibi have no Natacka in the Powamu ceremony. 

The similarity in symbolism between the masks of Tcakwaina, 
Natacka, and Calako taka is noteworthy, and it is not impossible that 
thej' are conceptions derived from Zuni or some Zutii settlement. 
The home of Calako was the present ruin of Winima, near St Johns, 
Arizona, from which place the Zuiii Calako came, according to both 
Hopi and Zuiii legends. The Hopi Calako is said to have come from 
the same place. It is likewise highly proljable that the Asa introduced 
several other katcinas besides the Tcakwainas. Sichumovi, the present 
home of the Asa, is often called a Zuni pueblo, probal)ly because it 
was settled by Asa (Aiwahokwe) clans from Zuiii. This is probably 
the Hopi town which the Zuiiis sa,y is one of their pueblos in the Hopi 

Asa people at Walpi 

Men and boys 










Talabioya (Soyoko) 




Asa people at •Sicltuniori 


Men and boys 

Women and girls 

















Nil vain ininiu 
























Poboli 9 

Turwanumsi 9 


Tuwanainimil? Tiiwakuliiiff Kiiliutcicf Holacf 

„ J, , Sikavenka 9 Talamana9 Hokona 9 Sikvamuniwarf 


Sikvatila :f Lomanapocac^ Siihiibmanai 

Maecf Wacricf Kiikwaiesi9 

Pucimana 9 Tabohoya 9 

Pawaiasi (^ 


Letaiomana 9 

Poll 9 

Miming Tu'kiacf TalawaisiaJ 





[ETll. ANN.l'.l 


Tciia wiilwu 




Ana winwu. 


Hoiiani winwu 

Buli wiiiwu 



Patki winwu 

Patki wiiiwu 


Tiiwa-Kiilciitf winwu . 

. 1.") 


Piba-Tat)o winwu 

Oraibi women.. 


Tuwa-Kiikiitc winwu. . 



Ala winwu -- 

. 119 

Pil^a-Tal.^o winwu 

Total 205 


The j)resont peoplo of Hiuio aro, in the iiuiin, descendants of Tewa 
clans which are said to liave come to the East mesa at the invitation 
of the Snake chief of Walpi alK)iit the end of the decade following the 
destruction of Awatobi. These clans still speak the Tewa language, 
))iit. owing to intermarriage, they are more closely related consanguin- 
eally to the Hopi than to those speaking the Tewa language along 
the upper Rio Grande. 

The traditions regarding the advent of the ancestors of the Hano 
people are more circumstantial than those of the other component 
peoples of Tusayan. The best traditionists state that the ancestors 
of these clans were invited by an old Snake chief, who was then the 
kimonwi or pueblo chief of Walpi, to leave their home in the upper 
Ikio (Irande valley and settle in Tusayan. The Ute were at that time 
harrying the Hopi, and four times an embassy bearing prayer sticks 
was sent by the Hopi to the Tewa chief. The fourth invitation was 
accepted, and the Tewa clans started westward. 

The t)riginal home of these clans is said to be Tcewadi, and they 
claim that they speak the same language as the present people of the 
pueblos of (1) O'ke'; (M) Ka'po: (:!) Po'kwoide: (4) Posonwu; (5) 
Nambc; and ((i) Tetsogi. Their trail of migration is variously given. 
The following route is on the authority of Hatco: 

Leaving Tcewadi they went to Jemesi, or Jemez, where they rested, 
some say. a year. From Jemesi they continued to 0''pinp o, called by 
the Hopi Pawikpa ("Duck-water"). There they rested a short time, 
some say, another year, th(>n' continued to Ki))o. or Honaupabi (Fort 
Wingate). From there tiH>v went on to the present site of Fort 
Defiance, and after halting there a year continued to Wukopakabi (Cot- 
ton's ranch) and to Piulci (Keanis canyon). Passing through Piulci, 



they wont on tu the Eiist iiicsu. whore they Iniilt ii puehlo on the hiyh 
land near Is))!!, or Coyote s])rino-. The site of their pueblo can still 
1)6 seen here, and obseure house walls may be traced on the ridge of 
land to thi' left of the trail above the spring, near the rt)eky cniinenee 
called Sikyaowatcooio (•• Yellow-i-ock mound").' 

While living here they used a spring called Unba, near the piadi 
trees west of the mound on which the old pueblo stands. This spring 
is now tilled with sand, and its exact position is problematic, })ut a 
spring called Isba, on the east side of the old Hano pueblo, to which 
referent'c has previously been made, is still used by the Hano people.'- 

The orioinid Tewa clans were as follows: 







































♦ The flans whosi.' nnniL-s are preceded by an iisterisk art' now extinct. Leg:eiiris current in Hhiio 
state that the first kimonwi, <tr chief, of the pueblo belonged to the Nan towa. 

It will he notu't'd tliiit several of these clans are named from the 
same olfjeets from whieh eertiiin Walpi clans derive their names. 
Thns at Hano we have Kain-cloud, Tobacco, Corn, Kateina, Sand, and 
Bear clans corresponding to the same at Walpi. The present village 
chief, Anote, belongs to the Sa (Tobacco) clan, and his predecessor, 
Kepo, was a member of the Kolon clan. It is reported that the tirst 
pueblo chief of the Tewa of Hano who migrated to Tusayan was 

'The shrine of the Sun, used during the Tafitai rite, is situated to the east of this rock. In this 
slirine are placed, during- the SoynUma ceremony, the tawa saka paho (sun-ladder pahos), the omowfi 
.«aka paho (raincloud-ladder-pahos), and several forms of nakwakwocis, or feathered strings. 

2This spring is owned by the Hano clans, and much of the water which they use is taken from it. 
The cleaning out of springs when, as often happens, they are filled with drift sand is one of the few 
instances of communal pueblo work performed by the Hopi. As this time arrives notice is given 
by the town crier, by direction of the chii'f ikimonwi i, and all the men of the pueblo aid in the 
work. Wht'u Tawapa spring was t-Ieant-d out in the autumn of 1R9.S the male adults ftf Walpi 
worked there for three days, and the wcnnen cooked food near by, so that at the close of (.-ach day's 
work there was a grcal ft-ast. While the work was going on a circle "f ibe old men smoked native 
ceremonial tobaeco in am-ieiii pipes. 


Mupil)i of the Jsiln (iSaiul) clan, and Putan uf the Ke (Bear) elan Im said 
to have siieei>eded Mapil)i. There are no Tewa women belonging to 
the Hano elans living in Walpi. the pueblos of the Middle mesa, or 

The legends of their eontliets with the Ute. who were making hos- 
tile inroads upon the Hopi, have several variants, but all agree in 
stating that the Tewa fought with and defeated the Ute, and that the 
last stand of these nomads was made on the sand hill east of the mesa. 
Into that place the Ute had driven all the sheep which the}' had 
captured and madi^ a rampart of their carcasses. This place now has the 
name Cikwitu''kwi (''Meat luound") from that occurrence. Here the 
Ute were defeated and all but a few (two or four) were killed. There is 
an enumeration of the number above the wagon trail to Hano a short 
distance below the gap (AVala). The men who were saved were 
released and sent back to join their kindred with the word that the 
Tewa Isears had come to Tusayan to defend it. Since this event the 
inroads of the Ute have ceased. 

As a reward foi- their aid in driving l>ack the Ute, the Tewa were 
given for their farms all the land north of a line drawn through Wala, 
the gap, across the valleys on each side of the East mesa, at right 
angles to the mesa; there their farms and homes in the foothills near 
Isba are now situated. The land holdings of the Hopi clans are south 
of this line, and the new houses which they have built in the foothills 
are on the same side. 

Almost all the people of Hano speak Hopi as well as Tewa, but 
even the Hopi men married to Hano women do not understand the 
language of the pueblo in which they live. 

The people of Hano are among the most industrious of the inhalut- 
ants of the East mesa. Although they number only about 160, they 
iiavc (in 1899) more children in the school at Keams canyon than all 
the other six pueblos, which number approximately 1,800 inhabitants. 



Census of Hano Clans 

Sa or Tohftcfu clan 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 

A note 
















Oknn 5 



Mofa:f rHhikaef Kaptiwa^ Asenaf IpwantiwaJ' Kwan? 

Howilar^ Yaunia/ Nuci? 

Tcepobi ? 

Tuwabema -f 

Kolon or Corn dan 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 






K wentcowu 




















19 ETH, PT 2 01- 



Kotcaka 9 

[ETH. ANN. 19 





KweiitcowO$ Kalaokxiurf Komaletiwad* Akontcauwrt? 

Talikwia 9 

Totorf Pekerf KeloJ Heele$ 

AwatcauwQ 9 


Tcided' Obacf 



Tcaiwfl? Kweckatcanwti 9 

Kontce9 Pel6 9 

Ke or Bear clan 


Jlen and boys 

Women and girls 















Tcakwainarf Kaun9 


Tcetcan $ 



U'bi9 Cakwatotcicf Mepicf Taletcan? Tcepella 9 Yoyebellicf Palankwaamdcf 


TeniXk or Pine dan 


Men aud boys 

Women and girls 




























Kele? Tabomana 9 Urpobi? Peta? 

Akantci? \ 

Koitswaiasi 9 Paoba:' Altei :f TopecT Ee? 


Lelo<T Pobitcacf 



Yodot (f 

Katcinamana? Naici? Polialla,^ 

Selapi ? 

Nato J Hokona ? Tolo ? 


Sapele ? 



Xdn or Sand dun 

lETH.ANN. 19 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 
















Pocilopobi 9 

Pocine<? Sia J' Talaiumtiwa d' Koatci? Talabensi? Avatca? Kae? 



Hermiumsi ? 

Kainali rf 
Katdna clan 

Aupobi 9 

Galakwai rf 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 






































Sibentimacf Tawihonima,^ 

Nokontce 9 

Kwcbehoyac^ TacicJ 

Po'tza 9 Pobitcan $ Kalatcan $ 


Ku'yapirf O'kun,:? 



Oyi<f Nuva9' Avaiyo:f Pen 9 

Kwenka9 PotcauwQ? 

Koloacf Malicf Tcao9 Sxi'tapkicf Awfc9 Tcuayaumac^ Pen 9 Kotcamucf Sawiy(i9 

Yowailo 9 
Tcanwi 9 

Keselo 9 Paupobi 9 

Ohawan or Cloud clan 

Men and boys 

Women and girls 
































1 Lives at Shunopovi. 

- Lives at Walpi. 

3 Lives at Sichumovi. 



[bTH. ANN. 19 

Kalakwaid' Peti(^ 

Tceikwaicf Talitce? 

Pobitcawa 5 PemeUed' KalaiJ 



Kwentce ? 

Sibyumka ? 



Yowaafi 9 

Keko? Tee Asou$ TawamanaJ Suhubmana9 

Tazu<f Polikwabirf Snnitiwac? 



Totals of Hano clans 

Sa towa 15 

Kolon towa 25 

Ke towa - 1'* 

Tentik towa 26 

Niin towa ^^ 

Katcina towa 2" 

Okuwafi towa - - - • ^^ 

Doubtful - 1 

Total 159 


The personnel of the Walpi religious societies, so far as known, is 
given in the accompanying lists, which may be regarded as fairly com- 
plete for the male but only approximate for the female member- 
ship. As a rule, the women mem))crs of a society may be said to be 
the members of the clan which introduced it, and some others. It 


is not necessary to mention the names of the participants in the katcina 
dances, as the organization may be said to include all the men and the 
older boys of the pueblo. So also the names of those who participate 
in the Soyaluiia. or "Winter-solstice gathering, are not given, for, from 
the nature of the festival, it includes all the families in the village. 
The following includes the main religious societies in Walpi:' 

From Tithtni\li> 

Tcubwiiii])kia Ala claii^r. 

Tciiwiiiipkia Toiia clans. 

Fniin Fiilalhnihi and the Little Coloradu jmelilos 

Kwakwantu Patki clans. 

Lalakontu Patki clans. 

.^altu Patun clan.s. 

Wiiwutcinitu Patun clans. 

Tatankyamii Pil)a clans. 

Manizrantii Patun clans. 

Cakwalenya Lenya clans. 

Macilenya Lenya clans. 

From all Faslern ]nieblo, Kwarontmipi [derived from Ziinif) 

Kalektaka Pakali clan. 

The Katcina society, wiiich includes ail males, practices the katcina 
cultiis, and while each performance has its own derivation, all came 
from eastern pueblos. In order to show whence it came to Walpi 
each masked personage should be mentioned in order. ' 

Katcina altars 1 if I'owamuand Xinian.. Katcina clans Kicuba. 

Eototu Kokup clans Jeinez. 

Sio Huniia (Zuni) and Humis Jemez clans? Jemez. 

Calako (Sio or Zuiii) Honani clan.s. Zuni. 

Tcakwaina ( Natacka) Asa clans Znni. 

Sio Zuiii. 

TacaV) Xavaho. 

Male Zuiii. 

Pavvik Zuni. 

Ana Zuni. 

Soyohini Several eastern pueblos. 

Kawaika Keres pueblo?. 

Koh(jnino Havasupai Indians. 

Hahaiwiigti Katcina Kicuba. 

Soyi ikiuana '. Honani Keres pueblo. 

Tuuwup Honani. 

Hehea Asa Zuiii. 

1 This list does not include such societies as tiie " doctors" — the Pocwimpltias or Yayawimpltias — 
wlio arc called in to cure disease, and -some others. 
"The derivation of many other katcina:. will be given in a later article. 

624 tusatan migration traditions [eth.ann.lii 

Religious Societies from Tokonabi 

The Wiilpi cliin.s which came from Tokonat)i were, as has been 
shown, the Horn-Snake, and the present survivors of these components 
are represented l)y two societies of priests called Tciia-wimpkias and 
Tciib-wimpkias. that is. Snake priests and Antelope priests. 

These societies are regarded as the oldest in AValpi, and the cere- 
monies which they perform are survivals, possibh' with some moditi- 
cations, of a worship practiced in the former home of the Snake and 
Horn clans at Tokonabi. The nature of the rites at Walpi in early 
times may be judged from that of their modern survivals, namely, the 
Snake dance in August of odd years, and certain ceremonials in January 
of the same years. 


When Walpi was founded it contained, as has been shown, clans 
belonging to the Snake-Horn and the Bear groups, and pro))ably all 
males older than young boys participated in their great ceremony, 
the Snake dance. Since that early time the advent of other families 
has considerably changed the social connections of the personnel of 
the .societies, and their membership has outgrown clan limitation. 
The expanded .societies called Snake and Antelope are now limited to 
no clan, but include members of all. The chief, however, and the 
majority of the members still come from the Snake clan, and include 
all its men. The extent to which the transformation of the early 
Snake-family worship has gone, in liecoming a composite worship 
practiced by a dual society with a membership from all existing 
clans, may be seen by an enumeration of the present Snake and Ante- 
lope priests. 

The existence of these two sacerdotal fraternities supports the tradi- 
tionary declaration that the original people who settled on the site of 
Walpi included two groups of clans, the Horn and the Snake. There 
is also evidence in their rites that a Bear and a Puma clan were like- 
wise represented in this early settlement, for in some of the secret 
ceremonies of the Snake dance we find l)oth the bear and the puma 

The nature of the ceremonial calendar of the Snake-Horn people 
when these clans came to the East mesa and settled on the tei'race under 
Walpi may never be known. Miiny rites have been dropped in the 
course of time, or have become so merged into others that their identity 
is difficult, jK'rhaps impossible, to discover; but there are two ccrcmo 
nies of the most ancient Snake-clan rites of Walpi which survive to 



our day. Since the Snake dance wa.s first celebrated in the ancient 
piie))lo it has been somewhat moditied In' contact with the rituals of 
other clans, but even now it retains certain characteristics of a rude 
animal worship or zoototemism. With modification has come a change 
in its purpose, so that at present it is a prayer for rain and for 
the growth of corn — a secondary development due mainly to an arid 

Membenhip of the Antelope Society 

Individual Clan 



Wiki Tciia 




Wikyatiwa Tciia 

Hofiyi Tciia 

Teazra Patki 




Tcoshoniwii Patki 

Membership of the Snake Society 



Individual . 


































Makiwu . ... 





Pocti 1 





























Religious Societies from Palatkavabi 

The migration of clans from the south to Tusavan liegan very early 
in the history of the Hojji, and we are fortunately al)le to speak defi- 
nitely of the movements from this direction in the seventeenth century. 
These were in part brought about by the inroads of a nomadic people, 
the Apache, who at the close of the sixteenth century began to raid 
the sedentary people of southern and central Arizona. Their attacks 
were at first weak, but gathered strength during the following cen- 
tury, until at the close of the year 1T0() the entire central part of 
Arizona had passed under Apache control. The villages along the 
Little Colorado held out until about the close of the century, but 
their inhabitants were ultimateh' forced north to join the Hopi. 

These fugitives took refuge among the Hopi in groups of clans at 
intervals as one after another of the southern pueblos was aViandoned. 
The earliest group seems to have been the Patuii, after which fol- 
lowed the Patki, the Piba, and others. There may have been others 
earlier than the Patufi people, and possil)ly the Lefiya was one of 
these, but the Patun clans founded some of the oldest pueblos in the 
Hopi country, as Mishongnovi and Tcukubi. 

As Mishongnovi is mentioned in the list of Hopi towns at the end 
of the sixteenth centurj*, we may assume that the advent of the I'atuii 
clans was prior to that date; and the fact that there were both Patuii 
and Piba (Tobacco) clans in Awatolii shows that they came l)efore 
the advent of the Patki people, which must have occurred shortly after 
Awatobi was destroyed, for no one maintains that the Patki lived at 
that town. They had a pneblo of their own, called Pakatcomo, -i miles 
from Walpi, in which lived Patki and Tiiwa or Kiikutc clans. 


The Ala-Leiiya clans brought a new cult to AValpi, which survives 
in the Flute (Leilya) observance celebrated during alternate sum- 
mers. In some of the Hopi pueblos there are two sections of the Flute 
priesthood, called the Blue Flute and the Drab Flute, but at Walpi 
the latter is extinct and the ceremonies of the two are consolidated. 

The existence of two divisions of Flute priests, and the fact that the 
Ala-Lefiya group of clans is composed of two main divisions, would 
.seem to show that the dual sacerdotal condition reflected the sociological 
status; that one society sprang from the Ala, the other from the Lefi^'a 
components. In the present celebration of the Flute there are flute 
elements in both societies where they exist in dual sections. 



Membership of the Flute Society ' 
















Mouuii . 

Tciiavema (?) 

Hani . 









1 There are otlier members of tliis society not here mentioned. 


The Patufi (Sriuash) clan probably introduced into the Hopi pueblos 
the Aaltu, Wiiwiitcimtu, and Mauizrautu (a woman's priesthood) 
societies; the Piba (Tobacco) brought the Tataukvauiii; and the Patki 
(Rain-cloud) brought the Kwakwantil and Lalakontil. As these clans 
came from the south, there are many resemblances in the rituals of 
their priesthoods. The names of the members of these piiesthoods 
are given in the following lists: 

Memherslnp of the Aallu Society 






















































Sikyatila . 




















Alatco ' 









' Lives in Zufii. 



Membfrship of tlie Wnirtitchiiti'i Societif 

[ETH. ANN. 19 







Sik valionan \vu 














Sikyapiki ' 








Kopeli - . 
































1 Lives in Shamopovi. 
Membership of the TataukymiiCi Societif 














































Monwii . 





















Wikpala . 

• Lives in Zuiii. 


Memhersli'ip of the K^OakwanlA Society 


















































Turk winainu 




Letai v< ) . . 


The women's society which was introduced by the Patki people is 
called Lalakontii, and its ceremony at Walpi in 1S91 was participated 
in by the following persons: 

Membership of the LalakonHi Society 

Women 1 Clan 



Koitsyumsi Patki 

Naciainiuia Patki 

Kumawensi Patki 

Ku''vu Patki 





The author has not learned the names of all the members of the 
Mamzraiitii society, but those of the more importtmt participants in 
its 189^ performance are as follows: 

^The list is incomplete, but it includes tlie cliief priestesses. 



Membership of the Mamzrautu Society 

[eth.akn. 19 





Saliko --. 



25 other women 







K watcakwa 











The Kalektaka Society 

The society of warriors called the Kalektaka was introduced by the 
Pakab clans, and their ceremony, the Momtcita, bears a very close 
likeness to that of the Priesthood of the Bow at Zuiii. From these 
resemblances this society is regarded as of New Mexican origin, but 
among the Hopi it is simply the celebration of the Pakab clans and 
does not dominate the rites of any society previously mentioned. It 
is one of many cults, and. like others, was introduced by certain 
definite clans and has not obtained a hold upon others. In this its 
relationship differs from that of the Society of the Bow in the Zufii 


We come now to discuss a cult at Walpi which in many ways is 
uni(iuc. and so markedly different is it that we have no difficulty in 
distinguishing it from the cults already uientioned. The one feature 
which separates it from the others is the existence of masked person- 
ations — luen wearing helmets or masks to personate supernatural 
beings. In its origin it is unlike any other, for it was not brought to 
^\'alpi by any one group of clans. l)ut by several, the arrivals of which 
were separated by considerable periods of time, even generations. The 
katcina cult is therefore not homogeneous, for not only did different 
clans contribute to it. but these clans came from pueblos geographi- 
cally remote from one another. There is no one Katcina society limited 
to one group of clans, but all men and boys may and do enter into the 
performance of katcina dances. In this heterogeneous collection of 
allied cults we tind some introduced by the Honani, some by the Asa, 
some purchased or borrowed from neighboring tribes. Some of the 
katcina dances are worn down to a single pulilic masked dance from 
which all secret rites have disappeared. Two at least, the Powamu 
and the Niman, are of nine davs' duration. 


To look for the origin of the katcinas a.s a whole in any one family 
or clan would be fruitless. AVe must seek the independent origin of 
eai'h. But there is one source to which we can turn for the two great 
katcina celebrations — the Powamu and Niman — and that is the Kat- 
cina (Anwuci, Crow) clans. 

Happil_v, however, we can find that the general direction whence all 
the important katcinas came was the east — the New Mexican pueblos — 
where the same ceremonies still survive in modified form. 


An order of priests called the Tatcuktu. or Mudheads — men wear- 
ing cloth masks with large knobs on their tops and sides — was brought 
to Tusayan from the New Mexican pueblos. They do not belong to 
the ancient Hopi ritual, but came with those clans who brought the 
katcinas, with whom they appear in modern ceremonies. This order 
is very ancient in the pueblos from which it came, as are likewise the 
katcinas, but they do not belong to the cults of the clans from 
Tokonabi or Palatkwabi. 


The Sumaikoli priests and cult are closely connected with the katci- 
nas, and are supposed to have been introduced into Tusayan from New 


Walpi is the only pueblo on the East mesa where a true Hopi ritual 
is celebrated, but it has become more profoundly affected by intrusive 
clans of other stocks than that of any other Hojii pueblo. This modi- 
fication, due to the vicinity of Sichumovi and Hano, is particularly 
marked in the great katcina ol)servance called Powamu, wliich differs 
greatly from the Oraibi performance of that name. The clans which 
have been of greatest importance in bringing about this modification 
are the Asa' and the Hano clans, none of which exist at Oraibi. 

The Walpi Ritual 

January Pa (Winter Snake nr Flute). 


Winter Tawa-palinlawu. 
February l'i)wami*i. 

Winter Lakone-paholawu. 
March Unkwanti or Paliiliikonti. 


Winter Marau-paholawu. 

I The author ascribes the introduction of the Natacka at the Powamtl ceremony of Walpi to the 
Tcakwalna or Asa clan. 


A]iril-,Juiie Abbreviated Katcina (jbservances. 


July Tawa-paholawu. 

August Snake nr Flute danee in alternate years. 

September. Lalakcifiti. 

October Mamzrauti. 

Ni ivemlier Wiiwiitcimti or Naacnaiya. 

December Soyaluna. 


Thi.s ritual is pnu-ticalh- that of the four other Hopi pueblos, in 
which it is repeated with some variation in details.' 

The Sk'Jiniiiori liitniil 

January Pamu'ti. 

Zuiii Return Katcina. 
February Pnwamu. 

Katcina visitors ti. Walpi kivas.^ 

March PaliiKikonti. 

April-June Abbreviated Katcina observances. 

July Sic Calako (occasionally). 

September Bulintikibi ( occasionally) . 

October Owakiilti (occasionally ). 

Decendser Soyaluna (contributes tci W'aljii celebratiori) . 

AsTewa (Asa and Honani) clans predominate in Sichumovi, kateinas 
largely predominate in this pueblo. The Rulintikibi is intrusive, 
unlike Hopi ceremonies, and almost identical with one of those .still 
celebrated in the eastern pueblos from which the Asa came. The Sio 
Calako is an incorporat(>d Zufii observance great ly abbreviated. From 
a ceremonial point of view the Sichumovi ritual is closely related to 
that of eastern pueblos, and just those elements which it shares with 
the Hopi ritual are the elements which have been introduced into 
Walpi by clans from the same region of the pueblo area from which 
the Sichumovi settlers came. 

T}ic Haiio Rilufd 

January Abbreviated Katcina observances. ^ 

Feljruary Powaniii katcina visitors to Walpi kivas. * 

March Paliiliikonti. 

A])ril-.Iune Abbreviated Katcina observances. 

July Tawa-paholawu ( sun prayer-stick making). 

August Sumaikoli. 

September-October Howina ( occasionally) . 

December Tafitai (winter solstice rites). 

Warrior celebration. 

1 For bibliography of ceremonies see American Anthropologist, vol. xi, 1898. 
-In 1X92, Hahaiwiigti. Natackas, Kawaika (Keresan) katcinas. 
^In 1892. Tacab. Humis.etc. personations. 

■•In 1892, TaU'Uktil (Mud-heads i, Naiackas, Hahaiwiigli, Tcakwaina katcinas with squash blossoms 
in their hair. 


In this ritual of Hano, which is a fra^mentar_y survival of that at 
Toewadi, the Rio Grande home of the Hano clans, the Tawa-paholawu, 
Sumaikoli, and Tantai are in a way characteristic and are essentially 
diti'erent from those of a Hopi pueljlo. The Hano celelirations in the 
January and February moons take the form of personations of katci- 
nas, who visit the Walpi and Sichumovi Idvas as well as their own. 
No katcina altar has yet been seen in this village, and there is no 
presentation of the Powamil, Niman-katcina, Snake or Flute, Lalak- 
onti, Mamzrauti, Wiiwutcimti. or Momtcita in this Tewa pueblo. To 
the great katcina celebrations of Powamu the Hano send katcina per- 
sonators, and there are certain simple rites connected with the Powamu 
in some of their houses and kivas, as that of Ahole elsewhere ^ described, 
but these are fragmentary. T5oth Hano and Sichumo\i contri))ute 
katcina personators, who visit the Walpi kivas, and this renders the 
Powamu in that village different^ from that in other Hopi pueblos. 


The following conclusions are reached in the p-eceding studies: 

1. The pueblo of Hano is Tanoan in language and culture; it was 
transplanted from the upper Kio Grande valley to the East mesa of 
Tusayan. Its religion is intrusive, and its ritual resembles that of 
AValpi oidy in those features which have been brought by kindred 
elans from the same region. 

2. The religious ceremonies of Sichumovi are also intrusive from 
the east, because the majority of its people are descended from colonists 
from the same region as those who .settled Hano. The Hopi language is 
spoken at Sichumovi, but the ritual is purely Tanoan. The rituals of 
Sichumovi and Hano are allied to those of certain New Mexican pueblos. 

3. The pioneer settlers of Walpi were Snake and Bear clans, the 
former predominating, and the first increase was due to an addition of 
Horn clans which once lived at the now ruined pueblo of Tokonabi, the 
place from which the Snake clans also came. These Horn people were 
mixed with Flute clans from the Little Colorado. The majority of the 
elans and the most distinctive ceremonies in the Walpi ritual came 
from southern Arizona, and the many resemblances in the Hoi:)i ritual 
to that of the eastern pueblos is due to eastern colonists who sought 
refuge in Walpi. 

■i. The conclusion that the present Hopi are descended wholly from 
nomadic people from the north is questioned, except within the limi- 
tations mentioned. Some parts of the ritual which are distinctly Hopi 
are found not to have come from the north, but from the south. 

1 Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of .American Ethnology. 

2The existence of Natacka at the Walpi Piiwnmfi is rlup probably to Sichumovi or Hano claus, possi- 
bly to the Asa of th:; former pueblo. 

19 ETH. PT 2 — 01 5 






Plate XXI. Plan of summer settlement 639 

XXII. Plan of ruin showing long occupancy (>40 

XXIII. Plan of Walpi, showing distribution of clans 643 

XXIV. Plan of Sichumovi, showing distrilmtion of clans 645 

XXV. Plan of Hano, showing distriljution of clans 647 

XXVI. Plan of Mishongnovi, showing di.-tribution of clans 649 

XXVII. Plan of Shipaulovi, showing di.stribution of clans 650 

XXVIII. Plan of Oraibi, showing distribution of clans 653- 

Figure 3. Plan <jf ruin showing Ijrief occupancy 649 










Bv Cosmos ]\Iindelkff 

Of the many problems which perplex the student of the cliff ruins 
and other house remains of pueblo origin in the Southwest, two are of 
the first importance and overshadow all the others. These are (1) 
the enormous number of ruins scattered, over the country and (2) the 
peculiarities of ground-plan and their meaning. The two phenomena 
are so intimately connected that one can not be understood or even 
studied without the other. 

The ancient pueblo region extends from Great Salt lake to beyond 
the southern boundary of the United States and from the Grand 
canyon of the Colorado to the vegas or plains east of the Rio Grande 
and the Pecos. Within this area of about 150,000 square miles ruins 
can be luimbered almost l)y thousands. Such maps as have been pre- 
pared to show the distribution of remains exhibit a decided clustering 
or grouping of ruins in certain localities. Much of this is doubtless 
due to the state of our knowledge rather than to the phenomena them- 
selves; that is to say, we know more about certain regions than about 
others. Yet from the data now in hand it is a fair inference that 
ruins are generally clustered or grouped in certain localities. Tliere 
were apparently a number of such centers, each the source of many 
subordinate settlements more or less scantily distributed over the 
regions between them. 

This distribution of ruins lends color to a hypothesis advanced by 
the writer some years ago, which affords an at least plausible explana- 
tion of the immense number of ruins found in the Southwest. The 
key to this prol)lem is the extended use of outlying farming settle- 
ments. All lines of evidence — history, tradition, mj^thology, arts, 
industries. hal)its and customs, and above all the ruins themselves — 
agree in establishing the wide prevalence, if not the universal use, of 
such settlements, as nui<;h in the olden days as in modern times, and 
as much now as ever. 

The ruins are of many kinds and varieties: no two are quite alike, 
but there are external resemblances which have led to several attempts 



at classification. The I'esults, however, are not satisfactory, and it is 
apparent that we must look further into the subject before we can 
devise a good classiticatory scheme. It seems to the writer that all 
the plans of classification hitherto published have put too much stress 
on the external appearance of ruins and not enough on the character 
of the sites which they occupy or on the social and tribal conditions 
indicated by such sites. 

Pueblo architecture is essentially a product of the plateau country, 
and its bounds are, in fact, practically coincident with those of that 
peculiar region popularly known as the mesa country. Peculiar geo- 
logical conditions have produced a peculiar topography, which in turn 
has acted on the human inhabitants of the country and produced that 
characteristic and distinctive phase of culture which we call pueblo art. 
The region is in itself not favorable to development; in three essen- 
tials, cultivable land, water, and vegetation, it is anything but an ideal 
country, although blessed with an ideal climate which has done much 
to counteract the unfavorable features. But through a great abun- 
dance of excellent building material, the product of the mesas, and 
through peculiar social conditions, the product of the peculiar environ- 
ment, whereby a frequent use of such materials was compelled, pueblo 
architecture developed. 

It seems probable that in the early stages of the art of house building 
among these people they lived in small settlements located in or near 
the fields which they cultivated, for the pueblo tribes have always been 
an agricultui-al people, living principally by the products of the soil. 
In the olden days, befoi'e the introduction of sheep and cattle, they 
were even more agricultui'al than they" are now, although at that time 
they had a food resource in their hunting grounds which is now lost 
to them. It seems probable that for several centuries the people pur- 
sued the even, placid course of existence which comes from the undis- 
turbed cultivation of the ground, with perhaps now and then some 
internecine war or bloody foray to keep alive their stronger passions. 

In the course of time, however, other triljcs drifted into the region, 
and, being wild and accustomed to the hardy life of warriors, they soon 
found that they were more than a match for the sedentary tribes which 
had preceded them. The latter were industrious, and, being more or 
less attached to certain localities, were ena])led to la}' by stores against 
a possible failure of crops. At the present day in some of the pueblos 
the corn is thus stored, and sometimes great rooms full of it can be 
seen, containing the full crops of one or two years. Undoubtedly the 
same custom of storing food prevailed in ancient times, and the wilder 
tril)es found in the sedentary villages and in the fields tributary to 
them convenient storehouses from which to draw their own supplies. 
If the traditions are at all to be trusted, there was no open war nor 
were there determined sieges, but foray after foray was made by the 





wilder spirits of the nomadit' tribes; fields were raided when ripe for 
the harvest, and the fruit of a season's labor was often swept away in 
a night. It soon Ijecame unsafe to leave the village unguarded, as a 
descent might be made upon it at any time when the men were away, 
and the stores accunudated for the winter might be carried off. But 
the detail of a number of men to guard the home was in itself a great 
hardship when men were few and subsistence difficult to obtain. Such 
were the conditions according to the ancient traditions. 

Under the pressure described the little villages or individual houses, 
located primarily with reference to the fields under cultivation, were 
gradually forced to aggregate into larger villages, and, a.s the foraj's 
of their wild neighbors continued and even increased, these villages 
were moved to sites which affoi'ded better facilities for defense. 
But through it all the main requirement of the pueblo builder — con- 
venience to and comuiand of agricultural land — was not lost sight of, 
and the villages were always located so as to meet these requirements. 
Generally they wert> placed on outlying spurs or foothills overlooking 
little valleys, and it should be noted that at the time of the Spanish 
discovery and conquest, three centuries and a half ago, a considerable 
number of the villages were so located. 

There seems to be little doubt that the first troubles of the pue))lo 
builders, aside from those arising among themselves, which were not 
sufficiently important to influence their arts or architecture, were 
caused by the advent of some tribe or tribes of Atliapascan stock. 
Afterward, and perhaps as late as the beginning of the eighteenth 
century, the Comanche extended their range into the pueblo country, 
and still later the Ute found profit in occasional raids over the north- 
ern border. It is quite probable, however, that in the beginning, 
when pueblo architecture was still in an early stage of development, 
none of the tribes mentioned were known in that country. 

Eventually the housebuilders found it necessary to remove their 
homes to still more inaccessil)le and still more easily defended sites, 
and it was at this period that many of the mesas were occupied for the 
first time. The country is practically composed of mesas, and it was 
an eas}^ matter to find a projecting tongue or promontoiy where a vil- 
lage could be built that would be accessible from one side only, or 
perhaps would be surrounded tiy clifl's and steep slopes that could be 
scaled only after a long and arduous climb over a tortuous and diffi- 
cult trail. Building material was everywhere abundant and could 
generally be found within a stone's throw of almost any site selected. 

Few of the villages at the time of the Spanish conquest were 
located on mesa sites, but numbers of them were on the foothills 
of mesas and sometimes commanded by higher ground. At that time 
Acoma occupied its present location on the mesa summit, one of the 
best if not the best and most easily defended in New Mexico, as the 


Spaniards found to their cc^t after an un.successful assault. But this 
loeation was at that time unusual, and was doubtless due to the fact 
that the people of Acoma were, like the wilder tribes, predatory in 
their instincts and habits, and lived upon their neighbors. 

When the little settlements of the tirst stage of development were 
compelled to cluster into villages for better protection, a new element 
came into pueblo architecture. The country is an arid one, and but a 
small percentage of the ground can he cultivated. Except in the val- 
leys of the so-called rivers, arable land is found only in small patches 
here and there — little sheltered nooks in the mesas, or bits of bottom 
land formed of rich alluvium in the canyons. Easily defended sites 
for villages could be found everywhere throughout the country, but 
to tind such a site which at the same time commanded an extensive 
area of good land was a difficult matter. It must be borne in mind 
that the pueblo tribes in ancient times, as now, were first and fore- 
most agriculturists, or rather horticulturists, for they were not farm- 
ers but gardeners. Depending as they did upon the products of the 
soil, their first care was necessarily to secure arable lands. This was 
always the dominating requirement, and as it came in conflict \vith 
the clustering of houses into villages, some means had to be devised to 
bring the two requirements into accord. This was accomplished by 
the use of farming shelters, temporary establishments occupied only 
during the farming season and atiandoned on the approach of winter, 
but located directly on or overlooking the fields under cultivation. 

The ultimate development of pueblo architecture finds expression 
in the great clustered houses which remind one of a huge beehive. 
As the wilder tribes continued their depredations among the inofl'ensive 
villagei's, and, with the passing of time, grew more numerous and more 
and more bold in their attacks and forays, the pueblo tribes were 
forced to combine more and more for protection. Groups of related 
villages, each offering a point of attack for savage foes and rich plun- 
der when looted, were compelled to combine into a single larger 
pueblo, and as reliance was now placed on the size of the village and 
the number of its inhabitants, these large villages were located in wide 
vall(\vs or on fertile bottom lands, the people again returning to their 
original desire to live upon the lands they worked. 

Under modern conditions, when the depredations of the wild tribes 
have been terminated by the interference of a higher and stronger 
civilization, the houses are reverting to the primitive type from which 
the great pueblos developed. But so late as ten or twelve years ago the 
Hopi or Tusayan villages were under the old conditions and were sub- 
jected to periodical forays from their inmiediate neighbors, the Navaho. 
Young warriors of the latter trilie ravaged the fields of the. Hopi, more 
perhaps for the pleasure it afforded them and on account of the old 
traditions than from any real necessity for food as they destroyed more 



















than they took away. If they found anyone in the field.s. they would 
beat him. or perhaps kill him. merely for the amusement it seemed to 
afford. It was the Navaho method of "sowing^ wild oats." There is 
little doubt that the pressure which bore on the Pueblos for at least 
some centuries was of this nature, annoying rather than actually dan- 
gerous. No doubt there were also occasional invasions of the country 
of more than usual maonitude, when from various causes the nomadic 
tribes had cither an al)undancc or a scarcity of food, and, knowing the 
character of the villages as storehouses of corn and other products, or 
impelled by old grudges growing out of foi'mer forays, a whole tribe 
might take part in the incursion, and perhaps try themselves by an 
assault on some village of considerable size. But such expeditions 
were rare; the pueblo tribes were annoyed rather than menaced. 
Eventually, however, they found it necessary to provide against the 
ever-present contingency of an invasion of their country, and the great 
valley pueblos were developed. 

As aggregation of the little settlements into villages and of villages 
into great valley pueblos continued, the use of fai'ming shelters grew 
apace. No matter what the conditions might be. the crops nuist be 
grown and harvested, for the failure of the crops meant the utter 
amiihilation of the people. Tiiey had no other resource. They were 
compelled to combine into large pueblos containing often a thousand 
or fifteen hundred souls, a condition which was at variance with their 
recjuirements and manner of life; but they were also compelled to till 
the soil or starve. The lands about the home villages were never 
sufficient for the needs of the people, and in consequence a consider- 
at)lc portion of the population was compelled to work tields more or 
less distant from them. Thus, in the ultimate stage of pueblo devel- 
opment the use of farming shelters was as much or more in evidence, 
and as much a necessity to the people, as in the prior stages. 

This sketch of the development of pueblo architecture exhibits a 
sequence; but it is a cultural, not a chronologic, one. The data in hand 
will not permit the determination of the latter now. but within a given 
group sequence in culture and sequence in time are practically synony- 
mous. The time relations of the various groups, one to another, must 
be determined from other (>vidence. 

The use of farming shelters has been a most important factor in 
producing the thousands of ruins which dot the mesas and canyons of 
the Southwest, while another factor, the localization of clans, has 
worked with it and directed it. as it were, in certain channels. All 
the evidence which investigation has revealed, from traditions to the 
intrinsic evidence of the ruins themselves, concur m establishing the 
fact that the puelilo tribes were in slow but essentially constant move- 
ment; that movement has continued down to the present time and is 
even now in progress. Viewed across long periods of time it might 


be regarded as a migration. l)ut tlie term has not tiie same meaning 
here that it has when applied to the movements of great masses of 
humanity which have taken phice in Europe and Asia. In the pueblo 
country migration was almost an individual movement; it was hardh' 
a tribal, certainly not a national, exodus. Outlying farming settle- 
ments were established in connection with each important village. In 
the course of time it might come about that some of the people who 
u.sed these establishments at tirst only during the summer, retiring to 
the home village during the winter, would find it more convenient to 
remain there throughout the year. At the present day some of the 
summer villages are fifteen miles and moi'e from the home puel)lo, and 
it must have been at best inconvenient to live in two places so 
far apart. 

The home villages can be distinguished from the summer places bj' 
the presence or absence of the kivas, or sacred ceremonial chambers. 
For as practically all the rites and dances take place after the harvest 
is gathered and before planting time in the spring — that is, at the sea- 
son when the men have some leisure — they are performed in the home 
pueblos, and only such villages have kivas. 

When, from prolonged peace or for other reasons, some families 
allowed the inconvenience of moving back and forth to dominate over 
counter motives, and remained throughout the year at the summer 
place, they might build a kiva or two, and gradually, as others also 
decided to remain, the summer place would become a home village. 
As the population grew by increment from outside and by natural 
increase this village would put out farming shelters of its own, which 
in the course of time might supplant their parent in the same way. 
The process is a continuous one and is in progress to-day. The sum- 
mer village of Ojo Caliente, 1.5 miles from Zuiii, and attached to that 
pueblo, has within the last decade become u home village, occupied 
throughout the year by several families, and during the farming sea- 
son by many others. Eventually kivas will })e built there, if this has 
not alreadj^ been done, and Ojo Caliente will become a real home vil- 
lage and put out farming shelters of its own. Such is also the case 
with the pueblo of Laguna, which is gradually l)eing abandoned by its 
inhabitants, who are making their permanent liomes at what were for- 
merly only summer villages. 

It will thus be seen that a comparatively small band migjit in the 
course of a few centuries lexve behind them the remains of many vil- 
lages. In the neighborhood of the Hopi towns there are at least 50 
ruins, all, or practically all, of which were left by the people who 
found their present resting places on the summits of the rocky mesas 
of Tusayan. And with it all it is not necessary to assume great periods 
of time; it is doubtful whether any of the ruins of Tusayan are much 
more than four hundred years old, and some of them were i)artly 




















inhabited so late a.s fifty yeai's ago. Iiichuliiit;- th(> ])rosent location, 
three .sites of Walpi, one of the Hopi towns, are visiWle from the sum- 
mit of the mesa. Aeeording to the native traditions the last movement 
of this village, only completed in the present century, was conmi Miced 
when the Spaniards were in control, over two centuries agd. It is 
said that the movement was brought about by the women of the village, 
who took their children and household goods up on the sunnnit of the, where a few outlooks had been ])uiit. and left the men tf) follow 
them or remain whtM'e they were. The men followed. 

Among the inhabited villages the home pueblo can he di.stinguished 
from tht» sunnuer establishments by the presence of the kivas. and 
often the same distinction can l)e drawn in the of ruins. In 
many of the latter the kivas are cii-cular and are easily found even 
when much broken down. Aside fiom this the plans of the two classes 
of villages can often )»> distinguished fi'oni eacli other through their 
general character, the result of the localization of chuis prexiously 
alluded to. 

The migratory movements of a l>and of village builflers often con- 
sumed manj- j^ears or many decades. During this time subordinate 
settlements were put out all along the line as occasion or necessity 
demandetl. and were eventually abandoned as the majority ol the 
people moved onward. Hopi traditions tell of such nio\ ements and 
rests, when the people remained for many ])lantings in one place and 
then continued on. As a rule there was no definite plan to such a 
movement and no intention of going to anj- place oi' in any direction: 
the people simply drifted across the country much as cattle drift 
before a storm. They did not go back because they knew what was 
back of them, but they went forward in any direction without thought 
of where they were going, or even that they were going at all. It 
was a little trickling stream of humanity, or rather many such streams, 
like little rivulets after a rain storm, moving here and there as the 
occurrence of areas of cultivable land dictated, sometimes combining, 
then separating, but finally collecting to form the pueblo groups as we 
now know them. 

There is no doubt that in addition to this unconscious drifting 
migration there were also more impoi'tant movements, when whole 
villages changed their location at one time. Such changes are men- 
tioned in the traditions and evidenced in the ruins. There is a multi- 
plicity of causes which bring about such movements, many of them 
very trivial, to our way of thinking. While the climate of the ])ueblo 
counti-y is remarkably equable and the water supply, although scant}', 
is practically constant over the whole region, local changes often 
occur; springs fail at one plact> and burst out at another; .some seasons 
are marked by comparatively abundant rains, others by severe 
droughts. The failure of some particularly venerated .spring would 

19 ETH, PT 2 6 


bo dcpinecl o-ood (aiist' for th»^ abandoiiiiicnt of u village .situated near 
it. or the occuri't'iice of sevtM'ul ^ears of drought in succession would 
l)e construed as a mark of disfavor of the gods, and would be followed 
bv a movement of the people from the village. Even a series of bad 
dri^ams which might be inflicted on some prominent medicine-man by 
overindulgence in certain articles of food would be regarded as omens 
indicating a necessitv for a change of location. Such instances are 
not unknown. Toothache also is dreaded for mythit' reasons, and is 
construed as a sign of disfavor of the gods; so that many a village 
has lieen abandoned simply l)ecause some prominent medicine-man 
was in need of the services of a dentist, ilany other reasons might 
be stated. l)ut these will suffice to show upon what slight and often 
trivial grounds great villages of stone houses, the result oi uuich labor 
and the picture of permanence, are sometimes abandoned in a day. 

But while such movements en masse are not unknown, they have 
been comparatively rare. The main movement of the people, which 
was a constant one, was accomplished through the custom of using out- 
lying farming settlements. Such settlements were commonly single 
houses, but where the conditions permitted and the area of cultivable 
land justified it. the houses were grouped into villages. These were 
always located on or immediately adjacent to the land ^^'hich was worked, 
and in some instances attained considerable size, but as a rule they were 
>.mall. The practice was universal throughout the length and breadth 
of the pueblo country, and the farming shelters took various forms as 
the inmiediatc topographic environment dictated. Even theclifl' ruins 
are b(>lievcd to be farm shelters of a type due to peculiar physical con- 
ditions, but as this idea has been exploited elsewhere ' by the writer it 
need not be developed here. 

The occupancjr of farm shelters, whether individual rooms or small 
villages, was necessarily more or less temporary in character, and as 
the population moved onward the places would be tinally and completely 
abandoned. It would often be difficult to obtain from the study of the 
ground-plan of a ruin, generally all that is left of it. any idea of the 
peoi)lc who inha))ited it and of the conditions under which they lived; 
but there is another element by the aid of which the length of time 
during which the village was inhabited and of the conditions under 
which such occupancy continued may often be approximated. This is 
the localization of clans, to which allusion has been made. 

The constant movement of the trilie, due to the use of outlying farm- 
ing settlements, which has been sketched above, has its analogue within 
each village, where there is an equally constant movement from 
to house and from row to row. The clans which inhabit a village are 
combined into larger units or groups known as phratries ; locally such 

iThe Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, in the Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American 














chin.s are said to '•belong together." In the olden days each phratry 
occupied its own quaiters in the village, its own cluster or row, as the 
case might l)e, and while the custom is now uuich broken down, just how 
far it has ceased to exercise its influence is yet to be determined. 

In the pueblo social system descent and inheritance are in the t'cMnale 
line. This custom is widely distril)uted among the tribes of mankind 
all over the world and has an obvious basis. Among the Puel)los it 
works in a peculiar manner. Under the old rule, when a man marries, 
not having any house of his own, he goes to his wife's home and is 
adopted into her clan. The children also belong to the mother and are 
niembci's of her clan. In many of the villages at the pr(\sent day a 
man may marry any woman who will marry him, but in former times 
marriage within the clan, and sometimes within the phratry, was rig- 
idly prohibited. Thus it happened that a clan in which there were 
many girls would grow and increase in importance, while one in which 
the children were all boA^s would become extinct. 

There was thus a constant ebb and flow of population within each 
clan and consecjuently in the home or houses of each clan. The clans 
themselves were not fixed units; new ones were born and old ones died, 
as children of one sex or the other predominated. The creation of 
clans was a continuous process. Thus, in the Corn clan t)f Tusayan, 
luider favorable conditions there grew up subclans claiming connection 
with the root, stem, leaves, blossom, pollen, etc. In time the relations 
of clans and subclans became extremely complex: hence the aggrega- 
tion into larger units or phratries. The clan is a great artificial family, 
and when it comprises many girls it must necessarily grow. Such is 
also the case with the individual family, for as the men who are adopted 
into it by marriage take up their quarters in the family home and 
children are born to them more space is required. But additional 
rooms, which are still the family property, must be built in the family 
quarter, and })v a long-osta)>lished rule they must lie built adjoining 
and connected with those already occupied. Therefore in each village 
there are constant changes in the plan; new rooms are added here, old 
rooms abandt)ned there. It is in miniature a duplication of the pro- 
cess previously sketched as due to the use of outlying shelters. It is 
not muisual to find in an inhabited village a number of rooms under 
construction, while within a few steps or perhaps in the same row there 
are rooms vacant and going to decay. Many visitors to Tusayan, 
noticing such vacant and abandoned rooms, have stated that the popu- 
lation was diminishing, but tlie inference was not sound. 

On the other hand, the addition of rooms does not necessarily mean 
growth in population. New rooms might be added year after year 
when the population was actually diminishing: such has been the case 
in a numljer of the villages. But the way in which rooms are added 
mav suggest something of the conditions of life at the time of building. 


The addition of room.s on the ground tlocjr, and the consequent exten- 
sion of the ground plan of a house ehister, indicates different condi- 
tions from those which must have pr(»vaih>d when the village, without 
extending its hounds, grew more and more compact by the addition of 
small rooms in the upper stories. 

The traditions collected from the Ilopi by the late A. M. Stephen, 
part of which have been published,' present a vivid picture of the 
conditions under which the people lived. The ance.stors of the present 
inhabitants of the villages reached Tusayan in little bands at various 
times and from various directions. Their migrations occupied very 
many years, although there were a few movements in which the people 
came all together from some distant point. Related clans connnonly 
built together, the newcomers seeking and usually oV)taining permission 
to build with their kindred; thus clusters of rooms were formed, each 
inhal)ited by a clan or a phratry. As occupancy continued over long 
periods, these clusters became more or less joined together, and the 
lines of division on the ground became more or less obliterated in cases, 
but the actual division of the people remained the same and the quar- 
ters were just as nnich separated and di\ided to those who knew where 
the lines ft'll. But as a rule the separation of the clusters is apparent 
to everyone; it can nearly always be traced in the ground plans of 
ruins, and even in the great valley pueblos, which were probably 
inhabited continuously for several centuries, the principal divisions 
may still l)e made out. In the simpler plans the clusters are usually 
well separated, and the irregularities of the plan indicate with a fair 
degree of clearness the approximate length of time during whicii 
the site was occupied. 

A plan of this character is reproduced in tigure 3, showing a i-uin 
near Moenkapi, a farming settlement of the people of Oraibi situated 
about 45 miles from that village. There were altogether 21 rooms, 
disposed in three rows so as to partially inclose three sides of an open 
space or couil. The rows are divided into four distinct clusters, with 
a single room outside, forming a total of five locations in a \illage 
which housed at most twenty-ti\'e or thirty persons. The continuity 
of the wall lines and comparative regularity of the rooms within each 
cluster, the uniformity in height of the rooms, which, if the debris 
upon the ground may Ije accepted as a criterion, was one storj^, and 
the genei'al uniformity in the character of the masonry, all suggest 
that the site was occupied a short time oidy. This suggestion is aided 
by the almost complete absence of pottery fragments. It is a safe 
inference that persons of at least five different clans occupied this site. 

A plan of interest in connection with the last is that shown in 
plate XXI, which illustrates the modern village of Moenkapi, occupied 
only during the simimer. Here we have two main clusters and two 

1 A Study of i'ueblo .tU-cluleuturt:, lu Ihu ElgLlli Auuuul Kcporl uf the Bureau of EtliUology. 



























detached houses, but the ehisters are not nearly so regular as in the 
plan above, nor are the wall lines continuous to the same extent. 
This place is spoken of by the people of Oraibi as of lecent estaljlish- 
iiieut, but it has certainly been occupied for a much longer period than 
was the ruin near it. It is apparent from an inspection of the plan 
that the clusters wei'e formed l)y the addition of room after loom 
as year by year mor(> peo])lc used the place in summer. It will be 
noticed that the rooms constituting- the upper right-hand corner of the 
larger cluster on the map, while distinct from the other rooms, are 
still attached to them, while two other rooms in the immediate vicinity 





' ' I I ' I 

Fit;. 3— Plan of ruin showing brief occupancy. 

are wholly detached. This indicates that the cluster was occupied l)y 
one clan or by related families, while the detached houses were the 
homes of other families not related to them. Thus we have in this 
village, comprising about the same number of rooms as the ruin 
first descrilied, at least four distinct clans. 

Detached rooms, sui-h as those shown on these plans, always indi- 
cate a family or person not connected directly with the rest of the 
inhabitants, perhaps the representative of some other clan or people. 
A stranger coming into a village and wishing to build would be 
required to erect his house on such a separate site. In the \illage of 
Sichumovi (shown in plan in plate xxrv) there are two such detached 


houses directly in front of the main row. One had been built and 
was inhabited at the time when the map was made by a white man 
who made his home there, while the other, which had been abandoned 
and was falling into I'uin, was built some years before bj' a Navaho 
who wished to live in the village. The former was subsequently sur- 
rendered by the white man and occupied ))y some of the natives. The 
localization of clans worked both ways. Not only was a member of 
a clan required to l)uild with his own people, but outsiders were 
required to l)uild outside of the cluster. 

The same requirement is illustrated in plate xxii, which shows the 
plan of Hawilvu, one of the ancient "Seven Cities of Cibola," near 
the present Zuiii. The standing walls wliich occupy' the southeastern 
corner of the ruin are the remains of an adobe church, while the build- 
ings which stood near and to the north of it, now marked only by 
lines of debris, were the mission buildings and otlices connected with 
the church. They are pointed out as such by the natives of Zuiii to-day. 
All these buildings were set apart and were distinct from the village 
proper, which occupied the crest of the hill, while the buildings 
mentioned were on the flat below. 

This was the first discov'ered city of Cibola,' the first pueblo village 
seen liy the friar Niza in 1539, and the first village stormed by Coro- 
nado and his men in 1540. It was abandoned about 1670 (?) on account 
of the depredations of the Apache. The plan shows that the site was 
inhaliited for a long time, and that the village grew up by the addition 
of room iifter room as space was needed by the people. Notwithstand- 
ing the fact that no standing walls remain, and that the place was aban- 
doned over two centuries ago, six or seven house-clusters can still be 
made out in addition to the buildings erected by or for the monks in 
the flat below. Dense clustering, such as this, indicates prolonged occu- 
pancy by a considerable number of people, and pi'obably two centuries 
at least would be required to produce such a plan. The long and com- 
paratively narrow row to the left of the main cluster suggests an 
addition of nuich later date than the main ])ortion of the village. 

The maps of the villages Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano, Mishongnovi, 
Shipaulovi, and Oraibi, which are presented herewith, show the dis- 
tril)ution of the clans at the time the surveys were made (about 18S3). 
At first glance the clans appear to be located with the utmost irregularity 
and apparently without system, but a closer study shows that notwith- 
standing the centuries which have elapsed since the period covered by 
the old traditions of the arrival of clans'" the latter are in a measure 
corroborated by the maps. It is also apparent that notwithstanding 
the breakdown of the old system, whereby related peoples were required 
to builfl tooether, traces of it can still be seen. It is a matter of regret 

1 See Hodge. First Diseovered City cit Cibola, in American Anthropologist, viii, April, 1895. 

2 These traditions are given in detail in the preceding paper. — Ed. 







that tho (lata iirc incomplete. The aecoiupaiiyini^' table shows the dis- 
tribution of the families within the villages ut the time of the surveys, 
but some of the clans represented, which do not appear in the tradi- 
tions collected, are necessarily given as standing alone or Ijelonging 
to unknown phratries. as their phratral relations were not deter- 
mined. The clustering of houses was a requirement of the phratry 
rather than of the clan. 

Distribution of families 











6 5 








Horn families 

Flute families 










Hawk families 






Vsa, families 










Water (Corn) families 

Water (Cloud) families 



Lizard families 




Sand families. . . . 



Totjacco families 










Red Ant families 






^qnash families . 


■^now families; 






Moth families 



Mescal-cake families 









The determination of the clans shown on the maps was made by the 
late A. M. Stephen, whose qualitications for the work were exceptional. 
Doubtless there are some errors in it. for it is a difficult matter to 


determine the relationships: of nciirly 4iiu families, and th(> work was 
brought to an end liefore it was entirely finished. But the maps 
illustrate a phase of life of the village builders which has not hereto- 
fore attracted attention, and which has had a A-ery important eft'ect on 
the architecture of the people. 

Through the operation of the old custom of localizing clans, although 
it is now not rigidly adhered to as formerly, the plans of all the A'illages 
have l)een modified. The maps here presented show them as they were 
in 1883, but in a few cases known to the writer the changes up to ISSS 
are shown by dotted lines. If now or in the future new surveys of 
the villages lie made and the clans be relocated, a mass of data will be 
obtained which will throw much light on some of the conditions of 
pueblo life, and especially on the social conditions which have exercised 
an important influence on puelilo architecture. 

The table showing the distribution of families in the villages presents 
also the number of families. The most numerous were the "Water 
people, comprising in various clans no fewer than 121 families, or over 
a third of the total number. These were among the last people to 
ari-ive in Tusayan and they are well distributed throughout the vil- 
lages. It will l)e noticed, also, that while a scattering of clans through- 
out the villages was the rule, some of them, generally the older ones, 
were confined to one village or were concentrated in one village with 
perhaps one or two families in others. The Snow people were found 
only in Walpi. but these may be properly "Water people and of recent 
origin. The Snake people were represented by 5 families in "Walpi and 
1 in Oraibi, although theA* were among the first to arrive in Tusayan. 
and for a long time exercised proprietary rights over the entire region 
and dictated to each incoming clan where it should locate. The largest 
clan of all, the Reed clan, was represented by (i families in "Walpi and 
25 in Oraibi. a total of 31 families, or, by applying the general average 
of persons to a family, bj^ 155 persons. In Oraibi, the largest vil- 
lage, there were 21 distinct clans, although 7 of them were represented 
by only 1 family each. In Shipaulovi, the smallest village, there were 
20 families of 2 clans, and three-fourths of the inhabitants lielonged 
to one of them. In addition there is one family of the "Water people, 
and in fact in each of the villages one or more clans is represented by 
one family only. It will be noticed that in Shipaulovi the two dans 
wei'e still well separated and occupied distinct (juarters, although the 
houses of the village were continuous. 

The scattered appearance of the clans on the maps is moic apparent 
than real. It is unfortunate that the phratral relations of the clans 
coidd not be completely determined, and it is pi'obable that were this 
done the clans would be found to be well grouped even now. Even 
th(> insufhcient data that we liav(> appear to show a tendency on the 
part of the clans to form into groups at the present day, notwithstand- 









ing the paitial disintegration of the old system. At the present time 
the house of the priestess of the clan is considered the home of that 
clan, and she has much to say about proposed marriages and other 
social functions. There is no doubt that in ancient times the localiza- 
tion of elans was rigidly enforced, as much by circumstances as by 
rule, and the ground plans of all the ruins were formed ))y it. As 
has been before suggested, a resurvey of the villages of Tusaj'au and 
a relocation of the clans, after an interval of some years, would 
proliably develop data of the greatest value to the student of pueblo 
architecture, when compared with the plans here presented. 







Introiluction gyj 

Distribution of the mounds 661 

Characteristics of mound 1 663 

Paintings on the walls within mound 1 665 

Historical data gained by study of mound 1 670 

The )>uilders of the mound-buried temple 670 

The destroyers of the mound-buried temple 673 

Probable date of the building of tlie temple 676 

Other mound-buried structures 677 

Mounds containing pottery idols and animals 678 

A lookout mound 685 

Other excavated mounds 686 

Unexcavated mounds 690 

Underground rock-hewn reservoirs 691 



Plate XXIX. Piiiiited stucco on east lialf of north wall, mound 1. Santa 

Rita <)66 

XXX. Painted stucco on west half of north wall, mound 1, Santa 

Rita f>68 

XXXI. Painted stucco on west wall, moiuiil 1, Santa Rita 670 

XXXII. Heads of idols from mounds 2, 5, and 6, Santa Rita (i79 

XXXIII. Human and animal eftigies from mounds 2, 5, and (i, Santa 

Rita (iSO 

XXXI\'. Animal effigies and idol's head from mounds 2 and 6. Santa 

Rita 680 

XXXV. Animal effigies from mounds 2 and 6, Santa Rita 682 

XXXVI. Tiger effigy from mound 6, Santa Rita - 685 

XIvXVII. Human effigy from mound 6, Santa Rita 685 

XXXVIII. Great central lookout mound (7) at Santa Rita, with earth- 
work 687 

XXXIX. Stone tiger head from mound 8, Santa Rita 690 

Fig. 4. Plan showing relati\e position and size of 24 mound? at Santa Rita. . . 662 

5. Painted stucco on east wall, mound 1, Santa Rita 666 

6. Plan of mound 2, Santa Rita 678 

7. Pottery urns f rt)m mounds 2, 5, anil 6, Santa Rita 680 



By Thomas Gann 


Sucli p;iits of British Honduras as have thus far been explored have 
proved extraordinarily rich in archeologie material of interest: but, 
unfortunately, owiuj^' to the impenetrable character of the bush. l)y 
far the greater part of the colony remains unexplored. 

One remarkable fact in connection with the distribution of mounds, 
or cerros, throughout the colony is that wherever they exist good 
maize-producing land is certain to be found, consequently the pi-esent 
Indians, taking advantage of their forefathers' experience in removing 
their villages (wiiicii. owing to the rapid exhaustion of the soil. Ihcy 
are compelled to do at frequent intervals), invariably make their 
clearings in the vicinity of these groups of mounds, confidently antici- 
pating a good crop of maize. 

Near the village of Corozal, in the northern district of the colony, 
a clearing of aiiout 500 acres was made some j-ears ago. which was 
subsequently planted with sugar cane, and is now known as the estate 
of Santa Rita. AVhen the clearing was first made between forty and 
fifty mounds were discovered, and it was found that the majority of 
these were built to a great extent of large blocks of limestone, many of 
which were squared, as if they had previouslj' formed part of a build- 
ing. As stone is scaix-e in the vicinity a number of the mounds were 
completely destroyed in order to obtain the stone for erecting houses 
and water tanks. Of the pottery and other remains which must have 
been brought to light during the demolition of these mounds there is 
unfortunately no record, and the probability is that they were thrown 
away as useless. 


The site chosen bj' the builders of these mounds for their residence 
is one of the most favorable for many miles around, being on an 
extensive plateau 50 to 100 feet above the sea level, about one mile 
inland, and separated from the sea by a belt of swampy, malarial land, 
which must have formed a strong natural protection against enemies 
19 ETH. PT 2 7 (itil 


from seaward, the main, if not the only, direction from which they 
might be expected. The soil npon the plateau is remarkably produc- 
tive. The only apparent di-awback to the location is that the nearest 
fresh-water supply, namely. Rio Nuevo, is at a distance of several miles; 
but, as will be shown, this defect was remedied by the construction of 
underground reservoirs. 

When the work of excavation among these mounds was first begun. 

Fig. 4 — Plan of mounds at Santa Rita. 

in ISlH'i, tliirty-two of tlie original number were intact. Of these, six- 
teen have, up to the present time, lieen thoroughly explored, and it is 
the object of the present paper to give some account of tlieir construc- 
tion and contents. 

For descriptive purposes the explored mounds may be divided into 
three classes, as follow: 

1. Mounds constructed over l)uildings. 

2. Mounds containing, superhciallj', two broken pottery images, and 



more deeply, or on the ground level, painted pottery animals either 
within or immediately adjacent to a pottery urn. 

3. Mounds vvhioh constitute the solitary' representatives of a, 
and those ot unknown or doubtful use. 


The most important of the mounds erected over huildino-g (class 1) 
was without doubt that marked 1 on the accompanvinu- ptan (tioure 
4), as the walls of this building- were covered externallv with painted 
stucco, which, notwithstanding- the dampness of the climate was 
found to be m an excellent state of preservation. This mound ^-as 
situated near the edge of the plateau, at a distance of oSo vards 
from the large central mound (7). Before excavations were "com- 
menc^^d the mound was found to be 290 feet in circumference 80 
feet in length, 66 feet in breadth, and U feet in height. A tradition 
existed among some of the older employees on the estate of Santa 
Rita that when the brush was first cleared from this mound there stood 
on Its suimn.t a wall 4 or 5 feet high and several vards long, which 
had been p.dled down in order to obtain the squared stone of which 
It was built. ?vo trace of this wall was seen when the outside of the 
mound was examined, but by digging into it. toward its east end a wall 
was drsc-oyered at a depth of a few inches, which, on being cleared, was 
found to be a httle over 4 feet long. At a height of 4 feet 10 inches 
above the ground-level a triangular stone cornice proiected, and below 
this the wall was entirely covered with painted stucco, the device on 
which will be described later. Above the cornice the wall was com- 
posed ot roughly squared stones, and varied from 2 to 3 feet in heioht 
It rested on a floor of smooth, hard, yellowish cement, which was con- 
tinuous with the painted stucco. Its south end was broken down, and 
Its north end joined the north wall of the building covered bv the 

Unfortunately, when this wall was discovered there was no tracing 
paper to be had in the district, and I had to copv the design painted 
on the stucco with a very imperfect improvised substitute. After 
I had trac-ed the outline of about half the mural painting, some mis- 
chievous Indians came in the night and removed the whole of the 
stucco. This IS especially to be regretted, as toward the broken end 
of the wall a number of hieroglyphics were massed together, reaching 
from the cornice to the tloor, which were entirely lost 

The north wall of the building was the only one entirelv unbroken 
throughout Its extent below the cornice. It measured 35 feet 8 inches 
ni length and its center was pierced by a doorwav 8 feet in width. 
The upper part of the mural decoration on this xvall was in a remark- 
ably good state of preservation, but, owing probablv to dampness 


nearly the whole of the lower part had become eft'aeed. Fortunately, 
on that part of the wall adjacent to the doorway the painting was per- 
fect from cornice to floor. This wall, like the others, rested on a 
layer of hard cement continuous with the stucco which covered it. 

Of the west wall, which was the last to be exposed, 9 feet remained 
standing. It was the best-preserved wall in the whole building, the 
entire mural painting, from cornice to floor, being- almost perfect. 

Of the south wall of the building not one stone remained upon 
another; but as the mound was built mainly of squared stones, and 
as there were many such in the line of this wall still retaining pieces 
of painted stucco, it seems probable that this wall was decorated sim- 
ilarly to the others. 

The triangular stone cornice extended along all the walls at a uni- 
form height of 4 feet 10 inches from the ground; its upper surface 
was oblique, its lower surface horizontal; and it projected 3J inches 
from the wall. The layer of hard cement on which the building 
rested could be traced outward from its walls a distance of 4 or 5 
feet, where it ended in a jagged edge. Its superficial layer was light 
yellow in color, and so hard that it was difficult to make any impression 
on it with a machete; the deeper layers, however, were much softer. 
This cement laj'er was placed about 2 feet above the ground level. 

The interior of the building was without cornice, and was completely 
covered with plain, unpainted stucco. The floor was on a level with 
the ground outside the walls, and was of the same hard cement which 
covered it. 

The plain stucco covering the interior of the building was in very 
close contact with the wall, from which it could not be removed, except 
in small pieces. The painted stucco on the outside, on the other hand, 
was separated from a su})jacent layer of similar material by a \-ery 
thin layer of dark, friable clay, rendering it easy to remove large 
pieces of the stucco without much damage to the painting. The 
second layer of stucco also bore traces of painted figures, but they 
were so indistinct that even if the superficial layer had all been 
carefully removed, it would have been impossible to cop3^ them. 
Beneath the second layer thei'e existed a third layer, which also bore 
faint traces of having originally been covered with colored devices. 

The greater part of the walls above the cornice had been broken down, 
but in places they rose to a height of 5 feet. The mortar used in con- 
structing the building was soft and friable, and contained large lumps 
of limestone. The walls were throughout uniformly 14 inches thick. 

During the excavation of this mound a large number of potsherds 
were found; some of them roughly made, others nicely decorated with 
geometric devices in red. black, and yellow; a few were glazed. Two 
stone spearheads were also found — one, triangular in shape and 4^^ 
inches in length, was made of yellow flint; the other, of leaf shape, 3 


inches in length, was chipped from transhiccnt, grayish flint; the 
points of both had been broken. 

Tlic greatest possible care had evidentlj- been taken by the builders 
of this mound to preserve, both from weather and from accident, that 
portion of the painted stucco which remained intact. This was 
more especially apparent in the north and west walls, where the 
method adopted was as follows: Built up from the cement floor, par- 
allel with the walls and at a distance of 1 to 2 inches from them, was 
a wall consisting of rough blocks of limestone, reaching nearly as high 
as the cornice; extending outward and downward from the latter, 
a layer of cement 7 to 8 inches thick met this wall and continued 
for several feet toward the circumference of the mound. By this 
ingenious arrangement all the rain which drained along the wall was, 
on reaching the upper surface of the cornice, directed outward along 
the roof -like layer of cement, so that it could not reach the painted 
stucco, which was also protected from the surrounding damp earth by 
the rough wall l>uilt uj) parallel with it, but not touching it. The only 
injury, in fact, which the wall suflei-ed was from the roots of plants 
which had penetrated the cement layer and fixed themselves to the 
stucco. In removing some of these it was almost impossible not to 
injure the painting. 


Of the painting on the east wall (figure 5). unfortunately, only a 
rude outline of the least interesting and important part has been pre- 
served. The table of hieroglyphics, which should have occupied the 
whole of the left of the picture, as has been before explained, has 
been irredeemal)ly lost. Next to these, and occupying the central 
pai't of the picture, were depicted two human beings who, from their 
attitudes, evidently were represented as engaged in combat. One of 
the figures is gone, only a part of his weapon being visilile. The 
outline of the other is shown at h in the figure. In the original 
each of these warriors stood with the body thrust forward, the right 
foot advanced, and the right hand, in which was held a cruciform 
weapon, uplifted. The warrior on the left was apparently warding 
ofi' a blow with the handle of his battle-ax. There can be little doubt 
that these weapons were the ordinary stone ax-heads — numbers of 
which ai"e found in the vicinity — hafted in a wooden handle and held 
in place by a thong of leather or henequen fiber. This is well shown 
in the original, Init in the rough outline given in figure 5 it is not by 
any means so apparent. On the extreme right of the picture is the 
upper part of the figure of an old man, seemingly watching the com- 
bat. This is probably meant to represent the god Quetzalcoatl, or 
Cuculcan of the Maya, as in headdress and profile he bears a marked 



[eth.ann. 19 

resemliliincc to fio-uro 8 of plate xxx. which is undoubtedly meant to 
represent this deity. Figures h and c are both decorated with elaborate 
feather-ornamented lieaddresses. The warrior in the center appears 
to be carrying' a human hgure on his back. 

That portion of the north wall which extended between the east wall 
and the dooi-ways was decorated with ten figures (plate xxix). Unfor- 
tunately, the paintings from the lower part of the first eight figures to 
the ground had been almost destroyed Ijy dampness, owing to the fact 
that the protecting wall had bulged inward and was there in contact 
with the stucco. The first seven figures evidently represent a line of 
captives, as all their wrists are bound. The first, second, and tiiird 

Fig. 5 — Printetl stucco on east wall, mound 1, Santa Rita. 

figures are attached to each other by the rope which binds their wrists, 
as are also the fourth and fifth, and the fifth and sixth. The rope 
passes over the right shoulder of the eighth figure, and is held by him 
with both hands (which appear to be both left hands) and ends with 
the ninth figure; but owing to the obliteration of a portion of the 
painting at this point it is imiDossible to see what he is doing with it. 
All the figures have very elaborate headdresses, composed chiefiy of 
plumes of red, yellow, and green feathers, together with varicolored 
bands, squares, and circles, which are no doubt meant to represent 
metal work and jewels. The headdress of figure 4 is further orna- 
mented with a piece of platted work, the upper part colored red, the 


lower blue, not unlike various colored ornaments made b}- the modern 
Maya from henequeu tiber. The front of the headdress of tigure 1 
is ornamented with the head and outstretched wings of an eagle; 
that of tigure 2 with the head of a dragon, in wliich the lower jaw 
appears to be wanting; that of tigure 3 also with the head of a 
dragon. Figure 4 has a square human face placed well above and in 
the front of the headdress. Figure 5 has a dragon's head in front, 
immediately above the face. Figure 6 has a small dragon's head in 
front of the headdress and a large one behind it. Figure 7 has in front, 
immediately above the face, a tiger's head, and at the back a dragon's 
head. In tigure S, owing to the obliteration of the stucco, the upper 
part of the headdress is wanting. The headdress of figure 9 has in 
its front the head of an animal resem))ling a raccoon. The individual 
himself is standing upon an animal (probalily a pepisquinte) at full 
gallop. His left foot rests on the animal's head, his right foot on its 

Each figure is ornamented with large earrings, whose prevailing shape 
is oval or circular, and which have pendants hanging from their centers. 
Figure 1 has projecting fi'om the right ala of the nose an ornament 
somewhat resembling in shape a right-angle triangle, the side oppo- 
site the right angle being divided into three steps. In figure 2 the 
nose ornament consists of two nearly circular objects attached to the 
tip of the nose, one in front of the other. Figure -1 is similar!}- deco- 
rated. Figure 5 has projecting from each ala of the nose ornaments 
similar to that in the right ala of the nose of figure 1. Figure 6 is 
decorated with a J-shape lip ornament. Attached to the right ala of 
the nose of figure 9 is a small object which resembles half a bow. Of 
figure 10 only the outline has been preserved; it is, therefore, impossible 
even to conjecture what it was intended to represent. 

Immediately beneath figure 9 is a serpent's head, decorated with an 
elaborately ornamented circular collar; the body is broken off short, 
and the small portion remaining has numerous curved spines on its 
dorsal surface. 

Immediately beneath figure 10 is depicted a highly conventional 
representation of a fish with a plume projecting from its mouth. 

The second half of the north wall, extending froui the doorway 
to the west wall, was decorated with nine figures (plate xxx). Unfor- 
tunately the whole of the lower portion of this part of the wall had 
been destroyed by dampness, and a great part of three of the figures 
had also been obliterated. The first figure on this part of the wall has 
not been copied, as it was precisely similar in design to the correspond- 
ing figure on the opposite side of the door (shown in plate xxix, figure 
10). Figure 1 appears to be holding in each extended hand a conical 
object as a gift or ofl'ering. In excavating a mound some eight miles 
from Santa Rita a number of broken clay figures were discovered, 


one of thpin holdini;' in its hiind an object almost exactly .similar to 
that held in the right hand of this figure, and in unearthing the idol 
shown in plate xxxii. figure '2, a similar object was found. Figure 2 
was so indistinct that it was impossible to ti-ace it properly. The 
original was evidently meant to represent a highly ornate structure, 
the upper part of which is sliown in the figure to be supported on 
each side by two monsters, a part of one of which is seen in tlie lower 
left-hand corner of the figure. Figure 3 is holding in the left hand, 
apparently as an offering, a dwarf or a baby. 

On comparing this figure with that sculptured on the left slab of 
the Temple of the Cross at Palenque ' it will be seen that a remark- 
able resemblance exists between them. The facial profiles are almost 
identical, the headdresses are very similar (except that in the Palenque 
figure the plumes of feathers are absent), and there is strong simi- 
larity in each between the gift or offering and the mode of 
presenting it. The Palenque figure appears to be standing upon the 
head of some monstrous animal, whereas figure 3 is sitting within 
the widely open jaws of an animal, M'hich. for want of a lietter term, 
has hitherto been called a dragon, jaws, curved teeth, and eye, 
witii its conventional eye ornament, are clearly shown. 

Figures 4- and .5 were much injured by dampness. They will l)e 
referred to in dealing with the wall as a whole. The profile of figure 
6 differs somewhat from that of all the others. The nose is small, 
straight, and less Semitic in character, while the forehead is more nearly 
upright. Figure 7 is apparently undergoing .some sort of torture or 
punishment, as he is trussed up in a very constrained position on a low 
platform. His right elbow appears to have been either broken or dis. 
located. Figure 8 pi'obably represents Quetzalcoatl, or Cuculcau of 
the Maya, the god of the air, whose name in both languages signifies 
"feathered serpent," as he holds in his right hand a serpent with a plume 
on its head; moreover, two .serpents with feather markings are coiled 
around his body, and the profile is that which is usually ascribed to 
this god. The elaborately ornamented feather-work headdresses are 
prt)minent in all the figures, as ai'e also the large earrings with long 
pendants hanging from their centers. The earrings of figures 1, 6, 
and 8 differ from the others in being square instead of round. In 
figures 6, 7, and 8 the heads of animals are to be seen in the head- 
dresses, immediately above the faces. It is difficult to say to what 
animal the head in front of the headdress of figure 6 belongs. That 
at the back of the headdress is similar to those already described as 
dragons' heads. A large eagle head is placed in front of the Maxtli 
of figure 6. The head in front of the headdress of figure 7, the lower 
jaw of which is lacking, is probaljly that of a peccary. 

1 Charnay, Ancient Cities of the New World, p. 254. 


The 9-foot section of the west wall which was left standing presents 
for examination three figures (plate xxxi). The painting, unlike that 
on all the other walls, was almost intact froni the cornice to the tloor, 
and conveys some idea of what the lower part of the design on the other 
walls was probably like. The figures on the right and left in the illus- 
tration are human, and they appear to be in the act of making otfer- 
ings to the central figure. The figure on the left is presenting in his 
left hand an object very similar to that held in the hand of figure 1 of 
plate XXX. The figure on the right is presenting two severed human 
heads, one held in each hand, which he is grasping by their long, flowing 
hair. The upper head still retains its earrings and part of its headdress, 
consisting of two snakes" heads; also a gorget of beads and pendants. 
The lower face possesses a mustache and a beard, and is ornamented with 
earrings, headdress, and a gorget. It is noticea))le that the left-hand 
figure in this plate, seen in profile, is entirely ditl'crcnt from any of 
the other figures on the wall. The nose is long and club shaped, the 
forehead is prominent, and the face is covered witii a beard and mus- 
tache. It is probable eithei' that this is meant as a caricature, or that 
the individual is wearing a mask. The contour of the face held in the 
right hand of figure 3 is somewhat similar, but in this case the beard 
and mustache are absent. The same curious ti'iangular nose orna- 
ments are seen projecting from each ala of the nose of figure 3 as are 
worn by figures 1 and 5. in plate xxix. The upper part of the headdress 
is formed by an animal somewhat resembling a monkey in a cn'ouchiag 
position. The central figure represents a death's-head within a sort 
of altar. Speech signs are proceeding from its mouth and from the 
top of the altar. This is probably meant for Huitzilopochli, the 
Mexican god of death, who is often represented by a death's-head. 

In regarding the painting as a whole, that which strikes one most 
forcibly is its highly conventional character, and, indeed, this is a 
peculiarity which seems to be inseparable from all Aztec and Toltec 
art. Artistic feeling, of which traces are not lacking here and there, 
seems to have been sacrificed to the one all-important idea of conven- 
tionalit}'. The artist appears to have had no conception of perspective, 
but the minutest detail of dress is most carefully indicated, both in out- 
line and in coloring. The wall was, in fact, not intended as a work of 
art, but as a pictographic record of certain important events; and look- 
ing at it in this light, we can understand why artistic feeling should 
have been sacrificed to minuteness of detail, for no doubt the most 
insignificant detail in dress and ornament conveyed a meaning to the 
initiated which to us is forever lost. 

Seven colors were employed in painting the stucco, namely, black, 
blue, green, gray, red, white, and yellow. On the east wall and 
the eastern half of the north wall the background is dark blue: on 
the west wall and the western half of the north wall it is pink. 


The faces, arms, legs, and other parts of exposed naked skin are 
usually red or yellow. The figures themselves, together with all the 
elaborate details of their dress and ornament, are outlined in fine l)lack 
lines. When tirst discovered the colors were very brilliant, but after 
exposure to the light for a day or two, a great deal of their luster was 
lost, and it became necessary, as each figure was uncovered, to roof it 
in with palm leaves in order to protect it from the sun and rain. The 
figures were exposed one at a time; otherwise, by the time two or 
three had been copied, the rest would have faded so that it would have 
been impossible to copy the original colors. A sheet of tracing cloth, 
sufficient to cover the whole figure, was then tacked over it and an 
accurate tracing obtained, which was afterward transferred to draw- 
ing paper. Any mistake that might have been made in the outline 
of the figure or its ornaments were then rectified. Finallj', the colors 
were applied exactly as they occurred in the original. By the time 
the whole had been copied, the earlier exposed figures were much 
defaced from the action of the weather, and as there was no way of 
preserving the wall, 1 removed the stucco on which two of the most 
perfect of the remaining figures were painted. This, owing to the 
soft laj'er at the back of the stucco, already referred to, was readil}' 


Three interesting questions present themselves with reference to 
these painted walls: 

1. By whom was the building erected and the walls painted? 

2. By whom, and why, was the building destroyed, and the mound 
erected around it? 

3. When did these events, severally, occur? 

The Builders of the Mound-covered Temple 

In answering the first of these questions, the hieroglyphics which 
still remain will, I think, materially assist us. The large sheet of 
hieroglyphics on the east wall has, as I have already explained, been 
permanently lost; but scattered over the rest of the pamting are no 
less than 21 complete glyphs. These are unquestionably of Maya or 
Toltec origin. The sign of the 20th daj' — named Ahau — of the Maya 
month, occurs no less than nine times in the course of the painting, 
namely, beside figures 2, 4, .5. 7, and 8 of plate xxix, figures 5, 7, and 
8 of plate XXX, and figures 1 and 3 of plate xxxi; and possiblv as a 
component part of the glyph the face of figure 2, plate xxix, 
and also of that placed above figure 6, plate xxix. It will be observed 
that these symbols differ very slightly one from another and that all 
of them resemble very closely those given by Landa, and those of the 


codices. The lower part of the glyph placed immediately^ above the 
head of figure 6. plate xxix, is a typical representation of Imix, the 
first day of the Maya mouth; and possibly the upper part of the glj'ph 
placed in front of the face of figure 0, plate xxix, is meant to repre- 
sent the same day. In the first case there can be no doubt as to the 
identity of the symbol, for all its characteristic features are present, 
namely, the black spot at the top, the semicircle of dots below, and 
below this again the row of perpendicular lines. The second symbol 
is not by anj^ means so typical. A small circle takes the place of the 
black spot, the dots are wanting, and the perpendicular lines are 
hooked at their summits; nor does it seem possible that in the same 
painting such wide variation should occur. 

The outer and upper of the three component parts of the glyph 
opposite figui-e 6, plate xxix, may possibly be meant to represent 
Akbal, the third day of the Maya month, though it bears a strong 
resemblance to the Ahau sign. 

The lower right-hand part of the glyph opposite the left foot of 
figure 8, plate xxix, evidently corresponds to the lower part of the 
glyph opposite the face of figure 9. i)late xxix; there can be little 
doubt that both these symbols represent Manik, the seventh da_v of 
the Maya month. In dealing with this symbol in his Day Symbols 
of the Maya Year,' Professor Cyrus Thomas saj-s; 

As Brasseur de Bourbourg has suggested, tliis [i. e., the Manik nvinbol] appears to 
have been taken from the partially closed hand, where the points of the tingers are 
brought round close to the tip of the thumb. Whether intended to show the palm 
or back outward is uncertain, though apjiarently the latter. ... As this inter- 
pretation of the symbol is quite different from that given by other writers, some evi- 
dence to justify it is presented here. 

It will be observed that immediately below the ^lanik svmbol. in 
front of the face of figure 9, plate xxix. there is represented a right 
hand with the fingers flexed toward the tip of the thumb, the Ijack 
of the hand being outward; the outline of this hand is almost pre- 
cisely similar to that of the ]Manik symbol placed immediately above 
it, thus confirming, I think, beyond {[uestion. Professor Thomas's inter- 
pretation of the signification of the symbol, both as to the fact of its 
representing the human hand and as to the po.sition in which the 
hand was held. The lower right-hand part of the glyph placed above 
figure -1, plate xxix, bears a strong resemblance to the symbol used 
in the Troano codex to represent Cauac, the Iftth day of the INlaya 
month. The upper right-hand division of the glyph placed in front 
of the head of figure 8, plate xxx, is remarkably like the s3'mbol used 
in the codices for Ben, the 1.3th day of the ]Maya month; the chief 
difl'erence between the two is that in the codices the line which 
divides the glyph in two parts is horizontal, whereas in the painting it 

1 Cyrvis Thomas. Day Symbols of the Maya Year; Washington, 1897, p. 232. 


is vertical. Immediately behind the head of the individual portrayed 
in figure 5, plate xxix. will be observed a gylph made up of five com- 
ponent parts, two above and three below. The upper left-hand 
divi.siou and the lower central division unquestionably form together 
the Maya symbol for the cardinal point east, named "likin" — the 
lower division standing for '"kin," day. and the upper or Ahau 
sj'mbol for "li," the consonant element of which is "1." This is the 
generall}' accepted interpretation of the symbol, but in the present 
case it can hardly hold good, for above the Ahau symbol are two bars 
and three dots, which stand for 18 (each Ijar representing 5, and each 
dot 1), showing that the Ahau symbol, though combined with the kin 
symbol, is not, at least here, used phonetically, but is employed 
simply to represent the last daj- of the Maya month. 

Turning again to the figures themselves we can not help being struck 
with their remarkable resemlilance to those of Yucatan and south- 
eastern Mexico on the one hand, and to those found in the ruined cities 
of Guatemala and Honduras on the other. The most strildng points 
of general resemblance are the similarity in shape and fashion of 
the headdresses, sandals, wrist and leg ornaments, the conventional 
treatment to be observed in all the human figures, and the fact that 
all are shown in profile. In the receding forehead, hooked nose, and 
somewhat prominent chin, which are characteristic of nearly all the 
figures, they resemlile perhaps more closely the bas-reliefs of Palenque 
and Lorillard City than those of Yucatan and Honduras. The vast 
headdress, composed of jewels and plumes of feathers, decorated in 
most cases with the head of an animal immediately above the face — 
employed as a distinctive sign or badge by the upper class — the 
enormous square or round ear ornaments, with a pendant from the 
center, the sandals, elaborately decorated from heel to instep, and 
fastened in front with a gaily-colored bow, the wristlets of beads, also 
in many cases decorated with bows, the circlets, worn round the legs 
either just above the knee or just above the ankle, together with the 
nose and lip ornaments, are all connnon to Mexico, Yucatan, Guatemala, 
and Honduras. 

But besides showing these points of general resemblance, certain of 
the figures appear, when allowance is made for the differences which 
would necessarily exist between a bas-relief cut in stone and a paint- 
ing, to be almost identical with those found elsewhere. These are 
figures 3, 4, .5, and 8, plate xxx. The resemblance between figure 3, 
plate xxx, and the left-hand figure in the Temple of the Cross at 
Palenque has already been adverted to, and this figure bears an equally 
strong resemblance to a bas-relief in stone from the ruined cit}' of 
LaVjphak, in Yucatan.' In each case the figure is holding elevated in one 
hand a small object, on which is squatting a dwarf or baby, which is 

'.fohn L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, vol. ii, p. 164. 


apparently being presented as an oti'ering or sacrifice. The dress of 
tiie two figures is very similar. A huge headdress projecting forward 
for a considerable distance above the face is ornamented with feathers 
and jewels; a bead-decorated cape and the usual large earrings are 
worn by both. In the glyph placed above the Labphak figure is 
seen a cross, and the same symbol is also to be observed in the head- 
dress. In the glyph placed between figures .3 and 4, plate xxx, 
the same symbol also appears. The cross is in both cases of the same 

In figures 4 and 5, plate xxx, the lower part is unfortunately very 
much damaged: but if the upper part of the figures be compared 
with the bas-relief sculpture in 'the Temple of the Cross at Palenque, 
it will be seen that the subject is the same. In the center of the pic- 
ture is a symbolic bird with a long tail and eagle's talons, standing 
in the one case on top of a cross, in the other on top of an Ahau 
sj^mbol, and on each side is a human figure apparently making ofl'er- 
ings to this bird. Above figure -t the cross forms a prominent part of 
the hieroglyph. 

The resemblance between figure 8. plate xxx, and the bas-relief in 
stone from Casa 4 at Palenque' has already been noticed. The huge 
prominent noses, the toothless jaws and prominent chins, the similar 
headdresses with the eagles' heads in front, and especially the feather- 
decorated serpents twined around the bodies, show, without doulit, 
that both of these figures are meant to represent the god Quetzalcoatl. 

On the strength of this evidence, then, I think we maj'' fairly infer: 

(a) That this building was the work of people of the same nation 
which built the ruined cities of Yucatan, Gautemala, and Honduras; 
but that, as their style and method of execution were more like those 
of the builders of the cities of southeastern ^Mexico, they were prol)a})ly 
more closely allied to, and more nearly contemporaneous with, them 
than with the builders of the other cities. 

(5) That in the absence of all other evidence the hieroglyphics would 
alone prove that the building was the work of a branch of the Maj'a 
Toltec nation. 

The Destroyers of the ^Iound-covered Temple 

We can pass now to the second question, namely, by whom, and 
why, was the building destroyed and the mound erected over iti 

In certain other mounds at Santa Rita, immediately to be described, 
there were found, buried superficially in each mound, the fragments of . 
two pottery images, and more deeply a number of small painted 
pottery animals, the latter either inside of or immediately adjacent to 
large potter}' urns. The similarity between these clay figures and 

1 John L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Central America, vol. II. p. 353. 

674 MOUNDS IN NORTHERN HONDURAS [eth.ann-.19 painted upon tho temple wall i.s ^ery marked. The same con- 
ventional treatment is to be oltserved in both. The huge head, the 
small body and limbs, the elaborate headdress, the large round ear- 
rings, and highly ornate sandals are the same; and in two of the clay 
images, figures 1 and 3, plate xxxii, monstrous heads similar to those 
worn by the figures on the stucco are worn as ornaments in front of the 
headdresses. Figure 2, plate xxxiv. represents the lower part of the 
face of one of these clay idols. If it lie compared with the head of fig- 
ur(> 1, plate xxxi, and with the head held in the left hand of figure 3, 
plate XXXI, both from the wall, it will be seen that the beard and mus- 
tache are treated in the same conventional manner in each. In figure 
1, plate XXXII. the curious ornament below the left eye of the face in the 
idol's headdress is the same as that below the eye of figure S, plate xxx. 
Again, the ornament held in the hand of figure 1, plate xxx. is precisely 
similar to one dug up with figure 2, plate xxxii. These instances of 
correspondence in detail ai'e very numerous, but enough has been 
cited to show that it is impossible to look upon the resemblance 
between the ciaj' figures and the painted stucco as fortuitous. We 
must, on the contrary, regard them as the work of the same people. 
It is of interest to note here that the monster's face which decorates 
the headdress of figure 3, plate xxxii, is the counterpart of a face 
found at Quirigua, and described at some length by Mr Diesseldorf.' 
There is also a close re.semblance in coloring, ornamentation, and gen- 
eral style between the painted stucco and the painted pottery animals. 
The same colors are used and the same fine l)lack lines are employed 
for outlining in each case. If figures 8, 4, and 7. of plate xxxiv, be 
compared with the snakes' heads seen to the right of figure 8, plate xxx, 
and with the snake's head below figure 9, plate xxix. it will be seen that 
exactly the same ornament is placed both above and lielow the eye in 
each case. The central part of mound 2. from which some of these 
animals came, was constructed almost entirely of large blocks of lime- 
stone, and on some of these, which were scjuared. traces of painted 
stucco were still visible, similar to that found on .some of the stones 
which formed the mound around the painted wall and no doubt hav- 
ino- the .same orio-in, i. e.. the ))roken down south wall of the building. 
INIound '2 had also l)een erected over a building, and it was on its 
floor that the urn and animals had been placed when the top was 
added to the mound. Furthermore, if the painted walls of the temple 
had been wantonly destroyed by an enemy, or by some barbarous 
tribe coming down from the north, the destruction would have been 
complete; nor would they have taken such care, as we have seen was 
taken, to preserve the greater part of the painting by erecting a mound 
around it. 

>See Aus den Verhnndhingen der Berliner Anthropologisehen Gesellsehaft. Onlontlioho Sitzung 
vom 21 ten Dec, 1895. 


We maj' therefore, I think, siifely eoncUide that the builders of the 
temple or their descendants were also its destroyers, though their 
method of destruction — paradoxical as it sounds — preserved it for pos- 
terity probably better than any contrivance which they could have 
employed for its permanent preservation. 

As to the reason for this partial destruction and burial of the tem- 
ple, we know that the Maya regarded the live intercalary days at the 
end of each year as unlucky and ill-omened, and that during them 
they were in the habit of destroying their household pottery utensils, 
together with some of their small household gods, which were renewed 
again for the new year. Furthermore, they intercalated tweh'e and 
one-iialf days at the end of every cycle, or period of tifty-two years, 
which were regarded as especially ill-omened.^ 

It is not inipro1)able that this painted stucco partially underwent the 
fate of other images of the gods during one of these especially 
unlucky periods at the end of the cj'cle;" for, as I have pointed out. 
the stucco had evidently been renewed twice, as two layers were found 
beneath the most superficial one. These obliterations and renewals 
niay have taken place periodically as the unluckj' periods came round 
and passed, till tinally the period came when the temple was itself 
destroyed in the manner ahvady described. 

While searching for mounds in the bush about 15 miles north of 
Santa Rita I came across a large inclosure. the walls of which were 4 
feet thick, and. though much broken down, had been about 6 feet in 
height. The inclosure was in the form of a parallelogram, three- 
quarters of a mile long l)y half a mile liroad. Within it were the 
ruins of a church, in very fair preservation, the chancel, with the 
exception of its roof, being quite perfect. This had evidently been 
a fortified inclosure Ituilt by the Spaniards, and, from the fact that 
it was so near to Bacalar, which was one of their earliest settlements 
in Yucatan, and that all record of it has been lost, it was probal)l}- 
erected not very long after the conquest. It may be that the wor- 
shipers at the Santa Rita temple, finding themselves in such close 
jjroxiuiity to a fortified Spanish settlement, and knowing that the 
conquerors took every means in their power to propagate the new and 
eradicate the old religion, as a last resort employed this method of 
pi-eserving at least a portion of the sanctuary of their god from the 
sacrilegious hands of the invaders. Either of the foregoing explana- 
tions would account for the manner in which the temple had been at 
the same time destroyed and preserved. 

1 Seu Antonio Gnma, Descripcion, pnrte l,p. 52ct seq. Dr Cyrus Thomas denies any intercalation 
beyond tlie annual one, and his proof certainly appears convincing. Sec Cyrus Thomas, The Maya 
Year, p. 48. 

= '■ As soon as they were assured by the new fire that a new century, according to their belief, was 
granted to them by the gods, they employed the thirteen following days ... in repairing their tem- 
ples and houses and in making every preparation for the grand festivals of the new century." — 
Francisco Clavigero, History of Mexico, book 6, sec. xxvi. 


Probable Date of the Building of the Temple 

Let us turn to the probable age of the temple. We know on the 
authority of Veytia and Ixtlilxochitl, probably the most reliable of 
the historians who chronicle the dim and uncertain earlj^ history of 
the Toltec, that the remnant of that nation after pestilence and dis- 
astrous wars had decimated them, migrating from Tula, found their 
way, some to southern Mexico, where they founded Palencjui' and 
Lorillard, others farther south still to Guatemala and Honduras, 
while others turned eastward into Yucatan.' This migration took 
place somewhere about the end of the eleventh century." A long 
period must have been necessary for the scattered remnant of the 
Toltec to have made this long journey of nearly 1,000 miles, before 
reaching the shores of the Caribbean sea, on foot, crossing rivers, 
swamps, and mountains, and encountering everywhere a barrier of 
dense and impenetrable liush. Probably a century would be rather 
under than over the mark in estimating the time necessary for this 
emigration and for the people to have become sufficiently settled in 
their new home to erect an elaborately decorated temple. This would 
place the date of the erection of the temple somewhere between the 
end of the twelfth and the end of the fifteenth century; but if, as I 
before suggested, the painted stucco was renewed only at the end of 
every cj^cle of fifty -two years, and the burial of the temple was caused 
by the fear of Spanish in\asion, then, as there were two layers beneath 
the outermost layer of stucco, the temple must have been at least 104 
years old at the time of its destruction; and judging from the bright- 
ness of coloring and excellent preservation of those parts of the paint- 
ing spared by the dampness, the outer layer could not have been 
applied for any great length of time when the mound was erected 
which preserved it to the present day — which would place the date of 
the erection of the temple toward the end of the fourteenth or begin- 
ning of the fifteenth century. 

The general design painted on the stucco appears to be continu- 
ous ai'ound the building, and to represent, first, a battle; next, the 
prisoners being led captive, some undergoing torture; finally, the 
worship of Quetzalcoatl and the ofl'ering of sacrifices to the god of 
death. On the east wall was depicted a spirited contest between two 
warriors, though the tracing in this case gives but a poor idea of 
the original. The first eight figures of the east half of the north wall 
evidentlj' represent prisoners. The west half of the north wall shows 
the worship of Quetzalcoatl, the god himself being depicted at the 
western extremity of the wall elaborately dressed and ornamented. 

1 Francisco Clavigero, History of Mexico, vol. i, book 2, p. 89. 

2 Ixtlilxochitl, Historia CMchemeca, cap. 3. Veytia, Hist. Antiqua, vol. i, cap. 33. 

GA>-N] MODNDS 3 AND 4 677 

Ou the west wall two heads and other objects are being offered to 
the Mexican god of death. 

Figure 3, on the west wall, oHering the heads — one in each hand — 
is obviously one of the victors; but there appears to be little or no 
dilierence between his appearance, dress, and ornamentation and that 
of the prisoners shown in figures 1 to 8, plate xxix, which would 
appai'ently indicate that the combatants were, if not of the same, at 
least of kindred nations. 


Two other mounds at Santa Rita were erected over the ruins of 
buildings, namely, those marked 3 and -i in the plan, figure -i. 

Mound 3 was situated 115 yards southeast of the painted wall, was 
almost circular at the base, pyramidal in shaiie. <)2 yards in circumfer- 
ence, and 10 feet high at its highest point. By digging into this 
mound a wall running north and south was found about 2 feet below 
the surface. This wall, when exposed in its whole extent, was found 
to be 18 feet long, 10 inches thick, and built of roughlj' squared blocks 
of limestone held together by mortar, which was rotten and crumbling. 
The summit of the wall was irregular and varied in height from 4 to 7 
feet; it extended to the ground level and stood upon a floor of hard 
cement. At its south end this wall was broken off short; at its north 
end it joined a wall running east and west, but this latter extended 
only 2 or 3 feet, and was then l)roken down. Neither inside nor out- 
side were anj- traces of painted stucco to be found on either of these 
walls, nor. in the excavation of the mound, which was built of eaith, 
limestone dust, and rough blocks of stone, were any stones found 
with traces of stucco adherent to them. There was no cornice on the 
wall. Numerous pieces of pottery were found in tiie mound, some 
rough and ill made, others painted red, black, yellow, and brown, and 
a few glazed. 

^Nlound 1 was 86 yards in circumference, oval at the base, conical 
in shape, and 6 feet high at its highest point. Immediately beneath 
the surface a wall was found running east and west. It was very similar 
to the wall last desci'ibed, being built of blocks of roughly squared lime- 
stone. It varied in height from J- to 6 feet, rested on a floor of hard 
cement similar to that found in the last mound, was not covered with 
stucco either inside or out, and had been broken off short at both ends. 
The mound itself was composed of earth, limestone dust, and rough 
blocks of limestone. Numerous potsherds were found within it, both 
plain and painted. It was situated 195 yards almost due north of 
mound 3. 

The two last-described ruins difl'ered from the one covered with 
stucco in that they rested on the ground level, whereas the latter 
stood on a platform raised 2 feet above it. 

19 ETH, PT 2 8 



[ETH. ANS. 19 



Mounds of the second class, namely, those containing, superficially, 
the fragments of two pottery idols, and more deeply or on the ground 
level a number of small painted pottery animals, either within or 
immediateh" around a pottery urn, next claim our attention. 

Three mounds of this kind were excavated at Santa Rita — '2, 5. and 
6 on the plan. IMound 2 was situated nearly .5(»n yards east of the 
large central mound; it was 30 yards long, 25 yards wide, 96 yards 
in circumference, and IS feet high at its highest part. The north- 
ern face of the mound sloped gently down from the summit to 

Fig. 6 — Plan of mound 2, Santa Rita. 
A, B. Pillars. G. K. Walls. E, Place where birds' bones were found. N, Circular chamber. D 
Place where idols were found. F, Place where cabbage-palm was found. C, Place where paintec 
animals were found. 

the base; the .southern face was almost perpendicular. When the 
upper layer of the mound was removed it was found to con.sist ol 
dark-brown loam with a few pieces of limestone embedded in it. At 
the l)ottom of this layer and resting- on the one immediately beneath 
it were found fragments of two idols and a quantity of Ijirds' bones, 
together with the inferior maxilla of a small rodent. The head of one 
of these idols (.supposed by Mr Dies^eklorf to be the conventional 
portrait of Cuculcan) is shown in tigure 8. plate xxxii. The remarkable 


















''•^^■^"l MOUND 2 079 

resemljlance ..f the head which adorns its headdress to one found 
at Quirigua lias already heen noted. The rest of this idol and tiie 
whole of the one whieh was found with it are so bacUv broken as not to 
be worth figuring. The bones were those of the curassow, and^ judcrfno- 
by the number of long leg bones which were found in good presen^a^ 
tion, probably represented the remains of tive or six birds. The bones 
were found at a point marked E on the plan of the mound (fio-ure G) 
close to the idols. With the idols were found a number of rou-ii 
unpamted pot.sherds. Immediately beneath the loam the mound \ras 
covered with a fiat, evenly applied layer of mortar, from 6 to 8 inches in 
thickness; it was soft and friable and contained in its substance numer- 
ous large pieces of limestone. The next layer was composed of lime- 
stone blocks, the interstices between which were filled with limestone 
dust. A large number of the stones were squared, and s(,nie retained 
pieces of painted stucco still adherent to them, having evidently atone 
time formed part of the south wall of the temple already described 
Embedded in the top of this layer, at the point marked F^in the plan 
was found a piece of cabbage-palm stem .5 feet long, but so wormeateii 
and decayed that it was impossible to tell what its original use had been. 
^A ithin this layer the broken tops of two square pillars, A and B in 
the plan, and of two walls, G and K, on either side of them, first 
appeared. Tliese two pillars occupied a nearlv central position in the 
mound; they were 3 feet square and were built of large blocks of nicely 
cut stone. The summits were uneven and had evidently l)een l)roken 
' oft: the distance between th.- pillars was 6 feet. The waUs were in line 
with the pillars, placed on either side of them, at'a distance of 6 feet 
from each; they were 3 feet thick, l)uilt of nicely squared blocks of 
limestone, and were broken off at the top and outer ends. The sum- 
mits of these walls and pillars were at a depth of ^i feet below the 
surface of the mound; they passed down through the next two layers- 
one of cement, one of blocks of limestone-and rested on the touch 
thick cement layer which lay immediately over the foundation of the 
mound. 1 hey were 4 feet high and at one time evidentlv had foiined 
part of the portico of a building with three wide entrances. Juduino- 
from the very large proportion of squared stones which were usc^d in 
the construction of the upper layers of this mound, it would seem that 
the greater part of the stones of this building had been used in construct- 
ing the mound which covered its ruins. The next laver was of cemen t. 
b to S mches thick, and spread evenly over the mound, formino- a table- 
ike surface; the cement was rotten and friable. The laver im.uediatcl v 
beneath this was composed of blocks of limestone, the majoritv of 
which were squared, and so tightly were they packed together with 
limestone dust that the mass was almost as difficult to dig into as if it had 
been masonry. In the lower part of this layer. feet below the sur- 
face ot the mound, at a point marked C in the plan, the potterv urn 



[KTH. ANN. 19 

tiguro Vi, was discuvcred. This urn was 12 inches in height and 4r6 
inches in circumference at its widest part; it was made of smooth, 
hard pottery, having a uniform thickness of three-sixteenths of an 
inch; it was unpainted and unglazed, was without a cover, and con- 
sequently was full of limestone dust. It rested on the layer of hard 
cement immediately underlying the layer in which it was buried. This 
urn, unlike the others, was not inclosed in a stone cyst, and was vuifor- 
tunatel}' much damaged by a tjlow of the jjickax. Placed all around 
and above the urn. within 2 inches of it. were found lo small painted 
pottery animals and two tlint spear heads. The animals consisted of 

Flu. 7 — Poltury urns frum luounds 2, 5, and t>, Santa Kita. 

four tigers, five turtles, and one double-headed animal, probal)ly 
intended to represent an alligator. Two of the animals were placed 
at each of the four cardinal points around the urn and two above it. 
The tigers, of which one is represented in figure (3, plate xxxiv, are 4f 
inches in height, and are painted red all over. They are represented 
as sitting up on their hind legs, with their mouths open and tongues 
protruding. Each animal is hollow and has a small round hole in the 
center of the back communicating with the interior. One tiger was 
placed on either side of the urn. All were preciselj' alike in size and 
coloring. Of the turtles (.see figure 6, plate xxxiii, and figure 1, plate 
xxxv) five were found. One was placed on either side of the urn 








and one iiiiniediutely uhuve it. They vary in li'iigtli from 5i- to 6^ 
inches. The bodies of two of them are colored red throuuhout, the 
other three are unpainted. Tlie eyes of all are colored Mack, the eye- 
brows light lilue outlined in black, and the red. At the fore- 
part of the body on either side are two human hands and arms, 
the former tightly closed. The mouth is widely open, and from it 
protrudes a human head, which the animal is apparently in the act 
of swallowing. The face belonging to this head is colored light blue, 
the mouth and lips red, and the eyes and eyebrows black (see plate 
xxxA'. 1). In the ear.s are large round earrings, which, having caught 
in the angle to the turtle's mouth on either side, are apparently giving 
him some difficulty in swallowing the head. The turtles are all hol- 
low and are perforated in the center of the back by a round hole, 1 
inch in diameter, which conmuinicates with the interior. When the 
animals were found, this hole was covered with a small, pyramidal, 
earthenware stopper, which in plate xxxiii, fi, is seen in situ. The 
last animal (see plate xxxiii. 5) is 7^ inches in length, and has two 
heads, one at either end. The specimen shown in the plate was dug 
up ill mound (>. presently to be described, but it is so like the one from 
mound 2. both in shape and in coloring, that one illustration serves 
for both. One head is certainly that of an alligator, as is apparent 
from the huge mouth, formidable teeth, and double row of projections 
running down the l)ack. Within the widely opened jaws of the animal 
is seen a human face, the moutli. chin, and forehead of which, as well 
as the in.side of the alligator's mouth, are irregularly smeared with 
red paint, evidently meant to rei)rosent blood. The ))ody of this dou- 
ble-headed animal is unpainted, l)ut is covered with small red spots 
sharply outlined in black. The other head possesses two eyes and a 
snout, together with a single row of large curved teeth running from 
the snout to the neck. There is no sign of a lower jaw. Placed on 
either side of each head is a lunuan hand and arm having the wrists 
ornamented with a circle of small, round disks of pottery, colored 
red. The body is hollow, and midway between the two heads, on its 
dorsal surface, is a small round hole, communicating with the interior, 
and covered with a pyramidal stopper, seen in situ in the figure. 
Within the cavity of the body were found three small oval beads, two 
of jade and one of some orange-red stone, all niceh' polished; a very 
small obsidian core, 1^ inches in length and about the thicknt^ss of a 
pencil; and a small fiat chip of grayish chert. This animal, together 
with one of the turtles, was placed above the urn. The two spear- 
heads are leaf-shape and are 4 and 3 inches in length, respectivelv. 
Both are nicely chipped from yellowish flint, the smaller of the two 
being grooved on eithei' side at the liase, probably for greater security 
in haftino-. 


Tilt! layer immediately below that which cuntained these animals 
was composed of very tough cement and covered the whole mound 
evenly. It was so hard that even with a pickax it was difficult to 
make any impression on it. It was 12 inches thick and of a light 
j'ellowish color. Upon it rested the two pillars and fragments of walls 
already referred to. together with the pottery urn. 

Below this cement layer and reaching to the ground level the mound 
was built of large blocks of limestone, rough and unhewn, but neatly 
fitted together without any mortar or earth lietween them. Not one 
of these blocks was worked or showed traces of stucco. Extending 
downward from the cement layer to the ground level through this last 
layer was a small circular cyst at the point marked N on the plan. Its 
upper opening was covered with a slal), over which the cement was 
continuous. Its floor was the gi'ound, and its sides, though neatly 
built, were not plastered. It was .3 feet in diameter and contained 
nothing l)ut a quantity of charcoal. 

It seems evident that before this mound was erected there stood 
on its site a building, of which part of the north wall is now all that 
remains. This building was erected on a solid stone platform, raised 
10 feet aljove the ground level, and covered with a thick layer of very 
hard cement. The mound was constructed partly from the stones 
taken from this l)uildiiig and partly from those of the temple before 

The urn. the painted animals, the idols, and the bones were placed 
within the mound at the time the building was destroyed and the upper 
part of the mound erected over its ruins: the urn and the animals on 
what had been the floor of the building, the idols and the bones more 
superticiall^v in the moiuid. The original stone platform on which 
the building had stood formed the base of the mound. 

The second of these animal mounds, 5 on the plan, was situated 345 
yards almost due north of the great central mound. It was 53 yards 
in circumference, oval at the base, conical in shape, and 5 feet 
higli at its highest point. It was built of earth and limestone dust, 
together with rough blocks of limestone, none of which were squared 
or showed any traces of stucco adherent to them. Almost in the 
center of the mound, a little less than 1 foot l)elow the surface, frag- 
ments of two clay idols were discovered, consisting of arms, legs, and 
portions of two bodies. The face shown in figure 1, plate xxxii, is that 
of one of the idols. The other head and the remaining })ieces are so 
much damaged that they arc not worth figuring. On reaching the 
ground level, directly in the center of the mound, a small stone cyst 
or chamber was discovered. It was IS inches in length, 13 inches in 
bi-eadth, and 13 inches in height. The fl(jor was the ground; the roof 
and walls were made of single, roughly hewn, flat slal)s of stone. 
Within this cyst appeared the small pottery ui'n shown in figure 7c. 





Thi.s urn is 5 inches in height and 27^^ inches in circumference at its 
widest part, and is made of unpainted, unglazed pottery, one-eighth 
inch in thickness throughout. It is covered by a mushroom-shape 
lid with a small semicircular handle. Unfortunately, in lifting the 
flat stone whicli formed the roof of the cyst the point of the pickax 
was driven through the lid. Within this small urn lay the double- 
headed alligator shown in figure 1, plate xxxiii. Tliis animal is 8^ 
inches long from the tip of one snout to the tip of the other. Pro- 
truding from the widely opened jaws of each of the heads appears 
a human face. The moutli of each of these faces is decorated with 
two small circular lip ornaments, one attached to each of its angles, 
all exactly similar to those seen on the mouth of the idol shown in 
plate XXXII, 2. The faces where they are in contact with the animaFs 
jaws, and the jaws them.selves, are daubed witli red paint to represent 
blood; other parts of the faces and the whole of the body and the 
heads of the animal are painted dark green. 

The third and last mound of this kind, 6 in the plan, was situated 
933 yards southwest of the large central mound. It was the smallest 
of the three, and was circular at the base, conical in shape, 30 feet in 
diameter, 32 yards in circumference, and 5 feet high at its summit. 
Nearly 2 feet below the surface, toward the center of the mound, a 
large quantity of very rude, ill-made pottery was discovered, together 
with the fragments of two pottery idols: One of these is liy far the 
finest and most perfect found in any of the mounds. It is 16^ inches 
in height from the top of the headdress to the sole of the sandal, 
and is shown in figure 2, plate xxxii. The left arm was also found, 
but has not been joined on in the figure. The pieces were not all 
together, liut were spread about over an area of two square yards. 
The other idol was so fragmentary that it was not worth figuring; l)ut 
the lower half of the face, as it difl'ered from all the rest in possess- 
ing a beard and mustache, is shown in figure 2, p]at(> xxxiv. Two 
small, oval, clay beads were found with the idols. 

This mound was composed throughout of earth and large, rough 
blocks of limestone. Within .5n yards of it is an ext-ivation of some 
size, from which the material to construct it was prol)ably obtained. 
When the ground level was reached a small stone cyst built of roughly 
hewn slabs appeared. It was 2 feet long, 2 feet broad, and 18 inches 
high. AVhen the stone slab whicli formed the roof was removed the 
urn shown in figure 7a was found. 'I'liis urn was circular in shape, 
lU inches high, and 37 inches in circumference at its widest part, and 
stood on three long, round, hollow legs. It was of unpainted pottery 
three-sixteenths inch tliick througliout, and was covered by a uuish- 
room-sliape lid with a semicircular handle. When the lid was removed 
10 small objects were found within tiic urn. completely filling it. Of 
these, 13 represent animals. 1 a ri>li. and 1 human figures, wliile 1 is 


a .small circular jar. decorated outside with a human figure support- 
ing itself on its forearms, the legs lieino- held up in the air. Of the 
animals, 4 are tigers. 1 of which is shown in plate xxxiii. 4, and 
in plate xxxvi. Each is 4^ inches in height. The bod_v is colored 
white and covered with red spots encircled with black. The head 
is red, the ears white, and the eyes black. Each has a collar of 
small, oblong pieces of pottery colored alternately green, white, and 
red. The male genital organs are prominently represented, as the 
animals are sitting up on their hind legs. P^ach figure is hollow, 
and is perforated at the back by a small round opening. There arc 9 
alligator-like animals, 1 of which has already been described, as it is 
the exact counterpart of the one found in mound 2.' Others are 
shown in figures 3, 4, .5, and 7 of plate xxxiv, and in plate xxxv, 2. 
Four of the 9 resemble figure 5, and are evidently intended to repre- 
sent alligators, judging by the shape of the body and legs, the spines 
on the tail, and the double row of excrescences extending along 
the center of the head and back. They vary from 5^ to 7 inches in 
length. The bodies of two of them are colored red, and of two, white; 
the eyes and spines of all are colored black. A black streak passes 
around the jaws, and the forefeet are divided into three toes by thin 
black lines. The bodies are all hollow, with a circular opening in the 
center of the back covered bj' a pyramidal stopper, seen in situ in the 
figure. Figures 3 and 4, plate xxxiv, are not unlike the preceding, liut 
they have the curious curved ornaments before noticed both above and 
below the eyes. The tails are bifid, and the figures possess a hornlike 
excrescence attached to the tip of the nose. The double row of tuber- 
cles extending along the head and back is wanting. Figure 7 and plate 
xxxv, 2, differ from figures 3 and 4 in possessing a pair of lateral, fin-!ike 
limbs instead of four legs, and figure 7 has a single, triangular dorsal fin 
placed in the center of the back. The hole communicating with the 
interior is at the side, to allow for the dorsal fin, and there is no stopper 
covering it. The bodies of two of the last four animals are red, and of 
two, white. The ornaments above the eyes are painted light green, out- 
lined in red. Figure 1, plate xxxiv, is probably intended to represent 
a shark. The body, which is 7 inches long, was first painted white 
and afterward red, but most of the paint has worn off. Figure 3, plate 
XXXIII, shows a small round pot, 3 inches in height, to the outside of 
which is attached a human figure supporting itself on its forearms while 
its legs are held up in the air above the head. On the head is worn the 
usual enormous feather-decorated headdress, and around the forehead, 
wrists, and ankles are bands of small round pottery disks. The face 

'There can be little doubt that this animal, together with its duplicate, also the double-headed 
alligator, and the turtles, are all intended to represent the Aztec Cipactli, a mythic animal at 
times taking the form of a swordflsh, a shark, an alligator, and an iguana: it symbolizes the earth, 
and. as in the above cases, is often represented with a human head between the jaws to signify that 
all flesli returns to its original earth, and to death. 



























i.s colored blue, the mouth red, the eyes white, and the eyebrows l)laek. 
This ornament of a human tigure supporting- itself on the forearms 
while the legs are held above the head is not an uncommon one, as 1 
ha\e two vases similarly ornamented, one found in a mound on the 
Chetumal bay, the other in a mound near Rio Hondo. It is also 
seen as a bas-relief on stone over a doorway at Tulum, on the coast 
of Yucatan, and is scratched on the stucco among a number of other 
figures at Mount Molony, on the borders of Guatemala and British 
Honduras. The last of the contents of the urn is shown in figure 2, 
plate XXXIII. There were four of these figures, all precisely alike. 
Each is if inches in height, and represents a man in a squatting posi- 
tion, holding in front of him. with lioth hands, a veil, which conceals 
him from forehead to feet. The body is colored white and the arms 
red. Across the forehead is a red stripe, and the veil is colored with 
alternate red and white vertical bands. The headdress differs from 
that usually associated with the ancient inhabitants of Central Amer- 
ica and reminds one somewhat of representations of the ancient Egyp- 
tian headdress. 

No human })ones were found associated with any of these animals, 
and it seems probal)le, judging from the excellent state of preservation 
in which the birds' Itones taken from mound 6 were found, that had 
there been a human interment, some trace of it would have been dis- 
co\ered. Mounds 5 and 6 were evidently built for the special purpose 
of containing the idols, urns, and animals which were found within 
them. In mound 2, on the other hand, the objects were placed on a 
preexisting platform which had supported a building, and were covered 
by a capping of earth and stones, the latter taken mostly from the build- 
ing. All the anin)als appear to symbolize death and destructiveness. 
The tiger, the alligator, and the shark must have been, in the bush, the 
river, and the sea, respectively, the most destructive animals known to 
the aboriginal inhabitants; and in the one exceptional case of the turtle, 
which might be looked upon as a comparatively harmless animal, it is 
represented in the act of devouring a human being. 


Turning to the third class of mounds, we will take first the large cen- 
tral mound, 7, around which the others appear to be grouped. It is 
circular at the base, conical in shape, 57 feet in height, 471 feet in 
circumference, and is built of blocks of liuiestone held together with 
mortar. Indeed, so hard is it all over that the idea of excavating it 
had to be given up. On the south side of this mound, and, continous 
with it, is a circular earthwork 100 yards in diameter. The walls 
inclosing the circular space vary from 10 to 25 feet in height. They 
are higher toward the north, where they are continuous with the large 
mound, and lower toward the south, where an opening 30 feet wide 


gives ju'cess to the iiickisure. About 20 yards south of this oponlug 
is a suiiill mound i or 5 feet in height. In the center of the space, 
inclosed by the earth walls, stands a small mound 3 feet in height 
and 40 feet in circmnference. Excavations were made in the earth 
wall, in the space inclosed by it, and in the small mound in the 
center of the space. Nothing, however, was found except a few pot- 
sherds such as may be found by digging almost anywhere on the estate. 
The walls were found to be built of earth and limestone blocks. 
Immediatelv to the north of the mound is a huge excavation, from 
which limestone has been quarried. There can be little douVit that 
this was the source whence material to build both walls and mound 
was drawn. This large mound and the inclosed space adjoining 
probably formed together a lookout station and a fort. The mound 
itself is one of a series, all of which possess certain characteristics, 
marking them as lookout or signal mounds. They are all more than 50 
feet in height, and have a Hat, table-like surface at the top, a compara- 
tively small base, and consequently very steep sides. They arc alwaj's 
surrounded l)y a numlier of smaller mounds of various sizes and uses, 
which probablj' indicate the site of ancient populous centers; and 
they are usuall}% though not invariabl}^ associated with an earthwork 
fortification, either actually joined to them, as at Santa Kita, or at some 
little distance away, as at Adventura, the next mound of the Ivind in 
the series, whicli will be described at another time. Such of these 
mounds as have ))een open(>d have not contained potterj' or stone 
ol)jects, or anything to show that they had l)een used as sepulchers. 
As has been proved l)y experiment, a large tire lighted on the flat sur- 
face at the top of any one of these mounds can be seen plainly over 
the intervening bush — the country being perfectly fiat — either by the 
smoke during the day, or by the iiame during the night, from the top 
of the mound on either side of it in the chain. Reginning at the top 
of Chetumal bay, these mounds extend in a diain for nearly 150 
miles, first following the coast line, then trending inland in a south- 
westerly directioTi. The intervals between them are in no case greater 
than 12 miles or less than (i miles. Each of the mounds forming part 
of such an extended chain, along wliii'h it was easy to convey intelli- 
gence either by day or by night, standing also in the center of the 
town or village and adjacent to a fortified position into which the 
inhal)itants could i-ctire, would form a most useful signal station from 
which to observe and comnuuiicate the approach of an enemy, either 
i)y sea or land; and there can, I think, be little doubt that this was 
the use for which they were designed. 


At a distance of O'.H yards almost due east of the large central 
mound was situated the mound marked 1> in the jilan. This was the 
onlv mound excavated on the whole estate \vlii<ii had unquestionalily 


been used solely for sepulchral purposes. It was one of the smallest 
mounds explored, being onh' 15 yards in circumference and 3^ feet in 
height at its highest point. It was nearly circular at the base and flat 
on top, and was built of earth and rough blocks of limestone. Nearly 
in the center of the mound, at the ground level, a human skeleton was 
discovered, the head pointing toward the north. The bones were 
so brittle that in the attempt to remo\'e them they were very iiuich 
damaged. The skull was full of earth, and, while being lifted out, it 
collapsed into numberless pieces from its own weight and that of the 
earth which it contained. The fragments of the bones were removed, 
and, after exposure to the air for a few days, they hardened consider- 
ably and could ))e handled without injury to them. The bones were 
apparently of a male of from 5 feet 4 inches to 5 feet G inches 
in height. Lying by the side of the skeleton were a conch shell with 
the apex broken smoothly oft', as if it had been used as a trumpet, 
numerous broken pieces of conch shells, a roughly chipped flint spear- 
head ii inches in length, and an oval flint hammer stone. As.sociated 
with these two latter imi)lements were four .sharp-pointed conical 
pieces of shell, the ends of which had evidently been ground to a 
point as if for use as })oring implements. They were manufactured 
from the whorls in the interior of conch shells. The contents of this 
mound appear so unlike to the contents of the other mounds at 
Santa Kita that one can not help thinking that it belongs either to a 
diflerent people or a dirterent period. This supposition is rendered 
more probable l)y the fact that along the shores of the Chetumal l)ay, 
a few miles from iSanta Kita, the sea is rapidly encroaching and expos- 
ing interments very similar to the one described, except that in most 
cases no mound marks the position of the grave. The sharp shell 
implements are invariably to be foimd in these gi'aves, together with 
pottery and flint implements, all exceedingly rude and archaic. 


Three hundred and ninety yards to the northwest of the large central 
mound was .situated the mound marked 8 in the plan. This mound 
was roughlj' circular, flat on the top, 90 yards in circumference, and o 
feet high at its highest part. I was informed by some of the old 
laborers on the estate that some years previou.sly, while stones were 
being dug from this mound for the purpose of erecting a tank, a num- 
ber of what they described as large stone idols had been discoverijd. Of 
these [ was, unfortunately, unable to discover the subsequent history; 
but there can be little doubt that, together with the other stones, they 
were squared for luiilding purposes. This is rendered more probable 
bj' the fact that in examining a well close at hand, which had been built 
at that time, I discovered a large stone tiger's head projecting inward 
from the masonry, into which it had been Iniilt. As. however, the 
whole mound iiad not been dug down I set to work excavating that 


portion of it which was left. It wu.s c-oiuposed of earth and ))loeks of 
limestone. At a depth of about 2 feet })elow the surface were found 
(1) a large tiger's head cut in stone: {'2) a turtle cut in stone and 
colored; (3) the lower part of a human mask: (4) a small, smooth, 
globular piece of jade. Potsherds, both painted and plain, were found 
in large quantities at all depths throughout the mound. 

The tiger's head, which measured 18 inches from the forehead to the 
tip of the protruded tongue, evidently at one time formed a gargoyle- 
like ornament on some building, as behind the head the stone from 
which it was cut had been squared for a distance of li inches, obvi- 
ously for the purpose of lieing built into masonry. The head is, as is 
well shown in plate xxxix. nuxch weathered, the soft limestone being 
eaten away to such an extent that at first sight it is difficidt to determine 
what it is meant to represent. 

If this head be compared with the tiger, figure 4, plate xxxiii, it 
will be seen that, in the shape of the head, contour of the face, protrud- 
ing, pendant tongue, prominent round eyes, and square upper incisor 
teeth, the resem])lance is sufficiently strong to warrant the assumption 
that 1)oth are products of the same race, if not of the same artist. The 
turtle is IS inches in length by 12 inches in breadth, and is nicely cut 
from a single block of limestone. It is an exact copy of the turtle 
shown in figure ti, plate xxxiii, excepting that the mouth, instead of 
containing a human head, is closed. The whole animal is painted red, 
and in the center of the back is a round hole leading to a considerable 
cavity which has been hollowed out in the interior. The hole is covered 
by a circular disk of limestone 3 inches in diameter. The human mask 
is made of rovxgh pottery. The upper part of the face is missing; it is 
3^ inches from ear to ear; the mouth is puckered up into a small, round 
hole as if in the act of whistling. 

The mound marked 10 on the plan was 98 yards in circumference, 
and very fiat, nowhere exceeding 3^ feet in height. It was constructed 
throughout of small pieces of limestone mixed with clay, and con- 
tained an enormous quantity of potsherds. These were for the most 
part rough and ill-made, but a few were painted and glazed. Nothing 
further was found in the mound till the ground level was reached, 
when an equilateral triangle, ))uilt of stone, was disclosed. Each side 
of the triangle was 18 feet in length, and was composed of roughly 
cut slabs of stone stuck upright in the ground and in contact on either 
side with similar slabs. The sides of the triangle varied in height from 
8 to 18 inches. The upper edges were irregular, the lower sunk to a 
depth of 5 or 6 inches in the ground. The stones were removed and 
the earth dug up, both in the center and along the sides of the triangle, 
but nothing whatever was discovered. 

The mound marked 11 on the plan was situated 1,130 yards 
southwest of the large central mound. As, in all the fornu^r mounds 
which had been excavated, whatever of interest they had contained 


hiul 1)een found at or near the rcnttM'. an (>xcavation 14 i'ect hy 7 feet 
was first made in tlie center of this mound down to tlie liround Imel. 
For the first 3 feet the mound was composed of very small stones and 
earth. Beneath these was a layer of rough blocks of limestone and 
limestone dust reaching- to th(^ ground level. At a depth of aln)ut 4 
feet a smooth, oval, flattened stone .5 inches in length was found, the 
mark.s on which showed that it had Vjeen used as a whetstone. ^Vith 
the exception of potsherds, nothing else was found in this excavation, 
wliich was afterward enlarged on all sides, but with a similar result, 
nothing whatever but stones and earth being found. 

The mounds V2, 13, 14, 15, and 16 in the plan lay in a group to 
the northeast of the large central mound, and within 2(10 yards of it. 
They were all circular at the base and roughly conical, and were all 
nearly of the same size, varying from 30 to 35 yards in circum- 
ference and from 4 to 6 feet in height. In contents and construction 
they all proved so much alike that a description of one will suffice for 
all. The two upper feet consisted of earth, with a few blocks of lime- 
stone; beneath this, to the ground level, the mound was built of lime- 
stone blocks, the interstices between which were filled in with limestone 
dust. A few potsherds were found, for the most part rough and 
unpainted. At a depth varj-ing from 2 to 3 feet, or about midway 
between the summit of the mound and the ground level in each case, 
a small stone cyst was found, IS inches square, the walls, roof, and 
floor each composed of a single slab of roughly cut stone. These C3'sts 
were in all cases perfectly empty, and were placed as nearly as po.ssiljle 
in the center of the mound. Nothing further was found in any of 
the mounds. 

The mound marked IT on the plan stood 500 yards almost due 
east of the large central mound. It was oval in shape, flattened 
on the top, 85 yards in cii'cumference, and 6 feet high at its highest 
point. The northern face was almost perpendicular; the southern 
sloped gradually to the ground level. The upper two feet consisted 
of earth and blocks of limestone. Near the center of the mound, 
at a depth of 1 foot, were found the fragments of two idols very 
similar to those found in mounds 2, 5, and 6. Close to these were 
found: (1) The flat, triangular head of a serpent, with protruding, 
forked tongue; this was made of pottery, and had been broken ott' from 
the body; (2) a small, pyramidal pottery stopper, like those placed over 
the openings in the pottery animals; (3) a dragon's head in potter}^ 
with an elaborately decorated headdress; (4) a small pottery mold, 4 
inches in height, for making masks. After first oiling the inside of it, 
I filled this mold with plaster of paris, and it turned out a face very like 
figure 3, plate xxxii, but without the headdress. Beneath the laver 
of earth and limeston(> came a layer of limestone l)locks, manv of 
whii-h were squared. This was the last mound opened, and as in 
mounds of similar construction in which two broken idols had lieen 

69(» MOUNDS IN NOKTHER'y HONDURAS [eth.axx.19 

found superficially, an urn with pottery animals had invarialily l)i'cn 
found on dioging deeper, I felt certain that here, also, they 
would be discovered toward the center of the mound. But though 
an excuA'ation 15 by S feet was made through the center down to the 
ground level, nothing further was brought to light. 


Turning next to mounds at Santa Rita which have not as yet 
been excavated, we find that the first of these, 18 on the plan, is 
by far the largest mound on the estate, and is indeed the largest 
mound that I have seen in the colony. It is situated 100 yards almost 
due south of the large central mound, is 412 yards in circumference, 
oval in shape, flat on the top, and 10 feet high. This mound has never 
been dug into. 

Mound 10 is very similar to the last and is in line with it and the 
large central mound. It is In feet high at its highest part, roughl\- 
circular at the base, and 270 yards in circumference. 

Mound 20 on the plan is situated -±00 yards southwest of the large 
central mound. It resembles in .shape the two preceding mounds, l)ut 
is much the smallest and lowest of the three, being S3 yards in cir- 
cumference, flat at the top, circular at the base, and 3^ feet high .at 
its highest point. 

These three mounds have been described as being typical of a class 
of mound which is numerous in the bush all round the estate and 
throughout the whole of the northern district of the colony. jNIounds 
18 and 20 exhibit the greatest variation in size and height found 
among this class, all the members of which are intermediate in size 
between these two. I have opened only one of these mounds as yet, })ut 
as nothing was discovered inside except potsherds, I was not nmch 
encouraged to proceed with the excavation of the others. 

Mound 21 is situated about 1,000 yards southwest of the large 
central mound. It is almost semicircular in shape, and is 30 3-ards in 
length, measured along the curve. The east end is much broader and 
higher than the west; the mound, in fact, resem])les the half of a pear, 
in which the stem has been bent round through a semicircle toward 
the head. The mound is 5 feet high and 21: feet broad at its head, 
and gradually lessens till it is onh' 3 feet high and 8 feet 1)road at its 
tail. The convexity faces north, the concavity south. At tiie point 
marked 22 on the plan there are several of these mounds very like the 
one just described, both in shape and size. A numlier of similarly 
shaped mounds are found in the bush surrounding the estate, and in 
other parts of the district they are common. At Sateneja, a village 
on the coast about 20 miles from Santa Rita, a large number <jf these 
mounds of various sizes are .so arranged as nearly to inclose a roughly 





circular space verj' near the seashore. Their concavities all face toward 
the space which they inclose; their convexities face outward, and they 
were obviously constructed-f or defensive purj)oses. Occasionally these 
mounds are almost circular, the narrow pointed end being produced 
onward till it passes the broad end, leaving a space 2 or 3 yards across 
between them as an exit or entrance. 

These mounds vary in length along the curve from 30 to luO j'ards, 
and in height from 2 to 15 feet. 1 have opened several of them in various 
places, l)ut never found anything in them, which fact strengthens the 
presumption in favor of their l)eing used solely for defensive pur- 
poses. Some of those at Sateneja contained a large number of conch 
shells: but these shellfish are very plentiful along the, and when 
the fisii jiad been extracted the accumulated shells were probably used, 
merely in place of stones, to build up the mound. 

Mound 23 on the plan, situated 217 yards southwest of the large 
central mound, reseml)les the latter verj' closely. It consists of two 
portions — a large mound, and to the south of this a circular space 
inclosed by earthen walls, through which is an opening to the south. 
This mound is 25 feet in height, conical in shape, circular at the base, 
and slightly over 400 feet in cii-cumference. The walls of the earth- 
Mork are continued into it on its south side. Unlike the large central 
mound, it is loosely built of earth and stone. The walls of the circular 
eartiiwork where they join the mound are 12 feet high, but as they 
approach the opening the}^ become gradually lower. The circular space 
included within the walls is 80 yards in diameter. 


Scattered about irregularly among these mounds and in the adja- 
cent bush are a numlier of circular openings in the ground, leading to 
small oval chambers hollowed out in the limestone rock. Into some 
of these chambers it is quite easy to descend, but others have become 
))l<)cked up, either from the roof caving in or from debris falling 
through the opening and obstructing it. Those that I have examined 
are precisely alike in construction and shape, differing only in size, 
and a desci-iption of one, which is situated within a few yards of the 
niouiid marked 3 in the plan, will serve for all. 

The upper opening is 3 feet in diameter; that part of it which passes 
through the surface earth is l)uilt round with lilocks of limestone. 
Three feet below the surface the opening terminates in the first step 
of a half-spiral staircase cut in the limestone, which leads to the floor 
of the chamlier. I'he chamber itself is IS feet long by 10 feet broad: 
the roof is arched, the highest pai't being just below the entrance; the 
opposite end is so low that it can not be reached without crawling on 
the hands and knees. The floor is slightly concave, giving the whole 


somewhat an egg-shape appearance. It has been covered through- 
out with a la.yer of hard plaster, but a good deal of this has peeled oil 
and is lying about on the Hoor. Nothing whatever was found in anj' 
of these chambers except the earth and rubbish which had fallen in 
through the opening. I have found eight of these chambers within 
an area of about 1 square mile around the mounds, and doubtless many 
raoi'e exist, concealed })y the bush. I first discovered chambers of 
this kind in the western district of British Honduras, but I did not 
then think that they had been used as reservoirs for water, as several 
existed close to the Mopan river, where excellent drinking water could 
be obtained even in the driest season, and in one case a chamber of 
this kind had been used as a sepulcher. 

Stephens, in his book on Yucatan.' mentions these chambers, of 
which he came across several near Uxmal. He was of the opinion 
that they had been used as reservoirs for water in the dry season, and 
1 am now also of tills opinion, as it would have 1)een impossible for 
the builders of the mounds and buildings at Santa Rita to have brought 
their fresh water from the nearest natural supply, which is the Rio 
Nuevo, situated at a distance of 5 miles from the estate, from which 
it is separated by an almost impassable swamp. Nor could wells have 
supplied the aboriginal inhabitants with water, for not only have no 
traces of any been discovered, but wells which have been sunk on the 
estate in recent years have reached water so brackish that it is quite 
unfit for human consumption. 

'John L. Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, vol. i, p. 232. 



19 KTH, FT 2 9 




Prefatory notes 699 

Time series in the codices and inscriptions 715 

The Dresden codex 715 

Inscriptions at Palenque 732 

Tablet of the Cross 733 

Tablet of the Sun 761 

Tablet of the Foliated Cross 765 

Temple of Inscriptions 771 

Tikal inscriptions 775 

Copan inscriptions 776 

Stela A 776 

Stela B 776 

Stela C 776 

Stela D 778 

Stelfe E and F 778 

Stelfe H and 1 778 

Stela J 779 

Altar K 785 

Stela M 785 

Stela X 786 

Stela P 787 

Altar Q 787 

Altar S 788 

Inscription at Piedras Negras 788 

Summary 791 

Mr Goodman's system of Mayan chronology 792 

Initial series 800 

Identity of systems and characters of the different tribes 806 

Numeral symbols in the codices 812 

In the Dresden codex 812 

In other codices 817 

Working tables 818 




Plate XL. A jiortion of the Tablet of the Cross, Palenque 733 

XLI. Temple of the !Sun; inscribed jjaiiel ou the back of the sanctuary. 760 
XLII. Temple of the Foliated Cross; inscribed panel on the back wall of 

the sanctuary 764 

XLIII'/. Inscription on Stela J, Copan 778 

XLIII6. Glyphs from Stela J, Copan 778 

XLI V. Upper division of plates 51 and 52. Dresden coilex 815 

Figure 8. The chuen symbol 711 

9. The ahau symbol 712 

10. The katun symbol 712 

11. The cycle symliol 712 

12. The calendar-round symliol 712 

13. The day symbols 713 

14. The month symbols 714 

15. Part of plate 24, Dresden codex _ 718 

16. Part of plate 69, Dresden codex 73O 

17f(. Inscription on the middle space of the Tablet of the Cross, Palenque 734 

176. Inscription on the right slab of the Tablet of the Cross, Palenque. 735 

18. Part of the inscription on the wall of the Temple of Inscriptions, 

Palenque 77I 

19. Part of the inscription at Tikal 775 

20. Inscription at Piedras Xegras, Yucatan 789 

21. Glyph from plate 73, Dresden codex 813 

22. Figures from plate 72, Dresden codex 815 



By Cyrus Thomas 


The recent explorations in Central America and «outiiern Mexico 
by Maud.slay, Holmes, the Peabody Museum, and others have brought 
to light so umch new material that a modification in some respects of 
conclusions based on the data previously obtained is recjuired. It is 
expedient, therefore, to bring conclusions and deductions into harmony 
with the new data. At present, however, attention will be limited to 
an examination and discussion of the inscriptions and the Dresden 
codex in the light of this additional material and of the recent discov- 
eries in regard thereto. 

That progress toward the ultimate and correct interpretation of 
these inscriptions and of the codices and symbolic figures will be slow is 
well understood, and that more or less modification of previous views 
will follow as the result of new discoveries is to be expected. This 
fact is well illustrated in the Old World in the efforts of archteologists 
and linguists to reach a positive and satisfactory conclusion in regard 
to the so-called Hittite remains. 

The most important material for the object of this paper, relating 
to the inscriptions, is found in the data obtained by Mr Maudslay dur- 
ing his explorations of the ruins of Copan, Quirigua, Tikal, and Palen- 
que. Although the ruins of the last-named place have been described 
and figured again and again, it was not until Mr Maudslay 's clear and 
large photographs of the inscriptions were published that the data 
relating thereto — save that on the slab in U. S. National Museum — 
wei'e in a condition to be satisfactorily studied by those interested in 
the subject. New light has also been thrown on the inscriptions by 
certain discoveries made by Mr J. T. Goodman and Dr E. Forstemann 
in regard to the signification of some of the glyphs. 

Tlie positive results so far ol)tained by attempts to explain the 
inscriptions and codices, including those obtained by Mr Goodman 
and Dr Forstemann, relate almost wholly to the time and numeral 
symbols. In his elaborate and important memoir, Mr Goodman 



announces certain discoveries in regard to the signification and use of 
characters in the inscriptions, which, if verified, will iiiaterially modify' 
previous opinions in regard thereto and will bear on future attempts at 
interpretation of the inscriptions; he also announces other discoveries 
tending to show that the opinions hitherto held in regard to the Maya 
time system are erroneous in many respects; and since these announce- 
ments form part of Mr Maudslay's great work, Biologia Ceutrali- 
Americana, a review of the entire subject would seem timely. 

The present paper will be limited to an examination of the time 
and numeral symbols, time counts and time systems of the Mayan 
tribes, as indicated by the codices and inscriptions, and will avoid, so far 
as is possible, rediscussion of points considered as satisfactorily settled 
previous to the appearance of Mr Goodman's memoir entitled The 
Archaic Maya Inscriptions (1897). The discussion will be based on a 
personal examination of the Dresden codex and the inscriptions, the 
former in Dr Fcirstemann's photographic repi'oduction and the- latter 
chiefly in the magnificent photographic (autotype) reproductions by 
A. P. Maudslay in the archasologic poi'tion of his Biologia Centrali- 
Americana; but the actual examinations have extended to all the more 
important Mayan inscriptions in the U. S. National Museum, the Pea- 
body Museum in Cambridge, the collection of the American Anti- 
quarian Society in Worcester, the American Museum of Natural 
History in New York, and the Museum of Archeology connected with 
the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.' The discussion will 
be conducted in the light of the recent discoveries, some of which 
will, as we proceed, appear to be valid and of great importance in the 
study of Central American paleography. As one object in view will 
be to test Mr Goodman's interpretations, his work will be used in 
analyzing the symbols of the inscriptions and the time systems of the 
Mayan tribes as a basis of comparison in regard to the several points 
of which it treats. 1 shall therefore have very frequent occasions 
to refer to it, not in the spirit of criticism, but simply in behalf of 
scientific accuracy, as well as of other workers, diti'ering from him 
where I believe he is wrong and agreeing with him where I believe 
he is right. The mode of examination will be, so far as possible, by 
inspection of the glyphs and mathematical demonstration by means of 
the numeral symbols. 

In addition to the ol)jects mentioned as in view in preparing this 
paper, it is expected that the comparisons and examinations to be 
made will show to some degree how far the glyphs found at Copan, 
Tikal, and Palencjue, used as time and numeral symbols, agree as to 
form and signification, and how far they agree in these respects with 
the characters of the Dresden codex; and will also show whether or 

'Grateful acknowledgments are made to tlie oificers of these institutions for 
courteous assistance. 


not the same time or calendar system was used in all, and in what 
respect the system presented l)y Mr Goodman differs from that gener- 
ally understood and set forth by other writers— for if he is right 
in apprehending that previous investigators have been at fault in 
regard to the Mayan time system, it is important, in view of future 
investigations, that this he clearly shown and the error be pointed out. 
A comparison of the time systems of the Maya, NahuatI, and Zapotec 
tribes has been made to some extent from the historic standpoint. 
This comparison indicates that the time systems used by these tribes 
were substantially the same. 

As attention will be given almost exclusively to the examination of 
the time series and time systems of the codices and inscriptions, it is 
necessary, in order that the reader may follow closely and apply 
the tests himself, that the apparatus to be used be placed before him. 
This will involve some repetition of what has been given in my pre- 
vious papers; Init in order to use Mr Goodman's discoveries in com- 
parisons it is necessary to adopt some scheme of applying them which 
can be introduced here, as his tables cover more than 100 large quarto 
pages. This, 1 have found, can be done, after a little study and prac- 
tice, by means of two or three short tables, each occupying less than a 
page. They are therefore inserted with such explanations as are neces- 
sary to show how they are to be used. One of these tables whicii will 
be used in making comparisons is that numbered 3, on page 21 of mv 
Maya Year, and entitled there '"Days and Months of the four Series 
of Years." It is inserted here as table 1. 




^ _,-H •>! 

lO CO i^ :c c; o ^-i c-i 

1- X 02 o 


t- X c^. O «— I ^1 re — ^1 TO -f ic ::o I - X •. O — 'M 

lO to I- x> 'Cr^ o ^ ri c': .— Ti 

-r lo ^ 

:o i^ 00 c: o 

-— < •>] CO -r lO :c i^ GC o; 

-t- »o :o i^ X 

I o o 1 -- 70 c::- o >— I '^^ CO I— IT ■» CO -f »C' ^ I ^ CO a: o >— • 

ic :£> i^ X Ci o •— " c-i 

lO 10 l^ Xi CTj O ■^ <M CC •— ' C-l CO 

!/;■ -^' t- X a-, o 

o-— 'C'lcoi— ifMcc'+io^i'-xaiO'— icico 

-+ ic ;d i^ X Ci 

Ol O ■— I ■>! 

^ 71 CO ^ Ol 

-f lO '^ 1^ X ^3: 

-1< iC ^ 1^ X a: 

c-i CO -r lO ^ 1 - X * o -^ ■M ?? — 71 rt -r If: -^ I - X 

X Oi O --H ■M 

-f lO 'j:: I- X o:' 

-t lO -^ 1-. X 

O '-< -M Irt '-' 

-f iC' X* l" 

'tis-. ^-J3_m-*->o £ 

:; M ^ g o o 




-r -^ 

D -5 

« = « = >< 

M i:; S O '^- '-^ '~' -^ 



^ ^ M 

-; -r J^ t: i 

-< Ui O 

O (i^ -! 

S O O W M 

S 3 

oi C ci -; X 
o W O <1 ^ 1^ 


Each month consisted of 20 days, each day having its particular 
name, as follows: Akbal. Kan, Chicehan. Cimi. Manik. Lamat. Muluc, 
Oc, Chuen, Eb, Ben, Ix, Men, Cib, Caban, Ezanab, Caiuic, Ahau, Iniix, 
Ik. The order or sequence here given was always maintained, though 
the month did not always begin with the same day. since, according 
to the peculiar ai'rangement of the calendar, as used in the Dresden 
codex and the inscriptions,' it might begin with (and only with) Akbal. 
Lamat, Ben. and Ezanab, as is shown in table 1. If it began with Akljal 
the second day would be Kan, the others following in the order given; 
if with Lamat, then Muluc would be the second, and so on: if with 
Ben, Ix would be the second. Men the third, and so on to Eb. the last; 
if with Ezanab, Cauac, Ahau, etc., would follow, always in the order 
given. The first day of the j-ear would therefore necessarily be the 
first day of the months during that year. As the year was divided 
into eighteen months of twenty days each (always named and arranged 
in the following order: 

1 Pop 7 Yaxkin 1.3 Mac 

2 Uo 8 Mol 14 Kankin 

3 Zip 9 Chen 15 Muaii 

4 Tzoz (or Zotz) 10 Yas 16 Pax 

5 Tzec 11 Zac 17 Kayab 

6 Xul 12 Ceh IS Cnmhu), 

making 3<i0 days, and five days to make the 365 were added at the 
end of the 18th month (Cumhu), the names following in proper order 
it follows as a necessary result that the count in the day series would 
be thrown forward five days each year. If the year (or month) began 
with Akbal, the last day of the ISth month would be Ik; counting five 
days — Akbal, Kan, Ohicchan, Cimi, and Manik — would bring us to 
Lamat, the first day of the next j^ear. 

The numbering of the days was peculiar; it did not correspond with 
the days of the month as we count them, but was limited to 13, fol- 
lowed by 1, 2, etc, up to 13, this order proceeding without variation, 

1 Aklial 

6 Lamat 

11 Ben 

3 Ezanab 

2 Kan 

7 Muluc 

12 Ix 

4 Cauac 

3 Chicehan 

8 Oc 

13 Men 

5 Ahau 

4 Cimi 

9 Chuen 

1 Cib 

6 Iniix 

5 Manik 

10 Eh 

2 Caban 

7 Ik 

If the list continued 8 Akbal, 9 Kan, 10 Chicehan, etc.. would 
follow. Hence, it is readily seen that by continuing the .series each 
day name would in the course of time have all the thirteen numerals 

1 It is possible that the inscriptions of the Yucatan peninsula will be found to follow the system of 
the Troano and Cortesian codices and the codex used by Landa. should any inscribed dates be found. 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

attached to it. The rouud i.s completed iii 13 mouths, as will be seen 
bj' table 2. 

Table 2 — Tlte montlis, days:, and numerahfor the year 1 Akhal 



14 15 


Akbal .. 

Kan 2 

Chicchan I 3 

Cimi 4 

Maiiik 5 

Lamat ' 6 

Muluc 7- 

Oc 8 

Chuen 9 


Ben .... 


Men .... 


Cabau 2 

Ezanab 3 

Cauac 4 

Ahau 5 

Imix ti 

Ik , 7 





















































































In giving a date, therefore, instead of giving the A-xy name alone, 
the day and numlier lioth are necessary, thus: 4 Ahau. 3 Kan, 11 Ik, 
etc. But to complete the date so that it can be located in the 52-year 
cycle of the Mayas, the "calendar round," as Mr Goodman calls it, or in 
its proper relative position, it is necessary to have the month and dav of 
the month, thus: -1 Ahau IS Ceh; that is to .say, 4- Ahau, the eighteenth 
day of the (twelfth) month Ceh. The numbering of the months never 
changes; that is. Ceh is alwaj^s the twelfth. Pop always the first, Uo the 
second, and so on. 

As may be seen from what has been stated, the years must begin 
(under the system here followed) with the days Akbal, Lamat, Ben, 
and Ezanab, following each other in regular order, and before the 
possible changes have been completed each must receive the entire 13 
numerals: hence it is apparent that the period necessary to cover these 
changes is 52 years (1x13). If the j'ear begin with 1 Akbal (hence 
called the year 1 Akbal), it will end (counting 365 days) with 1 Manik. 
As the next day is 2 Lamat. this will be the first day of the next year 
(2 Lamat). This year will end with 2 Eb and the next will begin with 
3 Ben. This will end with 3 Caban and the next begin with 1 Ezanab, 



Thi.s will end with 4 Ik and the next will begin with 5 Akbal, and so 
on until the number 13 is reached, when the count begins again with 1. 
The order in which the years follow one another through a complete 
cycle of years, or calendar round, is shown in the annexed table (3). 

Table 3 
























































This is to be followed in the order of the numbers, 1, 2, 3, -i, 5, etc. 
As all the possible changes are completed in a cycle of j^ears, or cal- 
endar round (we use the term "•cycle of years" to distinguish it from 
the period to which Goodman has unfortunately applied the name 
"cj^cle," which is not the same as the 52-year period, which he calls 
"calendar round"), it always begins or is supposed to begin with 1 
Akbal, 1 Lamat, 1 Ben, or 1 Ezanal), according to the order or system 
adopted, and ends with the year 13. According to the system adopted 
here it always begins with 1 Akbal. 

It is stated above that these tables apply to the "system adopted 
here." For the benefit of those not thoi'oughly familiar with this 
subject an explanation is necessary. As the Maya calendar is an 
orderly- rotation of days, months, and years subject to the rules above 
stated, resulting from the numbering by 13, the 20 days to the month, 18 
months to the year, and the .5 added days, any 4 days of the 20 da3^s, 
selected at intervals of .5 in the series, could be adopted as dominical 
days. For example, it appears from the Troano codex that the people 
where it was made (supposed to have been those of the peninsula of 
Yucatan) selected Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac as the dominical days, 
while the Tzental, with whose system the Dresden codex corresponds, 
selected (if the count of the days of the month began with 1) Akbal, 


Laniat. Ben. and Ezanab. ]Mr Goodman, however, contends that the 
dominical days used in the inscriptions were Ik, Manik, El), and Caban, 
but instead of commencing the numbering of the days of the month 
with 1 and continuing with 2, 3, etc., to 20, he begins the count with 20, 
following it with 1, 2, 3, etc., to 19. In other words, instead of call- 
ing the first day of the month 1. he calls it 20 (these, it must be 
remembered, are not the day numbers, which never exceed 13, but 
the numbers of the da,vs of the month). This system is in fact, as 
will be seen 1)y reference to table i (page 745), the same — with one dif- 
erence, which will be explained hereaf tei- — as using Akbal, Lamat, Ben, 
and Ezanab as the dominical days; for, as will be seen by this table, 
Akbal, in Ik years, though by position the second day of the month, 
is numbered the first precisely as it is in Akbal years in our table 1. 

Another point necessary to settle absolutely the sj'stem is to know 
which of the dominical days was placed first in commencing the 
fifty-two year period — in other words, what was the initial day. In 
table 3 it has been assumed first, that the years of this period began with 
1, which has also been assumed by Mr Goodman, and second, that this 
first year was an Akbal year; but Mr Goodman holds that according 
to his system it was an Ik year, which, as has been explained, accords 
with our Akbal year. He expresses also an opinion that Caban was 
possibly the initial day. 

Although this (juestion does not affect the lower time periods, it is 
apparent that it does affect the numbering of the years of the fifty-two 
j'ear period. This subject will, however, be referred to again. 

Turning now to our table 1, we will trj^ to make as clear as possi- 
ble the method of using it so as to avoid the introduction of a multi- 
plicity of tables. The year 1 AkVjal written out in full would be as 
shown in table 2. It will be seen that the five figure columns after 
the thirteenth — to wit, the fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, 
and eighteenth, numliering from left to right — are preciselj- the same 
as the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth, and that the five added or 
intercalary days are the same as the first fi\'e of the sixth column. 
As the series continued endlessly in this order. I have eliminated in my 
table 1 the last five columns and five added days, using the first, second, 
third, fourth, and fifth, and the first five days of the sixth instead. 

In counting forward (by which is meant to the right), if the number 
of months to be counted is not completed on reaching the last or 
right-hand column, we go back to the first. If. as is frequently the 
case, our count is to be backward over past or preceding months, it nuist 
then be toward the left, and after reaching the first or left-hand column 
we go to the right-hand column. In other words, it is a continuous 
round in whichever direction Ave are moving, to the right being for- 
ward in time and to the left backward. 


Suppose we wLsh to know in what year the date 6 Ahau 3 Zotz — 
that is, 6 Ahau. the 3d day of the fourth month (Zotz) — falls. Looking 
to the year eolumns (table 1). we see that Ahau can be the 3d day of 
the month only in Pyzanal) years. Looking along the line opposite 
running through the ligure (or month) columns, we find 6 in the 
seventh column. As this is in the fourth month, to find the first we 
must count back (to the left) three columns, which brings us to the 
column headed by 9 (that is. the column whose top figure is 9); hence 
our year is 9 Ezanab. Now let us trace this year through by the table 
and find the first daj^ of the next j^ear. Beginning with the column 
headed 9, we count to the right nine columns, which brings us to the 
last; then we go back to the first (left-hand) and count eight. This 
reckoning brings us to the column headed 11. Counting 5 days down 
the next column (headed 5). we find that the next — the 6th day of 
the month — is 10 Akbal, which, as will be seen by our table of years 
(table 8), is correct. To follow out this year, we must begin with the 
month column headed 10, as this is the first month (Pop) of the year 
10 Akbal. 

As any one daj' can fall on only four different days of the month, 
as Ahau on the 18th in Akbal j^ears, on the 13th in Lamat j^ears, on 
the 8th in Ben years, and on the 3d in Ezanab j-ears, a mere inspec- 
tion of the table will at once detect a date erroneous in this respect. 
For example, thei-e can be no day Manik on the 3d. 9th. or 16th of the 
month, etc. 

Suppose we wish to find on what date the 600th day counting forward 
from 7 Cib -t Mac will fall. Looking at the table (1), we see that Cib 
can be the 4th day of the month only in Ben years. Running along the 
line opposite (horizontal line) through the figure columns, we find 7 in 
the colunm headed 1. As Mac is the thirteenth month of the year, we 
must count back thirteen months or columns to reach the first month 
of the year. Counting back the seven columns to the first (left), we 
then go to the last (right) and count six columns. This brings us to 
that headed 11; hence the year is 11 Ben, and the next year must be 
12 Ezanai). As 7 Cib 1 Mac is the Ith day of the thirteenth month, 
there will remain of this month 16 da3'S, 5 whole months (100 days), and 
the added 5 days to complete the year, or, in other words, 121 da3's. Sub- 
tracting this from 600, there remain ■179 days to be counted, and 
deducting from this 365 days, or one year, 114 days remain to be 
counted on the next year, which must be 13 Akbal. As 114 days equal 
5 months and 14 days, we begin with the figure column of our table 
headed 13, and count forward 5 months (including this one), and 
counting down the next month (column headed 9) 14 days, we reach 
the figure 9, and opposite it in the Akbal column find the day Cib. 
The date reached is therefore 9 Cib, 14th daj- of the (sixth) montL 


Xul. in the year 13 Akbal. Turning to our table of years (3), we 
see that 11 Ben i.s the third j'ear in the Ben column, or the eleventh 
year of the cycle of years, and that 12 Ezanab and 13 Akbal follow. 
We are thus enabled to correctly locate these dates in the cj'cle of 
years. These statements and examples, with the illustrations which 
follow, will enable the reader to use the tables and to follow 
the present investigations. 

The order in which the characters in the codices and inscriptions 
are to be read has been fully explained in mj previous pul^lications, 
and so generally accepted that it is unnecessary to explain it here, 
especially as it is indicated in the cjuotation from IVIaudslay's work 
given immediately below. This author, speaking of the order in which 
the inscriptions are to be read, says (Biologia Centrali- Americana, 
Archaeology, part 2, Text, November, 1890, p. 39) : 

With regard to the order in which the hieroglyphics should be read, Professor 
Cyrus Thomas has shown, from an examination of the Palenque tablets, that when 
a single column only of glyphs is met with, it should he read from the top to bottom, 
and that when there is an even number of columns, tlie glyphs are to be read in 
double columns from top to bottom, and from left to right. I myself came to the 
same conclusion from an entirely independent examination of inscriptions from 
Quirigua and Copan, and this order is adopted in numbering the glyphs on the fol- 
lowing plates. 

As I have also shown that this is usually, though not always, the 
order in which the glyphs of the codices, when in columns, are to be 
read, a conclu.sion which is now accepted by all investigators of Maya 
symbolic writing, we have in this fact one point of agreement between 
the codices and inscriptions at Palenque, Copan, Tikal, and Quirigua. 
The use of dots and short straight lines to indicate numerals up to 19 
(each dot counting 1 and each short line 5), as in the codices, is also 
universal in the inscriptions, as is admitted by Mr Maudslay. He has 
also confirmed my suggestion (Study of the Manuscript Troano, pp. 
202-203) that the little loops connected, in certain cases, with these 
number symbols have no signification. He says (op. cit. , p. 39) : "There 
is no reason to suppose that any different system of notation is employed 
on the sculptured monuments; it was not, however, usual to leave blank 
spaces when carving the numerals 1, 2, 6, 7, 11, 12, 16, 17 in stone, 
but to fill up the space thus: (F^OCrD. 1; O G^) O- -• <J^OCrp . 6; 
O<?0O , 7, etc." 

As the ordinary numeral symbols, the dots and lines (which are 
never used to signify a higher single number than 19), have been so 
frequently explained and are incidentally referred to in what precedes, 
I pass to those discovered bj' Dr Forstemann and Mr Goodman, as 
I shall have frequent occasion to use them, but will not di.scuss at 
this point the general theory presented by the latter, nor his other 


supposed discoveries. He follows, as stated above, the ord(>r in i-ead- 
ing- the inscriptions first explained by me, and accepts the interpr(>ta- 
tion of the ordinary time symbols which has been universally adopted, 
with the single exception of that found in the Dresden codex, which 
has generally been explained as the symbol for "naught," or nothing. 
This will be again referred to hereafter. 

Previous to the appearance of Mr Goodman's work, the following 
discoveries in regard to the numeral and time systems as given in the 
codices, in addition to what has been already presented herein, had 

been made and explained: That this symbol ^^y was used, in count- 
ing time, to represent the number 20; that this character ^^. some- 
what variable in form, and usually colored red, was used to indicate 
'"naught" or nothing: and that a certain prefix to month symbols, 

usually in the form of a (lc)ul)le circle, thus f^', was used to denote 20, 

signifying, when thus used, the 20th day of the month. It was fur- 
ther ascertained, as maj' be seen by reference to papers by Dr Fcirste- 
mann and myself explanatory of time series in the Dresden codex, 
that the orders of units in counting long periods, the day being the 
primar}' or lowest unit, was as follows: 20, 18, 20, 20, 20; that is to 
say, 20 units of the first order make one of the second order, IS units 
of the second order make one of the third order, 20 units of the third 
order make one of the fourth order, 20 units of the fourth order make 
one of the fifth order, and 20 units of the fifth order make one of the 
sixth order. These ditfertnt units, save those of the first order, were 
not expressed by specific symbols, but by position, that is, liv being 
placed one above another, as is here shown, the lowest indicating the 
first, the next above the second order, and so on. 

9 units of the til'th onliT, i^^, 9 cycles. 

9 units nf the fcnirth order, i^i, 9 katuns. 

9 units o( the thinl order, ***♦ 9 ahaus. 

16 units of the second order, — , 16 cliuens. 
units of the lirst order, ^^ , days. 

For the purpose of explanation and comparison I have placed to the 
left of the symbols their e(|uivalents in Arabic numerals, and in the 
ciihunn to the right the equivalents according to Mr Goodman's 
nomenclature, which will be explained a little further on. 

This example is not an arbitrary one, but is taken from plate xxiv 

of the Dresden Codex, and has been selected because it was explained 

bj' Dr Forstemann, so far as the numbers and count are concerned, in 

1N87 (Zur Entziflerung der Mayahandschriften, 4, 1887). According 

19 ETH, FT 2 10 


to Dr Forstemann the iuim))er of days indicated by these nuiiieral 
symbols as thus placed is 1.36-1:,360, the length of the periods being as 


1 cycle 144, 000 

1 katiin ■. 7,200 

1 ahau 360 

1 chuen 20 

Now let us test it by Mr Goodman's system, using iiis own tables 
(last page of his paper) for this purpose: 


9 cycles 1, 29B, 000 

9 katuns 64, 800 

9 ahaus 3, 240 

16 ehuens 320 


1 , 364, 360 

It is evident from this result that this, so far as the system is con- 
cerned, is, up to the fifth order of units, precisely that discovered and 
applied by Dr Forstemann, except as to the "naught" sj'ml)ol. Even 
the very order and method of expressing a series which Mr Goodman 
uses, so far as applicable to the codices, was, as will be seen a little 
further on, used bj' Dr Forstemann. In ordei' that I ma_y not do 
injustice to Dr Forstemann when I speak of the discoveries by Mr 
Goodman, it is proper to add that not only had he discovei'ed and 
applied to the time series of the -Dresden codex the orders of units 
accepted and used by Mr Goodman, ))ut had determined as early as 
ISyi the value of the symbols designated '"ahau" and "katun," as 
appears from his article Zur Maya-Chronologie in the Zeitschrift 
f iir Ethnologic for that year. Mr Goodman's paper was not published 
until 18'.t7, though it is apparent from his preface that it was com- 
pleted in 1895. If Dr Forstemann had not seen Mr Goodman's 
paper when his article entitled Die Kreuzinschrift von Palencjue, was 
published in the Globus in 1897 — which makes no mention of the 
former, though referring to works on the subject — it is evident he 
had discovered independently the value of the symbols which Good- 
man designates chuen and cycle. To the 360-da_y period he applied 
the name ■" old year" under the supposition that in an earlier stage of 
their culture the Mayas counted only 360 daj's to the year; and to 
the 7,200-day period the name "old ahau." However, it appears 
from his Entzitlerung der Mayahandschrift, number iv, 1894, that as 
early as June of this year he had calculated correctly the value of 
some six or eight numeral series on the stelae and altars of Copan 
from Maudslay's work. This implies necessarily a knowledge of the 
value of the so-called time periods, and indicates that he had made 




this discovery independently, unless he hiul received some informa- 
tion on the subject from Maudslay of which I have no knowledge. It 
i.s apparent from a statement hy the latter author in part 2 of his 
work, published in 1890, that the values of these symbols, save that of 
the chuen, were yet unknown to him. However, as Dr Forstt'Uiann 
seems to have fallen short of the discovery of their uses and the appli- 
cation of them, the chief credit of the discover}^ must be awarded to 
Mr Goodman. 

This discovery, which must cancel a number of previous specula- 
tions and affect to a large e.xtent all attempts at interpretiition of the 
inscriptions and codices, consists, first, in rinding out the fact that in 
the inscriptions the orders of units above the rirst, to wit, his .so-called 
chuens, ahaus, katuns, and cycles, were not indicated by position as 
in the codices, but each had its distinct character or glyph; second, in 
determining these characters and their values; and, third, in showing 
from the inscriptions the order in which they are generally arranged 
and the maiuier in which the truth of this discovei'v may l)e demon- 
strated. He has also discovered that a certain character, which he 
terms a "calendar round .s3'mbo'," was used to indicate the period of 
52 years, which has heretofore usually been designated a " cj'de " or 
"cycle of years," and also that certain face characters are used as 
numeral symbols. As we shall have occasion to use these in our 
investigation of the inscriptions, the usual forms of the principal one.s 
(using Mr Goodman's names) will })e shown here and his other claimed 
discoveries will be considered hereafter. 

The Chien 

This character usually has a numeral symbol on top and at the left 
side, the former indicating the number of chuens and the latter the 
added or overplus days. 

-Thf ohuen symbol. 


The Ahau 

[eth.ann. 19 

The numeral indicating the number of ahaus is usually placed at 
the left. 

The Katcx 

The numeral indicating the number of katuns is usually placed at 
the left side, though occasionally at the top. 

a b c d 

Fig. 10— The katun symbiil. 

The Cycle 

The numeral in this case is also usually at the left side. 

Fig. 11 — The cycle symbol. 
The Calendar Round 
The numeral is usually at the left side. 




_ °^/ 

h c 

Fig. 12— The cak-ndar round Kvmbol, 




The forms of the day symbols usually found in the inscriptions are 
as shown in figure 13. 

The month sj'mbols usual in the inscriptions, including what Mr 
Goodman claims is the symbol for the five added days or Uayeb, are 
shown in figure l-l. 

The typical and usual form of the chueu is shown in the first two 
glyphs of figure 8 («, h). If the number at the top were 3 (three 

A k bill 











Fig. 13— The day symbols. 



dots or balls), it would signify three chuens or 60 days (3x20); the 
number at the side if 12 would denote 12 daj-s. It would then read 
12 days, 3 chuens, or 3 chuens, 12 days, which together would equal 
72 daj's. This is the only counter or time period .symbol which has two 
numbers attached. It may as well be stated here, to prevent confusion 
or misunderstanding in regard to our use of terms, that for convenience 
in our comparisons Mr Goodman's names of these several symbols and 
the time periods he supposes them to represent will be used, although 



[ETH.ANN. 19 

I am tirmly convinced, for reasons which will be shown hereafter, 
that they are nothing more than orders of units or multipliers. 
Therefoi'e, when they are spoken of as "time periods," or by the names 
given, this must be borne in mind. 

The typical and usual form of the ahau is shown in the first three 
glyphs of figure 9 {a, i, c). This symbol denotes 360 days, which 
must be multiplied hj the numeral — usually at the side — to olitain 
the full number of days indicated. The name ahau as here used nuist 
not be confounded with tlie day-name Ahau.' The use of the same 
name for two diflerent purposes is unfortunate and confusing. 

The usual form of the katun is shown in the first two glyphs of fig- 


Kayiib Cumhu 

Fig. 14 — The month symbols. 


ure 1(1 ((/, h). The attached numeral, if 1 or 2, is frequently at the 
top, though usually at the side. As this symbol represents 7,200 
days, the numl)er of daj's indicated is 7,200 multiplied by the attached 

The usual cycle symbol is shown by the first glyph of figure 11 (a). 
As the cycle is 144,000 days, 144,000 must be multiplied l)y the 
attached numeral to obtain the total number of days. 

The great cycle will be referred to hereafter, and the other forms of 
the chuen, ahau, katun, and cj'cle will ))e discussed as the series by 
which their values are determined are examined. 

1 The day name is always written with a capital, the ahau denoting a period with a small letter. 


The Dresden Codex 

As the Dresden codex is now so generally known, it will be made 
the point of departure and the first examples showing the method of 
counting time will be taken from it. In this examination further com- 
parison will be made between the system used by Mr Goodman in count- 
ing time series and that first made known by Dr Forstemann and used 
bj' him and myself in the papers relating to this subject which have 
been published. As I have somewhat fully illustrated and explained 
in my Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices (in Sixth Ann. Rep. 
Bur. Ethnology), a considerable number of the time series of the 
Dresden codex, in which the figures do not rise above the fourth order 
of units, the examples referred to here will be those involving high 
numbers, in order to strengthen the proof of Dr Forstemann's theory 
and to establish clearly the respective values of the units in the 
higher orders. These will also necessarily indicate the calendar 
sj'.stem in vogue, to which it is desirable to call special attention. 

The names of the several orders of units is a matter which failed to 
recieive attention until the subject was taken up bj' Mr Goodman ; 
those that he has applied are unfortunate and can result only in con- 
fusion so long as thej^ remain in vogue. Dr Brinton remarks that 
'•No doubt each of these periods of time had its appropriate name 
in the technical language of the Maya astronomers, and also its cor- 
responding character in their writing. None of them has been recorded 
by the Spanish writers, but from the analogy of the Nahuatl script 
and language, and from cer-^ainin dications in the Maay writmgs, 
we may surmise that some of these t(>chnical terms were from one 
of the radicals meaning 'to tie, or fasten together,' and that the 
corresponding signs would either directly (that is, pictorially) or 
ikonomatically (that is, by similarity of sound) express this idea" 
(Primer, pp. 30, ;51). He suggests huk for the 3t)0-day period, and 
jjic for the 7,200-day period, and kal for the 20-day period. The 
name chuen, which Mr Goodman has applied to the month e(|uiva- 
lent. the 20-day period, was adopted bj' him because of the resem- 
blance of the glyph to the symbol of the day Chuen. This duplicates 
the name in the time series. The same objection applies to the 
names ahau, katun, and cycle; each of these is now applied in three 
different senses in the calendar system, ahau being used as a day 
name, as ji name of the 2-1 or 20 year period, and now for the unit of 
the third order, or 3t)0-day period; katun for the 24 or 20 year period, 
with ahau prefixed for the 312-3'ear period, and for the unit of the 
fourth order, or 7.200-day period; and cycle for the 62-year period, 
also sometimes for the 2(!0-day period, and now for the unit of the 

716 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth, anx. 19 

fifth order or the 144.000-day period. For.stciiuuin. as has Iteen already 
stated, applies the name "old year" to the 360-day period, apparently 
under the idea that it at some previous time constituted the full year; 
"old ahau" to the 7.200-day period (a fourth application of this 
term); and "old katun" to a period of 18,720 days or 52 "old years" 
(52X360 = 72X260). To express 9 cycles, 12 katuus, 18 ahaus, 5 
chuens, 16 days, Mr Goodman uses this abbreviation: 9-12-18-5 X 16, 
the X indicating that the two numbers between which it stands are 
usually attached to one symbol. Dr Forstemanu, as an abbreviation 
to express the same orders of units, uses the same method, omitting 
only the X, thus: 10, 19, 6, 0, 8 (Zur Entzili'erung der Mayahand- 
schriften, 1SS7, p. 6). 

It will perhaps tie as well to insert here what I have to say in refer- 
ence to Mr Goodman's expressions in regard to, and use of. the term 
ahau as applied to a time period. The names applied to time periods 
as a means by which to refer to them are comparatively unimportant, 
unless such application involves other questions. We quote first the 
following passage from his work (p. 21) : 

I now come to what has been a stumbling-block to every one who has hitherto 
attenijited to deal with the ^laya records. It has been known that the >Iayas reckoned 
time by ahaus, katuns, cycles, and great cycles, but what was the precise length of any 
of these periods has been a debatable question. Some have contended, with the best 
of proof apparently, that the katun is a period of twenty years, while others have 
maintained, with proof equally as good, that it is a period of twenty-four years. 
The truth is, it is neither. 

The contention arose from a misapprehension, or total ignorance rather, of the 
Maya chronological scheme. It was taken for granted that a year of 365 days nnist 
necessarily enter into the reckoning; whereas the moment the Mayas departed from 
specific dates and embarked upon an extended time reckoning, they left their annual 
calendar behind and made use of a separate chronological ong. 

The use of the term ahau-katun is avoided everywhere in these pages. Such a 
period never existed, except as a delusion of Don Pio Perez and his misguided fol- 
lowers. The error originated from a misconception of the Yucatec method of dis- 
tinguishing the katuns. The ahau was numbered according to its position in the 
katun, as the eighth, tenth, or the sixth from the close; but the katun was desig- 
nated by the particular numlier of the day Ahau with which it ended. Thus, for 
instance, it might sometimes be spoken of as the katun 10 Ahau; and at other times 
by a mere reversal of the phrase, as the 10 Ahau katun. Jlore frequently, however, 
the term katun was not used at all, its existence and numl)er lieing implied Ijy 
simple mention of the ahau date. But there was no ahau-katun. 

On page 23. in speaking of the ahau, he adds: 

This period is the real basis of the Maya chronological system. Everything 
proceeds by ahaus, till in succession the katuns, cycles, great cycles, and grand era 
are formed from them. 

The ahau is a period of 360 day.s— the sum of the days in the eighteen regular 
months — and derives its name undoubtedly from the fact that it always begins with 
the day Ahau. It is the period, not between two Ahaus with the same numeral, but 
between the second two with a differentiation of four in their day numbering. !Mov- 
ing forward with this progression of four it results that the ahaus folUjw each other 


iu the order of 9, 5 1, 10, (3, 2, 11, 7, S, 12, S, 4, 13, 9, 5, 1, and so c^n— an order of suc- 
cession that Perez quotes from an unnamed manuscript, Ijut whose signiflcant'e he 
failed to grasp. 
Twenty ahaus constitute a katun. They are numerated: 20, 1, 2, 3, etc, up to 19. 

Finally, in speaking of the katuii (p. 2i), he .say.s: 

It is over this period that the Ijattle royal has been fought. The question of 
twenty or twenty-four years has raged undeterminedly for more than half a century. 
As the facts themselves will show the folly of the whole contention, 1 pass it liy 
without awarding to any individual comliatant the discredit of his partisanship. 

Twenty years of 36.5 days make 7,300 days. The katun does not reach that far, 
falling a hundred days short, as a multiplication of its constituent parts will show: 
360 X 20=7,200. 

In consequence of the day Ahau beginning the ahaus, it must also begin tlie katuns; 
and the ahaus succeeding each other by differences of four, as 9, .5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 
12, 8, 4, 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, etc, it results that the order of the katuns, composed as 
they are of twenty ahaus, must be one in which each succeeding katun begins with 
a day number two less than its forerunner— thus: 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2, 13, 11, 

The katuns are numerated in the same manner as the ahaus: 20, 1, 2, 3, etc, up 
to 19. 

Let us examine these expressions so far as they relate to the ahau 
and bear upon the Maya system as developed in the record. 

He .says the ahau is a period of 360 days, "and derives its name 
undoubtedly from the faet that it always begins with the day Ahau."' 
This is undoubtedly the use he makes of it; but was it used bj' the 
Mayas in this sense? That he has derived this name as applied to 
the period of 360 days from the in.scriptions appears nowhere in his 
work. He nowhere asserts or pretends to claim that the symbol 
denoting this period is in any sense phonetic, giving this name. The 
only early native authorities to which we can appeal are the Chronicles. 
To these, therefore, we refer, following Dr Brinton's translation. 

In the Chronicle from the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani, the ahaus 
are luunbered over and over again as containing each twenty years. 
In the thirteenth paragraph (p. 103) it is said "in the thirteenth ahau 
Ahpula died; for six years the count of the thirteenth ahau will not 
be ended." It is evident from this, be the count confused and even 
erroneous, that the author considered the ahau as composed of more 
than six years. The Chronicle of Chumayel also speaks of the sixth 
year of the thirteenth ahau, the seventh year of the eighth ahau katun 
(uaxac ahau u katunil). and the first year of the first ahau katun (ahau 
u katunile). Another Chronicle of Chumayel expressly makes ahau 
the equivalent of katun — "the fourth ahau was the name of the 
katun" — and uses ahau, katun, and ahau katun as synonyms (ahau u 

It is evident from these extracts, be the originals trustworthy or 
not. that Mr (loodnian could not have found therein evidence for his 
application of the term ahau. Nor can it be obtained from Landa, 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

who oxpressly nieiitioiis ■"prinicro iifio de la era de huh/c-<i/iini." and 
of the natives doing hooiage to the \arious ahaus for ten years each. 
Mr Goodnian's radical error, as we shall see, is takino- numerical nota- 
tion for a time system. 

The iirst example to which attention is called is taken from plate 
24 of the Dresden codex, and includes that portion of a long series 
running up the plate which is shown in our figure 15. 

If the order in which the series ascends be that in which it is to be 
followed, it is evident this must be from right to left, taking the lower 
division first, thus: D2. C2, B2, A2 (in the lower division), then Dl, 
CI, Bl, and Al (in the uppei- division). But the plan of the series 

may l)e the reverse of this, as it is pos- 
sible that it runs back in time, and is 
to be read from left to right the dif- 
ferences between the columns being 
su])tracted instead of added: the result 
is, however, the same. As there are 
no month syniliols liy means of which 
to determine the years, and our only 
object in referring to the series is 
ue t)f the symbols 
the relative positions 
elation to one another, 
the order in which they are to be read, 
and the \alue of the counters, it is not 
material in which direction the series 
be taken. We will therefore follow 
the ascending order — i. e.. from right 
to left, beginning with D2 (right-hand 
column in lower division). Using 
Goodman's names, and subtracting D2 from C2 (the ovals which are 
red in the original being counted as naught) thus: 

•^^ ^^ ^> 

•^ ,'/^ *rO .C/'i to show the val 
K^/ *u£J ^-^ '^<^ fi according to the 
•••• •••• •••• •v* i they occupy in rel 

• • 

>• •• I 

• ^ 


tj Aluiu 11 Ahau '6 Ahuu :s Ahau 
Fig. 15 — Part of plato 24, Dresden codex 




.. 4 


Ahaus . . 

.. 1 


Chuens . 





we find the difl'erence to be 8 ahaus, ii chuens, days. As the day at 
the foot of the column (D2) is 8 Ahau, without an accompanying month 
symbol, we may select in our table 1 any 8 Ahau and assign it to any 
month, as the count will hold good. 

For convenience we select 8, the third number in the figure column 
headed «i, and find Ahau opposite in the Ezanab coluum. A.ssuming 
the month to l)e Pop. the first month of the year, the year will be 6 
Ezauab. As eight ahaus contain 2,880 days, and two chuens 4o days — 

f«°«^sl PLviTE 24, DRESDEN CODEX 719 

together •2.9^20 days— we siil.truct therefrom 302, the remaining da^'s 
of the year Ezanab, thus: 

8 ahaus 2,880 

9 ,. 

chuens 40 


2, 558 

Dividing this remainder (2,55S) by 3(J5, we find the number of years 
to be seven, with an overplus of three days. Looiving now to our 
table of yiears (3) and counting forward seven years from (5 Ezanab, 
we reach 13 Ben. As the next year is 1 Ezanab, we look in talile 1 to 
the column headed 1 and count down this to the thii'd day. This 
brings us to 3, and we find Ahau opposite in the Ezanab coluimi. The 
day reached is therefore 3 Ahau, which is the day at the bottom of col- 
unm C2 in our figure 8, showing the count to be correct. 

This example, however, involves another question raised liy Mr 
Goodman. It will be noticed that in column D2 of our figure the 
day place and the chuen place is each filled by an ova! figure (red in 
the original) instead of the ordinary numeral symbols, and tiiat in 
colunm C2 the day place is filled by a similar oval figure. In m\- cal- 
culation given above I have counted these as equivalent to ciphers (u), 
or nothing. Mr (joodman observes (page 64) that a number of persons 
have declared this to be a sign for naught, adding: "They were led 
into this mistake, undoubtedly, by its peculiar use and position. It is 
employed in the codices solely to designate initial periods, and in that 
position it is the equivalent of 20 in all cases except that of the chuen, 
whei-e, like the other 20-signs, it denotes but IS." As the example 
now under consideration affords an opportunity of testing this inter- 
pretation, we will do so. 

It is apparent from what has t)een shown that the correct result is 
obtained ))y counting these symbols as naught. If the .same result 
be ol)taincd by counting them as signs of full count— that is, 20— or as 
18 where filling the chuen place, the test fails to di.sclose the correct 
use of them. 

Counting the total days in each column and sul)tracting the sum of 
D2 from that of C2. the result is as follows: 

('2 J)2 

■4 katuiLS 28, 800 8 katuus 21, 600 

1 ahau .360 l.Sahaus 4^680 

2 chuens 40 IS chuens :iQO 

Days 20 Days 20 

T. ital (lays 29, 220 Total days 26, 660 

26, 660 

Difference 2, .560 


Assuming, as before, S Ahau, at the bottom of column L)2, to be the 
3d da_y of the month Pop in the j'ear 6 Ezanab, we suljtract fi'om 2.560 
days 362, the remaining days of the year 6 Ezanab. This leaves 2,198, 
which, divided b}' 365, gives 6 years and an overplus of 8 days. Count- 
ing from the year 6 Ezanab (table 3) 6 years, we reach the year 12 
Lamat. The next year will be 13 Ben. Turning to table 1 and count- 
ing 8 days down the column headed 13 (as the eighth day from the 
beginning of the year must fall in Pop, the first month of the year), 
we reach the lumieral 7, and find opposite in the Ben colunm the day 
Ahau; hence the daj' reached is 7 Ahau, and not 3 Ahau, as it should 
be. The addition of days to the total difference by even twenties 
will, of course, bring the count back to Ahau, hence the test lies in 
the number attached to it. It appears, therefore, so far as this example 
is concerned, that these oval sj'mbols stand for naught, and not for 20 
and 18, as inferred by Mr Goodman. It will be observed that the 
same symbol appears in the other columns of figure 8 copied from 
plate XXIV, Dresden codex. Positive proof that this oval is used for 
naught is foiuid on plate 50 of the Dresden codex, which may be seen 
in plate i of my Maya Year. The oval in the bottom line filling the 
month or chuen place can reach the required daj^ only when counted 
as naught, as may be verified b}' reference to the series of days given 
in the same work. 

In the quotation above from Mr Goodman's work in relation to the red 
oval symbol which I have counted as naught, he says: " It is employed 
in the codices solel}' to designate initial periods." Precisel}' what he 
means by this remark I fail to comprehend. When the symbols are 
found in the same time series in the month place and in the imme- 
diateh' following daj' place, and then at odd years and months apart 
in a continuous series, how the}' can be used to designate initial periods 
is difficult to understand, unless very short periods are alluded to. 
That the symbol for no day, or naught, in the day place will indicate 
the beginning of a month in the count which is to follow is undoul)t- 
edly true, and when it is in the month place a new year will follow, 
and so on. This is also true when 20 days, 18 months. 20 ahaus. etc, 
are counted. If this be what Mr Goodman means, he is correct; but 
it is hardly the idea conveyed liy his language, which apparently refers 
to ■' initial periods," as though of a katun, cycle, or calendar round. 

The next column to the left (B2) has 4 katuns, 9 ahaus, 4 chuens, 
days, and at the bottom 11 ahau. Subtracting from this column the 
column C2, already given, we have the following result: 
















The remainder. 8 ahaus and 2 chuens, equals 2,920 daj's, and is pre- 
cisely the same as the difference between the preceding columns. As 
the date reached by column C2 was 3 Ahau. the 3d daj' of Pop. the first 
month in the year 1 Ezanab, we subtract as before 362, the remaining 
daj's of the year 1 Ezanab, from 2,920. This leaves 2,558 days, or 7 
j-ears and 3 days. Counting- from the year 1 Ezanab (table 3), 7 
years, we reach 8 Ben. the next year being 9 Ezanab. Counting down 
the figure column headed 9 (table 1), 3 days, we reach the numeral 

11 and find Ahau opposite in the Ezanab column. The day reached is 
therefore 11 Ahau, 3 Pop, the first month of the year 9 Ezanu)). and 
corresponds with the day at the foot of column B2 in the plate. 

As the difference between column A2 and B2 is precisely the same 
as that between the other columns (8 ahaus 2 chuens), we have only 
to count 7 years and 3 days from the close of the year 9 Ezana)>. This 
brings us to the 3d day of the month Pop in the year 1 Ezanal). which 
we find, by referring to Table I, to be 6 Ahau, corresponding with the 
day at the bottom of column A2. It nmst be remembered, however, 
that the j'ears mentioned have been those following the arbitrary 
selection for convenience in calculating, as nothing has been discov^ 
ered in the series to determine these. This could be ascertained if 
the top series were uninjured, so as to carry on the count to the 
lower left-hand series, which have definite dates. 

Passing now to the upper division of our figure, we notice that the 
day at the bottom of each column is 1 Ahau and that the day place in 
each is filled by the oval symbol, denoting, according to our intei'pre- 
tation. naught. As the series ascends toward the left, the columns 
will be taiien in the same order as those of the lower division. We 
therefore subtract Dl from CI: 

Cl 1)1 Diflf. 

Katuns 4 13 

Ahaus 12 5 7 

Chuens 8 5 3 


The difference is 3 katuns ( = 21,600 days), 7 ahaus ( = 2,520 days), 3 
chuens ( = 60 days), and no odd days. The total is 24.180 days. As 
the number is large, exceeding a 52-3-ear period or calendar round, we 
can subtract the greatest possible number of these periods (in this 
case only one) without in an\' way affecting the result so far as reach- 
ing the proper date is concerned, but the number of years thus 
embraced are to be counted in making up the true interval between 
the dates. 

As 1 Ahau may be the 3d day of the first month (Pop) of the year 

12 Ezanab, we select this as our starting point. 

One calendar round equals 18,980 days, which subtracted from 
24,180 leave 5,2UU days. Taking from this number 362 — the remaining 

722 MAYAK CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth. axx. 19 

day.s of the year 12 Ezanab — and dividing the remainder (-t.SSS) by 
365, we obtain 13 years and an overplus of 93 days, or 4 months and 
13 days. Counting on our tiible 3, 13 year>s from 12 Ezanalj, we reach 
12 Akbal. As the next year is 13 Lamat, we count forward on talile 1, 
i months and 13 days. This brings us to 1, the 13th day in the column 
headed 2, and opposite, in the Lamat column, we find the day Ahau, 
agreeing with the date at the foot of the column CI of our figure. 
The date here is thei-efore 1 Ahau, the 13th day of Tzec, the 5th month 
of the year 13 Lamat, according to the assumed initial date. 

As the ditterences between the columns of the upper division of oiu' 
figure are not the same, a calculation nuist be made in each case to 
make the proof positive. 

Subti'acting column CI from Bl, we find the remainder to be -4 
katuns, 18 ahaus, 17 chuens, days, together equal to 35,620 days. 
Subtracting one calendar round — 18,980 — there remain 16,64() days. 
As our last date was 1 Ahau, the 13th day of Tzec, the 5th month of 
the year 13 Lamat, our count now must be from this date. Subtract- 
ing 272 — the remaining davs of this year — from 16,640 and dividing 
the remainder bj' 365, we obtain 44 years and an overplus of 308 days. 
Referring to table 3 and counting 44 years from 13 Lamat, we reach 

5 Lamat. As the next year is 6 Ben, we count 308 days, or 15 months 
and 8 days, in this year. This brings us to the 8th day of the 16th 
month (the column headed 7), which we find is 1, and opposite, in the 
Ben cohuun, the day Ahau, which agrees with the plate. The date 
therefore is 1 Ahau, the 8th day of Pax, the 16th month of the year 6 

Subtracting column Bl from Al, we find the dift'erence to be 16 
katuns, 2 ahaus, 15 chuens, days, equal to 116,220 da3's. Subtracting 

6 calendar rounds, or 113,880 daj's, we get the remainder 2,340. As 
our last date was 1 Ahau, 8th day of Pax. 16th month of the year 6 
Ben, ^e subtract from 2,340 days 57, the remaining days of the year G 
Ben. This leaves 2,283 days, which divided by 365 gives 6 years and 
an overplus of 93 days. Counting on table 3, 6 3'ears from 6 Ben, we 
reach 12 Akbal, the next year being 13 Lamat. Counting on table 1, 93 
days, or 4 months and 13 daj^s, beginning with the column headed 13, 
and 13 days down the colunm headed 2, we reach 1, and find opposite, 
in the Lamat column, the day Ahau, which agrees with the plate. The 
dates obtained are, it be remembered, based on the assiuned 
starting point 1 Ahau, 13 Tzec, yeai' 13 Lamat; this, howe\'er, does 
not ati'ect the correctness of the result. 

As has been stated, to obtain the true interval where calendar rounds 
(or c^'cles of 52 years) have been subti'acted, these must ))e added. 
The true interval, therefore, between coluum Bl and Al of our figure 
8 is 6X52+6=318 years and 57+93 days, or 318 years 7 months and 
10 days. 




These examples are suffieient to prove l)eyoiul any reasonable doubt 
the coiTectness of Dr Forstemann's method of counting the time 
symbols of the Dresden codex, and that his orders of units, or time 
periods, used in counting, up to and including the cycle, were pre- 
cisely the same as those subsequently presented and used l)y ilr Good- 
man in his work. It also shows that my calendar tables 1 and S have 
the days, months, and years arranged consistenth- with the Dresden 
codex, and that tiiey can be successfullj' used in examining and tracing 
the long or high time counts, at least so far as tried, ^^'e might dis- 
miss the Dresden codex with these examples but for the fact that there 
are some series reaching still higher tigures to which Dr Forstemann 
has called attention. Therefore, before passing to the inscriptions, a 
few of these will be noticed and the attempt to connect the dates which 
seem to be related will be made — something which has not been done 
b}' Dr Forstemann, and in which the proof of his theory lies. 

We take as the first example the two series, black and red, running 
uj) the folds of the serpent figure, plate (I'.t. following Dr Forsteniaim's 
method and assuming that tlie two series are connected. They are as 
follows, Goodman's names being attached: 









Great cycles . . 










1 equals 7,200 

7 equal 2, 520 

1 equals 20 

2 equal 2 

Days below 


4 Eb 

Difference in days. 9,742 

The total days of the two columns as given l)v Dr Forstemann are 
as follows: 

Red 12, 391, 470 

Black 12, 381, 728 

Difference 9, 742 

Same as ab(>\'e. 

As the month symbols are obliterated, we will assume 4 Eb under 
the t)lack colunm to be the 5th day of the month Pop in the year 13 
Lumat. Subtracting 36(t, the remaining days of the year 13 Lamat, 
from '.tTlii, and dividing the remainder by 365, we obtain 25 years 
and i'57 days, or 25 years 12 months and 17 days. Examining table 
3, and counting forward from 13 Lamat 25 years, we reach 12 Ben. 
As the next year is 13 Ezanab, counting on table 1, 12 mouths and 17 


days on this year, wc reach 9 Ix, the 17th day of Mac, the 13th month 
of the year 13 Ezanab, which corresponds with the day under the red 

As the columns and totals are preciselj' as g-iven Ijy Dr Forstemaim 
(Zur Entzifl'erung der Mayahandschriften, 1891, p. 17), we have proof 
here of the correctness of his system and of the value assigned the 
several orders of units or time periods which, in one of the series, 
involves very high numbers, and also proof that they are precisely 
the same as the time periods used by Mr Goodman in his worlv, which 
appeared six years later, with the one exception noted below. 

In calculating these series, Dr Forstemann has assumed that 20 units 
of the fifth order make one of the sixth order; or, to use Mr Goodman's 
nomenclature, that 20 cycles make one great cycle. Although the 
latter author counts but 13 cycles to the great cycle, according to 
the chronological system he believes was used by the authors of the 
inscriptions, he admits that in the Dresden codex the count was 20, 
which is evident from plate 31, where the place of the fifth order of 
units (cycles) has the number 19. 

As the opportunity is ati'orded here of testing on a higher unit Mr 
Goodman's theory that the red oval indicates full count (20 where this 
is the proper number, or 18 where that is the number), 1 shall use 
it. As will be seen by reference to page 723 where the series are 
given, the ahaus of the red series are counted as (naught), when 
according to Mr Goodman's theory the}' should be 20. Let us try 
the calculation with this number. Subtracting the black from the i-ed 
as before, the result is as follows: 

Great Cycles Cycles Katiins Ahaus Chueiis I)ays 
4 6 1 20 13 lb 

4 5 19 n 12 8 


This difference reduced to days gives 10, 942 instead of 9,742, as by 
the former method. Assuming 4 Eb under the black colunni, as 
befoi'e, to be the 5th day of the month Pop in the year 13 Laniat, we 
subtract 360, the remaining days of the year 13 Lamat, from lti,942. 
and, dividing the remainder ))}• 365, obtain 45 years and an overplus of 
157 days — 7 months 17 days. By table 3 we find that counting 45 
years from 13 Lamat brings us to 6 Ben, the next year being 7 Ezanab. 
By table 1 we ascertain that the 17th day of the Sth month of this 
year is 7 Ix. This is wrong, as it should be 9 Ix, the daj' immber 
being the test in this case, as the addition of even months will nec- 
essarily l)ring us back to the same day. This shows Mr Goodman's 
theory on this point to be incorrect so far as the Dresden codex is 
concerned, where this particular symbol is chiefly, if not oxclusiv(My, 

Our next example is from phite 62, is, like the preceding, in the 




folds of ii serpent (tlio one to tlie riu'lit|. aiul consists of two series, 

ted by Dr For- 

< as given here. 

giv'eii opposite and ditterences to the rigiit. 

le lo ine nunt|. unci eonsisrs or rwo series, 
one ))laeiv, the other red. These have also been calculated by Dr For- 
steniann and arranged according to the ordei- of units as given here. 
Mr Goodnmn's names are 




Great cycles 












8 equal 57,600 

5 equal 1,800 

15 equal 300 

19 equal 19 




Davs . . . 

Days below 


3 Kan 
16 Uo 

13 Akbal 
1 Kankin 

Total 59,719 

Dr Forstemann's totals are as follow.s: 

Black 12, 454, 459 

Red 12, 394, 740 


59, 719 

showing his result to lie preeiselj- the same as that obtained by using 
the Goodman periods, or rather showing the Goodman periods to be 
pi'ecisely the same as those used by Dr Forstemann with one excep- 
tion, Before proceeding, it is necessary' to notice that the day Kan is 
never the ItUh day of the month, but may be the 17th, therefore the 
date 3 Kan KJ I'o. under the lilack colunm, must be changed to ?> Kan 
IT Uo. In this example the counting must l)e ])ackward in the order 
of time if we proceed fi'om the lower to the higher series. 

.Sul)tracting 3 calendar I'ounds (56,940 days) from 59,71'.t. the ditl'er- 
ence given above, the remainder is 2,779 days. 

As 13 Akbal 1 Kankin. is the first da}- of the fourteenth month of 
the year 13 Akbal, we count backward from this date. In counting 
backward, if we start with — that is, include — the day named, the day 
sought will be the next beyond the last day counted. As 1 Kankin is 
the two hundred and sixty-first day of the year 13 Akbal, we sulitract 
this number from 2,779, and, dividing the remainder })v 3ti;"), o()tain <> 
years and a surplus of 328 days, hiking from this the 5 added or inter- 
calary days thei"e remain 323, or 16 months and 3 days to be counted 
back on the year reached. Counting back on our table 3 6 years from 
the year 13 Akbal, we reach 7 Ben, the next j-ear being 6 Lamat. 
Subtracting 16 months and 3 days from 18 months, the remainder is 1 
month and 17 days; hence the day reached will be the seventeenth dav 
of the month Uo in the year 6 Lamat. This, by reference to table 1, 
19 ETH, PT 2 11 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

is found to be 3 Kan, the .same day a.s that below the column of black 
numerals, when the correction from 16 to 17 has been made. 

As this paper is designed in part as a help to those conimencin<>- the 
study of the codices and inscriptions, we will, like the surveyor who 
sights back and forth to insure accuracy, trace this series forward, 
a process whicli should, as a matter of course, result correctly if our 
count was right in tracing- it Ijackward. 

Starting with 3 Kan, the 17th day of the second month Uo, in the 
year 6 Lamat, we count forward to the end of this year 328 days, which, 
subtracted from iJ,779, the remainder given above, leave 2.151 da3's 
to be counted. Dividing bj' 365, we obtain 6 years and an overplus 
of 261 days, or 13 month.s and 1 day. Counting forwai'd on table 3 
6 j-ears from the year 6 Lamat, we reach 12 Ezanali, the next year 
being 13 Ak>)al. Counting on table 1 the term ot 13 months and 1 
day, beginning with the column headed 13, we reach the same 13. and 
opposite in the Akbal colunMi find the day Akbal. The date is there- 
fore 13 Akbal, the 1st day of the fourteenth month — Kankin — of the 
year 13 Akbal. whit'h proves the process to be correct. 

Our next example^s of the two series, same plate of the Dres- 
den codex, placed in the folds of the left serpent, as follows (prefixing 
Goodman's names as before): 




Great eyries 














3 e<iual 21,600 

18 equal 6.480 

2 equal 40 

12 equal 12 




Days below 


7 Pax 

3 Cimi 
14 Kayab 

Total... 28,132 

Subtracting from 28,132 one calendar round — 18,980 days — leaves 
9,152 days. As it is somewhat easier to count forward than back- 
ward, though the other order appears really to be the one adopted here, 
we will begin with the date under the red column — 3 Ix the 7th day 
of the sixteenth month (Pax) of the year 9 Lamat. As there remain 
58 days in this year after the date given, we subtract this number 
from 9,152 and divide the remainder by 365, and obtain 24 years and 
an overplus of 33-1 days, or 16 months and 14 days. Referring to 
table 3, we find that by counting forward 21 years from 9 Lamat, 
we reach 7 Lamat, the next year being 8 Ben. By table 1 we find 


that the 14th da}' of the seventeenth month (KaAab) of this year is 
3 Cimi, which proves the calculation to be correct. 

To those familiar with the Dresden codex it will be apparent that 
the month symbol used under the red column looks as much if not 
more like that for Tzec than that for Pax. yet, as it has elements of 
both and as the calculation works out only with Pax. it has been 
assumed that this is the month intended. That the month Tzec can 
not in any way be made consistent with the numbers of the scries is 
easily made manifest thus: 3 Ix, the 7th day of the fifth month Tzec, 
will fall only in the year 8 Lamat, and 3 Cimi, the lith day of the 
.seventeenth month Kayal), only in the year 8 Ben. Looking- on table 
3. we see that in counting forward from 8 Lamat to 8 Ben we pas.s 
over an interval of only 12 years, and in counting backward over an 
interval of 38 years. As the interval shown l)y the numerals is (after 
one calendar round, which does not affect the count, has been sub- 
tracted) 9,152 days, it is apparent that 7 Tzec can not be the date 
intended. Forstemann's totals of these series are as follow: 

Red 12, 466, 942 

Black 12, 438, 810 

Difference 28, 1:32 

showing precisely the difference given above. The absolute difference 
between the two dates is 2 months IS days+52 years+2-1 years+16 
months+1-f: days, which, together, equal 77 years and 27 days. 

The immense stretch of these periods is a point not to be overlooked. 
One of those referred to amounts to 12.4613,942 davs, or 34.156 years 
ajid 2 days, counting 20 cycles to the great cycle, according to Forste- 
mann's method. This brings up again the question as to the number 
of units of the fifth order to form one of the sixth, or, using Good- 
man's tei'uis, the number of cycles w'hich make agreat cycle. Although 
the discussion of this question would perhaps be more appropriate after 
we have considered the inscriptions, it may as well be introduced here. 

Mr Goodman, while holding 13 as the number in the in.scriptions, 
admits that in the Dresden codex 20 was the number used; but this 
admission only renders the subject more complicated, as th(>re is no 
reason to l)elieve that a different rule prevailed in the inscriptions from 
that in the codex. That the vigesimal system of notation was the rule 
among the Maya tribes is well known, the use of 18 units of the second 
order to make one of the third, in time counting, having apparent!}' 
been adopted for convenience in bringing the month into the calcula- 
tion. This fact, though not positive proof of regular vigesimal suc- 
cession elsewhere in the time system, is sufficient to justify the 
a.ssumption of regularity, unless satisfactory evidence of variation 
can be adduced. 

Although the last example reaches to the great cycle, and involves 


tho count of cycles, it docs not utlord the proof necessary to decide 
this {question, as is apparent hy trial, as the diilerence between the 
two series will be the same whether we count 2(1 cycles to the jjfreat 
cycle or 13. There is. however, one series in the codex (plate 31) 
heretofore referred to which will decide this point. This, which is in 
the right half of the upper division, is as follows: 

19 cyi-les 
9 katuns 
9 ahaus 

3 chuens ' 


There is also one series in the inscriptions found on Maudslay's 
Stela N of the Copan ruins which seems to settle the question. This 
is as follows: 

14 great cycles 
17 cycles 
19 katuns 
10 ahaus 

This reckoning, however. Mr Goodman assures us ''is not only 
wi'ong. l)vxt absurd as well. The cycles run only to 13, and no such 
rcnkoning backward or forward from the initial date would reach a 1 
Ahau 8 Chen,'" the next date, the first being 1 Ahau 8 Zip. He 
changes it to 14 great cycles, 8 cycles, 15 katuns, lo ahaus, IS chuens, 
20 days. 

It is true that, with the interpi'etation given of the date <'haracters 
and the chuens and days, the reckoning backward or forward would 
not reach 1 Ahau 8 Chen. But this interpretation is by no means 
certain throughout. In the first place, it is not certain, judging by 
Maudslay's photograph, that the chuen symbol does not have a 
numeral 1 at the left, as it is like one on Stela C, where, according to 
Maudslay's di'awing, there is 1, and the count may possibly, as will 
hereafter appear, reach back to some more distant date, as is found 
to be the case in several inscriptions. However, Mr Goodman inter- 
prets it differently. 

In the second place, the month symbol of this last date can not with 
absolute certainty be interpreted Chen; for as shown by the photo- 
graph it may be Yax, Zac, or Ceh, apparently Zac. The numerals 
attached to the higher periods are I'lear and distinct, but the month 
symbol of the first date, which is upside down, is as much like Uo as 
like Zip, if we judge by Mr Goodman's month figures. If we suppose 
the sign to the left of the chuen symbol to 1)e 1 and the numlx-r of 
ahaus to be 9 instead of 10, the reckoning from 1 Ahau 8 Zip will 
bring us to 1 Ahau 8 Mol, the eighth month, instead of the ninth. 
This change, h(jwever. would Hot be justified, iioi- is the change made 



1)\- ]Mr Goodmuii until lie has cleuily proved not only that iS cyeles 
form a great ovele. hut also that his arrangement of the ehronologic 
systiMU, which will he referred to further on, is correct. 

AVhile the .sei'ies of the codex which have lieen given as examples 
work out correctly, it nuist be admitted that there are others which 
can not he successfully traced without arbitrary coi'rections. Never- 
theless, those given, and others rising to the Hfth order of units that 
might be noted, which give correct results, are sufficient to prove the 
rule. Before we leave the codex, reference will be made to some 
series with double numbers — that is. one series interpolated with 
another, one of which Dr Forstemann is inclined to believe is a cor- 
rection of the other. In these the interpolated series, or sup- 
posed correction, is in red. the other in black. 

As an example, we take the following series from jjlate 51, using 
Goodman's names: 







Black Kv! 



1 2 


6 11 


11 10 

10 t 11 


Day lieiuw 

(1 1) 

12 Lainat 

12 Lainat 

Subtracting the black of the right pair from the black of the left, 
we get the remainders 1, 13, 4. <•; that is, 1 katun. 18 ahau-s, 4 chuen«, 
days, making 1 1.961 > da^'s. As no month number is given, we assume 
1:2 Lauiat to l)e the first day (1 Pop) of the year lL> Lamat. Subtract- 
ing 3t)4, the remaining days of this year, from ll.'.t6'.i. and dividing 
the riMiiainder 1)y ;->6."). we ol)tain ?>l years and an overplus of '2S1 davs 
or 14 months and 1 day. By tal)le 8 we ascertain that 'M years from 
12 Lamat l)i-ing us to 4 Akbal. the next year being 5 I^amat. By 
table 1 we ascertain that the first dux of the fifteenth month is 12 
Lamat, the proper date. 

The difference between the red series of the two pairs is 13 katuns, 
5 ahaus, 1 chuen, days, equal to 95.420 days. Subtracting from this 
5 calendar rounds (94.'.I0() days) .")2(> days remain. Assuming 12 Lamat 
to be the first day of the year 12 Lamat, and subtracting 364, the 
remaining days of this year, from 520. we get 156 days or 7 months 
and li! days, to be counted on the next vear. which is 13 Ben. This 
reckoning reaches 12 Lamat. the sixteenth day of the month Mol. 
The result in both cases is correct, so far as the dates reached are con- 
cerned, but the interval between the black series is onlv 364 davs-|-31 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

years+281 days, while that between the red series is more than 261 
years. It is possible, therefore, that the red, which run through 
the several columns of this and the following plate, represent an 
independent series. 

There are, however, some interpolations which clearly appear to be 
corrections; for example, these two series on plate 59: 




8 13 
6 9 

6 9 
2 3 

2 4 


4 6 

The day below each is 13 Muluc. Using the difference between the 
lack series — 2 ahaus, 4 chuens, days, equal to 810 days — and taking 
13 Muluc, the 2d day of the month Pop in the 
year 12 Lamat as our starting point (always count- 
ing forward when it is not otherwise stated), we 
reach the day -1 Cauac, 2 Tzec, year 1 Ezanal), 
not the correct date, as it should be 13 Muluc. 
Using the difference between the red series — 4 
ahaus, 6 chuens, days = 1,560 daj^s — a.ssuming 
the same starting point as before (13 Muluc 2 
Pop, year 12 Lamat). and counting forward 1,560 
day-s, we reach 13 Muluc, 2 Tzec, year 3 Lamat. 
This is a correct result, and indicates that the 
red numerals were inserted as a correction. 

On plate 69 we find a series (figure 16) repre- 
sented by symbols of the same form as those in 
the inscriptions. The glyphs Al, Bl represent 
the first date — 4 .\hau S Cumhu (eighteenth 
month) — which must fall in the year 8 Ben. At 
AT. B7 is the ne.xt date— 9 Kan 12 Kayah. The 
intermediate counters, comparing with those dis- 
covered by Goodman in the inscriptions, are as 
follows: Ao, 15 katuns; B5, 9 ahaus: A6, 4 
'^^'^^^^"■''' B6. 4 days. There are other characters 
/^^^ IjtVSL: with numerals between the two dates, some of 
^~'?^^iC3^'/ which may be hereafter explained, but none of 
these, as will be shown hereafter, are customar- 
ily counted as part of the time interval. 
As T may have occasion to refer again to this series and the 
exactly similar one on plate 61. I shall only show at pi'esent the way 
in which it is to be used, and call attention to the exact similarity of 


It;— I'iirt of iiliiti- 
Dresden codex. 


the time symbols to those of the inscriptions already figured and those 
presented farther on. 

By referring to a and h of figure lU, showing the katun symbols, 
the strong resemblance to glyph A5 of the series now under consid- 
ei'ation is at once seen. The resemblance of B5 to h and l. figur(> !t, 
showing the ahau signs, is also apparent, as is A6 to the chuen symbol, 
figure S. Bii is the kin or day syni))ol. Here it seems the numbers 
denoting days are not attached to the chuen symbol, as is usual in the 
inscriptions, the day. in tlie abstract sense, having its appropriate 
S3nil)ol. to which the niunei-als denoting the number of days are 

As the usual order in which the glyphs are to be read is from the 
top downward, by twos and twos where there are two colunms. we will 
take tlie first pair. Al and Rl. as the date from which to count. This, 
as already stated, is 4 Ahau. the Sth day of tlie 18th montii — Cumhu — 
of the year 8 Ben. whii-h. as will be seen by referring to our table 3, 
is the forty-seventh year of the cycle of \'ears, or calendar round. 
Changing these time periods to da3's — 


15 katuiiH 108, 000 

9 ahaiis 3, 240 

4 chuens 80 

Days 4 

The aggregate is Ill, 824 

Wnlitract 5 calendar rounds 94, 900 

There remain 16, 424 

Subtracting frcnu this remainder 17, the number of remaining days 
in the year s Ben. from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. and dividing the remainder 
by 365. we obtain -i-t years and 347 days, equal to 17 months and 7 
days. Counting foi'ward on table 3, 44 years, we reach 13 Ben. the 
next year being 1 Ezanab. Turning to table 1 we find that 17 months 
and 7 days bring us to 9 Kan. 7 Cundni. instead of '.» Kan 1-2 Kayab, 
which is given on the plate. Counting backward from 4 Ahau 8 
Cumhu. as the symbols apparently indicate should be done (if tlie 
order be as in the inscriptions), results in a still wider variation from 
the correct date, assuming that the symbols on the plate — which are 
very distinct and unmistakable — are correct. 

If the dates on the plate are correct, the fii'st falls in the year s Ben, 
and the latter in 3 Ben. Counting forward there would be an interval 
(omitting the calendar rounds) of only 7 years and the fractions of the 
'2 years in which the two dates fall, manifestly too small for the numeral 
synd)ols. Counting l)ackward there would l>e an interval (omitting 
the calendar rounds) of 43 years and the fractions of the 2 date- 
years, making, in all, 16,076 days, or 348 days short of that required 
by the time symbols after deducting the calendar rounds. As there 


are other symbols between the dates with numerals attached, it is pos- 
si1)le the explanation needed is found in them. In the parallel pas- 
sage on plate <>1, whieh appears to have the same lieoinnino- and end- 
ing date, there is l)ut one dot to the chuen syml)ol (indieating 1 ehuen) 
and the symbol for S days. This gives a total (omitting the calendar 
rounds) of lf!,3<i;-! days. But this gives no satisfactory result. 

I have dwelt somewhat at length on these series as they are the 
only ones with two legible dates in the codex which show the higher 
time periods in symbols. They will serve, however, to show the close 
relatit)n which this codex bears to the inscriptions, to which we will 
now turn, beginning with those at Palenque. 

Inscriptions at Palenque 

Before proceeding with these, in order to show exactly Mr Good- 
man's method of calculating a series from the inscriptions, I present 
as an example one which he has fuUj' worked out. This series is 
found in the inscription of the Temple of the Sun, at Palenque. It 
will be more critically examined hereafter by comparison with Mauds- 
lay's photograph. At present I use Goodman's determiiv.ition merely 
for the purpose of illustrating the method of reckoning. 

The dates and intervening time periods as he gives them are as 
follows: 4 Ahau, 8 — (month not identifiable), 16 daj^s, 5 chuen.s, IS 
ahaus, 12 katuns, and 9 cycles, followed by the date '2 Cib, l-t Mol. 
Reducing these time period.? to days, the residt is as follows: 


9 cycles 1, 2m, 000 

12 katuns 86, 400 

18 ahaus '. 6, 480 

5 chuens 100 

16 davs. 16 

T(.ital 1 , :-'.S8, 996 

Deduct 7:^ calendar rounds 1 , 38.5, .540 

This leaves 'A, 456 

As the first date can not l)e full^' determined, it will ))(> necessary to 
count back from the second date — 2 Cib l-t Mol, which falls in the year 
5 Akbal. Subtracting 16-1, the preceding days of this ,year, from 8,-lr56 
and dividing the remainder by 365, we obtain 9 years and 17 days. 
Deducting 5 for the added days, there remain 12 to be counted back 
on the last month of the year 8 Ben, which we find hy counting back 
on table 3 is the year in which the first date falls. This gives 4 Ahau 
8 Cumhu, which is, no doubt, correct, as this date is a very common 
one on the Palenque inscriptions. 


Mr Goodmiin. aftoi- iiscci-tuiiiino- the iiuml)er of days in the time 
periods precisely as they are given above, proceeds as follows: 

From these [1,388,996 days] we deduct as many calendar rounds as possible, 
being 73, or 1,383,540 days, leaving 3,456. From these we take 155, the number of 
days fi'oin the beginning of the year to 14 Mol, that being the only date we are cer- 
tain of. This leaves 3,.301 days. From these deduct all the years possible, being 9, 
or 3,285 days. There are now but 16 days left. Reckoning back from the end of 
the year, we find these reach to 8 Cumhu [according to his method of numbering 
the days of the month], a circumstance that enables us easily to recognize the 
strange sign as a variant of the symbol for that month. Turning now to the Annual 
Calendar, we find that 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu occurs on page 7, and, pa.=sing over 9 years 
till we come to page 17, we find that 2 Cib falls on the 14tli of Mol in that year. 
Thus we are satisfied that the strange month sign is a symbol for Cumhu, and that 
the cycles, katuns, ahaus, chuens, and days represent the period between the two 
dates, tlie full reading being: 9-12-18-5x16, from 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu, the b€!ginning 
of tlie great cycle, to 2 Cib-14 llol. 

As our process is intended to he independent of !Mr (loodnian's 
tables, it is necessary for us to divide by ?>'>o in order to find the inter- 
vening years, and to determine the full date including tiic year, which 
Mr Goodman fails to do. 


Proceeding now with the Palen(jue inscriptions. Attention is directed 
lirst to that on the so-called Tablet of the Cross, the right .slab of 
which is fortunately safely housed in the United States National 
Museum. The inscription on this slab is well known through the 
excellent autotj'pe in Dr Rau's paper entitled Palenque Tal)let, but, 
in order to place the record liefore the reader Iti as complete a foi'm as 
is possible, I have given a co])v in figure ll<i. and a copy of ^Nlaudslay's 
photograph of the left slal) in figure plate xl; a drawing of the few 
characters above the arms of the right priest in the middle space is 
shown in figure 1"/^ 

As this is the most important of all the known Maj'an insciip- 
tions, for the purjiosc of testing ]\Ir Goodman's discoveries, 1 shall 
exanune it somewhat fully, and to this end give l)elow a list of the 
dates and series in the order they stand, beginning with the large 
initial on tlie left slal). It is necessary, however, first to notice some- 
what particularly the initial series of the left slal). 

The first character of this .series is the large glyph covering spaces 
Al, Bl, and A2, B2. This Mr Goodman interprets as the great cycle, 
which is eqidvalent to the sixth order of units. I am inclined to 
believe this interpretation is correct. The reasons for this belief 
are the form of the liody or chief element of the glyph, which is 
similar to that of the ahau and katim; and the fact that it always 
follows in the ascending .scale (counting backward or upward) the 
cycle, there being, .so far as known, no exception to this rule in the 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

iuitiiil series. This is shown not only in initial series like the one 
here re^jresented, where nunioral prelixes are face characters, but 
in a number of others where the ordinary units, lialls and lines, 

R s T U V W X 


Fig. 17a— Inscription on the right slab of the Tablet of the Crns' , 

are prefixed to the glyphs representing the lower orders (cycles, 
katuns, etc.). Another reason for this belief is that positive evidence 
is found in the Dresden codex and in the inscriptions that there is an 



order of units above the tifth, or t-ycle; that is to say, a sixth, or great 
cycle, as Mr Goodman calls it. This being true, there is every rea- 

FiG. 17i)— Inscription on the middle spnoe of The Tablet of the Cross, Palenque. 

son to believe that it would be represented in the inscriptions hy a 
special character. 

Examining the seven succeeding double glyphs in the order in which 
they stand, they are found to be as follows: A3. B3, a face character and 


tho t-ycle symltol (see tiijure 11a); A4. B4. a face ehai'aeter and the 
kntun synilx)! (see tigiire 10a): Ao, B5, a face character and the ahau 
symbol (see tigure %): Ati, B6, a face character and the chuen symbol 
(see tioure 8(^1: AT, B7. an unknown character (disc ^vith hand across 
it) and the symliol for day (kin) in the aljstract sense, same as the lower 
portion of the symbol for the month Yaxkin. At AS. B8, a face char- 
acter and the symliol for the day Ahau; A9. B9. a face character and 
the symbol for tlie month Tzec. These are interpreted l)v ]Mr Good- 
man as follows: "53-12-19-13-4X20— S Ahau 18 Tzec"; that is to 
say. the fifty-third great cycle. 12 cycles. 19 katuns. 13 ahaus. 4 
chuens. 20 days, to 8 Ahau 18 Tzec. From this it is seen that he 
interprets the prefixed face characters as numerals, assigning to each 
a particular number determined l)y the minor details or otherwise. 

Omitting, for the present, consideration of the number given to the 
great cycle, let us see if thei'e is any reason for believing that he is cor- 
rect in assigning numeral values to the face characters attached to the 
time-period symbols, or. as we term them, symbols of the orders of units. 
Taking the known time-period symtiols in this series, observing the 
regular descending order in which they stand, and being aware of the 
fact that in several other similar initial series the face characters are 
replaced by the ordinary numeral symbols (balls or dots and short 
lines), the evidence seems to justify Mr Goodman's belief. Another 
strong point in favor of this belief is that at AS, B8. and A9. B9. which 
contain the symbols for the day Ahau and the month Tzec. we most 
certainly find a date which could not be complete without attached 
numerals. As the places of the numerals are filled l)y face characters, 
the most reasonable conclusion is that they i-epresent these numerals. 
The evidence therefore in favor of Mr Goodman's theory seems to 
justify its acceptance. But here the question arises, what evidence 
have we that the numbers assigned to these face glyphs are correct!! 
Admitting that they are numeral symbols, it is certain that they do 
not indicate numbers higher than 20, almost certainly not exceeding 
19, as there are other symbols for full count or 20. It is also certain 
that the one attached to the symbol for the day Ahau does not exceed 
13. and that the one attached to the chuen symbol does not exceed 18. 
We are thus enabled to limit very materially the field of incjuiry, but 
to be entirely- satisfactory there must be actual demonstration. If 8 
Ahau 18 Tzec could be connected by intervening numbers with a 
following date this would be demonstration that the numbers given to 
the date symbols are correct. As will be seen farther on, Mr Goodman 
connects it by means of series -t (left -slab), given below, with 9 Ik 
(glyph E9); l)ut the month date reached is 20 Chen instead of 2(» Zac, 
as given in the inscription. While we maj' accept this as possibly or 
even probably a correct result, yet it is not demonstration; moreover, 
(what appears to be an equally probable and more acceptable explana- 




tiou, as will }>e shown farther on) by simply adding two days to the first 
numeral series eonnection will be made, with the date of the third series. 
There is, however, as will be seen, at least one initial series with face 
characters in place of numerals where connection is properh^ made 
according to Mr Goodmiurs number w'ith a following date. 

As there will be occasion to refer frequently to the series on the 
different divisions of the tablet we give here a list of these series in 
the order in which they occur, beginning with the closing date of the 
initial series on the left slab, the ^^ears being added in parentheses. 
The numeral series are given in cycles, katuns. ahaus, chuens, and 
days, followed ))v their equivalent in days placed to the right: and 
where the sum is greater than a calendar round, the remainder, after 
subtracting the calendar rounds, is also shown. The term "■ left slab" 
(though not strictly correct) is used only to include the six columns at 
the left; "right slab," the six columns at the right: and "■ middle 
space," to include the entire space between the six colunms at the left 
and the six columns at the right. The series as here given are based 

on inspection: 

Left slab 

of series 






8 Ahau 18 Tzec- (2 Akbal) 
1 Ahau 18 Zotz (2 Akbal) 
8 5 

4, 542 
9, 513 

4 Aluui 8 Ciiinhu (8 Ben) 
1 ii ■' 

IS Ik 20Mol (10 AkbaU 
1 18 :i 12 (274,920 days) 

9 Ik 15 Ceh (9 Lamat) 
2 1 7 11 2 (297,942 days) 

9 Ik20Zai- (11 Akbal) 
■^ (i U) 12 2 (479,042davs) 

9 Ik (no iiKinth) 
1 ti 7 13 . 

(The next date i-omes in the middle space) 

Middle space 



Right itkili 

[ETH. ANN. 19 


11 ? 20Poi. 

5Cimi? 1-lKayab? 
1 2 5? 14 8,034 

1 Kan 2 Kayab? (SAklal?) 
11 Lamat 6 Xul (10 Akbal) 

18 3 9 4,749 

2 Caban 10 Xul (10 Lamat) 
6 3 123 

8 .\hau 13 Ceh (10 Lamat) 
1 8 1 18 : 10,118 

3 Ezanab 11 Xul (lU Lamat) 

1 16 8? 18? i 13,138 

5 ? (Ahau?) 3 ? (Tzee?) 

5 ? 20 Zotz 

1 19 l> IB 14,176 

5 Kan 12 Kayab (12 Ben) 

2 2 4 17 15,217 

1 Iniix 4 ? (Zip or Ceh) 

1 1 1 881 

7 Kan 17 Mol (7 Lamat) 

2 8 4 7 17,367 

11 Cib? 14 Kayab? (3 Akbal?) 

16orl7? 8 2 7,002? 

(No date follows to the close) 

The first day of the left .slab — S Ahau 18 Tzec — has the numbers 
given in face characters, as has been stated; those given are according 
to Mr Goodman's interpretation. 

The date following number 4. left slab, is corrected by Mr Goodman 
from y Ik 20 Zac to 9 Ik 20 Chen. 

Mr Goodman corrects the number of days in the sixth series, left 
slab, from 9,513 to 9.512. 

The month of the date (13 Ahau 18 Xuli or Kayab ^) in the middle 
space, Mr Maudsla}', in his drawing (part 5), probably in.spired by Mr 
Goo(hnan, is inclined to give as Kankin. in which he is probably cor- 
I'ect. The nearly obliterate glyph which follows he gives as 8 — ? 3 
Kayab. This interpretation is, however, exceedingly doubtful. 

Maudslay. in his drawing of the middle space (part 10), gives 13 as 
the number of chuens in the second .series. He is also evidently 
inclined to give the first date on the right slab (11 — ? 20 Pop) as 11 
Caban 20 Pop; and the second. 5 Cimi 14 Kayab. as is indicated in the 
preceding list. Though there is some doubt as to the number of 


chuens, first series, right slab, this author follows Rail's restoration 
and gives it as 5, yet it may possibly be 4 or but 3, as the glyph is 
exactly in the line of a brealv repaired by l)r Rau. 

The number of chuens as well as days in the fifth series of the right 
slab is uncertain. Maudslay indicates 8 for the former and IS for the 
latter, which is apparently correct. The two dates following this 
series, except the month (2U Zotz) of the second, are almost entirely 
obliterated. I believe the day of the first to he Ahau. Maudslay 
does not attempt a restoration, but agrees with my suggestion as to 
the month. He suggests Caban as the day of the second date. He 
gives Zip as the month in the date following the seventh series of this 
slab. Th(> date following the ninth series he gives as 11 Chicchan i:^ 
Yax or Chen, his figure being uncertain. The number of ahaus in 
the tenth series is left uncertain by him; he apparently prefers Iti. 
though his figure may be construed as 18. The three lines (15) are 
distinct in the inscription, but the number of balls forming the fourth 
line is uncertain; the number seems to me to be Iti or 17. 

In referring to the inscription, Rau's scheme, given on page 61 
of his Palenque Tablet — to wit. letters above for each column and 
numbers at the sides for the lines — will be followed here (not 
Maudslay's), it being remembered that the colunuis, where there are 
more than one. are to be read two and two from the top downward, 
single columns from the top downward, and single lines from left to 

Referring now to the left slab, we will first point out the location 
in the inscription of the glyphs denoting the several dates and numeral 
series, the latter being reversed to agree with the order in which they 
come in the inscription, the first date — 8 Ahau 18 Tzec — being that 
with which the initial series tei-minated. 

8 Ahau (A8 B8) IS Tzec (A9 B9) 
Series 1 Ahau (A16) 18 Zotz (B16) 
First days .5 t-huens (Dl) 8 ahaus (C2) 

4 Ahau (D3) 8 Cumhu (C4) 
Second 2 dayt^ 9 chuens (D5) 1 ahau (C6) 

i;nk (C9) 20Mol (D9) 
Third days 12 chuens (D13) .3 ahaus (C14) 18 katuns (D14) 1 cycle (CIS) 

9 Ik (El) 1.") Ceh (Fl) 

Fourth 2 days 11 chuens (E5), 7 ahaus (F5) 1 katun (E6) 2 cycles (FO) 

9 Ik (E9) 20Zac (F9) 
Fiftli 2 days 12 chuens (ElO) 10 ahaus (FIO) 6 katuns (Ell) .3 cycles (HI) 

9 Ik (F12) no month given 
Sixth 13 days 7 chuens (F15) 6 ahaus (E16) 1 katun (F16) 

We begin, therefoie, in our attempt to trace the series and coii- 
nect the dates with 8 Ahau 18 Tzec (as Mr Goodman interprets the 
numeral face characters), which falls in the year ;i Akl)al. As it is 
followed )>y another date (1 Ahau 18 Zotz) without any recognized 

740 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [etii. ann19 

intervening" nunioral intended tu be used ii.s a eonneetinu' .series, we 
must asbiuiie that it' it is eonneeted with any of the following dates it 
must be }>y means of one of the series coming after the second date. 
Mr Goodman does not begin his attempts at tracing the connections 
iu the inscription on this slab with the first date. l)ut, after noticing 
the initial sei'ies, and taking 1 Ahau Ls Zotz as his starting point, 
says (page 135): 

Aftei' three glypli."', which are pmliably directives stating tliat tlie cuiiiputatinn is 
from that date, there is a reckoning of 8-oX20 [that is, 8 ahaua 5 chuens 20 days], 
with the directive signs repeated, to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu [the third date given above]. 
* * * This reckoning is a mistake. It should be either 6-14x20, the distance 
from 8 Ahau 18 Tzec to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, or 6-15x20, the distance from 1 Ahau IS 
Zotz — more hkely the latter, as it will presently be seen that other reckonings go 
back to that date. 

Before referring to Mr Goodman's suggestions, we find by trial 
that this first date (!S Ahau IS Tzec, year ^ Akbal) will not connect 
with any of the dates on the left slab, nor middle space, hj' either of 
the numeral series as given. If, however, we add two days to the 
first luuueral series, making it i!.98:i days, and count forward from 
8 Ahau IS Tzec, we reach 13 Ik 2() Mol in the year lo Akbal. the 
date following the second series. This, it is true, skips over the 
immediatelj' following date (4 Ahau S C'umlui. year S Ben), but if we 
subtract the second niimeral series (543) from the first (2,982. as cor- 
rected) the remainder, 2,440, counting forward from the same date, 
will bring us exactty to 4 Ahau 8 Cimihu SBen. Are these two 
coincident correct results to l)e con.sidered accidental^ They miglit 
be but for the additional fact that if 542 be subtracted from the sum 
of the tirst three series (first, second, third) with added two days to 
the tirst, the remainder, counting forward from 8 Ahau IS Tzec 2 
Akl)al, will reach it Ik 15 Ceh 9 Lamat. the date following the tjiird 
numeral series. 

Turning now to Mr Goodman's explanation of tlie first series and the 
accompanying dates, I notice tirst the fact that here as elsewhere he 
interprets what I consider the symbol for naught (U) as equivalent 
to 20; thus the number of days of the first series instead of 2,980 woidd 
be, following his explanation, 3,000 — that is to say, the numeral series, 
as he gives it, is 8 ahaus 5 chuens 20 days, my interpretation being 
8 ahaus 5 chuens (I days. The chuen symbol here is of the usual form, 
that shown in figure 1 <r, the ahau is a face form si-nilar to that shown 
at figure 'Ih. That there is a mistiike here, as Mr Goodman asserts, 
is evident, if the two dates given, 1 Ahau 18 Zotz and 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, 
are to be connected by the intermediate time periods. As 1 Ahau 18 
Zotz falls in the yeai 2 Aktial, and 4 Ahau s Cumhu in the year 8 
Ben, the interval is six years and the fractional days of the two years 


{•2 Akbal and s Ben), the total, in days, being 2,825, whereas the intei'- 
mediate time periods, as interpreted by Mr Goodman, give 3,000, or, 
omitting the 20 daj^s, according to Maud.slay's interpretation of the 
symbol, which appears to be correct, 2,980 days. It is apparent there- 
fore that there is some mistake here — that is, supposing the theorj' that 
the two dates are intended to be connected by the intermediate time 
syml)ols be true. 

Mr Goodman suggests two ways of making the correction — first, by 
assuming 8 Ahau 18 Tzec to be the date from which to count, and 
changing the intermediate numeral series from 8 ahaus 5 chuens to t> 
ahaus 14 chuens, thus making two radical alterations; in other words, 
a new numeral .series to fit the case. This he obtains b}^ subtracting 
the initial series as he has given it. fi'om the 13 cycles composing his 
fifty-third great cycle, thus — 

13— 0— 0— 0—0 

12—19—13— i— 

ti— 14— 
His other method is to change the intermediate time periods or 
numeral series to t3 ahaus 15 chuens — which is also making a new 
series — and to count from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz. 

In making these proposed changes Mr Goodman seem.s to drop out 
of view his 20 days, as in fact he does throughout in his calculations. 
He gives the full count — 20 for days, ahaus, and katuns, and IS for 
chuens — in noting the immeral series, but appears to treat them as 
naughts in his calculations. This is evident from the numbers he 
gives in the present instance. As conclusive evidence on this point it 
is only necessary to refer to the preface to his "■ perpetual chrono- 
logical calendar" (op. cit., not paged), where he says of the scries 
9 — 15 — 20 — 18X 20, '■ there are no days, chuens, or ahaus in this date." 
Mr Maudslay, in his illustration of Goodman's method of interpreta- 
tion before the Royal Society of England, June 17, 1897, in which he 
uses a newly discovered inscription (see figure 20), counts the char- 
acter at the side of a chuen symbol (Cl), precisely like that attached to 
our chuen, as equivalent to naught. In the case he refers to there are 
two lines above the symbol, counted as 10 chuens. Speaking of it he 

Cl i.s the chuen sign with the numeral 10 (two bars=10) above it and a "full 
count" sign at the side. Whether the 10 applies to the chuens or days can only be 
determined by experiment, and such experiment in this case shows that the reckon- 
ing intended to be expressed is 10 chuens and a "full count" of days — that is, for 
practical purposes 10 chuens only, for as in the last reckoning, when the full count 
of chuens was expressed in the ahaus, so here the full count of days is expressed in 
the chuens. 

In other words, that the character at the side simply means that no 
19 ETH, PT 2 12 

742 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth.anij.19 

daj's are to be counted, and so his figures giving tlie number of daj-s 
show. But this, as has l)een shown, will not suffice to correct the mis- 
take in our example. However, a very slight change, as I have shown, 
which Mr Goodman failed to find, which is simply adding 2 days to 
the time periods, will suffice to bring the series into harmony with the 
theory, and at the same time to verify his determination of the face 
numerals attached to the terminal date of the initial series — 8 Ahau 
18 Tzec (year 2 Akbal). 

Although the initial series will be discussed farther on, it will per- 
haps be best to indicate here the probable processes by which Mr 
Goodman reached his conclusions in regard to the series now under 

According to the system which he has adopted and which he claims 
was the chronologic system of the inscriptions, 13 cycles, or units 
of the fifth order, make 1 great cycle, or 1 unit of the sixth order, 
and 73 great cycles complete what he terms the "grand era." As 
this system will be more full}' explained farther on, it is only neces- 
sary to state here that he concludes from his investigation that the 
dates found in the inscriptions all fall in the fiftj'-third, fifty-fourth, 
and fifty-fifth great cycles. As these are taken by him to be abso- 
lute time periods, each begins with its fixed and determinate daj^; 
in other words, there is no sliding of the scale. According to this 
scheme the fifty -third great cycle began with the day 4 Ahau 8 Zotz, 
the fifty-fourth with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and the fifty-fifth with the day 
4 Ahau 3 Kankin, these dates following one another at the distance 
of one great cycle apart, which is correct on his assumption that 13 
cycles make one great cycle, a conclusion which I shall have occasion 
to question. 

Now, it is apparent that he assumes that 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the day 
following the first numeral series noted above, is the beginning day of 
his fifty-fourth great cycle. This being assumed, it follows that the 
preceding dates, 8 Ahau 18 Tzec and 1 Ahau 18 Zotz (which precedes 
the former in actual time by pi'ecisely one month), must fall in his 
fifty -third great cycle; and as the former (8 Ahau 18 Tzec) is the ter- 
minal date of the initial series, therefore this initial series goes back 
to 4 Ahau 8 Zotz, the beginning day of the fifty-third great cycle. 
As the time to be counted back from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu to reach the 
closing date of the initial series is, according to the first numeral 
series, 8 ahaus, 5 chuens, days, or 2,980 days, it must necessarily 
fall in the last katun of the fifty -third great cycle, which, according 
to his peculiar method of numbering periods, will be the 19th katun 
of the twelfth cycle. Counting back into this katun (using his tables), 
8 ahaus and the 5 months carries us into the ahau beginning with 1 
Ahau 8 Uo, as the only day Ahau of this period falling in the month 


Tzec — which the inscription requires — is 9 Ahau 8 Tzec, which 
requires a numeral series of 3,180 days, or 8 ahaus 15 months. As 
'Sir Goodman concludes that the face numeral prefixed to the sj'mbol 
for the month Tzec should ])e interpreted IS, the nearest position in 
which a day Ahau the 18th of the month Tzec can be found, is in the 
thirteenth ahau of this katun. From this date to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is 
6 ahaus 14 chuens; hence his proposed change in the numeral series. 

The question therefore to be answered before we can give full 
assent to his conclusion is this. Are his renderings of the face char- 
acters reliable? That they represent numbers seems to be evident, 
as I show elsewhere, but the data presented in his work are not entirely 
satisfactor}-. That the initial series now under consideration contains 
one or more cycles, one or more katuus, one or more ahaus, and one or 
more chuens — or, as I term them, units of the fifth, fourth, third, and 
second orders — is certain; and that the terminal date is a day Ahau in 
the month Tzec is also true if the inscription be correct. The hmguage 
used by Mr Goodman in defining the face numerals indicates that 
he has relied to some extent on his system of interpretation rather 
than on the details of the glyphs in determining their value, liut this 
can be decided only by a careful examination of all the inscriptions in 
this respect, which it is my purpose to make in a supplemental paper 
when Maudslay's figures of the Quirigua inscriptions are received. 
When the count can be based on the glyphs his scheme will not inter- 
fere with a correct count. For example, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu of this 
series may or may not be the first day of his fifty-fourth grand cycle, 
for in either case the count will bring the same result; nor will the 
fact that there are probabh' 20 cycles to the great cycle change the 
result. However, the subject will be further discussed when we con- 
sider the initial series, and for the present we will accept Mr Good- 
man's determination of the face numerals with the above implied 

I have dwelt somewhat at length on this example in order to show 
some of the methods of determining positively that there is an error 
in the original, and the seeming impossibility in some cases of cor- 
recting it. Occasionally this can be done by means of a connected 
preceding or following series; or, where a single minor change will 
bring all the members of the series into harmony, this change is some- 
times justified, but such changes as those suggested above by Mr Good- 
man in regard to the example under consideration, especially where 
the value of a sign is also in dispute, are not warranted without proof. 

The next date is found in glyphs C9, D9, and is 13 Ik— « Mol. 
Here the numeral attached to the month is not a regular number 
symbol (dots and bars) and is interpreted 5 by Mr Goodman. In this 
I am inclined to think he is wrong, as the symbol appears to be the 

744: MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth. a.n=s. 19 

same us that found in glyph Fit, whirh lie intei-prets 20. His descrip 
tion of the series is as follows: 

Then [after 4 Ahaii 8 Cumhu] follows another reckoning of 1-9x2 [1 ahau, 9 
chuens, 2 days], succeedeil by five unintelligiVile glyjihs, to 13 Ik, 5 Mol. The com- 
putation and the 13 Ik are right, Imt the month should be 20 Chen, a,s will be seen by 
reference to the annual calendar. It will be evident pretty .soon that the sculptors 
got their copy mixed up. The 5 Mol should have gone with another date (p. 135). 

The intermediate time periods are 1 ahau (of the usual form, a, 
figure 9), 9 ehuens, and 2 days: 


1 ahau 360 

9 chuens 180 

Days - 2 

Total 542 

As the first date is uncertain, unless the explanation given above be 
accepted, we must count back from 13 Ik 20 Mol, which falls in 
the year 10 Akbal. I use 20 Mol, as I believe 20 to be the true 
interpretation of the unusual number s5'mbol. and it is really that 
adopted by Mr Goodman in his calculation, though not expres.sed. 
As 20 Mol is the one hundred and sixtieth day of the year, and the 
count is backwai'd, we subtract this from .542, and divide the remainder 
by .365, which gives 1 year and 17 days; this brings us to the j-ear 8 
Ben. Deducting 5 for the intercalated or added days, and counting 
back 12 days from the end of the month Cumhu, we reach 4 Ahau, the 
eighth day of the month Cumhu, proving that this terminal date of 
the preceding series is correct and that the error of that series must 
be in the initial date or in the numerals attached to the intermediate 
time periods. This result is in fact the same as that obtained by 
Mr Goodman, who commences his count of the days of the month 
with 20, transferring the last days of the columns in our table 1 to 
the first place, as is shown in table 4, given below, which is simply 
a condensation of his "Archaic annual calendar," where each of the 
fifty-two years is written out in full. 



c ^ 





















>^ != 

=3— ^ 

« B 
















































































































































































































































































































































































































It will be seen from this that 13 Ilv, the last clay of the month Mol 
(year 10 Akl)al) in our table 1, by the change made l)y jSIr Goodman 
becomes the 20th daj- of the month Chen, whioli is in fact the begin- 
ning day of this month, and would in all ordinary calculations be 
counted the first, or 1. 

Although the nimibering of the daj^s of the month and of the days 
is not changed by this transposition, it does make a change in two 
important respects. First, the days which would be last in the month, 
if the count of the days of the month began with 1. become the begin- 
ning days of the following month, though counted as the 20th by Good- 
man's method. Second, the position of the years in the 52-year period 
is changed. For example, the year 10 Akbal of the series exam- 
ined, which will — as can be seen hj reference to table 3 — be the 
•19th year of the 52-year cycle, becomes the 9th by Goodman's 

In the preface or preliminaiy remarks to his Archaic Annual Cal- 
endar, this autlior states as follows: 

I have put Ik at the heart of the days becaiLse it is nearest to Kan of any of the 
Archaic dominicals, and because the Oaxacan calendar shows a tendency toward ret- 
rogression in the order of the days. There is no good reason, however, why any of 
the other dominicals may not have been the first. In fact the frequent and peculiar 
use of Caban in the inscriptions and it,s standing as the unit of the numeral series 
constituted by the day symbols would appear to go far toward justifying an assump- 
tion that it was the initial day; but the former circumstance may be only a chance 
happening, and the latter may attach to the remote pre-Archaic era when the year 
began with the month Chen; so that neither of these considerations, nor the signifi- 
cant recurrence of JNIanik in certain places, has had weight enough to induce me to 
change the order originally adopted; nor will it be worth while to alter it until some 
style of reckoning from the beginning of the annual calendar is discovered not in 
harmony with the present arrangement. 

In regard to these statements, it may be affirmed that the reason 
given for placing "Ik at the head of the days" is wholly insufficient, 
as it is not, in fact, nearest Kan of any of the Archaic dominicals, 
being nearer to Akbal, which certainly was a dominical, than to Kan; 
nor, in fact, would this be any reason for the change were it true. 
Second, as he begins the count of the days of the month with 20, it 
is in fact not first in the count. It is proper, however, to add here 
that if Dr Brinton (The Native Calendar, p. 22) has interpreted cor- 
rectly his authorities, Ik was the initial dominical day in the Quiche- 
Cakchiquel calendar, though it must have been in comparatively 
recent times, as will appear from what follows farther on. Mr Good- 
man's remark that "there is no good reason, however, why any of 
the other dominicals maj' not have been first" is certaiidy correct. 
But this statement involves the correctness of his entire calendar sys- 
tem so far as the determination of the position of dates is concerned. 
[It is true, as he states in the paragraph next below that quoted, that 


"for all ordinary purposes the point of beginning- is of no importance, 
since the annual eal(Midar is only an orderly rotation of the daj^s until 
eaeh of theiii with the same numeral has occupied the seventy-three 
places allotted to it in the year," if "all ordinary purposes " be limited 
to finding the beginning, closing, and length of periods without regard 
to the absolute position in the higher Maj'an time peiiods. 

To illustrate, I take the last day of the series just examined. If 
the dominical days be Akbal, Lamat. Ben, Ezanab, in the order given, 
as first declared "by Seler, this day will ])e 18 Ik, the 20th day of Mol 
in the year 10 Akbal. and the forty-ninth year of the 52-year period, 
where the count is b\' true years, and the 52-year period begins with 
the year 1 Akbal. According to Mr Goodman's system, using Ik, 
Manik, Eb, and Caban as the dominical days in the order given (20 Ik 
being tirst in the 52-year period), counting the beginning day of the 
months as the 2iith. it would be (though absolutely the same da_v in 
time) the 20th day of the month Chen in the j'ear 9 Ik, the 9th year 
of the 52-year period. 

It is undoubtedly true that if the da^^s were written out in proper 
succession with the proper numbers attached and the months properly 
marked, as in my Maya Year, we might, if the series should be made 
of sufiicient length, begin the cycle at any point where we could find a 
day numbered 1 and standing as the first (beginning) da}' of the month 
Pop. But the cycles of years beginning at different points would not 
coincide with one another unless they were exactly 52 j^ears, or a nuil- 
tiple of 52 years, apart. 

As the system has, for the periods above the year, no fixed historical 
point as a basis or guide, the dates are only i-elative, that is to say, a 
date though readily located in the 52-3'ear period, unless connected 
with some determinate time system, may refer to an event that occurred 
200, 500, or 5,000 years ago; in other words, is but a point in each of 
an succession of similar series. 

It is possible, after all, that Goodman and I are l)oth in error as to 
the initial j'ear of the 52-year period, though this will in no way atiect 
the calculation of series and determination of dates. The result in calculations will be the .same with any year as the initial one, 
provided that the regular order of succession be maintained. If the 
ordinary calendar among enlightened nations had nothing fixed by 
which to determine relative positions in time, our centuries might be 
counted from any one selected year, and all calculations made would 
be relatively correct. 

Although Mr Goodman's computations may be, as we shall doubt- 
less find them as we proceed, usually correct, yet there is, if I read 
him aright, one radical error in his theory. He has taken the appa- 
ratus, the aid, the means which the ]\Iayas used in their time counts 
as, in reality, their time system. In other words, he has taken the 


caleulutioii as the thing calculated. He makes the statement, already 
quoted : 

It ^vas taken for granted tliat a year of 365 days must necessarily enter into the 
reckoning; whereas, tlie moment the Mayas departed from specific dates and 
embarked upon an extended time reckoning, tliey left their annual calendar behind 
and made use of a separate chronological one. 

It is the error made in this statement that vitiates the entire 
stupendous fabric he has ])uilt upon it, though all of his computations 
may be correct so far as calculation is concerned. The Ma3'a, in 
order to calculate time, had necessarily, just as any other people, to 
use some sj'stem of notation. Maudslay, though usually so carefully 
conservative, seems to have been led astray in this matter, as he 

All the dates and reckonings found on the monuments which can be made out by 
the aid of these tables are expressed in ahaus, katuns, etc., and Jiot in years; but Mr 
Goodman maintains that the true year was known to the Mayas, and that it is by 
the concurrent use of the clironological and annual tables that the dates carved on 
the monuments can be properly located in the Maya calendar. 

Dr Forstemaiui and Dv Seler .seem also to have missed the true signi- 
fication of this time counting. If the former intended to bo under- 
stood, in suggesting an "old j^ear" of 360, that this number of days 
was at an early period in the history of the Mavan people aitually 
counted as a year, as seems to be a fair inference from his language, 
it follows as a necessary consequence that the years and also the 
months always commenced with the same day, though not with the 
same daj'-number (Zur Entziti'erung der Mayahandschriften, iv, l!S94, 
and elsewhere). Although Dr Seler distinguishes the 360 days from 
the true year of 365 days, he alludes to it as a real time period. 
Speaking of the ''' katun," he says: 

And hence the discussion — upon which many profitless paper.s have lieen written — 
whether the katun is to be considered 20 or 24 j'ears. The truth is, it consists neither 
of 20 nor of 24 years — the years were not taken into account at all by the old chron- 
iclers—but of 20 X 360 days. 

His katun was therefore 7,200 days, the same as that afterwards 
adopted by Mr Goodman. 

As a Mayan date is properly given when it includes tlie day and day 
number, and the month and day of the month, this determines the 
year in the sA'stem and the dominical day. As dates are found in the 
oldest inscriptions and in the Dresden codex, the oldest, or one of the 
oldest codices, and these dates show beyond question a year of 365 
daj's, and hence a four-year series, there is no reason for believing 
that there are allusions, either in the in.scriptions or codices, to a year 
of 360 daj's. The simple and only .satisfactory explanation is that the 
360 is a more counter in time notation. 


It would seem, therefore, that Mr Goodman has taken the system of 
notation in use among the Maya — their orders of units — to be, in real- 
ity, their chronological system. It would be just as true to say that 
the system of notation adopted by most enlightened people — the units, 
tens, hundreds, thousands, millions, etc., used in cah'ulating periods 
of time — is, in fact, their time sj'stera. The Maya never left their 
aniuial calendar behind them when embarking upon extended time 
reckoning, a fact which is overwhelmingly proved by the constant 
reference to dates in the codices and inscriptions. The only proof 
furnished liy Mr Goodman as to the reality of his discoveries is based 
upon this fact. The Maya time counts have only dates of the calendar 
.system in view. Of course the mystical or ceremonial use of the 260- 
daj- period is not denied. Were it otherwise, their counting up of 
high numbei's would have no more meaning than the figuring of school- 
boys to see what great numbers they coidd reach. However, addi- 
tional e^^dence"of the correctness of this assertion will become more 
apparent when I come to the examination of the characters and num- 
bers which Goodman assigns to his highest Mayan time periods. But 
in the meantime, though pointing out his fundamental error in this 
respect, we unist not lose sight of his real and important discoveries, 
which must have a material bearing on all future attempts at interpre- 
tation of the codices and inscriptions. 

Continuing our examination of the inscription of the Palenque 
Tablet of the Cross, and starting now from our last date. 13 Ik 20 
Mol, in the year 10 Akbal (as 1 have interpreted it), -we take up the 
succeeding series, explained by Mr Goodman as follows: 

After half a dozen glyphs, unintelligible further than like most intervening char- 
acters they are to be found elsewhere in the lists of period symbols, there is another 
reckoning— 1-18-3-12x20 from the preceding date to 9 Ik 1.5 Ceh [3 left slab]. 
This is correct, and in connection with the previous reckoning it proves conclusively 
that the preceding date should te 13 Ik 20 Chen (p. 135). 

This "'reckoning" signifies 1 cycle, 18 katuns, 3 ahaus, 12 chuens, 
and 20 days. Here, however, occurs again at the left of the chuen 
symbol the same character as that at the left of Dl mentioned above, 
which we counted as instead of 20, as interpreted by Goodman. 
We count it as in this instance also: 


1 cycle 144, 000 

1 S "katuns 129, 600 

:i ahau.s 1 , OSO 

12 chuens 240 

Pays . - 

274, 920 

Following our own count as given above from 20 Mol, let us see 
what the result will be. From the total (27i,920 days) we subtract 14 

750 MAYAN CALENDAB SYSTEMS [eth. axs, w 

calendar rounds or 265.730 daj^s, leaving a balance of 9,200 days. 
Subtracting from this 20.5, the i-emaining days of the yenv 10 Akbal, 
and dividing the remainder by 365, we obtain 24 years and 235 days, 
or 11 months and 15 days. Referring to table 3, and counting for- 
ward 24 3'ears from 10 Akbal and passing to the year following, we 
reach 9 Lamat. By table 1 we find that the 15th daj' of the 12th 
month of the j-ear 9 Lamat is 9 Ik, the 15th daj' of the month Ceh. 
This is correct, and proves (what Mr Goodman also claims for his count) 
that our decision as to the dates and the naught symbol is also correct. 
We pass to the series which follows (4, left slab). This is described 
by Mr Goodman thus: 

Six unintelligible glyphs follow; then there is a reckoning of 2-1-7-11x2, succeeded 
by four directive signs, to 9 Ik 20 Zac. I call attention to the directive signs. Two 
of them are the bissextile character and its coadjutor, which I think are employed 
in Palenque to denote different numbers of calendar rounds. These should denote 
fifteen, if intended to indicate the length of the reckoning; if to express an addi- 
tional period, it is uncertain how many. The other two directive signs are identical 
with two of those used after 1 Ahau 18 Zotz to show the reckoning is from that 
date. This reckoning is also from that date; hence the glyph consisting of a bird's 
head and two signs for 20 over it probably indicates an initial date, or a substitute for 
it, as 1 Ahau 18 Zotz would appear to be in this case. The month symbol is wrong 
here also. It should be Yax instead of Zac. 

The next date is at E9, F9, which, as there given, appears to be 9 Ik 
20 Zac, and the series is 2 days, 11 chuens, 7 ahaus, 1 katun, and 2 
cycles at E5 to F6, the symbols being of the usual form. As this will 
not connect 9 Ik 20 Zac with the preceding date, 9 Ik 15 Ceh (El Fl), 
we will reckon from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz (A16B16), as Mr Goodman sug- 
gests. This date falls in the year 2 Akbal. 

The count 2-1-7-11x2, when converted into days, is as follows: 

2 cycles 288,000 

1 katun - . - 7, 200 ■ 

7 ahaus - - 2, 520 

11 chuens 220 

2 days 2 

Total 297,942 

Subtracting from this 15 calendar round.s — 284,700 days — we get 
13,242 days. Subtracting from this 287, the remaining days of the 
year 2 Akbal, after 1 Ahau 18 Zotz, and dividing the remainder 
by 365. we obtain 35 years and 180 days, or months. Counting 35 
years from 2 Akbal, on table 3, we reach 11 Ezanab. As the ne.xt 
year will be 12 Akbal, by counting on table 1 nine months in this 
year, we reach 9 Ik, the 20th day of the month Chen. This corresponds 
with the inscription except as to the month, which is 20 Zac. The 
count as given by Mr Goodman is 20 Yax, which is identical in his 
system with 20 Chen according to the system I am following. His 


suggestion, thei'efore, that the reckoning i.s to be from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz 
appears to be correct; at least it connects this date with that follow- 
ing the series, when allowance for the correction mentioned is made. 

Although this irregularity, of taking the series step by step from a 
given date for a time and then skipping back to another date as the 
starting point, arouses suspicion of something wrong in the proceed- 
ing, yet it occurs more than once both in the inscriptions and codices, 
and hence is not necessarily an evidence of error. The two dates 
which precede the first series indicate two points from which the count 
in some of the following series is to begin. Did we fully understand 
the intermediate glyphs, we should probably find this explained; at 
any rate we must follow at present what seems to be the most proba- 
ble rule, trusting that future investigation may correct anj' errors 
into which we have fallen. Mr Goodman, who has sought to learn 
the meaning of what he calls directive signs, saj's in regard to those 
connected with this series, " Two directive signs are identical with 
two of those used after 1 Ahau 18 Zotz to show the reckoning is 
from that date." There is, however, but one that is similar, and it is 
an oft-repeated glyph. At any rate the proper result appears to be 
9 Ik 20 Chen in the year 12 Akbal, as in no possible way can 9 Ik 20 
Zac, which falls in the year 11 Akbal, be reached; and the day 20 Zac 
in the year 13 Akbal is 3 Ik, whereas the plan of the series appears to 
require 9 Ik. That the count should be from 1 Ahau IS Zotz — that is, 
1 month back of 8 Ahau IS Zotz — or that the llchuens in the numeral 
series should be 10, is shown in another way, thus: To obtain the lapse 
of time from the last preceding date, 9 Ik 1.5 Ceh, we deduct 9,200 days 
(third series) from 13,242 (fourth series), and fi'om this deduct 2,9S2 
(first series), over which, as we have seen, the count skipped; this 
leaves 1,060 days. Covxnted forward from 9 Ik 1.5 Ceh (year 9 La- 
mat), this nmuber of days brings us to 3 Ik 20 Yax in the j-ear 12 
Akbal. just 1 month later than 20 Chen. This calculation is based on 

8 Ahau IS Tzec as the starting point; hence we must count from 1 
Ahau 18 Zotz, or assume that the 11 chuens in the numeral series 
should be 10. That the 20 Zac is wrong seems to be evident. Basing 
the count on 1 Ahau 8 Cumhu and 8 Ahau 18 Tzec will bring the same 
result, as will be seen bj' subtracting 2,440 from 13,242 and counting 
forward from the former. 

The series (5 of the left slab) following the last date — 9 Ik 20 Chen — 
as corrected, is described bj' Mr. Goodman as follows: "'The reckon- 
ing which follows, 3-6-10-12 X 2, fi'om the beginning of the great cycle 
is correct. It is here the 5 Mol should have gone, that being the 
month date." These number symbols, 3 cycles, 6 katuns, 10 ahaus, 12 
chuens, 2 days, which amount to 479,042 days, ai-e followed at F12 by 

9 Ik without any accompanying month symbol. The cycle and ahau 
svmbols in this instance are face forms. Bv assuming as the month 


date 5 Mol, and counting back, Mr Goodman reaches -i Ahau S Cuinhu — 
D3, FJr. That the count backward from y Ik 5 Mol will reach 4: Ahau 
8 Cumhu is true, but here again i.s leaping over series as though they 
were inserted without plan or system. Moreover, Mr Goodman's 
remark that the count reaches back to the beginning of the great cycle 
appears to be inconsistent with his own figures unless we change his 
"full counts" to naughts. The initial .series which he gives is, as has 
been shown, 53-12-19-13-1: X 20 to 8 Ahau 18 Tzec. Now, from this 
date — 8 Ahau 18 Tzec — to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, according to his own 
count (page 185) is 6-14 X 20. Let us add these together. 














13 2 

This reckoning runs back beyond the beginning of his 13th cycle, 
and hence, by his method of stating series, past the beginning of his 
great cycle, by two months, using his own figures. If the 20 days in 
the two series had been counted as 0, his calculation would have 
brought him to the beginning of a great cycle according to his scheme. 
Although, as has lieen stated, he does not use the full counts in his 
calculations, reference is made here to his method of stating numeral 
series in order to guard students from being led into error thereby. 
In every case where he uses 20 for days, ahaus, or katuns, and IS for 
chuens, the true figure is 0. 

Another fact to be taken into consideration in deciding whether the 
evidence in the last count is satisfactory is that, as Ik might fall on 
the 5th, 10th, 15th, or 20th of the month and any one of the months 
might be chosen, there are 72 (4x18) variations to be tried to bring it 
into accord with the preceding date. If it could be connected by a 
following numeral series with some other date, the evidence would 
then be entirely acceptable, l)ut this does not appear to be the case. 

However, I am not entirely satisfied with the result in this case, as 
the omission of the month date seems to imply that the 9 Ik is to fall 
on the 20th day of the month. If we follow the same rule as in the 
two preceding series, and subtract the -Ith (297.942 days) fi-om the 5th 
(479,042), and from the remainder the first numeral series, taking oft' 
the one month as before, and counting from the last preceding date — 
9 Ik 20 Chen as corrected— we reach 9 Ik 20 Mol. year Ak))al. Or. 
subtracting the first series from the 5th (the 4,542) and counting for- 
ward from 1 Ahau 18 Zotz, we reach 9 Ik the 20th day of the month by 
dropping the same troublesome one month. These facts lead me to 
saspect that the true solution of the prol)lem has not yet been reached. 

Following the last date, after some five unknown glyphs are passed, 
comes, at F15, F16, the numeral series (fi, left slab) 13 days, 7 chuens, 


6 ahaus, 1 katun. ('(jual to 9.513 days. A^s no date appears in the 
remainder of the columns of this left slab, the question arises. Is the 
left inscription complete in itself and this the close, or is thei-e con- 
nection with that of the middle space or right slab? This c}uestiou 
will be discussed a little farther on. However, it may be stated here 
that by using the last (tenth) numeral series on the right slab (7,002 ? 
days) and counting forward from 1 Ahau IS Zotz 2 Akbal, of the left 
slab, we reach 9 Ik 5 MolS Ezanal>, of the rifth series of the left slab; 
but this would seem to be an accidental coincidence. 

As additions to the evidence already adduced in regard to the use of 
face characters to represent numbers, attention is called to others on 
this slab in regard to which there can l)e no question. One of these 
representing the ahau, or third order of units, is seen at FIO; one 
denoting the cycle, or fifth order of units, at Fll ; another repre- 
senting the ahau is seen in front of the aiddets of the left priest at L13, 
and another denoting the katun or cycle is under the feet of the left 

The inscription in the middle space begins with the date 9 Akbal 6 
Xul — including the two glyphs G and H above the head of the left 
priest. These are distinct, and are probably to b(> accepted as correct, 
as the inscription in the middle space of the Tablet of the Sun, which 
appears to be similar in several respects to that on this tablet, begins 
with precisely the same date, in the same relative position. The 
numeral series (1) which follows consists of glyphs L12 and L1J5, imme- 
diately in front of the anklets of the left priest. These are 17 days, 8 
chuens, 1 ahau, which etjual 537 daj's. It is possible, however, that 
the large glyph on which the left priest is standing, which indicates 9 
katuns or 9 cycles, is to be included in this series. If they are katuns, 
then the total number of daj's is 65,337, from which deducting three 
calendar rounds (56,940 da3's), leaves 8,397 da^'s to be counted; if they 
are c\^cles, the total number of days is 1,296,537, from which deduct- 
ing 68 calendar rounds (1. 290,64:0), leaves 5,897 days. The date which 
follows at glj'ph L14 is 13 Ahau and apparently 18 Kayab 'i or Xul? or 
possibly Kankin, though the month svmbol can not be determined with 
positive certainty bv inspection of the photograph or of Maudslay's 
drawing. The corresponding date in the Sun Tablet is 13 Ahau 18 
Kankin; and what is worthy of notice is that counting forward 537 
days from 9 Akbal 6 Xul, j^ear 8 Ezanab, brings us to 13 Ahiiu 18 
Kankin, year 9 Akbal; this is probably the correct date. Using the 
katuns or cycles we can make connection with none of the given dates; 
hence the glyph on which the priest is standing may be omitted from 
the numeral series. Neither 9 Akbal 6 Xul, nor 13 Ahau 18 Kankin, 
nor 13 Ahau 18 Kayul) will connect with any of the dates on the left 
slab by any of the numbers given. 

Taking for granted that 9 Akbal 6 Xul is the date intended by the 


aT)original artist to be g'iven at this point, we next trj' the connections 

The other dates and series in the middle space after 13 Ahau 18 
Kankin ? (or Kayab ?), already mentioned, are the following: A date 
at Ol, 02 over the hands of the right priest. This is too badly defaced 
to be determined; all that can be positively asserted is that the number 
of the daj' of the month is 3. thus rendering it certain that it must be 
Ahau, Chicchan, Oc or Men. The number of the daj' was small, 
seemingly 3 or 4, but evidently not exceeding 8; Maudslay's drawing 
gives 8. The corresponding date on the Tablet of the Sun as given by 
Goodman is 8 Oc 3 Kayab, and the same date is found correspond- 
ingly on the Tablet of the Foliated Cross. The next numeral series 
(2, middle space) is found in the second and third glyphs of column R, 
immediately behind the shoulders of the right priest. This appears by 
inspection to be fi days, 11 chuens, 6 ahaus ~ 2,386 days. Maudslay, 
in his drawing of this inscription in part 10 of his work, makes the 
number of chuens 13, taking for granted, as seems to be indicated, 
though it is somewhat doubtful, that the two outer dots have Ijeen 
broken awav. This would increase the total luimber of days to 2,426, 
while the true number appears to be 2,386. 

Before attempting to make connections between the dates on the 
middle space and those which follow we will pass to the columns of the 
inscription on the right slab. The first date is found in glyphs T2, 
S3, viz: 11 — 'i 20 Pop. The day can not be determined by inspec- 
tion. However, it must be Caban, Ik, Manik, or Eb, these being the 
only daj' s which fall on the 20th day of the month. The number pre- 
fixed to the month in this instance is the full-count or 20 symbol, two 
semicircles. Before reaching a numei'al series another date occurs at 
glyphs S4, T4, as follows: 5 — ? 14 Kayab? The day can not be 
determined with certainty, but is apparently Cimi, or Cib, most likely 
the former; the month symbol is somewhat indistinct, but appears to 
be that of Kayab. The corresponding date in the inscription of the 
Tablet of the Sun and also of the Tablet of the Foliated Cross is 2 
Cib 14 Mol, but in the former it is preceded bj' 4 Ahau S Cumhu, whose 
position is occupied in the Tablet of the Cross now under consideration 
b}' the 5 — ? 14Ka3'ab? above mentioned. There is no recognizable 
numeral series in the middle space of either the Tablet of the Sun or 
Tablet of the Foliated Cross, but it is a singular fact that the second 
numoi'al series of the middle space of the Tablet of the Cross, given in 
the above list as 2,386 days, is exactlj- the lapse of time (counting 
forward) from 8 Oc 3 Kayab to 2 Caban 14 Mol in the Tablet of the 
Sun and Tablet of the Foliated Cross, and the 637 days of the first series 
in this space also connects the first and second dates in the middle space 
of the Sun Tablet, viz: 9 Akbal 6 Xul and 13 Ahau 18 Kankin, It is 
possi})le that these three inscriptions are dependent to some extent one 
upon the other, or are based upon an older and lost original. 


Neither of the two dates preceding the first series of the right slab, 
as determined 1)y inspection of the inscription, makes a satisfactory 
connection with any preceding or following date; the proper day, but 
not the proper number, and even the daj'' of the month, is reached, but 
there is no complete agreement, nor can the result be followed up 
with proof of its correctness. If we deduct 8 days from 8,034, the 
first numeral series of the right slab, and count back from 5 Cimi 14 
Kayab 10 Ben, we reach 13 Ahau IS Kayah 1 Aktml, which may pos- 
sibly' be the correct date following the first series in the middles space. 
But this will not connect with 9 Akbal 6 Xul by the intermediate 537 
days, but with 9 Akbal (5 Chen, year 13 Ezanab. However, if we 
deduct 8 days from 8,031, leaving 8,026, and count forward from 13 
Ahau 18 Kankin, year 9 Akbal, the second date of the middle space, as 
found by calculation from 9 Akbal Xul 8 Ezanab, this will bring 
us to 5 Cimi 11 Kankin, year 5 Ben, which may be the second date 
of the right slab, though the month symbol appears to be that of 
Kayab, and is so interpreted in Maudslay's drawing. This will change 
the davs of the glyph Tl from 11 to t>. but these are exactly in the 
line of the break in the slab and have been restored by Dr Kau. 
Nevertheless, as 5 Cimi 14 Kankin will not comiect with any following 
date by the numeral series as they stand, the result is not satisfactory. 

The first date, 11 — « 20 Pop, if construed to be 11 Manik 20 Pop's 
Lamat. will, by counting forward with 15.217, the seventh series, bring 
us to 5 Kan 12 Kankin, year 7 Ben, the date of the sixth series, except 
that the month is Kankin instead of Kaj'ab as in the inscription. Can 
it be that these supposed Kayab symbols should be interpreted Kankin ? 
That some of them difi'er materially from the others is apparent. If, 
however, the date is construed to be 11 Ik 20 Pop, year 5 Akbal, and 
series 2 and 3 (4,749 and 123) be subtracted from the first series 
(8034), the remainder, 3,162, will, bj- counting forward, reach 1 Kan 
2 Kankin, year 13 Akbal, the date following the first series except as 
to the month, which in the inscription appears to be Kayab, though 
uncertain. The day symbol of the first date, 11 — ? 20 Pop, does not 
appear to be Ik, though too nearly obliterated to be determined by 
inspection. But it appears, on the other hand, as has been stated, 
that if we assume this first date to be 11 Manik 20 Pop, year 5 Lamat 
and count forward 15,217 (the seventh series), we reach 5 Kan 12 
Kankin, year 7 Ben, date of the sixth series except the month, 
which is Kayab in the inscription, or what has usually been taken as 
Kayab, and is of the form given in the Dresden codex to this month 
symbol. And lastly, it may be stated that Maudslay's drawing is 
evidently intended to indicate Caban. As neither of these results can 
be followed up with other satisfactory connections they must be con- 
sidered as merely accidental coincidences. The same remark applies 
also to the next date, 5 Cimi (or Cib?) 14 Kayab. Nor can any satis- 
factory connection be made with the next date — 1 Kan 2 Kayab. By 


reiidiii"' it 1 Kan •! Kankin, connection can be made in tlie nuuincr 
mentioned above. If the date of the fifth series, left slab, be con- 
strued to be !• Ik 20 Mol, which it may as well l)e as 5 Mol. by counting 
forward -1.542 days we reach 1 Kan 2 Kayab .i Akbal. the apparently 
correct date, according to the inscription. If this reckoning 1)e 
accepted it will form a connection between the inscriptions of tlie 
right and left slabs. 

The second date following the first numci-al scri(\s on tjiis slal) is 
found in glyphs SlO, TIO. This is 11 Lamat <! Xul, year lu Akbal; 
following this, at S12, T12, is the numeral series 9 days, 3 chuens, 13 
ahaus, which equal -tjTiQ days, and following this series, at S14, Tl-i, 
is the date 2 Caban 10 Xul, year 10 Lamat. The two last-mentioned 
dates make connection, as by counting forward ■±,7-19 days from 11 
Lamat 6 Xul Kt Ak))al we reach 2 Caban 10 Xul in the year 10 Lamat. 
Immediately following the last-mentioned date, at Sl.5, is the short 
numeral series (3, right slab), 3 da3's, t> chuens, or 123 days, which, count- 
ing forward, bring us to 8 Ahau 18 Ceh, year 10 Lamat, the date which 
follows at T17, Ul. The rule therefore holds good as to these dates and 
the two intervening numeral series. It would seem to follow, there- 
fore, that the arrangement or plan of the series on this slab, when 
found, should coincide with the deti^rmination as to these two series; 
but from this point to the end of the inscription there is no connection 
of dates — with possibly one exception — without some change in dates 
or numbers from what they appear to be by inspection, or change in 
the direction of the reckoning. I shall thei'efore note the position 
of the dates and series which have been mentioned in the preceding 
list, and then add some remarks in regard to the relation of th(^ dates 
and series to one another. I do this because Mr Goodman has left 
unnoticed the series of the inscription on this right slab, possibly 
T)ecause of the difficulty and seeming impossibility of bringing them 
into harmonj' with his theor3^ 

luunediately following the last date mentioned there is at U2 a 
symbol denoting 9 cycles, or ninth cycle, but judging by the rule 
adopted by Mr. Goodman this is not to be considered a part of the 
numeral series (4) which follows immediately after at U3 to U-i, viz, 
18 days, 1 chuen, 8 ahaus, 1 katun = 10,118 days. At U7, V7 is the 
date 3 Ezanal) 11 Xul, the day somewhat indistinct, but so rendered, 
apparently correctly, by Maudsla}'. Following this at U8, U9 is the 
numeral series (5), 18? (or 17?) days, 10? (or 8?) chuens, 16 ahaus, 1? 
katun. The numbers of this series in the inscription have been injured 
to such an extent as to render uncertain those marked as doubtful; the 
number of days is assumed to be 13,138, which is probably correct, 
but the error, if there be one, is such that it should be readily discov- 
ered hy means of connecting series, if these be correct. 

Following the last series, at UlO, VlO is a date so nearly obliterated 


that it can not be determined (except the numerals) with positive cer- 
tainty; it appears to be 5 Ahau 3 Tzec. Glyphs V12, U18 give another 
date, 5 — '. iO Zotz. The features of the day symbol are completely 
obliterated; the prefix to the month glyph is the s}'mbol for 20. Imme- 
diately following, at V13 Vl-t, is the series (6) 16 days, 6 chuens, 19 
ahaus. 1 katun (14,1711 days); at 1117, V17 the date 5 Kan 12 Kaj'ab; at 
Wl, W2 the series (7) 17 days, 4 chuens, 2 ahaus, 3 katuns (15,217 days); 
at Xo, W6 the date 1 Imix 4 Ceh (or Zip), month symbol somewhat 
doubtful, but one of the two named, apparently Ceh. Following this 
at X6, W7 is the brief series (8) 1 da}% 1 chuen, 1 ahau (381 days), fol- 
lowed at XIO. Wll by the date 7 Kan 17 Mol; this is followed at 
Xll. Xl2 Ijy the series (9) 7 days, 1 chuens, 8 ahaus, 2 katuns (17,367 
days); following this at W14, X14 is an uncertain date — 11 Cib, Cimi, 
or Chicchan. 14? (or 13?) Kayab? The day symbol and its number are 
distinct and clear, but the symbol is unusual; the number prefixed to 
the month symbol has been partially broken away; there were cer- 
tainly two lines (10) and some two, three, or four balls. The month 
symbol is uncertain, but is apparently the same as that of the date 13 
Ahau 18 Kayab? or Xul, in column L, though it has something addi- 
tional on top. It is possible the symbol is intended for Chen or 

Following the last date (11 Cib?) at Wl5, X15 is the series (10) 2 days, 
8 chuens, 16, 17, 18, or 19 ahaus. The three lines (15) prefixed to the 
ahau symbol are distinct, but the additional balls or dots have been 
injured to such an extent as to render the number uncertain (7,002 
daj-s, counting lit ahaus). There is no date or other series in the 
remaining portion of the inscription. 

If it be possiljle to determine the plan, succession, or arrangement 
of the series in this inscription, an important step will have been 
gained and a basis laid for the correct determination of the associated 
glyphs. The peculiarities of Mayan time system and notation so 
often leatl to deceptive results that extreme caution is required, and a 
single connection or proper result is seldom sufficient evidence of a 
correct i nterpretation. 

Taking the list of the series as given we are at once impressed with 
the strong general resemblance to the plan of the series on many of the 
plates of the Dresden codex, where several different series are found, 
some reckoned in one direction and some in another, as, for example, 
piatc 73, where there are one entire series, parts of two others, and 
dislocated parts of two; or plate 70, where there are, in whole or in 
part, some half dozen series still in a tangle which has not yet been 
straightened out; also other plates. 

Taking merely the numerical series in the order they stand and 
changed to days, there is certaitdy in the irregularly ascending scale 
an indication of arrangement, of and relation between the series. 
19 KTII, IT 2 13 


These. l)C'oiiiniiig' with the tirst in the middle spaee and foihiwing 
with the right slab and then with the left, are as follows: 

Middle space 

1 537 

2 2,386? 

Rlr/lil slah 

1 8,034 

2 4,749 

3 123 

4 10,118 

5 13,138 

6 14,176 

7 15,217 

8 381 

9 17,367 

10 7,002? 

Left sht}, 

1 2,980 

2 542 

3 274,920 

4 297,942 

5 479,042 

6 9,513 

It is apparent from this list that there is an ii-regnlarly ascending- 
scale following the order given, but so far no common divisor forming 
a basis of the differences has been found; luoreover, the introduction 
at souie three or four points of short periods seems to l)reak in upon 
the idea of special references to the differences, as is usual in the 
Dresden codex. Besides this, the differences do not serve to connect 
dates, except possibly in two instances, while in one-third or more 
cases successfully' traced individual numeral series do. 

As the exceptions alluded to above may possibly prove to l)e impor- 
tant factors in determining the i-elatioiis of the series on this tablet, it 
will not be amiss to again notice them here. 

As is shown above, if we add two days to the ffrst luimeral series on 
the left slal). making it 2.9)Si;. and coiuit forward from S Ahau IS Tzec 
(:i Akbal), we shall reach IK Ik '2i) Mol (10 Akbal), the date following 
the second numeral series. If now we add the first numeral series as 
corrected — 2,982 — to the third tumieral series (after deducting calen- 
dar rounds) — 9,200 — making a total of 12.182. and count forward 
this number of days from 8 Ahau 18 Tzec (2 Akbal), we reach !t Ik 15 
Ceh (9 Lamat), the date following the third lunneral series. If we go 
back now and subtract the second luuneral series — 542 — fi'om the 
first — 2.982 — which leaves 2.440 days, and count tni-ward this number 
of davs from S Aluui is Tzec (2 Akbal), we reach 4 .Viiau S C'unihu 


(8 Ben), the date following the seconcl numeral series. These agree- 
ments can scareely be accidental, and it' not, the3' establish two 
facts: First, that Goodman's interpretation of the face glyphs giving 
the date S Ahau IS Tzcc is correct, or at least brings a correct 
result: and, second, that the emendation of the first luimeral series by 
adding •! days is also correct. Other relations of dates on the left 
slal) have been given, besides which no further connection by using 
the ditierences of the numeral series can be obtained. 

Turning to the right slab, if, as has been suggested, we assume the 
tirst date (11 — i 20 Pop) to be 11 Ik 20 Pop (year 5 Akbal), and sub- 
tract series 2 and 3 (4,749 and 123) from the first series (8.034), the 
remainder, 3,162, counting forward from 11 Ik 20 Pop (.5 Akbal) will 
bring us to 1 Kan 2 Kankin 13 Akl)al, the date following the tirst 
numeral series, if the month symbol is interpreted Kankin instead of 
Kayab. This result, however, is not so satisfactory as that of the left 
slab, as the day in (11 — ? 20 Pop) does not appear to be Ik, though 
indeterminable by inspection; but it has been referred to in connection 
with the reckoning in regard to the inscription onthe left slab, as it 
may tend to show that these minor series are to be deducted in 
tracing connection of the dates. 

After a somewhat lengthy and careful study of the inscription on 
this tablet, testing the relation of the series by calculation in every 
possible way, 1 have failed to find any satisfactory evidence of connec- 
tion in a continuous line. The indications point rather to two or more 
parallel lines. There are. howcvei', ditticulties in the way of obtaining 
a clear understanding of the plan adopted by the original artist which 
I have been unable to overcome, so great, in fact, that were it not for 
other evidence, the correctness of Goodman's theory in this respect 
would be left in doubt. It was probal>ly on account of these difficul- 
ties that this author omitted any reference to the inscription on the 
right slab, the best known and most accessible to students of all the 
Central Amei'ican inscriptions. Some indications of different lines of 
series are found in the overlapping of reckonings in the inscription of 
the left slab already given. 

At glyph U2 of the right slab, immediately after the date S Ahau 
13 Ceh which follows numeral sei'ies 3 of this slab (see list of series 
above), is the symbol for 9 cycles, which, as we have stated, is not con- 
nected with any nimieral series. This is, as will lie found in other 
instances, probably intended to indicate that at this point 9 cycles have 
been completed from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the date following series 1 of 
the left slab. The day 8 Ahau 13 Ceh is the first day of the 10th cycle 
as given in Goodman's chronological calendar. It is, however, cer- 
tain that all the lumieral series preceding it on the tablet fall short of 
amounting to 9 cycles. Moreover, some of them appear, as has been 
shown, to reach back over others, thus lessening the number to be 


actually counted. These facts seem to indicate that there is some 
omission, in truth a very large one; but with our present knowledge 
we are unable to solve the problem. 

I have already alluded to the question of connection between the 
left and right slabs, direct, or b_v means of the characters in the mid- 
dle space. Mr Goodman evidently follows the idea that the beginning 
of the inscription on the right slab (six colunuis) follows directly the 
close of that on the left slab. He does not make this plain in his 
notes on this tablet (op. pp. 135, 136), but when his remarks and figure 
on a previous page are considered (p. 9(3) it becomes evident, as the two 
upper glyphs of this figure are the last (E17 and FIT) of the inscrip- 
tion on the left slab, and the other three the first three (Si, Tl, and 
S2) in the inscription on the right slab. In connection therewith he 
remarks as follows: 

The reckoning here is frum the beginning of a great cycle. A notation of 
1-6-7x12 (the 12 erroneously appears as 13) precedes the glyphs and is to be incor- 
porated with them. The reckoning shows the difference between the dates in the 
annual calendar. 

His reckoning (1-6-7x12) is 1 katun, 6 ahaus, 7 chuens, 12 days = 
9,512 (given in the sixth .series of our list of the left .slab a.s 9,513). If 
it were true, as he states, that the "reckoning shows the difference 
between the dates of the annual calendar," meaning the date preced- 
ing and that following the numeral series, this would be strong proof 
of connection, but unfortunately Mr Goodman is mistaken in this 
instance, as neither the last preceding date (9 Ik 5 Mol), nor the initial 
date, nor anj^ other date of the left slab connects by 9,512 or 9,513 
with either of the first two dates of the right slab, or aujr other date 
thereon. If there be any connection Ijetween the dates in the different 
spaces, it is between those of the middle space and those of the right 
slab, reading forward, and the last date on the inscription of the right 
slab and one of those on the left. 

It is evident from what has been shown that the proof of Mr Good- 
man's theory, drawn from the Tablet of the Cross, is not very satis- 
factory, as not more than one-third of the dates thereon can be 
connected thereby. But where two and three series connect in suc- 
cession the probability of the double or treble coincidence is so 
extremely remote that the theorj' as to the numeral symbols and their 
use may be accepted as demonstrated. If the double connection 
occurred but once in the whole range of the in.scriptions it would be 
best to conclude this to be a mere coincidence, but as this occurs again 
and again in the inscriptions, and even, as will be seen, a succession 
of three and four, the proof is too strong to be resisted. Even without 
this mathematical demonstration the strong, in fact, evident resem- 
blance of these lumierical series to those of the codices is almost, 
if not quite, suificient to justify Goodman's interpretation of the 
numeral svmbols to which allusion has })een made. 









We tui'ti to the inscription on the Tablet of the Sun — of v.-hich we 
also have a photograph by Mr Maudslaj', shown in our plate xli — and 
to ^Ir Goodman's comment, which is as follows (page 136): 

Initial date: 54-1-18-5-3x6-13 Cimi 19 Ceh. The mouth symbol comes after one 
of tlie glyphs of the initial directive series. A reckoning of 1-2X11, with three 
unintelligible glyphs following, poinds to a date which appears to be 1 Caban 10 
Tzec; but as that is not the date to which the intelligible jjart of the reckoning 
would lead, both the date and direction are uncertain. Thirteen glyphs follow, 
some of them of recognizable purport, but the exact meaning of which in tlii,« con- 
nection I do not know. Then comes a restatement of the initial reckoning, 
l-18-.5-.'5x6, from the beginning of the great cycle, followed by nine glyjihs whose 
use here is unintelligible, though four of them are signs with whose meaning we 
are acquainted. Next in order comes a reckoning of 9-12-18-5x16 (followed liy 
four glyphs nearly identical witli a series in the preceding inscription), from 4 
Ahau 8 Cumhu, tlie Iteginning of the great cycle, to 2 Cib 14 Mol. This is correct. 
After five incomprehensible glyjihs occurs the date 3 Caban 15 Mol. In the annual 
calendar the last two dates adjoin each other, but whether the latter is here intended 
to be the succeeding day, or w-hether some calendar rounds are indicated by the 
characters preceding it, is something we are at present miable to determine. 
Sixteen baffling glyphs follow, and then there is a reckoning of 7-6-12x3-12 Ahau 
8 Ceh. There are no recognizable directive signs here, but by trial we discover that 
the reckoning is the distance between 12 Ahau 8 Ceh and 9 Akbal 6 Xul, a date that 
comes after six intervening glyphs. Eight more unintelligible glyphs occur, and 
then a reckoning of 6-2x18 (the 18 should be 17), 2 Cimi 19 Zotz. The directive 
signs are unfamiliar, but as the reckoning is backward to 9 Akbal 6 Xul, they 
probably denote that fact. Next is 1-8X17, 13 Ahau 18 Kankin, which is declared 
to be a 10th ahau, the reckoning being the distance from 9 Akbal 6 Xul to that 
date. Both of these dates are subsequently repeated for some reason, and the record 
ends with 8 Oc 3 Kayal), followed liy ten glyphs whose meaning is not apparent. 

This is a puzzling ins(rii)tiou so far as its numeral or time series are 
concerned, a fact ap|)an'nt from the comment which ]Mr Goodman 
malvcs on it. Althoiigii there ;ire several series with suflicient data for 
the ))urpose of tracing them, but few of the dates can be connected, 
and these not satisfactorily. 

Tile series and dates in the order in which they come in the iiiscri))- 
tion are as follows, adopting Goodman's interpretation of tljc initial 

h,-ft shil, 


1 54 1 18 5 :! ti l;5 Cimi 19 Ceh (9 Lamat) 

2 1 2 11 1 Caban? 10 Tzec (3 Lamat) 411 

3 1 18 5 3 fi (No date) (275,466) 9,746 

4 9 12 18 5 16 (No date) (1,388,996) .3,456 

Miiidlt' KjKirt' 

9 Akl)al 6 Xul (8 Ezanab) 
1 (Unintelligible) 13 Ahau 18 Kankin (9 Akbal) 

8 Oc? 3 Kayal)? (11 Lamat?) 

762 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth. an.v.19 

4 Ahau 8 Cumhu (8 Ben) 
2Cib 14Mol (5Akbal) 
3Cabaii 15 Mol (5 Aklial) 

1 7 6 12 3 12 Ahau 8Ceh? (6 Ben?) (52,803) 14,S43 

9 Akbal 6 Xul (8 Ezaiiab) 

2 6 2 IS 2Cinii 19 Zotz (2Lamat) 2,218 

3 1 S 12 13 Ahau 18 Kankin (9 Akbal) 5:!2 

For convenience of reference the series of each division are luiin- 
bered at the left; the \'ear to which the d?.te refers is o'iven in paren- 
thesis following the date, and the equivalent in days of the time 
series — after deducting the calendar rounds where greater than one 
round — is placed at the right. The positions of the various dates and 
series in the inscription are given as we proceed. 

In this inscription, as that of the Cross, the numbers prefixed to the 
periods of the initial series ai-e face characters instead of the ordinarj^ 
number symbols, except the number prefixed to the month symljol 
Ceh, which consists of the usual lines and dots. This initial series — 
54—1-18-5-3-6 — interpreted, is as follows: The fifty-fourth great 
cycle, 1 cycle, 18 katuns, 5 ahaus, 3 chuens, t) days, to 13 Cimi the 
19th day of the month Ceh. Mr Goodman's interpretation of this 
inscription, so far as it extends, is given aliove. It appears that he 
places, as seems to be his rule, the inscription in the middle space 
after that in the right slab. It is possible, as is indicated by what fol- 
lows, that he is right in this instance. 

That 13 Cimi 19 Ceh, the first date, will not connect with the next 
date by 1 ahau, 2 chuens, 11 days (ill da}^*), the second numeral series 
(in reverse order) — gl.vphs A13, B13 — is certain, as the reckoning 
brings us by counting forward to S Cal)an 5 Muan, year 10 Ben. Yet, 
notwithstanding the radical error on the part of the original artist 
implied by the assumption that the last is the cori'cct date here, there 
are some grounds for the assumption. As there arc no more dates on 
the left .slab, Goodman assumes that those attached to t\w 3(1 luuncral 
series, which is precisely the same as the initial series, ai'e the same 
as those which precede and follow that series, viz. 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, 
beginning of the 51th great cycle, and 13 Cimi 19 Ceh. But this 
result, it must be rennnnbered, is based upon the assumption that Mr 
Goodman's interpretation " 13" Cimi of the first given date is a correct 
rendering of the face numeral. In this case his determination has 
been reached not from the details of the face character, but from his 
theor}' that his 54th great cycle i)egins with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, as 
counting forward 1-18-5-3-6 (9,746 da\^s after deducting the calendar 
rounds) reaches 13 Cimi 19 Ceh (9 Lamat). This is apparent from 
his statement on page 49 of his work, where he gives figures of face 
signs for 13: 

I do net know what to confUide about tlie last face in the list, which is the day 
numeral in the initial date cif the Temple of the Sun, Palemjue. It i.H more like the 


C'hiien sign than any iither. l)Ut tlif numeral is unniistakal)I_v IS. It is more rea- 
!-onal)le to suppose tliat tlie «-nl|)tor made a mistake in the hiu sign, than that the 
chuen symbol shouUi have been used to represent both 13 and 15. 

The third number .series is found (in reverse order) in glyphs C7, 
D7, C8, DS. till' ahati and cvele symbols — D7 iuid DS — being face 

The fourth si'i-i(>s, 9-12-18-o-lt), or 9 cycles, 1-2 katuns, IS ahaus, 
o chuens, li! days, is foimd (in reverse order) in glyphs 014 to C16, 
inclusive, llen^ the days are not joined to the chuen symbol us usual, 
but have a separate symbol (Cl-t), a face character with the number 
prefixed. The chuen symbol (Dl-i) is also a face character. The series 
reduced to days is 1,388,996, from which subtracting 73 calendar 
rounds leaves 3,456 days to be counted. Counting forward this lumi- 
ber of days from -t Ahau 8 Cumhu (8 Ben) the beginning of Goodman's 
fifty-fourth great cycle, we reach 2 Cib 14 Mol (5 Akbal). Both dates 
in this instance are found crftei' the numeral series and on the right 
slab— 4 Ahau (P2) 8 Cumhu (03); 2 Cib (04) 14 Mol (P4.). Placing 
the dates together before or after a numeral series which denotes the 
lapse of time between them is unusual, but not without precedent. 

Using the last result, we may perhaps find the proper connection 
with 13 Cimi 19 Ceh. the first given date. Sul)tracting the third series 
(275,466 days) from the fourth series (1,388,996 days) leaves 1,113,530 
days, from which subtracting 58 calendar rounds (1,100,840 days) 
leaves 12,690 days to be counted. Reckoning back this number of 
days (12,690) from 2 Cib 14 Mol (5 Akbal) we reach 13 Cimi 19 Ceh 
(9 Lamat) the first date of the left slab. Of course it follows that 
counting forward from 13 Cimi 19 Ceh (9 Lamat), the difiercnce 
lietween the third and fourth series, we reach 2 Cib 14 Mol (5 Akbal). 
Subtracting the third series from the fourth in order to get back to 13 
Cimi 19 Ceh is certainly proper, as the former is included in the latter. 
These results would seem to be correct, and if so, justify Goodman's 
interpretation "'13" of the face numeral joined to Cimi, and form 
a second connection between the inscriptions of the left and right 
•slabs. However, using the last number, 12,690 less 411 (12,279). and 
counting back from 2 Cib 14 Mol. we reach 8 Caban 5 Muan (10 
Ben) instead of 1 Caban 10 Tzec. As this is, as It should be, also the 
date reached by counting forward 411 days from 13 Cimi 19 Ceh (9 
Lamat), I am inclined to believe that it is correct, and that here the 
original artist has by mistake given an erroneous date. It is apparent 
that to use 411 da\'s in counting forward from 13 Cimi 19 Ceh, year 
9 Lamat, nmst of necessity bring us into the year 10 Ben, therefore, 
as 1 Caban 10 Tzec can not be connected with any other date bv sub- 
traction, addition, or skipping, and the date 8 Caban 5 Muan will 
connect both backward and forward, it ma\' be accepted as probably 

As there is no numeral series in the middle space, these may be left 


to be determined by the dates, or from the mimenil series in the cor- 
responding position in the Ta))let of the Cross. Be this as it may, it 
is certain that the first numeral series in the middle space of the 
latter tablet — 537 days — measures exactlj' the lapse of time from 9 
Akbal 6 Xul to 13 Ahau 18 Kankin of the Sun Tablet; and that 2.386 
days, the second series in the middle space of the Tablet of the Cross, 
is exactly the time from 8 Oc 3 Kayab (middle space) to 2 Cil) 14 Mol. 
second date on the right slab of the Tablet of the Sun. This result, 
however, would seem to be contrary to the evidence adduced of the 
direct connection between the inscriptions of the left and right slabs; 
nevertheless it is a I'emarkable coincidence which depends on some 
fact in regard to the series not yet ascertained. Possiblj- these form 
a separate succession of series. 

I have been unable to find any connection between either of the 
dates of the right slab which precede the first numeral series and any 
one which follows. This series in reverse order is 3 da^ys, 12 chuens 
(glyph P16), 6 ahaus (Ql), and 7 katuns (Rl), equal 52,803 days, or, 
after subtracting 2 calendar rounds, 14,813 days. Using the latter 
and counting forward from 12 Ahau (Q2) S Ceh (R2). year (! Ben, we 
reach 9 Akbal (QO) 6 Xul (R6), year 8 Ezanal). Here also both dates 
follow the numeral series. 

Following the last-mentioned date, at Qll, Rll is the numeral series 
18 days, 2 chuens. 6 ahaus. or 2,218 days. This is followed at Q12 
R12 by the date 2 Cimi 19 Zotz (year 2 Lamat). which is followed at 
Qll, R14 by the numeral series 12 days, 8 chuens, 1 ahau (left portion 
of Rll), and this is followed at R14 (right portion) and Q15 by the 
date 13 Ahau 18 Kankin. It will be observed that two of these dates 
are the same as the first and second dates of the middle space. It seems 
from the reckonings which follow that the number of days in the second 
numeral series should be 2,217 instead of 2,218. Subtracting 2.217 
from the first series (14,843), the remainder — 12,62(3 days — exactlj- 
measures the lapse of time from 12 Ahau 8 Ceh, year 6 Ben, of the first 
series, to 2 Cimi 19 Zotz, vear 2 Lamat, of the second series. Count- 
ing forward 2,217 days from 2 Cimi 19 Zotz we reach 9 Akbal 6 Xul, 
year 8 Ezanab; this may be the first date in the middle space, and not 
the 9 Akbal 6 Xid which precedes the second series of the right slab, as 
Goodman contends, which would be a backward count as stated in the 
quotation on page 761 : or i t maj^ be an omitted date. Counting 537 days 
(532 in third series right slab should evidently be 537, the number given 
between the same dates in the middle space of the Tablet of the Cross) 
from 9 Akbal 6 Xul, we reach 13 Ahau 18 Kankin. third series and last 
date on the right sla1); or. adding together the second and third series — 
the 2,217 and 537, making 2,754 days — and counting forward from 2 
Cimi 19 Zotz, year 2 Lamat, we also reach 13 Ahau 18 Kankin. These 
results seem to justify the slight corrections made in the numerals. 








Till' (lata also soem to fa\or Goodman's roru'lusidiis I'xccpt in one or 
two cases where his statements are palpahly erroneous. He «-ives 17 
as the numl)(>r of days in the third series riyht slab without reference 
to th(> fact that the inseri})tion shows 12. I think that 17 days are to 
))(■ counted here, but the inscription shows clearly 12. 


The next inscription to which attention is directed is that on the 
so-called Tablet of the Foliated Cross. Here we are favored with Mr 
Maudslay's excellent photograph, of which a copy is given in our 
plate xLii. 

The numeral series and dates in the order in which they stand in the 
inscription, including the initial series as interpreted by Goodman 
(except as to the 20 days), are as follows: 

Left .ilal, 


1 54 1 IS .T 4 1 Ahau 13 Mac (9 Lainat) (275,480) 9,760 

2 14 19 1 Cauatw Yax (10 Benl 299 

3 114 14 •-' Ahaii 3 Uayeli (4 Kzanaii) 12,520 

1 Ahau 13 Mac (9 La mat l 

4 7 7 7 3 16 (no date) (1,060,996) 17,096 

Middir xjKiri' 

8 0c3Kayali (11 La mat) 

Bif/lll slal, 

2Cibl4Mol (5 Akbal) 
3Caban? 15 Mol (5 Akl)al) 

1 ? 6 9 3 (no date; donbtful series though distinct) 2, 343 

2 2 9 6 4 S Ahau3 Uo? (12 Ezanab?) or8 0c3 Kayab... 17, 764 

3 6 11 6 (nodate) 2,386 

4 1 12 4 S Ahau 8 Uu? (7 Ben?) 604 

5? 13 (no date; probably not a counter) (17,680?) 

As in the lists heretofore given, for convenience the series are num- 
bered at the left, the years are added in parentheses, the number of 
days are indicated by the numeral series placed to the right, and the 
remainder is shown after the calendar rounds have been subtracted 
when the total exceeds a calendar round. In place of the 20 da_vs 
given by Goodman I have in each case substituted da\'S, as I thus 
interpret the .symbol in the inscription. 

As the reader must have the inscription before him to find the posi- 
tion of the nimieral series and dates and is presumed now to be suf- 
ficiently posted to find them from the list given above, it is deemed 
minecessary to give here a list of the glyphs. Such reference to 
special glyphs as is deemed necessary will be made as we proceed. 

The numerals to the time periods in the initial series of this inscription, 
as in the two which have been examined, consist of face characters, 

766 MAVAX CALENDAR SY.-;TP:MS [eth.ann.W 

except the lo to the month Mac. For their deteniuiuition we :ire 
indel)ted ehietlj to Mr Goodinaii. the evidence so far a.s obtained 
being- sutiicient to enable us to identif}' some of them. The date from 
which this series is counted, the beginnino; of Mr Goodman's so-called 
fifty-fourth great cycle, is. of course, -i Ahau 8 Cumhu, in the year 
8 Ben. Counting forward from this date 9,760 days, the num1)er 
after the calendar rounds are subtracted, brings us to 1 Ahau IH Mac 
(9 Lamat), the first recorded date. As it is with the latter date, which 
is designated the •" initial date." though it is not strictly so. that Mr 
Goodman begins his reckoning, we give here his comment on the 

Initial date: 54-1-18-5-4X20-1 Ahau 13 Mac. This date is just fourteen days later 
than the initial date nf the preceding inscription [Tablet of the Sun]. The directive 
series follows, succeeded by a reckoning of 14 chuens and 19 days to 1 Oauac 7 Yax. 
Eleven unreadable jlyphs come next, and then 1-14-14X20, which, after four uncer- 
tain directive characters, is declared to be a reckoning to the beginning day score of 
the .'jeconit cycle, 2 Ahau o Uayeb. It is correct. Then come two reckonings in an 
unfamiliar style, the first from the beginning of the great cycle, the second from 1 
Ahau l.'l Mac. I am positive of this, for the very next reckoning will show that 
there are 40,000 days to be accounted for somehow, and they can be represented 
only by one of these counts. That reckoning is: 7-7-7-3X16, to 2 Cib 14 Mol. 
Subsequent computations show that date to be the one to which 9-12-18-5x16 led 
up in the preceding inscription; hence the necessity for something to explain the 
missing 40,000 days. As from this on the reckoning and dates of the two inscrip- 
tions are nearly the same, it is not worth while to repeat them; I will, however, 
give a synop.sis showing the position of the dates in l)oth: 






3X 6 

13 Cimi 19 Ceh 







1 Ahau 13 Mac 







1 Cauac 7 Yax 







2 Ahau 3 Uayeb 







12 Ahau S t'eh 






6X 6 

2 Cimil 19 Zotz 






9X 3 

9 Akbal 6 Xul 







13 Ahau 18 Kankin 







S Oc 3 Kayab 







1' Cil) 14 Mol 







8 Ahau 8 Uo 

Beginning with the first date, 1 Ahau 13 Mac (wliich falls in the year 
9 Lam:it), in regard to which we follow Mr (ioodman's determina- 
tion, the prefixed number and the day also being face glyphs, wecoimt 
forward 19 days and 1-4 chuens, or 299 day.s. This reckoning reaches 
1 Cauac 7 Yax in tii(> year lo Ben. This is correct, iis this date is found 
at BIB, A14 immediately following. This result is important, as it 
furnishes strong evidence of the of the number assigned 
by Mr Goodman to the face glyph attached to the day Ahau. The 
reckoning here is forward, which is presumed to be the direction 
followed by the other series. 

As the next numeral series (C3 to D4, reverse of usual order) is, as I 


count it. 1 katun. li ahaus, 14 chueiis <) days, or. in all. l^i.-jr^O days, the 
reckoning is forward this nunilxn- of days, presumably from 1 Cauac 7 
Yax in the year 10 Ben. No connection is made by this count: but 
when 299 days, the amount of the previous scries are deducted, the 
remainder — 12,221 days — will carry us to 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb (or the third 
added day) of the year -i Ezanab. This is correct, as we tind this date 
following the series at CS, D8. B}' using the whole numeral series — 
12,520 daj'S — and counting from the first date — 1 Ahau 13 Mac (9 
Lamat) — we reach the latter date — 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb — as, of course, we 
should. W'c thus have proof not only that ]Mr (ioodman has correctly 
interpreted the symbol at D8 as that of the Uayeb, or 5 added-day 
period, but also additional evidence in favor of the number assigned 
by him to the face character of the tirst date. It may be said that this 
tirst date was found by counting backward from after dates. Be it so, 
this method is perfectly legitimate and is the oidy means of determin- 
ation in such case unless his theory of counting from the beginning of 
the great cycle and also his interpretation of the face numerals be 
accepted. The sj-mbols of the month and day of the month are clear, 
and limit the day to one of four — Ahau, Chicchan, Oc, Men — none of 
which, save Ahau, will connect with the following dates. I therefore 
deem the evidence suiBcient for acceptance. 

As 1 Ahau 13 Mac is reintroduced at D14, C15, it would seem that a 
new reckoning should begin from this point. The result of the trial, 
using the entire numeral series which comes immediately after the 
date is as follows: 


■ 7 cycles 1, OOS. 000 

7 katuns 50, 400 

7 ahaus 2, 520 

3 chuens 60 

Days 16 

Total 1, 060, 996 

Deduct 55 calendar rouiuLs 1, 043, 900 

Remainder 17, 096 

As 1 Ahau 13 Mac falls in the year 9 Lamat. we reckon from that 
date, counting forward 17,090 daj's, and reach 2 Cib 1-1 Yax in the 
year 4 Akbal. This is correct except as to the month, which, as shown 
by glypii ^11, is certaiidy ]\Iol. It is evident, therefore, that ]Mr (Iood- 
man is wrong in assuming that the series 7-7-7-3-16 (or 17,09(1 days 
after casting out the calendar rounds) connects 1 Ahau 13 Mac of the 
left slal) with 2 Cib li Mol, the first date of the right slal), unless 
the month is corrected to Yax. What he means })y •' -tU.OOO days to be 
accounted for," and that they are to be accounted for by the reckoning 
"7-7-7-3-16 to 2 Cib 14 Mol," is not clear. According to his 
"sv'nopsis showing the position of the dates in both [inscriptions] " 


given above, the lapse of time, as can be seen l)y siiiitracting scries 2 
from series 10, is 52,520 days, tlius: 

Series 11.. 






Series 2 










iated Cross 











,520 davs. 

He makes the lapse of time from 1 Ahau 13 Mac to 2 Cib li Mol 
7-1 J-13-l-l(i=l, 113,516 days, or 12,676 after casting-out the calen- 
dar rounds. That this number of daj's will connect the two dates is 
certainly true, but where is the evidence to justify this radical change 
of the luuneral series by the addition of 52.520 days? Where is the 
proof that these two dates are to be connected by the fourth luniiei-al 
series? A number can be found to connect any two dates, but there 
must be demonstration first that thev are to be connected according to 
the plan of the aboriginal artist. The direct connection between the 
series of the left and right slabs is therefore* not proved, though the 
reckonings given above seem to indicate it. 

Passing over the middle space to the right slab, the first date (LI, 
Ml), already noticed, is 2 Cib 1-1 Mol; the next, found at M5, L6, is 
3 Caban 15 ]Mol. which is the next day in the calendar aft(>r 2 Cib l-t 
Mol, both being in the same year — 5 Akbal. Following the latter at 
L16, M16 is what appears to be a niuneral series (1), to wit, 6 ahaus, !» 
ehuens, 3 daA'.s. Whether this is to be recognized as a numeral series 
which is to be counted is uncertain, as it is innnediately followed at 
M17, Nl, 01, by the series (2) -t days, 6 ehuens, 9 ahaus, 2 katuns 
(17,761 days). The latter is followed at N5, 05 by a somewhat uncer- 
tain date, 8 Oc 3 Kayab. or 8 Ahau 13 Uo. The day is a face symbol 
and the month symbol is unusual, but more like that for Kayab than 
any other. It is included in Goodman's synopsis as 8 Oc 3 Kayal). 
This is followed at N6. 06 by the series (3) 6 days, 11 ehuens, 6 ahaus 
(2,386 daj's), which, in turn, without an}' intermediate recognizable 
date, is followed at 013, Nli by the series (-t) -l days, 12 ehuens, 1 
ahau (601 days). This is followed at N15 by the date 8 Ahau 8 Uo. 
Immediately following, at 015, is the symbol for 13 katuns, which is 
followed b}' no date. 

We find 1)}- trial that neither 2 Cib 14 Mol nor 3 Caban 15 Mol will 
connect by the first series, 6-9-3 (2,313 days), nor the second, 2-9-6-4 
(17,764 days), with either of the dates which follow. The reckoning 
forward of 17,764 days from 2 Cib 14 Mol, \'ear 5 Akbal, reaches 8 
Ahau 13 Uo, year 2 Lamat, which might be accepted as correct, as the 
day symbol, which is a face character, is much like that for Ahau, but 
for three reasons: First, the month symbol is wholly difiei-ent from that 
denoting Uo, though somewhat unusual, being appanMitly that for 


Kayal); second, S Ahau 13 Uo will not connect with the following date; 
thii'd, 8 Oc 3 Kayab will answer more requirements of the position than 
will 8 Ahau 13 Uo. Assuming 8 Ahau 13 Uo to be correct, the only 
connection is backward by the second numeral series, 17, 76-4, with 2 
Cib 14 Mol, first date of the right slab. Assuming the date to be 8 Oc 
3 Kayab and counting forward 2,380 days, the third mimeral series 
followed by no date, we reach 2 Cib 14 Mol, _Year .5 Akbal, which is 
presumed to fill the place of the missing date. Counting forward 
from this 004 daj's, the fourth numeral series, we reach 8 Ahau 8 Uo, 
year 7 Ben, the date which follows. 1 am inclined, though with con- 
siderable doubt, to accept this as the correct solution, as Goodman 
seems to have done, but it leaves us without any connection backward 
from 8 Oc 3 Kayab. Similar duplication of dates is found in the 
inscription of the Tablet of the Sun. 

In this case, as well as in the preceding inscription, if we count 
2,386 days (the number in the second series of the middle space in the 
Tablet of the Cross) from 8 Oc 3 Kayab in the middle space, we con- 
nect with 2 Cib 14 Mol, first date on the right slab. 

Let us examine now Goodman's synopsis (page 766). By compar- 
ing it with the lists of the series of the Tablet of the Sun and the TaV)let 
of the Foliated Cross (pages 701, 765), it will l)e seen that he begins 
with the first series on the left slab of the Tablet of the Sun (date 13 
Cimi lit Ceh). His next series is the first of the left slab of the Tablet 
of the Foliated Cross (date 1 Ahau 13 Mac) the lapse between thi; 
two being 14 days. His next (3) is the second series, left slab of the 
Tablet of the Foliated Cross (date 1 Cauac 7 Yax); his next (4) is the 
third, left slab of the Tablet of the P'oliated Cross. This skips over 
the second series of the left slab of the Tablet of the Sun (date 2 Caban 
10 Tzec). Moreover, the fourth series (4), which he gives here as 
2-20-20-18-20 (the 20s and 18 each being in fact counted l)y him as 
0. as can readily be shown by his own figures, 2-0-0-0-0 making the 
connection he designates), is made not by adding the third series of 
the left slab of the Tablet of the Foliated Cross (1-14-14-0) to his 
series 3, but to series 2, the second series of the tablet (14-19) being 
included, as I have shown, in the third (1-14-14-0). In other words, 
the count from 1 Cauac 7 Yax to 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb is to be obtained by 
subtracting series 2 (14-19) from the third series (1-14-14-0), left 
slab of the Tablet of the Foliated Cross. The ni^xt three dates. 12 
Ahau 8 Ceh, 2 Cimi 19 Zotz, and 9 Akbal 6 Xul, appear to have been 
located by his theoretic scheme and not by the data obtained from 
the inscriptions. This may l)e shown as follows: 

From 2 Ahau 3 Uayeb, third series of the left slab of the Tablet 
of the Foliated Cross, he skips to 12 Ahau 8 Ceh, first series on the 
right slab of the Tablet of the Sun, making a jump from the begin- 
ning of the second cycle (2-0-0-0-0) of his fifty-fourth great cycle to 


!)_3-l_15_0 (3 katuns, 1 ahau. and 15 rlmens on the ninth cycU'), and 
thence by the next .step («) to ;t-lu-:i-C-0. '2 Cmii ly Zotz. the date of 
the second series of the right slab of the Tablet of the Sun. This ^ives 
as the count forward from his date 4 to his date 5, 7-3-1-15-0, which, 
it is true, expresses the exact lapse of time lietween these two dates. 
But upon what evidence in the inscriptions is this succession founded; 
According- to his own statement th(> lapse of time from 4 Ahau 8 
Cumhu, beginning day of his tifty-fourth great cycle, to 2 Cib 14 Mol 
is 9-12-18-5-16, while in his synopsis the distance to 12 Ahau S Ceh 
is given as 9-3-1-15-0. It is apparent, therefore, that he placets 12 
Ahau 8 Ceh back, in the order of time, of 2 Cib 14 Mol, 9-lii-S-l(> or 
70,676 days. As any given date will reappear in each calendar round 
or 52-vear period, the position in the great cycle, even on his theory, 
should be determined by the series of the inscription. This is done in 
regard to 13 Cimi 19 Ceh, 1 Ahau 13 Mac, 1 Cauac 7 Yax, 2 Ahau 3 
Uayeb, and also in regard to 2 Cib 14 Mol, Init there is no evidence to 
show that it has l)een done in regard to 12 Ahau 8 Ceh, nor is any 
backward connection indicated by which the position of this date can 
be ascertained. 

Starting with 12 Ahau s C\>ii and tlie series (5) of his synopsis with 
which it is connected, as a basis, his count (<>) to 2 Cimi !'.» Zotz and 
thence (7) to '.• Akbal 6 Xul is in accordance with the luuneral series, 
if we assume with him that the coiuit from 2 Cimi lit Zotz. second series, 
right slab of the Tablet of the Sun, though forward in tlie order of time, 
goes 1)ack in the arrangement of the inscription to the !• AkVial 6 Xul 
which precedes it. But it is equally true that if, as he holds, the mid- 
dle space follows the right slal), connection will be made with the '•• 
Akbal of the middle space. However, as the figures agree with the 
inscriptit)!!, making the two minor changes in tiie numbers heretofore 
sug'gested, we pass to the following" dates. 

The connection of 9 Akbal 6 Xul with his date (S) 13 Ahau 18 Kan- 
kin is correct, the change heretofore suggested in the tliird numiMal 
series, right slab, from 532 to 537, ])eing made. But when we pass to 
his next series (9), date 8 Oc 3 Kayab. wc^ find th(> interval 2-1-12-10 
(15,010 days), which is evidently the date of the second series I'ight slal) 
of the Tablet of the Foliated Cross. This reckoning will, it is true, 
carry us back to 13 Ahau 18 Kankin, pi'esumal)ly the last date of the 
Tablet of the Sun, the same date appearing also in the middle space;, 
but it is without any authority in tlie inscription. Thi.s i.^; followed in 
his .synopsis (Id) l)y 2 Cib 14 Mol. which appears in the same relative 
position both on the Tablet of the Sun and the Tablet of the Foliated 
Cross, but refers here to the date to be supplied, as has been shown, 
to the third series on the right slal) of the Tablet of the Foliated 
Cross. The interval he gives betweiMi the two dates is 6-11-6, which 
is in accordance with the inscription. Tiiis is fol!owe(l (11) by S Ahau 
8 L'o with an interval of 1-12-4. whicli is also correct. 



]t will l)t' seen from this discussion that tlicri' arc some ln-caks in his 
synopsis which \\ ill. until Ihcv aiv cxpltiinctl. icaxc it in an unsatisfac- 
tory coudition. Nc\('rth(^less. as has l)eon suyycstcd. the two inscrip- 
tions appear to he based on the same <;eneral plan ami intimately 
related; in fact, they ])i-esent sulistantially the same chain of series. 


Vi'o turn next to the insci-iption found in the so-called Temple 
of Inscriptions, where we have the l>enetit of Mr Maudslay's photo- 
graphs and drawings and, to some extent, of Mr Cioodman"s interpre- 
tation. As parts of the inscrijition have lieen badly defaced it is 

Flii. 1^ — I'jiit ol" the illsuriplian uii tiic wall ul' thu Tumpk- ^ti InscriiJtiuiis, Puluiiqiiu. 

impossible to give the series and dates iu connected form. Attention 
will therefore be directed only to such portions as are sufficiently dis- 
tinct to be determined with probable cori'ectness ))y inspection. As 
Mr (xoodmaii has given, on i)ago ll-t of his work, a copy of part of the 
inscription with comments, reference will l)e made tirst to this portion, 
of which a copy is gi\(>n in our tigure 18. This portion is lettered and 
nuinbered separately in the usual manner. 

Mr Goodman's conuuents. as given on pages 1 14 and 115 of his work. 
are as follows, the breaks and parentheses being his own: 

The readini: of tlie above, so far as 1 can make it out, in as follows: (To the) 10 

Alum 1.1 Yaxkiii (that is) 1 caU'inlar roimil (froii; a. or 

tile samel date appcuriiitr some ilistaiire liai'k — S days, it ilmens (^tliere is what 


appears almost like a trick here: the number of chuens is not designated by three 
dots, but by three signs for 3) (and) 12 ahaus reckoning back- 
wards, (by) katuns (probably a manner of denoting the reckoning to be a long one) 
(to) 8 Ahau 13 Pop (1,040) bissextile periods (in addi- 
tion. It is impossible, with our imperfect knowledge of the Maya numerals, to say 
just how this number of bissextile periods is expressed; but a subsequent reckoning 

shows that 80 calendar rounds, or 1,040 four- year periods, are implied here. ) 

reckoning backwards (an unintelligible glyph; though, as is very like some 

we have just seen employed in scanning the katuns, it jirobably has the same signifi- 
cance as the katun sign previously made use of to indicate a long reckoning) 

(to the) 5 Lamat 1 Mol (that is) 8 days, 4 chuens (iuid) 

2 ahaus (from the) 3 Ahau, beginning a katun 3 Zotz a 

twentieth ahau (or beginning of a katun) — 1 day, 12 chuens 1 ahau 

9 katuns (and) 2 cycles (the count covering) 18 calendar rounds 

(from, or to — for it is uncertain if the reckoning is intended to fix the posi- 
tion of the date 5 Lamat-1 Mol more circumstantially, or is a separate reckoning 
back from it) the tentli score (or fifth double score) of days, (in the) seventh cycle 

(and) 7 days (from the) twentieth (or beginning score) 1 

Manik 10 Tzec (there is a mistake somewhere, as the date at that point 

is 9 Manik-20 Zotz) the beginning of a seventh day (or 7-day period). 

Reckoning backwards, (by) katuns (an unintelligible glyph, though it prob- 
ably indicates a period of some kind) 8 days, 5 chuens 10 ahaus 

11 katuns (and) 10 cycles (to) a date appearing some dis- 
tance back (8 Ahau-13 Pop: the reckoning here is an exact repetition, though in a 

different style, of the first of the preceding ones) (from the) 5 Lamat 

1 Mol (that is) 1 calendar round (and) 8 days (an unin- 
telligible glyph) (from the) 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin appearing 

some distance back. — 5 Lamat-1 Mol 4 Manik 10 Zip (I have no 

notion what these two isolated dates can mean, unless the former is a mere redundant 
repetition of the date from which all the reckonings have been made; but the latter 

has no apparent relation to anything else in the text). — 1 cycle 9 katuns 

(and) 16 ahaus (an unintelligilile directive sign; the reckoning, 

however, is from 10 Ahau-13 Yaxkin, beginning the fouth ahau of the tenth katun 

of the tenth cycle — showing an abrupt and unaccountable leap forward) (to 

the) twentieth (or beginning) score days beginning the twelfth cycle. 

The dates and numeral series in this portion of the inscription, taken 
in the order they come in the figure given above, are as follows: 

10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin (8 Lamat) Days 

13 Pop (9 Lamat) 4,508 

1 Mol (8 Lamat) 

3 Zotz (6 Ezenab) 808 

lOTzec (3 Ezenab) (353,401) 11,761 

1 Mol (8 Lamat) (1,522,908) 4,508 

13 Yaxkin (8 Lamat) 8 

1 Mol (8 Lamat) 

10 Zip (7 Ezenab) 

(214,560?) 5,780? 

The first date (Al, Bl) is 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin; the next (A5, Bo) is 8 
Ahau 13 Pop. The glyph A2, which is one calendar round, is not 
included in the intermediate count. The intermediate numeral sym- 
bols (A3, B3)are 8 days, 3 or it chuens, 12 ahaus. Although there are 
only 3 dots or balls representing the chuens, thej' are, from their size 


12 9? 


8 Ahau 
5 Lamat 


2 4 


3 Ahau 




1 12 


1 Manik 




10 5 


5 Lamat 



10 Ahau 
5 Lamat 
4 Manik 





(no date) 


and certain mai'ks on them, interpreted 8 times 3 bj" Goodman. The 
next date (A5, Bo) is 8 Ahau 13 Pop. followed at CI, Dl by 5 Lamat 1 
Mol without any intermediate numeral series. Following the latter 
date, at C2, D2, is the numeral series 8 days, i chuens. 2 ahaus (808 
days). This is followed at C3, D3 by the date 3 Ahau 3 Zofz, and this, 
at DJ: to C6 inclusive, by the numeral series 1 day, 12 chuens, 1 ahau, 

9 katuns, 2 cycles (3.53.401 days). At D6 is the symbol for 18 calendar 
rounds, followed at El, Fl bj^ the date 1 Manik 10 Tzec; and this is 
followed, at Ei to F.5 inclusive, by the numeral series 8 days, .5 chuens, 

10 ahaus, 11 katuns, 10 cycles (1,522.908 days). At F6 E7 is the date 5 
Lamat 1 Mol. This is followed immediately (F7) b\' the symbol for 1 
calendar round, and this at Gl by the symbol for 8 days. Following 
this, at G2, H2, is the date 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin; and this is followed 
(H3, in one symbol) by o Lamat 1 ]Mol, and the latter, at G4, Hi, by 4 
Manik 10 Zip. 

^Ir Goodman says the reckoning from the first date and genei-ally 
in this inscription is backward, but it is certain that the count back- 
ward of 4,508 days (first series) from 10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin will not 
reach 8 Ahau 13 Pop, the next date, nor any following date given in 
the foregoing list. This first date (10 Ahau 13 Yaxkin) is probably 
connected with some preceding date not included in the portion of the 
inscription given by Mr Goodman which is now under consideration. 

If we count forward 4,508 days from 8 Ahau 13 Pop, year 9 Lamat, 
the second date (first series of the list), we reach 5 Lamat 1 Mol, year 
8 Lamat. the date next following. It is true that both dates come after 
the lumieral series, but this occurs more than once in the inscriptions. 
If wt^ subtract 808 days (the second series) from 4,508 (first series), the 
remainder is 3,700 days; counting foi'ward this number of days from 
8 Ahau 13 Pop, year 9 Lamat, we reach 3 Ahau 3 Zotz, j'ear 6 Ezanab, 
the date of the second series. This, it wiU be remembered, is the rule 
which seems to prevail in two of the preceding inscriptions. 

The next series (3), 11,7(31 days after the calendar rounds have been 
subtracted, is followed by the date 1 Manik 10 Tzec. This date Mr Good- 
man says is a mistake, " as the date at this point is 9 Manik 20 Zotz." 
which, according to the system I am using, would be 9 Manik 20 Zip. 
It is certain that 1 Manik 10 Tzec can not be connected by 11,761 days 
with any preceding or following date, whether the reckoning be for- 
ward or backward. If we adopt Mr Goodman's suggestion that the 
date should be 9 Manik 20 Zip (year 2 Lamat) and count forward 
11,761 days, we reach 5 Lamat 1 Mol (year 8 Lamat), the date which 
follows. Although there is no second connection to confirm this 
suggestion, I am inclined to think it is probably correct. Counting 
forward 4,508 daj's (fourth series) from 8 Ahau 13 Pop, year 9 Lamat 
(first series), we reach 5 Lamat 1 Mol (year s Lamat). the date follow- 
ing the fourth numeral series; and counting eight days (fifth series) 
19 ETH. PT 2 14 

m4 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS ' [eth.ann.19 

from lU Ahtiu 13 Yaxkin brings the reckoning to 5 Laniat I ]\Iol. the 
next following date. 

It appears, therefore, from these results that the reckoning so far is 
forward and not backward, as Mr Goodman maintains. 

As the next numeral series (6 in the list given above) has the pre- 
fixed numerals, except the 1 (cycle), given in unusual symbols, and there 
is no recognizable date following within reasonable distance, we will 
turn to Mr Maudslay's photographs and drawings of the inscription, 
noticing such additional series only as offer sutncient incognizable data 
for examination. We take that following the portion which has been 
examined. This will be found in his photograph, plate 59, vol. iv. and 
drawing, plate 62, same volume. The numbering and lettering on 
his plate 62 will be followed. While I feel doubtful as to a num- 
ber of the glyphs on the plate of drawings, judging by the nearly 
obliterated forms in the photograph, yet, as Maudslay had an oppor- 
tunity of observing the original and of carefully studying the casts, 
I shall accept the drawings generally, expressing doubt where I deem 
it necessary. 

Attention is called first to the somewhat doubtful glyph 07, denoting 
7 Cimi Itt Ceh. Following this order, the reverse of the usual (P7 to 
PS), are the counters 9 cycles, 7 katuns, 11 ahaus, 3 chuens, daj^s 
(1,350, ■420 days); subtracting 71 calendar i-ounds — 1,347,580 daj^s — ■ 
leaves 2,8-40 days to be counted. As the counters are reversed in order, 
our count will be backward from 7 Cimi 19 Ceh, year 3 Lamat. This 
we find will reach 1 Cimi 19 Pax in the year 8 Lamat, the next date, 
found at OlO, PlO. As the agreement with the inscription is exact, 
the count appears to be correct. The cycle and ahau symbols here 
are face glyphs. 

The series commencing with the date 7 Calian 15 Pop (Q6, R6) has 
as its counters 1 da_y, 6 chuens, 7 ahaus, 2 katuns (Q7 to QS). ecjual 
to 17,041 days. As 7 Caban 15 Pop falls in the year 6 Akbal, counting 
forward this number of days we reach 5 Ezanab, the 6th day of Kan- 
kin in the year 13 Ben. This agrees exactly with the inscription, as 
we find 5 Ezanab 6 Kankin farther on at Qll, and the counting in 
this case is forward, as has been found to be the ride of this inscrip- 
tion with the one exception noted. Counting forward from the last 
date — 5 Ezanab 6 Kankin — 2 days 11 chuens (Rll) and 9 ahaus (Q12), 
or 3,462 days, we reach 9 Ahau, the ISth da}- of the month Zotz in 
the j'ear 10 Akbal. This is correct, as the latter date is foinid in the 
double glj'ph Si. The last chuen symbol (Rll) is a face glyph. 

As these are the only series of this inscription presenting data suffi- 
cient for satisfactory computation, I will notice one or two glyphs and 
pass to other inscriptions. At L8 and P5 are ahau symbols, which 
appear to take the place of katun symbols, but I am unable to prove 
this hy count. In the latter instance there is a date inuuediately pre- 




ceding and dates following, but I am unable to make connections by 
including or excluding the above symbol, either by counting backward 
or forward, though the date which follows is clearlj' determined by a 
computation, given above. 

TiKAL Inscriptions 

Our next examples will be from the Tikal inscriptions, but here we 
will use Rosny's photograph of the so-called " Bas-Relief de Bernoulli" 
(Les Docs. , Ecrits de L'Antiq. Americain, Mem. Soc. Ethn. vol. i, 1881), 
Maudslay's figures not being at hand. Rosny's plates 10-11 represent 
a standing individual literally overwhelmed with ornaments and over- 
arched by a great serpent, from whose wide-open jaws protrude the 
head, shoulders, and arms of a human form. In the upper left-hand 
and right-hand corners are the inscriptions, each of four colunms. The 
carving in this case is on wood. The inscription in the upper left- 
hand corner is shown in part in our figure 19. 

The first two glyphs (Al, Bl) represent the date 3 Ahau 3 Mol, 
which falls in the year i Ezanal). At B3, A4 is the 
next date, 11 Ik. and apparently 15 Chen. The 
number symbols between these are (B2), 2 daj^s, 2 
chuens, and (A3), 2 ahaus, together equal to 762 
days. Counting forward 762 days from the first 
date (3 Ahau 3 Mol). we reach 11 Ik 15 Chen in the 
year 6 Lamat, which is correct. 

The inscription on plate 12, same work, com- 
mences, like the first, with 3 Ahau 3 Mol, but the 
numbers are too nuich injured, until the lower half 
is reached, to trace the series correctly. The seventh 
gh'ph in the right column and eighth in the left give 
the date 7 Ben 1 Pop. Near the bottom are two numeral symbols 
giving 7 days, 2 chuens and 3 ahaus. equal to 1.127 davs, followed 
by a date 3 Ahau 13 — i the month date being nearly obliterated. 
Counting forward from 7 Ben 1 Pop in the year 7 Ben 1.127 davs, 
we reach 3 Ahau the 13th day of the month l^o in the year 10 Laniut. 
This is correct, as the portion of the month symbol remaining is not 
inconsistent with the Uo sj^nbol in the Dresden codex. 

It is noticeable that all the chuen symbols in these two inscriptions 
are face forms, the ahau symbols ordinary- and face forms. It may 
also be remarked in passing that the glyphs in these inscriptions are 
the most delicately and tastefully ornamented of any which have so 
far been found in Central America or Mexico. 

On plate 13, same work, is a brief inscription from the same bas- 
relief. The first date is — ? Ahau 13 Pop, the number to the left of 
Ahau being defaced. Following these are the numerals 18 days, 7 
chuens, equal to 158 days, and the date 11 Ezanab 11 — * the month 

Flu. 19— Part ot \t:r ii 
scription at 'I'ikal. 

776 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19" 

.symbol indicating Chen or Muan, apparently the former. If we 
as.sume the day of the first date to be 4 Ahau, the count is correct 
and the latter date is 11 Ezaniib 1 1 Chen. 

CoPAN Inscriptions 

We turn now to Maud.slay's photographs of the Copan inscriptions, 
commencing with that on Stela A, according to the method adopted 
by this explorer of designating the monoliths of this locality. As Mr 
Goodman refers to the insci'iptions of this place, we will notice his 
comments so far as is deemed neces.sarj'. 


The great cycle which Mr Goodman luimbers 5-t being omitted, the 
remainder of the initial series in which the attached numerals are of 
the usual form — dots and lines — is as follows: 9 c_vcles, 1-t katuns. 19 
ahaus, 8 chueus, days, to 12 Ahau 18 Cumhu. The .symbol here 
interpreted Ahau is an unusual, inclosed face glyph. The two parts 
of the date are some distance apart, the Ahau at B3 and the Cumhu at 
B8. After passing over several glyphs, we reach at Clo the symbol 
for 3 chuens, days, and passing over twelve pair of glyphs i-each i 
Ahau 18 Muan. According to Mr Goodman, the first date is to be 
connected with the second V>y counting backward. Counting back 3 
chuens or 60 days from 12 Ahau 18 Cumhu will bring us to 4 Ahau 
18 Muan, but this omits from consideration a number of intermediate 
glyphs with attached numerals. If the reckoning be correct, it will 
prove that the face glyph at B3 is Ahau. 


The initial series on Stela B, like the preceding one, has ordinarj'^ 
numerals prefixed to the period or order-of-units symbols, though 
the latter are face characters. This series is 54-9-15-0-0-0, or fifty- 
fourth great cycle (Goodman's numbering), 9 cycles, 15 katuns, 
ahaus, chuens, 0' days, to 1 Ahau 13 Yax. According to Good- 
man's interpretation as applied to his scheme of the Mayan time sys- 
tem, the terminal date of the initial series of this inscription should 
be preciseh' 10 chuens or 200 days later in time than the terminal date 
of the initial series on Stela A; this, however, as will be shown far- 
ther on, does not prove to be so. 


As there are no other recognizable series on Stela B, we pass to 
Stela C. In regard to this inscription Mr Goodman appears to be 
in much doubt. His remarks are as follows: 

Nearly everything about this inscrijitiDii appears to be wrong. The principal 
reckoning does not accord witli tlie dates given. The initial date to the left is 6 


Ahau 18 Kayab, designated Ijy the tirst glypli to be a certain numlier of score days 
in a 13th cycle. As all the dates are indicated to be the beginning of ahaus, this 
particular date must be in the 13th cycle of the 55th great cycle, as no ahau in the 
13th cycle of the 54th great cycle begins with 6 Ahau 18 Kayab. In the 55th great 
cycle it is 13-2-18-18x20. From this dat^^, according to the glyphs as drawn, there 
is a reckoning of 11-14-5-18x1 to either another 6 Ahau 18 Kayab or to an 8 
Ahau 13 Muan; but such a reckoning would reach neither of those dates — both of 
which are designated as beginning an ahau — even if there were no odd day or 
chuen. The only exi)lanation I can conceive is that the reckoning is, or was intended 
to be, 11-17-5-18x20, which is 5 ahau rounds; and as the same ahau date recurs 
at each round, the 6 Ahau IS Kayab would be correct in that event. But this would 
leave the next date, 8 Ahau 13 Muan, still a mystery, it appearing to have no 
connection with the preceding dates. As the beginning of an ahau it could not occur 
anywhere in the vicinity except at 54-12-16-1-18x20. The second section, like the 
first, begins with a glyph indicating the date to be certain scores of days in the 13th 
cycle. The day number is given as 15, but of course that is impossiVjle. From a 
later examination of the stone Maudsley thinks it may be 9 or 5. It is probalily 
the former, the date in all likelihood being — 5.5-13-2-14-18x20 — 9 Ahau 18 Cumhu. 
In this event, the character under the ordinary numeral accompanying the month 
symbol must represent 10. The rest of the inserijjtion is unintelligilile, except the 
two dates, 4 Ahau 18 Uo and 5 Ahau 8 Uo. 

Unfortunately Maudslay's photograph.s of the inscriptions on this 
stela are not .suiEciently distinct and clear to enable to thoroiighl}' his drawing's by inspection, and the latter are not entirely 

The initial series in this instance appears to consist of the single 
symbol denoting 13 cycles, followed immediately by 6 Ahau 18 Kaj-ab. 
This, written out after the method adopted, would be 54-13-0-0-0-0, 
to 6 Ahau 18 Kayab, or tifty-fourth great cycle, 13 circles, katuns, 
ahaus, chuens, days, to 6 Ahau IS Kayab, assuming the date 
to lie in Goodman's supposed tifty-fourth great cycle. However, 
according to this author, no ahau in his fifty-fourth great cycle begins 
with 6 Ahau 18 Ka3-ab, but, as he tinds bj- reference to his scheme as 
shown in his tables, that it does begin the eighteenth ahau (according 
to his method of counting) of the second katun of the thirteenth cycle 
of the tifty-tifth great cycle, he places it there. It is apparent from 
this fact that he has determined the number of the great cycle not by 
an inspection of the initial or great cycle glyph, but from his system. 
Has his determination of the numbers of the other two great cycles 
he mentions been reached in the same way? I am strongly inclined to 
think that it has, as the process to be followed in determining the 
numbers from the details of the initial glyphs is not clearly given nor 
fully explained anywhere in his work. 

There is an initial series to another inscription on this .stela, but it 
is unintelligible to me and apparently so to Goodman. There is one 
niunex'al series in the first inscription, but it will not connect dates. 

778 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth. a.nn.19 


The inscription on Stela D presents the unusual feature of giving 
the symbols in the form of the entire body of the person or animal, 
. instead of simply the head, of whieh a parallel, so far as I am aware, 
is found only in some of the Mexican codices. No series except the 
initial one is recognizable. Some aid, however, may be obtained from 
this singular inscription in determining the signilication of the time 
and numeral symbols. For example, the cycle and katun symbols 
have each, as an essential portion of the glyph, a Ijird form in connec- 
tion with the human figure; the ahau has a nondescript monster; the 
chuen. what I take to be a frog, and the syml)ol for the month Zotz 
(if Mr Goodman be correct in his determination), the figure of a leaf- 
nosed bat. The grand cycle, or initial glyph, has as the sidepiece 
(each side) a fish. I am inclined to liclieve that these figures, which 
(with the exception of the bat) appear to be unessential for the deter- 
mination of the time periods or orders of units, are used as symbolic 
of the names assigned to these periods. 

The initial series in this case, as determined by Mr Groodman, is 
64-9-5-5-0-0 to 4 Ahau 13 Zotz. 


Stela E presents no recognizable initial or other series or determin- 
able dates. The same may be said of Stela F, though Mr Goodman 
gives an initial series which is confessedly presented "irrespective of 
the reading of the inscription." 


Passing over Stela H, whose inscriptions present no connected dates, 
we come to that on Stela I. Fortunately we have good photogi'aphs 
by Maudslay of the inscriptions on this Stela. The initial series as 
given b}' Mr Goodman is b-ith great cycle, 9 cj'cles, 12 katuns, 3 ahaus, 
Mchuens, days — 5 Ahau — "the month date should be 8 Uo, but the 
glyph which here follows after the initial directive series is obliter- 
ated." The ahau symbol is here the figure of a bird's head, and the 
number a symbol. The month symbol, which Mr Goodman says is 
obliterated, is, on the contrary, quite distinct, the only injury being 
a slight break in the attached numeral, which appears to be 6. The 
month sj'mbol is apparently that of Chen; if of Uo, it is a quite unu- 
sual forui. However, as this does not connect with any other date, we 
turn to the inscription on the north side. 

Mr Goodman's statement in regard to this inscription is as follows: 

There 10 Ahau 13 Chen is designated as the beginning of a katun — an 8th katun as 
given * * * There follows a reckoning of 8 days and 10 chuens from 10 Ahau 
13 Chen to 10 Lamat — the month date not given, but we know it must be 16 Pop. 








Maudslay's photograph of this third row as published in hi.s plate 
65 is, so far as the first group, which includes the date mentioned, is 
concerned, too dim and impeifect to determine the glyphs with even 
a reasonable degree of certainty, but as Mr Goodman had original 
photographs, and Maudsluy's drawings are more complete, the original 
inscription may have been clearer than the published photograph 
(autotype). From the drawing, the Ahau symbol is seen to be of the 
usual form, but the attached numeral, if it he such, is a face character 
similar to the second form of 10 given by Mr Goodman. The number 
13 over the month symbol is of the usual form (l)alls or dots and lines); 
the month symbol is incomplete, but the remaining portion, as given 
in the drawing, with the exception of the cap piece, which is like that 
of Chen, is more like Yax, Zac, or Ceh. The symbol for S days in the 
reckoning is separate from the chuen symbol. The number over the 
chuen is a face form, the same as that noticed above as 10. The 10 
Lamat which follows is distinct and of the usual form. It is followed 
immediately by a glyph with the usual numeral symbol for 9 attached. 
Although Mr (Joodman says •'month date not given,"' this glyph 
resembles almost exactly that in the inscription on the back, which he 
calls Uo, but which is more like Chen. The only objection to assuming 
it to be a month symbol is that Laniat is never the 9th day of the month, 
but similar errors in this respect have been observed. It is true that if 
we count 8 days, 10 chuens ( = 208 days) from 10 Ahau 13 Chen, we will 
reach 10 Lamat 16 Pop of the following year; but the test is never 
satisfactory without the month and day of the month, except in case of 
continued series, as in the codex, where the error, if one is made, can 
be corrected by the preceding or following differences. Let us in this 
case change the number attai'hed to the glyph following 10 Lamat to 
11, and call the month Chen, which it most resembles. Counting back 
we vary but one day from 10 Ahau, but the month will l>e Kayal>. 
This series is therefore not sufficiently certain to decide positively that 
Mr Goodman's assignment of the number 10 to the face glyph over 
the Ahau symbol is correct, but we are justified in accepting this face 
character as a numeral, as characters denoting or 20 are never 
attached to symbols representing particular days. 


On(? of the most important inscriptions at Copan is that on the north 
and south faces of Stela .1, the two sides forming one series. This is 
shown in plates XLiiirf and xliii/>, which are as nearly as possible copies 
of Maudslay's drawings, these being selected rather than the autotype, 
which in some places is a little dim. As the glyphs are all numbered 
except the upper two on the north side, marked A and B, they will 
be cited l)y the numbers. 

A slight glance over the inscription is sufficient to call attention to 


the frequent repetition uf the .so-eaHefl ahuu time or numeral symbol. 

By beginning with glyph 1 and following clown the tirst two columns 

and then down the second two as numbered, it will be seen that they 

have numerals attached, beginning with 1 and proceeding in regular 

oi'der, 2, 3, etc, up to 16. The remaining numbers. 17-20, do not 

appear to have been given on the Stela. 

As Mr Goodman's comment on this inscription reveals his method 

of ascertaining numeral characters, it probablj' will be best to give it 

in full: 

First Ahau— 360 Days 

Second ghjph — The upper character is one meaning beginning, or from the begin- 
ning, as we have learned from its use elsewhere with directive and jieriod signs, so 
tliere will be no necessity for speaking of it again. The inference is plain that the 
characters under it represent the number of days in the single ahau that has passed. 
They consist of a composite sign surmounting two opposed coils — the coil, however, 
not being as plain in this particular instance as in succeeding ones. We have long 
suspected all forms of the coil, where it went beyond a mere curve, to be indicative 
of 9, and the subtix of the ahau symbol has pretty well satisfied us of it. Now, these 
are identical with the coils in that subtix, but they have not the centerpiece between 
them which there multiplies them by 4. Hence, these nmst stan<l for 18 simply, 
one of the connnonest constituents of 360, the ahau number of days. In that case 
the other factor must be 20, represented by the composite character above. 

Third glyph — Here we recognize the double cauac character, which we know- 
stands for 20 days, from its employment in the symbols for the calendar round and 
cycle. It follows that the head abovt A must imply 18, but unfortunately it is too 
mutilated to clearly make out if it has the characteristics of the ordinary 18 face or 
is a variant. 

Second Ahau — 720 Days 

Second glyph — The same two coils; hence the composite character above them 
here unist denote 40. 

Third glyph — The 10-day sign qualified by three characters that should aggregate 
72. AVe should not be able to make them out but for knowledge sulisequently 
gained. If you will look down to the seventh ahau you will see, in the second glyph, 
the under one of these three characters. Its position there proves it to be 35. The 
middle numeral is a l:>ar with a band crossing it obliquely in the center — a sign for 
9; but here there are two other partial bands, so that presumaljly it is three times 
nine, or 27. We are yet ten short of the necessary total. In the top sign, we know 
the ahau stands for 4, the hand ordinarily for .5; but as the upright thumb by itself 
means 1, the hand in this position evidently has the value of 6. 

Third Ahau— 1080 Days 

Second glyph — One of the coils disappears here and a sign for 3 takes its place. 
As the 9 element, which is an indispensable constituent of the ahau total, would be 
lost by addition, this 3 must serve as a multiplier— 9x3=27x20=,540x2=l,080. The 
multiplication also shows us that the duplicate character at the bottom has here but 
a single value. 

Third glyph — The yax character which in the month symbol has the value of 4, an 
outflaring sign which in another inscription distinguishes a fifteenth katun, and a 
character that must signify 18, to make up the complement of days— 15x4= 

Fourth glyph — We must infer this to be an arbitrary sign, equivalent to a third 
ahau, or three ahaus. 


Fourth Ahau— 1440 Days 

It will be observed that the reckoning of the days is missing here— a fact that will 
become important when we reach the next ahau. 

Second gbjph~As a portion of this is obliterated we will pass it by. It is a waste 
of time to study illegible glyphs when the missing part is not restorable from what 
is left or from the context. 

Tliird glyph — Same remarks. 

Fifth Ahau— 1800 Days 

Second f//w^;<-18X40=720x2=l,440; hence this glyph should have gone with the 
preceding ahau. 

Third gli/ph~\ symliol whic'h appropriately denotes the beginning of a fifth ahau 
in several other places in the inscriptions. I .-all attention to the peculiar character 
of the wing, or whatever it may be termed. It is not the ordinary form, signifying 
20, but must have the value of 36—10x5=50x36=1800. 

Sixth Ahau— 2160 Days 

Second fflyph—The under number being 4 here, the character above the coils should 
represent 30, but instead it represents only 25—18x25=450X4=1800; hence this 
glyi)h should have gone with the fifth ahau. 

Tliinl J,/,/;)/'— The 20-day sign again, qualified by a character which the connection 
requires to be a sign for 108—108x20=2160. 

Fourth glyph— An arbitrary sign, probably, for 6 ahaus or a sixth ahau. 

Seve.nth Ahau— 2520 Days 

Second glyph— 18X4=72x35=2^20. 

Third glyph— Two of the characters encountered above reappear here, associated 
with a knot which we know to be a sign for 5 or some of its multiples. As neither 
10, 15, nor 20 added to the other characters would form a number that would bean 
even .livisor ot 2,520, we must consider this a sign for 5 and the character underneath 
It to represent 60-10+27+5=42x60=2520. The subflx here, consequentlv, noN 
withstanding its resemblance to the character representing 72, can have no "value 
but must serve merely as a pedestal, as it does under the day symbols. 

Eighth Ahau— 2880 Days 
Second glyph— \8x-iO="20x4=2HSO. 

Third ,v?,vp/i-18x40=720X4=2880. The subfix is without value here also. 
Fourth glyph— Too defaced to justify any estimate of it. 

Ninth Ahau— 3240 Day-s 

The computation, if there was .one, and the equivalents are defaced beyond the 
possibility of recognition. 

Tenth Ahau— 3600 Days 

The ahau sign here differs from all the rest. It is the symbol used in a Tikal 
tablet to denote a date to be a tenth ahau. 

Second glyph-The two coils do not appear here, only one; but that one is qualified 
by a curve, signifying 5. As it can not be added without destroving the 9 element 
It must serve as a multipHer-9x5=45x40=1800x2=3600. The 2sign here looks 
something like the ahau character for 4, but the context requires it to be 2 

Third glyph-The symbol that e\erywhere denotes a tenth ahau or an even 10-ahau 
reckoning, with the character that commonly constitutes its center placed beside it 


Elevexth Ahat — 3960 Days 

Second glyph — The stone is so badly mutilated that this glyph can not be restored 
with certainty. If the characters that are tolerably preserved he 5, 9, and 2, the 
other should be 44, but I distrust their iilentity. 

Third ffli/ph — There may be two glyphs here, though I think not. The 20-day 
period toeing tlie factor to be raised, it requires 198 for a multiplier to bring it to the 
necessary total. The character to the left of it being 1, there is good reason for 
supposing it to represent 73, and the right-hand sign at the top being 18, it follows 
that there can be no multiplication of these numerals, but that they must be added; 
hence the remaining characters must aggregate 107. The comb sign — though dupli- 
cated here, as in many other places, to give it a more ornamental effect — probably 
represents but 20. That leaves 87 to be accounted for by the remaining character. 
It is a sign that occurs many times, but its central part is seldom twice alike, some- 
times being a single bar, sometimes two, and again something quite different. Here 
it has the appearance of the spire in the akhal sign, which stands for 7. On either 
side is a comb sign for 20, raised to twice that value by a line of <lots. It is possible, 
therefore, that the two together may represent 80, the particular center part in this 
instance raising the full value of the character to 87. 

Twelfth Ahac — 1320 Days 

Second (/liiph — At first view the jirincipal factors appear to be identical with the 
characters representing 108 and 18. But the ball in the center of the first is double, 
and there is cross hatching on both, which may modify the meaning. The character 
at the bottom seems to be only a beginning sign, though its form is somewhat 
unusual. If the right-hand sign be 18 and the subfix nothing, the other character 
must represent 240; but there is too much uncertainty involved to warrant confidence 
in this deduction. 

Third r/bjjili — Here again we are nonplussed. We know the bouquet sign for 6 
(the same as that over the symbol for Zac) and the yntix character for .5; but the lat- 
ter has a peculiar marking at the top, and we do not know how that may alter its 
value. The character over it may be a multiple of 20, as it has tlie general appear- 
ance of the wing sign for that number with a qualifying mark at the left j^art of it. 
For a reason that will be made evident later on, we will assmue that it represents 
120, and the j/mu: character 6—120 X 6=720 X 6=4320. 

Thirteexth Ahau — 1680 Day's 

Second gh/ph — Here the signs for 9, 5 and 4 are plain, indicating that the other 
character must he 2(3—9 X 5=45 X 4=180 X 26=4680. 

Third glyph — The chief factor here is a 260-day sign which we encounter else- 
where. It consists of the ahau sign, doubled in value by the sm-rounding row of dots, 
and inclosed in the 2/?nia.- character for 5 — iX 2=8 + 5=13, and then multiplied by 
20, denoted liy the duplicate comb sign below — 13 X 20=260. There are just eight- 
een of these periods in 13 ahaus; hence the character to the right must represent 18. 

Fourth glyph — A beginning sign before a glyph that must neces-^arily be a symbol 
for a thirteenth ahau or 13 ahaus. 

FonRTEENTH Ahau — 5040 Days 

Second glyph — There is doubt if this was intended for a single glyph, or if two 
glyphs were artfully or accidentally mixed up. The characters, moreover, l;)eing so 
nearly illegible that there is no certainty about them, it would be useless to attempt 
a solution of the puzzle. 

Third glyph — A head thai appears to be a (-(impound of the ehuen and ahau heads. 
As it probably represents an ahau, the sign in front of it must stand for 14. 


FiFTEEXTH Ahau — 5400 Days 

Second glyph — The 9, 5, and 4 sigas are plain here; the other character, therefore, 
must lie 30. 

Third ffli/plt — The 5-ahiiu character, quaUfied liy a sign that must represent 3 — the 
whole being a symbol for a fifteenth ahau, or 15 ahaus. 

Sixteenth Ahau — 5760 Days 

Second glyph — A different character qualifies the coil here. It must stand for 

Third glyph — The same form of the ymix character encountered at the twelfth ahau 
is again the central figure, but here it has a 20 sign under it, w-hich presumaljly 
raises it to 120. If so, it requires to be multiplied by 48 to make up the total num- 
ber of days. The signs for 18 and 10 leave 20 to be supplied by the other character, 
which is the skeleton jaw, an invariable sign for 10, here doubled in value by the 
row of dots in the upper part. 

The manner of piecing out the numerals in some of the above instances has been 
too forced for the result to be regarded as altogether trustworthy. There are also 
several inconsistencies or errors; but, take it all in all, tlie numlier of occurrences in 
perfect accord with our assumption is too great to be attributable to accident, and 
we are therefore justified in believing our theory to be correct, however we may 
liave erred in particular applications of it. AVe have gained a great deal more than 
is apparent at a first glance. Not only have a consideralile number of equivalents 
for different ahaus and symbols for minor time periods been identified and the value 
of many new numeral signs established, but — more important than all this — we have 
satisfied ourselves that there is a plan underlying the employment of a portion of 
these signs which is capable of almost unlimited variation and extension. 

A.s our investigations so far appear to confirm sufiiciently for gen- 
eral acceptance Mr Goodman's interpretation of the sj^mbols denoting 
tlie orders of units, or time periods as he terms them, we may now 
incjuire how far the data liear out his announcement of various other 
numeral symbols. Tiiat there appears to ))e sufficient basis for his idea 
that certain face characters are used as numerals has already been 
noticed, though the evidence is as yet not entirely satisfactory a.s to the 
values assigned some of them. In his comment on the inscription now 
under consideration he goes more into detail in this direction, assign- 
ing number values to the component parts of and appendages to 
glyphs. In our examination of this inscription we shall notice briettj' 
some of these ideas as we proceed. 

In the paragraph immediatel,y preceding the long quotation given 
above he remarks as follows: 

We start with the assumption that every glyph following a particular ahau repre- 
sents it or its value in another way. The fact that there is no twentieth ahau — 
which, so far as the symbol that numeral is attached to is concerned, means no ahau 
at all — shows that one full ahau, or 360 days, is considered to have passed when the 
table begins. 

Here, at the outset, we are met with an assumption which seems to 
cover half the ground to be examined. On what grounds does he base 
the opinion that "every glyph following a particular ahau represents 


it oi' its value in another way?" Ttiis, in tlie absenee of proof, is 
but simple giiesswork. However, before we examine it. attention is 
called to the further assumption that what would, according to his 
system, be the beginning ahau of the series, which he would number 
20, is omitted because it is considered as alread}' passed. He observes 
in a quotation which will be found on a previous page of this paper, 
that ahaus are numbered 20, 1, 2, 3, etc., up to 19, but the evidence to 
establish the correctness of this assertion is nowhere given in his paper. 
I presume, therefore, that it is based upon the chronologic S3'stem 
that he has constructed, of which further notice will be taken before 
closing this paper. But how does it happen they are found numbered 
1, 2, 3, etc., in an inscription when Mr Goodman tells us that in the 
katuns, taken in their order, they were numbered U, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 
3, 12, 8, 4, 13? That, in telling in a numeral series how many ahaus 
are to be added, the numbers must be given 1, 2, 3, etc, is very evident; 
but if ahaus were real periods in the Maya chronology, and not simply 
units of the third order, as we have stated, why are they not numbered 
in this inscription in the order in which they come in the katun ? It 
may readily be seen that the succession 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, etc., arose from 
counting bj' the day numbers 1-13 bj' divisions of four, as in the series 
in the Cortesian codex, the count being backward; as, for example, 
counting upward from the bottom of one of the other columns in table 
3, or by the 360-day periods, as referred to elsewhere and as asserted 
by ]Mr Goodman. 

He quotes the following from Perez (page 12) : 

There was another number which they called na katun, and which served them as 
a key to find the katuns. According to the ordci- of its inarch it falls on the days of 
the imyeh (/aah and revolves to the end of certain years: katuns 13, 9, .5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 
7, 3, 12, 8, 4. 

On this he remarks as follows (loc. cit.): 

Poor Don Pio! To have the pearl in his grasp and be unaware of its priceless- 
ness — like so many others! But I must not exult too much yet. The succession of 
the katuns, reckoned according to this principle, is yet to be ascertained before my 
fancied discovery can be established by a crucial test. I score the ahaus off in the 
foregoing order, and, sure enough, the twentieths give the desired result: 11.9, 7, .5, 
3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 11, 4, 2, 13. Eureka! The perturbed spirit of the Maya calendar, which 
has endeavored so lung to impart Its message to the world, may rest at last. 

As the "uayeb haab" signifies the five added days of the year and is 
so recognized l)y him, how is it possible to reconcile this count, which 
"falls on the days of the uayel) haab," with the count of his ahaus 
whicii only cover 360 daj'S each and recognize no o added days, which 
only come into notice when the year of 365 days is considered, which 
he says the Maya left behind when they entered on a chronologic 
count? It seems doubtful, therefore, whether this explanation will 
allay "the perturbed spirit of the Maya calendar." 


By reference to his comment on the ahau8 of this inscription, as 
quoted aV)ove, it will ha seen that he uses the coils and other parts of 
the attached and accompan\'ing glyphs as multipliers, assigning values 
to them that bring out the desired number. It is unnecessary to fol- 
low his process, as it is given fully in the quotation. But all this is 
presented without proof that the values assigned are correct, or, in 
fact, that the characters are number symbols. Until evidence I'ender- 
ing such interpretation at least probat)le is presented, it is nothing 
more than a guess. However, it must not be taken for granted that I 
reject all these symbols and appendages as not indicating numbers, as 
two or three already noticed (besides face characters) appear from 
satisfactory evidence to have been used as numerals; and it will be seen 
farther on that there are reasons for believing there are some append- 
ages which are also thus used. The point made above is that ]\Ir 
Goodman fails to present reasons for his assertions in this respect, 
which necessitates going over the entire recoi'd to verify or disprove 

That the symbols in this inscription which ]\Ir Goodman designates 
b}' the name "ahau" are to be counted as equivalent to 'MM days each 
must be admitted, but the name ahau, it must be remembered, is, as 
applied here, merely an arbitrary designation, and its use is wholly 
ditierent from that made of it by the natives, so far as the preserved 
records show. 


The inscription on Altar K contains nothing recognizable save a 
portion of the initial series which is given by Mr Goodman as follows: 
54-9-12-16-7-8 — 3 Lamat 16 Yax, or fifty-fourth great cycle. 9 cycles, 
12 katuns. 16 ahaus. 7 chuens. 8 days. .-Vs no photograph is given by 
Maudslay. we have no means of testing his drawing (plate 73. part 3). 
The prefixed numerals in this case are the usual dots or balls and short 
lines, but are not sufficiently distinct to verify Goodman's interpi'eta- 
tion; in fact, the number prefixed to the chuen symbol looks more like 
lu than 7 — is 10 if Maudslay's drawing be accepted — and the day glyph 
is wholly obliterated. The sei'ies and date as given by him are there- 
fore largely conjectural, the latter having evidently been obtained by 
calculation according to his system, and not from an inspection of the 


The initial series on Stela ]M, as given b\^ Goodman, is 5i-!t-16-5- 
18-20 — 8 Ahau 8 Zotz, or, changing the 18 and 20 to 0, as we have 
found to be correct, the fifty-fourth great cycle. 9 cycles. Hi katuns. 5 
ahaus, () chuens, days, to 8 Ahau 8 Zotz. The prefixed numerals in 
this series are of the usual form, balls and short lines, and agree with 
Goodman's interpretation. 
19 KTH. PT 2 15 

78(3 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 


Of the inscriptions on Stela N, Maudslay gives both photographs and 
drawings, the former somewhat indistinct. ))ut the latter very clear. 
The initial series on the east side as given by ^Ir Goodman is as fol- 
lows: 5-1— !:t-lt)-l()-lS-:iO — 1 Ahau s Zip. or as we write it, fifty-fourth 
great cycle, !• cycles. 10 katuns, lo ahaus, chuens. days to 1 Ahau 
8 Zip. This is correct, if the month symbol. M'hich is inverted and 
stands at some distance from the day glyph, has been correctly inter- 
preted, sa the prefixed numerals are of the ordinary- form and dis- 
tinct. Mr Goodman says "the month symbol is wrong; it should be 
3 Zi^i." This is true if we accept his theory that the count is to be 
from -t Ahau S Cumhu. the assumed initial date of his fifty-fourth 
great cycle. 

As an important question arises in regard to the series on the west 
side of this Stela, we quote the following from Mr Goodman in regard 
to it: 

At the top of the second cnlumn occurs the sign that indicates a reclioning Ijack- 
ward. It is followed Ijy seven glyphs, which I think give in another form the sub- 
stance of the subse(juent reckoning, which is the longest that oceui-s in any of the 
inscriptions, embracing a period of 75,26-t years. It is given as 14-1 7-1 9-10-1 8X20 
from the initial date to 1 Ahau 8 Chen, the beginning of a katun, etc. The reckoning 
is not only wrong, but is aljsurd as well. The cycles run only to 13, and no such 
reckoning backward or forward from the initial date would reach a 1 Ahau 8 Chen. 
But fortunately, despite all the blundering, we can see what the intention was. 1 
Ahau 8 Chen begins the 17th katun of the 8th cycle, and thence to the initial date 
is just 19 katuns and 10 ahaus. The fact that these are the numbers of katuns 
and ahaus expressed in the reckoning would lead us to suspect that it was to go 
backward even if the directive sign had not already so informed us, for that would 
do away with the odd katuns and ahaus an<l leave tlie reckoning in even katun rounds. 
If it were to have gone forward, the odd numbers would have been :3 great cycles, 7 
cycles, 9 katuns, and 10 ahaus. A little figuring will show the difference. . . . 
It will be borne in mind that 3 great cycles. 8 cycles, and 9 katuns are the equivalent 
of a katun round — that is, the time that nmst pass between two occurrences of any 
given date as the beginning of a katun. 

In thinking of the odd 19 katuns and 10 ahaus, they blundered in respect to the 
total period. I think it should be 14-8-15-10-18x20. If so, the reckoning goes 
back to the 40th great cycle; if it went forward, it would extend to the 69th. It is 
not material which way it be decided. The important fact is that in either case 
they ranged over a period of more than 75,000 years, which substantially proves my 
estimate of the innnense reach of their chronological calendar. There are a few 
glj'phs following the reckoning and date in the same colunm, but they do not assist 
us, nor can anything beyond the dates and a few disconnected characters be made 
out of the rows of glyphs around the base. 

The numbers of the long series mentioned are given correctly except 
as to the 1<S and 20, which should be 0. The reading as it .stands in the 
inscription is as follows: days, chuens, 10 ahaus, 19 katuns. 17 cycles, 
1-1 great cycles, to 1 Ahau 8 Chen. This .series, as it clearly stands in 
the inscription, seems, as has been noted on another page, positive 
evadence against Mr Goodman's theory that i;^ cycles make 1 great 


c\-cle, or, according to the nomenclature we have suggested as correct — 
that 13 units of the fifth order make one of the sixth order. It would 
indicate (unless it can be shown that the 17 cycles is an error) that the 
s^'stem in use at Copan was the same as that in the Dresden codex, 
the count being 20. It is true that the series will not connect the first 
date (1 Ahixu 8 Zip) with the 1 Ahau S Chen which follows, but the 
length of the series indicates, as we have so often found the case, that 
the count is back to some initial date. The order of the series, not- 
withstanding Mr Goodnuurs contrary opinion, seems to indicate that 
the count is forward to 1 Ahau 8 Chen. Counting back from 1 Ahau 
8 Chen, 3^ear 3 Ben. we reach 12 Ahau 13 Zotz. year 5 Lamat. which 
would be the initial date. 

Counting 2(1 cycles to the great cycle, as we are justified in assum- 
ing is correct, would of course put out of order Mr (ioodman's 
tables so far as they ndate to great cycles and the numbering of the 
cj'cles, though it wovdd not aflect the order of the katuns. The date 
12 Ahau 13 Zotz is, as we find by his table, the first day of the sixth 
katun, sixth cycle of his fifty-fifth great cycle. This, however, will 
be further noticed when we come to the discussion of the initial series. 


I pass by Stela P, as I believe Mr Goodman's interpretation of the 
initial series (the only part noticed by him) to be largeh- guesswork, 
and as there are no recognizable minor series. 


We turn next to the inscription on the top of Altai' Q, of which 
Maudslay gives a large and clear photograph and a good drawing. 
This is to be read by double columns, as usual, commencing at the upper 
left hand. The first two glyphs give the date 5 Caban 15 Yaxkin. 
Passing over three characters, we reach another date, 8 Ahau IS 
Yaxkin. There is no intermediate numeral series, but a reference to 
our table 1 will show that these two dates are but 3 daj's apart. 
At the bottom of the first column is the symbol for 12 days, 7 chuens, 
which is followed at the top of the third and fourth columns by 5 Ben 
11 Muan. The 12-day numeral to the left of the chuen symbol should 
certainly be 13, notwithstanding the fact that Maudslay's drawing gives 
it as 12. An inspection of his photograph shows a middle prominence 
which appears to be part of a ball, though he renders it without anj^ 
evident reason a cross. Counting forward 7 months and 13 days in 
the year 1 Akbal (in which these dates fall), on our table 2, from 8 
Ahau 18 Yaxkin, we reach 5 Ben 11 Muan. which is correct. At the 
bottom of the third column is the symbol of 17 katuns, which does not 
appear to be a counter, but which Mr Goodman interprets seventeenth 
katun. Following this at the bottom of the fourth column is 6 Ahau, 
and at the top of the fifth column 13 Kayab. The next date, which is 


at the bottom of the tifth lohiinn, is 5 Kan 13 Uo, between which and 
the pret'eding is the eounter i days, 3 ohiiens, equal t5-i days. .\.s 6 
Ahau 13 Kayab falls in the year 12 Lamat, we count forward ♦)!: days 
from tliis date, which brings us to 5 Kan, twelfth day of the second 
month (Uo) in the year 13 Ben. This is correct, as Kan may l)e the 
twelfth day of the month but not the thirteenth. 

The date glyphs in this inscription are of the usual form found in 
the Dresden codex, and the minor numerals the ordinary dots or balls 
and lines; and with the slight and evidently necessary corrections 
noted, the series conform to the rule. However, there is a break in 
the interpretation and calculation which remains miexplained. From 
5 Ben 11 Muan, which is in the year 1 Akbal, as the preceding date, 
to 6 Ahau 13 Kayab in the j'ear 12 Lamat, there is a forward jump of 
37 yeai's and 12 days miaccounted for. This appears to indicate that 
the 17 katuns passed over (bottom of third column) and possible some 
other number glyphs should l)e lirought into the count. Mr Good- 
man merely says (page 131): 

An unintelligible i-eckoning follows [5 Ben 11 INIuan], :Jui-cee(leil by a 17th katun 
sign and 6 Ahau 13 Kaya)>, the date probably being indicated by the one l)egin- 
ning the 5th ahau of the 17th katun of the 9th cycle. 


We refer next to Alaudslay's Altar S, the initial series on which, as 
given by Goodman, is 51— 9-15-2(J-lS-2() — 4 Ahau 13 Yax, or as we 
write it, tiftv-fourth great cycle, I> cycles, 15 katuns, it ahaus, () chuens, 
days, to 1 Ahau 13 Yax. These nundiers appear to be correct 
except the katuns. ]Maudsla}''s drawing showing 13 or 11. There are 
two short lines and three l)alls or dots, l)ut the two outer ones are 
darkened with lines indicating that they maj' possibly l)e loops. ^Ir 
Goodman appears to ha\e changed the num1)er of katiuis in this case 
to form connection M'ith 1 Ahau S Cinnhu. beginning day of liis tifty- 
fouilli great cycle, without explanation. 

On this altar we tind very distincth' shown these dates, 1 Ahau 13 
Yax and 7 Ahau 18 Zip. Between the two are four glyphs, one of 
whicli indicates 5 katuns. This count (36,000 days) precisely connects 
the two dates. 

We have now noticed all the si'ries of the Copan inscriptions which 
ati'ortl an}' means of testing Mr Goodman's discoveries, following liis 
explanations so far as this 'was necessary. 

IxscnirnoN at Pikdkas Nkgras 

Before concluding reference to the inscriptions. 1 call attention to one 
more recently discovered by ^Ir Teol)ert dialer at Piedras Negras on 
the Usumacinta river. This, as copied from Mr INIaudslaj'-s drawing, 
which he made from the photograph, is given in our figure 20. As 
Mr ^laudslay has subjected it to ^Ir Goodman's theory, we gi\e here 




the result iu his own words, after stating that the initial series as 
Goodman ■would read it is 54-9-12-3-0-16 to 5 Cib 14 Yaxkin: 

Tlie next three jjlyphs are undeoiphered ; then comes another reckoning: 
CI is the chuen sign with tlie numeral 10 (two l)ars=10) above it, and a "full 
count" sign at the side. Whether the 10 applies to the chuens or days can only be 


deterniineil liy experiment, and such experiment in this case shows that the reckon- 
ing intended to lie expressed is 10 chuens and a "full count" of days — that is, for 
practical purposes 10 chuens only, for as in the last reckoning, when the full count 
of chuens was expressed in the ahaus, so here the full count of days is expressed in 
the chuens. 

The next glyph Dl is an ahau sign, preceiled hy the numeral 12. This gives us: 


12 Ahaus ( 12x360 ) 4, 320 

10 Chuens (10x20) 200 

4, 520 

4, .380=12 years 


Adding 4, .520 days, or 12 years and 140 days, to the date 5 Cib 14 Kankin it 
brings us to the <late 1 Cib 14 Kankin in the thirteenth year of the annual calendar. 

Turning to the inscription we find at C2 ( passing over the first half of the glyph ) 
1 Cib followed by (the first half of D2) 14 Kankin, the date at which we have 
already arrived by computation. 

Passing over the next three glyphs we arrive at another reckoning. D4 gives 10 
days 11 chuens 1 ahau, and the first half of C5 gives 1 katun. 

1 Katun 7, 200 • 

I Ahau 360 

II Chuens (11X20) 220 

10 Days 10 


7, 665=21 years 


Adding 7,790 days, or 21 years and 125 days, to the previous date, 1 Cib 14 Kankin, 
it will bring ns to 4 Cimi 14 Uo in the thirty-fifth year of the annual calendar, and 
we find this date expressed in the inscription in the glyphs D5 and CO.' 

Passing over the next three glyphs we arrive at another reckoning (El), o aiiaus, 
8 chuens, 15 days: 


3 Ahaus 1,080 

8 Chuens 160 

15 days 15 

1,095=3 years. 


Adding 3 years and 160 days to the last date, 4 Cimi 14 Uo, brings us to 11 Ymix 14 
Yax in the thirty-eightli year of the annual calendar; this is the date we find 
expressed in the glyphs E2 and F2 of the inscription. 

It is true that in the sign in the glyph E2 is not the sign usually employed for the 
day Ymix, but that it is a day sign we know from the fact that it is included in a 

> He counts the side number of chuen symbol, ctiuens. 


cartouche, and I am inclined to tliiidc that the more usual Ymix sign (sometliing 
like an open hand witli the fingers extended ) was inclosed in the oval on the top of 
the grotesque head, but it is too much worn for identification. 
Passing over seven glyphs, the next reckoning occurs at F6, which gives: 


4 Chuens 80 

19 days 19 


Adding 99 days to the last date, 11 Ymix 14 Yax, brings us to 6 Ahau 13 Muan in 
the same year, and we find this date expressed in F7 and F8. 

The last glyph in the inscription is a Katun sign with the numeral 14 above it, 
and a sign for "beginning" in front of it, and indicates that the last date is the 
beginning of a fourteenth katun. If we turn to the table for the ninth cycle of the 
fifty-fourth Great Cycle, from which we started, it will be seen that the fourteenth 
Katun of that cycle does commence with the date 6 Ahau 13 JIuan. 

It is simply impossible that the identity of the dates expressed in the inscription 
with those to which the computations have guided us can throughout be fortuitous. 


Having now concluded my cxaniiiuitioii of the inscriptions. I may 
state that I am satisfied on the followino- points: That the significa- 
tion and numeric' value of tiie symboLs (each represented in two or 
more forms) which Mv Goodman names, respectively, day in the 
al)stract. chuen, ahau, katun, cycle, and calendar round, are as iiidi- 
cati>d al)ove and nuist be accepted as correct; that the usually large 
(quadruple) initial glyph represents the sixth order of units, or, as 
Goodman terms it. great cycle; that ceriain face characters and 
also some two or three characters not face glyphs are u.sed as number 
symbols. These are undoul)tedly the most important discoveries yet 
made in regard to the signification of the glyphs in the inscriptions; 
and although they seem to throw but little light on the codices, they 
must influence, to a considerable extent, attempts at interpretation 
of these records. 

Tiie use of face characters for days and time periods should not ))e 
considered as something peculiar to the inscriptions, as an examina- 
tion of the codices will show that this change of ordinary .symbols 
into face forms is by no means unusual. In the Troano codex the 
symbol for the day Eb is oftener a face form than otherwise, and 
those for the days Men and Oc are often changed into faces. The sym- 
bol for the day Ix is occasionally radically changed so as to represent 
a face. A remarkable change in the Chicchan symbol in order to 
give it a face form is seen in plate 31. In one or two instances, as on 
plate 23, what are presumed to be symbols for the ahau have a pre- 
fixed face character possibly denoting a numeral. 

We pass now to the consideration of some other <|uestions which 
are brought up by this investigation. 

792 MAYAN CALENI>AR SYSTEMS [eth.asn.19 


First, I will explain briofly Mr Goodman's interpretation of the 
ancient Mayan system of chronology. It must, however, be borne in 
mind that his "archaic chronological calendar" or system is distinct 
from the well-known Mayan calendar system comprising- yeais of 365 
days and 18 months, 52-year cycles, etc. 

Attention has already been called to his time periods from the day 
up to and including the cycle, and also to the fact that these are iden- 
tical with the orders of units in the Mayan system of notation, a fact 
which seems to negative the idea that they should he called time peri- 
ods. These periods, with his names and the values assigned them, 
are as follows: 

1 day. 
20 days make 1 ehiion. 
18 chuen make 1 ahau. 
20 ahaus make 1 katuii. 
20 katuns make 1 cycle. 
1.3 cycles make 1 great cycle. 
73 great cycles make the grand era. 

If we follow him carefully throughout his work, it becomes apparent 
that, after he had arrived at the conclusion that the orders of units or 
steps in notation were veritable chronologic periods, it was a natural 
consequence that he should conceive the idea that the system must reach 
back to a number or period that would round out evenly as a great 
common nuiltiple of all the lower factors. This is apparent from the 
following pas.sage near the connnencement of his paper: ' 

If, as is probable, a more sati.^factory answer should be found by many in the 
assertion that I am in error as to such an era, and I be asked how I know that it 
exists, my reply would be that it is self-evident. Its existence is established by all 
the certainty of mathematical demonstration. The evidence of the inscription does 
not go hand in hand with us to the ultimate destination, but it leads us far on the 
journey, and leaves us only when it has pointed out an unmistakable way to the final 
goal, which an intellectual necessity compels us to reach before we can rest satisfied. 
The inscriptions show us that every separate chronological period must be rounded 
out to completeness liefore the calendar itself can he complete. AVe see the years, 
ahaus, and katuns come back to their respective starting-points, thus rounding out 
the periods of which they are the units. Of necessity tlie cycles and great cycles 
must do the same, else the system would be an incomplete creation, without form 
and void. No fair-minded person, I think, will contend that the Mayas elaljorated 
almost to its conclusion a design not only susceptible of but inviting the most perfect 
finish and then willfully or blindly left it disproportioned and awry. If they did not 
do this — a thing alien and repugnant to human nature — then their grand era embraces 
.374,400 years. There are two unmistakable indit:es pointing to this conclusion. The 
moment the cycle and great cycle appear upon the scene we know by the unchange- 
able law governing the calendar that they must go forward until they commence 

iThe .\rchrtic Maya Inscriptions, p. ti. 

THOMAS] Goodman's system 793 

a.uaiii witli the same date from which they started. Such a result in the ease of the 
former requires 949 cycles, and in that of tlie latter 73 great cycles, each of which 
reckonings constitutes a jieriod of 374,400 years. 

It is also apparent in tlie following expression (p. 26): 

The grand era is composed of seventy-three great cycles and comprisas 374,400 
years, or 136,656,000 days. It is the period in which the Maya chronological calen- 
dar completes itself, just as their annual calendar does in a period of 52 years. 

Til is number of days is the product of the factors 20Xl8x20x20X 
13x7o. Now let us exaoiine his reason for introducino- the 13 and 
73 instead of carrying on the count according to the usual Maya 
vigesimal notation, as Dr Forstemann has done. This is easih^ seen. 
Having conceived the idea that all the factors of the calendar .system 
are time periods and must ccmie into harmony in the highest period, 
it was absolutely necessary to bring these prime number?* into the 
count. The 13 is necessary to the day niuiibering and to the 52-year 
period (4x13), and the 73 to the SG.'i-day period (5X73), and as 4 and 
5 are factors of the lower periods (as 20) the prime numbers oidy were 
necessary to complete the scheme. As the attempt to introdiu'c l)oth 
these into one period would have required the use of the very large 
multiplier 949 (see his use of it, p. 27), the 13 was introduced into the 
grand cycle. We might ask, and seemingly with good reason, why 
not in one of the lower orders^ The answer is apparent — the records 
show beyond question that, up to the cycle, the multiplier, except in 
the case of the chuen. was 20. But in passing from the cycle to the 
grand cycle, but a single example has been found in the inscriptions 
.showing a higher number than 13, and this, as has already been stated, 
Mr Goodman decides must be erroneous. 

As the introduction of the 13 .somewhere is absolutely necessarv to 
round out his grand multiple, how, we may ask, was the svstem com- 
pleted in accordance with the Dresden codex which he admits (page 3) 
"pertains to the archaic system in the main, though reckoning 20 
cycles to the great cj'cle"^ Unless 949 is introduced as a multiplier 
in the next step, which can not be supposed po.ssible, the entire scheme 
is destroyed and the several steps reduced merely to those of notation, 
which in fact they are. The idea that the Mayan tribes of Chiapas, 
Guatemala, and Honduras had such a magnificent rounding-out sy.stem, 
while the Yucatec tribes, though having a s^vstem similar in other 
respects, failed to introduce the rounding-out factors, is, to say the least, 
very strange. In order to include the 365 daj's of the year in the great 
multiple, it was also necessary to introduce the prime number 73, 
which is not a divisor of any of the lower periods. This explains Mr 
Goodman's theory of a great cycle composed of 13 cycles and a grand 
era composed of 73 great cycles, as he could not otherwise have a 
general rounding-out period. These are of course necessary to this 
scheme, but the crucial question is, did the Maya have any such scheme, 


or eve r imagine such a one % Wiiere is the proof to bo found ''. The fact 
that the scheme works out nicely according to the tigures is no evi- 
dence that it was ever in use, ever adopted, known, or even imagined 
by the most advanced Mayan priest. 

Speaking of the grand era, his great rounding-out period, Mr 
Goodman says: 

As the existence of this period is very likely to be questioned, I will give my rea- 
sons more fully here for believing in such an era. The numliers 78 and 949 are as 
important factors in the Maya chronological scheme as 13 and 20. This results from 
two features of the system not hitherto touched upon, which may very properly lie 
termed the minor and grand rounds of the periods. After 73 occurrences, and not 
until then, every period of the chronological calendar begins again with the same 
day of the same month, but (with the exception of the burner and great cycle) with 
a different day number. This is the minor round. Thirteen of these, or 949 occur- 
rences, constitute the grand round, when the periods begin again not only with the 
same day of the same month but with the same day number. 

There is no doubt that the calcitlation here is all right, and that 7:^, 13, 
and their multiple, 949 (78 x 13), will be divisors of any product of 
which they have been multipliers. Hence there can be no question 
that the results he gives in the two tables following the paragraph 
quoted are correct, but after all he is simply taking apart the pieces he 
has put together. In other words, no amount of tiguring in this way 
will furnish proof that such a scheme as his was in vogue among the 
Ma^-a. That they did have a notation with the following multipliers: 
20x18x20x20, and another, presumably 20 (admitted by Mr Good- 
man to have been 20 in the Dresden codex) we know; but it can hardly 
be granted that the great scheme he has built up on this foundation 
is ju.stitied. There is just as much evidence, in fact much more, that 
the count went on after the second order of units according to the 
vigesimal .system, than that Mr Goodman's scheme was in vogue. 

That there was a count or order of units above the fifth or cycle is 
evident both from the codex and from the inscriptions, and I am inclined 
to believe, as heretofore stated, that Mr Gtjodmaii is right in interpret- 
ing the large initial glyi)h of the Tablet of the, Palenque. and 
the other similar initial glyphs as the symbol of such count, order of 
units, or great cycle, as he prefers to call it. But I find no evidence 
in the codices or inscriptions that the count was ever carried beyond 
this sixth order of units or great cycle, though there is nothing in the 
.system to prohibit it more than there is to prevent counting l)eyond 
billions in the decimal .sj'stem. That this order of units appears to 
have been the limit of computation is inferred in part from the pronii- 
nence and position given the .symbol, and from the fact that no higher 
count has been found. Althougii there is no satisfactory evidence in 
the inscriptions of the numbering of these so-called great cycles, 
except the series on Stela N, Copan, yet it is known from the Dresden 
codex that the.y W(!re numbered: init the limit, unless we assume that 
it was governed by the; vigesimal system, is unknown. 

THOMAS] Goodman's system 7i'5 

That the symbols of this onlci- forniuig the initial glyph of various 
series in the inscriptions difl'er in some of their parts and append- 
ages is evident, but that these elements and appendages are used to 
indicate numerals has not yet been estaljlishod by Mr Goodman, as 
is evident to anyone who will examine his explanation of the ahaus 
on Stela J of Copan in the quotation given a))ov<>. which shows his 
method of arriving at the numbers indicatefl by glyphs. There is 
too much guessing in the l)uilding up of numbers by piecing together 
the parts to justify acceptance by those who are in search of positive 

I have stated again and again that I believe the so-called time 
periods to })e nothing more than the orders of units used by the Maya 
tribe in its system of notation. That they are the same up to the cycle, 
or fifth order, is known from the evidence furnished by the codices 
and inscriptions; and that the same vigesimal system is continued to 
the sixtii oi'der in the Dresden codex is admitted liy Mr (ioodman 
and proved by the series on plate 31, which has been given above 
(page 7*28). As positive proof that the nineteen cycles here are to be 
counted it is only necessary to state that the series connects witli 13 
Alibal. which may be that below or that to the left al)ove. Let the 
count be either way, it l)egins and ends witli this date. 

The great time series on Stela N of Copan heretofore mentioned, 
which Mr. Goodman brushes aside as " not only wrong but absurd as 
well," deserves more consideration than has been given it. The 
attached numerals are of the ordinary form — l)ails and short lines — 
and are quite distinct in Maudsla\''s photograph and drawing. It is 
absolutely necessary to Mr Goodman's theory as to the Maya time 
systeiu tiiat this series be ettectually disposi^d of. And yet, so far as 
any evidence bearing on the case can he found, there is no other reason 
for rejecting it than that it conflicts with a theory. 

This series as given in the inscription is as follows: I-I-IT-IO-IO-O-O, 
or, written out, 1-4 great cycles, 17 cycles, 19 katuns, 10 ahaus, chuens, 
daj's. This is an immense stretch of time, amounting to 42,9US.400 
days, or 117,557 years and 95 days, counting 20 cycles to the great 
cycle, as I believe is correct, or over 75,000 years, counting 13. The 
great cycle symbol is in this case a face character, as are the c\-cle, 
katun, and ahau symbols. The chuen symbol, which has the days 
attached, is of the usual form. The day which follows is 1 Ahau 8 

If we assume that the 1 Ahau S Zip which terminates the initial 
series and is found in the column on the east side of the Stela is to be 
connected by the long series with the 1 Ahau 8 Chen in the column on 
the west side (the series being in the same column), it is true, as Good- 
man remarks, that the numeral series as given will not make the t'on- 
nection. But this fact is bj- no means conclusive evidence that there is 
an error in the series; for, in the first place, taking into consideration 

796 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth. a.s.n.19 

the fact that there is an inscription running around the base which 
may or may not l)e a part of the whole, it is by no means certain 
that tiie aboriginal artist intended to connect these two dates by this 
numeial series; and, in the second place, it is possible and even pro!)- 
able that this Ions' series was intended to connect the tV)llowini!' date 
with some preceding initial date, as Mr Goodman insists is true with 
regard to series in several other inscriptions. Nor is it a rare occur- 
rence that the first following date does not connect with the terminal 
date of the initial series. We think, therefore, that it is more reason- 
able and more in accoi'dance with the rule in other inscriptions to 
conclude that this numeral series was intended to connect the date 
which follows with some initial date, and this, unless the count was 
forward, which Mi- Goodman does not admit, woidd be far back of 4 
Ahau 8 Cumhu, the first day of his fifty-fourth great cycle, to which 
he has commonly referred. As will be seen by reference to the quo- 
tation given above from his remarks on this series, he accepts as 
correct the l-t great cycles, places the date 1 Ahau 8 Chen in his 
fifty-fourth great cycle, and carries back the count from that date, 
reaching the fortieth great cycle. It is evident, therefore, on his 
theory, that it was not the intention to connect the two dates 1 Ahau 
8 Zip and 1 Ahau 8 Chen by this series, as both, according to his own 
showing, fall in the fifty-fourth great cycle. As proof that this is his 
view, we cjuote his words: "'I think it should be 14-8-15-10-18x20. 
If so, the reckoning goes back to the fortieth great cycle; if it went 
forward it would extend to the sixty-ninth." As he says (p. 148) 
that the latest date of the inscriptions is "5.5-3-19-3-18x20," and 
in another place that Mayan count always related to past time, it is 
clear that he carries this count back 1-4 great cycles from the fifty- 

It follows, from the conclusion reached in the preceding paragraph, 
and from Mr Goodman's scheme, that, counting back from 1 Ahau 
8 Chen, the "' 8-15-10-18 X 20 " of the series '' 14-8-15-10-18 X 20," a.s 
he corrects it, should bring us to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the commencement 
of his fifty -fourth great cycle: but it does not bring this result. It 
must also be admitted that, counting back, the 17-lit-lO-O-O of the series 
as it stands in the inscription wall not bring us to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. 
But it must be borne in mind, as has been stated, that counting 2<) cycles 
to the great cycle or sixth order of units (as there are good reasons 
for believing is the proper method) would break up the order of 
Goodman's tal)les so far as they relate to the great cycles and the 
numbering of the cycles, though it would not afl'ect the order of the 
katuns. The cycles, katuns, and lower periods would follow in regu- 
lar order, the initial days of each depending on the day with which the 
count begins. As 17 is given as the number of cycles, it seems clear 
(unless evidence to the contrary be presented, which Mi' Goodman 

THOMAS] Goodman's system 797 

fails to do) that the theory of 13 cycles to the great cycle is 
erroneous and that the count follows the vigesimal system, as in the 
Dresden codex. It is signiticant, however, that by simply changing 
1 Ahau S Chen to 13 Ahau S Chen, counting hack 17-19-10-0-0 we 
reach 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. 

Moreover, if the Dresden codex, which, so far as appears, follows 
the same time system that is found in the inscriptions, can have cor- 
rectly 19 cycles, where is the evidence to be found that 17 cycles 
would necessarily be erroneous in the inscriptions^ Mr Goodman's 
objection seems to rest wholh'^ on his theory of the chronologic system. 
This is insufficient to justify belief in such a radical diflerence l)etween 
the systems of two records which in all other respects are so nearly 

Following Mr Goodman's interpretation of numeral symbols, an 
additional fact bearing on this question, we find in certain details 
of the great cycle and katun symbols. According to him, the comb- 
like figure similar to those on the katun symbol has the value of 20. 
If it plays any part in making up the numerical value of the katun, it 
may reasonablj' be assumed that it performs a similar office in connec- 
tion with the great cycle symbol, of which it is a usual accompaniment. 
It is true that Mr Goodman has furnished no proof that this particular 
character is a numeral symbol denoting 20, but in accordance with 
his theory it should have the same value in connection with the great 
cycle glyph as elsewhere. 

In this series we have the only evidence in the inscriptions of which 
I am aware that the great cvcles were numbered, 14 l)eine" the highest 
number given. But this numbering is just as the numbering of 
our thousands or millions; we say 10 thousand and 10 million. In 
the Dresden codex four of these periods are noted in some four or five 
series. These are the highest counts, so far as is known, that the Maya 
reached, their notation seeming to have .spent itself in the sixth order 
of units. We conclude, therefore, that, though the data arc not suffi- 
cient to settle all these points 1)V absolute demonstration, as all the evi- 
dence obtainable is against the theory of 13 cycles to the great cycle 
and in favor of 20, and as the only evidence as to the numbering of the 
great cycles indicates that they go above 13, it is safest to assume that 
the vigesimal system was followed throughout after the count rose 
above the chuen or second order of units. 

It is often justifial)le to advance into the field of speculation in order 
to clear away so far as possible obstructions to advancement and to 
fix the limits of investigation, but the result of speculation can not 
safely be used as a factor in mathematical demonstration, and Mr 
Maudslay has candidly stated the necessity for further investigation 
in this respect. 

We have noticed the numbering of the ahaus hy the day numbers, 

798 MAVAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth.a.\n.19 

thus. 9. 5. 1, 10. 6, '2. 11. 7. 3. 12. S. 4, 13. 9. 5. 1, etc. Selecting, in a 
continued series- of days in proper order, with the da}- numl)ers 
attached, siny day Ahau, for instance 1 Ahau. and counting forward 3H0 
days (Goodman's ahau period), we tind that the next 360 da}- period 
begins with 10 Ahau; that the tiiird period begins with 6; the next 
with 2; the next with 11, and so on in the order given above. But 
the same is true if we select any other day, as 1 Akbal in our table 1, 
or begin at any ])oint in the continued series, counting 3(30 days to 
each step. 

As Mr Goodman holds that each ahau begins with the day Ahau. it 
follows, according to this system, that the katuns. which contain just 
20 ahaus, must begin with the same da}-. By this it results that katuns 
begin with day numbers running in the order 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, etc. 

This is apparent if we write out the ahau numbers — the 9, 5, 1, 10, 
etc. — in a continuous series and take each twentieth one. As there 
are twenty katuns in a cycle, the latter must also, according to this 
system, begin with the day Ahau. Writing the numbers 11, 9, 7, 5, 
3, 1, etc., in a continuous series, and taking each twentieth one, the 
result will be the series 11, 10, 9. 8, 7. 6. 5. 4. 3, 2. 1, 13, 12, 11, etc. 
If the correct count be, as Mr Goodman asserts, 13 cycles to the 
great cycle, the latter will all begin with the same day and same day 
number, but if 20 be the correct count, then the order will he 11, -4, 
10, 3, 9, 2, 8, 1, 7, 13, 6, 12, 5, 11, 4, etc. 

But after all, this kind of figuring is a mere source of amusement 
except where the knowledge conveyed may aid to more certain and 
rapid counting. It is as though we were to take the days of our 
almanac in regular order as named, beginning the first hundred with 
Sunday; the second hundred would begin with Tuesday, and. so on. 
By taking these and placing them in consecutive order we could pick 
out every tenth one as the beginning of the thousands. This might 
amuse us, and might under possible circumstances be an aid to us in 
counting time, l)ut it would be no explanation of our calendar system, 
and would not be a part, but a i-esult thereof. 

That these ahaus or 360-day counts always began, as Mr Goodman 
asserts, with a day Ahau, is not proved; moreover, there is uo reason 
for believing the assumption to be correct, but there are on the con- 
trary, good reasons for believing it to be incorrect. It may be true, as 
will seem to be the case from what follows, that Ahau was more usually 
selected as an initial date than any other day, is, in fact, the initial day 
in most of the inscriptions and is also prominent in the Dresden codex, 
because, perhaps, some great event took place or was supposed to have 
taken place on a day Ahau. But it can be demonstrated that the initial 
day of some of the series in the Dresden codex where the 3<)0-day period 
is one of the counters is Kan, which, in these, is necessarily the begin- 
ning of the ahau count. It is true, however, that the ahau or 360-day 
period nuist. if the succession be continuous and unbroken, I)egin on 

THOMAS] Goodman's system 799 

the same day. a fact to which I have heretofore called attention 
(see The Maya Year, pages 47 and 53). But the series may t)e arbi- 
trary; that is. the eng-raver or painter may have chosen to begin one 
series with one day and anoth(M- with another day. This, however, 
goes to the very root of the subject, as Mr Goodman's system al)so- 
lutely requires that the aiiaus or 36n-day counts shall all begin with 
the same day. and as worked out by him with a day Ahau. Dr 
Seler. impressed by the result of Dr Forstemann's investigations, has 
been led to believe that most of the series of the Dresden codex have 
4 Ahau S Cumhu as their initial date, or the day to which they refer. 
■\Vhile I admit that this is undoubtedly the day which seems to be 
most prominent in this codex, my investigations do not lead me to 
indorse his conclusion. 

Now, it is true that the series on plates 46-50 of the Dresden codex, 
of which there are in reality 39 sectional, or 3 complete, have Ahau 
as the initial day. but the initial days of the three series are not all 
360 days or an even multiple of 360 days apart, as they should be if 
Mr Goodman's theory be correct. But the series are all exact multiples 
of 260, showing that they arc l)ased on a 26tt-day period. 

The long series on plates 51-58 does not commence with the day 
Ahau. whether we consider the upper line or lower line of days the 
proper one to count back from. It is also apparent that in this case 
the series is based primarily on the 260-day period. As the least 
common multiple of 260 and 360 is 4,680, it does not appear possible 
to bring those series based on the 260-day period into harmony with 
the Goodman theory except where the total number of days is a 
multiple of 4,680. unless we suppose that there are two series of non- 
coincident factors running through them. It is true that we may use 
the week of our calendar in counting lOu-day periods by allowing for 
the supplementary days, as is undoubtedly done in some of the series 
of the codices and inscriptions: but the theory that the ahaus are time 
periods which can not overlap (thus indicating two starting points not 
consistent with the idea of uniform unbroken succession) is the point 
aimed at in the above references to the series of the Dresden codex. 
Another point in connection with the series on plates 51-58 difficult to 
account for on this theoi'v is that the first day of the chuens (suppos- 
ing the numbers in the lower order of units to represent the day of 
the chuen) is Muluc throughout. It is true that the number in the 
lower order of units may commence anywhere in the chuen. but if 
these are fixed time periods and the chuens (but not true months) as 
well as the ahaus commence with Ahau it seems that such important 
series as this one would reveal this fact somewhere in the reckoning. 
In the inscription at the end there are two symbols of the usual type, 
one indicating 1 katun, the other 13 ahaus = ll,8S() days, while the 
sum of the series is 11.960, or SO days more. 

The scries on plates 71-73 has, if we may judge by the numbers 


in the lower order of units, Ben a.s the first daj^ of the fhuens. and 
5 Eb as the first daj' of the series. While these examples do not 
furnish positive proof in regard to the question at issue, thej' at 
least, in connection with what has been presented concei'ning the 
plan and object of these reckonings, do indicate that the so-called 
time periods are merely orders of units and not chronologic periods 
always coming in regular order from a fixed point in time.' Never- 
theless, it must be admitted that most of the initial serie.s in the 
inscriptions, as will clearly appear when their reckoning is presented, 
begin with Ahau, which fact must receive a satisfactory explanation 
before this question can be considered settled. 

Ant)ther fact to be borne in mind is that according to Mr Good- 
man's idea, if a katun begins with Ahau, all the chuens or 20-day 
periods must commence with the same day, though not the same day 
number, and this would continue indefinitely. The same thing, how- 
ever, would be true in this scheme were any other day selected as 
the initial date; all that will apply in any respect to Ahau will, until 
the year count comes into play, apply in every particular to any 
other day, a statement which admits of positive demonstration. The 
onl3' reason for preferring Ahau, if there be any, is historic, or rather 
mythologic, as many of the series cover too great lapses of time to l)e 

If the two ahau symbols in the inscription in the Temple of Liscrip 
tions of Palenque, refei-red to above on page 774. be counters in the 
time series with which they are connected, the}' certainly occupy the 
katun place. As they present the true ahau form, it may be possible 
that they bear some relation to the name of the period for which they 
stand. This, however, is at best but a mere guess, and the names are 
of but minor importance in the discussion. 


Taking up now the initial series of the inscriptions, I shall give the 
beginning day of each and briefly discuss its bearing on Goodman's 
theory of the Mayan time system. The list so far as noticed by this 
author is as follows, using his notation, but substituting naught for 
full count: 

Pulen que Tnscriptimix. 

(J) TiMd of the 6'ms.?— 53-12-19-1 3-J-O to S Ahau LS Tzec. This 
connects, by counting back, with -1 Ahau tS Zotz, the ))egiiining day 
of Goodman's fifty-third great cycle. Here the numerals prefixed to 
the time periods are face characters for which we must take Mr Good- 
man's rendering (see what has been said above on pp. 773-760). 

' .\fter this paper was in print I discovered the connections of the high series running up through 
the serpent (igures on plates 61. 62, and 69. These prove beyond question that 'JO cycles (or 20 units 
of the fifth order) are counted to the great cycle (or unit of the sixth orderi. and that the initial 
date of tliese is in some instances Kan, It is my intention to discuss these series in the supplemental 
p'iper uienti<jned above. 


(£) TohJd of the AVh— 5-1-1-18-5-3-6 to 13 Ciini lit Ceh. This con- 
nects with 4 Ahau 8 Cunihu, the beginning day of the tifty-t'ourth 
great cj-cle. Here also the prelixed numerals are face characters. 

(.i') Tal>J,d of the Foliated C '/my— 54-1-18-5-1-0 to 1 Ahau 13 Mac. 
This connects with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, lirst day of the fiftj^-fourth great 
cycle. Here also the prelixed numerals are face characters. 

(4) Temple of ImcrijrtlonK—b-ir-'i^-ir-O-O-O to 13 Ahau 18 Yax. This 
as given hy Mr Goodman connects with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, but has 
certainly been interpreted almost wholly by pure guesswork. The 
glyphs are nearly obliterated, but enough remains to show that the 
prefixed numerals were of the oi'dinary form, balls and short lines 
(see notes below). 

(-5) Imcrihed Steps, Rome r— 55-3-18-12-15-12 to 8 Eb, 15 Pop. 
This, as given by Mr Goodman, connects with 4 Ahau 3 Kankin, the 
first day of his fifty-fifth great cycle, but he admits that the prefixed 
numerals, all of which are face characters and badlv damaged, have 
been determined otherwise than by inspection. 

Coj)an Inscript ioiiH 

(6) Stela .4—54-9-14-19-8-0 to 12 Ahau 18 Cumhu. This con- 
nects with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, initial day of the fifty-fourth great cycle. 
The prefixed numerals are of the ordinary form, balls and .short lines, 
and are quite distinct. 

(7) Stela ^—54-9-15-0-0-0 to 4 Ahau 13 Yax. This connects with 
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, initial day of the fifty-fourth great cvcle. The pre- 
fixed numerals are of the ordinary form, balls and short lines, and 
are distinct. 

{8) Stela 6^— First inscription: 55 ?-l 3-0-0-0-0 to 6 Ahau 18 Kayab. 
This does not connect with the first day of either of Goodman's 
great cycles (fifty-third, fifty -fourth, fifty-fifth). The onh' counter of 
the initial series has the prefixed numerals of the ordinary form, quite 

Second inscription: 55^-13-0-0-0-0 to 15^ (9 ^ Ahau 8 Cumhu? 
This makes no connection with the beginning day of either of Good- 
man's great cycles. The prefixed numerals to the single counter are 
of the ordinary form and distinct. For further notice of these series, 
see reference to Stela C on a preceding page and remarks below. 

{9) Stela i>-54-9-5-5-0-0 to 4 Ahau 13 Zotz. This connects with 
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, first day of the fift3--fourth great cycle. ,The pre- 
fixed numerals are in this case peculiar, being complete forms. 

(10) Stela i^— 54-9-1 J-10-0-0 to 5 Ahau 3 Mac? (according to Good- 
man). This also connects with the first day of the fifty-fourth great 
cj'cle, using the series as given b}^ Goodman ; the series is, however, 
wholly made up by this author, as there is nothing in the inscription 
and no glyphs ol)literated or otherwise to indicate it, the date fol- 
lowing immediately after the great cjcle symbol. 
19 ETH, PT 2 16 


(11) Stela /— 54-lt-l:>-3-14-0 to 5 Ahau s — ?, the month .symbol 
being- unusual: ]\Ir Goodman says it should be Uo. This connects 
with J- Ahau .s C'umhu. tirst day of the tifty-fourth great cycle, if we 
adopt ]Mr Goodman's intei'pretation of the month symbol. The pre- 
fixed numerals are of the ordinary form and are very distinct. 

{13) Stela ./—West side: 54-il-12-12-<>-0 to 1 Ahau 8 Zotz (as 
given by Goodman). This connects with i Ahau 8 Cumhu, tirst day 
of the tifty-fourth great cycle, according to the counters as here given. 
The prefixed numerals are of the ordinary form and are mostly dis- 
tinct, but there is great uncertainty as to the order in which the 
glyphs are to T)e taken. 

East side: 54-9-13-1 0-( m) to no recognized date: Goodman says it 
should l)e 7 Ahau i?> Cimihu, presumably I'eached by counting from 4 
Ahau 8 Cumhu, first day of his fifty-fourth great cycle, but in this 
case he has made a mistake, as the connection is with 7 Ahau 3 Cumhu. 
The prefixed numerals are of the ordinary form and are distinct, but 
the order in which the glyphs come is very douljtful (see remarks 

{13) Altar /i— .54-9-12-16-7-8 to 3 Lamat 16 Yax. This connects 
with J: Ahau 8 Cumhu. the first day of the fif ty-f oiirth great cycle. The 
prefixed numerals are of the oi'dinary form. l>ut some of the glyphs 
are defaced and some of the numbers do not appear to agree with 
those given by Goodman (see remarks below). 

{U) Stela if— 5-l-9-16-5-0-() to 8 Ahau 8 Zotz. This connects with 1 
Ahau 8 Cumhu, first day of the fifty-fourth great cycle. The prefixed 
numerals as given in INlaudslay's drawing (the photograph is not 
gi\en) are of the ordinary form and correspond with the numbers 
given here. 

{15) Stela 3"— 54-9-16-10-0-0 to 1 Ahau 8 Zip (Goodman says that 
the month numeral is wrong here and that it should be 3 Zip). This will 
connect 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. first day of the fifty-fourth great cycle, with 
1 Ahau 3 Zip, but not with 1 Ahau 8 Zip, The prefixed numerals are 
of the ordinary form, are quite distinct, and agree with those given. 

{16) Stela 7^54-9-9-10-0-0 to 2 Ahaul3 Pop. This connects with4 
Ahau 8 Cumhu, first daj'of the fifty-fourth great cycle. The i^refixed 
numerals are unusual face characters, and the result appears to have 
been reached by Mr Goodman by appeal to his chronological system. 

(17) Altar ,S'— 54-9-1.5-0-0-0 to 4 Ahau 13 Yax. This connects with 
4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. the first day of the fifty-fourth great cycle, accord- 
ing to Mr Goodman's figures here given. However, the prefixed numer- 
als, which are of the ordinary form and distinct in Maudslay's drawing 
(the photograph is not given), do not appear to agree with Goodman's 
figures (see remarks below). 

As I do not have Maud.slay's photographs and drawings of the 
Quirigua inscriptions I will omit them from consideration here. 

Examining these difl'erent series and noting Goodman's explanations 


and foiuments, we soon perceive that the data on which to base a 
decision in regard to his interpretation of these initial series are rather 
meao-er. In six of them the prefixed numerals are face characters, so 
that tiie result depends entirely on the correctness of Goodman's inter- 
pretation, in regard to which the proof is as 5'^et entirely lacking. 
A more thorough examination of all the inscriptions containing face 
numerals, including those of Quirigua, photographs of which ai'e 
not yet at hand, is necessary before this question can be decided. 
There are two, 1 believe, in which connection can be made between 
the terminal date of the initial series and dates which follow. But 
this is not positive proof of correct rendering where the series runs 
into high numliers, as do all the initial series. This will be under- 
stood bv the statement that one, two, or more calendar rounds may be 
dropped out of the aggregate and yet the result wUl be the same if 
the prefixed numerals are changed to accord with this result; in other 
words, the same remainder in days will be left in the one case as in 
the other. This is possible, but it is not possible to change the time 
periods so as to give the same result where the sum is less than a 
calendar round, as one of the higher periods embraces all and more 
than all the given lower periods. However, we may accept his inter- 
pretation where the terminal date of the initial series connects with 
the date which follow. The uncertain and somewhat suspicious ele- 
ment in the investigation is the evidence in some cases and indication 
in others that Mr Goodman has obtained his series not from the 
characters, but from his system. In these cases it is evident that 
coimection of the terminal date 1)\- the series with the initial date 
proves nothing more than the correctness of his calculation. For this 
reason none of these are considered as evidence of the general use of a 
certain initial, except where there is connection with a following date 
through a followuig series. The two or three instances in which this 
is the case have been specially referred to. As bearing on this point, 
the following facts are noted: 

The initial series in the Temple of Inscription (4 in the above list) 
is so nearly obliterated, as appears from Maudslay's photograph, that 
it is impossible to determine the prefixed numerals or the terminal 
date. The -i (katuns) is the onlj- distinct number in the series. Enough 
of the da}- number, given by Goodman as 13 Ahau, remains to indicate 
that his rendering is wrong. There are (as is also shown in Maudslay's 
drawing) two short lines denoting 10, but the dots or balls are obliter- 
ated ; there is, however, the little loop remaining at one end. As a 
rule which has no known exception, unless this be one, there are 
never more than two balls between these end loops, usuall}' but one 
(see the quotation on this from Maudslay given above). As there 
would have to be three to give the 13, either Mr Goodman is wrong 
or the inscription is irregular. This series must therefore be excepted 
from those offering evidence in favor of this author's theory. 

804 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth. a.nn. 19 

The series on the inscribed steps (5 of the list) Mr Goodman admits 
has been determined otherwise than by inspection, and hence it must 
be excluded. 

Series 6 and 7 of the above list (Stelaj A and B) must be accepted as 
evidence, as the pretixed numerals are of the ordinai-y form, are 
distinct, and make connection with the initial date of Goodman's 
fift3--fourth great cycle. 

The two inscriptions on Stela C (8 of above list) present one 
unusual feature, and one which seems to bear very strongly against 
Mr Goodman's theory of 13 c}'^cles to the great cycle, in fact is 
almost positive evidence against it. Here, following Mr Maudslay's 
drawing — for his photograph is not sufficiently plain for satisfactory 
inspection — we notice that but one time period is given, 13 cycles, 
and that this is followed without any intervening glyphs b^' the date 
6 Ahau IS Kayab. The day symbol is a face character, but is so ren- 
dered, and seemingly correctly, by Goodman. This will not make 
connection with the initial date of either of the three great cycles given 
by him. The fact that the numeral in this case (balls and short 
lines) pretixed to the cycle symbol is 13 appears to stand in direct 
contradiction of this author's theory, as "full count" is nowhere else 
given in ordinary numerals or even in a face character, but always in 
one of the symbols for full count. We never iind in ordinary numer- 
als 20 days, 18 chuens, or 20 ahaus, etc., nor has Mr Goodman in any 
case rendered a face character bj' either of these num))ers. 

The other inscription on this stela is also unusual in the sam6 
respect, the numeral series consisting of only one time period — 13 
cycles — which is followed immediately by the date 15* Ahau 8 Cumhu. 
The 15 prefixed to Ahau is evidently an error. Mr Maudslay, though 
giving 15 in his drawing, concludes, from a subsequent examination, 
that it may be 9 or 5. However, it will not (connect with the first day 
of either of Mr Goodman's great cycles, whether we use the one or 
the other nuniber or any other Ahau 8 Cumhu. These two initial 
series taken together present another fact ditficult to account for on 
Mr Goodman's theorj*. They have precisely the same counters — 13 
cycles — but reach different terminal dates. This could not be true if 
the dates are in the same great cycle, and if in different ones they would 
necessarily be precisel}' one or two great cycles apart, as Mr Goodman 
limits the inscriptions to the fifty-third, fifty-fourth, and fifty-fifth. 
In his comment on these series he virtually confesses his inability to 
detei-mine the number of the.gTeat cycle by the details of the glyph. 

The inscriptions on the east and west faces of Stela J are placed 
irregularly, in one case in three cohuims and transverse lines, and in 
the other in diagonal lines; the order, therefore, in which the glyphs 
are to be taken is very uncertiiin. 

According to Maudslay's drawing of Altar K (no photograph is 
given), the initial series of the inscription as given by Goodman does 


not appear to be correct. The drawing shows 12 or l-t cycles and not 
i), unless the two short lines are to lie considered as one, which can 
only be determined by inspecting a photograph or a cast. 

The initial series of Altar S (17 of the above list) as given by 
Mr Goodman does not correspond throughout with that of the inscrip- 
tion as given in ^Nlaudslay's drawing (there is no photograph). He 
gives 15 katuns, whereas the inscription shows only 13, the prefixed 
numerals being of the ordinary form. 

Although the evidence presented is not sutEcient to establish ]Mr 
Goodman's theory of a distinct Mayan time system, it, together with 
the very frequent references in the Dresden codex to the day 4 Ahau 
8 Cumhu (which always falls in the year 8 Ben), indicates that this date 
was considered one, perhaps the chief, initial point in the time series. 
Dr Forstemann has called attention to its use in this codex in his 
Zur Entzirterung der Mayahandschriften and in a letter to me. 

Neither of the high series running up the folds of the serpent figures 
of plates 61 and H2 appear to begin or end with Ahau. The l)lack 
series in the right serpent of plate 62 over 3 Kan 17 Uo (the 16 is an 
evident error) reaches back, if counted from this date with 20 cycles 
to the great cycle, to 12 Chicchan S Xul; or, counted with 13 cj'cles to 
the great cycle, it reaches 10 Chii'chan IS Pax.' But it is noticeable 
that at the bottom of the plate (62) at the right of these serpent figures 
and extending into plate 63 are five short series with -1 Ahau 8 Cumhu 
as the given date in each. The red loops here seem, as I have shown 
on another page, to indicate connecting series, as some of them con- 
nect with the dates immediately above. 

The series in the upper left-hand portion, accompanicnl l)y loops, 
terminate with 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, but go back to It Ix counting either 
or both series of the column, that with the loops and that above 9 Ix. 

The series running through the middle and lower divisions of plates 
72 and 73 starts with i Eb. The two high series at the right of the 
upper division of plate 52 go back to 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu. 

It will 1)c seen from this discussion that while 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu is a 
notable initial date, it is not the only one with which series running 
into years commence, and that Ahau is not the only initial day in long 
series. There is, h()W(>ver, one noticeable difference between the initial 
series in the inscriptions and the series in the codices; in the former 
the symbol of the highest or sixth order of units is a marked character 
which has no parallel in the latter, but it must be remembered that in 
the latter the distinction between' the orders of vinits is made by the 
position of the ordinary' counters and not by distinct symbols, as in the 

One fact which nuist be borne in mind in connection with this 
point is that Ahau can not be the first day of a year or month in 
Mr Goodman's .system, nor in any Mayan system. It follows, there- 

^ See footnote on page 800. 


fore, that neither of his large periods — cycle and great cycle — can 
begin with the first day of a yeai'. This, however, is true of most, if 
not all, of the series of the Dresden codex, which goes far toward 
proving that Mr Goodman's supposed time periods are not really such 
in a true sense, but are simply time counters or orders of units; other- 
wise we must suppose that the IN'Iaya had two time systems coincident 
only at certain points, which is what Mr Cxoodman assumes. 

Why the calendar used should be called ''Archaic," as compared 
with that of the codices, is not altogether apparent from the inscrip- 
tions examined. As given and explained by Mr Goodman, it was as 
complete and perfect in all its details as that which would l)e designated 
more recent. The months, years, and o2-year periods, the method of 
numbering the days, and hence the i-year series and all the peculiari- 
ties of the s_y.stem, were precisely the same as those of the codices. 
As it is a rule in the progress of human culture to advance from the 
imperfect and crude to that which is more nearly perfect, that the 
archaic Maya calendar system might l)e expected to exhibit imperfec- 
tions which were gradually remedied by experience. Dr Forstemann, 
reasoning on this very justifiable assumption, concluded (though we 
must admit he fails to present satisfactory evidence) that primarily 
their j^ears consisted of only 360 days, and that the next step in 
advance was to a year of .364 da3's, the final correction resulting in the 
year of 365 days. Mr Goodman says (page 3) that the Cakchiquel time 
system included two different j^ears, the calendar year consisting of 
366 days, and the chronologic j'ear of -iOCt davs (it was -±00 davs). His 
scheme includes not only a 360-day period, Init carries with it the 365- 
day period or true year, as this is one of his essential factors, and more- 
over is apparent in almost every inscription and must be admitted as 
a part of the chronologic system of the oldest inscribed records which 
have ])een discovered, be our theory as to their time system what it may. 


That there are found in the in.scriptions on the now ruined structures 
of Tabasco, Chiapas, Yucatan, and Central America forms for the 
months and for some of the days, as well as some other peculiarities 
in symbols, not observed in the codices, is true. But considering what 
has been given by earlj^ writers concerning the names and order of 
the days and months among the diflerent tribes, the agreement in the 
forms and order of the days and months as shown by the inscriptions 
is remarkable. Take the day Ahau for example; although we meet 
here and there a face form, yet the usual .symbol at Palenque, Tikal, 
Menche, and Copan is the same as that found in all the codices. The 
same is true of Ik, Akbal, Kan, Ben, Ezanab, Imix, and some others. 
And each holds the same relative position throughout, which indicates 




a sameness and uniformity at variance witii the idea of any diii'erenee 
in system, or any great difference even in nomenclature. 

Several of the month symbols, as Pop, Zip, Zotz. Xul, Yaxkin, Mol, 
Yax, Kayab, Cumhu, and in fact nearl}^ all, are substantialh' the same 
as those found in the Dr(>sden codex, which is the only codex in which 
the months have as yet been discovered. This similarity would seem 
to indicate that the names among the difl'erent tribes have not always 
been correctly given by the early writers. In fact, the codices and 
inscriptions show greater uniformity in regard to the time system and 
time symbols than is to be inferred from the historical record. Each 
section introduces some glyphs not found in other sections, and there is 
more or less variation in the ornamentation and nonessential features, 
but the typical forms of the time symbols are generally essentially 
the same. 

The evidence, when carefully examined in detail, presents some facts 
which seem to demonstrate the correctness of the above conclusion, 
and to show that the testimony of the early authorities indicates a 
greater difference in systems than is indicated by the inscriptions. 

The names and order of the days of the month used bj- the Maya 
(proper), Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel tribes, as based on the his- 
toric evidence, are as follows: 


































































Ah niak 


















The names in italics are the supposed douiinii-ildays. Home of the 
names in these lists are but equivalents in the different tribal dialects, 
but this does not apply to all. as is evident from the efforts of Dr 
Brinton and Dr Seler to bring them into harmony. 

Although uniformity in the form of the daj' symbols does not prove 
identity in the names in the different tri1)al dialects, it tends in this 
direction, if allowance be made for the A'ariation necessary to express 
the same idea, and undoubtedly indicates unity of origin. Take, for 
example, the day Votan in the Tzental calendar, wliich stands in the 
place of Akbal in the othei' calendars. The syml)ol of this day is 
remarkably uniform in all the inscriptions where it appears. The 
same is true in regard to Kan. Lamat. and Ezanab. which never 
appear as face characters. As it is admitted that Votan or Totan is 
not equivalent to Akbal, Kat to Kan. nor Canel to Lamat. how are we 
to account for the uniformity of the symliols in the several regions 
that these tribes are known to have inhabited^ 

However, the widest variation between the historic evidence and 
that of the inscriptions is in reference to the names of the months. 
In regard to these, as given historically, it may be stated that those of 
the Maya (proper) and the Tzental-Zotzil and Quiche-Cakchiquel 
grou})s differed throughout, morphologically and in signification, so 
far as the latter has been determined, no name in one l)eing the same, 
save in a single instance, as that in another. As compared with those 
in the Maya calendar, which have already l>een given, those of the 
Tzental were 1, Tzun, 2, Batzul, 3, Sisac, etc.; those of the Quiche, 
1, Tequexepual, 2, Tziba pop, 3, Zac, 4, Ch'ab, etc., differing in like 
manner throughout. So widely different, in fact, are they, that Dr 
Brinton and Dr Seler made no attempt to bring them into harmony. 
Now, in contrast with this, the syml)ols arc not only comparatively 
uniform in the inscriptions, as is shown by the figures given in Mr 
Goodman's work, but, with very few exceptions, correspond with 
those in the Dresden codex. There are also indications that the names 
were the same as those found in the Maya calendar. For example, 
the symbol of the month Pop is characterized by an interlacing figure 
apparently intended to denote matting; in Maya, Pop signifies "mat." 
The name of the fourth month. Zotz. signifies "a bat." and the sym- 
bol, which is always a face form, has an extension upwai-d from the 
tip of the nose, presumably to indicate the leaf-nosed bat. But as 
conclusive evidence on this point, if Mr Goodman is correct in his 
interpretation, the month is designated on one of the Stelae at Copan 
bj' the full form of a leaf -nosed bat. So general is the uniformity of 
the month glyphs, both in the Dresden codex and in the inscriptions 
that Mr Goodman has not hesitated to apply to all the names of the 
Maya calendar, and to place side b_v side those of the inscriptions 
and those of the codex. •"There is not," he says, '"an instance of 


diversity in ill! tlieir calendars; their dates are all correlative, and in 
most of the records parallel each other." Of course there are spo- 
radic variations and imperfect glyphs which often render determina- 
tion by simple inspection uncertain. l)ut it is generally aided by the 
connecting numeral series. 

The change of day symbols from the typical form to face characters 
is found in the codices as well as in the inscriptions, as is shown by an 
examination of the Troano codex, where it is of frequent occurrence. 
The occasional variations of the symbols for the days Chicchan, Cimi. 
and Ix. in the latter codex, are so radical that identity is ascertained 
only ))y means of the positions they occupy in series. It is upon this 
uniformity IVIr Goodman chiefly bases his theory of an archaic calen- 
dar. Following the quotation given in the preceding paragraph he 
says (pp. l-l:5-14ti) : 

From this is deiluciljle the important fact that — whether a single empire, a federa- 
tion, or separate nations — they were a homogeneous people, constituting the grandest 
nati\e civilization in the ^^'estern Hemisjihere of which thei'e is any record. Yet 
when the Spaniards arrived upon this theater of prehistoric American grandeur, 
there was not only no powerful nation extant but no tradition or memory of former 
national greatness. The very sites of the ancient capitals were unmentioned, name- 
less, unknown. This obliviousness could not result from the passage of a few score or 
a few hundred years. It could only come in the wake of a period that had outlasteil 
the patience and retentiveness of even aboriginal minds. Next, Dr Otto Stoll, tlie 
distinguished comparative linguist, who has made a special study of the Jtaya dia- 
lects, states that the Cakchiquel language, one of the mo-st nearly affined to that of 
the Tzentals, who at present occui)y the central seat of the extinct empire, is yet 
different enough to require a jjeriod of at lea-^t two thousand years to account for the 
divarication. This points to a remote date of separation, though indefinite. Thirdly, 
we find in the Yucatec chronicles a definite indication singularly in keeping with 
Dr StoU's estimate. All the Xiu chronicles begin with a record of the migration of 
their ancestors, in two great bodies, about two hundred and forty years apart, from 
some region to the westward. 

From long and careful study of the annals I have come to the conclusion that 
these migrations took plai-e respectively about 853 and 113 years before the beginning 
of our era. That this migration could have come from the Archaic nation only is 
proved by the identity of the graphic system of the Yucatecs with that of Palenque, 
Copan, Quirigua, and other cities of the central region — a system found nowhere to 
the north, south, or west of it. Even to this day the Yucatec language is more closely 
allied to that of the Tzentals and Zotzils of that same region than to any of the other 
numerous Maya dialects. That the Yucatec calendar and chronological system differ 
in several respects from those of the Archaic cities is not a final or even grave <:)l:)jec- 
tion to this theory, but only what under the circumstances might be expected. The 
Xius found the Cocoms and Itzas, older offshoots of the Maya race, already in pos- 
session of Yucatan, and appear always to have acted a subordinate part t(j them ui 
subsequent history. It is ncjt unlikely, therefcjre, that they changed their methods 
of computing time so as to conform to those of their superiors; or the change may 
have l:)eeu made for some reason not evident to us; but that they did change their 
methods there can be no doubt, and that, too, shortly after their contact with the 
other nations. Two of their chronicles distinctly state that at a time equivalent to 
about the 2.5"th year of our era "Pop was put in order." The statement can refer 


only to a rearrangement of their calendars, for the calendars themselves had been in 
existence for unknown centuries; lience, these records probably denote the time at 
which they chansred their chronnlnirical methods to conform to those of their neigh- 
bors. Our best hope of correlating the calendars lies in the discovery of some record 
made by the Xius in their new Imme previous to this change. 

The difficult}' in thi.s theory lies in the fact that precisely the same 
calendar system continued down to the coming of the Spaniards, at 
least in some of the districts. This is proved by the codices, some 
of which we know were in use down to that time, though possibh' 
understood only by the priests, and the radical differences in the 
month names seems to have been of comparatively recent date. The 
same general system, allowance being made for differences in names 
and forms of symbols, was also found, as has already been mentioned, 
among the Aztec, Zapotec, and some other stocks. In fact, except 
for the differences in the names of the months and of some of the da3's. 
the change of dominical days bj- the people among whom the Troano 
codex was written, and some difference in counting the "months which 
seems to have obtained among .some of the Cakchiquel, the calendar 
sj'stem was uniform among the ]\Iayan tribes from the first notice we 
have of it to the coming of the Spaniards. The idea, therefore, 
advanced by Mr Goodman of an '"Archaic calendar," which ceased 
to be in about the time of the Xiu migration, between sixteen 
hundred and two thousand years ago. appears to be without valid l)asis. 

Finally, on this point I think I will be justified in the statement that 
if the archaic Mayan chronologic system was so complete and perfect 
as it is believed b}^ Mr Goodman to have been, it was the most sy.stem- 
atic. orderly, and complete time sj'stem ever known to the world, not 
only outranking in this respect the oriental systems, but even those of 
modern civilization. We are therefore compelled from our examina- 
tion of the subject, while commending as exceedingly valuable his real 
discoveries, which have been noticed, to reject his theory in regard to 
the ancient Maj'an chronologic .system, so far as it differs from that 
generally received, believing that he has mistaken the notation used 
by this ancient people in counting time for a veritable time .system. 

One .somewhat .startling result of Mr Goodman's theory in regard 
to the Mayan time system is the conclusion reached liy him in refer- 
ence to the range of time over which the history of the Maya people 
has extended. This is shown in the following extract from his work: 

Let us, finally, consider for a moment the possiliilities of duration for that Maya 
empire. The ilayas were a primitive, pure-blooded, united people. No ancestral 
prejudices or racial jealousies could s])ring between them. 'Whatever tendencies there 
were dependent on the inscrutable laws of nature must all have been in common. 
They were strong in numbers, and stronger still by their great and solitary enlighten- 
ment. They occupied a territory that is practically a fortress. To the east, .''Oiith, 
and west there is not area enough to harbor savage foes in numbers that would have 
been formidable even if coalesced, and to the north, if necessary, they could oppose 
their united forces. Xo other great nation ever occupied so secure a position. Hence 


the question of danger from outside sources is iiraoticallv eliminated from the prob- 
lem of their national existence. Their unity of origin, the simple numeral woi-ship 
mdicated by their monuments, the civic spirit to be inferred from the absence of all 
warlike insignia in the inscriptions, pomt unmistakably to a happv, contented peace- 
ful state of internal affairs, akin to brotherhood. Under such conditions, how long 
might not a nation endure? We go back ten thousand ^-ears and find them then civ- 
ilized. What other tens of thousand years may it have taken them to reach that 
stage? From the time of the abrupt termination of their inscriptions, when all sud- 
denly becomes a l)lank, liack to that remote first date, the apparent gradations in 
the growth of their ci\-ilization are so gradual as to foreshadow a necessity for their 
280,800 recorded years to reach the point of its commencement. Manifestly, we 
shall have to let out the strai:> that confines our notion of history. The field of native 
nationality in America promises, when fully explored, to reveal dates so remote that 
it will require a wider mental range to realize them (page 149). 

This conclusion is reached by the following- process of reasoning: 
That the concluding date (he always calls it "initial date") of the 
initial series "could have but a single purpose— that of recording the 
date at which the monument was erected." The fact that some o'f the 
stelae have different "initial dates" on opposite sides is explained 
by the statement that "in these instances one date is reckoned from 
the other, the latter one undoubtedly designating the time of dedica- 
tion." This, however, is a supposition not sustained by satisfactory 
evidence. As to the two on Stela C, he confesses he can give no expla- 
nation of them without radical changes in each. 

By a comparison of the dates in the various inscriptions he arrives 
at the conclusion that the lapse of time between the earliest and latest 
of these was 8,383 years. Adding to this 2.348 years, the time 
preceding ISys A. D., at which he thinks the record closed (page 148), 
"we shall arrive at the time when that ancient Maya conqueror trod his 
enemies under foot, 10,731 years ago, the oldest historical date in 
the world"; that is to say, the monument on which the earliest 
date is recorded was erected 8,836 years before the Christian era. To 
obtain the enormous stretch of 280,800 years, mentioned in the above 
extract, he counts back according to his theoretic time system to the 
beginning of the grand era. Of course, such startling "result, based 
upon the kind of testimony offered, can hardly be accepted as historic. 
The inscriptions showing what may be called "initial .series" exist; 
they show the counters up to the sixth order of units, or the great 
cycle, but all else upon which his great structure is built consists of 
speculation. There is no basis for his grand era, his 73 great cycles, 
or his tifty-third, fifty-fourth, and fifty-fifth great cycles. That the 
great cycles were numbered, just as we number thousands and mil- 
lions, is undoubtedly true, but 14 is the highest numbering of which 
we have any positive evidence in the inscriptions or codices, which 
indicates that the count would have ended at 20, following the vigesimal 
.system if carried higher. 

Notwithstanding these criticisms Mr Goodman seems to l)e rio-ht in 

812 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [eth.a.nn.19 

his fonclusion that, at the time the inseriptioiis were chiseled and the 
codices formed, the Maya people were in a umch more homogeneous 
state and tribal distinctions much less marked than when described by 
the early Spanish writers. Dr Brinton says that '"in all the ]\Iayan 
dialects the names [of the days] belonged already at the time of the 
conquest to an archaic form of speech, indicating that they were 
derived from some common ancient stock, not one from the other, and 
that, with one or two possil)le exceptions, they belong to the stock 
and are not borrowed words." Though we can not say positively to 
what tribes the inscriptions of the different districts are to be respec- 
tively attrilnited, we can safely assert that they are Mayan, and that 
those at Palenque are in what is or was the country of the Tzental 
and Choi tribes; those at Menche (or Lorillard City) in the Lacandon 
country; those at Copan and Quirigua in the hal)itat of the Quiche and 
Cakchiquel or possibly Choi peoples; and those at Tikal in that form- 
erly occupied by the Itza tribes. The great similarity in the time and 
numeral symbols and the time systems shown b}' the inscriptions in 
these different localities would seem, therefore, to justifj' Mr Goodman's 
assertion "that — M'hether a single empire, a federation, or separate 
nations — they were a homogeneous people," and thus, though these 
records have so far failed to furnish any direct historic data and seem 
likely to fail to furnish any by further investigation, they do form 
indirectly a tirm basis in our attempts to trace the past history of this 
people. The next step is to determine the age of the records, for. as 
appears from what has been shown, the history as derived from the 
early Spanish writers can not be full}' relied on, and the traditions can 
be trusted only so far as the_y agree with the monuments and the lin- 
guistic evidence. That Mr Goodman's conclusion in reference to their 
age can not be accepted is evident from the quotation given above. 

One conclusion which appears to be justified by the foregoing facts 
is that the ]Maya of Yucatan rei)resent the original stock, or that they 
have retained with least change of any of the tribes the names and 
time sj^stem of the calendar, except as to thi' dominical days. 


Before closing this paper I will, for the T)enetit of those who 
have recently taken up the study of the Maya manuscripts and inscrip- 
tions, refer to some symbols found in the codices which probably rep- 
resent numbers. The studj^ of these may, if followed up l>y further 
investigation in the light of Mr Goodman's discoveries, lead to fruit- 
ful results in attempts at interpretation of the codices. 

In the Dresden Codex 

The katun symbol in the ordinary form shown at a, figure lU, is 
verj' frequently used in this codex, sometimes, as already shown, as 
one of the counters in a numeral series connecting dates, as for 


example, on plates 61 and 69. These, which have been heretofore 
alluded to, are precisely of the form found in the inscriptions. The 
series as given on plate 69 is 1.5 katuns, 9 ahaus, 1 chuens, 1 days, the 
days having a special symbol not joined to that of the chuens. The 
preceding date is 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and that which follows 9 Kan 12 
Kayab. The reckoning in this case reaches, as has been shown, the 
day and day number (9 Kan), but the 7th day of Cumhu instead of the 
12th of Kayab. Nevertheless, there can be no question that this is a 
series preciseh^ after the form of those given in the inscriptions. 

In these two series are also seen the ahau and chuen s^'mbols of the 
usual forms, the days, as has been stated, usually having a separate 
symbol, generally the so-called kin symbol, as the lower character in 
the symbol of the month Yaxkin. 

The ordinary numerals found at the side or top of these symbols are 
frequently replaced by one or more little ball or cup-shape characters, 
such as are shown in figure 21. Others of like form attached to other 
period symbols are shown at A3, B3, and Al. figure 16. In the latter, 
ordinary numerals are also present. The first (figure 21) is from the 
upper division of plate 73, and the others are from jslate 69. 
Are these characters numerals '. If so, what is the value 
of each^ As they can not together represent in any 
instance more than 20, and as manj' as three are found in 
some instances attached to one svmbol, it is evident that, ^'°- -'~ 

.J. , 1 , * . • T Glvph from 

it they are number characters, each must mdicate 1, 2, pute 73, 
3, 4, 5, or 6, not more. As the latter three have also Dresden eo- 
ordinary numerals sittached, but odd numbers, it may be 
inferred that the value is 2, 1, or 6. There is, however, other evidence 
bearing on this question, which is seen in the symbol shown at A3, 
figure 16. This is certainh' the equivalent of the "calendar round" 
.sj'mbol of the inscriptions, and as the largest nuni)M>r of full calendar 
rounds in the time series immediately below is 5, the \alue of each 
of these little characters would seem to be 2. As a chuen symbol 
in the same connection is followed by the s\'mbol for daj' in the 
ab.stract sense, each having these little charactei-s attached, the evi- 
dence in favor of the theory that they are numerals is very strong. 
In the middle of the lower half of plate 7o a katun symbol is followed 
by an ahau syml)ol. each having these little characters attached with- 
out other numerals. So far, however, I have been unable to connect 
dates l)y means of these coiuiters, if thej' be such; but this is not 
decisive, as there are not sufficient recognized data in an}^ case for a 
fair test. 

On plate 71, second column, near the top, is a face glyph used as 
an aluui symbol: as positive proof that it is such, it has inserted in it 
a small ahau syml)ol of the usual type. There are several other 
characters in this codex which appear to be used as number symbols. 

814 MAYAN CALENDAR SYSTEMS [etit. akn-.19 

as the bird head with 10 pretixed. center of plate 70; the Imix-like 
character with 19 pretixed, lower left-hand corner of plate 71. 

In regard to this character, which is contained in two groups — one 
on plate 51, shown at A5, plate xlpt, the other on plate 52, shown at 
04, plate XLiv, as given in the todex, Mr Goodman's figures containing 
supposed restorations — he remarks as follows (p. 93): 

The resemblance between the last glyph in the list and the character occurring on 
plates 51 and 52 of the Dresden codex removes all doubt of the latter being a 
directive sign. It is employed so curiously in one instance that it is well worth 
while giving both examples of its use in order to illustrate the peculiarity. The 
reck(_>nings it follows are from 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu (which, coincidently, is the beginning 
of the o4th great cycle of the Archaic era) to 12 Lamat in both cases, but with 
different intervals. The reading on plate li is this: [See plate XLiva]. 

Here the meaning, plainly enough, is: From 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu to the 12 Lamat; 
that is, 8 days from the former (or initial) date. The reading on plate 52 is more 
complicated. There are two 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu dates followed by this reckoning: 
[See plate xliv/<]. 

The 12 Lamat is not distinct, as here, but there can be no question of its identity, 
the reckoning l)eing of exactly the same character as the other. The reading here 
is: 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, to the 12 Lamat; that is, 8 days, 1 chuen, and 
5 ahaus from the 2 former (or initial) dates. The peculiarity here is that the direc- 
tive sign indicates the reckoning to be from two dates — the only instance of the 
kind that has come under my observation. 

In regard to the group on plate 51 (our plate xlia) it ma}' be safely 
assumed that the upper date is 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, and it is true that count- 
ing S days from this date brings the reckoning to 12 Lamat, but the 
long series immediately below seems to be intended to connect th(> latter 
date with the 12 Lamat which is below this long series precisely as in 
the preceding case, the series here ascending to the left. The assump- 
tion, therefore, that the Imix symbol is a directive sign is very doubtful; 
moreover, the Lamat symbol precedes it. Forstemann suggests that 
it signifies an ahau-katun = S.7r)0 daj\s. 

Mr Goodman's interpretation of the group on plate 52 (our j^late 
XLiv). will scarcely stand the test of careful examination. In the first 
place, the assumption that 12 Lamat stands at the licad of the group is 
not warranted. The remnant of the obliterated glyph gives no color 
to it. nor is there anything in the arrangement of the series in the divi- 
sion to suggest it. jVIoroover, the two dates — each 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu — do 
not pertain to the column, but to the two long series at the right imine- 
ediately under them. This is evident from inspection, but positive 
proof is found in the fact that, if we use the black numerals of the 
series, the 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu over the right column connects with the 
12 Lamat below, and when we use the red counters we reach, in the 
same series, the 1 Akbal lielow. LTsing the red counters in the left 
column and counting from the 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu above, we reach 7 
Lamat below. The black numerals of this column, which, as tliev 
stand, differ only 10 days from those of the right column, reach Ezanab, 


"■■• 1:11:11:11.! 

•'; • • • «wM •*>. 



« • 

• • 




























but the day iiuiiil)er is '.» and not 3, as it should V)e; a dot over the 
lOchuens will, however, make the conuoction. It is evident, therefore, 
that Mr Gooduian's explanation of the two dt)ts before the Imix-Hke 
symbol of the group is only a supposition, and his theory as to the use 
of this .symbol is without convincing support; nevertheless, it is prob- 
ably a numeral character. Forstemanirs suggestion is that it signifies 
a •"katunic cycle," Goodman's calendar round. 

It is true that the troublesome question arises, Ai'e we to assume that 
the glyphs wliich have been noticed are always to be considered number 
symbols, whei'ever found { This would appear to carry the idea of 
number symbols to the extreme. See, for example, the ahau symbols 
on plates 72 and 73. To assume this would imply that 
the various prefixes to these symbols are numeral signs, 
as Mr Goodman contends, having assigned values to most 
of the types found on the plates referred to. Possibly he 
may be right (see page 67 of his work). 

A puzzling character found in this codex is the red 
circle or loop with bowknot on top (figure 22). Whether 
these are intended as symbols of connection or not, the 
series connected with them appear in a majority of cases 
to form links between other series or to join one or more 
of what we may term side dates not following in the line of 
the series. They appear, however, in one sei'ies to have 
some other use; at least, as will be seen when the series 
is noticed, the luimerals inclosed appear to be used in a 
dift'erent way from those in other loops. 

The first we notice are those in the lower left-hand 
corner of plate 70. Counters connected with the left 
loop are -1 (supposed) chuens, (j days, the latter num])er 
being inclosed in the loop. The date below is i Ahau 8 
Cumhu, and at the top of the long series over the loop 
is V Ix. If we count backward from 4 Ahau 8 Cmuhu 
■t chuens, (i days, or 86 daj's (which does not carry us 
beyond the commencement of the year), we reach 9 Ix. 
The numerals connected with the rightloop are lOchuens, 
8 days, or 2U8 days, the date below 4 Abau 8 Cumhu and the day above 
•4 Eb. Reckoning ])ackward as befoi'e, we reach the 4 Eb above. The 
rule also holds good for the counters connected with the loops above, 
near the middle of thesameijlate, where those of the left loop are 1 ahau, 
12 chuens, 6 days, and those of the right i ahaus, 10 chuens, 6 days, 
the date below each being 4 Ahau s Cumhu and the day above each '.» Ix. 

The reckoning indicated by the series belonging to the loops in the 
lower left-hand corner of plate 63 is not quite so satisfactory. The 
.series of the left loop is 11 chuens. 1.5 days, the date above 3 Chic- 
chan 13 Kankin; that of the middle loop 17 days, the date above 13 


Fig. 22 — Fig- 
ures from plate 
72. Dresden co- 


Akbal 6 Cumhu; that of the right loop 7 (or 2) ahaus, li (or -I) t'huens, 
19 days, the day above 3 Chicchan (or 13 Akbal); the date below each, 4 
Ahau 8 Cumhu. Counting the series of the left loop backward, we reach 
3 Chicchan 13 Yaxkin. This is correct except as to the month, which 
in the codex is certainly Kankin. The reclvoning in case of the mid- 
dle loop reaches 13 Akbal 11 Kayab, whereas the month date in the 
original is 6 Cumhu. The series attached to the right loop has been 
corrected by the insertion of a red 2 between the ahau and chuen 
numerals. The long series above has also been corrected, which indi- 
cates some material error here. However, the series will not connect 
with cither of the two days above, following or rejecting the correction. 
Attention is called to the fact that the numerals inclosed in the loops 
here in each case exceed 13, the highest day number, as the question 
of the use of the numerals will come up in a series to be noticed. 

The series belonging to the red loop on plate 58 (using the original 
black numerals, there being a correction or diilerent series in red) is 

1 ahau, 7 chuens, 11 days; the date below 4 Ahau 8 Cumhu, the nearest 
date of the long series to the right is 13 Muluc — i Zac. The reckon- 
ing backward reaches 13 Muluc 2 Zac. The native correction is a 
red 12 inserted between the ahau and the chuens. This has probably 
been inserted to bring the reckoning to the Muluc of the right cohiran 
above the lower date. The series in the upper division connects with 
13 Oc to the right. That in the middle division of plate 43 connects 
with the 3 Lamat over it. Of the two series in the upper division of 
plate 31, that of the right loop connects with the date above, but that 
of the left does not. The series attached to the red loop on plate 24, 
if we consider the red symbol inside as naught, connects with 1 Ahau 
18 Kayab at the right. 

The series connected witli the thirteeen loops, upper divisions of 
plates 71-73, appears to be the usual form of most other series of 
the codex, but in this case the numbers in the loops do not form part of 
the counters, liut denote the day numbers of the days reached, counting 
forward (from left to right) from 9 Ix (plate 71), with an interval of 

2 chuens, 14 daj's. This series is explained in my Aids to the Study 
of the Maya Codices (Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth., pp. 337-338). It 
maj', however, be called a connecting series, as b^- the numbers in the 
loops — though they are da_y numbers and never exceed 13 — it is joined 
to the series concluding in the upper division of plate 71. 

It will be observed that in each case except the last the day from wdiich 
the reckoning is made is 4 Ahau, and when the month is given 4 Ahau 
8 Cumhu. It would seem, therefore, that special importance was, for 
some reason, attached to this date l)y the people of the coiuitry and 
era when the codex was written. This, it must be admitted, beai's 
somewhat in favor of Dr Seler's and Mr Goodman's idea of the impor- 
tance of Ahau in the Maj-an time count. 


Ix Other Codices 

m regard to these it may be stated in brief that in the Cortesian 
codex plates 31 to '.iS contain frequent repetitious of the ahau S3'nibol, 
used apparently as a counter, ordinary numerals being generally 
attached. These, however have, in addition to the numerals, other 
appendages not seen in the inscriptions (at least not in the same form) 
as, for example, the cross-hatched adjunct seen on plate Si. It is true 
some of the forms given by Goodman show cross-hatching, and of 
these the Cortesian character may be an equivalent. On plate 34 in the 
lower division and elsewhere are symbols (with numerals attached) 
which apparently occupy the place of days and chuens, or of the 
first and second orders of units. However, I am unable to determine 
either their relation to any of the numei-ous dates on the plate or 
their use. ]Mr Goodman gives to the cross-hatching in some instances 
the value of 9, })ut in other's he uses it as a nudtiplicr, usuall}- as 
20X20 (see pp. 100, 101 of his work). Possibly he would decide that 
these ahau symbols are simply intended to refer to the beginning of 
the tirst, third, tenth ahau, etc., according to the number prefixed. 
I am inclined to believe there can be little doubt that they are counters 
with the usual value assigned to the ahau, whatever may be their 
relation to the dates on the plate. 

On plate 35, lower division, and possibly elsewhere, is what appears 
to be a counter in which the chief element is the Cauac character. 
The ordinary chuen s3'mbol occurs quite frequently on the plates 
referred to, but never with more than one set of numerals. Other 
symbols with numerals attached which may possibly be counters are 
found on the same plates, hut I have been imable to test the supposi- 

In the Troano codex what appear to be ahau symbols are found on 
plates 20 to 23, 31, 7* to 10*. and also elsewhere. On the latter two 
plates are also what appear to be katun symbols. In a few instances 
these two symbols have numerals attached. Scattered through the 
codex are quite a number of other symbols with numerals attached, 
which appear to be counters or number glyphs. On the so-called title- 
page of this and the Cortesian codices are quite a number of glyphs 
which I take to b'e number symbols. Some of these I presume from 
the form to be chuens, but thej' are in groups usually with numerals 
attached, and as in thi-ee instances these numerals are 19, I take 
them to indicate days, and the number of chuen symbols in a 
group to indicate the number of chuens, as the two numbers attached 
to the chuen glyphs in the inscriptions indicate the days and chuens. 
I am also rather inclined to the belief that on this title-page the 
fourth line of characters from the top denotes ahaus. The red oval 
sj'mbols below with numerals attached are also probably numberglyphs, 
19 ETH, PT 2 17 



[eth. ank. 19 

but they must indicate days or some higher order of units than chuens. 
as the numerals in some cases are 19. However, I have not suc- 
ceeded in finding' any relation between these series and accompanying 

Whether I have succeeded in showing satisfactorily the real discov- 
eries made by Mr Goodman and in indicating clearly their true value 
nuist be determined by the use which other workers in this lield will 
make of what has been here presented. That these discoveries have 
opened up new linet of investigation in regard to the signification of 
the codices and inscriptions will be admitted. Believing that the 
advance made thereby may be profitably carried into the study of the 
codices in connection with Dr Forstemann's discoveries, I have added 
some suggestions in regard thereto in the hope that other workers in 
this field may be induced to pui'sue the subject. 


As an aid to readers I have followed Mr Goodman's example in pre- 
senting tables, chiefly after those in his paper, carrying the cycles up 
to twentv. 

Calendar rounds 

Calendar rounds 




398, 580 


778, 180 


1, 157, 780 


37, 960 


417, 560 


797, 160 




.56, 940 


436, 540 


816, 140 




7.5, 920 


455, 520 


835, 120 


1, 214, 720 


94, 900 


474, 500 


854, 100 


1, 233, 700 




493, 480 


873, 080 


1, 252, 680 


132, 860 


512, 460 


892, 060 






531, 440 


911, 040 






550, 420 




1, 309, 620 


189, 800 


569, 400 


949, 000 




208, 780 


588, 380 


967, 980 


1,3-17, .580 


227, 760 


607, 360 


986, 960 


1,366, .560 


246, 740 


626, 340 




1, 385, .540 


265, 720 


645, 320 






284, 700 






1,42.3, .500 


303, 680 


683, 280 


1, 062, 880 




322, 660 


702, 260 






341, 640 


721, 240 






360, 620 


740, 220 


1, 119, 820 




379, 600 


759, 200 


1, 138, 800 


1, 518, 400 












144, 000 




14, 400 


288, 000 




21, 600 


432, 000 






576, 000 




36, 000 


720, 000 




43, 200 


864, 000 




50, 400 






57, 600 




3, 240 


64, 800 


1 , 296, 000 






1 , 440, 000 




79, 200 




4, 320 


86, 400 


1, 728, 000 




93, 600 


1, 872, 000 




100, 800 


2, 016, 000 


5, 400 


108, 000 


2, 160, 000 


5, 760 




2, 304, 000 






2, 448, 000 




129, 600 


2, 592, 000 








7, 200 




2, 880, 000 


^W J Mc&EE 




Place of numbers in the growth of knowledge 825 

Characteristics of primitive thought 828 

Primitive counting and number systems 833 

Niuneration 833 

Notation and augmentation 839 

Germs of the nimiber-concept 843 

Modern vestiges of almacabala 847 



By W J McGee 


The gateway to knowledge of aboriginal character is found in 
aboriginal conduct; for among primitive folk, habits of action are 
more trenchant than sj'stems of thought. Yet full knowledge of 
aboriginal character maj^ be gained only through study of both the 
activital habits and the intellectual systems of the aborigines; for in 
eveiy stage of human development, action and thought are concomi- 
tant and complementary. 

In dealing with aboriginal customs connected with numbers (simple 
counting, numeration, calendar systems, etc.), the working ethnolo- 
gi|K; is confronted by the elusive yet ever-present fact that primitive 
'folk commonly see in numbers qualities or potencies not customarily 
recognized by peoples of more advanced culture. Accordinglj' it 
seems especiall}- desirable to trace the thoughts, as well as the customs, 
of primitive number-users, and this may be done with a fair degree of 
contidence in the light of homologies with the early stages of mathe- 
matics and related knowledge among peoples of advanced culture. 

Fairly close homologies with the numbers of primitive peoples are 
ati'orded b}' the early stages of chemistry and astronomy. Chemistry 
grew slowly out of alchemy as natural experience waxed and primeval 
m\'sticism waned; and in earlier time astronomy grew out of astrologj' 
in similar fashion. The growth of chemistrj' is fairly written, and 
that of astronomy less fully recorded in early literature; and in the 
history of both sciences the records are corroborated and the sequence 
established bj^ vestigial features — for such features are no less useful 
in defining mental development than are vestigial organs and functions 
in outlining vital evolution. 

Now on scanning the long waj^ over which modern knowledge came 
up, it becomes clear that the beginning of chemistry marked the thii-d 
step in the development of science, and that the beginning of astron- 
omy marked an earlier step; and it also becomes clear that another 


826 PRIMITIVE NTXMBERS [eth.ann.19 

step, taken amid the mists of unwritten antiquity, was marked bj' the 
beginning of mathematics. In the absence of records, the rise of 
mathematics may be traced partly (like the growth of the next younger 
sciences) by vestigial features and functions; and these vesdges indi- 
cate that, just as scientific chemistry came out of mystical alchemy 
and as scientific astronomy sprang f I'om mystical astrology, so rational 
mathematics grew out of a mystical system which long dominated the 
minds of men and slowh' waned under the light of natural experience 
concentrated among the Arabs of past millenniums. In Arabia this 
mystical system preceded the simple and essentially natural, though 
happily conventional, system of enumeration and notation long known 
as algorithm (or algorism) — i. e., that inchoate form of arithmetic 
which permitted numerical treatment of quantities, and thus gave a 
foundation for science. The mystical s\'stem is even more clearly rep- 
resented in algebra, in which the conventional symbols now used to 
express natural values were originally emploj^ed as indices of magical 
potencies, like the characters inscribed on amulets and talismans; 
indeed the literature of science yields definite records of that long- 
abandoned side of algelira known as almacabala (sometimes written 
almachabel) from the Arabic word for learning and the Hebraic (or 
older) term for mystical or magical attainment of purpose,' the whole 
constituting a juml)le of occult or semi-occult redintegration such 
as appeals strongly to the ill-developed mind. Accordingly the step- 
ping stones to modern. science may be enumerated as (1) almacabala, 
(2) astrology, (.S) alchemy, leading respectively to mathematics and 
astronomy and chemistry, the oldest branches of definite knowledge. 

While the transition from almacabala to mathematics is indicated 
somewhat vaguely by the i-ecords and more clearly by vestiges among 
the peoples influenced by Arabic culture (including all the Aryans and 
their associates, who make up the intellectual world), the sequence is 
established by parallel developments displayed by other lines of cul- 
ture. The import of these parallelisms becomes clear in the light of 
principles pertaining both to science in general and to anthropologj' in 
particular; and some of these principles are worthy of enumeration: 

1. In all science it is necessarily (albeit often implicitly) postulated 
that knowledge grows by successive increments through experience 
and its assimilation, through observation and comparison (or general- 
ization), through disco\ery and invention, or, in short, through natural 
processes. In the natural (or chieflj' inductive) sciences and in recent 
decades this postulate is commonly made consciously and deliberately; 
in the more abstract (or chiefly deductive) sciences the postulate is less 
frequently made conscious^, though a notable example of recognition 

J *' Cabala, or ' practical cabala,' as described by Hebraic authors, is the art of employing the knowl- 
edgeof the hidden world in order to attain one's purpose in accordance with the mysticism expounded 
inthe'Sefer Yezirah ' (Bookof Creation), in which the creation of the world is ascribed to a com- 
bination and permutation of letters of the alphabet."— The Jewish Encyclopedia, Vol. i, 1891, p. 548. 


of the experiential basis of raatheraatics was recently afforded by the 
president of the American Mathematical Society.' 

2. In all departments of definite knowledge, but especially in the sev- 
eral branches of anthropoloo-y, it is implicitly, if not explicitly, postul- 
ated that knowledge is diffused and its acquisition stimulated through 
association and interchange among individuals and peoples; indeed, 
this postulate affords the warrant, and forms the basis, for education. 

3. In anthropology as in other sciences it is necessary to recognize 
a volume or body of knowledge proper to each people, made up of the 
combined intellectual possessions of all the individuals, increasing with 
successive experiences, decreasing onh' through disuse or neglect, and 
in greater part perpetuated by record and tradition if not by direct 

4. In ethnologic research, as measurably in other lines of inquiry, 
it is desirable and fair to assume that ((/) mental capacity and (h) the 
sum of knowledge, either in the individual or in the group, are in the 
long run practically equivalent. 

5. In ethnologic inquiry it is convenient to assume that the course of 
development is approximately uniform (or about as nearly similar as 
are environmental conditions) in each separate or independent group 
of men. This assimiption. which was recognized first l)y Powell under 
the law of activital similarities, and later by Brinton under the formula 
"unity of mind,"' is rapidly ciystallizing in the minds of anthropolo- 
gists; it is, indeed, but a corollary of the primary postulate on which 
all science rests, namely, that knowledge grows by natural means; and 
lattei'ly the postulate (which is but a generalization of invariable experi- 
ence), with its corollaries and applications, has been formulated as one 
of the cardinal principles of science, namely, the responsivity of mind.^ 

The recognition of the foregoing principles j'ields a moans of out- 
lining intellectual development in general, and hence of defining the 
grades, or growth-stages, of given intellectual stocks (or peoples); for 
when once the general scheme of development indicated by the se\eral 
examples is perceived clearly, the i-elative positions of each of the 
examples are evident. The relations of the natural stages in intellec- 
tual development maj' be illustrated b}- comparison with the growth- 
stages of aged sequoia groves of prehistoric birth, whose beginnings 
no man recorded and no living man saw, but whose history may be 
read clearly in ti-rms of younger groves in other counties; for the 
towering groves of the liig-tree species and the upshooting forests of 
human ideas may well be likened in individual and collective growth, 
save that the vegetal species is decadent and shrunk into scattered 

^"Even pure mathematics, though long held apart from the other sciences, must be founded, I 
think, in the last analysis, on observation and experiment." — R. S. Woodward, Science, new ser., 
vol. XIII, 1901, p. 522. 

sproc. Washington .Academy of Sciences, vol. ii, 1900, pp. 1-12. 

828 ~ PRIMITIVE K UMBERS [eth.ann.19 

patches, while the mental growth is luxuriant and spreading exuber- 
antly from province to province throughout the lands of the earth. 
In both cases the interpretation in terms of growth-stages is established 
by conformity with natural law: did the grove receive extranatural 
impulse at any stage, or did knowledge arise otherwise than through 
interactions of nature, the interpretation would fail; but in the absence 
of evidence against the uniformity' of nature, the equivalence of corres- 
ponding stages uuist be recognized alike for the figurative forests of 
ideas and the material forests of wood and leafage. 

Now the acceptance of these principles, and the recognition of the 
general course of intellectual development, afford a means of tracing 
the unrecorded history of Aryan ciUture and of interpreting the meager 
records of Arabia's mathematical pioneering in terms of the culture 
of other peoples still below, or just rising above, the plane marked by 
the birth of writing — i. e., the beginning of scriptorial culture. 
Especially useful for comparison are various practically independent 
Amerind peoples, some low in prescriptorial culture, others grap- 
pling with the rudiments of definite graphic art, and still others just 
within that phase of scriptorial culture marked by conventional calen- 
dric and numeral systems; hardly less useful are several African peo- 
ples representing various early stages of development; of much 
significance, too, are the Australian tribes, of culture so low that 
numerical knowledge is inchoate only, together with difl'erent Polyne- 
sian tribes whose culture curiously reflects their distinctive environ- 
ment; while useful suggestions as to the origin of numerical concepts 
majr be drawn from various subhuman animals. True, the lines of 
mental growth maturing in mathematical s_ystems must vary with 
environmental conditions, and doubtless with hereditary traits per- 
sistently reflecting both ancestral and proto-environmental factors; 
yet, if knowledge be not an extranatural product rather than a reflex 
of nature (as brilliantly conceived by Bacon) the lines must be so far 
conformable as to render the comparisons trustworthy and sufliciently 
accurate for practical purposes — just as the retracing of the history of 
an isolated grove by comparison with the growth-lines of other groves 
must be inexact in detail, though trustworthy in general and sufli- 
ciently accurate to meet practical needs. 


In tracing the lines of intellectual growth maturing in modern 
enlightenment, it is needful to note certain habits of mind character- 
istic of all primitive men, yet measurably distinct (in degree if not in 
kind) from those common to civilized and enlightened men; and for 
present purposes, as for practically all others, it will suffice to define 
primitive peoples as those who have not yet acquired and assimilated 


the art of writing, i. e., as those who remain in prescriptorial culture; 
for the longest single step in the development of mind and the widest 
chasm dividing humanity is that marking the transition from the 
lowly stage of unaided thinking to the stage of mechanically extended 
memory and mentation. 

2rijsti.c!><)ii of priin'dive thoaght — All primitive men are mystics. 
Believers in extranatural potencies, inexpert observers, and incon- 
stant reasoners, their vague faith veils or counterfeits realities and 
clothes its own figments with all manner of attributes, oftener incon- 
gruous than germane. In their simple (and presumptively i^rimeval) 
aspect, the fear-born figments are grotesque shadows or fantastic dupli- 
cates of actual thi ngs moved by capricious or malicious motives, like those 
of human kind; in somewhat advanced thought the figments are more 
complex, and are incarnated chiefly in self-moving things and invested 
with enlai'ged and intensitied autonomy; while in the higher stages of 
primitive culture the figments are idealized into mystical potencies 
conceived to actuate the objects and powers of the imiverse in accord- 
ance with impulses and motives such as those observed to control 
human action. And this lowly faith, with its imputation of animistic 
imjiulses and agencies to all nature, is far more than mei'e abstraction; 
in all its aspects the belief is profound and paramount; it is an ever- 
present possession, passing often into complete obsession, whereby 
action and thought are habituallj^ and wholly controlled. 

In every phase of primitive culture the mystical potencies imputed 
to natural things are held to Ije the chief factors of failure or success 
in the ceaseless strife for existence. So these potencies arc invoked 
by fasting, propitiated ly sacrifice, cel(>brated bj- feasting, and expa- 
tiated and glorified b\' individual and collective ceremony, as well as 
by the marvelously persistent tradition of prescriptorial culture. The 
first ert'cct of recurrent ceremony is to crystallize the animistic con- 
cepts and concentrate the imputation of potency' on the more conspic- 
uous objects of current experience, and hence to lead to the deification 
of strong and swift beasts, venomous serpents, rapacious birds, turbu- 
lent waters, destructive volcanoes, and other impressive things; though 
since the successful men and tribes give more thought to joyous 
glorification and less to anxious propitiation than their unsuccessful 
contemporaries, the beneficent potencies tend to survive and the 
maleficent mysteries tend to die out of the darksome — but ever bright- 
ening — faith of primitive men. Yet throughout the whole domain of 
lowly culture the mystical potencies are dominant factors of thought. 

In all aspects of primitive faith the controlling mysteries are con- 
ceived as associated with symbolic objects and actions; and by reason 
of this notion both mysteries and S3'mbols are zealously enshrouded in 
ever deeper mysticism. So, fetishism and shamanism grow apace; 
not only ceremonial objects, but places and persons and forms of uttci'- 

830 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [eth.ann.19 

ance become secret or sacred, a-s wheu the plaza is forbidden to all tsave 
priests, and when the Word is deemed a symbol of the Life of the 
speaker. So, too, esoteric observances, impressive insignia, and 
imposing- formalities are established, and systems of rank or caste 
grow up as tangible expressions of the intangible structures of control- 
ling subjectivity. Cumulatively strengthened by reaction of syuiDol 
on mystery and of mj^stery again on symbol, the pervading mysticism 
is exalted above all other motives in primitive thought; and the artis- 
tic concepts, the industrial devices, the social relations, and the themes 
and forms of speech all pass under the control of the unreal potencies 
which shadow the primitive thinker. 

Throughout primitive culture invocation habitually carries a reverse 
of incantation, so that the normal course of fiducial development is 
attended b}' persistent magic, sortilege, thaumaturgy; while in the 
higher stages necromancy and soothsaying, spells and enchantments, 
conjury and exorcism, oracles and ordeals, and, divination by lot or 
chance become characteristic. In the higher strata, too, expressions 
supplement or supplant the objective symbols of lower plane, and the 
jargon of jugglers and the farrago of fakirs take the place of fetiches 
and idols; and it is particularly significant that M'ords and verbal for- 
mulas come to be regarded as superpotent expressions of mystical 
power, and that even the letters of early times were credited with 
creative powers in practical cal^ala. Some savage tribes regard their 
language as sacred, some have hiei-atic languages, and among all known 
tribes personal names are considered magical or tabu in one way or 
another; while just within the lower strata of scriptorial sculpture (as 
illustrated by the Arabs and Hindoos and other Eurasians of a few 
centuries ago, and attested by literary and linguistic and objective 
vestiges), shittboleths and luimerical formulas become rife, and the 
in.scribed talisman and abi'acadal)ra and mystical number, and even- 
tually the magic square, form favorite symbols of occult power. 

The growth of writing and the attendant decadence of tradition 
sounded the knell of primitive mysticism; for one of the leading 
functions of lowly faith in the actual economy of thought was the 
maintenance of long series of mnemonic associations, and when this 
function was assumed (and better performed) by mechanical devices 
the strongest support of the crude philosophy fell awaj-. Yet the 
mode of thought crystallized by uncounted generations of habit was 
too firmly fixed for easy dropping, and innumerable vestiges in the 
line of Aryan culture, as well as the examples afi'orded by other 
lines, demonstrate the potency of primeval mysticism and the tenac- 
ity of its hold on the human mind even beyond the verge of modern 

Egoism of primitive tJioinjhf — All primitive men are egoists. 
Knowing little of the external world, tribesmen erect themselves or 


their groups into centei's about which all other things revolve accord- 
ing to the caprice of their all-potent mysteries; they act and think in 
terms of a dominant personality, always reducible to the Ego. and an 
Ego drawn so large as to stand for person, place, time, mode of action, 
and perhaps for raison d'etre — it is Self, Here, Now, Thus, and 
Because. Science shows that the solar system hurtles through space, 
presumably about an unknown center; it showed before that the sun 
is the center of our system; but the heliocentric system was expanded 
out of an antecedent geocentric s3-stem, itself the offspring of a demo- 
centric S3'stem, which sprang from an earlier ethnocentric system liorn 
of the primeval egocentric cosmos of inchoate thinking. In higher 
culture the recognized cosmos lies in the background of thought, at 
least among the great majority, but in primitive culture the egocen- 
tric and ethnocentric views are ever-present and always-dominant 
factors of both mentation and action. 

The prominence of self-centred thinking in lowly life is exemplified 
b}' kinship organization, the universal basis of primitive society. In 
the lowest of the great culture stages, the recognized kinship is 
maternal, and in the next higher (but still prescriptorial) stage it is 
nominally paternal, though increasingly modified bv adoption and 
other conventional devices; jet the organization is maintained by 
bonds and interrelations which can not better be illustrated than by 
analogy with the plane^arj' assemblage: Each individual rotates inde- 
pendently, may be attended by satellites, and revolves primarily about 
the head of the family yet ultimately about the patriarch of the group, 
and each exerts a definite attractional influence (albeit proportional to 
individuality— or perhaps intellectuality — rather than mass) on all his 
associates. The relative social positions are expressed and kept in 
mind by habitual conduct and form of speech; each member of a fam- 
ily, each family of a clan, and each clan of a tribe has a fixed pl'ice in 
the group to which he or she is kejit by thou's own memory and con- 
strained by the consensus of associates; and among most primitive 
peoples no individual can speak to or of a companion without refer- 
ence to the currently accepted view of his circumscribed cosmos — a 
man can not say "brother," but must sviy "my elder brother," or use 
some other term implying the relative position of several individuals 
to himself, and among each other as reckoned through himself; and in 
many tribes the terms of relationship used by women differ from those 
employed by men. 

The ever-present view of a self-centered cosmos finds expression 
throughout primitive language, as well as in the lowh* faith with 
which it is l)ound up and in the social organization by which it is 
maintained. Primitive speech is essentially' associative, aljounding in 
numbers and genders, persons and cases, moods and tenses, in a complex 
structure reflecting the egocentric habit of thought. This structure 


is crystallized in a characteristically and often chaotically claljorate 
grammar, well suited to the formulation and utterance of a limited 
number of ideas representing- a few main classes (or lines) of thought, 
and well adapted to maintaining the associative thought habit; so that 
primitive languages are essentiallv structural or morphologic, only 
incidental^' lexic. AVith the multiplication of ideas accompanying 
cultural advance, the bonds of linguistic association break under their 
own weight, and discrete vocables multiply at the expense of unwieldy 
collocations; and with the attainment of writing, the function of lin- 
guistic association largely disappears, and speech becomes essentially 
lexic, onh' incidentally morphologic. 

Concordantly with self-centered language, primitive arts and indus- 
tries are conspicuously egoistic. The most strikingly inchoate esthetic 
thus far critically studied is the totemic face-paint borne bj' the ma- 
trons of clans, apparently as beacon-signals analogous to the face-marks 
of various animals,' while the tattoo-marks denoting marriage among 
the women of many Amerind tribes are clear vestiges of the more 
primitive beacons; and the autobiogi'aphic winter count of the warrior 
and the closely related calendar of the shaman are commonh' egocen- 
tric, never more than ethnocentric — for if the motives of the primitive 
S(;ribe perchance transcend self, they never outpass the clan or tribe, 
or at most the confederacy. Similarly the industrial devices of early 
culture are held to absorb and retain a part of the personalit}' of, and 
indeed to become subjective appendages to, their makers and users; 
while in advancing culture the subjective personality of the device 
passes over into the industries in such wise as to engender guilds and 
crafts, and ultimately to grow into the "art and mystery" of conven- 
tional apprenticeship. 

Concordantly, too, egocentric thought finds expression in primitive 
belief; for the individual long retains his personal tutelary or fetish, 
endowing it with characters revealing his own subjectivity; and it is 
with exceeding slowness that he rises first to the recognition of family 
fetishes and clan totems, and eventually to the inheritance, or perhaps 
as among the Kwakiutl Indians to the conjugal acquisition, of those 
symbols of potency, and much later that he rises to that recognition 
of alien tutelaries which expands with piratical and amicatjio .accultu- 
ration, and ends in pantheism. 

So in every line of human activity self-centered thinking is ciys- 
tallized bj^ custom, and the thought and custom interact with cumu- 
lative effect in dominating the primitive mind well into the upper 
strata of prescriptorial life. The persistence of the cumulative eti'ect 
is cleai'lj' indicated by numberless vestiges of egocentric cosmology 
clinging often to the higher phases of Aryan culture. 

' Cf. The Seri Indians; Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1898, part 1, 
p. 168. 


In short, it can not V)p too often stated or too strongly emphasized 
that primitive thought is unlike the finer product of contemporary 
intellectuality. While the differences are many, the most conspicuous 
are those connected with the pervading mysticism and prevailing 
egoism of primitive thinkers, both magnified in their influence by the 
fewness of concurrent intellectual stimuli and motives; so that pre- 
scriptorial culture may justly be regarded as the outgrowth and out- 
showing of that mysticisni-egoisui which arose earlj- in the unwritten 
past, which began to decline with the birth of writing, but which still 
retains some hold on the minds of men. 


Simple counting is an accomplishment common to men and many 
lower animals. The special appreciation of numbers sometimes dis- 
played bj- horses, dogs, and pigs may be due to human association, 
while the geometric sense of the bee may be considered mechanical 
merely; yet the well-known ability of the crow to count (or at least 
to discriminate units) up to six or seven, the similar faculty of the 
fox, and the habits of wasps in providing fixed numbers of spidei-s for 
their unborn progeny, as well as various other examples, demonstrate 
a native capacity for numerical concepts on the part of birds and 
mammals and insects. 

Appai'ently similar is the numerical capacity of various lowly tribes 
of different continents: Numerous Australian tribes are described as 
counting laboriously up to two, three, four, or six, sometimes doub- 
ling two to make four or three to make six, and in other ways reveal- 
ing a quasi-binary system; though both Curr and Conant opine that 
"no Australian in his wild state could ever count intelligently to 
.seven."" Certain Brazilian tribes are also described as counting onlv 
to two, three, or four, usually with an additional term for many; 
while the Tasmanians counted commonly to two and sometimes to four, 
and were able to reach five by the addition of one to the limital 

The analogy between the counting of the tribesmen and that of the 
animals is not so close as the bare records suggest, since the descrip- 
tions of the tribal reckoning relate to sj'stems of vocal numeration 
rather than to actual ability in discrimination and enumeration: more- 
over, most of the tribesmen reveal the germ of notation in the use of 
sticks, notches, knotted cords, and the like to make tangible the 
numerical values — something which lower animals never do so far as 
is known. Actually the savages, even those of lowliest culture, 

> The Number Concept, by L. L. Conant, 1896, p. 27: The Australia-! Race, by E. JI. Curr, l,'<8i;, vol. I, 
p. 32. 
=The Aborigines of Tasmania, by H. Ling Roth, LSQU, p. 147. 

19 ETH, PT 2 18 

834 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [eth.ann.19 

hal)itu:illy think niimeruiilly up to or al)ove three, as is shown by the 
plurality of plurals and })y other features of their speech; and the 
meagerness of their numeration no more negates numerical capacity 
than does the absence of such s.vstems among counting- crows and foxes 
and wasps. Nevertheless, the comparison is instructive. In the first 
place, it indicates roughly corresponding aliilitj' to count on the ))art 
of higher animals and lower men; it also defines the origin of vocal 
numeration at the bottom of the scale of human development; and it 
is especially signiticant in demonstrating that neither the animals nor 
the men (1) either cognize quinary and decimal systems, or ("2) use 
their own external organs (toes, lingers, etc.) as mechanical adjuncts 
to nascent notation — unless the binarj- numeration of certain Austra- 
lian tribes is really l)imanual, as W. E. Roth implies.' Many primi- 
tive peoples count by lingers and hands, sometimes with the addition 
of toes and feet, and thereby tix cjuinary, decimal, and vigesimal sys- 
tems: but the burden of the evidence derived from animal counting 
and from the numeration of lower savagery seems to demonstrate that 
these SA^stems are far from primeval. 

Simple number systems of mystical or symbolic character abound 
among the l)etter-studied tribes of middle-primitive culture, including 
the aborigines of North America. The most widespread of the mys- 
tical numbers is four. It finds expression in Cults of the Quarters in 
North America, South America, Asia, and Africa, and is suggested by 
certain customs in Australia;" it is crystallized in the swastika or fylfot 
and other cruciform syml)ols on every continent, save perhaps Australia; 
and it is established and perpetuated by associations with colors, with 
social organization, and with various customs among numerous tribes. 
In much of primitive culture the hold of the ciuatern concept is so strong 
as to dominate thought and action — so strong as to seem wholly inex- 
plicable save through the interwoven mysticism and egoism of the 
lowly mind. The devotee of the Cult of the Quarters is unable to 
think or speak without habitual reference to the cardinal points; and 
when the quadrature is extended from space to time, as among the 
Papago Indians, the concept is so strong as to enthrall thought and 
enchain action l)eyond all realistic motives. To most of the devotees 
of the quatern concept — forming probably the majoritj^ of the middle 
primitive tribes of the earth — the mystical number four is sacred, 
perfect, and all potent, of a perfection and potency far exceeding that 
of six to the Pythagoreans and of the hexagram to Paracelsus and his 
disciples: they are unconscious or only vaguely conscious of any other 
numerical concept; and many investigators fail to discover the reverse 
of the quartered shield and so trace the mystical figure to the subcon- 
scious self which it invariably reflects. Yet careful inquiry shows 

1 Ethnological Studies among the North- West-Central Queensland Aborigines, 1897, p. 2. 
:Curr, The Australian Race, vol.i, pp. 339, 340. 


that the cardinal points are never conceived apart from the ego in the 
center: that the subjectively prepotent part of the swastika is the inter- 
section or common origin of the arms; that the four colors of bright- 
ening sunrise and boreal cold and blushing sunset and zephyr-borne 
warmth must have a complementary all-color in the middle: that the 
four winds are balanced against some mythic storm king (able to par- 
alyze their powers in response to suitable sacrament) in or near the 
middle of the world; that the sky falls oti' in all directions from above 
the central home of the real men; that the four termini of Papago 
time relate to the end of the period conceived always with respect 
to the beginning; that the four worlds of widespread Amerindian 
mythology comprise two above and two Ijclow the fate-shadowed one 
on which the shamans have their half-apperceived existence; that the 
four phratries or societies are arranged about the real tribal center; 
and that in all cases the exoterically mystical number carries an esoteric 
complement in the form of a simple unity reHecting the egoistic per- 
sonality or subjectivity of the thinker. It is easier to represent the 
quatern concept graphically than verbally — indeed it has been repre- 
sented graphically by uniuimber(>d thousands of primitive thinkers in 
the ci'uciform symbols dotting the whole of human history and dif- 
fused in nearly every, human province, or in the form of the equally 
widespread but less conspicuous (quincunx. 

The exoterically quatern and esoterically cjuincuncial concept appears 
to mark a fairly definite phase of human development: a somewhat 
higher stage is marked by the use of six as a mystical or sacred num- 
ber. In this stage the mythology remains a Cult of the Quarters, 
though the cardinal points are augmented by the addition of zenith and 
nadir, while a third upperworld and a third underworld may be added 
to the tribal cosmology. The ramifications of the concept are still 
more extended than those of the quatern idea, and lead to even more 
patent incongruities — particularly when the attempt is made to graph- 
ically depict the essentially tridimensional concept on a plane. Now 
the senary concept, like its simpler analogue, is always incomplete in 
itself: the six cardinal points must be reckoned from a common 
center, the three underworlds and the three upperworlds are reckoned 
from the middle world of actualitv. and the six colors (for example, 
of corn, as among the Zuni, according to Cushing and others) are habit- 
ually supplemented by a central all-coloi-; so that, in this case, as in 
that of the quasi-quaternary system, the exoterically perfect number 
is esoterically perfected through the unitj' of subjective personalitj-, 
i. e., the ever-present ego.' It is significant that the six-cult is much 

J The perfecting of the mystical numbers four and six by tlie addition of unity has been recognized 
by many investigators, notably by Powell {On Regimentation, in the Fifteenth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. 1893-94, 1897. p. cxvii and elsewhere ). Morris i Relation of the Pentagonal Dodeca- 
hedron . . . to Shamanism: Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. XXXVI. 1897, 
pp. 179-183), and Cushing (ibid., p. 185 and elsewhere). 

836 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [eth.ann.19 

less extensively distributed through history and throughout the world 
than the four-cult, though it may be traced in different continents; and 
it is peculiarly meaningful in establishing that marvelous prepotency of 
the number cult which, among many tribes, carried the nascent lumieral 
S3'stem past the point at which nature strove, through the ol)vious 
organic structure of the hand and through simple algorithmic order, 
to implant the quinary system. Indeed, if further evidence than that of 
bestial and savage counting were required to sliow that linger numera- 
tion and the quinary system were not primeval, it would be afforded 
by the development of the senary -septenary system in so many lands. 

The quaternary and senary cults illumine the binary sj'stems pre- 
vailing among tribes still lower in the scale of intellectual development. 
Especially helpful is the light on the Australian aliorigines. who are 
found thereby to exemplify what might be called a Cult of the Halves; 
for they are controlled by a binary concept of things expre.ssed not 
only by their numeration, but even more clearly by their social and 
fiducial systems, which, in turn, shape their everyday conduct and 
speech. "The fundamental feature in the organization of the central 
Australian, as in that of other Australian tribes, is the division of the 
tribe into two exogamous intermarr3'ing groups." say Spencer and 
Gillen;' and all other students of native Australian society have either 
been o^'erwhelmed by an apparently irresolvable nebula of overlapping 
classes and subclasses and sui^erclasses, or have been led to a related 
conclusion. Indeed the Gordian knot of entangled relationships con- 
stituting Australian society is easily cut by the student who places 
himself in the position of an individual blackfellow, and projects from 
self dichotomous class-lines occasionally uniting and bifurcating in 
other indiWduals. after the manner of the dichotomous lines of Aris- 
totelian classification and the Tree of Porjjhyr}-; for the social classes, 
and the conduct involved in their maintenance, are fixed by a bifurcate 
series of ordinances, ostensibh' descended from the mystical olden time, 
and put in the form of tabus and equally mystical mandates b}' the 
shamans. In like manner the obscure pantheon of the Australians 
seems to be arranged in nearly symmetric pairs; and even the indi- 
vidual shade (or mj'stical double of the person) is conceived as bipartite, 
as among the Arunta, who designate the ghostly attendants Iruntarinia 
and Arumbaringa, respectively.^ 

Although typically developed among the Australian aborigines, the 
binary philosophy is by no means confined to the Austral continent 
and primeval culture: it existed among the Tasmanians, it reapp'Mii's in 
Africa, persists in China and Mongolia, and may clearly be traced in 
America, e. g., in the "sides" forming the primary basis of society 
in the Seneca and other Amerind tribes; while no fiducial system is 

1 The Native Tribes of Central Australia, by Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, 1899, p. 55. 
2 Op. eit.,p. 513. 


wholly free from the persistent dualism springing from binary inter- 
pretations of nature. Yet the mystical Two is no more complete in 
itself than the mystical Foiii- and Six of hioh(>r culture; the primary 
classes or "sides" are perfected in the tribe both in Australia and in 
America, the Iruntarinia and Ai'umbaringa are conjoined in and non- 
existent apart fi'om the personality they aw held to shadow, and the 
mandates and prohibitions of Australian (and indeed of most other) 
laws are perfected in permissive, or normal, conduct; in Australia 
indeed the central factor is so well developed that Lumholtz was led 
to note a ternary concept as expressing a definite "idea of the Trin- 
ity" among the southeastern tribes;' so that the exoterically binary 
system of thought is esoterically, or in subconscious fact, tei-nary. 

The dichotomous tiducial and social structure clarities the Australian 
numeral system. The abundant numerations recorded by Curr and 
others strongly suggest the simple l)inary system traced by C'onant. 
A common form is goo/ia. harlvoJit, iMrrhxiJa-yooKU harhiold-harhidJn 
(1, 2, 2-1, 2-2) sometimes followed by "many "or "plenty" and more 
rarelv by hni'l-oiihi-harhtoln-ijuiiiiii (2-2-1), though usually the table does 
not go beyond the fourth term, which may itself be replaced by 
"many." Now, examination of the numerous records shows (1) that 
none of the terms correspond with fingers; (2) that a very few of the 
terms cori'espond with the word for hand, such terms being three, 
four, one, and two in (approximate) order of frequency; (3) that a 
somewhat larger number of terms, chiefly three, one, and two, cor- 
respond with the words for man; (1) that a considerable number of 
threes and ones, with a few fours and twos, suggest affinities with 
obscure roots used chiefly in terms for man, tribe, wild dog, I, ves, 
etc. ; and (5) that there is a strong tendency to limit the formal luuner- 
ation to three. It is particularly noticeable, too, that certain per- 
sistent number-tei-ms are used sometimes for two and sometimes for 
three among numerous slightly related tribes — i. e., the term is more 
definitely crystallized than the concept, which oscillates indiscrimi- 
nately between two and three, betraying a confusion impossible to 
arithmetic thought. Similarly the Tasmanian numerations are l>inary, 
and without reference to finger or hand, though five sometimes appears 
to connote man. These features clearly indicate that the Australa- 
sians do not count on their fingers, and are without realistic notion 
as to the number of fingers— indeed the Pitta-Pitta of Queensland 
are able to count their fingers and toes only by the aid of marks in the 
sand.' while the abundant Australian pictographs reveal hal)itual 
uncertainty as to the number of fingers in the human hand (save where 
the picture is developed from a direct impression). 

Suggestively analogous in form and meaning are certain South 

1 Among Cannibals, 1889, p. 129. 

2 Ethnological Studies, by Walter E, Roth, p. 20. 


American number-system.s — e. g., that of the Toba, whose ordinary 
numeration ends with six (the term meaning also " many" or "plenty"), 
though Barcena has traced it to ten. The terms are somewhat vari- 
able, and of such form as to imply actual or vestigial connotive char- 
acter; as recorded by Quevedo' they are nathedac, cacaynl or nhoca, 
cacaynilia, nalotajjegat^ nivoca cacainilia (2+3), eacayni cacayniUa 
(2 X 3), nathedae caeayn ! camynilia (1+2x3), n ivoca nalotapegat (2X4), 
nivoca nahitapegat nath£dac (2x4+1), camyni nivoca nalotapegat 
(2X4+2). Now, it is noteworthy (1) that none of the terms connotes 
finger, hand, or man; (2) that there are alternative terms for two in 
both simple and composite uses; (3) that two is the most prominent 
factor in the composite part of the series; (4) that one of the terms 
for two and the term for three are closely similar, and distinguished 
only by inflection; (5) that the term for four apparently connotes 
equality {nalotath=e(\\\aX) and declaration (?;«-/>f'(7« = they say; sena- 
■pega = J say, etc.); and (ti) that the system is detinitivi^ly not quinary or 
decimal. There are suggestions, both in the combinations and connota- 
tions of the terms, of two threes of ill-defined numeric character, 
corresponding respectively to the numeric two and three; and that 
four is an essentially mechanical square. There are also many indica- 
tions that the sj'stem is inchoate so far as the strictly numerical aspect 
is concerned. 

In the dearth of knowledge concerning the original or collateral 
meanings of the Australian and South American number- terms, it is 
difficult to foi'mulate the fundamental concept or to give it graphic 
expression; but a suggestion of great inherent interest is found in the 
Shahaptian numeration, in which, according to Hewitt, the first two 
integer-tei'ms are denotive or arbitrary merely, while the term for 
three means Middle or Middle one — not middle finger or middle of 
the hand, but apparentlj' a general (or semi-abstract) Middle like that 
of the Zuni ritual; and the suggestion is enforced by corresponding 
expressions in Serian, Iroquoian, and some other Amerindian tongues. 
The Zuni expression for the middle finger, as rendered by Gushing, is 
particularly suggestive, viz, " Counter-equally-itself-which-does";'^ 
and the persistent tendency to double as well as to divide is illustrated 
by the Hai-it terms (incorporated by Dr Thomas, postea, p. 871) for 
two, four, and eight, viz, j9e«, t»oo'-il\ und pen' -fsoo-ik (2X4), and still 
more clearly by the absence of the numeral nine — indeed this brief 
vocabulary displays a curious combination of the binaiy and quinary 

In the light of these analogies the Australian thought-mode, witli its 
numerical and social and fiducial expressions, and measurably also that 

1 Arte de la I/engua Toba. por el Padre Alonso BArcena • * * con Vocabularios • * » por 
Samuel a. Lafone Quevedo. Biblioteca Linguistica del Museo de la Plata, vol. ii, 1S9H, p. -U. 

2 Manual Concepts, Am. Anthropologist, vol. v, 1S92, p. 293. 


of the Tohii and perhaps other Soutli Aiiiericaii ti'ihes, assume detinite 
and harmonious shape in a binary-ternary system, in which things are 
conceived in pairs related siibconsciously to an initial or central inter- 
pretative nucleus — that is, to the dominating Ego of primitive ideation. 

The three number-systems pertaining to prescriptorial culture are 
essentially distinct from modern Aryan nmneration. and indeed from 
the whole of Arabic algorithm and arithmetic, in motive as well as in 
mechanism. Primarity, the}' are devices for di\ ination or for con- 
nectitig the real world with the supernal, and it is only later or in minor 
way that they are prostituted to practical uses; yet by reason of the 
magical potency imputed to them they dominate thought and action 
in the culture-stages to which they 1)elong and profoundly atl'ect the 
course of intellectual development — indeed, likeother tigments(or pure 
abstractions, dissevered from the actualities of nature), their office is 
first to stimulate and later to enchain mentation. 

In mechanism the three systems correspond substantially, even if 
they are not actually correlative, for each rests on an exoteric base in 
the form of a small even number, and each is really controlled and per- 
fected by a half-apperceived unity, itself the retiection of the Ego, 
whereby the base is raised esoterically to the next higher odd number. 
The systems ditfer only in the value of the exoteric base, whicli is 
a measure of the intellectual capacity normal to the culture-stage to 
which it pertains. The two higher systems have graphic equivalents 
which shape and intensify their mystical potency (for the mechanit'al 
conditions attending graphic representation always interact with pri- 
mary concepts in primitive thought); but the lowest and presumptively 
primeval system is without knf)wn graphic symbol. 

Notation and Augmentation 

Resting as they do on inconstant and largely subjective bases, and per 
taining as they do to prescriptorial culture (or at the ))est to inchoate 
ideographic representation), the primitive number systems are not 
susceptible of algorithmic notation. Concordantly they are insuscep- 
tible of treatment by the methods of rational arithmetic; though the 
two higher systems (and probably the lowest also) lend themselves to 
combinations made in accordance with a method or law which may 
be styled augnientat'wn — a process tending to perpetuate itself, and, 
while neither addition nor multiplication, tending to generate both. 
This curious law of augmentation is of much significance; in the first 
place, it represents a process apparently lost (along with the observa- 
tional basis of arithmetic) from the recorded history of mathematics; 
and, in the second place, it seems to explain the interrelations and evo- 
lution of the magical number-sj^stems; again, it would seem to con- 
stitute the germ of the fundamental arithmetic processes, and hence 
to explain the transition from magical to rational numbers; and finally 

840 PRIMITIVE 'NUMBERS [eth.ann.19 

it is of no small interest as a souree of those vestigial featuivs of 
aiiiiacabalu still persisting in Aryan culture, still cropping out in 
"lucliy nunilters" and in other fantastic forms. 

The augnuMitation of the widely diffused quaternarv-quinary system 
is made clear by aid of its mechanical symljolism, which comljined 
with the egoistic concept to shape the system. The commonest (and 
nearh' world-wide) symbol is the cruciform figure -|-, or the quincunx, 

Now. magnification of the peripheral powers or objects is 

readily and intuitively represented by adding a line or dot to each of 
the four extremities of the symbol, whereby it is converted into the 

simple swastika in its prevailing forms, ^. or r^ Actually the figure 

is sometimes developed (as among some Pueblo peoples, according 
to Gushing) by laying down four billets or arrows radiating from a 
fetishistic Middle toward the east, north, west, and south, and then 
adding, as the ritual proceeds, shorter transvei'se sticks touching the 
extremities of the four cardinal billets, the whole being done in such 
a manner as to harmonize ritual and symbol, and impress the former 
by the objective representation in the latter. In any case, the symbol 
is raised from its original value of 4+1 to S+1; and the graphic rep- 
resentation accords with the shadowy concept lying behind the number 
sj'stem in which the mystical Middle is persistent, and can be counted 
but once howsoever the value be augmented. Similarh* the periph- 
eral potencies may be multiplied by the addition of dots, as in a common 

form of the swastika noted by Wilson, rp or .f\^.^ or by the develop- 
ment of the "meander," ^, which thus represent, respectively, 12+1, 
20+1, and 20+1; and the augmentation may proceed indefinitely, by 
either mechanical or mental addition, though always in accordance 
with the primary principle that the Middle is reckoned but once. 

The mechanical conditions accompanying the development of the 
figure tend to maintain its symmetry, i. e.. the supplementary trans- 
verse billets, or .sticks, are naturally so laid as to form counterparts in 
relation to the primary billets and to the center; but, as pointed out 
by Wilson (after Max Miiller and Burnouf), the additional billets com- 
pleting the swastika proper maj' be turned either to right or to left, i.e., 
the development of the figure may be either clockwise or counter- 
clockwise. The question has even been raised whether distinct names 
should be applied to the alternative forms; but in view of the fact that 
the habitual motion.s' of primitive peoples are predominantly centrip- 
etal, or toward the bodj', while the predominant motions of advanced 
peoples are centrifugal, it seems .safe to infer that the clockwise swas- 
tika repre.sents the higher cultural plane (just as writing toward the 
right represents a higher plane than the archaic mode of writing 

' The Swastika: Report of the United States National Museum for 1894. p. 767. 


toward the left), aiul aeeordinuly that this form would be normal if 
the form itself were normal to advanced culturi>; hut that since the 
s_vmbol pertains in all essential respects to the lowly culture charac- 
terized b\' centripetal hand-movement, the counter-clockwise form 
would seem to be more properh' considered the normal one — and it is 
drawn herein. 

While the concept of the senary-septenary system is much more 
complex than that of the quaternarj--quinary system, the law of aug- 
mentation is similar; and it is significant that the similarity accom- 
panies (and presumptively results from) analogous efl'orts at graphic 
repi'esentation. Commonh' the concept is directional, as in that form 
of the Cult of the Quarters in which zenith and nadir are reckoned as 
cardinal points; and the mechanical symbol is complicated, and event- 
ually modified, through the difficulty of depicting tridimensional rela- 
tions on the bidimensional surface. Among the pueblo peoples this 
difficult}' is overcome liy bisecting two of the quadrants in a simple 
cruciform symbol in .such manner as to produce the asymmetric figure 

■^j^: but the i-\('i-;uting mechanical tendency operates to produce the 

regular figure ~^ as the applications of the .sj'stems are extended. In 

either case, augmentation is efl'ected by doubling or further increas- 
ing the peripheral extremities in such manner as to produce simple 

h(\\aurams, at first irregular. ?^, and eventualh' regular. S^. i>r^^. 

The value of successive augmentations is expressed by the figures 
6-|-l. 12-|-1, 18+1, etc., i. e., by successive additions (mechanical or 
mental) to a once-reckoned Middle. 

Now, comparison of these two number systems, especially as 
illumined b}' the Puel)lo method of depicting the fifth and sixth direc- 
tions, indicates that the higher is produced from the lower simply by 
the superposition of a binary sj-stem on the quaternary system; and 
the inference, coupled with the patent fact that the higher base is the 
measure of increased intellectual capacity, seems to define the course 
of development of both sjstems. True, it is difficult for the arith- 
metical thinker to see how the mathematical pioneer missed the now- 
plain road from the indefinite quaternary -quinary notion to the defi- 
nite quinar\' concept; 1)ut the fact can not be gainsaid that the road 
iras missed by many primitive tribes of especially mj'stical cast of 
mind, and that it was found and followed only by the ancestors of 
the practical Arabs with their decimal sj-stem, the barefoot Mexicans 
with their vigesimal .system, and a few other peoples of exceptionally 
vigorous mind. The failure to find so plain a way may be ascribed 
largely to the complete domination of primitive thought ))y mystical 
concepts; and it would seem to repeat the demonstration by other 
facts that throughout much of prescriptorial culture little if any use 


was made of nature's abacus, the ever present human hand — for a 
habit of tinger-countina; could hardly fail to fix the quinary system in 
the minds of counters able to grasp so high a number as five without 
aid of extraneous symbols. 

The growth of the senaiy-septenary system out of the quaternary- 
quinaiy arrangement forcibly suggests the genesis of the latter; for 
just as the hexagram of the higher system represents the swastika of 
the lower system plus a tiigram of the binary -ternary system super- 
posed by almacabalic augmentation, so the swastika itself merely 
represents two superposed trigrams. This view of the growth of the 
three sj'stems in the order of passage from the simple to the complex 
is suppoiled l)y all that is known of the relative intellectual capacity 
of their users: and it would seem to ])e established l)v the occasional 
advances from the binar^'-ternary system to the quaternar}- -quinary 
plane by some of the Australian numerations, as well as by various 
vestiges of the binary-ternary system along various culture lines, 
notal)l}' the Mongolian and Aryan. 

The presumptively primeval system apparently arose spontaneously 
(perhaps along lines noted later) and liecame fixed through habitual 
mental eflort shaped less bj- purpose-wrought symbols than by per- 
sonal or subjective associations. Analogy with the higher systems 
would indicate that the number-concept outlined vaguely through the 
dull mentation of the Australian blackfellows might be symbolized 
by any regular trigram uniting the perceived pair of objects and the 
imapperceived Ego, i. e., connecting the objective impression with its 
subjective reflex; but the inequality of all social pairs in the tribal 
organization, the ever-varying relative potencies of the good and evil 
mysteries, the unequal rank of the two ghostly Doppel-ichon. and 
divers other indications, would suggest that a better figure for the 
concept would be an irregular trigram. Yet howsoe\er the system 
be represented grapliically b}- the student (for apparently the black- 
fellow had no notion of notation), the law of augmentation conuuon to 
the two higher systems prevailed, as is shown both by certain of the 
Australian numlier-terms and by the Mongolian vestiges — i. e., the 
augmentation proceeded bj- successive additions to a once-rockoned 
middle, yielding the values 2+1, 4+1, 6+1. 

It is questionable whether any enlightened student will ever enter 
sufiicientlj' into the prescriptorial thouglit represented by any consid- 
erable number of distinct primitive peoples to grasp and record all 
the stages and substages in the growth of iuim1)er systems; yet the 
records alreadj' extant would seem to indicate the lines of growth in 
fairly adequate fashion. The records are consistent in indicating that 
primitive peoples used integral lumibers rather as syml)ols of extra- 
natural potencies than as tokens for natural values; that they com- 
bined the symbols through mechanical devices by aid of a simple rule 


tending- to develop into algorithmic processes; and that the mechanical 
arrangements employed to represent the numerit-il t'onihinations 
tended to develop into geometric forms and symbols — the several proc- 
esses being characterized by the method of reckoning from an ill- 
detined unity counted Init once in each combination. 


The course of intellectual development defined by the three pre- 
scriptorial number-systems (2-3, J— 5, 6-7) naturally leads interest 
toward the inception of the number idea among lower men — some- 
thing which must always remain obscure, save as illumined by analo- 
gies with lowest men and higher animals. Now, the more intelligent 
fera! animals and the lowest known savages are fairly comparable in 
their capacity for counting; the_v are also alike in another respect of 
such consequence as to shape the character of both — their lives (as 
Ernest Seton-Thompson so well shows for the animals) are lived in the 
shadow of tragedies unto often early and always tragic death. This 
great fact of inevitable tragedy overlays all other facts woven in the 
web of nascent mind; the most firmly fixed habit of lowly life is that 
of eternal vigilance; the everpresent thought is that of ever-present 
danger; the dominant motive is that of mortal fear. 

No line of intellectual development can be fairly traced without full 
recognition of the ceaseless terrors of feral life; and the primeval 
interpretations of environment by animals and men alike manifestly 
reflect their tragic experiences: The fear-born cunning of the fox 
engenders that care for a way of escape without which ho ventures on 
no advance; his every intuition is molded t)y living realization of a 
two-side universe — the danger side in van, the safety side in rear — 
with self as the all-important center; and only religious adherence to 
expei'icnce-shapcd instincts enables him to survive and permits his 
tribe to increase. The sagacious crow, even in semidomestication, 
constantly betrays his notion of a two-side cosmos in frequent back- 
ward glances as he survej's the novel or forbidden field in front; and 
he is an arrant mystic, crazed with abject terror by night, replete with 
flippant joy by day, and given to the formless fetishism of hoarding 
uncanny things in well-hidden shrines.' In like manner nearly all 
animals, from the fiercest carnivores to the timidest herbivores, mani- 
fest constant realization of three overshadowing factors in nature as 
they know it — factors expressed liy Danger, Safety, Self, i. e., by 
Death and Life to Self, or in general terms, the evil of the largely 
unknown and the good of the fully known coordinated in the vaguely 
defined su))ject of the l)adn(>ss and the goodness; and the chief social 
activities of animal mates and parents are exercised in gathering their 

1 Wild Animals 1 have Known, by Ernest Seton-Thompson, 1898, pp. 72. 83. 

844 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [eth.ann.19 

kind into the lirig'htness of the known, and educating' their native 
dread of all outer darkness. So, too, the more timid tribesmen of dif- 
ferent continents betray, in conduct and speech, a dominant intuition 
of a terriVjle Unknown opposed through self to a small but kindly 
Known. This intuition is not born of intertribal strife, since it is 
strongest in those innately amicatjle familj^ groups who (despite an 
implication of their designation) typify lower savagery, and since it is 
slowly moditied with the rise of self-contidence among vigorous and 
aggressive tribes in whose minds the good grows large with the wax 
of conscious power; it is merely the subjective reflection of implacable 
environment — vet it is vaguely personified as a grislj' and horrent 
bestial power, flaunting specters of death by tooth and claw, by serpent 
venom and swallowed poison. ])y pitiless famine and insidious dLsease, 
b}' wracking storm and whelming flood, by hydra-headed chance against 
half-felt helplessness; and over against this appalling evil there 
is a less completely personified good reflecting the small nucleus 
of contident knowledge with its far-reaching penumbra of faith. 
Accordingly, the lowest men and the higher animals seem much alike 
in their interpretation of nature — both rest their deepest convictions 
on a two-side cosmos connected in and through a largel}* passive Self. 
A vague yet persistent placement of the two ever-present sides 
with respect to Self is clearlj' displaced in the conduct of animals and 
men — the evil side is outward, the good side at the place or domicile 
of the individual and especially' of the group, as is shown by the homing 
instinct of the wounded carnivore, by the haste of the fire-crazed horse 
to meet the flames in his familiar stall, by human and equine nostal- 
gia, and by the barbarian longing for bui'ial in native soil. Moreover, 
both animals and men reveal indications of instinctive placement of 
the sides in the individual organism; and the indications consistently 
point to persistent intuition of face and back as the essential factors 
of self. Yet there is a significant diversity in the assignment of the 
sides of the organism to the sides of the good-bad cosmos: In general 
it appears that among the lower and the more timid the back stands 
for or toward the evil, the face toward the good, and that among the 
higher and more aggressive the face is set toward the danger; thus, 
defenseless birds and sheep huddle with heads together, savages sleep 
with heads toward the fire, and timid tribesmen tattoo talismans on 
their backs, while litters of j'oung carnivores lie facing in two or more 
directions, self-contident campers .sleep with feet to the fire, and higher 
soldiery think only of facing the foe. The interesting and significant 
growth of self-confidence need not be followed; it suffices to note that 
the primeval concept of the organic ego, as revealed in the conduct of 
animals and men, appears to be that of a face-back (and not bilateral) 
unity, with the two sides set toward the two aspects of a cosmos con- 
ceived in fear-l)urn philosophy. 

""""^"^ THE CULT OF THE HALVES 8-45 

The passage of the primeval concept of a Face-Back Ego int.. that 
notion ot two ,-ai'<lina] points suggesting a Cult of the Halves is hai)pil v 
represented an.o.ig those Polynesian tribes who, according to Chur- 
chill.' have a system of geographic <-oordinates dominated by two 
cardinal directions, primarily seaward and landward, and secondarily 
northward and southward, respectively; while the language and cus- 
toms connote a corresponding pantheon, capriciouslv malevolent on 
the sea side and steadily benevolent on the land side. This system of 
orientation is especially significant as a link in the chain of conceptual 
evolution, and equally as an explanation of the persistence of quasi- 
binary systems throughout Polynesia and Australasia with their shore- 
lands of antithetic potencies; and no less significant are the facts in 
their bearing on the question of the habitat of primeval man or of 
the orarian prototype already inferred from other facts.^ Althouo-h 
varying h-oni tribe to tribe in its relation to the meridian, this nascent 
orientation is no fleeting figment, but a deep-laid instinct so firmly 
rooted as to control every serious thought and direct everv vital indus- 
try; indeed the Samoans and related navigators have developed their 
orientations into one of the most marvelous instincts in the whole 
range of animal and human life, viz, a cognition of definite albeit invis- 
ible sailing paths, whereby they are able to traverse the open PaciHc 
far beyond sight of land, with a degree of safety nearly equal to that 
afforded by chart and compass. 

The Polynesian orientation at once illumines the unformulated Cult 
ot the Halves, and opens the way to an explanation of the Cult of the 
Quarters: for each point of the shore is necessarily dcHned by sea in 
front and land m rear, and also by strands stretching toward the right 
andtowardthelett. Moreover.assemblagesof Polynesians and Austral- 
asians, like the Iroquoian tribal councils, find it c'onvenient to arrano-e 
themselves in coordinate groups or "sides.-'so placed laterally as to 
face a speaker at the end of the plaza or prytaneum; and there i; o-ood 
reason tor opining that the collective habit was soon strencrthe'^.ed 
even it ,t was not initiated, by the slight asymmetry of th^ human 
body wherel.y the left brain receives blood a little more directly than 
the right and gives proportional excess of strength and cunning'to the 
right hand. The initial incjuality was doubtless too slight to yield 
more than barely perceptible physiologic advantage to the dextral fore- 
hnib, as^Brinton and Mason and others have shown; vet it may well 
have sufficed o set in operation a chain of demotic interactions l.'.ulino- 
to the survival ot the right-handed and the extinction of the left-handed 

Lesson and Martinet note that in Tahiti north In^n' . ^ °* ^''^^ "™''''- Conformably, 
=n. a sn..estive re^.uT.:!Z:^:^::X.^;::^^::^^:^^^^ ~ve tenn. hear- 

ine Trend ot Human Progress: American Anthropologist, new series, vol. i, 1899, p 423 

846 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [eth.ann.19 

throucrhout the earlier eon.s of human development. A clue to the 
demotic process is easily found in widespread horror of left-handed- 
ness, especially among primitive peoples; the clue becomes definite in 
the lio-ht of systematic infanticide among many tribes, whereby all 
manner of natal deformity is eliminated; it becomes conclusive in the 
light of the customs of those American tribes who haliitually eliminate 
the sinistral offspring as monsters betokening the wrath of the powers. 
So, apparently initiated by slight physiologic difference and unques- 
tionably intensified by demotic selection, right-handedness became even 
more predominant among primitive men than among their less super- 
.stitious descendants; the dexter and dextrous hand came to be exalted 
in .scores of languages as "The One That Knows How" or " The Wise 
One," while the sinister hand was degraded by linguistic opprobrium 
unto a symbol of evil and outer darkness. Naturally and necessarily 
the bilaterally symmetric division of the P^go into Right and Left fell 
into superposition with the antecedent Face-Back concept, and pro- 
duced a quatern notion such as that (expressed in the Cult of the Quar- 
tei-s. Happily this transition is crystallized in the language of the 
Pitta-Pitta of Queensland, which possesses directional inflections indi- 
cating Front and Back reckoned from the Ego; and it is especially 
significant (in connection with the bimanual count inferred b^' W. E. 
Roth) that the inflection for Front applies also to (right!') Side.' 

It is evident that the passage from the Cult of the Halves to the 
Cult of the Quarters marked a considerable intellectual advance, both 
in extension and in intension; and it is evident, too, that the transition 
must have introduced novel and distinctive thought-modes, susceptible 
of growth into habits and hence of crystallization into instincts. Con- 
cordantly. men in several stages of culture as well as certain higher 
animals are found to display habits and instincts reflecting some such 
system of coordinates as that formulated in the Cult of the Quarters. 
The habits are especially prominent among the many primitive folks 
who ceremoniously venerate the cardinal points, systematically orient 
the doorwavs and other structural features of their houses, and main- 
tain social relations in terms of direction. The instincts are particu- 
larly conspicuous among horses and kine and swine with their 
remarkable direction-sense, and most notable of all in the mule with 
its curiously concentrated hereditary intelligence, and the carrier- 
pigeon with its carefulh- cultivated homing-sense. In the present 
state of knowledge it would be impractica))le to trace confidently the 
entire course of development of the direction-sense in animals and 
men, partly because so few naturalists have sought, like Ernest Seton- 
Thompson, to interpret the habits and instincts of lower animals, 
partly because so few anthropologists have really entered the esoteric 
life of primitive peoples; yet it is easy to perceive the general trend 

1 Ethnological Studies, p. 2. 


of tho developmental lines from an obst-ure beginning in higher ani- 
mality to a conspicuous culmination somewhere in that lower humanity 
in which the direction-sense is fixed by generation on generation of 
direction-worship. And it is not to be forgotten that the quatern con- 
cept, born of unrecorded myriads of experiences and nurtured by 
unwritten eons of ceremonies, is much more than an idle fancj" of kiva 
and camp-fire. Intensified by the strongest motives of primitive life, 
it doubtless attained maximum strength before writing arose to divide 
its functions; yet despite the decadence of millenniums, it still survives 
in one, if not both, of the two strongest instincts of higher humanity — 
the instinct of orientation, with the correlative instinct of right- 

On the whole, it would seem safe provisionally to trace the ))egin- 
nings of the number-concept in the light of common attributes of 
animals and men, and especially in the strong light aftoi-ded by the 
late-.studied workings of primitive minds; and when this is done, the 
lines of natural development seem clearly to define a crude philosophy, 
or rather a series of intuitive thought-modes, whence all alinacabalic 
and mathematical .sj'stems must necessarilv have sprung. 


The character of almacabala, and the strength of its hold on the 
human mind, are illusti-ated hj numberless vestiges, mainlj' mystical 
numbers and cognate graphic syml>ols. The entire series of mystical 
numbers ma}' readil}- be ascertained by juxtaposing the three almaca- 
balic number systems and the products of their augmentation under 
the almacabalic rule. They are as follow (the super-mystical numbers 

2-3—3, 5'. 7. 9. t'tc. 

i-9— 5. 9, 13. 17, 21, 25, 29, 33, 37, 41, 45, 49, 53, 57, 6i, 65, 69, 73, etc. 

6-7— 7. 13, 19, 25, 31, 37, 43, 49, 55, 6i, 67, 73, etc. 

The vestigial uses of the binarj'-ternary .system are innumerable. 
Two persists as the basis of the semi-mystical Aristotelian classifica- 
tion, which still exerts strong influence on Aryan thought: 2 is the 
basis, also, of the largely-mystical Chinese philosophy in which the 
complementar}' co.smologic elements, Yang and Yin, are developed 
into the Book of Changes'; and it finds expression, either alone or in 
its nonnal union, in most Aryan cults. The mystical 3 pervades nine- 
tenths of modern literature and all modern folklore; it finds classic 
expression in the (Iraces and the Fates; it is particularly strono- in 
Germanic and Celtic literature, cropping out in the conventional Three 
Wishes and Three Tests (a survival of the ordeal), and also as a cus- 
tomary charm number; and in these or related ways it persits in half 

' Chinese Philosophy, by Paul Carus, 1898, p. 3 et seq. 

848 PRIMITIVE NUMBERS [eth. a.nn.B 

the families and most of the child-groups even of this fountrv and of 
today. The concept survives, also, in all manner of trigrams — 
triangles, triskelions. hearts, etc. — of mj-stic or symbolic character. 

The quaternary-quinary systeui survives conspicuously in the form 
of graphic devices, especially the world-wide cruciform symbol, which 
has taken on meanings of constantly increasing nobility and refine- 
ment with the growth of intelligence. Hardly less conspicuous are 
the classic and later literary survivals in the Four Elements — air, earth, 
fire, water — of alchemistic philosophy, the Four Winds of astrology 
and medieval cartography, the Four Iddhis of Buddha, and the Four 
Beasts of Revelation, with their reflections in the ecclesiastic wi-iting of 
two millenniums; while the survivals in lighter lore are innumerable. 
The system persists significantly also in its augmentals, especially 9, 
13, 25, 49, and 61. The numerical vestiges are naturally for the most 
part quaternary, since the quinary aspect is merged and largely lost 
in algorithm. 

The senary-septenary system survives as the bridge connecting 
almacabala and mathematics. In the graphic form it became Pythag- 
oras's hexagram of two superposed triangles, the equally mystical 
hexagram of Brianchou, with which Paracelsus wrought his marvels, 
and the subrational hexagram of Pascal, while the current hexagram 
of the Chinese is apparently a composite of this and the binary as 
well as algorithmic systems. In the numerical form, 6 and more 
especially 7 play large roles in lore and in the classic and sacred 
literature revived during the Elizabethan period; even so recently as 
the middle of the century the hold of the astrologic 7 was so 
strong as to retard general acceptance of the double discovery of the 
eighth planet, Neptune; and equally strong is the hold on the average 
mind of certain senaiy-septenary augmentals, particularly those coin- 
ciding with the augmentals of the lower systems. In idealized (or 
reified) form, the number 7 has exerted marvellous influence on thought 
and conduct, especially in the medial stages of human development; 
according to Addis. "The conmion Hebrew word for 'swear 'meant 
originally 'to come under the influence of the number 7'""; and this 
is but a typical example of reverence for the magical number among 
various peoples. 

In tracing vestiges in the form of augmentals, it is clearly to be 
borne in mind that their significance, like that of the primary num- 
bers, is mystical I'ather than quantitative, so that certain augmental 
numbers possess greater vitality than others of corresponding arith- 
metic grade. This is especially true of the alinacabalic doubles, nota- 
bh' 9 as the first augmental of 5, and 18 as that of 7: for in these and 
other cases the first augmental is commonly of opposite sign, in alma- 
cabalic sense, from its basis — thus, 5 and 7 are beneficent or "lucky," 

'The Documents of the Hexateuch, part 1, 1893, p. 35. 


while 9 and especially 13 are maleficent or ' ' unlucky " numbers. More- 
over, there is a further mystical intensification in squares of the 
bases (perhaps growing out of mechanical or arithmetical superposi- 
tions on the mystical notions); and the charm seems to be still further 
augmented by coincidences between the several systems. It is partly 
through this mystical accentuation of the always mystical augmcntals 
that such numbers as 9, 13, 49, and til become conspicuous as factors 
and vestiges of almacabala. 

Nine survives as a mystical number in the Muses of classical mythol- 
ogy, in Anglo-Saxon aphorisms emphasizing the vitality of the cat and 
the effeminacy of the tailor, and as a recurring tale in all of the super- 
abundant Celtic lore such as that currently recorded by Seumsis Mac- 
Manus; it even survived in the schoolbooks of the earl}' part of the 
century in the more curious than useful arithmetic process of "cast- 
ing out the nines;" and throughout the last decade of the nineteenth 
century the newspaper-writing jugglers with nines found (and dif- 
fused) much mystery-tinged amusement in almacabalic analyses of the 
numbers 1890-1899. 

Glaringly prominent in the mythology of recent centuries is the 
bode clustering about the ill-omened first augmentiil of "lucky" 7 — 
indeed it is probable that nearly half of the enlightened citizens of the 
world's most intelligent countrj' habitually carry the number 13 in 
their minds as a messenger or harbinger of evil. The almacabalic 
double of 13 (which is at the same time an augumental of 5) has largely 
lost its mystical meaning in Europe and America, apparently through 
friction with practical arithmetic; but it retains no little hold on 
the oriental mind, and finds expression in twenty-five-fold collectives 
in India and China, and in a rather frequent organization of Tibetan 
tribes into 25 septs or formal social units. Eminently conspicuous in 
Europe and America is the m}^stical number 49, especially when 
expressed as 7x7; for, in the belief of a large element of European 
population, the seventh son of a seventh son needs no training to fit 
himself for medical craft, while scanners of advertising colunms of 
American newspapers may dailj' read anew that the seventh daughter 
of a seventh daughter is a predestined seeress. 

Few of the larger mystical numbers have survived the shock of 
occidental contact; but they abound in the Orient. The coincidental- 
augmental 61 prevails in Tibet, where Sven Hedin found a lama, 1 
out of 61 of co-ordinate rank, who professed survival for sixty-one 
millenniums, through a succession of exoteric deaths and esoteric rein- 
carnations at uniform periods of sixty-one years;' and this odd value 
is explained by the designation of the sixty-first figure in the Mongo- 
lian hexagram— " The Right Way "or "In the Middle " '—which at 

> Through Asia, by Sven Hediu, 1899, vol. ii, p. 1132. 
"Chinese Philosophy, p. 12. 

19 ETH, PT 2 19 

850 PKIMITIVE NUMBERS [eth.ann.19 

the same time connects the Book of Changes with the nearly world- 
wide Cult of the Quarters and its mystical Middle. The numbers 63 
and 65 are also mystical in Chinese philosophy, though their potency 
would seem to be dwarfed by the mechanical-arithmetical structure of 
the octonal square to which they have been adjusted evidentlj^ during 
recent centuries. Among the Hindu more or less mystical numbers 
abound, and many of these are found on analysis to correspond with 
conventional aJmacabalic augmentals and coincidentals; while the Budd- 
histic rituals and series of aphorisms often run in measures of fives, 
with an initial or final supernumerary — the feature being apparently 
fixed by a mnemonic tinger-count superposed on the almacabalic sys- 
tem, much as the octonal count is superposed on the mystical figures 
in the Chinese hexagram. 

Suggestive vestiges of the mystical number-groups persist widely 
in the form of irrational and functionless supernumeraries, such as the 
thirteenth loaf in the baker's dozen, the twenty-first skerret in the 
coster's score, the thousand-and-first night of Arabian tale, and the 
conventional overplus in the legal "year and a day." It is possible 
that the supernumerary habit was crystallized in some cases by sim- 
ple object-counting so conducted as to include an additional object as 
a tally; but there are many indications that the habit originally sprang 
from almacabalic augmentation, in which the sum is always one more 
than the multiple of the even-number basis. Moreover, the super- 
numerary habit is especiallj' characteristic of countries and culture- 
stages in which mystical number-jumbles are rife. 

Certain of the graphic vestiges of the quaternary-quinary system 
are of special significance; for just as the hexagrams of the senary- 
septenary system bridged the way from mystical almacabala to rational 
geometry, so the mechanical development of .symbols exoterically 
quatern but esoterically quinary carried intelligence across the chasm 
dividing the morass of almacabala from the algorithmic forelands 
rising into the firm ground of arithmetic. True, the passage was 
made easier by the coincidental structure of the hand, that natural 
abacus which undoubtedly served to fix the quinary system in all 
minds trained up to the contemplation of fives; j^et the way was 
apparentlj' so long from the habitual perception of lowly twos and 
fours to the ready grasp and combination of fives that mechanical struc- 
ture was even more efficient than organic structure in guiding progress. 
The graphic number symbols of the Mexican codices illustrated and 
discussed by Dr Thomas and others epitomized the growth of a vigesi- 
mal sj'stem crystallized [)y the coincidence of manual and pedal struc- 
tures, while both the terms and the gestures of the Zufli finger-count 
analyzed by Gushing point the waj' in which binary prepossessions 
passed into quinary practices despite the obstruction of the senary 


concept.' The most conspicuous and persistent graphic vestiges are 
those of the barbaric Roman notation, which barred arithmetical prog- 
ress for ages, and even to-day saps vitality by its crude exti'avagance 
in form and function. In certain aspects this notation may be consid- 
ered binary, or rather dichotomous, and a reciprocal of the bifurcate 
classification of Aristotle with the Tree of Porphyry,^ although, as has 
been well shown b^^ Cushing, the integers of the ystem stand for 
fingers and represent in their combinations the ordmary inger-counts 
employed throughout the lower medial strata of cultural development. 
In reality the SJ^stem is neither perfectlj^ binary nor fully quinary, 
and still less is it susceptible (by reason of the indefiniteness' as well 
as the inelasticitj- of the notation) of development into a complete 
decimal s3'stem; yet its survival as a mere enumerative system opens 
a vista through the millenniums to a thought-plane in which men man- 
aged to exist without arithmetic, without number systems save of the 
crudest, without numerical bases of ratiocination, without traceable 
germs of ideas now fundamental in daily thought. The Chinese 
number symbols also show traces of genesis and development from the 
lowly plane of ringer-counting; but to the Aryan mind the most strik- 
ing vestiges of essentially prescriptorial thought relating to numbers 
are those conserved in the Roman notation. 

The various vestiges, verbal, proverbial, and graphic (vestiges far 
too many for full enumeration), at once illumine prerational numera- 
tion and seem to establish that course of development of number- 
concepts suggested b}^ the customs of people still living in the lower 
culture-stages. Conversely, the definition of almacabala serves to 
explain certain :!urious vestiges of primitive thought prevailing even 
today and in the highest culture; and the vestiges and developmental 
outlines combine to form a useful means of tracing the general course 
of intellectual progress from the obscure beginnings in lower savagery 
toward the present culmination in modern enlightenment. 

'Manual Concepts, American Anthropologist, vol. v, 1892. pp. 289-317. [t is to be observed that 
throughout this luminous discussion, than in which his genius never shone more brightly. Cushing 
confined himself to the middle strata of development in which numerical concepts are quinary, and 
in which counting is habitually manual, and made no reference to the lower strata of numerical 
conceptuality represesented by peoples less advanced than the Zuni. 

2The Foundation of Science, The Forum, vol. xxvii, 1899, p. 177. 

^Thus a prodigal publisher may burden his title-page with the cabala mdcccci; if a shade less 
prodigal of ink. he may substitute the sign mdcdi; or if still more economical of ink and no less 
inconsiderate of the convenience of readers, he may recast the formula as mcmi. 







Primary numbers 859 

Numbers above 10 882 

Discussion and comparisons 919 

Numbers in the Mexican ooilices 934 

The mystical and ceremonial use of numbers 948 



Figure 23. Symbols of the Mexican davs . . . ^q^! 

24. SymbolforAtl (water)....".. Z":' 

25. Symbol for Cam (house) g^g 

26. Symbol for Itzquintli (dog). From Fejervary" codexVpiatV 6 .' ." ' " 938 

27. Symbo or Ocelotl ( tiger). From Fejervary codex, plate 6 . . 938 

28. Symbol for 400. Mendoza codex, plate 20, figure 16 ' 445 

29. Symbol for 4,000. Mendoza codex, plate 28, figure "4 943 

30. Symbol for 20 jars of honey. Mendoza codex, plate 38, figure Vl" ' 945 
^^"^'^f^-^OOhatcheU. Mendoza codex, plate 39, figur: 20 It 

32. bymbo for 20 baskets. Mendoza codex, plate 19, figure 2 ..."'" " 946 

33. Sjmibols for 20 days. Mendoza codex, plate 19, figures 10, 11^ 

34. Symbol for 8,000 sheets paper. Mendozacodex,plaVe 25," figure" ll' It 
30. Symbo for 8,000 pellets copal. Mendoza codex, Jlate 38 figure 3.5" 946 

36. Symbo or 200 cacaxtles. Mendoza codex, plate 44, figure 34 " W 

37. Symbo for 1,800. Codex Telleriano-Remensis, plate 25. " " " " 947 

38. Symbo or 4,008. Vatican codex 3738, plate 7, figures 2 and 3." .' ! ! 947 

39. Symbol for o,206. ^'atican codex 3738, plate 10 047 

40. Symbol for 19,600. Vatican codex 3738, plate 123 943 

41. Diagram of figures on plates 11 and 12 of the Borgian codex ..." 951 




By Cyrus Thomas 


It IS well known that the vigesiniiil system of numeration prevailed 
among' the Mexican and Central American tribes, at least among all 
which had adopted the so-called "native calendar" — that is, the cal- 
endar specially referred to in mj' paper entitled Maj'an Calendar 
Systems, published in this volume. Numerous short notices and inci- 
dental mentions of the general system and completer notices of the 
systems of piirticular tribes are to be found in the early Spanish 
authorities and in the works of more recent writers. As, however, 
most if not all of them are limited in scope, relating to the system of 
but one tribe or people, or referring only to certain points, and as no 
paper devoted speciall}' to the subject of numeral systems has appeared 
in English, it is deemed expedient to present this paper as a supple- 
ment to those which have preceded it. Moreover, it is believed that 
a resume of the subject in the light of the recent advance in our knowl- 
edge of Mexican and Central American archaeology will be acceptable 
to those devoting attention to the study of prehistoric Mexico and 
Central America. 

As my paper on the calendar systems ' related to the time system 
and symbols of the Mayan tribes, and incidentally to the numeral sys- 
tem as used by them in counting time, attention will here be paid to 
the numeral system in its more general application among the Nahu- 
atlan, Mayan, and other tribes of Mexico and Central America which 
used the vigesimal system. 

I have shown in the paper on calendar systems that in counting time 

1 This expression will be used throughout to refer to the paper mentioned above, published in this 


860 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

the units used by the Maj^an tribes were as follow, the day being the 

primary unit: 

1 unit of the 1st order = 1 day. 

1 unit of the 2d order = 20 luiits of the 1st order =^ 20 days. 

1 unit of the 3d order =^ 18 units of the 2d order = 300 days. 

1 unit of the 1th order = 20 units of the 3d order = 7,200 days. 

1 unit of the .5th order = 20 units of the 1th order = 111,000 days. 

1 unit of the 6th order = 20 units of the 5th order = 2,880,000 days. 

As this notation has been fully explained and discussed in the pre- 
ceding paper, I pass at once to an examination of the general 
numeral system of the Mayan tribes. The notation given above dif- 
fered from that of general application in the change of the second step 
from 20, as it should be according to the regular vigesimal system, to 
18, probably to facilitate counting with the month factor. 

As 20 is the basis of the higher counts, attention will be directed first 
to the steps leading up to this number. The oldest records to which 
we can appeal for knowledge of the system in use among the ^laj'an 
tribes are the inscriptions and codices. From these we can, however, 
learn only the method of ■writing numbers, not the number names; 
j'et the method of writing will indicate to some extent the process in 
oral counts. Although the syml;>ols commonly used for this purpose 
are now well known from the frequent notices of them which ha\-e 
been published, it is necessary for our present purpose that thej^ be 
presented hei'e. 

11 ^^^^ 16 

12 — 1^- 17 

13 -1-:-:- 18 

14 •-:-:-:■ i9 

10 ■^-—- 15 

From these it is seen that the count as expressed in symbols is 
from 1 to 1 by sing dots, or the unit repeated; but that to indicate 5 
the method is changed, and a single short line is used instead of five 
dots. Though frequently horizontal, it is not necessarily so, but is 
found both in the codices and inscriptions in a vertical position; 
oftener, even, in the latter than in the former. The next four num- 
bers, 6, 7, 8, and 9, are formed by adding to the single line one, two, 
three, and four dots or units, but 10 is represented by two parallel 
lines. That these lines must be parallel, or substantially so, whether 
horizontal or vertical, seems to be requisite in the Mayan hiero- 
glyphic writing. Dots are added to the two lines to indicate the num- 
bers 11, 12, 13, and 11; three parallel lines are used to represent 15, 


and dots ure added to these to fonn the nuiubei-s 16, 17, IS, and 19, 
where the use of symbols of this form stops, 19 being the highest 
niinil)er for which they appear to have been used in ]\Iayan writing. 
The higher numbers were, as has been shown in my paper on calendar 
systems, represented by other sjanbols, or by relative position. Sub- 
stantially the same plan of writing numerals i.s seen in the Roman 
system, the line l)eing used instead of the dot, thus: I, II, III, IV, V, 
VI, VII, Vni, IX, X, XI, etc. , to XIX. 19. Attention is called to this 
because of another resemlilance which will be noticed hereafter. 

Xow it is apparent that if these symbols, taken in the order in which 
the}' stand, indicate the method followed in actual or oral counting, 
this method must have been as follows, from five upward: 5 and 1; 5 
and 2; and so on to 2 fives; then 2 fives and 1; 2 fives and 2; and so 
on to 3 fives; then 3 fives and 1; 3 fives and 2, to 19. If this theory 
be true, we should expect to find terms in the language to correspond 
with the symbols; evidence that these existed in Mayan count appears 
to be wanting, yet, as favoring the theory, we do find, as will appear, 
that the Nahuatl and some other surrounding languages contained terms 
corresponding precisely with this method of counting. It is, however, 
somewhat strange that the Borgian codex, which is probably the oldest 
of the existing Mexican codices, does not use the short line for 5, but 
counts with .single dots as high as 2(3, and in fact no one of these 
codices appears to use it in counting time from date to date, though it 
is used in them for other purposes. The IMayan terms from 10 to 20 
follow not this quinar} system but the decimal order, as will be seen. 
The terms used for numbers up to 20 in the Maya (or Yucatec) dialect 
are. according to the usual orthography, as follow: 
































l)i)l( in lahun. 








Ininkal.or kal 

It is scarcely necessary to state that the orthography is varied 
slightly' by difi'erent authors, the Spanish _;' being used by some for h 
in h/un^ ho^ and JaJmn, and k substituted for c in uac, uuc, and uaxac. 

It is apparent from these terms that the numbers from 12 to 19 are 
formed by adding 2, 3, 4, etc., to lo. The terms for 6, 7, and S appear 
also to be, as the terminal c or h seems to indicate either 
the same radical throughout, or the same suflix, though no satisfac- 
tory explanation of this point, which will l)e again referred to, has 
been presented. As additional data bearing on these questions, the 
names of the nimibers up to 10 in the difi'erent Mayan dialects as given 
by StolP are added here, the Spanish^' being used b}' him instead of It. 

1 Zur Ethnographic der Guatemala, 1884, pp. 6S-69. 



[KTH.ANN. 19 






























































































































































































































































Before commenting on the list, the names in some other dialects of 
this stock not included bj- Stoll and some variations from the orthog- 
raphy of his list will be noted. 


Chilhe = 



1 hun 





1 hun 

2 kdii 





2 cheb 

3 oxi 





3 oxe 

4 kiahi 





4 chaneb 

5 voo 





5 hoe 

6 vahatzi 





fi guaqueb 

7 vukii 





7 huque 

8 (?) 





8 guaxaqueb 

9 beleh^ 





11 bahin^ 

10 lahii 





10 lahuueb 

20 hunvinaok 


hun c'al 


hun c'al 

20 tab 

Membreno gives the following numerals of the Honduras Chorti, 
which are added here for comparison : 

Chorii [Honduriu)' 

1 yut«^. 

2 chajte. 

3 usht^. 

4 cant€. 

5 guajte. 
12 astoraj. 

Huasteca — Alejandro (Cartilla Huasteca) gives for 6, acne; for 7 
luc; for 8, kua.xic; for 9, veUeuh. 

Maya— The only variation from Stoll's orthography (the Spanish 7 
and the h being considered equivalents) is the terminal c for h in the 
names for 6, 7, and S; this can, however, scarcely be considered a 

rseniaZ— Charencey (Melanges, p. 44) has given as the Tzental 
names of nmiibers what are in fact the Tzotzil names, as is evident 
from the vocabularies of Stoll and Guardia and also the Vocabulario 
Tzotzil-Espaiiol edited by Charencey. 

Tzotzil— The Vocabulario Tzotzil-Espanol gives for 1, ghum ; for 6, 
viiaquim; for 8, mmxaquin; and for 20, tol. 

C«/?;cAe|7Me^— Guardia (op. cit., p. 23) gives vahakih for 6, but on page 
•i2 vuacaqi. 

iRicardo FernAndez Guardia, Lenguas Indigenas Cent. Am. Siglo, vol. xviii, pp. 35-36. Probably 
a mere idiom of the Cakehiqnel Pupuluca, near Volcan de Agua, Guatemala. 

'- Stoll, Spraehe der Ixil-Indianer, p. 146 (A substituted for J). Apparently an idiom of the Chauabal 

3 Ibid. This author associates this dialect with the Mam group; however, in its numerals it 
approaches the Maya very closely. 

'Guardia, op. cit., pp. 79-80. The number names are closely related to those of the Chanabal and 
Tzental dialect-s, if not identical with the latter, if is substituted for the Spanish J. 

5 Alberto Membreno, Hondurenismos, p. 264. 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

Quiche — -As Brasseurls orthography (Gram. Lang. Quiche, p. 141) 
differs considerably from Stoll's, we give his list here: 

1 hun. 

2 cab, or caib. 

3 ox, or oxib. 

4 call, or cahili. 

5 oo, or oob. 

6 vakakib. 

7 vukub. 

S vahxakib. 

9 beleh, or beleheb. 

10 lahuh. 
20 huvinak. 

Charencey follows this list, except in 8. which he writes vaxak. 

Qui'l-cM {K^iFehi, w Cahgi) — Pinai-t (Vocabulario Castellano- 
K'ak'chi, page 7) gives for 2, kaih; for 4, kaaih; for 5, jool; for 6, 
guakih; for 7, giihu'h; and for 8, guajxakih. Charencey (Melanges, 
page 64) gives for 1, Iwon; for 2, cai; for 3, oxi; for 4, cagi; for 5, 
joob; for 6, wakki.^ for 7, uuku; for 8, wakshaki; for 9, helojem; 
and for 10, lajegew. 

Mam — As StoU gives another list (Sprache der Ixil-Indianer, p. 146) 
which differs somewhat from that given above, and as both varj' from 
that given in Salmeron's Arte y Vocabulario, page 156, this and Stoll's 
second list are given here (/ being changed to /(): 






































When the names in these lists are examined, the following points 
appear worthy of attention in attempting to trace their origin and 
determine their signification. It requires but a cursory examination 
to see the very close agreement, morphologically, throughout; a fact 
whit'h may reasonably be assumed as indicating that they had come 
into use while the ethnic group was still homogeneous, and before the 
tribal distinctions had become mai-ked. This conclusion agrees with 
the inference drawn in our paper on calendar systems from a study 
of the hieroglyphics. As the names of the days in all the Mayan 
dialects are believed by Dr Brinton to lielong "to an archaic form of 
speech, indicating that they were derived from some common ancient 
stock and not one from the other," the close agreement in the numeral 
terms may perhaps justify the same conclusion in regard to them, espe- 
cially as it is generally true that the origin of the names of the lower 
numbers lies back of history. This similarity also agrees with the 
uniformity, in the different sections occupied by the Mayan tribes, in 
the method of writing the numerals up to 20. 

The Chontal, Chafiabal, Quekchi (or K'ak'chi) and Ixil names, and 
those in some of the other dialects, appear to be furnished with 


suffixes. These, in the numbers exceeding 1, are, in a hirge number of 
cases — as for example where the terminal letter is h or tn — additions, 
appai'ently indicating the plural. In other cases, where they are 
joined to the name for 1, they play a different role; for example, 
the suifix viml in the Ixil dialect signilies turn or repetition, or, per- 
haps more correctly, step in counting, a sort of reflective from a 
vaguely delined unity connotative of direction and time; thus the name 
for 1, ungmud. may be rendered "one time"; for 2, cavual, "two 
times," etc. The plural sign may be taken as evidence that the name 
still holds a trace of or reference to the process of counting, and has 
not yet reached what we may term the abstract or purely simple form. 
The^>(/ in Chontal, e in Chaiiabal, and ((;' (or ah) in Pokonchi and Poko- 
mam, are also suiExes, though possibly merely phonetic. The replac- 
ing of // liy /( [oT j), or the dropping of the letter entirely, as in hiJum, 
hi/iii/i, hi/tu, etc., is, of course, understood to be a mere dialectic 

It has been stated above that the terminal h or ih. and in some cases 
the m, are construed as suflixes denoting the plural. This conclusion 
is strongly supported by Charencey (INIelanges), but Stoll (Die Maya- 
Sprachen der Pokom-gruppe) gives a dirtcrciit interpretation. "By 
agreement." he says, "with the Ixil, an isolated />, complete as tb, 
is attached to the numci'als 1-1(1 [not to IJ; it is undoubtedly to be 
explained as the lietter understood form /7). whicli appears in ri/-/'f>, 
'mj' head.' of the Aguacateca. as well as in the reflexive pronoun of 
the Pokonchi, Quiche, etc.; tx-t'h would therefore have meant origi- 
nally "three human beings.'" Nevertheless this would still carry the 
idea of plurality and would properly receive a plural tci-niiiiation. 

According to the same authority the suffix kJ in Jeii-tiJ. Pokoixiii 
for 1, ''was chosen as the object, in which at any rate we may recog- 
nize the personal sutfix ((j, so that jt'ti-aj very probably meant origi- 
nally 'a man."" This conclusion appears to me doubtful, notwith- 
standiiiu' Dr StolTs thoi'ouo'h knowledufc of the Mavan lano'iiatres. 

The names for the numliers <i. 7. and S in this list, as stated al)ove, 
appear to be c(>ni])ouiid words, the terminal /■ or c indicating a suffix, 
or the radical with a ])reflx; as yet no generally accepted explanation 
of these terms has beenofl'ered. Charencey (Melanges, page 156), fol- 
lowing Brasseur. makes the following suggestion in regard to vac — 6: 
"This corresponds to our expression ''hors. pardela, superflu. surabun- 
dant,'" in other words, over or beyond, that is. above or more than T*. 
Perez gives as the signification of the verb uac, i/aea/i, "to take out 
one thing which is placed in another and united with it." If this be 
assumed as the origin of the name, it would seem to refer to count- 
ing on the fingers, turning them in while counting the first five and 
then opening them out in counting the next five. Although the 
literal signification of the names for 6, 7, and S may not be 5 -(- 1, 
19 ETH, PT 2 20 

866 TTPMEKAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

5 + 2, and 5 + 3, yet. judgino- by the Maya method of writing the 
numbers, shown above, and the Mexican terms, lam inclined to believe 
that this is the implied meaning, the words being doubtless archaic; 
and I will give on a later page an additional reason for this opinion. 

As the names and method of counting in other languages may throw 
some light on the subject, the following lists of numerals up to 10 are 
added. The first is the Nahuatl or Mexican (using the term in its lim- 
ited sense — Aztec as given In' Charencey), the signification so far as 
satisfactorily determined being added. 


1 ce. 

2 ome. 

3 yei or ei. 

4 naui. 

5 macuilli (" hand taken"). 

6 cliiqua-ce or chicua-cen (literally 5 and 1 ). 

7 chic-ome (literally 5 and 2) . 

8 chicu-ei or chicu-ey ( literally 5 and 3) . 

9 fhico-naui or chiuc-naui (literally 5 and 4). 
10 niatlactli ("the two handi^"). 

The term for 5. ■inaciiilli, is a composite word from maifh hand, 
and ciii, to seize or take — that is to say, the five fingers of the 
hand have been taken (Simeon. Die. Lang. Nahuatl). The name for 
10 is also composite from /nditl, hand, and tlactl/', bust or torso of 
the man; in other words, the two hands. It is apparent that the 
names for 6, 7, 8, and 9 are formed bj' adding the names for 1, 2, 3, 
and -1 to c/ii or rhico, which here takes the place of nutcailli^ 5. The 
signification of this term is "at the side, in part, by fraction, a 
moiety," etc.; the name is apparently formed from ehico&nA. ihuan or 
huan, "near another." It is probable, therefore, that the correct 
interpretation is, one at the side, two at the side, etc., the 5 or hand 
being understood, the reference being evidently to the process of 
counting on the hands. 

The following lists are those of related tribes belonging to the group 
called by Dr Brinton the "Uto-Aztecan family."' Some of these, as 
the tril)es of the Shoshonean group, had not adopted the vigesimal 
system nor the ''native calendar"; nevertheless, it is best to bring 
the material concerning them together, that all which seems to have 
any bearing on the cjuestions that arise may ))e before the reader. 
That th(> boundaries of the use of the vigesimal .system and "native 
calendar" in the southern half of North America wei'e not governed 
entirely by the lines of linguistic or ethnic stocks is well known, and 
hence the}' must have been governed, in part at least, by some other 
influence. Possibly a careful study of the numeral systems of the 

' This is used here provisionally, though the Bureau of American Ethnology will, according to the 
rule established by Major Powell, adopt the name Nahuatlan. 




different tribes may throw some light on this question; hence we have 
thought It best to present sufficient examples, so far as our data will 
allow, to give a definite idea of geographic and tribal differences in the 
group. Examples from other stocks or families of Mexico and Central 
America are also given, the stock names being from Brintoii. 

Nahuatlecan branch 


Alaguilac = 

] ce 

1 se 

2 oine or nme 

2 umi 

3 yae, yei 

3 jei 

■1 nahiie, navui 

4 iiagni 

S maquil, macuil 

5 niakuil 

6 chicuasin, chicuas 

=5 + 1 

6 t,schikuasi=5+l 

7 chicome=5+2 

7 tscliikiinie=5 + 2 

~ 8 chiciiei=5+3 

8 tsehikwei=5 + 3 

9 chicunahue=5-f-4 

9 matakticumi=(10— 1)? 

10 mahtlati 

10 niatakti 

11 mahtatici = 10-fl 

20 sempual 

12 mahtatiome=10+2 | 

20 cemi)ual 

I Rrin;.?''T^'.?^i,^'"'n '•/'f'""'"''' ^- 2'- Squier, Notes on Cent. Am., p. 352 
Bnnton, The So-called Alaguilae Language of Gnatemala, p. 376. 

Sonomn branch 




1 ceaut or zeaut 


se or seni 

1 senii 

2 liuapoa or huah- 



2 uoi 



veide or vaide 

3 valii, or bei'tey 

3 huaeioa 



4 iiaequi 

4 inoacua or inaocoa 


mazirii or inarizi 

^ niamni 

5 anxuvi or aniauri 



B busani 

6 a-cevi = (5)-i-l 


seni-bussani, or 

7 uobusaui 

7 a-liuapoa=(5)+2 

.''eiii gua bussani 

8 iionaequi=2x4? 

8 a-hiiaeica or ahu- 

= 1+6? 

9 batani 



go nago=2X4-,' 

10 iionianini=2X''' ? 

9 a-iii(iai'ua or ama- 



11 uomamni ainan 




senu = 10+l 

10 tamoaniata (moa- 


seuri, or seneurini 

20 tacabua, or senu- 

inati, "hand") 

tacna = "the 

1 r'--,r..,.>» NT 1 ^ 


■.D„ ., „ J '-1-'' H- '"". '<"•-■ <-ii!iiericey, melanges, pp. 1.V17 

- Pimentel, Cuadro, Vocab. Opata vol ii p ■)73 , cp *- w. 

3Ibid.,Charenoey,and Melanges, pp. 15-n,and Eustaquio. Buelna, Arte Lengua CahUa. p. 199. 


Sonoran branch — Continued 

[eth.ann. 19 


Tarahumari - 


1 youmako, or hn- 


bire, pile, orsinepi 

1 uraa, or liunia, or 



oca, or oka, or 


2 houak, or kouak, 


2 gokado, or gaok 

or kc^ko 


beica, baica, or 

3 veicado, or baech 

3 vaik, or vaiko 


4 maukao 

4 kick? (ir kiik 


nagueoca, i ir naguo 

5 chetam 

5 pouitas, huitas, or 


mariki, or marika, 


or mariqui 

6 tchu-ut, or tsautep 


pussaniki, orusani- 

7 wawa, or bubak 


8 kikig 


kichao, or qni- 

9 umu-tohiko, orhu- 




ossanagroc, oka- 

10 wistima 

nako, or osana- 

20 kuko-wistima 



kimakoe or qui- 


makoe, or macoi- 



1 Chareneey, Melanges, pp. 15-16, and Hale, Trans. Am. Eth. Soc. (per Gatschet). 
= Charencey, loc. eit. Miguel Tellechea. Compend. Gram. Tarahumar, p. 7. 
'Chareneey, loc. oit., and Brinton, American Race, p. 337. 

Shoshone brrmch 

Cahuillo 1 


1 supli 



2 mewi 



3 mepai 



4 mevvittau 

• 4 


5 nome-kadnun 



6 kadnun-8upli = 54-l 


k uan-sople = .5+ 1 

7 kan-niunwi=5+2 



>S kan-munpa=,5+3 


kuan-pa^o— 3 

9 kan-munwitsu^5-|-4 



10 noniatsumi 



'Conant. Number Concept, p. 165. 

^Gatschet, Forty Vocabularies, WheekT'*^ Report, vul. vii (number 19). 


iShoshone hriinrli — Continued 


Gaitohaim ' 

Kephi (of San Luis Rej-) = 

1 HOpul 

2 vue 

3 pahe 
■i voaa 

5 uiaha-ar 

6 auva-khanuetoh 

7 se-ula 

1 suploj 

2 whii 

3 paa 

4 witcho 

5 nummu-quano (numma, "hand") 

6 suploj-namehon=14-5 

> Gatschet. Forty Vocabularies, Wheeler's Report, vol. vii (number 20). 2 Ibid, (number 22). 

Shoshone i 

1 shoui 

2 waii 

3 pahi 

4 wachoui 

5 manek 
fi nawii 

7 moquesi 

8 naantz 

9 y o u - 



Southern Pai- 

1 800S 

2 wyune " 

3 pi line 

4 watsuene 

5 manigin 

6 naviune 

7 tatsuene 

8 ni watsu- 


9 surromsu- 


10 mat- 10 tomsuene 

1 shui 

2 vay 

3 pay 

4 vatchue 

5 manigi 

6 navav 

7 m ukui- 


8 n an t - 


9 yuvibe 

10 mashu 

Paiute * 

1 shum- 


2 voahay 

3 pahi 

4 voats- 


5 manegi 

6 napahi 

7 tatsuu 

8 voshu" 

9 kvanik 
10 sliuvan 


1 .simitich, 
or tchi- 

2 hwat, or 


3 pile, or 


4 watsuet, 

or hwat- 

5 nianaget, 


6 naviti, or 


7 fatsuit 

8 nywat- 


9 shimero- 

10 shimmer 

1 Gatschet, Forty Vocabularies, Wheeler's Report, vol. vn (number 6) 

2 Ibid, (numbers). 

3 Ibid. (numberl2). 

'Ibid, (number 11). 

'Ibid, (number 10 1 and Charencey, Melanges. 

6 Termination niie. probably from omi. ■■ to stand up." 



Shuslione hraricli — Continued 

[ETH.ANN. 19 

Comanche 1 

Chemehuevi - 

Capote Utas 


Takhtam ^ 

1 semmus 









L' waha 









3 pahu 









4 hagar-so- 











5 mawaka 









6 nahwa 









7 tah-acho- 












8 n a h u a - 












9 semm o n - 











10 shurmun 









^Charencey, MtManges, pp. 15-17. 

^Gatschet. Forty Vocabularies:. Wheeler's Report, vol. vii (number 13). 

sibid. (number 15). 

■* Ibid, (number 17). 

5 Ibid, (number 18). 

6 Probably "all." 

Kechi (San Diego) ' 


Kij or Kizh i 

Wihinacht ' 

1 tchoumou 

1 pugu 





2 echyou 

2 vehe 





3 micha 

3 pahi 





4 pa.«ki 

4 vatcha 





5 tiyerva 

•5 mahar 





6 ksonkouia 

6 pavahe 



7 ksouamiehe 

7 vatcha-kabya 

8 scomo 

8 vehesh-vatcha 

9 seou-niotchi 

9 mahar-kabva 

10 touymili 

10 vehes-mahar 

' Charencey, Melanges, pp. 15-17. 

' Gatschet, Forty Vocabularies, Wheeler's Report, vol. vii (number 21). 



Tho tive following lists from California dialects obtained and fur- 
nished by Prof. W J McGee are inserted here as the most appropriate 
place to introdvice them: 

Hdi' it dialect ' 
















7 tji-poo'-ik. 

8 |)en'-t!-oo-ik. 

9 (lacking). 

Mi'vmk dialect '' 













Yet'lripili (Tulare) dialect^ 

liiit-pan'-ik. 7 niim'-cheet. 

hit-shln-ik. 8 moii'-iic. 

chtl-da-pe. 9 niin-eep. 

Tiitiitl (Kern Hirer) dialect* 




7 naiii'-t.«In. 

8 iiiip'-n-slng. 

9 lii'-ii-kee. 

10 tree'-o. 

20 b6ng'-oy-tree-o. 

30 fihii'-pln-tree-o. 

10 am-hai-tslng. 

20 wora'-m-hai-tslng. 

30 pai'-m-mai-tslng. 

Maricopa dialect " 

1 shan-tee. 3 ka'-mok. 

2 ku-wik. 4 .-huni-]Hip. 

Three other lists from California dialect 
Powers and one from Major J. W. Powell's Comparative Vocabularies 
(Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. m) are added here. 
One of these — the Konkau — appears to be substantially the same as 
the Haiit of Professor McCee's lists. 

5 su-rup. 
two collected by Stephen 

Konkau o 



1 wuk-teh 





2 pe-niin 





3 sha-pwi 





4 ch'u-yeh 


chui, or chuch 



5 ma-cha-ueh 





10 ma-cho-ko 





a Powers, Contrib. to N. A. Eth., vol. iii, p. 313. 
6 Powell, Cmnp. Vocab., ibid., pp. 594-596. 

» Obtained at Sevada, California, October 3, 1S98, and verified at Forest Hill and Colfax. 

2 Obtained near .Tamestown, California, October IS, 1898. 

3 Obtained at Tule River agency, October 25, 1898. 
< Obtained at Tule River agency, October 25, 1898. 

''Obtained at Aahfork, Arizona, from girl en route to San Diego, California. 


Zapotecan family ^ 

[ETH. ANN.19 

Zapotec = 


Chuchon-i (or Chocha) 

1 tobi, tubi, orchaga 


ec (ee?) or ek 



2 topa, tiopa, or cato 


wui, uvui, or uhui 


yuu-riiia,* or yuu 

3 ohona, or cayo 




ni-riiia, or nyi 

4 tapa, or taa 


gmi, or kmi 


mui-rina, or fiuu 

5 caayo, gayo, orgoyo 




nau-rina, or iiau 

6 xopa, or goxopa 




iijau-rina, or nhau 

7 caache, gaache or 




y a a t u - r i ii a , or 



8 xoono, xono, or 




nh-rina, or nhi 


9 caa, or gaa 




naa-rina, or naa 

10 chii, or gochii 




te-rina, or te 

1 To conform to the rule proposed by Major Powell, which has been generally accepted, to use a 
single term terminating with an in forming family names, this family will be called the Zajmtecan. 

^Cordova, Arte del Idioma Zapoteco (reprint), p. 176, and Vocab. Castellano-Zapoteco. 

acharencey, MtManges, p. 44. 

4N. Leon, Introd. to Cordova, Arte del Idioma Zapoteco, p. Ixxii. 

5 Leon says that Hna appears to be a sign of the numeral adjective. This is merely a subdialect of 
the Chuchon. 

Popoloca 1 (of Oaxaca) 


Mazateca ^ 

1 gou, or ngu 





2 vuu 





3 nil, or nyi 





4 noo, or nun 





5 nag-hou, or nau 





6 tja, or nhau 





7 yaata, or yaatu 





8 gnii, or nhi 





9 na, or naa 





10 tie, or te 





20 kaa 






hikoo, or kooha 

1 N. Leon, Introd. to Cordova Arte del Idioma Zapoteco. p. Ixxii. Francisco Belmar, Lengua Mar 
zateca, p. -JS (under the name Chocha). 

2 Belmar, Ensayo sobre la Lengua Trike, 1897, p. 10. 

3 Belmar, Lengua Mazateea, p. 40. 





1 Miira, n'nra, or ra. 

2 yooho, or yoho. 

3 hiii. 

4 gooho. 

5 kuto, gyto, kuta, or rjyta. 


rahto, or rathto=H-5. 
yoto, or yohto=2-7-5. 
ohiato, or hiahto=3-t-5. 

siuto, or •;ytho=4— 5. 

Matlalizincan or Pirinda ' (2 ivcabularies) 



yndahhuy,'' or rahui, 



ynahiiy, or nohui. 












=1 to 5. 



iin>-to\vi = 

2 to 5. 



ine-nkuiiowi =2X4. 



imurata(lahati = 10— 1? 








1 tuma. 

2 metza, or metsan. 

3 tucay, or tuan. 

4 macseuy, or makchtashan. 

5 mosay, or morshan. 



tutay. or tuch tan. 
cuyay, or \vueu;^-tuoh tan. 
tucututay, or tuducbtan. 
mactulay, or niakihtuchtan. 
niacay, or makeh-kan. 

Mixe or Mije'" 

tuck, or tunc. 7 
metzk, or metsk. 

tegeug, or tukok. 8 

niadarsk, niaktashk, or mactoxc. 9 

m'kosssk (?) mokoshk, or macoxc. 10 

tech-teuchch, or tuduuk. 20 

niirsh-tuk. miish-tuk. wej^tunk or 

tuk-tuk, or tnktunk. 
machk, ta.-?tuuk, or taxtuuc. 
tards-tuk, niakh, or mahc. 


Pupuluca^{of Tepeacaf 

5 mokoxko. 

6 tujtujko. 

7 juxtukujtujko. 

8 tukujtujko. 





K'onant. Number Concept, p. 165; Charencej', Melanges, p. 84; Ymolina, Arte del Idioma Othomi, 
p. 1.5:!. 

20ne under the first name by Conant, Number Concept, p. 1(36; the other under the second name 
by Charencey, Melanges, p. 84. 

3Charencey regards the yii as a ".simple prefix." whether merely euphonic or not he fails to state. 

^Charencey, MiSlanges, p. 72: E. A. Fuertes. manuscript in Bureau of American Ethnology archives; 
Grassierie, Lengua Zoque. in Vocab. 

&E. A. Fuertes, manuscript in Bureau of .\merican Ethnology archives; Grassierie, Lengua Mixe. 
p. 332; Stoll. Ethnog. Guatemala, p. 28. 

^Ibid. Belongs to the Mixe group. 



[ETH.ANN. 19 


1 ma. 

2 tziman. 

3 tanimu. 

4 tamu. 

5 vumu. 




Trirasco ' 


yvin-tziman = ( 5) +2. 
yun-thamu= ( 5) 4-i. 


macquatze, or uiaka- 



tige, tique, tiqui, tieao, tighe, or tiche 
hao, jomi, or humihf. 
haui. jami, or hemihi. 
ahau-mihi, ahu-iiiihi, or haha. 
aomihi, haoiuo, or hauniihi. 
amija-mihi, or hamba-uiihi. 



mahumihi, or hahu-niihi. 





haliua, hahue, ahue, or hahoy. 

Totoiuiai * 





7 tnt^hnn. 

10 kail, or cauh. 





8 tsayan. 





9 nahatsa. 

Totonacii (Starr)' 





7 la-ka-to-hon. 

10 la-kal-xao. 





8 la-ka-tsai-yun. 

20 la-ka-po-shan. 






9 la-ka-na-hfis. 
(T>;v(, rr»i)« 



9 naxatze. 



10 kau. 



11 kautam=10+l, 



12 kanthoi=10+2 



20 pushain. 



30 pushanikau=20-|-10. ' 



40 thoipusham=2 




A« the origin of the names for 1 to i is a question belonging 
largely to the deductive domain because of the very meager data 
bearing on the subject, it will not be discussed at any length here. 
The reader is, however, referred for an examination of the subject in 
its broad and general aspect to a paper by Professor W J McGoe, 
entitled The Beginning of Mathematics, in the American Anthropoio- 

'Analesde Museo Miohoacan, entraga 1, p. 69, 1888. 

- Cu. " to join or mi.x one thing with another "— N. Leon, Anales de Museo Miohoacan, entraga 1,106. 
Basalenque, Arte del Idioma Tarasco, p. 4S, says ca refers to the hand. 
3 Charencey, Melanges, p. 44; R. F. Guardia, Lenguas Indigenas Cent. Am. en el Siglo, vol. xviii, p. 86. 
<Gnindris9,vol. ii, p. 293. 
'Notes on Ethnog. South Mexico. 
«.\. S. Gatschet, quoting Pinart, American Antiquarian, vol. iv, p. 237 (April-July, 1882). 

'■"'»'■*'■] ORIGIN OF NUMBKR NAMES 875 

gist. October. 1899. and to the pieeediiio- paper iu thi.s volume. Thi.s 
authdi- points out that while the count of many primitive peoples 
has been by the ringers and hands, g-iving- rise to the quinary and dec- 
imal .s.ystem.s, and sometimes hy the toes and feet also, leading- to the 
vigesimal system, yet the evidence derived from the method of count- 
ing by tribes in the lowest status seems to demonstrate that these sys- 
tems are far from primeval. 

He suggests that numbers of the lower scale, beginning with 1. rep- 
resenting the Ego, were the outgrowth of mysticism: -J. growing out 
of th(> lateral or the fore and aft aspects, being the rirst pausing point, 
and 4. the Cult of the Quarters, the second pausiTig point, beyond 
which a num1)er of sy.stems never advanced; to this the Ego l)cing 
added gave the number 5. However, for a more complete and dear 
understanding of the author's suggestions on this interesting sul)j.'ct 
the reader is referred to his pajx'rs. 

That the quinary system, or counting on the ringers and hand, could 
not have taken its rise until 5 had been reached by some other j)r()cess 
appears to be self-evident, and is proved by the niimeroas systems in 
which 5 is not reached, and by others in which it does not form a basis. 
It would seem necessary, therefore, in order to obtain a satisfactorv 
explanation of the origin of the primary numbeis. to look for some 
other solution than the supposed nietiiod of counting on the ringers. 
The hand would not be likely to come into use in this respect until 5 had 
been reached and the attempt made to rise above that iuunt)er; then 
the advantage of using the rive ringers of the hand, or th(> hand as I'ep- 
rcsenting 5 as a basis would be perceived. Pebbles, sticks, or any 
other objects, would answer just as well for this purpose as the ringi-rs 
until some reference to 5 was desirable, except that the latter wt'iv 
always conveiuent objects and were best adapted to use in sion 
language. When 5 was reached, and the advantage of using the hand 
became apparent, it would be used for the numbers below ;j as well as 
those aljove, liut the inquiry here is, were the fingers considered so 
es.sential in counting 2 to -i, before 5 had been reached, as to bring 
evidence of the fact into the nomenclature? This can be deteruiined 
only by obtaining the signirication of the names of numliers in those 
dialects of tribes which have not reached 5 in their numeral systems.' 
Orozeo y Berra, speaking of the Mexican names for the nuinl^ers— 
cy, 1; 0//O'. -2: yd, 8. and nahul, 4 — says, "no one has given a reason 
for the origin of these names."' Chavero' contends that, although 

1 Conant (Number Concept, pp. 24-26) says: " Itseemsmost remarkable that anv human bein^c^ 
possess the ability to count to 4, and not to 5. The number of fingers on one hand furnishes so obvious 
a limit to any of these rudimentary systems, thatpositive evidence is needed before one can accept the 
statement. A careful examination of the numerals in upwards of a hundred Australian dialects leaves 
nodoubt, however, that such is the fact. The Australians in almost all cases count by pairs- and so 
pronounced is this tendency that they pay but little attention to the fingers." The last sentence of 
this quotation appears to answer the author's cause of wonder expressed in the first sentence- the 
fingers were, it seems, considered by the Australians as no more essential in the process of counting 
than any other convenient objects. 

- -Anales JIus. Mex., pp. 2, 34. 3 Op. cit., p. 33. 



[eth. anX. 19 

the ^Icxicans counted on the tinoers iind hands, i was the tirst basis, 
the four lingers eonipleting the tirst count, 5 being formed of i+l. 
He remariis as follows: "In the Hindu system the principal number 
of the system is Id. which is formed of 5+5: to it the number 5 is 
essential; but in the Nahua system the essential numl)er is 4. hence the 
20 is formed of 5 times 4. as 5 is formed of 4+1." The same author 
says that among the manuscrij)t notes of Ramirez he has found one 
that says, '"the Nahoas formed the number 5 with the four fingers of 
the hand, completing the sum with the thumb, as 4+1." However, 
it must be admitted that, in this dialect, in forming the numljers above 
5 until 2t» is reached, 5 is tlie liasis. and its name is derived from the 
term for hand. 

Charencey. ' referring to the dialects of his so-called Chichimecan 
family, which corresponds substantially with Brinton's Sonoran and 
Shoshonean branches of his Uto-Aztecan family, says that "in ahuost 
all the idioms of this family, if not all. the name of the nunilx'r i' enters 
into coinpositit)n in the word which signifies 4." This is very appai'ent 
in the Shoshonean l)ranch. as is seen in the following examples: 










Kechi (San Luis Rey) 



Shoshone (Gatschet's number 5) 



Southern Paiute 



California Paiute 












It is less apparent, however, in the Sonoran branch, as will be seen 
by reference to the lists given above. 

This fact seems to bear evidence in favor of Professor McGee's 
suggesti(jn in regard to the primary steps in the development of num- 
ber systems —viz, that i) and 4 were the tirst pausing points. An exam- 
ination of other systems outside the scope of the present paper will 
furnish nniny items of evidence in this direction. 

Hubert Bancroft" gives the following definitions of the Maya names 
of tile first five numbers: /nai, paper; ca, calabash; ox, shelled corn; 
can, serpent, or count; and /lo, entry; it is apparent, however, that 
the meanings given can have no reference to the use of the terms as 
number names. However, as the origin of the names of the primary 

• Melanges, p. 16. 

-Native Races, vol. ll, p. 753. 




numbers below 5 is not deemed of special interest in the jjresent dis- 
cussion, which relates more directly to the systems, we begin with 5.' 
H<i or jo. the name for 5 in all the Mayan dialects (except the Huas- 
teca) when the affixes are omitted, is without any signification except 
as a luinieral, so far as is now known, that seems to be appropriate to 
this use. Bancroft gives '"entry," as is stated above, but this, though 
one signification of the term, has no apparent application here. If 
a guess be permissil)le, I would offer the following suggestion: In 
Stoll's list for 5 we notice that the name for this number in Cakchiquel 
is viMo, and for 15 in Quekchi is iniolahu, and in Cakchi(iuel vwhihuh 
(substituting the // for_/). Now, as 6 is w/c, vnak., or vuok^ 7 uul. /-id; 
or ruiii:, and S uaxal; uaxol\ or muixak, is it not possible that /lo or 
o is an abbreviation of a word beginning with i/ or vn. as vol, which, 
in addition to its signification (as a verb) "to make round." "to will." 
also, according to Brasseur, signifies "filled up,'' "full, entire." etc.? 
Henderson, manuscript Maya-English dictionary, gives as another 
meaning "all in one." "the gi'oss amount,"' and Beltran, Arte del 
Idioma Maya, states that in composition it signifies "todo junto," 
which is substantially the same signification as that given l)y Brasseur. 
The term was also used, according to all the authorities, in counting 
round or solid things, as bundles of cotton, etc. As Perez informs 
us that the ancient form of the word was hof. it is possible that in 

^ It is to be hoped, however, that Professor McGee, or some one who has given thought to the sub- 
ject, will carry forward these investigations, as the working out of the beginnings of counting, 
and the origin of the lower number names, will have an important bearing on some of the problems 
of ethnology and linguistics not yet completely solved. The field most likely to yield fruitful rcsvilts 
is of course to be found in the languages and customs of the lower savage tribes. The more the rela- 
tion of 2 and 4 to one another is studied the more important becomes Professor MeGee's sviggestion 
that numbers represent the first two steps in many primitive counts. The statement by Conant, 
quoted in the preceding note, that "the Australians in almost all count by pairs." seems to 
be exactly in line with this suggestion. Cnrr, to whom Conant refers as " the best authority on this 
subject." believes that where (among the .\ustralians| a distinct word for 4 is given, investigators 
have beet! deceived in every case. This would seem to explain the supposed use of pairs; the '2 was 
used in naming the 4. This tendency, as indicated above in the te.xt. is found in various dialects 
in widely separated countries. As a few examples we note the following: 

Betoya (South 




(South Amer- 

Torres Straits 

'2 cayapa 

4 eajezea = 2 with 
plural termina- 




Mosquito (Central 

Watchandies (South 

Karankawa (Texas) 

2 wal 

4 wal-wal 



Many examples might be presented, but these will suffice to show how widely spread they are^ 
Australia and South America being the regions of most frequent occurrence, and few examples being 
found in Polynesian dialects. 

878 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

these facts an ex]3lanatioii of the Ao, the name for 5. is to be found. 
I offer this suggestion merely as a possil)le explanation, without as yet 
giving it my own positive acceptance. 

The Mexican or Nahuatlan term for 5 — maci(iU! — is as is shown 
above, a compound word signifying "hand taken." that is to say, one 
hand completed, referring to counting on the fingers. The same is also 
true in regard to the name in the allied Pipil and Alaguilac dialects. 
The name for ."> in the Opata and Tarahumari is apjxirently the same 
as the Mexican term modified by dialectic requirements. The C'ahita 
name — imuniii — is from iiiama, the general term for hand. Although 
Gallatin (Trans. Am. Eth. Soc, vol. i. p. 53) considers hito or gyfc the 
name for 5 in Othomi, as uncompound, this seem.s to be somewhat dou))t- 
ful; however, its signification is unknown to me; the same is true of 
the Matlaltzincan or Pirinda. The word for .5 in Tarascan — yiimu — 
appears to be .simple, ))iit I am unable to determine the signification; 
it is not, however, the usual Tarascan word for hand. The nuhi in 
aomihi, the Chiapanei- name for ,5, is a suffix common to a number of 
numeral terms in this dialect. This leaves ao^ hao, or mao, written 
variously as the I'adical. The name for .5 in some of the dialects of 
the Shoshonean group appears to indicate "all." doubtless referring 
to all the fingers of the hand; for example, in the Chemehuevi, Capote 
Uta, Shoshoni. Pa Vant. Southern Pa Ufa, and Uinta Uta dialects. 

In some others the term appears to be derived from the name for 
"hand." It seems, therefore, that the name is usually based on the 
count on the hand, and implies the complete count of the fingers of 
one hand. 

Examining now the terms for the numbers 6 to 9, we will begin with 
those of the ^Mexican proper or Aztec dialect: 

chicua-ce 6. chicu-ei 8. 

chic-ome 7. chico-naui 9. 

These, as is .shown above, signify or are equivalent to 5+1, 5+2, 
5+3, and 5+4, the count being by additions to 5 or to one hand, and 
the names being compounded of chico, "at the side, in part," etc., 
ihuan or kuan, " near another." and the terms for 1, 2, 3, and 4. These 
evidently refer to the process of counting on the fingers of the hand, 
and the system is a true quinary one up to 20. It would seem from 
this that Chavero's theory that the Mexican or Nahuatlan count 
was based on -t instead of 5 can scarcely be maintained. The closidy 
allied Pipil and Alaguilac dialects form the names for 6, 7, and S in 
the same way, but in the latter the name for 9 evidently has reference 
to 10. 

In the Cora the numbers t3, 7, 8, and 9 are clearly based on 5, and the 
names are compound, being composed of a and the names for 1. 2, 3, 
and 4. Charencey (Melanges, p. 17) says, " le <i prefixe suivi du chitire 


df riinite tie 1 a 5 indique les iioi)it)res depuis 5 inclusivemetit jusqu'a 
10 exelusivement, c'est le rempliK/ant de chic Azteque." This, how- 
ever, does not give us the signitieation of the term. 

In Opata, Cahita. and Tarahumari. where there is a somewhat close 
agreement in the number names, especially in the first two. the 
method of counting from 5 to !» appears to \'ary to some extent from 
the quinary system. If we may judge from the termination il-i in 
jiunsaniki^ the Tarahumari name for 6. the count has reference to 5. 
as seems also to l)e ti-ue with regard to the name for 7 in Cahita; liut 
the name for 7 in Oputa. if correctly given, is apparently equivalent 
to 1+6. In the three dialects the name for S is equivalent to 2X4; 
and the 9 refers to 10. I'la. the prefix in Opata. being interpreted 
■'antes" by Pi mental. The 10 in these dialects refers to the hand. 
The name for 1 in Tarahumai'i. as given in the list — hire or pile — is 
considered by Charencey as abnormal, who says that ainepi is given 
in one place. This woidd bring the dialect into harmony with the 

Of the dialects belonging to the Shoshonean branch, we notice that 
the Cahuillo and Kauvuya are regularly quinary. 6, 7, 8, and 9 being 
formed by adding 1. 2, 3. and 4 to 5. The Kechi of San Luis Rey 
appears to follow the same rule. The numbers 6 to 10 in the Tobikhar 
appear, so far as can be determined by the names, to be formed irreg- 
ularly. The name for 7 includes that for 4; 8 is 2X4; the name for 9 
includes that for 5; and 10 as given is 2X5; but in counting the 
numbers above 10 another term — Imrnni — is used for 1(). possibly an 
equivalent for "man." as 20 is hiin<r<i-ri/Iir=^'l hnnira. However, a 
more perfect knowledge of tht^ language may show the count to be 

The method of forming the numbers 6 to 9 in the dialects of the 
Zapotecan fauiily can not be determined with positive certainty frf)m 
the names alone, except in the Mazateca, where, if Belmar (Lengua 
Mazateca) be correct, it follows with great regularity the quinary 
system even into the higher numbers. For example. (!. Iiu. is a con- 
traction of ri-n-(j)i.ov a-\-l: 1. yi-tn,oi f/-//-//ry or .5-f-2 ( 0. etc Judging 
from this and tiie slight indications in the Chuchon. Pojjoloca. and 
Trike. these idioms appear to follow the same system. For example, 
in the Trike, as we learn from Bcimar's "Ensayo sobre la Lengua 
Trike," the anhi m guuta/ika. ti. same as (oiffo. signifies "" another," 
or '"other," and the 2, lujhui, when changed to the ordinal l\v the 
prefix fe/, becomes tsi-guaaha. That the same rule is followed in the 
Zapotec seems evident from the fact that above 10 the (juinary-vigesi- 
mal system is followed as distinctly as in the Nahuatl. 15 having a dis- 
tinct name and the count therefrom to 20 being based on it. 

In the Othomi the numbers ti to 9 are formed regularly according 
to the quinary system. In Pirinda ti and 7 are formed by the addition 

880 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

of 1 and 2 to 5 ov its t'((iiiviileiit; 8 is 2X4, iind !• is based on 10. In 
]\Iixe 6. 7. and 8 are formed by addiiif( 1, 2, iind 3 to 5, but 9 is based 
on 1<>; and the same rule appears to be followed in the Zoque. In 
Taraseo the reg-ular quinary order appears to prevail, though the term 
for 6 seems to refer to the proees.s of counting, as the en in eaiiini^ 
according to Basalenque (op. oit.), refers to the hand. 

Passing over the other idioms of the Shoshonean group, of which 
the signification of the numeral terms has not been specially studied 
bv linguists, we return to the terms for ti, 7. 8, and 9 in the Mayan 
dialects. It will be noticed that in all of these dialects, except the 
Chuhe, the name for it begins with he, hi, or h<i, and that most of them, 
omitting the terminal h. add to complete the name the term for 10, 
lahun, laku. etc., in more or less varied form. Thus, in Pokonchi, 
9 is ie-lehe and 10, le/ie: in Pokomam, y, he-lelieni, and 10, lehem; in 
Ixil, 9, he-lumiah and Kt. lavual, etc. It is evident, therefore, that 
in these idioms the term for 9 is based on that for 10, the le/te, lun, 
III. and loii being mere abbreviation.s of lahun, laku., etc. As h; in the 
various dialects signifies "road, journey, way," etc., this is probably 
the term used here and is to be interpreted "on the way to." "next 
to." In Chuhe, however, the name for 9, ra-aiupw, shows that hei'e 
this number, contrary to the rule which prevails in the other dialects, 
is formed by the addition of 4, ch-angue, to some ecjuivalent of .5, thus 
conforming to the quinary system. It is somewhat singular, however, 
that the name for 19 is hidi-liiJuw, the hun being doubtless an abbrevia- 
tion of halun. 

The .!• in the name for 8 in all the idioms seems to furnish the key 
to the problem of the numbers ti, 7, and 8, as it indicates that 3 — ox, 
u,v, or i.v — is combined with some etjuivalent of 5 represented by u and 
vu, as in u-a.r-ne and vii-ti.r-/d: to form the 8. Up to the present no 
suggestion as to the signification of this prefix has been presented 
other than what is contained in the (juotation from Charencey in 
I'egard to unc. 6. given above. Of the correctness of the above sug- 
gestion in regard to the name for 8 there would seem to be but little 
doul)t. If this be accepted, it follows as reasonably certain that the 
names, except the one for 9, correspond with the mode of counting 
indicated by the written number symbols; that is, with the ([uinary 
system. The numbers 0, 7, 8, and 9 in the Maya (Yucatec) diali>ct may 
therefore be written out as follows, the 5 being inclosed in parentheses 
to indicate that it is represented by some substitute : 

t> ii-ac=(5) + l. 8 u-ax-ac=(5)+.3. 

7 u-uf=(.5)+2. 9 bo-lon=on the way to 10. 

The name for 5 is not I'epresented even by an idtimate abbreviation 
in the names for 6, 7, and 8, unless it be by the u and vu. 




Before passing to the nmnl.ers above K). some few examples of 
methods of counting- hy peoples bordering on or within the u-eo- 
graphi.' limits embraced in this paper, and with whom some of "the 
tribes we have mentioned must have come into contact, will be pre- 
sented, as some of them are exceptional. 

The first of these is a list of numerals given ))v (iaiiatiii:' the iwr- 
ticular tribe referred to is unknown. 

Sa/i Antonio, nf Tf.inx 

1 pil. 

2 ajte. 

3 ajti c pil=2-t-l. 

4 puguaiitzan. 

5 juydpaiiuliij. 

6 ajti (■ iiil ajte=(2-fl ) 2, or .-hii'iias. 

The mimbers to lo in use among the Mos.p.ito tribe of Honduras 
are as follows: 


7 inigiiantzaii cu ajti c pil=4-^2+l. 

8 puguantzan ajte=4x2. 

9 puguantzan cu juyopamauj=4— .5. 
10 juyoitamauj ajte=5X2. 

20 taiguaeo. 

1 kuiiii. 

2 wal. 

•'5 niupa. 

4 wal-\val=2-r2 or 2x2. 

•5 niata-fip=the fingers on one hand. 

6 matlalkabe. 

7 matlalkabe puni kunii=6+l. 

8 matlalkabe pura \val={>4-2. 

9 matlalkabe ])ura niupa=6+3. 

10 mata-wal-sip=tingers of the second 

20 t\vanaiska-kumi=20xl. 
40 twanaiska-\val=20X2. 

Dr Brinton ' gives lists of numerals in three of the dialects of the 
Xuica stock as follows: 











f> tacal 

" pujuii 

S tepuc 

9 u.xtu 

10 i.akil 









1 ical 

2 ]iiar ' 
o guarar 

4 iriar 

5 jjujar 
K tacalar 
7 pulluar 
S ajjocar 
9 gerjsar 

10 paquilar 

' Trans. Am. Ethn. Soc. vol. i. table a, p lu ' 

dJl'S:"" •'■""'" ^™"'''' "■ '''■ ''<^'°''"«"' """'I'---'-, p. 210, „n„er ,he name •• 

=" Xinea Iiulians of Gualemala, Proc. .\m. Phil, soc IS.S.i 

' Dr Brinton remarks that the termination «,■ in thi.s <lialeet reminds „„,. „r ,i,.. t,.,i , • .- 
vual. indicating turn or repetition, as ^ngvml, one time, e,u;!al!^t""^Z'u' '"-"""■™ 

ly KTH, PT -2 21 


[ETH. ANN. 19 

The four following lists are from K. F. Guardia (Loiiyuas Iiidigenas 
Cent. Am. Siglo.. pages lOl and 110). The triV)es are classed with the 
Chibcha group, a South American stock. l>ut are. or were, located in 
Guatemala and Porto Rico. 



Lean y Mulisi 











1 loctebsi 




































("omasanipepani =5+1 
















oomasampecont iac = 5 + 3 

























comascoapssub ^ 


zac vbii 

Another list in the last idiom — Terrava — given by Thiel,' differs so 
considerably from the preceding that it is given here: 

1 krani. 

2 kniwii. 

3 kroiumiiih. 

4 krnbking. 

5 kraHi-hking de. 
t) terdeh. 

7 kugodeh. 

8 kwongdeh. 

9 schkawdeh. 
10 dwowdeh. 



Our examination of the luimber names and the method of counting 
from 10 upward will be confined chiefly to the systems of some of the 
more important civilized tribes of Mexico and Central America, 
and those of other tribes will be alluded to oidy where occasion may 
call for comparison. 

The tirst example to be pi-esented is that of the Nahuatl or Aztec 
method of counting, this being selected because it follows strictly 
the quinary-vigesimal system, and presents clearly the characteris- 
tics of that system, and ))ecause of its importance. The signification 
of the terms or the equivalents of their parts in figures will be given 
iTi connection with the list so far as known. 

I Vocabularlum diT Spnu-hi-ii dvv Bonica— Terraba— uiid Guatuso— ludianer in Costa-Riea, Archlv. 
fiir Aiith., Band xvi, p. 620. 


Xnlmatl ' 

10 niatlartli=2 hands. 

11 iiiatlactli once = 10+l, or 2 hands+l. 

12 niatlactli om-ome=104-2. 
IS niatlactli oQi-ei=10+3. 

14 niatlactli on-naui=10-|-4. 

15 caxtolli. 

16 caxtolli once=15+l. 

17 caxtolli om-ome=15+2. 

18 caxtolli oni-ei=15-(-3. 

19 caxtolli on-nau=15^4. . 

20 cem])oallj^=l counting or complete count. 

21 cempoalli on-ce=20+l. 

22 cempoalli om-ome=20-|-2. 

23 cempoalli om-ei=20+3. 

24 cempoalli on-naui=204-4. 

25 cempoalli om-macuilli=20+5. 

26 cempoalli on-chiqua-ce=20+5-^l. 

27 cempoalli on-chic-ome=20-f5+2. 

28 cempoalli on-chic-uei=20+5 ^3. 

29 cempoalli on-chico-naui=20— o-h4. 

30 cempoalli om-matlactli=20^10. 

31 cempoalli om-matlactli once=20-)-10+l. 

32 cempoalli om-matlactli om-ome=20+10+2. 

33 cempoalli om-matlactli om-ei=20-t-10-|-3. 

34 cempoalli om-matlactli on-naui=20+10+4. 

35 cempoalli on-caxtolli=204-15. 

36 cempoalli on-caxtolli on-ce=20+15+]. 

37 cempoalli on-caxtolli om-onie=20+15-|-2. 

38 cempoalli on-caxtolli om-ei=204-15-|-3. 

39 cempoalli on-caxtolli on-naui=20+15-t-4. 

40 ompoalli=2x20, or two twenties. 

The count follows the same order as that from :i(» to Sit. the only 
variation l)eing in the names of the multiples of 2U, that is to say. 60, 
SO, lOU, etc. , which are as follows : 

60 ei-poalli, orepoalli=3x20. 

80 nauh-poalli=4x20. 

100 macuil-poalli=5X20. 

120 chiqua-cem-poalli=6x20, or literally (5-1-1) X20. 

140 chic-ora-poalH=7x20, or literally (54-2) X20. 

160 chlc-ue-poalli=8x20, or literally (5+3) X20. 

• 180 chico-nauh-poalli=9x20, or literally (5+4) X20. 

186 chico-nauh-poalli cliiqua-c=9X20-t-5-rl. 

199 chico-nauh-poalli ipan caxtolli c)n-nau=9x20+15+4. 

200 matlac-poalli = 10x20. 

220 niatlactli on-cem-poalli=llx20, or (10-fl)X20. 

240 matlactli om-om-poalli = 12x20. 

260 matlactli om-ei-poalli=13x20. 

280 matlactli on-nauh-poalll=J4X20. 

1 Simeon, Die. Langue Nahuatl, p. xxxiii. 

^Cempoalli signifies one entire or complete count, from cr, one, and j/'ki, orpoua, to be eouiitetl or 

884 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ans 19 

300 raxtol poani=15x20. 

320 caxtolli on-oem-poani=16x20, literally (15-j-l)X20. 

340 caxtolli om-oiii-poalli=17x20. 

360 caxtolli oin-ei-poalli= 18x20. 

380 caxtolli on-nauh-poalli=19X20. 

399 caxtolli on-nauh-poalli ipan caxtolli on-nau=19X20+15+4. 

400 cen-tzontli. 

800 ome-tzontli=2x400. 

1,200 ei-tzontli, or e-tzontli=3X400, 

1, 600 nauh-tzontli =4 X 400. 

2,000 maciiil-zontli=.TX400. 

2,400 chicua-ce-tzontli=6x400, literally (.5+11x400. 

4,000 matlac-zontli=10X400. 

6,000 caxtol-tzontli = 15x400. 

8,000 cen-xiquipilli, or ce-xi(jnipilli = l xiquipilli, or 1X8,000. 

16,000' on-xiquipilli=2x8,000. 

24,000 e-xiquipilli=3x8,000. 

120, 000 caxtnl-xi(iuipilli=1.5X8,00O. 

160,000 cera-poal-xi(iuipilli=20x8,000. 

320, 000 om-p(>al-xiquipilli=2x20x8,000. 

3, 200, 000 cen-tzon-xiquipilli=400x8,000. 

64, 000, 000 cem-poal-tzon-xiquipilli=20x400x8,000. 

The signilication of rdxtoll!^ the term for 1.5. does not appear to be 

Centzontli, the name for -ilfO, is from ce, 1, and tzonfll, herb, hair, 
and signilie.s one handful. l)undle, or package of herb.s, or one wisp of 
hair, "'au figure une eertaine quantite comme 4-00," says Simeon (op. 

XlqidpUJi^ the name for S.dOO, .signifies a sack, bag, or wallet. 
Clavigero' says ''They counted the cacao by xiquipilli (this, as we 
have liefore observed, was equal to 8,000), and to save the trouble of 
counting them when the merchandise was of great value [quantity?] 
they reckoned them by sacks, every sack having been reckoned to 
contain 3 xlqulj)ll,ll, or 24,000 nuts." 

It is apparent from the list given that this system was strictly 
quinary-vigesimal throughout, the higher bases — 400 and 8.000 — being 
multiples of 20. The retention of the (juinary order in the higher 
numbers is evident from the use of 15 in counting 35 to 39, 55 to 59, 
etc. The complete maintenance of the vigesimal feature is aLso shown 
by the fact that the count from 20 to 400 — that is, 20X20 — .so far as 
the multiples are concerned, is by 2, 3, etc., up to 19x 20 plus the addi- 
tions 1, 2, 3, etc, to 19. In its .systematic uniformity it is one of the 
most perfect systems that has been recorded, tiiough its nomenclature 
is .somewhat cumbersome. Another point to which attention is called, 
as thei'e will be occa.sion to refer to it further on, is the method of 
counting the minor intermediate luimbers. It will be observed that 
the count above 40 as well as that from 20 to 40 is by additions to the 
base, thus: 40+1 for 41. 40+2 for 42, and so on; and the same rule is 

' Thu.>i ClaviKLTo, 1li.«l. Mex. =Ciilleii's Trans., vol. i, ;;8ii. 



true for the eount from (iO, SO, ete. This is mentioned beeause it will 
be found in .some systems that 41 is not formed by adding 1 to 40, but 
IS formed by eounting the one on the next score— that is to say one on 
the third score. This difference, slight as it seems to be. is neverthe- 
less an important characteristic in comparing the mmieral systems, 
the Maya method of writing numbers to 19, as shown aboye" is pre- 
cisely in accord with the Mexican count. 

The second example of the quinary-vigesimal system I present is 
that in use among the Zapotecs, as given by Cordova in his Arte del 
Idioma Zapoteco. This is so burdened with alternates that it will be 
best understood l)y presenting the regular series first and the alter- 
nates so far as is necessary, in a separate list. The equivalent figures 
placed to the right show my interpretation of the terms. However 
the correctness of the interpretation can be easily tested by considerincr 
the numi.,.rs up to 10 heretofore given in connection with those above 
10 here presented. 


10 chii. 

11 chii-bi-tobi = 10-t-l. 

12 chii-bi-topa, or chii-bi-cato=10+2. 
1.3 chii-no, or chii-bi-fhona=10+3. 

14 chii-taa=10— 4. 

15 chino, or ce-caayo-quizaha-cal le=1.5, or 20—5. 

16 chino-bi-tobi=15-|-l. 

17 chino-bi-topa, or chino-bi-(ato=15+2. 

18 chino-bi-chona=15+.3. 

19 f-hino-bi-tapa=15+4. 

20 eal le. 

21 cal Ie-bi-tobi=20+l. 

22 cal le-bi-topa, or cal le-bi-cato=20-t-2. 

23 eal le-bi-chona, or cal le-bi-cayo=20-|-3. 

24 caX le-bi-tapa, or etc=20-)-4. 

25 cal le-bi-caayo=20-)-5. 

26 eal le-bi-xopa=20+6. 

27 cal le-bi-caache=20-f-7. 

28 cal le-bi-xono=20+8. 

29 cal le-bi-gaa=20+9. 

30 cal le-bi-chii=20+10. 

31 cal le-bi-chii-l)i-tobi=20-|- 10-1-1. 

32 cal le-bi-chii-I)i-topa=20-t- 10-1-2. 

33 cal le-bi-chii-bi-chona, or cal le-bi-chiino=20-M0-)-3. 

34 cal le-bi-chii-bi-tapa, or cal le-bi-chii-taa = 20-|-10-f-4. 

35 cal le-bi-chino=20-|-15. 

36 cal le-bi-chii-bi-xopa=20-f lO-f-6. 

37 cal le-bi-chii-bi-cache=20-t-10-t-7. 

38 cal le-bi-chii-bi-xono=20-f-10-)-8. 

39 cal le-bi-chii-bi-caa=20+10-f 9. 

40 toua. 

41 toua-bi-tobi=40+l. 

50 toiia-l)i-chii=40^10. 

51 toua bi-chii-l)i-tobi=40-f-I0-|-l. 
So to 54. 

886 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

At the next step there is a change in the method, or, as will be seen 
when the alternates are given, the regular method is abandoned and 
the second method of counting adopted. Thus, instead of saying for 
55 tona 5/-c/i/«w=40+15, they say ce-caa quiona, or ce-caayo qutona^ 
5 from 60. The term quiona appears to be a variation of cayona, 60. 

55 ce-caa quiona, or ce-eaayo quiona =5 from 60. 

56 ce-caayo quiona-bi-tobi=5 from 60+1. 

The correctness of this interpretation seems to be conlirmed by the 
alternate ce-tapacaca quizahachaa-cayona=4i from 60. 

57 ce-caayo quiona-bi-tobi=5 from 60+2. 
The alternate in this case is 3 from 60, etc. 

60 cayona. 

61 cayona-bi-tobi=60+l. 
So to 70. 

70 cayona-bi-chii=60+10. 

71 cayona-bi-chii-bi-tobi = 60+ 10 +1 . 
So to 74. 

At the next step — 75 — the order changes as at 55, for, instead of s&y- 
ingoai/o?Ht-bl-c/iil-bi-caache=60-\-10-'ro, they say ce-caa-taa, or ca-caayo- 
taa~b from 80. 

75 ce-caayo-taa=5 from 80. 

76 ce-caayo-taa-bi-tobi=5 from 80+1, or ce-tai)a-quizahachaa-taa=4 from 

So to 79. 

80 taa. 

81 taa-bi-tobi=80+l. 
90 taa-bi-chii=S0+10. 

95 ce-caayo-quioa=o from 100. 

96 ce-caayo-quioa-bj-tobi=5 from 100+1, or ce-tapa-quizahachaa-cayoa 

=4 "from 100. 

100 cayoa. 

101 cayoa-bi-tobi=100+l. 

120 xopalal-le=6x20. 

121 xopalal-le-bi-tobi=120+l. 
130 xopalal-le-bi-chii = 120+10. 

135 ce-caayo-caachelal-le=5 from 140. 

The rule given above is followed throughout. 

140 caachelal-le=7X20. 

1.50 raachelal-le-bi-chii = 140+10. 

160 xoonolal-le=8x20. 

170 xoonolal-le-bi-chii = 160+10. 

180 caalal-le=9x20. 

190 caalal-le-bi-chii = lS0+10. 

200 chiia=10x20? 

210 chiia-bi-chii=200+10. 

220 chiia-cal-le=200+20. 

240 chiia-toua=200+40. 

260 chiia-cavona=200+60. 



280 (.•hiia-taa=200^80. 

300 chinoua (probably 15x20) 

400 tobi-ela, or chaga-eI-la=lX400. 

500 tobi-ela-cayoa=400+100. 

800 topael =2X400, or catoela=i<lem. 

1,000 oatoel-la (•hiia=2x400-2n0. 

1,600 tapa-ela=4X400. 

4,000 (■hii-ela=10x400. 

8,000 chaga-r'oti, or tobi-<;oti=l X8000. 

Cordova adds at this point: "Hasta aqui es toda la quenta de los 
yndios. y de aqui arriV)a van eontando do ocho en ocho mil aiTi))a esta 
declarado. " 

Of the alternates above alluded to it is only necessary tb mention tne 

15 ce-oaayo-quizaha-cal le=5 from 20. 

17 ce-fhona-quizaha-cal le=3 from 20. 

18 <-e-topa-cal le, or ce-topa-quizaha-cal le=2 from 20. 

19 i-e-tobi-cal le, or ce-tobi-quizaha-cal le=l from 20. 

The alternates for the numbers 35 to 39 follow the method of couiit- 
iiig from 55 to 5!t. 75 to 79. and 95 to 99 mentioned below, thus: 

35 cecaatoua, or (■ecaayotoua=5 from 40. 

36 (■ecaayotoua-bitobi=5 from 41; or cetapa caca i|uizali (•haatona=4 

from 40. 
So to 39. 

A thoroug-li knowledge of the language. ena}>ling us to furnisli a 
complete explanation of the terms and partieles added and interjected 
in forming the intei-mediate numbers in the higher counts, would be 
more satisfactory. However, it is believed that the luimber e(|ui\al('nts 
given in the list will be found correct. 

It is apparent from the list that the system is vigesimal and to some 
extent quinary-vigesimal (note the names for 15, 55. etc.) The most 
notable feature, however, is the intei'mediate position it seems to jiold 
between the Aztec and the Maya systems. The tendency toward the 
quinary method atid the use of a special term for 15 ally it on the one 
hand to the Aztec system, while, on the other hand, in the reference in 
counting to the next higher score, which will hereafter he shown as a 
feature of the Mayan systems, it resembles them. It is possible, how- 
ever, that a more thorough knowledge of the language and the system 
may show that the names for 15, 40. etc., which have been assumed to 
be simple, uncompounded terms, are in fact composite. While rhino is 
the usual term for 15, the alternate is cecaaij<>-qi(izaha-calli', which is 
equivalent to 5 from ^0, showing direct reference to 5. It is po.ssible, 
therefore, that chino is composite. As totut, the name for 40. contains 
the tirst syllable of tojja — name for i — it may also be. and probaljly is, 
composite; this supposition seems strengthened by the fact that caijona^ 
the name for 60, appears to be based on cuyo. 3; and tea, name for 80, 

888 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ans.19 

on fiqxi or titn^ -i; and cayoa. name for l(ii). on ccun/o, or 5. The simi- 
larity of the name for 20 — euJh — in thi.s laiiouage and cal or MI, the 
term for the same number in most of the Maj'an dialects, is noticeable, 
though apparontly arcidental. 

The next numeral syst(>m referred to is that of the Mazateca, a tribe 
speaking a dialect of the Zapotecan family. This, if correctly given 
by Francisco Belmar, in his Ligero Estudio sobre Lengua IMazateca,' 
presents one of tlie most complete examples of the quinary system to 
be found in Mexico or Centi'al America. In order that the formation 
of the names may be more apparent, the list from 1 to 10, which has 
Ifeen heretofore given, is repeated here. 


1 gu. 

2 ho. 

3 ha. 

4 iii-hu. 

5 u. 

6 hii. 

7 yi-tu. 

8 iii-i. 

9 ni-ha. 

10 te. 

11 te-n-gu=10+l. 

12 te-n-ho=10+2. 

13 te-n-ha=10+3. 

14 te-ni-hu=10J-4. 

15 te-u=10-t-5. 

■ 16 te-u-n-gu=10+5+l. 

17 te-u-n-ho=10+5-f-2. 

18 te-u-n-ha= 10+5+3. 

19 te-ii-ni-hu = 10+5+4. 

20 ka. 

21 ka-n-gu=20+l. 

22 ka-n-ho=20+2. 
28 ku-n-ha=20+3. 
24 ka-ni-hu=20+4. 
2.T k;i-u=20+5. 

26 kiV-hu { ka-u-ii-gu ) =20+5+1. 

27 ka-yitu (ka-ii-ii-ho) =20-^5+2. 

28 ka-'hii (ka-u-n-ha) =20+5+3. 

29 ka-fiika (ka-u-ni-hu) =2+5+4. 
.30 ka-te=20+10. 

31 ka-ne-n-gu=20TlO-^l. 

32 ka-te-n-ho=20+10+2. 

33 k;i-te-n-ha=20-10+3. 

34 ka-tf-nihu=20+10+4. 

35 ka-te-u=20+10+5. 

36 kate-hu (kate-u-n-gu) =20+10+5+1. 
.37 kiVte-yitu (kate-ii-n-ho) =20+10+5+2. 

38 kate-iiii (kate-ii-n-ha) =20+10+5+3. 

39 kiUe-niha (kate-u-iiihu) =20+10+5+4. 

1 Pp. 40-43. 


40 yi-(ha=2X20. 

41 yioha-ngu=40+l. 

So to 45. 
46 yicha-hu (yicha-u-ngu) =40+5+1. 
So to 49. 

50 yit'hite (or ichite) =40+10. 

51 ifhite-ngu=40--10— 1. 

So to rtr>. 
56 ichite-hu (ichite-u-ngu) =40+10^.5-1-1. 
So to 59. 

60 ichite-ko-te=50-rl0, or literally 40+10-^-10. 

61 ichite-ko-te-ngu=50-'-10^1. 

So to 65. 
66 ichite-ko-te-hu I iohite-kote-ngu) '=50+10+5+1. 
So to 69. 

70 ichite-koho-k;i=50-^20. 

71 ichite-koho-ka-ngu =50-^20+1. 

So to 75. 
76 ichite-kohfj-ka-hu ( ichite-koho-ka-u-ugu) =.50+20+5+1. 
Belmar doe.s not give any explanation of the ko/io in names; 
however, it .seem-s — though one .signitieation of /lo is two — to play no 
other role here than I,-o in the name for 60. etc. 

80 ichite-koho-kate=50-f 20+10, literally 40+10+20^10. 
90 iehite-koho-yicha=50+40. 
95 ichite-ko-ho-yicha-Ci =50+40+5. 
100 (i-cha=5x20. 
110 u-cha-te=5X20+10. 
200 ho-ucha=2x5x20. 
300 ha-ucha=3x5x20. 
So to 900. 
1,000 te-ucha=10X100, literally 10X5X20. 
2,000 ho-mi (ho-te-ucha)=2xl0Xl00. 
So to 9,000. 
10, 000 te-ini ( ka-iu-ha) = ? 

There .seem.s to he some mistake here in Belmar's parenthetical 
explanation: if kd is 2(i and uc/iti 10(». hi-ucliu would l)e ^,UUtJ, which, 
as shown above from his own list, is (ho-te-ucJiu). A.s ;/// i.s given as 
the eciuivalent of te-ncha^ 1,0(JU. th(>n 10.000, varying- from the 
rule, should be te-tv-Cwhn, or /v?-(/-/?c/«^ = 20x 5x100; the latter is 
probably what was intended, as we judge from the following numbers: 
20, 000 ka-mi (ka-te-iicha) =20x lOx 100. 
30,000 kate-uii (k;lte-te-ucha) =30x10x100. 

So to 90,000. 
100, 00(1 ucha-te-ueha=100xl0xl00. 
110, 000 uohate-te-ucha = 1 1 x 10 X 100. 
130, 000 ucha-kate-te-iicha=(100-30) XIOXIOO. 

Although this numeral .system carries out the quinarj' count to an 
unusual extent, yet it is clearly qui naiy- vigesimal. It is a little strange, 

'In this, as in tiie three following numbers (not given here), Belmar, whose list I follow, 
seems, probabl.v by a slip of the pen, to have failed to give the complete name; it certainly should 
be irltitc-ki)lf-v-n(fii. 

890 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

however, that 10 should have what appears to be a simple integral 
name. The name for 20 is also simple, but that for 40 — yi-chd — is 
composite, signifying 2 times 20. The intermediate minor numbers in 
this system are always added to the preceding base and not, as in so 
many others, on that which follows, nor are they subtracted from a 
higher base or number, as we have found to be the case in the related 

Some of the numl)er counts which appear to follow somewhat closely 
the quinary-vigesimal system having been presented, the next method 
of counting to which attention is called is that used by the Maya. As 
this system is the one in which most interest centers because of its 
relation to the numerals found in the codices and inscriptions, we shall 
dwell upon it more fully than we have upon the others, beginning 
with the numerals used by the Maya proper (Yucatecs). We take 
as our basis the series as given by Beltran in his Arte del Idioma Maya, 
placing at the right the interpretations or equivalents of the terms. 

Mm II I 

10 lahun. 

1 1 ViulvK'. 

VI lah-ca = ll + 2. 

13 ox-lahun=S^-10. 

14 i'an-lahnn=4+10. 

15 lio-lahun=.'i+10. 

16 uac-lahuii=6+10. 

17 uuc-lahun=7+10. 

18 uaxac-lahun=8+10. 

19 boloii-lahun=9+10. 

20 hun-kal=one 20, or kal. 

21 huii-tu-kal=l+20, or 1 to 20. 

22 ca-tu-kal=2+20. 

23 ox-tu-kal=3+20. 

24 can-tu-kal=4+20. 

25 ho-tu-kal=5-f20. 

26 uac-tu-kal=6+20. 

27 uuc-tu-kal=7+20. 

28 uaxac-tu-kal=8+20. 

29 bolon-tu-kal=9+20. 

30 lahu-t-a-kal = 10+20. 

31 l)uluc-tu-kal = lH-20. 

32 lalu-a-tu-kal=12+20, literally 10^2+20. 

33 oxlahu-ta-kal = 13-20, literally 3+10+20. 

34 caulahu-tu-kal=14+20. 

35 holhii-ca-kal=15+20. 

36 uaelahun-tu-kal=16+20. 

37 uuclahu-tu-kal=17+20. 

38 uaxac-lahn-tu-kal=18+20. 

39 boloiilahu-tu-kal = 19+20, literally 9-10+20. 
"40 ca-kal=2x20. 

Up to this point the forms are quite regular, except that of 11, 
wiiicli has a name as yet uninterpreted by the linguists. With this 



exception, the numbers from 10 to lH are formed by the addition of 
1, 2, 3, etc., to 10, the decimal system applying here. Twenty has a 
distinct name — hil. From 21 to 39 the numbers are formed by the 
addition to 20 of the numbers from 1 to 19; and 40 is twice 20. 

Before alluding to the change which occur.s in the next step, atten- 
tion is calliKl to I/i/nin, the name tor 10. Dr Brinton ' says it is appar- 
entlj' a compound of In/i and /iiin, and gives as tlie ])robable significa- 
tion, " it fini.shes one (man)." As to its derivation. I think he is cor- 
rect, as la/i, as a substantive, signifies '"end. limit, all, or the whole," 
and hnn " one." The signiticatioji of the term would therefore seem 
to be "one," or " ending," or " all of one count," but not " one 
man." Henderson, in his manuscript Maya-English Dictionary, under 
/(/A, says, '"whole hands," and this is doul)tless the true rendering 
when used in this connection. Juil, 20, as a verb signifies " to fasten, 
.shut, close," as a substantive, "a fastening together, a closing or 
shutting up." 

Calling 20 a score, for the sake of simplicity, the count from 21 to 
39 may be illustrated thus: hiin-fii-hd, 1 on the score, or first score; 
ca-tu-hd^ 2 on the score, etc. Here the addition is to the .score already 
reached, })ut the additions to 40 — ea-kal — or second score are counted 
differently, for -±1, instead of being hun-tii-cakal, is hun-fu-i/oxl-al. the 
latter — yu.ckal or o.rhil — being the term for 60, or third score (3x20). 
As it is evident that this can not signify 1 added to 60, there has been 
a diflerence of opinion as to the true meaning of the expression and 
as to its correctness. Perez, as quoted by Dr Brinton, says, in an 
unpublished essay in the latter's possession, that Beltran's method of 
expre.ssing the numbers is erroneous; that 41 should be hun-tii-cidxil ; 
42, ca-tii-cahd ; 83, on'-tu-canhd, etc. Nevertheless, as Dr Brinton 
has pointed out, the numerals above 40 are given in Perez's Dictionary 
of the Maya Language according to Beltran's system, which appears 
from other evidence to be correct. 

Leon de Rosny" suggests that hun-tu-yoxkal should be explained 
thu^:: 60 — 20-|-l. However, the correct rendering appears to be 1 on 
the third score, or third 20. It is possible that an old and a new reck- 
oning prevailed among the Mayas, as apparently among the Cakchi- 
quels. According to StolP the latter people had an old and a more 
recent method of enumerating, which may be represented as follows: 


41 hun-r-oxc'al 

42 cai-r-oxc'al 


ca-viiiak-iai, etc 

' Maya Chronicles, p. 88. 

2Num6ratioj3 des Anciens Mayas, in Ccjniv>te-Rondu Conj;. Inturnnt. AmiTicanistes, p. 449; Nancy, 
^Zur. Ethn. der Guatemala, p. 136. 


Perez .says that ta is an abbreviation of the numeral particle tul, but 
Rosny' ••^avs, " Je crois que ce n'ost point, coninio il [BaneroftJ le sup- 
pose, la simple conjonction 'et,' mais une phrase des mots ti-u, 'dans 
son, a lui. sien'; u est un pronoun appele par les grammairiens Espanols 
'mixte' et qui forme la copulation, conmie en Anglais V x du genitif." 
Dr Berendt adopts the same opinion, which is probably correct. 

As Beltran's method seems to have been followed in all the Maya 
lexicons down to and including Henderson's manuscript dictionary, it 
is followed here. 

41 hun-tu-yoxkal=l on or to the thinl 20, or third score. 

42 ca-tu-yuxkal=2 on or to the third 20, or third score. 

43 ox-tu-yoxkal=3 on or to the third 20, or third score. 

So to 49. 

50 lahu-yoxkal^=10 on the third 20, or third .score. 

51 buIuc-tu-yoxkal=ll on the third 20, or third score. 

So to 59. 

60 oxkal=3x20. 

61 liun-tu-cankal=l on the fourtli score, etc. 

70 lahu-cankal = 10 on the fourth score, etc. 

71 buluc-tu-cankal = ll on tlie fourth score, etc. 
m cankal=4x20. 

90 lahu-yokal = 10 on tlie fiftli score. 

100 liokal=5X20. 

101 liun-tu-uackal=l on the sixth score. 
110 lahu-uackal = 10 on the sixth score. 

119 l)olonlaliu-tu-uackal = 19 on the sixth score. 

120 uackal=6x20. 

130 laliu.uuckal = 10 on the seventli score. 

140 uuckal = 7x20. 

150 lahu-uaxackal = 10 on tlie eiglith score. 

160 uaxackal=SX20. 

170 lahu-bolonkal=10 on tlie nintli .score. 

180 bolonkal=9x20. 

190 lahu-tu-laliunkal = 10 on the tenth score. 

200 laliunkal = lOX20. 

210 lahu-tu-buluckal = 10 on the eleventh .«core. 

220 lmluckal = llx20. 

230 lahu-tu-lahcakal=10 cm the twelfth score. 

240 lahcakal = 12x20. 

250 !ahu-tu-yoxlahunkal = 10 on the thirteenth scqre. 

260 oxlahukal=13x20. 

270 lahu-tu-canlahukal=10 on the fourteenth score. 

280 canlahunkal = 14x20. 

290 lahu-tu-holhukal = 10 on tlie lifteenth score. 

300 holhukal=15x20. 

310 lahu-tu-uaclahukal = 10 on the sixteenth s<.-ore. 

.320 uaclaliukal = 16X20. 

330 laiiu-tu-uuclahuka ^10 on the seventeenth score. 

340 uuclahukal = 17x20. 

1 Op. cit. 

2 The reason for the omission <►£ tn in 5u 7(1. n.nd 90 is not apparent. 


350 lahu-ta-uaxaclahukal=10 on the eighteenth score. 

360 uaxadahukal = 18x20. 

370 lahu-bolonlahukal = 10 on the nineteenth s-core. 

380 bolon]aliu-kal = 19x20. 

390 lahii-hunliak = 10 on 1 bak. 

400 hun-bak=one 400. 

500 ho-tu-bak [hokal-tu-bak?] =100+400? 

600 lahu-tu-bak [lahun-kal-tu-bak?] =200+400? 

700 holhu-tu-bak [holhu-kal-tu-bak?] =300+400? 

800 ca-bak=2x400. 

900 ho-tu-yoxbak [hokal-tu-yoxbak] = 100 on tlie tliird bak, or third 400. 

1,000 lohu-yoxbak, or hunpic (modern). 

2,000 capic (modern). s 

8,000 hun-pic (former and correct use of the term). 

So far I have followed Beltran'.s list, a.s it i.s that on which the 
numbers a.s given by subsequent writers and lexicographers are based, 
but it carries the numeration only to 8,000. The names for 500, 
600, and 700 appear to be abbreviated; I have therefore added in 
brackets the supposed complete terms. These, however, as will be 
seen by comparison, follow the rule which prevails from 20 to 39, that 
is, the additions are to the last preceding basal number, and not toward 
that which is to follow; the first rule holds good from 41 to 399, but 
the second is followed after passing 800 ovca-hali. as 900 is ho-tu-yoxhal\ 
or, complete, liokal-tu-yoxhid:^ which is ecjuivalent to 100 on the third 
bak. The use of Imnplc for 1,000 was adopted after the arrival of the 
Spaniards. One reason mentioned by Beltran for the change was to 
prevent confusion and to facilitate the numbering of the century in giv- 
ing dates. The proper native expression for 1,000 was la/iu-yoxhal'^ 
or, complete, lalmnkal-ta-yoxhak^ equivalent to 200 on the 3d bak. 
Caj!>JC— ^2,000 — is in accordance with modern usage; according to native 
usage 2.000 would l)e ]iihil\ or .5x400. In counting the minor ntun- 
bei's above 400 the particle catac^ "and," was inserted, thus: 450, hunhak 
catac lahuyoxkal. However, in counting the added hundreds, tu, and 
not catac. was inserted, as is seen above in 5no. tiOO. and T()(>; hence, as 
Beltran indicates, the latter was only prefixed or preposed to the minor 

Bak as a numeral is supposed to be derived from the verb hnk, 
hakak, "to roll up," "to tie around," and hence presumably refers to 
a bundle or package. P/'c signifies "cotton cloth," also a kind of petti- 
coat, which appears to have been the original meaning; as this article 
of dress was occasionally used as a .sack the numeral term probably 
refers to it in this sense; and Henderson, in his manuscript dictionary, 
gives as one signification "a bag made out of a petticoat." This inter- 
pretation corresponds with the Mexican term for 8.00(1. 

The count from 400, or one bak, when carried out regidarlv. would 
be 2 bak, 3 Imk, and so on to 19 bak; 20 bak, or 8,000, forming a new 

894 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth. ax.n. 19 

basis to which the name pic or hun-pic. one pic. was applied. Above 
this number the comit continued by multiplication, thus: 

ca-pic =2X8,000. 
ox-pic =3X8,000. 
can-pic =4X8, 000. 

and so on to holanlakun-jnc, or 19 pic. 

For 20 pic, or IGO.OOO. another simple term — calah — is introduced; 
and for 20 calab. or 3.2OO.0()0, another simple term — Ji'lnchU — is intro- 
duced; and for 20 kinchil, the term alau. The series of primary or 
basal terms are therefore as follows: 

20 units =1 kal = 20. 

20kal =1 bak = 400. 

20 bak =1 jiie = 8,000. 
20 pic =1 calab = 160,000. 
20 calab =1 kinchil= 3,200,000. 
20 kinchil = l alau =64,000,000. 

In reference to the sigfnification of calah, Dr Brinton* writes as fol- 
lows: ■■ Calah seems to be an instrumental form from caJ. to stuff, to 
till full. The word caJani is used in the sense of excessive, overmuch." 
His note (1) is as follows: '^^Cal; hartar o cmborrachai' la fruta.' 
Diccionario ^laya-Espanol del Convento d(^ San Francisco. ]\Ierida, MS. 
I have not found this word in other dictionaries in my reach." As 
Perez, Brasseur. and Henderson give as one meaning of calah, "infi- 
nitely, many times," it is probable that this was the sense in which it came 
into use as a numeral adjective, a more definite meaning lieing after- 
ward applied. Henderson gives as another signilication "a buckle," 
but this may be modern. Zotzceh. which is sometimes used in place of 
hvnchU. signifies "'deer skin," but the latter term has received no sat- 
isfactor}^ interpretation. As chU is interpreted by the lexicographers 
"knap.sack, granary, barn," it is possibly the clue to the signification. 
The highest term — alau — remains unexplained. As jtic has been used 
in post-Columbian times to denote 1.000. l:incliU has been used to sig- 
nify 1.000.000. 

Before commenting further on this system it will be best to present 
the data at hand relating to the count above 10 by other tribes of the 
Mayan group, and by some tribes of surrounding stocks. 

Huatiteea '' 

10 lahu. 17 lahu-buk = 10+7. 

11 lahu-hun=10-|-l. 18 lahu-huaxik=10^8. 

12 lafiu-tzab=10-|-2. 19 lahu-belleuh=10+9. 

13 laliu-ox=104 3. 20 hum-inik=l man. 

14 Iahu-tze=104-4. 30 hum-inik lahu=20 (or 1 

15 lahu-bo = 10+5. man) + 10. 

16 lahu-akak=10+6. 40 tzab-inik=2X20. 

iMaya Chronicles, p. 45. 

2StoIl, Ziir Ethnog.GiiiUemnla, pp. 08-70, and Marcelo Alejandro, Cartilla Huasteca,p. 153 (A is sub- 
stituted for J. Alexandre uses the terminal c, but to be uniform with StoU, I have substituted k). 




Ilnastecd — Coutinued 


tzab-inik lahu=2x20-10. 


huaxik-lx)inik=SX 100. 






ox-inik lahu=3x20+10. 

1, 000 

hum xi. 



2, 000 

tzabxi=2x 1,000. 


tze-iiiik (■a-lahu=4x20+10. 

3, 000 

ox xi=3xl,000. 




tzaboinik xi? (tzexi?) 



5, 000 

boi xi=5xl,000. 




akak xi=6xl,000. 




buk-inik xi? (buk xi?) 




huaxikxi=8X 1,000. 


akak-boinik =6 X 100. 


belleuh-hinik xi? ())eneuh xi? 


bu-unik= 7X100? 

It is apparent that from 100 upward the t-ouiit is in uccord with the 
decimal sy.stem. thoug-h the 5 times 20 to make the 100 is retained. 
Xi, the term for l.oiio. appears to be modern, or. what is more probable. 
it is the term formerly used for 8,000, but changed, as pic in Maya, 
to 1,000; it is probably derived from xil or xiil, "hair." Several of 
the tei'nis taken from Alejandre's list appear to be doubtful, to wit. 
those for 700, 900, ■1,000, 7,000, and 9,000. Possibly the name foi- 
700 is a shortened form of hid- hoi/tik and that for 900 of helleuli l>oinil\ 
but this explanation will not apply to the other three, as tzahoinikxi, 
to conform to the .system, would be 200x1,000 or 200+1,000. The 
proper term according to the rule would seem to be tzexi. I am 
unable to offer any other explanation of the terms for 7,000 and 9.000 
than that inik has been improper!}' inserted. No data are availa))le 
for determining the method of counting the minor additions from 41 
to 59, 61 to 79, etc. 

The next system of numeration to be considered is that of the 
Quiche, to which special attention is called for the reason that it is 
given somewhat fully l)v Brasseur, who seems to have studied it care- 
fully, and who furnishes t>xplanations drawn from his knowledge of the 
language. It therefore affords a good basis of comparison with the 
systems of other dialects of the same family, especially with that of the 
Maya proper. 






hu-lalmh = l-10. 














vahxak-lahuli =8-^-10. 
hu-vinak = l man. 

This continues to 39, the minor numbers 3-19 being phiced after the 
huvinak or 20. However, it would have been more satisfactory if the 
author had written out more fullv these added numbers to 89, thus 

' Bnisseiir de Biiurbourg. Grammnirc Langiie Quiche. j>|i. 1J1-I4(',. 


enabling us to see whether there are any contractions of the terms for 
11 to 19 as given above. 

40 cavinak=2 men or 2X20. 

From this the vinak for 20 is replaced hx qal, which is really the 
proper term in Quiche for the number 20, and corresponds with the 
hd (20) of the Maya dialect. 

41 luin-r-oxqal = l on the third score, or third 20. 

42 cab-r-oxijal=2 on the third score, or third 20. 
4.3 oxib-roxal=3 on the third score, or third 20. 

This continues to 59 by prefixing the numbers 4—19 to roxqal. The 
latter term is composed of the possessive rl sincopated to /■, and ox-qal, 
3X20. The counting, therefore, is pi'ecisely as in the Maya dialect; 
that is to say, from 21 to 39 the minor additions (1-19) are made to the 
tirst score, or 20, but from 41 to 59 they are counted as so many on 
the following or third score. This method is followed, as will be seen, 
up to 399. 

60 ox-qal=3X20. 

61 hun-ri-humuch=l on the fourth score. 

62 cab-ri-humnch=2 on the fourth score. 

63 ox-ri-humuch^3 on the fourth score 

80 humuch. 

The name hiimuch is composed of hun. 1, and much, a measure 
of quantity, a little mass or pile comprising 4 qal of cacao nuts. 

81 hun-r-oqal = l on the fifth score. 

82 cab-roqal=2 on the fifth score. 

83 oxib-roqal=3 on the fifth score. 

So to 99. 

100 o-qal=.5x20. 

101 hu-ri-vakqal=l on the sixth score. 

102 cab-ri-vakqal=2 on the sixth score. 

103 oxib-ri-vakqal=3 on the sixth score. 

So to 119. 

120 vak-qal=6x20. 

121 hun-ri-vukqal=l on the seventh score. 

122 cab-ri-vukqal=2 on the seventh score. 

123 oxib-ri-vukqal=3 on the seventh score. 

So to 139. 

140 vuk-qal=7X20. 

141 hun-ri-vahxakqal=l on the eighth score. 

142 cab-ri-vahxakqal = 2 on the eighth score. 

143 oxib-ri-vahxakqal=3 on the eighth score. 

160 vahxak-qal=8x20. 

161 hun-ri-belehqal=l on the ninth score. 

So to 179. 

180 beleh-qal=9x20. 

181 hun-r-otuk=l on the tenth score, or literally 1 on the fifth 40. 

So to 199. 


Here is a change in the order from laJiKh-qal, or 10x20, as it would 
be regularly, to otul\ or 5 tul\ which seems to give indications of 
modern influence. Brasseur gives the following explanation: "From 
the number 180 following thev say hun-rotnl, 181. 1 toward 200. which 
is represented ))y the word otuJc (this name for 200 is composed 
of oo, 5, and tKl\ which appears to signify a tuft of a certain herb, 
which has, independent!}' of its ordinary sense, that of 40. This makes, 
therefore, for the entire word, 40 multiplied by h\ that is to .say, 200).'' 
Tuc in Maya signifies as a verb "to count heaps, or by heaps" (Hen- 
derson, manuscript dictionary, and Beltran, Arte). The succeeding 
numbers, as will be i seen by the list, follow in the count the regular 
order, though with abbreviated names. 

201 hun-ri-hulah=l on the eleventh score. 
So to 219. 

Hulah in this in.stance stands iov hulahn-qal; that is, 11x20. 

220 hulahu-qal=llX20. 

221 hun-ri-cablah=l on the twelfth score. 

So to 239. 

Cahlah, abbreviation of cahlahuh-qal. 

240 cablahuh-qal=12x20. 

241 hun-roxlah = l on the thirteenth score. 

So to 259. 

Roxlah, abbreviation of roxlahuh-qal. 

260 roxlahuh-qal = 13x20. 

The retention of the /■ here, contrary to the general rule, is without 
apparent reason unless it be for the sake of euphony. Oxlahuhqul 
would seem to be the proper term, as oxlahuh is given for 13, oxqal 
for t30, and omuch-oxlahuhqal for 660 ; however, the name for 300 is 

261 hun-ri-cahlahuh(|al=l on the fourteenth score. 

So to 279. 

280 cahlahuh-qal = 14X20. 

281 hun-r-olahuhqal=l on the fifteenth score. 

So to 299. 

300 rolahuh-qal = 15X20. 

301 hun-ri-vaklahuhqal=l on the sixteenth score. 

So to 319. 

320 vaklahuh-qal = 16x20. 

321 hun-ri-vukl!ihuhqal=l on the seventeenth score. 

So to 339. 

340 vuklahuh-qal = 17X20. 

341 hun-ri-vahxaklahuhqal = ] on the eighteenth score. 

So to 359. 
360 vahxaklahuh-qal=18X20. 

19 KTH. PT 2 22 

898 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

361 hun-ri-belehlahuhqal=l on tlie nineteenth score. 
So to 379. 

380 belehlahuh-qal = 19x20. 

381 liun-r-omuch=l on the 400, or 1 on the fifth much. 

So to 399. 

400 omuch=5X80, or 5X4X20. 

401 omuch-hun=400+l. Etc. 
500 omuch-oqal=400+100. 
600 omuch-otuk=400f200. 

700 omuch-olah, or omuch-olahuh-qal=400+15X20. 
720 omuch-vali;lahuhqal=400T-16x20. 
780 omuch-ljelehlahuhqal =400 + 19 X 20. 

At this point Bras.seur remarks : "Fi'om here onward they count 
from 400 to 4,000 with the term </o, that is to say, 400, in this manner; 
cago, two times four hundred; and they begin to count from 781, 
hun-ri-cago, a.s if they said, one on (or toward) the eight hundred; 
cah-ri-cago^ two on eight hundred." 

It would seem, therefore, from this remark, that this change in the 
count commenced only with the last 20 required to make up the 800. 
But as soon as the count rose above 800 it was based on the 400 next 
above, that is to say, the third 400, thus: 

801 hun-r-oxogo=l on the third 400. 

840 cavinak-r-oxogo=2X20 on the third 400. 

860 oxqal-r-oxogo=3X20 on the third 400. 

Brasseur gives as the equivalent of him-roxogo " es decir 399 para 
1200." Though the term may indicate a number which is the same as 
1200— 399, it certainly does not indicate any such process of obtaining 
this numlier. The first number expressed is hun, or 1, and this is related 
in some way to 3x400, or, the third 400. Brasseur's explanation is 
therefore unsatisfactorj-. The count evidently proceeds in the .same 
way as that of the minor numbers above the second score both in the Maya 
and Quiche dialects, that is, 1, 2, etc., on the next higher score; here 
it is on the next higher go or 400. 

880 ]iuniuch-r-oxogo=80 on the tliird 400. 

900 oqal-r-oxogo=5x20 on the third 400. 

920 vakqal-r-oxogo=6x20 on the third 400. 

940 vukqal-r-oxogo=7X20 on the third 400. 

960 vahxakqal-r-oxogo=8x20 on the third 400. 

980 belehqal-r-oxogo=9X20 on the third 400. 

1,000 otuk-r-oxogo=5X40 on the third 400. 

1,200 roxogo=3x400. 

Here the prefixed /• (for r!) is retained for no apparent use unless 
possibly for euphony. 

1,600 cahgo=4x400. 

2,000 roogo, or rogo=5X400. 

2,400 vakago=6x400. 

2,800 Yukugo=7X400. 

3,000 otuk-vahxakgo=5X40 on the eiglitli 400. 


3,200 vahxa-go=8x400. 

3,600 beleh-go=9x400. 

4,000 lahuh-go=10x400. 

4,400 hulahuh-go=llX400. 

4,800 cablahuh-gu=12x400. 

5,000 otuk-oxlahuh-go=200 on tlie thirteenth 400. 

5,200 oxlahuh-g.)=13X400. 

5,600 cahlahuh-go=14x400. 

6,000 roolahuh-gn=15x400. 

6,400 vaklahuh-go=16x400. 

6,800 vuklahuh-go=17 X400. 

7,000 otuk-vahxaklahuh-go=200 un the eighteenth 400. 

7,200 vahxak-lahuh-go=18X400. 

7.600 belehlahuh-go=19x400. 

Upward from this point to 7,999 the count is based on 8,000, for 
which the word chuvy — which, according to Brasseur, denotes the bag 
or saclv I'ontaining 8.000 cacao nuts, corresponding exactly with the 
Mexican :riqti!pllli — was used. 

7.601 hun-ri-hu-chuvy=l on the first 8,000. 

7.602 cab-ri-hu-chuvy=2 on the first 8,000, etc. 
16,000 ca-fhuvy=2x8,000. 

24,000 ox-chuvy=3xS.000, etc. 
80,000 lahuh-cliuvy=10x8,000. 
88,000 hulahuli-chuvy = 11 X8,000. 
" Y asi de los demas liasta el infinito" (Bra.sseur). 

In the other dialects of the Ma_van family the lists of numerals 
above 10, so far as obtained, are as follow: 


10 lahuh. 16 ^-uaklahuh=6+10. 

11 huvilahuh 2 = 1+10. 17 viiklahuh=7+10. 

12 cablahuh=2+10. 18 ^•uahxaklahuh=8+10. 

13 oxlahiih=3+10. 19 belehlahuh=9+10. 

14 cah]ahnh=4— 10. 20 huvinak=l man. 

15 vuolahuh=5^10. 

Stoll ' gives the old and new methods of counting among the Cakchi- 
quels from 40 to 80, as follow (/( being substituted for j)\ the number 
equivalents are our additions: 

Old New 

40 ca-vinak=2 men 40 ca-vinak=2 men. 

41 liun-r-osc'al = l on tlie tliird score. 41 ca-vinak-hun=2 men and 1, or 


42 cai-r-oxc'al=2 on the tliird score. 42 ca-vinak-cai=2x20-)-2. 

43 oxi-r-oxc'al=3 on the third score. 43 ca-vinak-oxi =2x20+3. 

44 cahi-r-oxc'al=4 on the third score. 44 ca-vinak-cahi=2x20+4. 

45 voo-r-oxc'al=5 on the thinl score. 45 ca-vinak-vuoo=2x20+5. 

46 vuakaki-r-oxc'al=6 on the third 46 ca-vinak-vuaki=2x20+6. 


> StoU, Zur Ethhnog. Guatemala, p. 136. 

2The vi in this name is apparently incorrect; it is po.«ibly a misprint for n. 

»Soc. cit. 

900 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth. ann. 19 

Old New 

47 ^-uku-r-oxc'al=7 on the third score. 47 ca-vinak-vuku=2x20-l-7. 

48 vuakxaki-r-oxc'al=8 on the third 48 ca-vinak-vuahxaki=2x20+8. 


49 belehe-r-oxc'al=9 on the third score. 49 ca-vinak-belehe=2x20+9. 

50 Iahuli-r-oxc'al=10 on thethird score. 50 ca-vinak-lahuh = 2x20+10. 

51 hu-lahuh-r-oxc'al=ll on the third 51 ca-vinak-huvilahuh=2X20+ll. 


52 cab-lahuh-r-oxc'al=12 on the third 52 ca-vinak-cablahuh=2x20+12. 


53 ox-lahuh-r-oxc'al = l.S on the third 53 ca-vinak-oxlahuh=2x20+13. 


54 cah-lahuh-r-oxc'al=14 on the third .54 ca-vinak-cahlahuh=2x20+14. 


55 vuo-lahuh-r-oxc'al = 15 on the third 55 ca-vinak-vuolahuh=2x20+15. 


56 vuak-lahuh-r-oxc'al = 16 on the third 56 ca-vinak-vaklahuh=2x20+16. 


57 vuk-lahuh-r-oxc'al=17 on the third 57 ca-vinak-vuklahuli=2x20+17. 


58 vuakxak-lahuh-r-oxc'al = 18 on the .58 ca-vinak-viiahxaklahuh=2x20+18. 

third score. 

59 beleh-lahuh-r-oxc'al=19on thethird 59 ca-vinak-belehhihuh=2x20+19. 


60 oxc'al=3x20. 60 ox-vinak, or oxc'al=3x20. 

61 hun-ru-humu'ch=l on the fourth 61 ox-vinak-!uin=3X20+l. 

80 humu'ch. 80 cah-vinak, orhnmu'ch = 4x20, or80. 

Dv Brinton, in his Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language of Guate- 
mala (page 68), translated from a manuscript in the Lil)rary of the 
American Philosophical Society, gives the following additional num- 
bers, his q being changed to c' to correspond with Stoll's list: 

100 oc'al=5x20. 

101 hun-ru-vakc'al = l on the sixth score. 

120 vakc'al=6x20. 

121 hun-ru-vukc'al = l on the seventh score. 
140 vukc'al=7X20. 

160 vakxak-c'al=8X20. 

180 beleh-c'al=9x20. 

200 otuc=5x40. 

300 volahuh-c'al=15X20. 

400 omuch=5x80. 

500 omuch-oc'al=5X80+5X20, or 4(X)+100. 

600 omuch-otuk =400+200. 

700 omueh-volahuh-c'aI=400+loX20. 

800 cagho=2 gho or 2X400. 

900 oxc'al-r-oxogho? 

This is a mistake or misprint for 

900 oc'al-r-oxogho=100 (or 5x20) on the third 400. 
1,000 otuc-r-oxogho=200 (or 5X40) on the third 400. 
8,000 hu-chuvy. 


The following li«t of Pokoiie-hi numerals i.s from Stoll's Miiya- 
Sprachen der Pokom-Gruppe (p. 51) : 


10 lahe-b. 

11 lnm-lah=l + 10. ' 

12 cab-lah=2+10. 

13 ox-lah=3+10. 

14 (■ah-lah=4+10. 

15 ho-lah-uh=5^10. 

16 vuak-lah=6^10. 

17 vuk-lah = 7+10. 

18 vuaxak-lah=8+10. 

19 beleh-lah=9-^10. 

20 hun-inak=lx20, or 1 man. 

21 hen-ah ru-ea-vuinak=l on the second score, or on the second 20. 

22 quib ru-ca-vuinak=2 on the second score, or on the second 20. 
30 laheb ru-ca-vuinak=10 on the second score, or on the second 20. 
40 ca-vuinak=2x20. 

50 laheb r-oxc'al=10 on the third score. 

60 ox-c'al=3x20. 

70 label) ru-cah-vuinak = 10 on the fourth score. 

80 cah-vuinak=4x20. 

100 ho-c'al=5x20. 

200 ho-tuc=5X40. 

StoU interpi'ets the heivth ru-ea-vulnak of the above list by "• 1 sein 
2X20;" that is, 1 of, or belonging to, 2X 20 or the second 20. This is 
exactly the same as saying one on the second .score. The m for which 
" sein '' stands is the third person, singular, possessive pronoun, as in 
7'upat, " his house." 

In Quekchi (or K'ak'chi). from which the next example of iuim])ers 
above 10 is taken, we follow the " Vocabulario Castellano-K'ak'chi " 
of Enrique Bourgeois, as published by A. L. Pinart (pp. 7-8), always, 
however, changing the Spanish / to h. 


16 guac-Iahu=6+10. 

17 guk-lahu=7+10. 

18 guaxak-lahu=8 + 10. 

19 bele-lahu=9+10. 
=44-10. 20 liun-may. 

Why nuii/ or mrn' is used here instead of b//, the proper term for 
20, is not apparent, as it is a term applied in counting a particular 
class of o))jects. Chareiicey ' remarks as follows in regard to it: 

Ainsi le Cakgi possede au nioins cinq termes pour rendre notre nom de nombre 20, 
suivant les objets auquels il se rapporte. Ainsi, I'on dira hurinr, s'il s'agit de comp- 
ter des graines de cacao on de pataste (cacao sauvage); himtaab, pour les couteaux 
et instruments de fer ou de m^tal; hunyut, pour les plumes vertes; humai, s'il s'agit 

1 Melanges, pp. 65-66 




hun-lahu = l + 10. 






kabahu, or kaa-lahu 



902 . NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth. ans. 19 

de compter les poutres, les hestiaux, les- fruits et objets comestibles. De meme le 
Quiche employait cette particule mai ou may, loi-squ'il s'agissait du comput de 
I'espace de vingt ans; de vinak, alors que I'on voulait supputer les mois, etc. 

21 hun-x-kakal=l on the second score. 

22 kaib-x-kakal=2 on the second score. 

23 oxib-x-kakal=3 on the second score. 

24 kaailj-x-kakal=4 on the second score. 

25 hoob-x-kakal=5 on the second score. 

26 guakib-x-kakal=6 on the .second score. 

27 gukub-x-kakal=7 on the second score. 

28 guahxakib-x-kakal=8 on tlie second score. 

29 beleb-x-kakal=9 on the second score. 

30 laheb-x-kakal = 10 on the second score. 

31 hun-lahu-x-kakal= 11 (or 1 + 10) on the second score. 

32 kab-lahu-x-kakal=12 (or 2+10) on the second score. 

33 ox-lahu-x-kakal = 13 on the second score. 

So to 39. 

40 kakal = 2x20. 

41 hun-r-oxkal=l on the third score. 

42 kaib-r-oxkal=2 on the third score. 

So to 49. 

50 laheb-r-oxkal = 10 on the third score. 

51 hun-lahu-r-oxkal =11 (or 1+10) on the third score. 

52 kab-lahu-r-oxkal= 12 (or 2+10) on the third score. 

So to 59. 

60 oxal=3x20. 

61 hun-x-kakal?=l on the fourth score. 

62 kaib-x-kakal?=2 on the fourth score. 

So to 69. 

70 laheb-x-kakal?=10 on the fourth score. 

71 hun-lahu-x-kakal?=ll (or 1+10) on the fourth score. 

72 kal>-laliu-x-kakal?=12 (or 2+10) on the fourth score. 

Si I to 79. 

The kahdin the la.stlive munerul.s umiuestionably denotes 4x20, or 
80, the proper teiin for which is hial-ul. As hiJcal is the term for 40, 
or literally 2x20. there must he either a distinction in the promincia- 
tion not indicated in the vocabulary or an error in the printing. The 
data at hand do not furnish the means of determining the signification 
of the inserted ,v as in hun.ehihtl; it seems evident that it plays the 
same role as /■ before o, as in ro.rkal. 

80 kaakal=4X20. 

81 hun-r-okal=l on the fifth score. 

82 kaib-r-okal = 2 on the fifth score. 

So to 89. 

90 laheb-r-okal=10 on the fifth score. 

91 hun-lahu-r-okal=ll (or 1+10) on the fifth score. 

So to 99. 
100 hokal=5X20. 
120 guackal=6x20. 
200 hotue=5x40. 
400 hun-okob=lX400. 
800 kaib-okob=2x400. 

^""•"■'''^ MAM NUMERALS 903 

The list of numerals above 10 in the Mam dialect given below is 
from the Arte y Vocabulario en Lengua Mame, by Marcos Salmeron, 
published by Charencey (page 156). 


10 lahuh. 

11 hum4ahuh=l + 10. 

12 kab-Iahuh=2+10. 

13 ox-lahvih=3+10. 

14 kiah-lahuh=4+10. 

15 oo-lahuh=5+10. 

16 \'uak-lahuh=6+10. 

17 \'uk-lahuh=7+10. 

18 vuahxak-lahiih=8+10. 

19 belhuh-lahuh=9+I0. 

20 vuinkim or huing (Stoll) =1 man. 
30 vuinak-lahuh = l man, or 20+10. 

40 ka-vuinak=2x20. 

41 hum-t-()xkal-im = l to the third score. 

42 kabe-t-oxkaI-im=2 to the third score. 

43 oxe-t-oxkal-im=3 to the third score. 

44 kiah-t-oxkal-im=4 to the third score. 

45 hoe-t-oxkal-im=5 to the third score. 

46 vuakak-t-oxkal-im=6 t« the third score. 

47 viik-t-oxkal-im=7 to the third score. 

48 vuahxak-t-oxkal-im=8 to the third score. 

49 velhuh-t-oxkal-im=9 to the third score. 

50 lahuh-t-oxkal-im = 10 to the third score. 
60 ox-kal=3x20. 

70 lahuh-tu-hu-nmch-im=10 on the fourth .score. 

80 huni-raucx=l nmcli, or 1x80. 

90 lahuh-t-okal-im = 10 on the tifth score.' 

100 okal=5x20. 

200 ochuk=5x40. 

300 oloh-kal=i.5x20. 

400 o-mucx=5X80. 

500 omucx-okal=400^100, lit. (5X80) +(5X20). 

600 omucx-ochuh =400+200, lit. (5X80) + (5X40). 

700 omucx-oloh-kal =400+300, lit. (5X80) + a5x201 

StolP gives a method of counting above 40 in this idiom so difterent 
from that presented above that his brief notice is presented here: 

40 caunak=2x20 ?, or 2 men. 
50 caunak-t-iqui -lahoh = 40+ 1 0. 
60 ox-c'al=3x20. 
70 ox-c'al-t-iqui-lahoh=60+10. 
80 hu-much=lx80. 

hu-much-t-iqui-lahoh =80+ 10. 


iSalmeson gives t-oirkal, which is an evident error. 
-Sprache der Ixil-Indianer, p. 146. 

904 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

This, as will be seen, adds to the preceding 20 instead of counting 
on the following- 20, and is presumed to indicate the more modern 
method of counting. 

10 la-vual. 

11 hun-lavual = l+10. 

12 cab-lavual=2+10. 

13 ox-lavual=3+10. 

14 ca-lavual=4+10. 

15 o-lavual=5+10. 

16 \'uah-lavual=6+10. 

17 vuh-lavual=7+10. 

18 vuaxah-lavual=8-|-10. 

19 bele-lavual=9+10. 

20 vuink-il, or vuinquil. 

21 vuinah-un-ul=20+l. 

22 vuinah-cab-il=20+2. 

23 vuinah-ox-ol=20+3. 

24 vuinah-cal =20+4 ( cal for cah-il) . 

25 vuinah-61=20-t-5 (ol for o-ol). 

26 vuinah-vuah-il=20-^6. 

27 vuinah-vnh-ul=20+7. 

28 vuinah-vuaxah-il=20+8. 

29 vuinah-belu-vual = 20+9. 

30 vuinah-lavual = 20+10. 
40 ca-vuink-il = 2x20. 

60 ox-c'al-al=3x20. 

70 lavual-i-much = 10 on the 80. 

80 ung-much-nl=oine much, or one 80. 

90 lavual-t-oc'al=10 on the fifth .score. 

100 o-c'al-al=5x20. 

101 oc-'alal-t-uc-ungvual=100+l. 

110 lavual-i-vuahc'al=10 on the sixth score. 

120 vuah-c'al-al=6X20.2 

130 la\'ual-i-Aiihc'al=10 on the seventh st-ore. 

140 vuh-c'al-aI=7X20. 

150 lavual-i-vuaxalic'al = 10 on the eighth score. 

160 vuaxah-c'al-al=8x20. 

170 lavual-i-belec'al = 10 on the ninth score. 

180 bele-e'al-al=9x20. 

190 lavual-i-lac'al = 10 on the tenth score. 

200 la-c'al-al = 10x20 (or ca\-ual-ciento=2X100— Spanish). 

220 hunla-c'al-al=llx20. 

230 lavual-i-cabla-c'al = 10 on the twelfth score. 

240 cabla-c'al-al = 12x20. 

260 ox la-n-e'al-al = 13X20 (same as oxlahunc'alal). 

280 cala-n-c'al-al = 14x20. 

300 ola-n-c'al-al=15x20. 

> Stoll, op. cit., pp. 50-52 

Stoll, op. cit., pp. 50-52. 
i Stoll gives by slip of the pen "4x20." 




320 vuahla-n-c-'al-al = 16x20. 

340 vuhla-n-c'al-al=17X20. 

360 vuaxahla-n-c'al-al=18x20. 

380 belela-n-c'al-al=19x20. 

400 vuinki!-an-c'al-al =20 X 20. 

420 vuinah-im-ul-an-c'al-al=(20— 1) X20. 

440 vuinah-ca-vual-aii-o'al-al = (20+2) X20. 

460 vuinah-ox-1-an-c'al-al = ( 20-t-3 ) X 20. 

480 vuinah-ca-l-an-c'al-al= (20-^4) X20. 

500 vuinah-o-l-an-c''al-al = ( 20+5) X20. 

520 vuinah-vuah-il-an-f'al-al=(20+6) X20. 

540 vuinah-vuh-l-an-c'al-al= (20— 7)X20. 

560 vuinah-vuaxah-il-an-c'al-al = (20+8)x20. 

580 vuinah-bele-l-an-c'al-al = (20+9) X20. 

600 vuinah-la-vnal-an-c'al-al = (20-t-10)X20. 

620 vuinah-hun-la-vual-an-c'al-al=(20^1+10) X20. 

640 vuinah-fab-la-vual-an-c'al-al=(20+2+10) X20. 

660 vuinah-cix-la-vual-an-o'al-al={20^3-i-10) X20. 

680 vuinah-ai-la-vual-an-c'al-al= (20+4+10) X20. 

700 vuinah-i.-la-vual-an-c'al-al = (20— 5— 10)X20. 

720 \iiinah-vuah-la-vual-an-c'al-al= (20+6+10) X20. 

740 vuinah-vuh-la-vual-an-c'al-al= (20+7+10) X20. 

760 vuinah-vuaxah-la-vual-aii-c'al-al = ( 20+8+10) X20. 

780 vuinah-bele-la-vual-an-c'al-al= (20+9+10) X20. 

800 ca-vuinkil-an-c'al-al=(2x20) X20. 

Aguacateca ' 



10 labu 





11 hunla 





12 cabla 


cab-lab uneb 


lahchue (?) 

13 oxla 





14 quayahla 





15 ola 





16 vuakla 





17 vukla 





IS vuabxakla 





19 belela 





20 hunak 





21 hunak-hun 





22 hunak-cab 




hoix-vuinak (?) 

23 hunak-ox 



40 c-aunak 



60 ox-c'al 




80 hun-much 


1 Stoll. .Spniche der Ixil-Indiauer. p. 







Choi (6) 










buluche, or lialuche 


lininiie e luhiim- 


lah-i'liaeni = 10+2 


lali-cliane(c) = 10-f2 


cbapo e luhum- 


x-1 a h u n e 111 =.S-+- 




uxp^ e luhump^= 


chan-luli uiiein = 
4-- 10 


(•liaii-lahunt'=4-f 10 


i'hiim]ie e luhum- 


h 0-1 a h u n e 111 =5+ 


h(>lahum'-=5— 10 


[h(i e hihuuipe] 


liak- 1 a liiinrm =64- 




niikjie e luhum- 


vuk-lahuiiem = 7-j- 




linkpe e lulinm- 


iiaxak - laliunein=8 




naxokpe e lubum- 

+ 10 




baluin- lahunem =9 





bolompe e hihum- 






liun-i''al=one 20 


or 2 men 


rha-vu i n ike=2 x20, 
or 2 men 










chan-vuinik =4 X20 


c h a n -viii n ikt' =4X 









aStoll, Ethnog. Guatemala, pp. 69-70. 

ftStoll, op. cit. 

cShould not this be Inh-chahef 

Mire ' 

10 mahc. 

11 niahc-tuuc=10+l. 

12 niahc-metzc=10-|-2. 

13 niahc-tucuc=10-f-3. 

14 niahc-mactz=10-|-4. 
lo niahc-mocx=10-t-5. 

16 niahc-tuduuc=10-|-6 or mahc-mocx-tmic=10-l-5+l. 

17 niahc-huextuuc=10-|-7 or mahc-mocx-metzo=10-|-5+2. 

18 mahc-tuctuue= 104-8 or mahc-mocx-tucoc=10-)-5-|-3. 

19 inahc-taxtuuc=10-|-9 or atuuc ca ypx=l from 20 or one more to 20. 

20 ypx. 

21 ypx-tuuc=20-|-l. 

22 ypx-metzc=20-|-2. 

23 ypx-tuc6c=20-)-3. 

' Raoiil de la Gras.«erie. I antMic Zoiine ft LnnKiic Mixc. :i32, 333. 




24 ypx-maxtaxc=20+4. 

25 ypx-mocoxc=20+5. 

26 ypx-tuduiic=20+6 (literally 20-rO+l). 

27 ypx-huextuuc=20+7 (literally 20+5+2). 

28 ypx-tuctiiue=20+8 (literally 20+5+3). 

29 ypx-taxtuuc=20+9 or atuiic ca ypxmalic=l from 30 or 1 more to 30. 

30 ypx-maho=20+10. 

31 ypx-mahc-tuuc=20+10+l. 

32 ypx-mahc-metzc=20+10+2. 

33 ypx-mahc-tucoc=20+10+3. 
40 huixticx (?) [metz-ipx?] 

60 tuc6-px=3x20. 

80 mohcta-px=4x20. 

100 moc6-px=5x20. 

120 tudiiu-px=6x20. 

140 liuextuut=7X20? 

160 tuctuut=8x20? 

180 taxtmit=9x20? 

200 maiqu-ipx=10x20. 

300 yiu-mo<-x=20Xl5 ? 

400 tuuo-moii5=l moin. 

500 tune-moin co moropx=400-t-100 or 400+5x20. 

600 tiiue-moiri eo maiquipx=400-r200 or 400^-10X20. 

700 tuuc-moin co yucmocx=400+300. 

800 metze-moifi =2X400. 

900 metzc-moin co mocopx=2X400+100. 

1,000 metzc-moifi co maiquipx=2X400+200. 

Zoquf ' 












makch-kues teut-kan 






mai'-tucay = 10+3 




ips-vote, yps-vote, or yps-vate 
(literally yps or ips=20) 




yps CO mac=20+10 






wlieus-tu-^-comak-kan =40+10 




tugi-ipghan=3 X 20 




tugips-comak-kan =60+10 




mak-tapshan = 4 X 20 

12, 000 




13. 000 

tzuno-coma, ve.-itec-mone 


mossiip.'<han=5 X 20 

16, 000 



magi-ipshan = 10 X 20 

20, 000 


30, 000 

tueuy-chuno coyet-mone 


yps-coyu covestec-tzuno 

iThis list of numerals must be accepted with some reserve: it is partly (1) from E. A. Fuertes' 
manuscript in the Bureau of American Ethnology archives and partly (2) from the Vocabxilary in 
Grasserie's Langue Zoque. 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

Trike ' 

10 chia. 

11 (•h;V-nlia=10-rl. 

12 ohu-uiha=10+2. 

13 cha-nuiiha = 10^3. 
1-1 chi-gaha=10-!-4. 

15 chin6dnha=15xl? 

16 chin6nhi-ha=15+l. 

17 chin6u-huiha=15-r2. 

18 chin6n-guan6nha=15+3. 

19 cIiin6n-gaha=15+4. 

20 hikoo or kooha. 

21 hikoo-nia-nha=20+l. 

22 hikoo-ghuiha=20^2. 

30 hikoo-ohiha=20— 10. 

31 hikoo-chan=20+ll (liter- 

ally 20+10+1. 

32 hikoo-chuuiha=20+12 

(literally 20+10+2). 

33 ikoo-chammha=20+13 

(literally 20+10+3.) 

40 ghuixia;lha=2x20? 

41 ghuixiaa-ngoha=40+l. 

42 ghuixiaa-ghuiha=40+2. 

50 ghuixia;l-chiha=40+10. 

51 ghuixiaa-chanha=40+ 

11 (literally 40-1-10+ 


52 ghuixiaA-chuuiha=40+ 

12 (literally 40+10+ 

60 guanuuxiaha=3X20? 

61 guanonxia-fiia-nha=60 


62 guauunxia-ghuiha=60+ 


70 guan6nxia-chiha=60+ 


71 gtian(jnxia-chinia-nha= 


80 kiiaxihaa=4x20? 

81 kaaxia-ngoha=80+l. 

90 kAaxia-chiha=80+10. 

91 kaaxia-ch:ln = 80^11 

(literally 80+10+1). 
100 hilhu-chia=5x20. 

The xiad in the names for 40, etc., appears to be an equivalent of 20. 

Cahita '' 

10 uo-niamni=2x5. 

11 uomainni aiiiaii-senu=10+l or 2x5+1. Also, uomamni ama vepa- 


20 senu-tacaua=one 20 or 1X20. 

40 uoi-tacaua=2x20. 

60 vahi-tacaua=3x20. 

80 naequi-tacaua=4X20. 

100 iiiamiii-tacaua=5x20. 

200 U()-iiKimni-tacaua = 10X20 (literally 2x5X20). 

400 uo-mamni uosa-tafaua= (2X5) X (2X20)? 

500 uo-mamni uo.«a aman mamni-tacaua=400+100. 

600 uo-mamni aman vahi-si-tacaua=(2x5)X(3x20) 

700 uo-mamni vahi-si aman mamni-tacaua=600+100. 

800 uo-mamni naequi-si-tacaua=(2x5)X(4X20). 

900 uo-mamni naequi-si aman mamni-tacaua=800+100. 

1,000 uo-mamni mamni-si-tafaua=(2x5) X(5X20). 

4, 000 naequi uonnnamni mamnistacaua. 

The author adds the following paragraphs: 

Some nations [?] say sermtacma or sesavehere for 20, others .say sesavehere for 10, and 
follow up the rount thus, 11 xesarehere aman senu, 12 sesavehere aman uoi, etc.; for 20 
they say uosavehere, which is 2 times 10. 

^ Francisco Belmar, Ensayo sobre Lengua Trikc, p. 10. 

2Arte Lengua Cahita (anon.), edited by Eustaquio Biielna. pp. 199.201). 




The Yaquis say for 5 sesavehere, and counting from 5 to 5 [more] pay nosavehere 10, 
vahivehere 15; these also say for 20 senutacaua or naeqiiirehere, and for 25 say sesavehere, 
and for 100 say mamnitacaun or tacauavehere, which is 20 fives. 

He explains the "' numeral adverbs" sesa and unsa thus: se-xn, '' one 
time," va-sa, "two times;" for example, sesavehere, one time 5, uoi- 
vehere, two times 5, etc. 


10 reta or rata. 

11 r^ta-ma-ra=10 — 1. 

12 r^ta-ma-yooho=10+2. 

13 r6ta-ma-hiu2=10+3. 

14 reta-ma-gooho=10+4. 

15 r^ta-ma-qyta=10+5. 

16 r^ta-ma-rahto=10+6. 

17 r6ta-ma-yohto=10+7. 

18 reta-nia-hiahto=10+8. 

19 rfta-nia-gyhto=10+9. 

20 n-rdhte. 








hiunihte-ma-reta=60+10 (liter- 
ally 3X20+10). 

gooho-nih te =4 X 20. 

gooho - rilhte - ma' - r6ta=80+10 
(literally 4X20^10). 

ii-ranthbe, or n-ran^hl)e. 


Taraitm * 

10 temben. 

11 temben-ma=10+l. 

12 temben-tziman=10+2. 

13 temben-tanimu=10+3. 

14 temben-thamu = 10— 4. 

15 temben-yiimii=10+5. 

16 teniben-cuiniu = 10+6. 

17 temben-yuutziman=10-f 7. 

18 temben-yimtanimu=10-t-8. 

19 temben-yunthamu=10+9. 

20 maequatze or makatari. 

30 maequatze ca-temben=20-f-10. 

40 tziman-equatze=2x20. 

50 tziman-equatze ca-temben=40-L10 (literally 2x20+10). 

60 tanime-equatze=3x20. 

70 tanimequatze ca-temVjen=60+10. 

80 thamequatze=4x20. 

90 thaniequatze ca- temben =80+10. 

100 yuiiiequatze=5x20. 

200 temben-equatze=10X20. 

300 temben-eqiiatze ca ymnequatze=200— 100 (literally, 10x20+5X20). 

400 ma-yrey)eta= 1X400. 

500 nia-yrepeta (■a-yum-equatze=400— 100. 

600 nia-yrepeta ca-temben equatze=400— 200 (literally, 400-rlOX20). 

700 ma-yrepeta oa-tembeii yumequatze=400+300, or in full, mayrepeta 

ca-temben-equatze yumequatze=400+ 10X20^5X20. 

800 tziman yrepeta=2x400. 

900 tziman yrepeta ca-yumequatze=800+100 (literally 2X400+5X20). 

1,000 tziman yrepeta ca-temben-equatze = 800 + 200 (literally, 2X400 + 

iLuis de Neve Ymolina, Arte del Idioma Othomi, pp. 152, l.i3, and Elements de la Grammaire 
Othomi (anon.), p. 14. 
-htu in Ymolina'.s .\rte i probably a misprint i. 
3 mo in Arte. 
*.\rte y Diecionario Tarascos, by Juau Bautista de Laglina. edited by Xieholas Leon, pp. 59-^)1. 

910 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

2,000 yum-yrepeta=5x400. 

3,000 yun-tziraan yrepeta ca-temben-equatze=7X-l00+10x20. 

4,000 temben yrepeta =10x400. 

5,000 tembeii-tziman yrepeta ca-temben equatze=12X400-|- 10X20. 

6,000 temben yum-yrepeta=10x400+5X400 (written in full, temljen 

yrepeta ca-yum-yrepeta.) 
7,000 temben yuntziman yrepeta ca-temben eqnatze=17x400+10x20. 

(literally, (10+7)X400+10X20). 
8,000 ma-equatze yrepeta=20x400. 

9,000 ma-equatze tziman yrepeta ca-temben equatze =( 20-^-2 ) X 400+ 10 X 20. 
10,000 ma-equatze yum yrepeta=8,000+200 (literally, ma-equatze yrepeta 

ca-y um yrepeta=20 X 400+ 5 X 400 ) . 
20,000 tziman equatze yrepeta ca-temben yrepeta=2x20x400+10X400. 
30,000 tanim equatze temben yrepeta cayum yrepeta = 70X400 + 2,000 

(literally, (3x20+10) X400-I-5X400) . 
40,000 yum-equatze yrepeta=5x20x400. 

50,000 cuim-equatze yrepeta ca-yum-yrepeta=6x20x400+5X400. 
60,000 yun-tanim-equatze yrepeta(?)=?. 
70,000 yun-tham-equatze yrepeta ca-yum-yrepeta(?) =?. 
80,000 temben-equatze yrepeta, ca-temben-yrepeta=10x20X400 ("ca-tem- 
ben yrepeta" surplusage?). 
90,000 temben ma-equatze yrepeta, ca-temben yum j'repeta. 
100,000 temben-tanim-equatze yrepeta(?)=?. 
200,000 makararhi-eciuatze yrepeta ca-cuim-equatze yrepeta=?. 
300,000 makatarhi-equatze ca-temben yuntham-equatze yrepeta=?. 
400,000 tziman katarhi equatze ca-yuntanim equatze yrepeta=?. 
500,000 tanim katarhi-equatze ca-tziman equatze yrepeta=?. 
600,000 tanim katarhi-equatze catemben yum-equatze yrepeta=?. 
700,000 tham-katarhi-equatze ca-yuntanim-equatze yrepeta=?. 
800,000 yun-katarhi-equatze ca-ma-equatze yrepeta='?. 
900,000 yum-katarhi-equatze ca-temben-tham-equatze yrepeta='.'. 

There appear to be several errors in this list which can not be cor- 
rected with satisfactory certainty without a somewhat thorough knowl- 
edge of the language. The name for 60,000 as it stands in the list is 
equal to 8Xl!0X-l:00, giving as the product 6-i.00(». It is possible that 
this is the niunber intended. The proper expression for 60,000 appears 
to be // (/ ii-tzuiian-equatse-yrepeta temhtn -y reject a = 7 X 20 X 400 -(- 10 X 400. 
The name for 70.000 as it stands in the list signifies 9x20X400+5X 
400=74.000. As it is not probable that this is the number intended, 
the error must be in the name. If we write yun-taii i m-equatze yrepeta 
= 64,()00 and add temljen yuia-yrepeta, the abbreviated name for 6,000, 
we shall get the required number, but the positive evidence that this 
form is correct is lacking. We observe that the first terms in the names 
for 10.000. for 2(i.(>0i». for 30,000. and for 40,000 are, respectively, ma, 1; 
teaman, 2; tanim, Z\ aadyum,5. Following this rule, the correspond- 
ing terms in the names for 50.000, 60,000, 70,000, and 80,000 shoidd 
be cmm, 6; ynii-tziman, 7; yuntamin, 8; and temben, 10. The correc- 
tions suggested for 60,000 and 70,000 (as 80,000 has temben) will con- 
form to this order. These high round numbers have, however, a 
modern look inconsistent with original Mexican number systems. 


Opata ' 

10 makoi. 

11 makoi-seni-))egud^=10+l. 

12 make ii-go-begua = 10+2. 

13 makoi-l>a-begud=10+3. 

14 makoi-nago-begua=10+4. 

15 niak(ji-inari-)jegvia= 10+5. 

16 mak(ii-bu.«sani-begUii=10+(5. 

17 niakoi-seni-gua-bus.«ani-begua=10+7 (literally 10+1+6). 

18 inakoi-go-nago-begua=10-r8 (literally 10+2x4). 

19 kiseurl=before or next to 20. 

20 seuri, orseneunni=l man (?). 

21 seuri-seni-begiiii=20+l. 
30 seuri-makoi-l)egiia=20+10. 
40 gode-urini=2x20. 

50 godeurini makoi-begua=40+10 (literally 2x20+10). 
60 vaide-urini=3x20. 
100 makoi-urini? (error; should be niari-urini=5X20?) . 


10 macoi-qui. 

11 niacoi-guamina-bire=10+l. 

12 macoi-guamina-oca=10+2. 

13 macoi-guamina-beiquia=10+3. 

So to 19. 
20 osa-macoi=2xl0. 
30 beisa-ina<'oi=3xlO. 
40 naguosa-macoi=4X10. 

Notwith.standing- the evident resemblance of the numerals of this 
idiom up to 10 to those of the Nahiiatl. it is clear from this short list, 
which is all we are enabled to offer from the data at hand, that the 
higher number names are based on the decimal sj'stem. 

As the mode of counting used by the tribes of the Shoshonean 
group, so far as they have been obtained, is based on the decimal sys- 
tem, it is unnecessary to present more than one or two examples, 
which will ])e introduced farther on. 

Before closing this t'hapter a few other examples, including two from 
northeastern Asia, will be presented for comparison. The first of these 
is the Totonacan count above 10. Unfortunately we have only the 
round numbers. 

Totvnaca ' 
10 cauh. 
20 puxani. 

30 puxani-a-cauh=20— 10. 
40 ti-puxam=2x20. 
50 ti-puxam-a-cauh=2X20+10. 
60 toton-puxam=3x20. 
100 quitziz-puxani=5x20. 
200 co-puxam=10x20. 
400 tontaman. 
1, 000 ti-taman-a-co-puxam=2x400+10X20. 

' This incomplete list is gathered from the Vooabulario Opata in Pimentel's Cuadro, vol. ii. 
2 The signification of begad in this connection tmknown to the writer, 
s Miguel Tellechea, Compendio Grammatical idioma Tarahumari, p. 7. 
* Conant, Number Concept, p. 205. 

912 KUMKRAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

For numbers in a different dialect see AkaFman in tlie preceding 

Squier^ gives the numerals of a Nicaraguan tribe that he names 
Nagranda (Subtiabanss ?), which show that the system was regularly 


10 Guha=10. 41 Apudinoimbanu=2x20+1. 

11 Guanimba=10-t-l. 42 Apudinoapunu=2x20+2. 

12 Guanapu=10-t-2. 43 Apudifioasunu=2x20+3. 

13 Guanasu=10+3. 50 Apudinoguhanu=2x20+10. 

14 Guaracu=10+4. 51 Apudinoguanimbanu=2x20+1. 

15 Guanisu=10+5. 52 Apudinoguanapunu=2x20+ 

16 Guanmahu=10+6. 10+2. 

17 Guanquinu=10+7. 60 Asiidino=3x20. 

18 Guanuha=10+8. 70 Asndinoguhanii=3X20+10. 

19 Guanmelmi=10+9. 80 Acudino=4x20. 

20 Dino, imbadino, or 'badifio=lx20. 90 Acudinoguhanu=4X20+10. 

21 'Badinoimbanu=lx20+l. 100 Huisudino or guhamba=5x20 or 

22 'Badinoapumi=lx20+2. great ten. 

23 'Badinoasunu=lx20+3. 200 Guahadino=10x20. 

30 'Badinoguhanu=lx20+10. 400 Dinoamba=great twenty. 

31 'Badinoguanimbanu=lX20+ 1000 Guhaisudino=10x5x20. 

10^1 2000 Hisudinoamba=five great twen- 

32 'Badinoguanapunu=lX20+10+2. ties. 

33 'Badifioguanasunu=lX20+104-3. 4000 Guhadinoainba=ten great twen- 
40 Apudino=2x20. ties. 

As we shall have occasion to refer to one example from a California 
dialect not pertaining to the Uto-Aztecan family, we give it here. 

Huchiidin ' 








mis-u-o-pal-yuh = (10 on second 











mis-u-mol-mal-yuh=(10 on third 











mis-u-kas-a-pal-yuh = ( 10 on fourth 


hel-pi-suh-pu-tul = ( 10— 1 )? 





kas-a-pal-y uh =4 X 20. 




nius-u-pu-al=(10 on fifth score)? 


hel-pis-o-o-po-tek= 10+ 2. 



The number equivalents which we have added are given merely as 
suggestions. Those for 30. 50, 70. and 90 should possibly be 10 from 
•iO, 10 from 60, etc. We can only say that the equivalent, though pos- 
sibly not the signification of min-u^ must be 10, and that the count 
relates to the next higher score. 

'Nicaragua, vol. ii, p. 326. 

^Compar. Vocabularies, by J.W.Powell, in Cmitrib. t" N. .\m. Ethn., vol. in, pp. ■187,488. 


The two A.siatie examples are the and the Aiuo. 

10 iiiii;itken = l)oth hands. 

20 (■hUk-kiii=a whole man. 

30 chHkkin niingitkin parol=20+10. 

40 nirach fhlikkin=2x20. 

100 milin chlikkin=5X20. 

200 mingit chlikkin = 10x20, i. e., 10 men. 

1,000 miligen ehlin-chlikkin=5x200, i. e., five (times) 10 men. 

A inn ' 

10 \vamV)i. 

20 choz. 

30 wanibi i-doehoz=10 from 40, or 10 on tlie .second score. 

40 tochoz=2x20. 

50 wanibi i-richoz = 10 from tiO, or 10 on Ihe tliird score. 

60 rechoz=:5x20. 

70 wanibi [i?] inichoz = 10 fnuii SO, nr 10 on the fourth score. 

,S0 inichoz=4x20. 

1)0 xvambi aschikinichoz=10 from 100, or 10 on the fifth score. 

100 a,schikinichoz=5x20. 

110 wambi juwanochoz=10 from 120? 

120 juwano (hoz=6x20. 

130 wambi arnwanoclioz= 10 from 140? 

140 aruwano choz=7x20. 

150 wambi tubi.'Jchano choz = ]0 from 160? 

160 tnbischano clioz=8X20. 

170 wamlii sclinebiscliano clioz=10 from 180? 

180 schnebiwhano choz=9x20. 

190 wambi sdinewano choz = 10 from 200? 

200 .schnewano choz=10X20. 

300 aschikinichoz i ga.schima chnewano clioz=5x20+10X20. 

400 toschnewano choz=2X (10X20). 

500 aschikinichoz i gaschinia toschnewano clioz=100-|-400. 

Miscellaneous Lists. 

The followinof lists are added here ehiefly as a iuean.sof comparison. 
Some of tliem iiave not as yet been satisfaetoril}' cla.ssified l>y linguis- 
ric atiinit}'. One or two of the dialects belong to that part of South 
America near the Isthmus of Panama, but are given because it appears 
that the tril)es speaking' them used the "native calendar." The 
localities wiiere they are spoken are given in connection with the 
names of the dialects. 

' I'oiiMiit. Number Coueept, p. 191. 2 Ibid, pp. 191-19'J 

lit KTH, I'T '2, 23 



[ETH. A.SX. 19 

Moreno ( Hondurnss) ' 

The numl)t'r names in this dialect present a curious admixture of 
Moreno and Spanish. 









.senc (Sp. ), 
set (Sp.). 

9 nef(Sp.). 
TOdis (Sp.). 


uns (Sp. ). 


dus (Sp.). 


tres (Sp.). 


seis (Sp.). 


ven (Sp.). 


drandi (Sp.). 






san (Sp.). 


iruasan =3X100. 

For the purpose of showing the evident relation of the Moreno num- 
ber names to those of the C^arib group, those of the latter up to 5 are 
added here, from Rafael Celedon's Gramatica Catecisuio i Vocabulario 
de la Lengua Goajira (p. 29). 1 am not aware to what Carib dialect 
these belong, as this is not stated by Uricoechea, who wrote the intro- 
duction in which they are given — probably to that of the Magdalen 
district west of lake Maracaibo. 


1 abana. 

2 biaina. 

3 irhua, or eleua. 

4 biamburi. 

5 nacobo-aparcu, or abaiia-liuajap (one hand). 

Sumo {Honduras)'^ 

1 as. 

2 bun'. 

:; baas=(2fl?). 

4 arunca. 

5 cinca (Sp. ). 

ti tiasciia9=(5+l?). 

7 tiaHcabo=(5-|-2?). 

8 tia8cobas=(5+3?). 

9 tiascarunca=(5+4?). 
10 salap. 

12 salap-nica-buu'=10-|-2. 

20 niuiaslio. 

30 niuyasloiniincosala=20+10. 

40 muyas-leibu=20x2. 

The author gives the names for 50, 60, 70, 80, 100, and 1,000 as 







niuy-as leibas. 

muy-as leiarunca. 

niuy-as lei^<inca ("sinca" Sp. 

muy-af leitiascoljas. 

niuy-as leiarunca. 

muy-as leisala. 

1 Alberto Membrefio, Hoiidurenismos. p. 200. 
= IbiiI., fip. 2-23-224. 

""'"'''1 MISCKLLANKors LISTS 915 

Tluvso are .•l.-arly ..rro.ioous. W,~ \enture to corroct them so far as 
possihli. as follows: 

•iO uuiyas leil)u-niincosala^=40— 10. 

60 inuya.s leibas=20x3. 

TO inuyas lfil)as-inincosala?=60-^10. 

SO iiuiyas leiarunca=20X4. 

100 iiiuya.s leisiuca=20X5. 

1,000 (inuyas leisala may possibly be an abbreviation for muvas leisinra 

Sumo {Nicaragua}' 

I ^'^^''*- 1;^ salapminiteobas=10+3. 

" "■ '■! sa!apminiti-oarunea = 10— 4. 

' '"*■ !•"> salapniinitcocini_"i = 10— 5. 

_. amnca. j,j salapminitcotisa>ruas = 10+5 + l. 

o cnica(Si).). 17 salapminitfotiascobo=10-i-5-4-o 

b iascop,as=5+l. js salapnnniteotiascobas=10+5'^-3. 

' ]^^'^'^^'> '»^-- 19 salapminitcotiascoarunca=10-J- 

•^ tiascobas=5^3. 5^4 

9 fiascoanmea=5-^4. 20 nniyasliiy. 

,\ ^^,^'^' . . 30 niuyasluyininitcoslap=20X10 

sa ap,nin.tcoguas=10+l, 40 nuivasluvn,initcobo=20x' 

1- salap,ninitcobo=10+2. lOO ,niiyasluyminitcocinoa=2o"xo. 

Paya (Hnudiin 


S oguag. 

- '"«■• 9 tais. 

•1 niais. 

4 ca. 

10 Ilea. 

annqui (sp.?). 20 

12 uearapoe=104-2. 



*aoag. 1.000 

100 ispoc? 


Jicaque (k Yoru {Hondimix)-^ 

1 jiain. 

2 niata. 

3 eondo 

•' eomasopeni. 

10 enniasjni. 

1' qne.sainbopani = 10+l. 

^ ''">'"P""^'- 12 .|»^sa,nbol,omata=10+2. 

Jlcarjuf dri /'iilitxii- (Iliiiiilin-iisf 

' '"■''"'• -i peve-dro. 

■'""**''• ~ asbafaffani=6+l?. 






Guajir/iilri) (Hi, 11(1 


1 etf 

" pela .sai=2^5. 

" f^*"' ** lagua sai=3+5. 

•^ '^'^"^- 9 eriosai=4+5. 

10 ishisli lo sai = (2x5?). 

11 ishish eta sai = 10+l. 

4 erio. 

5 sai. 

6 eta sai = 1 -(-5 

'Alberto Membreflo. Hondureflismos, p. 223. = ma.. ,,. 23I. 3 ibid.,;. 239. .Ibid., p."^ 

916 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

Slmilaton {HoncbirtiK) ' 

1 eta. 4 herea. 

2 pe. 5 say. 

3 lagua. 6 issis (iloubtful, 10?). 

Guaymi ( Veraguas) ^ 

1 crada (krati). 

2 crobu. 

3 cromo. 

■4 crobogo (kroboko). 

5 coirigue (krorigue). 

6 oroti. 

7 crocugu. 

8 orocuo. 

9 croegon (krohuiikofi). 

10 crojoto. 

11 crododi-craili=10+l (krojoto ti krati). 

12 (•rododi-crobu=10+2 (krojoto ti krobu). 

13 (•rododi-iTomo=10-t-3. 

14 (•rododi-i,'robogo=10+4. 

20 gre. 

21 grebbi-cradi=20+l. 

30 grebbi-crojoto=20-flO (grebi-krojoto). 

31 greb>)i-crojoto-<li(Tadi =20+10+1. 

40 gregueddabu=20x2 (gregue krobu). 

41 gregueddabu-di('radi=40+l. 

50 gregueddabu-di(TOJoto=40+10 (gregue krobu ti krojoto). 

(iO greguedanio=20x3 (gregue kromo). 

70 gregnedanio-di(Tojoto=60+10 (gregue kromo ti krojoto). 

•SO gregueddabugo=20X4 (gregue kroboko). 

90 gregueddaV)Ugo-dicrojoto=80+10 (gregue kroboko ti krojoto). 

100 greguetariguie=20x5 (gregue krorigue) . 

(iaaymi Sabanero {^Panama)' 

1 gdaite. 

2 gdabogue or gdabu. 

3 gdauiai. 

4 gdaliaga or gdatare. 
•T clatiga or gdabaga. 

<) gdaderegue or gdaho. 

7 gdadugue or gdain. 

.s gdaapa or gdatiga. 

9 gdaira or gdatadi. 

10 gdataboco=5x2 or gdatabu. 

Count from 10 to 19 by adding 1, 2, etc., to 10. 

20 giriete. 

21 giriete-gdaite=20+l. 

30 guiriete-gdataboco=20+10 (girite?). 

1 Alberto Membreno, Hondurenismos, p. 256. 

-A. L. Pinart, Colecciiii de Linguistica y Etnografia .A.mericann!i, tomo iv, p. 23. The words in 
parenthepe.s are from Pinart's Vocabiilario Castellano-Gnayniie. appendix, p. 5. 

■I A. L. Pinart, Coll. Ling, y Etnog. Am. tomo iv, pp. 52-.53, and Vocabulario Castollano-Giiaymie, 
Murire dialect, i". 4s. 




gniribogiit.=20x2 (girilniguf?) 







Doragque {Panama) ' 

que. 5 


falabacli. 7 

calac-apa (ralapaca?). 

Othei- lists with dialectic- variations are as follow 




1 kue, umai. 

'2 kumat, komo, uiiiaidos. 

:i kumas, kalabac, uniaitres. 

4 kupaki, kalapaka. 

5 kuhiiaU'. 

6 kulpaka, katakala. 

" katakalobo. 

10 kulnialniuk. 

20 sermalmuk. 

Cuua {Panama) ' 



fueiK'hique. 12 

poena. 20 

pagua. 30 

atale. 4q 

nerciia, in- nericua. 60 

cublegue. 80 

paliaca. jqC 

pa.|uebague. joOO 

aiiibegui caca cuenfhique= 

ambegui caca i)oc'ua=10-t-2. 


tulabueua caca aiiibegiii = 

tula guana (guala?) Inicna. 











Choco {Panama) * 
halia, aba. 



kiiiiari. kiiuaue. 

luiasinia, juasonia. 

iuiasiiiiara-ba, jua^^oll)a-alJa=5+l. 

lHia>iiiiiara-iionie, juasonia-oine=5+2. 

Iiuasiiiiara-onipea, iua»oiiia-oinpea=.">^3. 

huasiniara-kumari, juasonia-kinianc=5-f-4. 

Iniasiniani nianiuia, oiue juasoraa=5x2 or 2x5. 

onia juasonia aba=2x5-^l. 

oni])ea juasonia=3x5. 

kimaii, or kiniane jna.sonia=4x5. 

'A. L, 
= A. L. 
»A. L, 
<A. L. 

Pinart, Coll. Ling, y Etnog. Am. torn, iv, p. 52. 

Pinart. Vocal). Castellano-Dorasque (Chumul, Gualaca, and Changuina dialects) 

Pinart, Vocab. Ca5tellan<i-Ciina, pp. 6-7. 

Pinart, Vooab. Castellano-Cliocoe, pp. 2-3. 



[EtH. ANN. 19 




Chibriia (nmr Bogvta, Colombia)^ 


qhicha ata=10+l. 
qliicha boza=10+2. 
qhicha ta=10-r6. 
qliiclia (or complete) quihicha iibcliiliica; also giie and giieta (sig. " foot 

giietas asaquy ata=20^1. 
giietas asaquy boza=20— 2. 

giietas asaquy qhicha ata? (giietas asaquy ubchihica=20+10). 
giietas asaquy qhicha ubchihica? (giie bozas=20x2). 
giie bozas asaquy ata=20x2^1. 

giie bozas asaquy qhicha ubchihica? (shouUl be giie micas=20x3). 
giie micas asaquy ata. 
giie hizca=20x5. 
giie ubchihica=20xl0. 



is apparently .some error in the names for 30, iO, and fiO. 
The term amqay is merely to indicate addition: "asaquy, que quiere 
decir, i mas, con el nombre de las unidades." As gue iozas asaquy ata 
denotes -il, the name for 40 should be (/ue 7/osas—2()X2, as 100 is 
denoted hy giie hizca = '20y.b. The proper term for 30 is proljablj' 
giietas asaquy uhchihica (or grAic/ta) = 20+10. 

The following is a specimen of the numerals used by the Huave (of 
Tehuantepec) from Burgoa, Geog. Descrip.. tom. ii, fol. 396, as 
quoted by Hubert Bancroft, Native Races.^ 

1 anoeth. 

2 izquieo. 

1 saiming. 

2 puk-sak. 

3 pang-sak. 



















luefiehh lugoon)^ 





' E. Uricoechea, Gram., Vocab.. etc., de la Lengua Chibcha. 
■ Vol. Ill, p. 758. There are seeming errors in this list. 
■J Brinton, American Race, p. 367. 


Bribri [Tiilaiiianran tribe, Cuxla Rica) ' 

1 et. 5 skang. 

2 but. 6 terl. 

3 imiyat. 7 kugu. 

4 keng, ka. S oschtan, pai, pa. 

Branca {Talamancan tribe, Costa Hira) ' 

1 etsik. 5 kchisskan. 

2 bug. 6 teschan. 
.3 niang. 7 kuchk. 
4 baohkaii. 8 ochtan. 

Carrizo {near Monclova, C'oahuila) ' 

1 pequeten. 4 naiye. 

2 acequeten. 5 maguele. 

3 guiye. 


Before I discuss these lists and attempt to draw eouclusious from 
them, there is one point which deserves notice. It is this: To what 
extent can these nmiiber lists be considered reliable^ I do not 
by this inquiry wish to question the veracity of any author whose 
works I have quoted or used, but to refer to the method by which 
the lists were obtained, especially the portions relating to the high 
numbers. Did the Maya, Aztec, and other tribes make use in actual 
count or computation of thousands, tens of thou.sands, hundreds of 
thousands, and even millions as given in these lists, or have they been 
filled out, in part, by the authors according to the .systems found in 
vogue? That implicit reliance can 1)6 placed on the jiidgment and 
accuracy of the more recent authorities who, as is known, derived 
their information direct from the natives, as StoU, Gatschet, etc., is 
conceded, but the lists given by these authors seldom if ever reach 
beyond the thousand. Most of the lists from the tribes of Mexico 
and Central America, which run into high numl)ers, are given by the 
early authors (chieflj' Spanish) or are based on their statements. 
When the Mexicans spoke of ca.vtol-tzi))ttli=lQ tzontli (6,000); ceiii- 
jxial-xiquipiUl—'lO d'itjuijjil/i (160,000); and ceiii-poal-tzon.-xiq\dpUIl— 
20 times -100 xiquipilli (64,000,000 — see list), did they have in thought 
the actual numbers given as equivalents of terms, or 'merely 
measures^ When, for example, the\' said, '" 15 tzontli'^ {tzontli signi- 
fying bundle or package) did they intend to signify 15X400, or 
simply 15 bundles or packages^ In other words, did the reference 

^ Adolph Uhle, in Compte Rendu Cong. Americanistes, Berlin, 1.S88. p. 474. 

= Ibici., p. Alh. 

^ Uhle, Die Lander am untern Rio Bravo del Norte, p. 120, quoted by Brinton, .^merieau Race, p. 93. 

920 NITMEKAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

piis> from thf mniilier to the measured To illuistrato. if we say 3 
bailcyeoni.s make 1 inch; 12 inches 1 foot; 3 feet 1 yard; and 1.760 
yards 1 mile, do we in speaking of I mile ha\e in view the l',M>,()8(1 
barleveorns^ When the Mexicans spoke ot .riquijiilli thi'w alluded, 
according to Clavigero, to sacks or bags. He says, as atiove quoted, 
"The}' counted the cacao bj^ xiquijnlll (this, as we have before 
observed, was equal to 8,000). and to save the ti'oiible of counting 
them when the merchandise was of great value [probably quantity] 
they reckoned tliem liy sacks, every sack having been reckoned to 
contain 3 ,rlijiiij)illl, or 24,000 nuts." Now. are we to suppose that 
in counting the sacks the number of nuts was kept in view ^ Did the 
merchant who purchased a tzontJl of sacks (-ino) lia\e in mind oi- pur- 
pose l)uving !l.()00.000 nuts^ This will suttice to make t'U'ar the 
thought intended to be presented, and will, it seems, justify the ques- 
tion — have the high numbers in these lists 1)een added in accordance 
with the computation of tii(> recorder, or were they in actual use 
among the native Mexicans^ 

As contact with Europeans and their decimal system for nearly four 
centuries has modified to a greater or less extent the original native 
method of counting, it is (lout)tful whethei' dii-ect reference to tiie sur- 
viving natives of the present day would settle the question. The Maya 
pic has, as we have seen, lieen changed from 8,000 to l,()n(). and tlie 
signification of other numeral terms has been changed in similar man- 
ner. Our only appeal is therefore to the native records, antL hei-e, 
possil)ly from our inability to interpret the ^lexican syml)ols, we are 
limited to the Mayan codices and inscriptions. Here, however, as 
ha.s been clearly shown in another paper, and as lia.s been proved by 
Foi'stemann and Goodman, the evidence is clear that the Maya, or at 
least the priests or authors of the Dresden codex and the inscriptions, 
could and actually did carry their conqjutations t() the millions, in 
terms where the number element was necessarily retained, where the 
pi'imary unit — in these instances the day — had to be kept in view. Of 
course they mad(> use of the higher units to facilitate counting, as we 
do at the present day. If the Maya were capable of counting intel- 
ligently to this figure, it is not unreasonable to suppose that the more 
advanced among the surrounding tribes may have made similar, though 
possibly not so great, progress in their numei'ical systems. That the 
Mexicans had sym))ols for high mmibers is asserted l)y the eai'ly hi-i- 
torians, and is evident from their remaining codices, but no means (jf 
testing these, as the Maya manuscripts and inscriptions ha\e lieen 
tested, has yet been found; however, the explanation of symbols 
carrying the count to the tens of thousands has been given. 

Notwithstanding this conclusion, it is apparent that the influence of 
the European decimal system has Ijeen felt in some of the native 


counts herein oiven. This, for example, i.s probably true of the Hua.s- 
tecan count, where the simple term xi i.s used to denote 1,000, and 
in the count from i'OO to 900 in this system and in some others. 

All the preceding lists showing the count from lo upward which 
belong to the Mexican and Mayan groups, except that of the Tarahu- 
mari. pertain to the vigesimal system and in method of cr)unting ))ear 
a strong general resemblance one to another, yet when they are closely 
examined minor differences are found which have an important bear- 
ing on the question of the origin and relationship of these systems. 
Of these variations we notice the following: 

The Nahuatl count follows strictly the quinary- vigesimal system, as 
has been already stated, 5 and 15. as well as 20. being basal numbers. 
The count is always from a lower numbei'. that is to say. th(> minor 
numbers are always added to a numlier ])assed; thus 41 and 42 ai-e 
formed by adding 1 and 2 to 40. and not by counting the 1 and 2 on 
the next or third score, as we have seen was the rule among some 
of the Mayan tribes, as the Maya proper or Yucatec, the (Quiche. 
Cakchiquel, Pokonchi. Quckchi. Mam. Ixil. and ]irol)ably most of 
the southern tribes of the group, but nt)t among the Huasteca. who 
formed the northern olfshoot. The count of the latter, though, like 
the others of the Mayan gi-oup. fundamentally \igesimal to Itud. is. like 
the Nahuatl. by additions of the minor numbers to a number passed — 
iis 20+10 to form 30 and 2x20+10 to form 50. The numeral system 
of the jNIayan trities generally differed from the Nahuatl. Zapotec, 
Mazatec. Trike. Mixe. and Zoque systems — all of which are regularly 
quinary-vigesimal, and generally add the minor numbers to the pre- 
ceding base — in being more nearly decimal-vigesimal, and in adding 
the numbers above 40 to the following base, as 1 on the third score, or 
third 20, to form 41. In the Mayan dialects the count is never based 
on 5 except, as has heretofore been suggested, from 6 to 8. and in 
one dialect from <i to 9. So far. therefore, as these differences are 
concerned, they tend toward grouping together the systems of the 
Nahuatlan, Zapotecan. and Zoquean tribes, as contrasted with the 
Mayan; but the term Nahuatlan is used here as referring only to 
the stock in its limited sense — the Aztecan branch — as the rule does 
not hold good throughout, when we pass into the Sonoran branch. 
However, the grouping on these points is interesting as it is in 
harmony with other data. 

In one peculiarity, however, the Zapotec count diti'ers from the 
Nahuatl and approaches the Mayan systems. From 55-59, 75-79. and 
95-99 the numbers are obtained by subtraction from the next higher 
base — thus, for 55 they say ce-caa quiona or ce-caayo quiona; that is, 
5 from 60. For 56-59, 76-79, and 95-99 they have two methods of 
counting — thus for ."iii they s.ay rc-fv^^?/^ <jii!(»i(i-hi-t<ih> ; that is, 5 from 



[ETH. AN.N.19' 

60+1. or ci-tdjM q)i!ziih(ich(ia-c<(>/on<i, which is 4 from tJO. etc. The 
Alazateca, Mixe, Zoque. and Trike appear to follow throughout the 
Nalmatl method of adding the minor numbers to the preceding l)ase. 

The Othomian, Tarascan, and Totonacan systems are similar to 
the Huastecan — that is to say, are decimal-vigesimal — and form the 
higher numerals by adding the minor numbers to the preceding base. 

Extending our inquiry northward to the Sonoran and Shoshonean 
branches of the Nahuatlan family, we notice the gradual change to 
the decimal system. For example, in the Cahita count the quinary- 
vigesimal rule prevails; 6. 7. and 10 are based on 5; 8 on 4; 11 to 19 
on 10, or. rather, twice live. From 2i) upward the count is vigesimal, 
10 when used retaining throughout its form of 2X5. The contact, 
however, in this region with the decimal system is clearly indicated 
by the following statement of the author of the Arte Lengua Cahita, 
given above: " Some nations say senutacaiM or sesevehere for 20; others 
say for 10 seswvehere and follow up the count thus: 11, sesavahere aman 
sen u; 12, sesavehere aman uoi, etc. For 20 they say uomvehere^ which is 
two times 10. The Yaqui say for 5 se-^avehere, and counting from .5 to 5 
say xumaveitere^ 10 [=2x5]; vahiveJiere^ 15 [=3X5]. These also say for 
20 sen x tacaua [1 X 20] or naequivehere [4X5], and for 25 sesavehere (this 
particular count is of this nation only), and for lOO say laamnitacaua 
[5X20] or tacauvehiTe, which is 20 tives." In the paragraph which 
follows he states in general terms that some of the tribes count by 
fives, others by tens, both using the same term, veliere^ prefixing the 
"numeral abverbs" sesa, "one time." («>.w, "two times," etc. The 
"nations" alluded to are probably the Cahita tribes, such as the Tehu- 
eco, Zuaque, Maj'o, Yacjui, and other related or neighboring tribes. 

This change in the application of a given term in closely related dia- 
lects is not only interesting, but somewhat remarkable; and added to 
the fact that the closely related Tarahumari of the same section use the 
decimal system, indicates that the latter and the vigesimal system here 
came into contact. Do the data furnish evidence as to which was the 
spreading or aggressive and which the yielding one '. Without entering 
into a discussion of the question the following facts are presented for 
the benefit of those desiring to look further into this subject. The 
similarity of the number names of the Cahita and Tarahumari to 
those of the Nahuatl is too apparent to pass unobserved e\en Ijy the 
mere cursory glance. Include the allied Opata and take for example 
the numbers 1 to 5 and 10. as follow: 











vahi. or bei 







The resemblance between the natne.s in each cohimn. except hire^ 1 
in Tarahumari (for which Charence_v says he finds the alternate xinejjl. 
which would be in harmony with the others), and Komanuii (2x5), l(t 
in Cahita, is at once apparent. This, however, is merely in accordance 
with the recognized affinity of the first three idioms with the Nahuatl. 
It seems, however, that we look in vain to the Nahuatl names for the 
veliei'f {vehe-re) as it can not be derived from nutcuiUi (5), mufhivfll 
(10), or poalU (20), nor from the names for 5, 10, or 30 in the Opata, 
Cahita. or Tarahumari. The name for 20 in Opata is url {se-urt), which 
signifies ■"man;" in Cahita, t((caaii; in Tarahumari, («•«-//«/«>/ (2 X 10). 
In these languages the only number name which resembles it is that 
for H, which is not a divisor. 

Turning to the Shoshonean group we notice the following facts. 
Whether they are sufficient to justify a decision on the point is verj' 
doubtful: this, however, is left for the reader to determine. The 
following list of the names for 2, 5, 10, and 20 is from Gatschet's 
Fort}' Vocabularies.' 





Southern Paiute 





California Paiute 














voava-ha match 











In these our term appears in exact and (supposed) modified form, 
but onl}' as the name for 2 even in the composite forms. This is seen 
in the Tobikhar, as appears from the following list: 





vehesli-vateha =2 X 4. 








vehes-mahar=2X5 (2 hands 








vehe-hurura=2— 10. 











hurura pahi=10X3. 

There is an apparent leaning toward the (piinary system in one or 
two of the dialects, but this has little bearing on the question. 

When the count rises above 10 it seems that the term used to desig- 
nate this number is changed. The same thing is true in regard to 
numbers in several other idioms of this group. It is possible that we 
have in this fact an indication of change from an older and more 

1 Wheeler Report, vol. vil. 


purely origiiiiil iiietiiod of counting to one more recent. It i.s, in fact, 
dou))tful whether the lists more recently obtained from the natives 
give throughout the true original method of counting and the ante- 
Columliian names. There is nothing, however, in the number names 
of the Shoshonean dialects above 10 to indicate anj' system other than 
the decimal. 

It appears, therefore, from the data presented, that the vigesimal 
system prevailed in Mexico and Central America from southern 
Sonera to the southern boundary of Guatemala, and to some extent as 
far as the isthmus. There seem to have been but few, if any. tril)es 
in this area as far south as the southern Ijoundary of (xuatemala that 
did not make use of tliis system; at least the data obtainable bear out 
this conclusion. North of the northern lioundary of this area this 
system is found, according to Conant.' "in the northern regions of 
North America, in western Canada, and in northwestern United States"; 
however, the only examples lie gives are the systems of the "Alaskan 
Eskimos," '"Tt'liiglit," "Tlingit," "Xootka," and "'Tsimshian." As 
a general rule the systems of the tribes of the western part of the 
United States, from the southiM'n boundaiy to the Columliia river, 
were decimal or quinaiT-decimul; however, instances of the vigesimal 
system appear here and there in this area. As one example we call 
attention to the luimerals of the Huchnon dialect of the Yukian 
family obtained liy Mr Stephen Powers at Kound Valley reservation. 
California, given in the preceding chapter. 

That a count referring the minor num})ers to the next higher liase, 
which is. as we have seen, confined in the southern regions almost 
exclusi\cly to the dialects of the more southern sections, chiefly to 
those of the ^layan group, should be found in California is, to say 
the least, interesting; however, it is not the only example from this 
section, as will appear. It is somewhat singular that two other idioms 
of the same family, the vocabularies of which are given by Mr Powei's, 
follow the decimal instead of the vigesimal system. Other examples 
of this .sj'stem are found south of the Columbia river, as in the Porno 
dial(^ct (Round Valley reser\ation. California);'' the Tuolumne dialect 
(Tuohuune river. California);' the Konkau and Nishinain dialects,* 
and the Achoniawi dialect.'' The first, third, and fourth of these 
ajipear to refer the count to the following score, while in the last 
(.Vchomawi) it is applied to the preceding score. The Tuohunne sys- 
tem is somewhat doubtful, as there are but two numbers (2(> and liMi) 
on which to base a decision. According to Major Powell's classifica- 
tion (7th Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethnology), the Pomo are included in the 

1 Number Concept, p. 19n. * Powers, op. cit.. p. 596. 

= Powers. Tribes of Califnrniu. p. .502. 'Ibid., p. COS. 

"Gibbs, op. eit, p. 54K. 


Kulaiiapan family; the Achoiiiawi in the Palaihnihaii family, and the 
Konkau and Nishinam in the Pujunaii family. 

Without I'efeiTing ti) other example.s it may he stated in g'eneral 
terms that while the vigesimal system has not been found in use east 
of the Rocky mountain.s, except in Greenland and among .some trihes 
in the northwestern eis-montane portion of British Columbia, it pre- 
vailed to a considerable extent on the Pacitic slope from Mexico north- 
ward to the Arctic ocean, and it may also l)e added that it is found 
among the eastern tribes of Siberia and was the method adopted by 
the Aino. Conant ' says that the Tschukschi and Aino systems are 
"among the best illustration.s of counting by twenties that ar(> to be 
found anywheie in the Old World." These have been given in the 
preceding chapter for comparison. 

The count of the minor numbers in the Aino is based, as will be seen, 
on the following score, as in the Mayan group. AVhether the ecjuiva- 
lents added are correcth' given is somewhat doul)tful, as the proper 
interpretation of the name for 30 may be 10 on the second score; that 
for 50, 10 on the third score, etc., as w'c have indicated in parenthesis. 
In the T.schukschi the addition is to the preceding score — thus ?>0 is 
formed by adding lO to 20. 

These and additional facts of the .same character tend to show that 
in North America the vigesimal system of counting, like some other 
customs, was confined almost exclusively to that area which I have 
in a previous work" designated the "Pacitic section," which includes 
the Pacitic slope north of Mexico and all of Mexico and Central 
America. This fact and the additional fact that the sy.stem prevail- 
in northeastern Asia, while it is rare in other parts of that grand 
division, except an area in the Caucasus region, and is wanting in the 
Atlantic slope of North America, are interesting and of considerable 
importance in the study of the ethnologj' of our continent. 

It would be interesting in this connection to inquire into the rang.** 
of this numeral system in South America, but we have not the data at 
hand necessary for this purpcse. Conant .says in general terms that 
it prevailed in the northern and western portions of the continent, 
though it is known that on the Pacitic slope it did not extend south- 
ward farther than the borders of Peru, where the decimal system 
prevailed. It appears to have been in use among the Chibchas or 
Muyscas, a group extending both north and south of th(> Isthmus. It 
is or was in use among some of the tribes on the Orinoco, in eastern 
Brazil, and in Paraguay. However, the range of the system in South 
America is as yet unascertained.^ 

1 Number Concept, p. 191. 
^Twelfth .\nn. Rep. Bur. Ethn.. pp. "23-24. 

^Profe.'^sor W J McGee suggests that it may pos.sibly hold true ill a general sense tliat tlie liarelnol 
or sandal-wearing habit accompanied the use of tliis system of counting. 

926 NTMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.W 

Before proceediiio; I wish to quote some remarks l)y Conant in re<;iir(l 
to the origin and spread of the vigesimal system, which 1 will then 
refer to.' 

In its ordinary development the (|uinary system is almost sure to merge into either 
the decimal or the vigesimal sys^tem, and to form, with one or the other or both of 
these, a mixed system of counting. In Africa, Oceanica, and parts of North America, 
the union is almost always with the decimal scale; while in other parts of the world 
the quinary and the vigesimal systems have shown a decided affinity for each other. 
It is not to be uuderstood that any geographical law of distribution has ever been 
observed which governs this, but merely that certain families of races have shown a 
preference for the one or the other method of counting. families, dis.senunat- 
ing their characteristics through their various branches, have produced certain groups 
of races which exhibit a well-marked tendency, here toward the decimal and there 
toward the vigesimal form of numeration. As far as can be ascertained, the choice 
of the one or the other scale is determined by no external circumstances, but depends 
solely on the mental characteristics of the tribes themselves. Environment does not 
exert any appreciable influence either. Both decimal and vigesimal numeration are 
found indifferently in warm and in cold countries; in fruitful and in barren lands; 
in maritime and in inland regions; an<l among highly civilized or deeply <legraded 

Whether or not the principal nundjer base of any tribe is to be 20 seems to depend 
entirely upon a single consideration; are the fingei's alone used as an aid to counting, 
or are both fingers and toes used? If imly the fingers are employed, the resulting 
scale must become decimal if sufficiently extended. If use. is made of the toes in 
addition to the fingers, the outcome must inevitably be a vigesimal system. Subor- 
dinate to either one of these the quinary may and often does appear. It is never 
the principal base in any extende<l system. 

To the statement just made respecting the origin of vigesimal counting, exception 
may, of course, be taken. In the case of numeral scales like the Welsh, the 
Nahuatl, and many othere where the exact meanings of the numerals can not be 
ascertained, no proof exists that the ancestors of these peoples ever used either finger 
or toe counting; and the sweeping statement that any vigesimal scale is the outgrowth 
of the use of these natural counters is not susceptible of proof. But so many examples 
are met with in which the origin is clearly of this nature that no hesitation is felt 
in putting the above forward as a general explanation for the existence of this kind 
of counting. Any other origin is difficult to reconcile with observed facts, and still 
more difficult to reconcile with any rational theory of number system development. 

I note some facts, taken in part from the work quoted, in order 
that the reader may see the hearing tiiey have on the opinions expre.ssed 
in this quotation. At'cording to the data furnished by this writer it 
seems that thiss system occurred in Europe only along the western sea- 
coast and that almost exclusively among the Celts, the oidy group of 
the Aryan stock which seems to lia\e used it. In Asia it has been found 
to any extent only in the Caucasic group and in the northeastern part of 
of the continent, that is, in what Brinton terms the "Arctic Group" of 
his Siberic brand). Not a single example is noted from the Sinitic group 
or from the Semitic branch. In Africa none have been reported from 
the Hamitic group, and but few from the negro dialects, but the latter 
tiekl hits been oidy siiperticially i-xamined in this respect. Not a single 

1 Xuraber Concept, p. 17tt-s. 



•'Xiunpl.. i. n.,t,.dfn.)n P.,lyru.sia „r f,-,,,,, ■my ..f the Malavan diaUn^ts. 
S) tar the data se.-m to aoiv witli ('..nanf.s .•oii,-lii,sk,„. hut more 
detailed oxaniiiiation presf-iits at least some exceptions. 

AVe see the Nahuatlan family divided into two groups in this 
resjiect, the Azteean and part of the Sonoran branches using the vigesi- 
mal system, whde the Shoshonean and other divisions of the Sonoran 
branch follow the decimtil metiiod. Among the multiplicitv of small 
linguistic families in California and Oregon examples of the vigesimal 
system occur sporadically, so far as is indi,-ated hv the still incomplete 
data, even o,-curring in one or two small of a familv while other 
tribes of the same family use the decimal svstem. But it is necessary 
to l.."ar in mind that here, as in the Shoshonean group, the lists have 
been ol)tained after there has been long intercourse with the whites 
whi.h may have materially modified original systems. These facts 
are sutfi.-.ent to show that .-thnic lines do not always govern the ran^e 
of the system. " ^ 

That there is a \ery general agreement among students in the ,, pin- 
ion that as a general rule the adoption of the vigesimal system lesults 
from bringing the toes as well as the fingers into the c.mnt is admitted 
yet It IS possibl,. that there are more exceptions to the rule than is 
supposed. That vvvvy vigesimal as well as decimal system has .-. at the 
bas... or m other words, started with the hand, may lie safely assumed 
and that whenever i'(i is c.xpre.ssly or impliedly understood as the 
equivalent of -one man •• the toes are rou^/derj i„ the .-ount may 
perhaps. also he assumed. However, there are reasons for heli.Ming 
that in some instances th." hands alone were used in actual cunt heine 
doubled to make the whole man: yet in such <.ases the toes „rob 
al)ly originallv u.sed. 

It IS possibl.. and even j.robable that in some cases wh.Mv the 
mmieral terms have no reference to the toes or man a .■ from 
tile original name has taken place. Siu^h a change seems to be shown 
H. the name f.,r 2n in the Mayan dial.M-ts. In the Huasteca. I'okonchi 
Pokomam. CakcOdquel. Quiche. Uspanteca. Ixil, Aguacate..,. a,„l Mam 
the name tor -Jn is -man." while in the Maya. Tzotzil. Chanabal Choi 
u.H vekch, other terms are used, but even in these (except the Maya 
and Lhol) r,n„d: or -man," is introduced into the terms for the mul- 
tiples ot 20. Kv.n in the Mexican (Aztec), which Conant looks upon 
as an exception. r,,„j>„„//; {:^.on^ 20), which signifies -1 countino- " 
.■vKlently refers to something .so well known and so generally under- 
stood as to r.M|une no explanatory term. What else could this the 
thing counted, have been than one man-the fingers and toes? 
Although It must be admitted that there are .some systems which can 
not be explained in this way. yet the explanation may be accepted as 
gen,.rally m fact, almost universally, applicable. Even among the 
txrc.nland Kskinio. where we would suppose Profes.sor McGee's suo-- 




gestion, givi'ii in :i nott- ;it)ovo, would fail, the toes were brought into 
the oount. a.-; .shown hv the foUowing tei'ms: 

1 1 achqaneq-atauseq — first foot 1 . 

16 achfeohsaneo-atauseq — other foot 1. 

20 inuk navdhioho — a man en(le<i. 

Why tribes belonging to the .same well-defined, limited linguistic 
grouj) and living geographically in close relation — as. for example, in 
the C'ahita group of northwestern Mexico and one or two of the Cali- 
fornia group.s — should adopt different .systems, some the vigesimal 
and others the decimal, we are unable to answer with our present 
information. Before answer can be made it will be nece.ssarv to elimi- 
nate what has been derived from contact with the whites. 

In concluding this topic it may be added that Conant appears to be 
fidly justified by the data in infering that environment exerts no 
appreciable influence in determining the sj'stem. In the regions 
occupied by the Semitic. Hamitic, and Polynesian races, where we 
should most expect to find the vigesimal .system, it is entireh' luiknown, 
while, on the contrary, it is found in the frozen regions of the north, 
where it woidd be least of all expected. As yet we are unable to 
assign any general influencing cause for its development. 

While the chief object of this paper is an examination and discus- 
sion of the numeral systems of the Mexican and Central American 
tribes with special reference to their relation to the Nahuatlan and 
Mayan systems, another object is to biing together the data which 
.seem to haxe a bearing on the questions of the origin, development, 
and relations of these .sj'stems. In accordance, therefore, witli this 
object, a comparison of the names used in counting (1 to 5, 10. and 20) 
in a number of dialects is herewith presented. It is true that nearly 
all of these can be found in the preceding lists. The object of reintro- 
ducing them here is to bring the corresponding names into close con- 
trast for convenience in comparison. They are brought together in 
the order of the groups, the Nahuatlan. which is the extensive, 
coming first. The names in the Mayan series are so uniform that it 
is unnecessary to reintroduce them here. 

I. Xahuatl 

■2. Pipil 

3. Alaguilac 

■I. Cahita 















vahi, or bei'boy 






























5. Opata 

se, or seni 







t>. Tamhumari 

hire, or sinepi 

oca, or guoca 






7. Tepehuan 

.'^. Kem River 

urria i 


gokado, or gaok 








9. Kma 










13. Chemehuevi 








17. Cali/omia Pai- 

1 shumuue 

2 voahay 

3 pahi 

4 voatsagve 

5 manegi 
10 ; shuvan 

20 voaha-vauoy 

10. Gaitchaim 







14. Capote Uta 








18. Kauvuya 













11. Shoshone 
(number 6) 

12. Southern Pai- 
















15. Shoshone (num- 
ber 5) 


hwat, or wat 






16. Comanche 







8 nahua-waoht)ta 

19. Kechi (San Luis) 

20. Cahuillo 









19 ETH, PT 2 24 




21. Takhtam 

22. Tobikhar 

23. Kij 

24. Kechi (S. Diego) 




























25. Hopi' 

2C. Millerton 

27. Tejon Pass 

28. Cora 







hien . 


























29. Zapotec 

30. MLKtec 

31. Chuohou 

31. Popoloca 


tobi, or chaga 

ec (ce?) 




topa, or cato 





chona, or cayo 


ni, or nyi 



tapa, or taa 

gmi, or kmi 




caayo, or gayo 










cal le 


11 usi-ce 

32. Trike 

33. Mazateca 

34. Zoqlle 

35. Mixe 
























mat-ay, or mosay 






makh, or mahc 


hikoii, or kooha 


yps, or ips 


' Furuished by Dr .1. W. Fewkes. 




3C. Pupuluca (Te- 

37. Othomi 

3S. Pirinda 

39. Turasco 



u'nra, or ra 








3 tUd 




4 1 maktaxko 




5 ! mokoxko 

kuta, or qj'ta. 



10 inako 




20 ipxe 





40. Totonaca 

41. Sinacanta 

42. Jutiapa 

43. Cabeear 


























kau, or cauh 







44. Viceyta 

45. Lean y mulia 

46. Terrava 

47. Mosquito 



































Although the lirst twenty-eight lists in this series, which are from 
idioms of the Nahuathm stock, might po.ssibly be arranged in a 
more systematic order as to terms, yet a careful study will suffice to 
detect the links by which they appear to be connected, thus agreeing 
with the conclusion of the linguists in regard to the relationship of 
the different groups of this great family. The terms for 2 and 3 appear 
to be the most persistent, especially the latter term, which shows but 
slight variation, except in the Kechi (San Diego) and Cora dialects. 
While the differences between the names in this family and the others 
represented in the series is too clearly marked to be overlooked, corre- 
sponding in this respect with the decision of the linguists in regard to 


the family distinctions, we notice here and there slight indications of 
the influence of intercourse. 

Numbers 44 to 48, which pertain to the extreme southern dialects, 
are added merely for the purpose of comparison. The first four (44 
to 47), are classed with the Chibcha stock, among which the vigesimal 
system prevailed. 

In the tribes from the Mexican boundary northward, with the excep- 
tion of those pertaining to the Nahuatlan gi"oup, most of which have 
been noticed, we find nothing in the numerals, so far as the data at hand 
show, to indicate any relationship other than that in accordance with 
the linguistic classification proposed by Major J.W. Powell. An appar- 
ent approach to the names in some of the Shoshonean dialects can be 
noticed in the Konkaii, Nishinam, and Nakum dialects heretofore 

The count in two of these idioms is, as has been already mentioned, 
in part, at least, vigesimal. Compai-e the Nakum list with that of 
Shoshone (number 5). These tril)es are included in Major Poweirs 
classification in his Pujunan family. The determination whether such 
resemblances are real or only apparent must be left to the linguists; 
I have included them merely as material for comparison. 

Before closing this chapter attention is called to one point which, 
so far as I am aware, has not been discussed, but in regard to which 
I must acknowledge inability to offer an entirely satisfactory expla- 

As h,-s been shown in my paper on the calendar systems, and by the 
evidence presented by Dr Forstemann and Mr Goodman, the ]\Iayan 
priests, or at least the authors of the Dresden codex and the Mayan 
inscriptions, did actually perform computations reaching into the mil- 
lions, where the primary luiit had necessarily to be retained, that is, 
could not be lost in higher units considered as measures. To illustrate: 
Take the following time count actually found in one of the Central 
American inscriptions: 8 cycles+14 katuns+3 ahaus+1 month+12 
days, to the day 1 Eb, the 5th day of the month Zac. As 1 cycle equals 
20 katuns. 1 katun equals 20 ahaus, 1 ahau equals IS months, and 1 
month ec^uals 20 da3's, we can find bj' calculation that 1 cj-cle = 144,000 
days, 1 katun = 7,200 days, and 1 ahau = 360 days, and that the 8 cj'des, 
14 katuns, 3 ahaus. 1 month, and 12 days added together equal 1,2.53,912 
days. The reader is familiar with the methods necessary to make this 
and all such computations. How did the Maya scribe or priest accom- 
plish it? As a particular day was to be reached and there were num- 
bers in each order of units, and the total had to be transferred into 
yeai's of 365 days each, and the surplus months and days ascertained, it 
is apparent that it was necessary to reduce the whole to primary imits— 
that is, to days — and then ascertain b\' division or in some other way, 
how many even years were contained thei'ein, and how manj^ months 
and days would be contained in the overplus. 


That they had time tables by ^yhi(•h they could compute interyals of 
moderate length, as the daj' series in the Codex Cortesianus, which 
could be used as the Mexican Tonalamatl, is well known; we can use 
them to-day for that purpose. It would seem also from the four 
plates in the Dresden codex, and four in the Troano codex, showing 
the four year series, that they also had tables by which to count year 
interyals, but there are no indications of tables to aid in the reduction 
of the higher orders of units — cycles, katuns, etc. In the Mexican 
manuscripts, as will be seen in the following chapter, the number of 
tzimtU (-±00 each) and xiquipilli (8,000 each) — the highest counts dis- 
coyered therein — were indicated simply by repeating the symbols, 
but the jNIaj'a had reached the art of numbering their symbols. Now, 
it is apparent that the latter must haye had some method of computa- 
tion where such high numbers as those indicated were inyolyed. This 
was necessary eyen to ascertain the number of days in a cycle or katun, 
and when several of these and of each of the lower units were to be 
reduced to primary units, or days, and these to be changed into j^ears, 
months, and days, and the commencing and ending dates determined, 
the covint would seem to transcend the power of simple mental compu- 
tation. How then was this accomplished ? It would seem, therefore, 
that they must haye had some waj' of making these lengthy calcula- 
tions other than counting "in the head;" but what it was we have no 
means of determining. 

There would seem to be no doubt that they had a way of "cipher- 
ing" — to use a schoolboj' term — and this appears to be confirmed by 
Landa, who, speaking of their method of counting, says: 

Que su cuenta es de v en v, hasta x.x, y de xx en xx, hasta c, y de c en c hasta 
400, y de cccc en cccc hasta viii mil. Y deata cuenta se Servian mucho para la con- 
tratacion de cacao. Tienen otra.s cuentas muy largas, y que las protienden in infinitum, 
contandolas vni mil xx vezes que son c y lx mil, y tornando a xx duplican estas 
ciento )■ lx mil, y despues yrlo a.ssi xx duplicando hasta que hazen un incontable 
numero : cuentan en el suelo o cosa liana. 

The last phrase, "cuentan en el suelo o cosa liana." indicates the 
manner in which they made their calculations, to wit, on the ground or 
on some flat or smooth thing. Brassuer translates the sentence thus: 
"Leurs comptes se font sur le sol, ou une chose plane." This certainlj" 
indicates "figuring" or performing calculations bj' marking on a 
smooth surface. Although multiplication and division seem impos- 
sible with their symbols, it is possible, as Professor McGee suggests 
to me, that they reached the desired result by repeated additions and 
subtractions. These operations may be readily performed with the 
ordinary number symbols (dots and short line.s), the orders of units 
being indicated by position, as in the Dresden codex. The chief dif- 
ficult}' would be to change the sum of units into years. This, when 
the number was large, must have been accomplished b}' means of what 
Goodman calls the "calendar round" or 52-year period, for which 

934 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

they had a specific symbol, though not of the ordinary form. The 
smu (18,980) could be expressed thus: 

• • = 14, 400 
-^-^ = 4, 320 
^-^ = 260 

IS, 9S0 

By using this form and subtracting until the given sum should be 
reduced below 18,980 the number of subtractions would indicate the 
number of o2-year periods. The years could be obtained in the same 
waj' by repeated subtractions from the overplus with the ordinary 
symbols, thus: 

• =360 


Whether this was the method followed I can not say, but it is cer- 
tain that the desired result could be obtained in this way. Neverthe- 
less, this method of changing high series, reaching into millions of 
years, must have been very tedious, unless there was some way of 
shortening the process. I ma^', however, have more to say on this 
suliject in a subsequent paper, in which I propose to discuss the 
Quirigua inscriptions. 


The data relating to the use of numbers in the Mexican codices, so 
far as we are as yet able to interpret the symbols, are meager com- 
pared with those relating to numbers in the Mayan codices and inscrip- 
tions. We lack also in this investigation the means of demonstration 
in regard to the higher numbers, being limited in this respect to the 
statements of historians and the interpreters of the Mendoza and 
Vatican codices. However before proceeding with the examination 
of the codices, it is necessar}' to refer briefly to certain facts in regard 
to the Mexican time system. 

This system is, as is well known and as I have shown in a previous 
paper,^ like that of the Maya, except in the names of the days and 
months and in the symbols used to represent them. As there will be 
occasion to refer to these in discussing the numbers in the Mexican 
codices thej' are for the convenience of the reader given here. A 
condensed calendar like that used in discussing Mayan dates in our 
previous paper is also given. 

^ Notes on certain Mtiytin jinri Mexican Manuscripts, in Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Eth. 




The days as represented in the codices when placed in regular succes- 
sion are as shown in table 1. 

Table 1 







7 Mazatl. 

8 Tochtli. 

9 Atl. 

10 Itzciiintli. 

11 Ozomatli. 

12 Malinalli. 

13 Acatl. 

14 Ocelotl. 

15 Quauhtli. 

16 Cozcaquauhtli. 

17 Ollin. 

18 Teepatl. 

19 Quiahiutl. 

20 Xoohitl. 

In attempting to form a condensed calendar for the Mexican system 
difficulties are met with which do not arise in forming one for the 
Mayan system. There can be no question that the year-bearera or 
dominical days were Tochtli, the rabbit; Acatl, the reed; Teepatl, the 
flint or flint knife, and Culli, the house; but were these the first days 
of the years ? Gemelli Carreri ' says that the year Tochtli began with 
the day Cipactli, Acatl with Miquiztli, Teepatl with Ozomatli, and 
Calli with Cozcaquauhtli, in which he is supported by Clavigero,' 
while lioturini and Veytia declare that they began with the dominical 
days. As the latter method appears to be the natural one, and is that 
adopted by Miss NuttalP after a somewhat careful examination of the 
subject, I shall follow it. My condensed calendar will therefore be 
as shown in table 2. 

1 ChurchiU's Voyages, vol. iv, p. 492. 

= Hist. Mexico, Cullen's Transl., vol. i, p. 292. 

3 Notes on the Ancient Mexican Calendar System, p. 5. 



[ETH.ANN. 19 








»— 1 











I— ' 














































































































I— < 














































































I— 1 
















































































1— I 



























































































































The sj'Dibols of the daj^s are shown 
in figure 23, which is ii photo-en- 
graved copy from plates 51-52 of 
the Vatican codex B. The names 
in English of those in the four col- 
umns 8-11 as they stand in the fig- 
ure are as follow: 

Column 8 

Column 9 

Column 10 

Columu 11 





















The synit)ol for water is oftener 
in the form shown in figure 24, and 
that for house in the form shown in 
figure 25. As the numerous plates 
of the codices to which reference 
will be made can not be copied here, 
these will enable the reader who is 
not already familiar with the sub- 
ject, but who has the codices (at least 
as given in Kingsborough) before 
him, to follow my references. As 
the names of the Mexican months 
will not be used in this paper, it is 
not necessary to gi\'e them here. 
We shall have occasion to note par- 
ticularly the direction in which the 
plates of the codices referred to are 
to be read, as the determination of 
this is the most important result 
obtained by an examination of the 
nuDierals, especially in cases where 
the order of the days fails us in this 

As a rule which has few if any 
exceptions, numbers which refer to 
time counts in the Mexican codices 
are expressed by dots, or sometimes 
small circles, usuallv colored, and 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

never running Jiigher, so fai' as has yet been determined, than 26. 
Their use is seen on plates 17-56 of the Vatican Codex number 3738 

□ □ 

12 3 4 5 6 

Color scheme used in figures 24—10. 

1, yellow and white; 2, brown; 3, drab; 4, green; 5. blue; 6, red. 

and in other simihir counts. Here they are used to numljer the days 
in regular succession, beginning with 1 Cipactli. 2 Ehecatl, 3 Calli, 
etc.. counting to 13, and then commencing again 
with 1. etc., as was the rule in the Mayan day-couut. 
As the series on the pages referred to (the order 
being from left to right) runs through two hundred 
and sixty days, or twenty thirteens, the Mexican 
method of numbering days is clearly and distinctly 
shown. In this series two plates are allowed to each 
thirteen days, live days on the first (plate 17) and eight on 
the second (plate 18), five on the third, eight on the fourth, 
etc. Why this division into 5 and 8, when 6 and 7 is the 
usual method, is not apparent unless it was best adapted 
to the size of the original page, or was to introduce the 5. 
It is possible the latter explanation is the correct one, as 
the eight days are arranged in a line of 5 and column of 
3, and the numerals above 5 are, with but two or three 
apparently accidental exceptions, arranged with reference to 5, thus: 

Fig. 24— Symbol for 
Atl (water). 


Fig. 26 — Sym- 
bol for Calli 


This arrangement, which would seem to l)e merely for convenience^ 
in counting rather than for any mystic purpose, is not 
found in the Borgian or Bodleian codices, which are 
undou))tedly pre-Columbian, while the Vatican (3738) is, 
in part at least, post-Columbian. The numerals 
ai"e, as is general in the codices, of different 
colors; for example, 1, the first of the series 
referred to, is green, the next (2) is yellow, the 
next (3) blue, the next (4) red, the fifth green, 
the sixth, seventh, and eighth red, the ninth 
yellow, the tenth red, the eleventh blue, the twelfth red, 
the thirteenth green, etc. The color no doubt had a sig- 
nification understood at least by the priests, but which there is, so far 
as is known, no way of determining at this day. 

In the .same codex, on plates 91, 92, and 93 and those which follow. 


we see the j-ears indicated by the .symbol.s for Tochtli. Acatl, Tec]3atl, 
and Calli, and numbered in regular succession. Here, as in case of 
the daj's, the numbering is from 1 to 13, this order being repeated 
throughout. There is in this series one continuous stretch of 208 
( = 4x52) years without a single break in the order of the years or of 
the numbers. We have in this fact proof not only that the years were 
numbered as in the Maj-an calendar, and were of the same length, the 
3(5.5 being completed bj- the addition of live days at the end, as was 
stated by the early writers (for only in this way can this succession be 
accounted for), but also presumptive evidence, although not positive 
proof, that there was no provision for bissextile j-ears, unless it was 
made by counting unnumbered and unnamed days. As the years are 
numbered from the day numbers as they come in regular succession, 
there could be no additional numbered and named days without mak- 
ing a jog in the numbering of the years. The assumption that there 
were added days which were neither named nor numbered is a mere 
sujiposition tiased on the seeming need of them; there appears to be no 
proof of it in the codices. 

On plates 59-63 of the Mendoza codex we find numerals used to 
state the different ages of j'outh from 3 to 15. These are given by 
the little circles already described, all of them in this instance being- 
blue. From 3 to 6 they are placed in single straight lines. The 
other numbers ai'e given thus: 



10 14 

11 15 

While there are indications of the tendency to count l)y fives, it 
seems a little strange that the arrangement of the dots in 7 and 8 
should have varied from this rule. Attention is called to these seem- 
ingly luiimportant points in view of wluit has been said in the preced- 
ing part of this paper in reference to the ]\Iexican method of counting 
as indicated by the names of their numei'als. In the lists of years on 
the first seven plates of this codex the numbers above 5 are arranged 
in almost every instance by fives or with regard to 5. However, it 
is necessarv to bear in mind that most, if not all, of this codex is 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

post-Columbian, an explanation of it liaving been made by native 
priests and tiu'ned into Spanish for the use of the Emperor Charles V. 
It must be admitted, however, that very slight, if any, indications of 
European contact are to be found in it. 

Turning now to the Fejervary codex, to plates 22, 21, 20. etc.. to 13 
(taking them Ixickward as paged), we find the method of counting from 
day to day, and thereby the order in which the days are to be taken. 
As the colored figures can not be introduced here, Arabic numbers are 
substituted for the dots or little circles, and the day names, for the 
symbols. The relation one to another in which they stand on the 
•plates is maintained. The pages are given in the order of the mim- 
beriug, but are to be read in the opposite direction, beginning with 22. 

Upper line: 
Lower line: 

Upper line: 
Lower line: 

Upper line: 
Lower line: 

Upper line: 
Lower line: 

Plate 13 

Xochitl, Quiahnitl, 

23 Tochtli. 



Plate 14 

3 Itzquintli. 
12 Cipactli. 




Plate 15 

2 Calli. 
10 Xochitl. 



Plate Ifi 

3 Ollin. 

7 (?) 




Plate 17 

Upper line: 3 Atl. 3 Goatl. 3 Cipactli. 

Lower line: S (?) 9 (?) 

Plate IS 

Upper line: 3 Ollin. 3 Acatl. 3 Atl. 

Lower line: G (?) .H (?) 

Plate 19 

Upper line: 3 Coatl. 3 Cipactli. 3 Ollin. 
Lower line: fi Atl, Coatl, Ollin, Acatl, Cipactli. 

Plate 20 

Upper line: 3 Acatl. 3 Atl. 3 Coatl. 

Lower line: (?) 7 Acatl. 

Plate 21 

Upper line: 3 Cipactli. 3 Ollin. 3 Acatl. 

Lower line: 4 Tochtli. 2 Coatl. 4 Xochitl. 2 (_>llin. 


I'latk 22 

Upper line: 3 Atl. 3 Coatl. 3 Cipactli. 

Lower line: 4 Malinalli. 2 Atl. 4 Cuetzpallin. 2 Cipactli. 

In counting in thi.s case the numbers are to be understood as indi- 
cating the intervening days, and do not include either the day counted 
from or the day reached. The '"lower lines" are throughout inde- 
pendent and not connected with the "'upper lines." Commencing 
with Cipactli at the right of the lower line of plate 22, and referring 
to table 1 for the list of the days, we see that counting forward — that is, 
passing over — two days we reach Cuetzpallin; passing over four more 
we come to Atl; passing over two more brings us to Malinalli, and 
four more to Ollin, which is found at the right of the lower line of 
plate 21; and so we reach Acatl, the right of the lower line of plate 20. 
Counting 7 from the last brings us to Cipactli. As the count here 
ends with Xochitl, the last of the twenty days, this series may end 
here, or may jDass to Cipactli. However, as there are no day sym- 
bols to guide us until we get back to plate' 15. where we tind 7 ]\Iali- 
nalli at the right, we begin again with this day. 

Passing over seven days from ^lalinalli we reach Xochitl; passing 
over ten more we reach Ozomatli, at the right of the lower line of 
plate Irt. Passing over nine more we come to Cipactli; twelve more 
bring us to Ocelot], at the right of the lower line of plate 13; thirteen 
more to Tochtli; twenty-three more would bring us to Malinalli, but 
the day is not found, as the series appears to end here. Possibly we 
go l)ack, as is a common rule in the Troano codex, to the tirst date; 
if .so, Malinalli, on plate 15, begins a second series. This is prob- 
ably the true method, as adding together the counters and the days 
represented by .symliols gives eighty, just four twenties. It is pi"ob- 
able that the same ride applies to the first series, beginning with 
Cipactli (plate 22) and ending with 7 Acatl (plate 20), as the counters 
and days added together make forty, or two twenties. 

Taking now the upper line, beginning with 3 Cipactli at the right 
(plate 22), we pass over three days, which brings us to Coatl, three 
more to Atl, and so on b}' threes to Ollin at the left of plate J.6; three 
days more bring us to Cipactli, but whether to the beginning or to 1 
Cipactli at the right of the upper line of plate 15 is a question. How- 
ever, as the number of days counted up to this point is 80, or four 
twenties, and a new series begins in the lower line with Malinalli at 
the right of plate 15, it is most likely a new series begins here with 
Cipactli in the upper line. This supposition appears to be confirmed 
by the fact that to Xochitl at the left of the upper line of plate 13 is 
just twenty days. 

No attempt will be made at this point to explain the figures con- 
nected with these day and numeral series, the onlv object in view at 
present being to illustrate the use of the numerals and thereoy to show 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

the direction in which the plates are to be read. It is clear that in this 
case they are to be read from right to left; that is, in a reverse order 
to the paging. 

We turn next to plates 11 and 12 of the same codex. Here, as in 
the preceding illustrations, the series of counters and days are placed 
in two lines, an upper and a lower; however, the numbers in the lower, 
apparenth' because of the want of space, are not placed in connection 
with the day symbols, but by the side of the larger figures. In each 
section of the lower line are five day symbols; for convenience I have 
placed the names in columns, the top one corresponding with the 
symbol at the left in the plate. 

Plate 11 

Upper line: 








Lower line: 







Plate 12 

Upiier line: 

4 Ehecatl. 

4 Ollin. 





Lower line: 







Commencing with Cipactli at the right of the lower line of plate 12, 
we go backward (upward as given in the list above) to Atl, then to 
Ocelotl and oack (up) to Ehecatl, thence to Mazatl, right of lower line, 
plate 11, and so on to Tochtli. We l)egin the upper line with i Ollin, 
at the right of plate 12. Passing over four days we reach Ehecatl; four 
days more bring us to Mazatl, upper line, plate 11; four more to Mal- 
inalli, and four more back to Ollin, thus covering twenty days. The 
Ollin symbol of this series (plate 12) is immediately under the blue sit- 
ting figure; Mazatl, or Deer (plate 9, upper line) is represented b}' the 
foot or lower portion of the leg of a deer. This proves that the read- 
ing is from right to left and from the bottom upward as in the preced- 
ing plates. It also enables us to determine positively the unusual 
Mazatl symbol. 

The davs in the lower line are arranged five to a. section, after 
the manner explained in a previous paper.' Commencing with 
Cipactli, at the right (bottom in our list) of plate 12, we count or pass 
over twelve days iind reach Ocelotl, the day at the right (bottom) of 
the left series of the same plate; twelve more liring us to Mazatl, right 

' Notes on Certain Maya and Mexican Manuscripts, in the Third Annual Keport of the Bureau of 


of plate 11; and twelve more to Xochitl, right of the left series, same 
plate; counting twelve more brings us to Acatl. As this makes no 
connection, let us try another method; Counting fi-om Atl, the left 
(upper) name of the right series of plate 12, we reach Ehecatl. left 
(upper) name of the left series, same plate; twelve more to Quauhtli, 
left (upper) name of the right series of plate 11; twelve more to 
Tochtli, left (upper) name of the left series, same plate; and twelve 
more to Cipactli. the lieginning. This proves that the reading is to 
the left and upward, and that from a day in one section to the corre- 
sponding day in the next section an interval of twelve days is to be 

The arrangement on plates 5 to 10 (inclusive) is the same, except that 
the days in the upper line follow one another in regular order without 
any interval and that the counters belonging to the lower line vary. 
The movement here is backward, as before. By this series, counting 
as indicated, we are enabled to determine that the unusual symbol 
(figure 4) on plate 6 is that of the day Itzcuintli. and the symbol (figure 
5), same plate, is that for the daj- Ocelotl. Plate 5 appears to be 
connected backward with plates 4, 3, and 2 by the lower series, column 
to the right. The counter iti the lower half of plate 5 is 9, and the 
lowest day of the column at the right is Cipactli. Counting nine inter- 
mediate days from this brings us to Ozomatli, the first or lowest day 
of the column in the lower half of plate 4; the counter here is 3. and 
passing over this number of days brings us to Quauhtli, lowest day of 
plate 3; here the counter is 16, which carries us to Malinalli, lowest 
day in plate 2, and eight days more to Cipactli, the commencement. 

This lower series of plates 10 to 2 (inclusive) if to be considered as 
one, embraces one hundred and four da_vs, not an even twenty, })ut 
exactly eight thirteens. 

The upper series of plates 4 and 3 has five days to each section 
arranged in the same manner as the column in the lower half. The 
counters here are small black dots, 12 to each section. Counting this 
number from Cipactli, the day at the right of the right-hand section 
of plate 4, brings us to Ocelotl, right of left section; twelve more to 
Mazatl, etc. 

The dots or little circles used as counters in this codex are, with 
the exception just named, colored blue, red, green, and yellow, those 
of different colors being found in almost every number. There is no 
tendency shown to arrange I)}' fives, though plates 23 to 40 (inclusive) 
are largelj' filled with number sj'mbols, short black lines (fives) and 
dots, as in the Mayan writings. So far I have been unable to determine 
the use of these numbers in the connection they are found. 

Vatican codex— Plates 81 to 90 of this codex (Kingsborough, vol. in) 
are, as is shown by the numbers and day symbols, to be read as follow; 
The upper line, containing day symbols each followed by the counter 3, 

944 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.iu 

ill regular jsucce.ssion from left to right throughout; the lower, where 
the numbers are unaccompanied by day symbols, from right to left, 
l)eginning on plate 90 with the number 2, to plate 81, where the number 
is 26. The upper line is simple and easil}' followed, and, counting the 
days, embraces four twenties. To what the nmiibers in the lower 
line — which follow in regular succession, 2, 3, 4, etc. — refer is as yet 
unknown, though it seems they have some relation to 13; and why 
they begin with 2 is also without satisfactory explanation. 

Plates 91 to 96 are to be taken from left to right, according to the 
paging. The counter.s in the middle express the intervals between 
the left-hand day of the lower line of one plate and the left-hand day 
of the lower line of the next plate, etc. The same is true also of 
plates 72 to 7.5. 

Bonjian codex — As the only object in view at present is to illus- 
trate the use of numbers in the Mexican codices, and not to introduce 
attempted explanations of the figures, I give a few illustrations from 
the Boi'gian codex, which is probably the oldest of the existing Na- 
huatl manuscripts. Neither in this nor in the two last codices to 
which I have referred does there appear to be any indication of a 
tendency to arrange the counters in groups of 5. Where it is practi- 
cable — that is, where the number is not too great — they are placed in 
a single straight row, but the arrangement is governed by the space. 

We turn to plates 18 to 21. Here the pages are arranged in two 
divisions, an upper and lower, each having a row of day symbols run- 
ning along its lower edge; in the upper division the large red counters 
are placed in a column at the right of each page, and in the lower at 
the left. With two exceptions (upper divisions of plates 20 and 21) 
there are six counters in each column; in the exceptions there are 4 in 
a column. Starting with Cipactli, right of lower division plate 21, 
passing over six days we reach Tochtli, at the right of the lower divi- 
sion of plate 20, and so on to Ehecatl, at the right of the lower division 
of plate 18. Counting six more takes us to Atl, at the left of the upper 
division of plate 18; six more to Cozcaquauhtli, left of the upper divi- 
sion, plate 19; six more to Calli, plate 20, and four more to Tochtli, 
left of the upper division of plate 21. Counting four days from Coz- 
caquauhtli to the last day of the upper division of this plate brings us 
back to Cipactli, the beginning, the sum of the days being 52. or 

The 12 large red counters in the upper division of plate 17 express 
the number of intervening days between a day of the right section and 
a corresponding day of the left section, the counting being always for- 
ward in the calendar. The red counters on plate 58 indicate the interval 
between the corresponding days of the different sections in the order 
in which they follow one another. Commencing with the right .section 




in. i!S— i?ymbul 

for 400. 

Mendoza codex. 

plate 20, 

ligure 16. 

lil i i 

of the lowest divi.sioii, the movement i.>< to the left up to the middle 
division, then to the right up to the upper divi.sion, and then to the 
left. The 12 large red counters of plate 59 denote the interval between 
the days of the two columns, commencing 
with Cipactli in the lower right-hand cor- 
ner, and passing to the lowe*! daj' in the left 
column, to the second (next to the lower) in 
the right column, to the second in the left, 
and .so on throughout. The 12 red counters 
(plates 63 to 65) denote the intervals between 
the corresponding dajs in the lower line of 
the pages in the order in which they follow one 
another; that is. fi-om right to left, beginning 
with plate 65. But in this instance the count 
includes the beginning or ending day. 

This will suffice to illustrate the use of the 
counters in the Mexican codices in connection with da3^s, so far as it 

has been ascertained. 

The higher numbers are rep- 
resented in the Mexican codices 
by a different class of .symbols 
from those which have been 
noticed, but for the explanation 
of these we have to rely wholly 
upon the interpi'etations made 
by early Spanish authorities 
and based upon the statements 
of native priests. The first to 
which reference will be made 
are found in the ]\Iendoza codex, in Kingsborough, vol. i, the original 
Spanish explanations ))eing given in volume 5 of the same 
work. As the different symbols for these higher numbers 
are not numerous, it will only l)e necessarj^ to present a 
sufficient num))er of examples to illustrate the forms of the 
symbols and their use. 

Mendoza coda: — Plate 20, figui'c 16, shown in our figure 
28, is interpreted 400 load.s of great mantles, the num})er 
symbol being the fringed spike or leaf on top. 

Plate 2.S, figure 24, shown in our figure 29, is inter- 
preted 4,00(1. This is correct, counting each spike as 400. 
Plate .38, figure 21 (our figure 30). is interpreted 20 jars 
of honey. 

Plate 89, figure 20 (our figure 31), is interpreted 100 (that is, 5 X 20) 
hatchets of copper. 

19 KTii, PT 2 25 


Fig. 29— Symbol for 4.000. Mendoza codex, plate 
2-S. fij^ure 24. 

Fig. 30— Sym- 
bol for20 jars 
of honey. 
Mendoza co- 
dex, plate 38, 



[ETH. ANS.19 

Plate 19, figure 2 (our figure 32). is interpreted 20 baskets of ground 
cacao ("'cestos de cacao molido"); but it is evident that the number 
indicated by the symbols is 20X400x4 or 
32,000. The reference 
therefore is to the grains 
or beans, each l»sket con- 
taining, or supposed to 
contain. 4X400 or 1,600 
grains or beans. 

Plate 19. figures 10, 11, 

Fig. 31— Symbol for 100 hatch- 
ets. Mendoza codex, plate 
39, figure 20. 

12. 18 is our figui'e 33: 

These four vari-colored 

circles, which are .spoken 
of in the interpretation as fiowers or as flower 
like, denote 80 daj^s, each circle indicating 20 days. 
Plate 25, figure 11 (our figure 34) is inter- 
preted 8,000 sheets of paper of the country 
("pliegos de papal de tierra"). The reticule- 
shaped figure is the number sj'mbol; this is evident from the next 

Fig. :5'.>— Symbol for 20 
ba.sket.<. Sfendoza codex, 
plate 19, fig. 2. 

Fig. 33 — Symbols for 20 days. Mendoza codex, plate 19, figures 10, 11, 12, 13, 

Plate 38, figure 35 (our figure 35) is interpreted 8,000 pellets of 
copal for refining, wrapped in palm leaves. 

Plate 44, figure 34 (our figure 36) is interpreted 200 
cacaxtles (''sorte de crochet en bois pour porter 
des fardeaux," Simeon) ; I 
would explain it as a hand 
])arrow! It is doubtful 
whether there is any numer- 
ical .symbol here. 

Codex Teller lano-Retnensis 
plate 25 (Kingsborough, vol. 
i; explanation, vol. v). The 
figure in the lower left-hand 
portion of this plate repre- 
sents a mass of people over- 
whelmed by a flood; the ex- 
in con.sequence of an earth- 

FiG. 34— Symbol for 
8,000 sheets paper. 
Mendoza codex, 
plate 25, figure 11. 

Fig. 3.5— Symbol for 8.000 pel- 
lets copal. Mendoza codex, 
plate 38, fignre 35. 

planation says 

quake. The number symbol is reproduced iu our figure 37 





. denotes 1800, that is -ix-iOO-l — ^. The -^ or 200 is indicated hy the 

half leaf or spike at the right. 

Vatican codex, numher 3738 (Kingsborough, \ol. ii; explanation, 
vol. v) — On plate 7, figures 2 and 3, are the symbols 
shown in our figure 38, interpreted 4-008 and sup- 
posed to refer to the years of the second age of the 
world. Each one of the crossed and fringed circles 
(blue in the original) represents 400 and is an equiva- 
lent and perhaps a mere variation 

of the fringed spike-like leaf. 

The 8 is represented by the upper 

row of smaller circles (also blue). 

We add one more of this type 

from plate 10 (see our figure 39). 

This is interpreted 5042; this, 
however, is a mistake; the correct number according to the sym- 
bol is 5206 = 13x400+6. Attention is called to this mistake in a 
note to the English translation of the explanation in Kingsborough, 
vol. VI, but the correct number is not 

We find on plate 123 the combi- 
nation shown in our figure 4U. 
Although no interpretation of this 
page is given, the .symbols clearly 

Fig. 37— Symbols tor 
1800. Codex TelU-r- 
iano-Remensis, plate 

Fig. SB— Symbol for 200 
cacaxtles. Mendoza 
codex, plate 44, figure 

Fig. 38— S>-mbol for 4,00s. Vaticaii codex 
3738, plate 7, figures 2, 3. 

.signify 2x8,000+9x400 or 
19.600. To what the numb?ri 
refer is uncertain, but probably 
to warriors. 

These are all the types of 
numeral .symbols, except the 
combined short lines and dots 
found in the codices, which are 
known as such and have been 
determined, and are all that 
Clavigero gives. There are 
reasons for believing that there are some others, but there are no 
means known by which to determine the point. Although the value 
of the various groups of short (black) lines and dots can easily be 

Fig. 39— Symbol for 5,206. Vatican codex 373S, 
plate 10. 

948 NUMERAL s^YSTEMS [eth.ann.19 

determined, their application and use in tlio connections in which 
they ai"e found has not been ascertained. 

It is apparent from the data presented that tiit^ Aztec or Mexican 



Fig. 40— Symbol for 19,600. Vatican codex 3738, plate 123. 

tribes by whom the codices were made were not so well advanced in 
mathematics and time count, or in the symbolic designation of num- 
bers, a.s the Mayan tribes. 


In taking up this liranch of the subject we enter upon a lield where 
the evidence must be drawn XQvy largely from the early (chiefly Span- 
ish) authorities; their testimony is, however, corroborated to some 
extent by the codices and inscriptions. As there is no intention of 
entering at this time upon a general discussion of the subject of the 
mystic and ceremonial use of numbers among the Mexican and Central 
American tribes, but simply of presenting the data so far as they may 
seem to have relation to the subject treated in this paper, this part 
will be brief. 

As 2 is a number connected in some way with almost every action 
of life, and necessarily referred to in almost every ceremonial and 
mystic rite, it is difficult to determine where it is specially referred to 
because of its numeral value. I therefore omit it from considera- 
tion in this respect. Three is a number so seldom brought into use 
in the customs of the natives of the regions mentioned that it may lie 
passed over. 

Reference to the number 4 in myths and ceremonials as well as in 
other relations by .savage tribes, as also by peoples of more advanced 

'ture, is so general and so well known that it requires no proof 
here. This, as is well understood, arises to a large extent from the 
universal custom of considering the horizontal expanse with reference 
to four cardinal points, governed primarily by the rising and setting 
of the sun — east and west — the midway points on the circle being the 
north and south. The number, even outside of any process of count- 
ing, would become apparent in any figure or structure in the form of 
a square, the four sides and the four corners; and in the personal rela- 
tions, front and back, right and left, as is sugge.sted l)y Professor 


McGee. And this would be true even in iidvanee of a number .system. 
The number -i was therefore one which would naturally become promi- 
nent, and would necessarily become connected with the recognition of 
the cardinal points. The "Cult of the Quarters" in mystic and cere- 
monial rites was therefore a natural outgrowth of the recognition of 
these points. 

This Cult of the Quarters and recognition of the number 4 appears 
to have been carried almost to the extreme limit among the Mexican 
and Central American tribes. Reference to the cardinal points appears 
hundreds of times in the Mexican and Mayan codices, and reference to 
the number i is scarcely less frequent. In the latter, as in the Troano 
codex, on plate after plate the symbols of the cardinal points are placed 
in the four corners of the sections around the main central figure, 
indicating, as we may reasonably presume, that reference to these 
points is made in the ceremony to which the figure relates. In the 
^Mexican codices they are referred to in several ways, sometimes, it 
would seem, almost unconsciously, from the mere force of habit. Sev- 
eral plates of the Borgian codex — Avhich is probably the oldest of the 
series — are crowded with figures referring to the (juarters and with 
symbolic representations of them, some plates being devoted entirely 
thereto. For example, three out of the four chief figures of plate i 
are evidently drawn with direct reference to these points, and the 
large figure on plate 7 is devoted to the same cult, this being indi- 
cated in the figure in different ways, as by colors, figures, four-day 
symbols, etc. Reference to this cult, or to the number 4, is also dis- 
tinctly seen in plates 9, 10. 11, 12, 13, 14, 43, 61, 71, 72, 73, 74, and 75. 

Four is a prominent number in the time systems of the Mexican and 
Central American trilies. The years are arranged in four series, each 
with its dominical day. The Mexican cycle of fifty-two years consisted 
of four thirteens or four weeks of years, and according to the mythol- 
ogy of the same people the world has passed through four ages. In 
V)0th ^Mexican and Mayan mythology the culture heroes appear as four 

This luimber also occurs so frequently in other connections as to show 
that it had with the native population a mystic significance. For 
example, it was believed by the Mexicans that the end of the world 
would happen on the day 4 OUin, and in accordance with this belief 
the "Feast of the Lords" lasted four days, beginning with 1 Ocelotl 
and ending with 4 OUin; and other great fea.sts usually continued four 
days. The cross appears also to relate to the cult of the quarters, espe- 
cially such as the four-colored St Andrew's cross on plate 70 of the 
Borgian codex. The Mexicans also assigned four gods as rulers over 
the inferno. It is stated in the Maya Chronicles, where they speak of 
the coming of the Tutulxiu. that there were four. The Cakchiquels, 
according to their Annals, consisted of four subtribes or clans, though 

950 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ass.19 

thore were thirteen divisions. The same Annals, alkidino- to the ori- 
gin of the people, speak of four men (leaders), four Tulaus or tradi- 
tional homes, and four rulers. The great Mexican festivals occurred 
on the fourth, thirteenth, and fifty-second ^'ears. Four arrows were 
placed in the hand of their great deity, Huitzilopochtli. At the great 
feast sj-mbolizing the death of this deity four of the chief priests offi- 
ciated and four youths were chosen as attendants. 

The Guatemalans recognized four culture heroes; at Cholula, four 
disciples of Quetzalcoatl were charged with the government; in Tlax- 
calla, four princes formed the supreme council; and finally, according 
to Brasseur, alniost all the villages or tribes of Mexico were divided 
into four clans or quarters. According to the Popol Vuh, in the 
descent to Xibalba (Inferno^) four roads were encountered; one of 
these was red, one black, one white, and one yellow. And Gucumatz, 
in his ascent to heaven and descent to Xibalba every seven days, under- 
went four changes in form, becoming iirst, a serpent; next, an eagle; 
next a tiger, and last, coagulated blood. 

This number and 5, together with the product of i and 5, 20, form 
the base and scaffolding of the Mexican and Mayan numeral and time 
sj'stems, though two other factors, 13 and IS, wei'e brought into the 

Although the number 5 does not appear to have entered so exten- 
sively into the mythologj' and ceremonials — that is to say, in so many 
diiferent relations^as the 4, yet in some respects it was more promi- 
nent. For example, there is scarcely a page of the Troano, Dresden, 
or Cortesian codices without from one to four groups (usuall}' columns) 
of five days, arranged in some regular order, which bear some rela- 
tion to the accompanying s3'mbolic figures and nvimerals. Similar 
groups of five days frequently occur in the Mexican codices, where 
they also bear some relation to the accompanying symbolic figures. 
The daj- syml)ols in the Tonalamatl, as found in three of these codices, 
are arranged in 5 lines of -i times 13 days each. 

The use of this number with a m3'stic or mythological significance 
appears to T)e shown on several plates of the Mexican codices, as for 
example, on plates 11 and 12 of the Borgian codex. On each of these 
plates are five scenes or groups of figures in five sections, placed as is 
.shown in the diagram (figure 41). 

The fact that the chief symbolic figure in each is the Rain god, Tlaloc, 
and that the lower portion of each section apparently denotes earth and 
vegetation growing therefrom, renders it probable that there is some 
refei'ence hei'e to the seasons or the vicissitudes of cultivated plant 
life. Be this as it may. the reference to five is apparent, not only 
from the number and position of the sections, but also from the colors 
of the Tlalocs on plate 12, one of the outer four being red, another 
blue, another yellow, and another black, while that in the center is 
striped with red and white. 



One thing worthy of notice in this diagrani (figure 41) is that one 
of the five figures is placed centrally, at the expense of the four outer 
squares. We have in this, it seems, evidence of reference to the four 
quarters and the center. What is to be understood in these figures 
by the "center" is somewhat uncertain. It may be simply a conven- 
ient way of locating the fifth symbol, which is in all probability the 
correct explanation in some cases, but even here it may have arisen, 
as is suggested bj* Professor McGee, through reference to the Ego in 
considering the quarters, giving rise to the quincunx. The same con- 
cept is symbolized on plate -i of the Borgian codex, where we see four 
outer colored squares and a central colored circle, the Cipactli figure 
over which the latter is placed symbolizing the earth, and the dark 
outer border sun-ounding the whole figure denoting the clouds or sky. 
The central circle niaj' in this case indicate the sun, which we find 
clearly represented on plate 43 of the same codex, though what seems 
to be the corresponding figure on 
plate 24 of the Vatican codex is 
without any central symbol. In 
some of the figures indicating the 
quai'ters, as one on plate 4 of the 
Borgian codex, where the four 
winds are I'epresented, the center 
is occupied l)y a human form. In 
another place where wind symbols 
occupy the corners a death's-head 
is placed in the center. 

It is proper, however, to bear in 
mind the fact that the arrangement 
of the days bj' fours and fives would 
follow as a necessary consecjuence 
of the time system. The year being divided into eighteen months of 
twenty days each, and five days being added at the end to complete the 
365, each year would be five days in advance of that which preceded, 
and the years necessarily began on the same four days. The division 
of the twenty da\'s of the month into four periods of five days would 
be a natural result. Why the five days of the columns in the codices 
are not in regular order according to this division, l)ut are selected by 
skipping over regular intervals, is not so easily determined, though as 
has been shown in a previous paper, they usually have some reference 
the 2tiO-day period. 

The number 7, though playing a less important role than 4 and 5, 
seems to have had some significance in the mysteries and ceremonies 
of the Mexicans and Maya. Dv Brinton, in his Native Calendar 
says that the Tzental appear to have developed the number 7 as an 
arithmetic element in their astronomic system, as thej' had in their 

Fl<i. 41 — Diagram of figures on plates 11 and 12 
of the Borgian Codex. 

952 NUMERAL SYSTEMS [eth.ann.1J 

calendars seven days painted witli 1)luek lii,nires, the tirst Ijeyinning 
with a Friday. This period was, however, probably based on the 
European week. That 7 would appear in the adjustment of the tliirteen 
series to the twenty days of the month is evident; it is also noticeable 
that in some of the Mexican codices where the space is not sufficient to 
place thirteen day -symbols in a single series, where series of this length 
are referred to, the division is usually, though not always, into seven 
and six. However, the necessity of referring to seven in these instances 
does not appear to have brought it into use as a counter. Its appear- 
ance, therefore, in the time sj'stem and time count may be considered as 
accidental, or at least without signiticance. Nevertheless it does appear 
occasionally in relations where its use seems to be mystical. From 
the earliest times, tlie Cakchiquel. with perhaps others with whom 
they were related, are mentioned in their annals as "seven tribes" 
or seven villages arranged in thirteen divisions. Their sacred days 
were the seventh and the thirteenth. Tradition brings the ancestors 
of the Mexicans from seven caves; they come as seven tribes, the 
descendants of seven brothers. Among their gods was a deess named 
Centeocihuatl, also called Chicomecohuatl or the ''Seven Serpents,"' 
who, it is .said, nourished the seven gods who survived the flood. It is 
said in the Quiche legend (Popul Vuh) that Gucumatz, their great 
culture hero, ascended each seven days to heaven, and in seven days 
descended into Xibalba; that for seven days he took the form of a ser- 
pent; seven others that of an eagle; seven others that of a tiger, and 
seven others that of coagulated blood, as has been already mentioned. 
Among their mythical heroes was Vukub-Cahix ("Seven Aras'"). and 
the ruler of Xibalba was Vukub-Came ("Seven Deaths"). 

The numlier It. though seldom referred to in the ceremonials and 
mysteries, was not without a place therein among the Mexicans. 
They recognized nine "Lords of the Night." These are evidently 
referred to in the Borgian codex, as in the Tonalamatl, plates 31 to o8, 
where they are marked l)y footprints, and on plate 75, where the night 
is symbolized by the large black figure and the nine lords by nine 
.star-like figures. It is stated in th(> Explanation of the Codex Tel- 
leriano-Remensis that he who was born on the day 9 Ehecatl would be 
prosperous as a merchant, while he who was 1)orn on the day !» Itzcuintli 
would be a great magician. The Mexicans also recognized nine 
heavens. This number appears also to have had some signiticance 
among the Quiche, as they held that in (>ach month there would be 
nine good and nine bad days, and two indifferent. 

Next to 21), 13 was the most important number in the time .systems 
of Mexico and Central America. Not only was it the number of days 
in their so-called week, but it was that liy which the days were num- 
bered. Although it did not form one of the regular time periods, as 


the mouth, ahuu, j^ear or katun, the so-called week not bein^ recog- 
nized as a regular period in their systems, it entered into almost every 
time count and every time series in the codices and inscriptions. It 
was one of the factors on which the so-called "sacred year" of 260 
daj's and the cycle of fifty-two years were based. 

Being so important in the time systems, it would 1)e expected to 
enter more or less into the activities of life; nevertheless it appears 
to have played a comparatively unimportant role as a mystic or cere- 
monial number. It was the custom of several Mayan tribes to arrange 
their armies in thirteen divisions. It appears in the Votan myth among 
the Tzental, where "thirteen serpents" are referred to; and among 
the Cakchiquel the day numbered 13 was considered sacred. 

The number 20 is the base of the numeral system of the Mexican- 
and Central American tribes, and it may perhaps also be correctly 
considered the base of their calendar system, although there are other 
necessary factors. Nevertheless 20 does not appear to have ))een 
used as a mystic number in rites and ceremonies, except so far as the 
calendar was made to serve divinatory purposes. Why twenty daj^s 
were adopted as a time period and a division of the year has as yet 
received no entii'ely satisfactory explanation, though it is generally 
supposed that it was chosen because the arithmetical system of these 
trilies was vigesinial. That there is some connection between the two 
is quite likel}^ especiallj^ as this would seem to correspond with the 
probable order of the steps in the formation of the two systems. That 
the formation of the vigesimal system preceded that of the time sj's- 
tem appears to be an absolute requisite, but the steps in the forma- 
tion of the latter can not be assumed with the certainty which we may 
have with regard to the former. 

That the custom of grouping the days by fives did not begin until 
20 had come into use is clear. Did the introduction of 13 as a factor 
precede or follow the adoption of 20^ Dr Brinton states in his 
Native Calendar that he is persuaded that this period was posterior 
and secondary to the twenty-daj' period. Although this opinion may 
be, and probably is, correct, the evidence on which to base it is not so 
apparent as to leave no doubt. It seems protjable, as Dr Brinton 
suggests, that the twenty-day period was derived from the vigesimal 
number system, but this does not explain the origin of the peculiarities 
of the unusual time system, which seems to have reference to uo 
natural phenomena save the earth's annual revolution. There are 
other peoples than those of Mexico and Central America who use 
the vigesimal system, but no others, so far as known, who adopt 
the twenty-day month or eighteen-uionth year. The moon's revo- 
lution is the factor on which the month in most of the world's time 
systems is based, and the name for month in most, or at least several 


of the Mayan tongues, is the same as that for moon. This is also true 
of the Zapotec language, and Cordova (Arte Idioma Zapoteco) says 
that the people of this ti'ibe even count bj' moons; however, the latter 
statement may apply to times. The names for month 
and moon are the same in Cahita, Othomi, and Zoque. This fact, 
and the further fact that substantially the same term has passed over, 
in some instances, from one linguistic family to another, as the Zapo- 
tec, j>eo or Ijeo; Zoque, poyn; Kakchi (Mayan), jio or poo^ would seem to 
indicate an original lunar month. It is also true that the oldest 
inscriptions and the Dresden codex refer to a A'ear of .36.5 days. How- 
ever, against this evidence must be placed the fact that all the inscrip- 
tions and codices base the time count on the twenty-day mouth, and 
the day numbering on 1.3, the latter also being a factor in other counts 
of the inscriptions and codices. The oldest evidence, therefore, to 
which we can appeal where numbers are used, agrees with tlie time 
system of the "native calendar." 

That a change from a lunar count to a twenty-day period could liave 
been made otherwise than arbitrarily seems impossible; we can not con- 
ceive how the one could have grown out of the other. This must have 
been true or the system must have de\'eloped with the growth of the 
number system; at least no other supposition seems possible unless we 
assume that two time svstems, a secular and a sacred one, were in use 
at the same time, and that the latter linally obscured the former. This 
seems to have been the case with some tribes. If the supposition that 
the time system developed with the number system be correct, then 
the lunar period could never have Ijeen a factor. It is somewhat 
strangely in accordance with this supposition that the moon, so far as 
the aboriginal records and early authorities show, is almost wholly 
absent from the codices, and does not appear, so far as is known, in 
the inscriptions. 

Notwithstanding this negative evidence, I can not believe that a 
time system without reference to the lunar periods could have devel- 
oped among the tribes of the region of which we are treating. My 
conclusion is, therefore, that the priests at an early date adopted a 
method of coantint>- time for their ceremonial and divinatory purposes 
which would lit most easily into their numeral system, and that this 
system, in consequence of the overwhelming influence of tlie priest- 
hood, caused the lunar count to drop into disuse. ^Moreover, tlie only 
native records which are available are those made by the priests for 
their purposes. This will probabl}^ account for the introduction of 
the twenty-da}' period, but does not account for the introduction of 
the 13. 

Dr Forstemann suggests that at one time the Mayas arranged the 
days of the solar year in four groups of seven weeks each, the week 
consisting of 13 days, the j'car Vjeing then counted as ?XA days (4X 13 


X 7 = 364-), and that each of the four g-roups was assigned to a particu- 
lar cardinal point. Although it is true that the Toualamatl, as given 
in some of the Mexican codices, seems to show, by the upper and lower 
border lines, which contain 52 figures each, some indications of a 
year of 36-i days, this does not account for the introduction of the 13; 
moreover, Dr Forstemann's explanation introduces the factors 7 and 
91 (7X13), and 7 and 28 (-1x7), which are not found in the time counts 
of the codices or inscriptions. However, it is possible that the 28 
(4X7) may be supposed to indicate the true lunar period, and the 4: 
times 7 the four changes of the moon. Mr Gushing suggests another 
explanation l)ased on his observations among the Zuni. In the cere- 
monies of this people the complete terrestrial sphere is symbolized 
by pointing or blowing smoke toward the four cardinal points, to the 
zenith and nadir, the individual making the seventh number. When 
the celestial sphere was symbolized only the six directions were added 
to the seven, no further reference to the individual being made. Thus 
13 typifies the whole universe. While this explanation seems plausi- 
ble, we lack the evidence that such a custom was in vogue amono- the 
people using the native calendar, nothing suggesting it being stated in 
the authorities or indicated in the codices, unless in the so-called title- 
pages of the Troano codex and Codex Cortesianus. which are sup- 
posed by most investigators to be parts of one plate or series. There 
we find the four cardinal point symbols taken in one direction fol- 
lowed by two symbols, which Seler b(>lieves indicate the zenith and 
nadir; these are followed by the cardinal point symbols taken in the 
opposite direction, and these by three other symbols, two of which 
appear to l>e the same as the supposed zenith and nadir symlwls. 
Unfortunately the third, which makes the thirteenth, is too nearly 
obliterated to determine its form. Th(> number symbols 1 to 13 
stand above these. 

Other suggestions as to the reason of the use of this iuimi)er as a 
factor in the time system have been offered, but, like those mentioned, 
they are not entirely satisfactory. That 13 was considered important 
by most of the tribes is true, and tiiat it was used by some otherwise 
than in time counts is true, l)ut why is as yet an unsolved mystery, nor 
is there any satisfactory evidence that it was preceded by the twenty- 
day period, though this is probable. Clavigero asserts that the Mexi- 
cans, in their computations of time, disregarded months and years, 
counting by tliirteens, but he evidently means by this that 13 was used 
as the multiplier, and, like Goodman, evidently confounds the system of 
numeration with the time system. However, this will be discussed 
more fully in a subsequent paper relating to the native time system. 







liitrorluction 963 

Snake dance at Mishongnovi in 1897 964 

The Jlishongnovi Antelope altar 966 

Snake whips 969 

Snake-hunting implements 970 

"Washing the reptiles 970 

PuVilic Antelope and Snake dances 973 

Snake dance at Waljii in 1897 976 

Washing the reptiles 977 

Influence of wliite spectators 978 

Unusual features 978 

Number of participants 979 

Women members of the Snake society 979 

Photographs of the Walpi Snake dance 980 

The Walpi Antelope altar 980 

Tiponis 980 

Stone images of animals 980 

Tcamahia 982 

Crooks aljout the sand mosaic 982 

Sledicine bowl and aspergill 983 

Other objects on the altar 983 

Antelope priests in the public dance 984 

The most primitive Snake dance 986 

Flute ceremony at Mishongnovi in 1896 987 

Flute rooms 988 

Ceremonial. days of the rite 988 

The ^Mishongnovi Flute altars 989 

Comparison with the Walpi Flute altar 993 

Comparison with the Oi-aibi Flute altars 993 

Comparison with the Shipaulovi Flute altars 994 

Public Flute ceremony 996 

Personnel of the Cakwalenya society 996 

Personnel of the-Macileiiya society 996 

The Flute chiefs 997 

The Flute girls 997 

The Flute boys 997 

Standard bearers _ 998 

Bearer of the moisture tablet 998 

Bearer of the sun emblem 998 

The A\'arrior 999 

March from Toreva to the pueblo 999 




Fhitt- ceremony at Walpi in I ,sH(i 1000 

The first Flute altar 1001 

The second Flute altar 1002 

Flute songs 1002 

Unwrapping the Flute tiponi 1003 

The kisi 1005 

General remarks 1005 

Relation of Snake society and Snake clan 1006 

Relation of Flute society and Flute clan 1007 

Ophiolatry in the Snake dance 1008 

Relative place of the Snake dance in primitive worship 1009 

Interpretation of Snake and Flute rites 1009 



Plate XLV. Snake dance at Mishongnovi 963 

XLVI. Antelojie altar at MislRinfjnovi 967 

XLVII. Entrance to Mishongnovi Snake kiva 968 

XLVIII. Platoiin nf Antelope jiriests at Mishongnovi 971 

XLIX. The Kalektaka at Walj.i 973 

L. Wiki, Antelope .■hief 974 

LI. Participants taking the emetic at Walpi 977 

LII. Supela at entrance to Walpi Snake ki\-a 978 

LIU. Antelope altar at Walpi 981 

LI V. Kakapti at entrance to Waljii Atitelope kiva 982 

L\'. Antelope priests of Walpi 985 

LVI. Crypt in which snake jars are kept at Mishongnovi 986 

LVII. Cakwalenya society of Mishongnovi 993 

LVIII. Macileiiya society of Jlishongnovi 995 

LIX. Macileiiya society of Jlishongnovi 997 

LX. Platoons of Fhite priests marching from the spring to Mishong- 
novi , 999 

LXI. Leiiya (Flute) children of Mishongnovi (front view) 100] 

LXII. Lenya (Flute) children of Mishongnovi (rear view) 1002 

LXIII. Flute children of Mishongnovi throwing offerings on rain-i'loud 

symbols 1005 

LXIV. First Flute altar at Walpi 1007 

LX V. Cakwalenya altar slabs at Walpi 1009 

Figure 42. Diagram of positions of celebrant.* in the Snake washing 971 

43. Altar of the Macileiiya at Mishongnovi 990 

44. Altar ( if the Cakwalefiya at Mishongnovi 991 

45. .Plan of Flute room at Walpi 1000 

46. Core of Flute tiponi 1004 

19 KTH, PT 2 26 


By Jessk Waltkk Fewkes 


Tho Hopi or so-called Moqui Indians of Arizona are among the few 
surviving tribes of American !i))origines which still retain an ancient 
ritual that is apparentl}^ unmodified by the Christian religion. This 
ritual is of a very complicated nature and is composed of monthly 
ceremonies the recurrence of which is precise as to time and place. 

It must be remembered that these ceremonies are not performed at 
irregular intervals by well-to-do Hopi to cure sickness of themselves 
or their families. Among other Indians this motive is often the 
keynote of their rites, but while among the Hopi there are ceremonials 
which are directed to that end. and all the regularly recurring cere- 
monials are regarded as eHicacious in healing bodily ills, they have 
primarily another purpose. Whether they originated as a preventive 
of disease, and in their primitive condition had the same intent as the 
rites of the Navaho shamans, is beyond the scope of this memoir. At 
present the ritual is performed for the purpose of bringing abundant 
rains and successful crops. 

Two most important summer ceremonies in this elaborate ritual are 
the Snake dance and the Flute observance, and the former, from 
the startling fact that venomous reptiles are carried in the mouths 
of the participants, has achieved world-wide celebrity. It is thought 
by some white men to l)e the most important ceremony in the calendar, 
but anyone familiar with the Hopi ritual will recognize that these 
Indians have several other ceremonies more complicated, though far 
less sensational. Only the bare outlines of many of these ceremonies 
have yet been descrilied, l)ut enough is known to cause due appre- 
ciation of their importance in the Hopi system of religion. The Flute 
ceremony is one of these, and as it is closely connected with the Snake 
dance it is naturally considered in this connection. 

With the accompanying description of the Snake dance at Mishong- 
novi the author completes his account of the general features of this 
ceremony in the live Tusayan pueblos in which it takes place, but 
this additional knowledge of the externals of the observance has by 



no means exhau.-itcd the subject, a.s the translation of songs and praj^ers 
is yet to be made. 

The existence of a Snake dance among the Hopi tillages was called 
to the attention of ethnt)logists about fifteen years ago, and in late 
years it has been repeatedly witnessed and described in detail by 
many observers, but it is hoped that the additional light thrown on 
the su})ject by the present studies may further advance our knowledge 
and prove an aid to more important discoveries. 

The present paper has been prepared from notes made at the Hopi 
pueljlos in the summers of 1896 and 1897. At the time these studies 
were made the author was in charge of an archu?ologic expedition 
sent out by the Bureau of American Ethnolog}', and could give but 
little of his time to ethnologic investigations. It was impossible to 
follow the complicated secret rites of the ceremonies through their 
entire course, consequenth^ this account is limited to those portions 
which are most obscure. The author studied with care the Snake 
dance at Mishongnovi and the Flute observance in the same pueblo, 
of which little was known save the altars. Studies of the latter were 
conducted in 1896 and of the former in 1897. Certain comparisons 
with the Walpi Flute ceremony, and new data obtained in 1896, are 
likewise introduced. 


A detailed preliminary account of the Snake dance at Walpi in 1891 
and 1893 has been given elsewhere,' and the general features of that at 
Shipaulovi, Shumopovi, and Oraibi, as observed in 1896, are also 
recorded in a previous publication." 

The Snake dance covers a period of at least sixteen days, nine of 
which are days of active ceremonies, secret or open. These nine days 
bear the following names: 1, Yuiiya; 2, Custala; 3, Luctala; 4, Paic- 
tala; 5, Naluctala; 6, Sockahimu; 7. Komoktotokva; 8, Totokya;^ 9, 

The author arrived at ilishongnovi on August 16 of the year named, 
on Totokya, the day preceding that on which the final dance occurred, 
and saw the public Antelope ceremony performed. He likewise wit- 
ne.s.sed the Snake race on the morning of the ninth day (Tihuni), and 
studied the altar of the Antelope priests, and certain of their sacred 
rites. The only kiva rite of the Snake priests which was witnessed 
was the snake wa.shing on the afternoon of the last daj'.* 

1 Journal of American Ethnology and Archjeology, vol. iv. 

2 Sixteenth .\nnual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

3 The author was present at Mishongnovi on these days. 

* other members of the party were Dr Walter Hough, of the National Museum, and ilr F. W. Hodge, 
of the Bureau of American Ethnology. It was found convenient to camp at the small spring to the east 
of the Middle mesa on the trail to AValpi. As this spring can he readily approached by wagons it is 
recommended as a suitable place for visitors who do not desire to remain in the pueblos overnight. 

''^"■'^^1 PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS 965 

This article is a record only of what was seen, and lays no claim to 
completeness, introducing no rites which were not studied, even when 
there is ample proof of their existence (and the same may be said of 
the previously .cited accounts of the Snake dances at Oraibi and the 
Middle mesa). Like the preceding accounts, it is simply a prelimi- 
nary record to aid investigators in future studies until enough material 
has been accumulated to adequately fathom the meaning of the rites. 

The portions of the Snake ceremony to which special attention was 
given wei-e the altars, the washing of the reptiles, and the public Ante- 
lope and Snake dances. There still remain to be iinestigated several 
important episodes, such as the rites and songs about the altar. It is 
expected that this and other fragmentary contributions to the subject 
will lead to an exhaustive account of the Hopi Snake dance, which the 
author has liad in preparation for the last eight years. 

The only known description of the Snake dance at Mishongnovi 
(plate XLV) was published in Science in ISSti, by Mr Cosmos :\Iind'eletf, 
who witnessed the festival at the pueblo named on August 16. 1885, 
and saw the presentation at Walpi on the following day. He found 
the two performances "essentially the same, the only diiierence being 
in the greater number of performers at Walpi, and in the painting 
of the body." In a general way this is true, but there are impor- 
tant differences in the kiva paraphernalia and performances, which 
are characteristic and instructive in comparative studies of the dance. 
Mr Mindeletf noticed the sand altar, and gave a brief description 
of it without illustration. He confused the two kivas used, for he 
speaks of a sand altar in the "Snake kiva proper," or "easternmost 
kiva." The room where the Snake priests meet and where the rep- 
tiles are confined has no altar, which in Mishongnovi is always made 
in a neighboring room, the Antelope kiva. While obser\-ations on 
the public dance agree with Mindeletf's descriptions, there are signifi- 
cant difi'erences in interpretation, due to enlarged acquaintance with 
the Hopi ritual. "The Snake gens," he writes, "has nothing to do 
with the dance, and contrary to the opinion of Captain Bourke it is 
not referable, I think, to ancestor worship, at least not directly." On 
the contrary, no one can now doubt that the Snake dance was pri- 
marily a part of the ritual of the Snake clan, and that ancestor wor- 
ship is very prominent in it. We need only look to the clan relation 
of the majority of priests in the celel)ration to show its intimate con- 
nection with the Snake clan, for the Snake chief, the Antelope chief, 
and all the adult men of the Snake family participate in it. The rever- 
ence with which the ancestor, and particularly the ancestress, of the 
Snake clan, viz, Tciiamaua, is regarded, and the personation of these 
beings in kiva rites, certainly gives strong support to a theory of 
totemistic ancestor worship. 


The reptiles used in the dance are collected on four successive days; 
the Antelope and Snake races, as well as several other episodes of the 
Mishononovi ceremonial, are known to conform essentially to those 
at "Wul})!. before described. 

The Mishongnovi Antelope Altar 

The two kivas at Mishongnovi occupied by the Antelope and Snake 
societies lie not far apart, on the side of the vilhiiie facing west. The 
one to the left, as one looks at them from th(> housetops, was occupied 
by the Snake priests; that to the right by the Antelope priests. Like 
all Tusayan kivas. these chambers are separated from the houses, and 
are rectangular in sliape. They are subterranean, with an interior 
arrangement quite like those of Walpi. The Antelope and the Snake 
kivas are the only ones in Mishongnovi which the author visited, but 
Mr Victor ilindeleti' mentions the names of five, and Mr Cosmos Min- 
deleff speaks of three. Evidently, if these enumerations be correct, 
some of the chambers have been abandoned within a recent period. 

The Antelope altar at Mishongnovi (plate xlvi) resembles that at 
Walpi,' Oraibi. Shipaulovi, and Shumopovi" in its essential features, 
but there are differences in detail. There was no altar in the kiva 
used liy the Snake priests in this pueblo, and this was also true in 
the other Hopi pueblos, except Walpi. The dual wooden images of 
Piiukofi and the female counterpart in the Oraibi ' Snake kiva are not 
in thinnselves an indication of an altar; for the essential object in a 
Snake altar is the Snake palladium, or tiponi, which does not exist in 
this pueblo, and, indeed, is found only at Walpi. 

The iuunl)er of tiponis, or chieftain's badges, which are placed on the 
altars of the Antelope priests varies in the Hopi pueblos. Walpi and 
Oraibi have two; Shipaulovi and Shumopovi, one each. There are 
two tiponis on the Antelope altar at Mishongnovi, both of which are 
carried by Antelope chiefs in the public dances. Neither of these 
corresponds with the Snake tiponi of the Walpi chief, who has the 
only known Snake tiponi. The position of the two tiponis on the 
altar is characteristic, for they stand one on each of the rear corners 
of the sand picture, and not midway in the length of the rear margin, 
as at Oraibi and Walpi. 

The sand picture of the Antelope altar at Mishongnovi resem- 
bles that of the other Antelope societies. Its border is composed 
of four Itands of dift'erently coloi'ed sand — yellow, green, red, and 
white — arranged in the order given from within outward. These 
marginal bands correspond with the cardinal points and are separated 

'Snake ceremonials at Wfllpi, Journ. Amer. Eth. and Arch., vol. IV. 

^Tusayan .Snake ceremfinies, Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bnrean of American Ethnology. 

' On certain years an altar is said to be introdiu'ed in initiations. 



































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S.S £•? £ 

?5 c; a. ; 

— S V. at 



^ a. 

<; -< O E-' W fc, O 


by black linos. In tho inclosed field, which is white, there are four 
sets of seniicircles of the same colors, each with four members also 
separated l\y black lines, and on the border there are a number of 
short paraHel lines. These semicircles represent rain-clouds, and the 
parallel lines, falliuy rain. 

The semicircular figures occupj' about one-third of the inclosed 
field, and in the remainder there are four zigzag designs representing 
lightning, as snakes, colored yellow, green, red, and white, with black 
rims. Each lightning symbol has a triangular head, with two dots for 
eyes and parallel marks for a necklace. Appended to the head of each 
is a horn. 

On each side of the sand picture a row of sticks are set upright in 
clay pedestals. These sticks, like those at Oraibi. are straight, and 
not crooked at the end, as at Walpi. On the last day of the ceremony 
it is customary for the Antelope priests to hang the bundles of feathers 
which they wear on their heads on these sticks, as is shown in the 
picture of the Walpi altar (plate liii). The straight sticks probably 
represent arrows, and possibly, when curved at the end, primitive 
implements of war, allied to bows, for the propulsion of arrow-like 
weapons. ' 

Back of the sand painting, about midway in the length of the rear 
mai'gin, and slightly removed from it, was a small vase containing 
cornstalks and gourd vines. This vase is called a "patne" and corre- 
sponds with that which the Snake-girl at Walpi holds in her hand 
during the dramatizations of the Snake legend, elsewhere described. 
I'nfortunately tliere is nothing known of the part this vase plays in 
the secret exercises in any pueblo but Walpi; yet it probably has a 
similar role in all. It may be said, in passing, that a similar vase is 
found on all Antelope altars, even the simplest; and there is no 
known Antelope altar where cornstalks and vines are absent on the 
last days of the ceremony. 

Foul' spherical netted gourds were placed at equal intervals along 
the front margin of the sand picture. These gourds, which were later 
carried by the Antelope priests in the public dance, are represented at 
Orail>i by a row of similar objects on each side of the altar. Between 
each pair of these gourds there was an ear of corn, as is shown in 
the plate. The author's studies have not proceeded far enough to 
enable him to connect these ears of corn with those of novices, which, 

•The author's illustration of the Oraibi altar is faulty in representing these sticks crooked at the 
end. They are straight in this pueblo as well as at Shipaulovi. as was stated in the descriptive 
text in the Sixteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 279. In the Oraibi 
Snake (not Antclnitc) dance the priests do not carry these rods from the altar. The left hands of 
all. witli tile exce])tion of the mall who carried an cur of corn, of the chief, who had his tipoiii. and 
of the asperger. who bore the medicine-bowl and aspergill, were empty. Thirteen of the sticks were 
counted on the left side of the altar, and there were. probably an equal number on the right side. 
There were no stone images of animals on this altar, and the stone " tcamahias" which are .so con- 
spicuous in the Walpi altar between the clay pedestals and the border of the sand picture were 
likewise absent. There were no sticks along the front of the sand picture as at Walpi, where, by 
their distribution, spaces or gateways are left in the altar. 





at Walpi, are generally placed on a ba.sket tra_y near the altar. It is 
possible that they belong to novices, but their fate when the altar was 
destroyed \vas not noticed. Four netted gourds were carried by the 
Antelope priests in the public dance. 

In the public dance at Oraibi each Antelope priest carried one of 
these water gourds, while in the other pue])los, where the number of 
participants is smaller, only one or two priests bear these objects. 
At Walpi, for instance, the Antelope chief has one of the water gourds 
which is not conspicuous in the public ceremony. At the Middle 
mesa several gourds are used, while at Oraibi they form an important 
feature of the ceremonial paraphernalia, and it is probable that the 
conditions at Oi'aibi are nearer the ancient than at Waljii in this partic- 
ular. A number of Ijasket trays containing prayer-sticks oecu})ied 
the whole space of the floor between the altar and the fireplace. This 
is similar to what is found at Shipaulovi. as shown in a figure of the 
altar of that pueblo.' 

There is good evidence that the Walpi custom of making prayer- 
sticks of different lengths, corresponding to the length of linger joints, 
and of prescribing the days of their maiuifacturc and the distance of 
the shrine.s in which they are deposited, is not followed at Shipaulovi, 
Oraibi, and Mishongnovi. 

While there is a general similarity between the pahos made hy the 
Antelope societies in all the Tusayan pueblos, there ai'e differences in 
detail. One of the component sticks is provided with a flat facet, on 
which is painted eyes and mouth, forming a rude representation of a 
face. While this facet is absent fi'om the Walpi Snake and Antelope 
pahos. the two sticks which compose the prayer-offering are regarded 
as male and female. 

Snake Whips 

On entering the Mishongnovi Snake kiva all the snake whips were 
found to be arranged in a row against a banquette at the end of the 
room. A similar arrangement has also been noticed in the Snake kiva 
at Shipaulovi. but there was no evidence of an altar or sand picture 
in the Snake chamber in either of the pueblos named. The snake 
whips are composed of two shafts, instead of one. with a corn-husk 
packet of meal tied about the middle. This would seem to indicate 
that the whips were regarded as prayer-sticks, and indeed this name 
(paho) is applied to them. During the ceremony of washing the 
reptiles a small "breath feather" of the eagle, stained red, is tied to 
the .scalplock, but later this feather is detached and fastened by one 
of the priests to the end of his whip. 

' Sixteenth Aiimial Report of the Bureau of .imericitn Ethnology, plate Lxxi. 


Snake-huxtixg Implements 

It is cui^toinaiy for the Snake priests on tlie four snake hunts to dig 
oat the reptiles from their holes with sticks and hoes. These imple- 
ments are left on the kiva roof overnight, or while the priests are in 
the pueblos, and nuist not he carried to the homes of the owners until 
the close of the dance. There were noted atMishongnovi many Ilopi 
planting sticks, a number of American hoes, several old Mexican mat- 
tocks, and flat iron knives, also of Mexican manufacture, tied to 
sticks. At Walpi, Alexican implements have almost wholly passed out 
of use. but in the Middle mesa villages and at Oraibi they are still 
employed. The Snake chief would not part with one of these hoes 
during the ceremony, but had no objection to selling one or more of 
them after the festival. 

Washing the Reptiles 

One of the weirdest of the many features of the Snake ceremony 
in the Hopi pueblos is the washing of the reptiles used by the priests. 
This occurs in all the villages just after noon of the ninth day. and is pre- 
paratory to bringing the snakes to the public plaza, from which they 
are later taken and carried by members of the Snake society in the 
presence of spectators. The details of this rite, as performed at 
Walpi, have been described, but no one has yet recorded the variants 
of snake washing in the other four Hopi villages where it is celebrated. 

In order to gather information in regard to snake washing in the 
other puel)los. the author attended the performance of this rite at 
Mishongnovi on August 17. ISiiT. The snake washing at Oraibi and 
on the Middle mesa pueblos is greatly modified by the absence of a sand 
altar such as exists at Walpi. In considering the reason for the absence 
of the Snake altars in these villages, a corresponding al)sence of a Snake 
tiponi or badge of chieftaincy is to lie noted. Walpi. on the East 
mesa, is the only Hopi village that has a Snake tiponi. 

Considerable time was spent before the snake washing began in get- 
ting the reptiles out of the four canteens in which they were kept 
when not moving about freely in the kiva. These canteens are of 
baked claj' similar to those in which the women cany water on their 
backs to the pueblos from' the springs at the liase of the mesa. A 
hole is punched in the middle of the convex side, and Ixith this and 
the opening at the neck are closed with corncobs. The reptiles were 
transferred with difficidty from these vessels to cloth bags, and were laid 
on the floor near the fireplace. A considerable quantity of sand was 
brought into the room and spread on the floor on one side of the 
kiva. A board was placed on a stone seat along the edge of this 
sand, down the middle of the kiva. and upon this board the Snake 
priests seated themselves, facing the sanded floor. They were closely 



crowded together, eompletely surroundino- the sand, .save on one side, 
which was formed by the kiva wall (see figure 42). Three boys — 
novices — stood behind the line of seated priests, and if any of the rep- 
tiles escaped between the men while being released, they were 
promptly captured and returned to the sand by the lads. 

The ])odies of all the participants were naked and were stained red 
with iron oxide, and each man wore a small red feather in his hair. 
Before taking their seats they hung bandoliers over their shoulders 
and tied one to the ladder pole. One of their number tied a white 
buckskin over his arm, and added other paraphernalia chiiracteristic 

Fig. 42— Diagram of positions of celebrants in the snake wasliing. 

of a kalektaka or warrior. It may be here noted that this personifi- 
cation does not appear in the Walpi snak(> washing. 

Two Snake kilts were spread on the banquette at the end of the 
kiva. and leaning against one of these was a row of snake whips. 
One of these kilts was decorated with a complete figure of the Great 
Snake. Ordinarily the head is omitted from figures of this serpent on 
Snake kilts, but the Snake priest at the Keres pueblo of Sia, as repre- 
sented in Mrs Steven.son's in.structive memoir, wears a kilt decorated 
with a complete figure of the Great Serpent. The figure of the zigzag 
body of the Great Snake on the kilts at the Middle mesa and Orailji 
has two parallel liars extending entirely across the design; in the 
Snake kilts used in Walpi these lines do not join the border, but are 
parallel with it. 

The chief .sat in the middle of the line and a man dressed as a war- 
rior was at his side. The former first drew with meal on the sand before 


him six short radiating- lines correspondiiifr to the six cardinal points 
recognized by the Hopi, and at their junction he placed a large earthen- 
ware basin similar to the kind used in washing the head. Into this 
bowl the chief poured liquid from a large gourd six times, each time 
making a pass in sequence to one of the cardinal directions. The 
remaining liquid was then emptied into the bowl so that it was about 
two-thirds full. Some object, an herb or root, which was not plainly 
seen, was next put into the liquid. 

A formal ceremonial smoke followed, during which terms of rela- 
tionship were interchanged among the men. When this had ceased 
prayers were offered by several of the pi'iests, beginning with the 
Snake chief. The Snake men then took their snake whips and began 
a quick song resembling that of the AValpi society during a similar 
rite, and the priests took the reptiles from the bags and transferred 
them, three or four at a time, to the liquid. TheA* were then laid on 
the sand, but were not thrown across the room, as at the Walpi snake 
washing. The object of placing the reptiles on the sand was simply 
to dry them, and they were left there for some time after their trans- 
ference from the bowl of liquid. At the close of the rite the priests 
resumed the preparation of their dance paraphernalia, painting their 
kilts, and decorating their bandoliers with the shells which had been 
given them by the author. 

The participants, even when the reptiles were free in the kiva, were 
not restrained by many of the prescribed rules of conduct which are 
so rigidly adhered to at Walpi. Members of the society did not lower 
their voices in conversation, and even loud talking was engaged in 
during the snake washing. No one at that time speaks above a whis- 
per in the Walpi kiva. and loud conversation is never heard. 

The wearing of their bandoliers by the Snake priests during the 
snake washing seems to be a survival of a primitive custom that has 
disappeared at Walpi, and the personation of a warrior by one of 
their number may have a similar explanation. It is interesting in 
this connection to note that in the Walpi celebration a similar war- 
rior personator accompanies the Antelope priests, among whom he is 
conspicuous, but he does not appear associated with them in variants 
of the Snake dances which have been studied in other Hopi pueblos. 
In the Walpi snake washing, when the Snake chief deposits on the 
sand the bowl in which the reptiles are washed, he makes four rain- 
cloud .symbols. At Mishongnovi the chief simply draws six radiating 
lines of meal, but it would seem that the intent was the same in ))oth 
instances, the Middle mesa practice being perhaps more ancient. Ai 
Mi.shongnovi it was not noticed whether a bandolier' was placed under 
the basin in which the snakes were washed, as is the case at Walpi. 

1 Many of the bandoliers were decorated with rows c ' small cones, the spines of shells identical 
with spccinictis which are occasionally dug from r lins along Little Colorado river. The conus 
shell, from which Inese are made, is found in ruins alont; the Gila, and was used as an ornament, 
or, fastened with others to a stick, served as a rattle to bent time in rhythm with sacred songs. 


The idea which underlies the washing of the reptiles in the Snake 
dance is that of bodily puritication or lustration, and probably sprang 
from a belief in a totemic relationship between reptiles and the Snake 
clan. It can be explained on the theory that the reptiles, as '" elder 
brothers" and members of the same Snake clan, need puritication by 
water as an essential act in preparation for the ceremonials in which 
they later participate. 

On the morning of the ninth day of the Snake dance all priests of 
the Snake society and all members of the Snake clan bathe their heads 
in preparation for the ceremony. The reptiles, or elder members of 
the same clan, have been gathered from tht> tields and brought to the 
pueblo to participate in this the great festival of their family, and it is 
both fitting and necessary that their heads, like those of the jii-iests, 
.should be washed on this day. The ceremonial washing of the reptiles 
is therefore perfectly logical on the theory of totemic worship. 

A few days after the snake washing at MishongHovi, the author 
attended for the fourth time the snake washing at Walpi, tinding that 
the rites presented no marked variation from those of previous years. 
The at the Middle mesa, and probably at Oraibi, lack the 
dash of those of the East mesa, and are simpler in t'haracter. 

The Snake priests of Walpi found it necessary to station one of 
their number at the hatchway, as a tyler, to prevent the intrusion of 
the uninitiated during the snake washing, and this will probably 
become a custom in future dances. 

Public Antelope and Snake Dances 

The public Snake dance at Mishongnovi (plate xlv) has been well 
described by Mr Cosmos Mindeleff.^ It closely resembles that at 
Walpi, which it generally precedes," and, next to that at Walpi, it is 
the most spirited performance of this ceremony 'among the Hopi. 
On account of their similarity it is hardly necessary to describe both 
the Antelope and the Snake dance, and consequently this account is 
limited to the latter, or to details in which differences exist. 

A conical structure made of cottonwood boughs, and called a kisi 
(brush-house), was erected in the plaza near a central, permanent 
shrine of stone. The kisi served as a receptacle for the reptiles until 
thej^ were needed, and was made in the following way: holes were 
dug in the ground at intervals in the form of a circle, and several 
good size, newly cut but untrimmed, green cottonwood boughs were 
planted therein. The upper ends of the boughs were bound together 
with ropes and straps, and a cloth was tied on one side covering an 
entrance into the inclosui'e. Smaller cottonwood branches were 
inserted between the larger ones, making a dense bower amply suffi- 

1 Science, vol. vn. number 174, 1886. 

- In 1891, 1893, and 189.S it was celebrated the day before the Walpi dance, and in 18.S.5, according to 
Mindeleff, the same relative day was chosen. 


cient to conceal whatever was placed within. Shortly before the 
dance began a sack containing all the reptiles was deposited in the 
kisi by two Snake pi'iests. 

The public ceremony was ushered in by the appearance of the line 
of Antelope priests, headed by their chief, who carried his tiponi on 
his left arm. There were twenty persons in this procession, the 
rear of which consisted of four small boys. Next to the chief came 
an albino, likewise bearing a tiponi on his arm. The Antelope priests 
were dressed and painted as are those of Walpi, but the four small 
boys who closed the line wore very small kilts. In the 1885 celebra- 
tion, according to Mindeletf, there were but ten Antelope priests in 
line. The increase in number is in accord with what has been observed 
at Walpi, where the numl)er of participants has also increased in late 

Each Antelope priest, except one to be presentl_v noticed, carried 
two rattles, one in each hand, which is characteristic of two of the 
Middle mesa pueblos, but different from the custom at Walj^i and 
Oraibi, where each Antelope priest carries one rattle only. 

The third man in the line bore a medicine-bowl and an aspergill; he 
wore a tillet of cottonwood leaves, and was companible with the asper- 
ger of the Walpi and other variants. He dipped his feathered asper- 
gill into the medicine-bowl as he entered and left the plaza, and 
asperged to world-quarters and upon the Snake priests. Before the 
snake dance began, this man called out an invocation to warriors. 

In an account of the Oraibi dance it has been noted that the words 
of this invocation, which have long been recognized as foreign to 
the Hopi language, were also used in Keresan songs at Sia pueblo. 
In the course of these new investigations direct inquiries were made in 
regard to the meaning of the words, and the identity of the persona- 
tion by the man who utters them. The man who makes this invocation 
is believed to represent the Acoma relatives of the Snake people. 
There are several songs in Hopi secret rites, the words of which 
resemble closely certain terms of the Keresan language, in addition 
to the vocables common to sacred songs of all American Indians. 

The line of Antelope priests made four circuits about the plaza, and 
as each member passed the shrine in the middle of the plaza, he dropped 
a pinch of meal upon it. The same act of prayer was repeated before 
the kisi when the priest stamped violently on a plank as he dropped 
the sacred meal. The Antelopes then formed a platoon at the kisi 
and awaited the Snake priests, who soon appeared, headed by the 
Snake ciiief. 

When the Antelope priests had formed in a platoon in front of the 
kisi (plate xvliii), it was noticed that the line was continuous and not 
broken into two divisions, a right and a left, as at Walpi. The first 
four men and the ninth man in line, counting from the left, were 






barefoot, Init all tiio remainder wore nioeeasins. There wa.s some 
variation in the colors of the feathers on their heads, which can be 
interpreted in the same way as similar \ariations at Walpi, later con- 
sidered; but it was noticed that certain of the priests failed to have the 
white zigzag markings on theii' bodies, so conspicuous in the "Walpi 

The entrance of the Snake priests into the plaza was not so animated 
as at A\'alpi under the leadership of Kopeli, but their circuits were 
the same, and their dress and adornment was quite similar in the two 
pueblos. The Snake priests tiled about the plaza four times, stamped 
on the plank in the ground before the kisi as the_v passed it, and took 
theii' positions facing the Antelope priests. The ceremonies at the kisi 
began with a swaying movement of their bodies in unison with the 
song of the Antelopes, and, as it continued, the Snake priests locked 
arms, and, bending over, shook their whips at the ground with a 
tiuivering motion as if brushing a vicious snake from a coiled pos- 
ture. These preliminarj' songs, with attendant steps, lasted about a 
quarter of an hour, at the close of which time the startling feature of 
the ceremony — the carrying of the reptiles about the plaza — began. 
This was one of the best presentations of the Snake dance ever seen 
in the Hopi pueblos. 

One of the most conspicuous men in the line of Snake priests per- 
sonified a warrior (kalektaka). who wore on his head a close-fitting, 
open-mesh, cotton skull-cap, which represents the ancient war-bonnet.' 
This warrior-personation entered the kisi, and there, concealed from 
view, held the neck of the bag in which the reptiles were confined 
to the entrance of the kisi, and as the imprisoned snakes were needed 
he drew or forced them from the bag to be taken by those outside. 

The Snake priests divided into groups of three, each group consisting 
of a ''carrier" who held the reptile in his mouth, a "'hugger" who 
placed his left hand on the right shoulder of the carrier, whom he 
accompanied in his circuit about the plaza, and the "gatherer." who col- 
lected and carried the snakes after they were dropped. The reptiles 
were not handed to the Antelope priests to hold during the dance. As 
the priests circled al)Out with the snakes in their mouths, two platoons 
of women sprinkled them with sacred meal from trays which they held 
as a prayer-offering. The Antelopes remained in line by the kisi, 
singing and shaking their rattles as the rite progressed. 

At the close of the dance the chief made a ring of meal on the ground, 
in which he drew six radial lines corresponding to the cardinal points, 
and all the reptiles were placed within this circle. At a signal after 
a prayer the Snake priests rushed at the struggling mass, and seizing 

> The wooden image, in the Oraibi Snake kiva, representing Piiukon, has on its head the represen- 
tation of out' of these war-bonnets. The head of the female Idol with the War-god has the terraced 
rain-cloud so common on female idols. 


all the snakes they could carry darted down to the mesa side and 
distributed them to the cardinal points. A shower of spittle from 
the assembled spectators followed them, much to the discomfort of 
those who did not happen to be on the housetops. This habit of e.xpec- 
toratinjj after those bearing important prayers is also noticeable in the 
Niman-kateina. or Departure of the Katcinas, and may be considered 
as a form of )Drayer for benefits desired. Before the reptiles which 
had been thrown into this ring of meal had been seized by the priests 
they crawled together and the girls and women threw what meal 
remained in their plaques upon the writhing mass. Some of the spec- 
tators were likewise observed to throw pinches of meal in that direc- 
tion. This is a symbolic prayer which will later be discussed. After 
the reptiles had been seized by the Snake men and carried down the 
mesa, one or two persons, among others a Navaho woman, scraped up 
some of this meal from the ground. About sixty reptiles were used, 
of which more than a half were rattlesnakes. 

The reptiles are carried in the mouths of the Snake priests at Mi- 
shongnuvi in the same manner as at Walpi, hence the descriptions of the 
functions of carrier, hugger, and gatherer in the Walpi variant will 
serve very well for the same personages at Mishongnovi. With minor 
dirtcrences in ceremonial paraphernalia and symbolism, the public 
Antelope and Snake dances in the largest pueblo of the Middle mesa 
and at Walpi are identical. 

One of the Snake pi'iests did not obtain any of the snakes in the 
rush for them as they lay on the ground. He seized, however, a large 
snake which a fellow priest held and for a moment there was a mild 
struggle for the possession of it, with ai)pareiitly some ill feeling. 
But at last he gave it up, and after his companions had departed he 
made several circuits df the plaza alone, each time stamping on the 
plank before the kisi, and then marched oft'. In an account of the 
termination of the Shumopovi Snake dance of 1896, a similar failure 
of Snake men to obtain reptiles at the final melee is mentioned. It is 
a])purently not regarded an honor to depart from the kisi at the close 
of the dance without a snake, and in both instances some merriment 
was expressed by the native spectators at the man who had left the 
plaza empty-handed. 

After the reptiles had been deposited in the fields the Snake men 
returned to the pueblo, took the "emetic," vomited (plate li), and 
partook of the great feast with which the Snake dance in the Hopi 
puel)los always closes. 


Several of the more important features of the Walpi Snake dance 
were witnessed in 1897, and a few new facts were discovered regarding 
obscure parts of this variant. In the year named, the author sought 


etspecially to notice any innovations or variations from the presenta- 
tions in 1S91, 1S93, and 1895. which might result from deaths in the 
ranks of the celebrants and the increase in the number of white 

TIk' kiva exhibitions were found to remain practically unchanged, 
and notes made in 1891 might serve equally well as a description 
of the rite in 1897, although the participants had changed. The mor- 
tality among the Antelope priests since the dunce was first studied in 
1891 has been great, among those who died being Hahawe, Nasyun- 
weve. Masaiumtiwa. and Intiwa — practically all the older members 
except Wiki. This has led in some instances to the introduction of 
lads to fill out the complement of numbers, and with them has come 
some loss of seriousness in the kiva exercises. For an unknown 
reason Hoiiyi took the part of a Snake priest, and old Tcoshoniwu 
(Tcino), after several years of absence, resumed his role of asperger 
of the kisi. With the death of the older men of this society much 
ancient lore concerning the Snake-dance legend has been lost, for 
the boys who have taken their places are too young to understand 
or indeed to care much for the ceremony, even if its significance could 
be explained to them. Wiki, the Antelope chief (plate l), is so deaf 
that it is next to impossible to communicate with him on the subject, 
so that much of the Walpi Snake lore is lost forever. 

Washing the Reptiles 

The exercises in the Snake kiva during the washing of the snakes 
were practically identical with those elsewhere described, and there- 
fore need not be repeated: but an exceptional event occurred at the 
end of the rite: One of the reptiles had crawled up the side of the 
room above the spectators' part and had hidden in a hole in the roof, 
so that onlv a small part of the scaly body could be seen. An attempt 
was first made to dig the snake out from the inside of the room, but 
as that was not successful some of the men went outside on the roof, 
and were obliged to remove some of the stones before the reptile was 
captured. It was finally brought down the ladder and washed with 
the others. 

Supela was followed out of the kiva in order to note more in detail 
than hitherto what was done with the liquid in which the snakes had 
])een bathed, and with the altar sand in which they had been dried (plate 
Lii). He went through the western court of Walpi to the end of the 
mesa, and, standing on the edge of the cliff, poured a little of the 
water over it in four places. Although his exphi.iation of this act 
was not very lucid, the rite is undoubtedly connected in some way 
with world-quarters worship. The bowl in which the snakes had been 
washed was later deposited, with the jai-s in which they had been kept, 

19 ETH, PT 2 27 



in a crypt on the northern side of the mesa. As these jars must not 
be profaned by any secular use, thej' are deposited in a special cave, 
as is the tigurine of Talatumsi used in the New-fire rites. 

Influence of White Spectators 

The number of white spectators of the Walpi Snake dance in 1897 
was more than double that during au}^ previous dance, and probabl}- 
two hundred would not be far from the actual enumeration. An audi- 
ence of this size, with the addition of various Navaho and the residents 
of Walpi and neighboring pueblos, is too large for the size of the plaza, 
and it became a matter of grave concern to those who are familiar 
with the mode of construction of the walls and roofs of the pueblo 
whether they would support the great weight which they were called 
upon to bear (plate lv). Happily these fears proved to be ground- 
less, but if the spectators increase in number in the next presenta- 
tions as rapidly as in the past, it will hardly be possible for the pueblo 
to accommodate them. 

The influx of white spectators has had its influence on the native 
performers, for, when gazed upon by so many strangers, some of the 
Snake men appeared to be more nervous, and did not handle the rep- 
tiles in the fearless manner which marked earlier performances. The 
older members of the fraternity maintained the same earnestness, but 
the more youthful glanced so often at the spectatoi's that their 
thoughts seemed to be on other subjects than the solenui duty before 
them, and they dodged the fallen reptiles in a way not before seen at 
Walpi. A proposition to perform the dance at Albuquerque, New 
Mexico, ill 1S!*7, was entertained by the young men, but was promptly 
refused l)v the chiefs. Crerms of a degeneration of the religious char- 
acter of the Walpi Snake dance have thus began to develop. When 
the old men pass away it may be that an attempt to induce the Snake 
priests to perform their dance for gain will be successful; but when 
that time comes the Snake dance will cease to be a religious ceremony, 
the secret rites will disappear, and nothing remain but a spectacular 

Unusual Features 

During the public exhibition of the Walpi Snake dance in 1897 
several of the priests carried a tiny snake with the head protruding 
from the mouth like a cigar. Kopeli explained this by saying that he 
had found a Itrood of young snakes, but that they were not put in the 
Cottonwood bower on account of theii' small size and the consequent 
difficulty in finding them. They were therefore held in the perform- 
ers' mouths from the time they left their kiva. 

The author's attention was called by one or two of the spectators to 
the fact that one of the Snake priests was bitten during the dance, but 
when the chief was asked for the name of the man bitten no information 





in that respect could be elicited; he declared that no one had been 
bitten during the exhibition. One of the writer's party .says that he 
saw one of the Snake priests with a small frog- in his mouth, which 
is apropos of a statement bj- a responsible Indian that in former times 
other animals than snakes were carried b\' the priests in their mouths. 
Subsequent interrou-ations of the chief failed to make known the man 
who carried the frog in the way indicated. 

Number of Participants 

An enumeration of the participants in the last four performances of 
the Walpi Snake dance shows that the number is gi-adually increasing. 
The Snake society has become a very popular one, possibly on account 
of the increase in the number of visitors. Several young men of 
Walpi wish to join, and a man at the Middle Mesa declared that while 
he did not care to become a member of the Snake society of his own 
pueblo he would nuu-h like to be eurolled among the followers of 
Kopeli. The gradual increase in the number of imrticipants certainly 
does not show a decline in the popularity of the Snake dance, or that 
it is likely soon to be abandoned. The religious element, in which the 
ethnologist has the greatest interest, will be the tirst to disappear. 
In all the Tusayan puel)los, .save Walpi, the number of Antelope 
priests is about the same as that of Snake priests; but at Walpi there 
are over twice as many Snake as Antelope priests. It is evident that 
this predominance is due to the popularity of the society (since the 
clan is no larger in Walpi than in the other pueblos), and may lie 
traced directly to the influx of visitors to witness the spectacular 
performance; but while the number of Antelope priests at Walpi 
has diminished, that of the Snake priests has steadily increased.' 

Women Members of the Snake Society 

The women members of the Snake society are so numerous that 
Kopeli did not pretend to count them or to he able to mention their 
names. They never take part in the public Snake dance, except by 
sprinkling meal on the participants, but join the society and offer their 
children for initiation as a protection against rattlesnake bites and for 
the additional benefit of the invocations in the kiva performances. 
There are also women members of the Antelope society, but they are 
not so numerous as in the Snake society. These women belong to 
several clans, and the membership of women in both societies is a sur- 
vival of ancient times when all members (females as well as males) of 
the Horn and Snake clans were members of the Antelope and Snake 

1 A count of the Snake priests in 1891 indicated 41, and there were 4 novices that year. The author 
omitted to note the number of novices in 1893, 1895, and 1897, but counted 50 Snake priests in 1897. 


Photographs of the Walpi Snake Dance 

During the last five performances the Snake dances in the Hopi 
pueblos have been photographed agjain and again, with varying suc- 
cess. Although the conditions of light at the time of the dance ai-e 
poor, there has been a steady improvement at each successive pre- 
sentation, and fine views can now be purchased from various photog- 
raphers. The author has made a collection of these views, most of 
which were presented bj^ the photographers, and has selected some of 
the more instructive for illustration in this article. 

The Walpi Antelope Ai>tar 

The accompanying illustration (plate liii) shows the Antelope altar 
at Walpi on the ninth day of the Snake dance. It was based on an 
excellent photograph made by Mr George Wharton James, who has 
kindly allowed me to make use of his photographic work. The plate 
diflers from the photograph in se\eral respects, for on the day (Totokj'a) 
on which the latter was taken several objects, as the two tiponis, were 
absent, and the sand mosaic was imperfectly represented. These two 
features are I'estored in the illustration. 


Of all objects on a Hopi altar perhaps the most important and con- 
stant is the badge of ofiice or palladium, known as the tiponi, of the 
religious society which celebrates the rites about it. The Antelope 
altar has for the first seven days two tiponis, the Snake and Antelope. 
\Vhen the Snake altar is constructed the Snake tiponi is taken from 
the Antelope kiva to the Snake kiva, where it forms the essential 
object of the new altar. The two tiponis are shown in plate liii at 
the middle of the side of the altar, on the border of the sand picture 
next to the kiva wall. The two tiponis are separated by a stone 
fetish of the mountain lion. These two objects of the societies, called 
■'mothers," are the most sacred objects which the altars contain, and 
their presence shows that the altars are the legitimate ones. Each is 
deposited on a small mound of sand upon which six radiating lines of 
sacred meal are drawn by the chief. 

stone images of animals 

There were several stone images of animals on the Antelope altar 
at Walpi, which were distributed as follows on the western Ijorder of 
the sand mosaic near the tiponis: the largest, representing a moun- 
tain lion, stood between the two palladia of the society. It was upon 
this fetish that Wiki i-ested his conical pipe when he made the great 
rain-cloud smoke after the eighth song in the sixteen-^ongs ceremony, 
as elsewhere ' fully described. 

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There were also three .smaller stone animals, which belonged to AViki, 
in a row b_v the side of the Antelope tiponi; and an equal number, the 
property of the Snake chief, placed in a similar way by the side 
of his tiponi. When the Snake chief makes his altar in the Snake kiva 
he takes his three animal fetishes and his tiponi fi-om the Antelope altar 
and deposits them on his own altar. 


The row of flat stone implements called tcamahia was arranged 
around the boi-der of the sand picture, there being on each of three 
sides a midwa_y opening called a gate. There were eighteen of these 
objects. They were of smooth light-brown stone, similar to those 
often excavated from ancient Arizona ruins. Those on the northern 
and southern sides were regarded as male, the eastern and western 
ones as female tcamahia. l^hey were looked upon as ancient weapons, 
representing the Warrior or Puma clan of the Snake phratry. 

The displaced tcamahia on the right side of the sand picture, near a 
gap or gateway in the row of pedestals on that side, was the stone 
implement which Kakapti used in rapping on the floor as an accompa- 
niment to one of the sixteen songs, as has been elsewhere described.' 

It should be noted that the name of these ancient stone objects is 
identical with the opening words of the invocation which the asperger 
utters before the kisi in the public Snake dance. These words are 
Keresan, and are used in ceremonies of the Sia,' but their signification 
was not divulged b\' the Hop! priests. It is probable that we have 
here, as often happens in ancient customs, a designation of stone 
implements bj^ the name applied to them by the people who originally 
used them. 


The sticks which are placed about the sand picture are of two kinds, 
some having a crook at the end. the others being straight throughout. 
The arrangement of these sticks may be seen in the accompanying 
plate iJii, where they are shown placed in clay pedestals on the outer 
margin of the sand mosaic. 

The sticks provided with a crook have attached to them a string 
with a breast feather of an eagle, stained red. The straight sticks, 
called arrows, have more complicated apj)endages, for to their upper 
ends are attached a packet of meal, a feather, and a dried corn leaf. 
The l)undles of feathers represented in the plate as fastened to the 
ends of these sticks are those which the priests wear on their heads 
during the public dances. These bundles are not found on the sticks 

1 Snake ceremonials at Walpi, Journal American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. iv, p. 34. 
"Mrs. M. C. Stevenson, The Sia, Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Mrs. Steven- 
son mentions similar words used in invocations to the warriors of the cardinal points. 






during the first days of the ceremony; they are not essential to the 
efEcaej- of the altar, but are huno' as indicated because of the sacred 
influence which is supposed to be imparted to them through this asso- 
ci^ition. For the same reason there are placed on the altar the several 
rattles seen on the right-hand corner, as well as the netted water gourds 
which appear here only on tlie last two da\-s of the Snake ceremony, 
in the public dances of which they are used. Two objects to the right 
of the tiponi, on the rear margin of tiie sand mosaic, have been added 
to the altar fetishes since the celebration of 1891. They occupied the 
position named during the 1893, 1895, and 1897 celebrations. One of 
these is the cephalothorax of a king crab {LhiiKhif: jHiJi/jihi'iiifin). \\w 
other a fragment of water-worn wood. Both of these were gifts from 
the author to ^\'iki. tiie Antelope chief, in 1893. 


The medicine bcwl and aspergill are shown in the illustration near 
the front margin of the altar, to the right of the eastern ■•gateway" 
or passage through the row of crooks on that side. The aspergill con- 
sists of two feathers tied by a leather thong. By its side is a bag of 
tobacco. The two whizzers are flat slats of wood with rain-cloud ter- 
races cut in the end. 


On the right side of th(> altar, near a netted gourd, there were two 
corn husks, one of which contained corn meal, the other pollen for the 
use of the priests who sat on this side of the altar. On the same side, 
back of the altar, is seen the slab called the Hokona-mana oi' Butterfly- 
virgin slab, upon which are depicted butterflies, rain clouds, falling 
rain, and tadpoles, as has been described in a previous memoir.' Near 
the "gateway" or passage between the crooks, on the right side of 
the altar, is a rattle upon which two wristlets made of bark aic laid. 
The pointed stick leaning uixni a water gourd to the left of the open- 
ing through the row of crooks, in front of the alter, is a Snake paho, 
or prayer-stick, to one end of which are attached a dried corn leaf, a 
twig of sagebrush, feathers, and a corn-husk packet of sacred meal. 
The four markings which encircle the corn husk at its attachment to 
the stick are well shown in the illustration. The flat Havasupai 
basket to the right of the altar is the one in which the prayer-sticks 
are placed during the singing of the sixteen songs. The basket was 
empty when the photograph of the altar was made, for the prayer 
sticks had just been delivered to Kakapti to carry to the four world- 
quarter .shrines. 

1 Juurual of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. iv. 


Antelope Priests in the Public Dance 

Twelve Antelope priests lined up near the kisi in the Walpi Snake 
dance of 1897 (plate lt). Eight of these stood on the same side of 
the Cottonwood bower at the Snake rock, while four were on the oppo- 
site side. All the former were adults, and three of the latter were 
boys. It will at once be noticed that there is a ditference in the 
adornment and bodilj- markings of the adult Antelope priests. This 
variation is believed to be of significance, probably being connected 
with the clans to which the participants belong. 

Following are the names of the Antelope priests who took part in 
the public dance: 

1. Tcoshonlwii (Tcino). This man acted as the asperger, calling 
out the foreign word ■■' tcamahia" at the kisi. He wore on his head a 
fillet of green cottonwood leaves and a white ceremonial kilt bound 
about his waist with a knotted cord. His face was not painted, nor 
was his chin blackened; and the white marginal line from the upper 
lip to the ears, so typical of the Antelope priests, did not appear. He 
carried a medicine Ijowl and an aspergill. but no rattle. His body 
was not decorated with zigzag lines, which are so conspicuous on the 
chest, back, arms, and legs of the Antelope chief. Tcoshoniwu took 
no part in the secret rites of either the Antelope or the Snake priests, 
and he appeared only in the public exhibitions. He belongs to the 
Patki (Water-house) clan. 

2. Wlki stood next in line, and as he is the Antelope chief his 
dress and bodilv decoration were tvpical of the priests of that society. 
He wore on his head a small white feather, and his chin was painted 
black with a bordering white line from the ears to the upper lip. He 
wore a white ceremonial kilt with a knotted sash, and also moccasins 
and armlets. On both breasts down to the abdomen, and on his back, 
arms, thls'hs, and les's were zigzag lines In white. He carried a 
rattle in his right hand, a basket tray of sacred" meal in his left, and 
on his left arm rested the Antelope palladium, or Tciib-tiponl. Wiki 
belongs to the Snake clan and is an uncle of Kopell, the Snake chief. 

3. Katci: The bodily decoration of this priest was like that of the 
Antelope chief, except that he wore a bunch of variegated feathers in 
his hair. He carried a stick in the left and a rattle in the right hand, 
and wore armlets in which cottonwood boughs were inserted. Katci 
is chief of the Kokop, or Firewood, clan. 

4. 5. Pontiuia and Kwaa: The faces of these two men were painted 
difierently from those of Wiki or Katci: their chins were not black- 
ened, nor was a white line painted from the upper lip to the ears. 
Their chests were decorated with two parallel white bands, instead of 
zigzag lines characteristic of Antelope priests. Their forearms and 
legs were painted white, but not in zigzag designs. They wore 
embroidered anklets, but were without moccasins. Bunches of varle- 


gated feathers were attached to their ^^calp.s. Each carried a paho in 
the left hand and a rattle in the right hand, and wore a white buck- 
skin across the shoulders. Four hanks of yarn were tied about their 
U^ft knees. Pontima belongs to the Ala (Horn); Kwaa to the Patki 

6. Kakapti: The dress and bodily decoration of Kakapti resembled 
those of Katci, but he had a bowstring guard on his left wrist. 
Kakapti belongs to the Tiiwa. or Sand. clan. 

"i, S. : These men, as well as the three boys who stood on the 

left of the kisi, were dressed and painted like Kakapti. They carried 
similar objects in their hands. 

9. Wikyatiwa: This man was clothed and painted differentlv from 
any other Antelope priest. He wore a white ceremonial kilt and sash; 
over his shoulder hung a buckskin and a quiver with })ow and arrows. 
From the back of his head there was suspended a bundle of feathers 
tied to a bone spearpoint by a leather thong. He bore, in his left hand 
two whizzers and at times twirled one of these with' his right arm.» 
He also carried in his left hand the so-called awata-natci. a bow with 
appended hoi'sehair and feathers, which hung on th(» ladder during the 
secret rites in the Antelope kiva (plate xlix). Upon each cheek there 
was a daub of white pigment, and a mark on each forearm, thigh, and 
leg. Wikyatiwa personated a kalektaka. or warrior, or Piiiikon. the 
cultus hero of the Kalektaka society or Priesthood of the Bow. 

The objective .symbolism of Tcoshoniwu. or Tcino. the asperger. 
led me to suppose that he personatc^d the ancestral Tcamahia. the 
ancient people who parted from the Snake clans at Wukoki and whose 
descendants are said to live at Acoma. 

Pontima and Kwaa, who were adorned and clothed unlike Wiki. the 
typical Antelope priest, show later symbolism due to contact with 
other than Snake clans, and suggest katcina influences. Pontima 
took the place of Hahawe (Ala clan), who was similarly painted in 
1801 but who died in 181)3. 

An examination of the platoon of Antelope priests, as they lined up 
at Oraibi and Mishongnovi, failed to reveal any persons dressed simi- 
larly to the priests numbered 1 and 5 of the Walpi line. It appears, 
therefore, that we must regard this as a significant diflerence in the 
public exercises in the different Tusayan pueblos. It will also be 
borne in mind that in the Oraibi Snake dance the asperger. like all the 
other Antelopes, has white zigzag lines on his chest, and that none of 
the Antelope priests in the dance at Oraibi were oljserved to have 
armlets with inserted cottonwood boughs. There is. however, a close 
resemblance in the dress and bodily decoration of all the Antelope 
priests in all the pueblos except Walpi. a fact which tells in favor 
of the idea that the more primitive form of the ceremony is found at 
Oraibi and in the Middle mesa villages. 



We have now .sufficient data regarding the five variants of the Hopi 
Snake dance to enable us to cdn.sider the question which one of them 
is most primitive or more nearly like the ancestral performance. 
There is no doubt which is the largest and most complex, for the 
Walpi performance ea.sily holds that position; and there is no otlier 
pueblo where the intiuence of white men is so pronounced, especially 
,in the paraphernalia of the participants in the public dance. To these 
innovations th(> prosperity of the East mesa people, due to their inter- 
course with civilization, has contributed lai'gely. The three pueblos 
on the East mesa are, or have been, more fi-equently visited, and, 
as a rule, their inhabitants are more liberally disposed to improve- 
ments of all kinds than are those of Orailii and the Middle mesa. As 
a result we should expect the Walpi ritual to be more greath' modi- 
fied than that of any other Hopi village, and we may therefore suppose 
that the Snake dances of Oraibl and the ^Middle Mesa are nearer to 
the ancestral form. 

It is not alone that the white man's civilization has acted more pro- 
foundh' on Walpi than on more isolated Oraibi; the former pueblo 
is nearer Zuni and the other New Mexican villages, and was naturally 
more greatly affected l)y outside contact beft)re the advent of white 
men. The Hopi population gained many increments from the Rio 
Grande before the white man's influence began. 

The coming of the Tanoan class of Hano exerted a li])eralizino- ten- 
dencj' on the adjacent pueblos, for their ancestors came to Tusayan with 
a more intimate knowledge of white people than the Hopi could have 
gained at that time. These Tewa received the Americans more hospita- 
bly than did the true Hopi. Men of Hano moved down from the mesa 
to the foothills and the plain when urged ))y governmental officials, 
})raving the threats and superstitious forel)odings of the more conserv- 
ative people of Walpi. They have for the last twenty years exerted 
a liberalizing influence on Hopi relations with the United States, 
and that ever-growing influence has greatly reduced the conservatism 
of Walpi and Sichumovi.' Such an influence has not existed to the 
same extent at Oraibi and among the Middle Mesa villages. One 
needs but visit thi> three clusters of Hopi puet)los and note their pres- 
ent condition to see that the inhaljitants of those on the East mesa 
are far ahead of the others in the adoption of new secuhir customs, 
and this influence can be seen in their ritual, leading to the belief that 
the oldest variants of ceremonies persist at Oraibi and the Middle 

1 In 1890 there were only two houses in the foothills under the East mesa and these v/ere inhab- 
ited by Tewa families. There was not a single house at the base of the Middle mesa and Oraibi. 
At the present writing the foothills and plains are dotted with new houses of the white man's type. 







The Lefiya or Flute ceremony is one of the most corapliciited in the 
Hop! ritual, and one of the most important in the calendar. It occurs 
in five pueblos, not being- celelirated at Sichumovi or at Haiio. The 
ceremony was first described by the author in an article' in which 
the public rites or "dance" at Walpi were briefly noted and theii- rela- 
tion to the Snake dance was first recognized. When this paper was 
published the iuithor was unaware that the Flute ceremony was of 
nine days' duration, for in 1890, when the description was written, 
the existence of nine days ceremonies among the Hopi was unknown. 
A more extended study of the Hopi ritual in the following- year (181*1) 
revealed the fact that a Flute ceremony, similar to that at Walpi, 
occurred likewise in the four other Hopi pueblos which celebrate the 
ct)mplete ritual, and in 18!t"i the author described the last two days of the 
Flute rite at Shipaulovi. In the course of studies it was recog- 
nized that this ceremony lasted nine daj^s, that it was performed by 
two divisions of Flute prie.'^ts, and that each division had an elaborate 
altar about which secret rites were performed. 

The author was the first to recognize that several t)f the great Hopi 
ceremonies, as the Lalakonti. Mamzrauti. Flute, and others, extend 
thi'ough nine days, and that the Snaki; ceremony has the same dura- 
tion. Whether or not the other pueblo rituals have similar time limits 
to individual ceremonies is not cleai- fron) the fi'agmentary descrip- 
tions which have been published. 

The increased knowledge of the intricate character of the Flute 
ceremony led to a detailed study t>f tlie ^^^dpi variant, and with the 
aid of the late A. M. Stephen the authoi- was enabled to puljlish'a 
number of new facts on the Flute ceremony at Walpi in 1892. The 
only account of the Oraibi variant of the Flute ceriMiiony that has 
been given is a description of the altars, which appeared in 189.5,''' being 
a record of observations made on a limited visit to that puel)lo in the 
summer of the year named. In the following year this account was 
supplemented by a memoir on the Flute altars of Mishongnovi. 

It will thus be seen that there exist published accounts of the Flute 
altars of all the Hopi pueblos except Shumopovi, and fragmentarj- 
descriptions of the secret and public exercises in two pueblos, Walpi 
and Shipauio\i. The following description of the Flute exercises 
at Mishognovi supplement those already given and add to our knowl- 
edge of the rites of the Flute society in the largest village of the 
Middle mesa. It will be noticed, by a comparison of these rites, that 
at Mishongnovi they are more complicated than similar ceremonies 

^Journal of American Folk-Lore. vol. iv, number 13. 
sOp.eit., vol. VII. number 26. 
^Op. cit.. number 31. 


at W.alpi <and Shipaulovi, but less so than those at Oraibi. No com- 
plete account of the observance of this ceremony at Oraibi and Shumopovi 
has been published, althoug-li it has been witnessed in the former 
pueblo V)v many Americans. 

FijUte Rooms 

It is a signiticant fact that none of the secret rites of the Flute 
priests in any of the pueblos are, so far as is known, performed in 
kivas, but occur in ancestral rooms of the Flute clan. Although this 
is unusual in Hopi secret rites, it is not exceptional, for there arc at 
least two other very important secret rites on the East mesa which 
are not performed in kivas. , Since it is true, therefore, that at present 
a kiva is not the essential or necessarily prescribed place in which 
secret rites are performed, and as the ceremonies observed in living 
rooms are also said to be ancient, this fact luay explain the absence of 
kivas in manj^ Arizona ruins. Whatever the explanation, it shows 
that the absence of a kiva. or room set apart for secret rites, does not 
prove the nonexistence of an elaborate ritual. 

Possibly these facts may shed light on the relative antiquity of 
circular and rectangular sacred rooms, or kivas, the former of which 
do not exist in Tusayan. Mindeleff says that "there is no doubt that 
the circular form is the most primitive, and was formerly used ))y 
some tribes which now have only the rectangular form." This may be 
true of some parts of the Pueblo area. especiall_y in New Mexico, from 
San Juan river southward, where circular kivas are a marked archi- 
tectural feature; but in Arizona, from Utah to the Mexican boundary, 
no circular kiva has been found. There is nothing ti> lead us to suppose 
that circular kivas in the former region antedated those of rectangular 
shape, or that New Mexican elans once had them. It seems more 
likely that the secret rites were once performed in ordinary rectangular 
rooms, or dwelling chambers, of the same shape as those now called 
kivas. which ultimately were given up wholly to ceremonial purposes. 
The Flute rooms are believed to be survivals of a time before this 
ditlcrentiation, which was brought about by the enlargement of the 
religious societ}^ by the initiation of men of other clans, through which 
means the fraternity outgrew the ancestral dwelling. 

Ceremonial Days of thp: Rite 

There are nine active days of the Flute ceremony, which are desig- 
nated bj- the names given in the following list. The author has studied 
the proceedings of the last day, called Tihune. the day of pei'sonation. 

August 7, Yunya. August 12, Soskahimu. 

August 8j Custala. August 13, Komoktotokya. 

August 9, Luctala. August 14, Totokya. 

August 10, Paiftala. August 15, Tihune. 
August 11, Natuctala. 

fewkes] the mishongnovi macilenya altar 989 

The Mishongnovi Flute Altaks 

There were two Flute altars at Mishongnovi, one called the Cakwa- 
leiiya (Blue Flute), the other Macileiiya (Drab Flute). The chief of 
the Cakwalenya had a tiponi on his altar, but although the chief of 
the Drab Flute had one of these saci'ed palladia in the room, it was 
not in its customary position on the altar. The author noticing this 
fact, asked to see his tiponi. The chief showed it, unwinding its 
wrappings, but failed to explain satisfactorily why he did not set it in 
its proper place. The only explanation of this failure is a theoretical 
one, that the tiponi was not a true Drab Flute palladium. Walpi 
has, as is known, no Drab Flute tiponi, and as there is close resem- 
blance between ceremonies at Wulpi and Mishongnovi. it would not 
be strange if the same were true of the latter pueblo. Both Oraibi 
and Shipaulovi have this badge, which will probably likewise be found 
in Shumopovi. It would seem tliat subordinate societies may celebrate 
their part of a rite without a chieftain's badge, but the celebration is 
on that account lacking in ardor. This is the case with the Snake dance 
in Tusayan, which is nowhere celebrated with so nuich fervor as at 
Walpi; for in all the live villages which hold this festival there is but 
one Snake tiponi, that of the Snake chief at Walpi. 

The reredos of the ]\Iacilenya altar (figure 4.3) consisted of two up- 
rights supporting a fiat wooden arch. The uprights were incised with 
three rows of concave depressions arranged vertically. Tlie 
portion, or arch. l)ore four figures of rain clouds outlined >)y black 
borders, from which depended a row of parallel black lines repre- 
senting falling rain. The lower thii'd of the arch had two rows of con- 
cavities, similar to those on the uprights. The reredos stood in front; 
of a l)ank of maize stacked at the end of the room, a feature t'onnnon to 
all Flute altars, but not shown in the accompanying illastration. The 
parts of the altar were tied together with yucca shreds, and wer(> held 
in place with wooden pegs. On the fioor at the right-hand side of the 
altar, leaning against the wall, there were two rectangular tiles, each 
of which was decorated with rain-cloud symbols and dragonflies. 

Two figurines were .set on small heaps of sand in front of the rere- 
dos — one on the right, called the Flute youth; the other on the left, 
the Flute maid. These figurines were armless effigies, with promi- 
nent lateral appendages to the head in the place of ears. Each of 
appendages was tipped with radiating rods connected by red varn, 
and resembled a symbolic squash blossom. The cheeks bore triangular 
markings. Six feathers, three on each side, projected at right angles 
from the sides of the body, and a narrow painted band, consisting of 
alternate blocks of black and white, was made along the medial line, 
extending from a symbolic figure of a rain cloud upon which half an 
ear of maize was painted. These two figurines are similar in position 
and .shape to the effigies on other Flute altars, as elsewhere described, 



[ETH. ANN. 19 

and have the same name!s. Just in front of the tig-urines, one on each 
side, were placed short, thick, uprig-ht sticks, rounded at the top and 
pierced with holes, from which, like pins from a ciisliion, projected 
small rods tipped with tlaring ends painted in several colors, repre- 
senting' flowers. These sticks correspond to the mounds of sand, cov- 
ered with meal, of other Flute altars, and are called talastcomos. The 
mounds admit of the following;- explanation: In many stories of the ori- 
gin of societies of priests which took place in the underworld, the first 
members are represented as erecting their altars ))efore the "flower 
mound" of Muiyinwu. This was the case of the Flute youth and 

Fig. 43— Altar of the Macilefiya at Mishongnovi. 

Flute maid, progenitors of the Flute Society. These mounds, now 
erected on earth before the figurine of Miiiyinwii in the Flute cham- 
bers, symbolize the ancestral mounds of the underworld, the wooden 
objects inserted in them representing flowers. 

The interval between the uprights of the reredos was occupied by a 
number of zigzag sticks or rods (symbolic of lightning), cornstalks, 
and other objects. 

These rods and sticks, as well as the uprights themselves, were held 
vertically by a ridge of sand on the floor. From the middle of this 
ridge, half waj' from each end and at right angles to the altar, there 



was spread on the tl(X)r a zone of sand upon which meal had been 
sprinkled. This zone terminated at the end opposite the reredos with 
a short bank of sand at right angles to it, in which an upright row of 
eagle-wing feathers was set. Upon the zone of sand there was placed 
a row of rudel.v carved bird effigies, and at the extremity of this row, 
just before the eagle-wing feathers, stood a slab upon which was 
depicted half an ear of maize and two rain-cloud symbols, one of the 
latter being on each side. Between the first bird effigy and the slab 
was a medicine bowl, from which the nearest bird appeared to be _ 

Fig. 44— Altar of the Cakwalefi ya at Mishongnovi. 

drinking. The l)ird effigies were eight in number, all facing from 
the altar. There were likewise on the floor other (•eremoniai para- 
phernalia common to all altars, among which may be mentioned 
the six-directions maize (corn of six colors used in a six-directions 
altar), rattles, a medicine bowl, a basket-tray of sacred meal, a honey 
pot, and similar objects. Their position on the floor by the altar is 
not signiticant. 

The altar of the Cakwaleiiya society (figure 44) was even more 
complicated. Its reredos consisted of uprights and transverse slats of 


wood, the former decorated with ten rain-cloud pictures, live on each 
side, one above the other. These symbols had square outlines, each 
angle decorated with a figure of a feather, and depending from each 
rain-cloud figure, parallel lines, representing falling rain, were painted. 
The transverse slat ])ore a row of nine rain-cloud figures of semicircu- 
lar form. Four zigzag sticks, representing lightning, hung from the 
transverse slat between the vertical or latei'al parts of the reredos. 
Two supplementary uprights were fastened to the main reredos, one 
on each side. These were decorated at their bases with symbolic pic- 
tures representing maize, surmounted by rain-cloud figures. The 
ridge of sand between the uprights of the altar supported many smaller 
rods and slats, the one in the middle being decorated with a picture of 
an ear of corn. 

From the middle point of this ridge of sand a wide trail of .sand, , 
covered with meal, was drawn across the floor at right angles to the 
altar. This zone terminated abruptly, and upon it was placed a row 
of four bird etfigies. all facing from the altar. Between the second 
and third bird was a small bowl. A tiponi stood at the left of the 
sand zone, looking toward the altar, and at the left of this were two 
water gourds alternating with ears of corn. 

Three figurines .stood before the altar, one on the left, and two on 
the right side. The figurine on the left represented the Flute youth, 
who hekl in both hands a miniature flute upon which he appeared to be 
playing. On his head was a corn-husk packet, and around his neck a 
nei'klace of artificial flowers. Of the two figurines on the other side, 
one represented the flute maid, the other Mi'iiyinwu. The latter had 
an ear of maize depicted on each of the four sides of the body. Upon 
her head were three rain-cloud symbols, and her cheeks were decorated 
with triangular markings. On the floor in front of the two smaller 
figurines were hillocks of sand, into which were inserted small rods 
with trumpet-like extremities variously colored. 

Although the author did not witness the seci-et ceremonials of either 
of the Flute societies at Mishongnovi, for want of time, he saw from 
the nature of the prayer-sticks (pahos) that they probalily resembled 
the rites at Shipaulovi. In addition to the prescribed Flute pahos he 
observed the manufacture of the two wooden slabs, decorated with 
corn figures, which were carried by the maidens in the public dance, 
and the balls of clay with small sticks, called the tadpoles, which are 
made in both the Flute and the Snake ceremonies at Walpi. There 
is close resemblance between the small natcis, or Flute pahos, tied to 
the ladder of each of the Flute houses, and the awata-natcis, or stand- 
ards, with skins and red-stained horsehair, that are placed on the roofs 
of the chambers in which the altars are erected. 



As has been already pointed out, there is but one Flute altar at Walpi, 
that of the Caltwalenya. the Maeileiiya society having become extinct. 
The upriyhts of the rei'edos in the flute altars of both pueblos bear simi- 
lar symbolic pictures of rain clouds, rive in number, one al)ovc the other. 
The transverse slat, or the arch, of the Walpi Flute altar difliers from 
that of the Mishongnovi in having a picture of Tawa (sun), with two 
semicircular rain-cloud rigures on each side, in the interval between 
which is pictured a zigzag rigure representing lightning, iioth altars 
have images of the Flute youth. Flute maid, and Miiiyinwu, and so 
far as is known they are the only Tusayan Flute altars which ha\e an 
effigy of the personage last mentioned. The Walpi rigurine of the 
Flute youth has no flute in his hand, and th(> slabs witii flgures of per- 
sons plaj'ing the flute, elsewhere dcscril)ed. wjiich characterize the 
Walpi altar, are not found at Mishongnovi. 


The uprights of the rer(>dos of the Drab Flute altar at Orailii have 
th.' same rows of conca\ities on their fi-ont surfai-es as have those at 
Mishongnovi. and are without the rain-cloud symliois seen on the trans- 
verse slat; liut instead of having a row of (•on( a\"e depressions on its 
lower half, the trans\-crse part of the Orail)i reredos is in the form oi 
a rain-cloud, ornamented with difl'erently colored cloud symbols, one 
above another, with accompanying representations of lightning and 
figures of birds. No other Flute altar known to th(> authcjr has a more 
elaborate reredos than that of the Macilenya at (Jrail)i. In conuuon 
with the Drab Flute altar at Misliongnovi it lias two effigies of the 
cultus heroes of the society, the Flute youth and the Flute maid; 
hut the most reiuarkable statuette of the Oraibi altar was that of 
Cotokinufiwu, whicli stood with outstretched arms in a conspicuous 
position. No other known Flute altar has a rigurine of this personage, 
although it is possibly represented by the zigzag lightning-sticks 
hanging between the uprights of the reredos. 

The so-called flower mounds, or hillocks of sand l)eset with artiricial 
flowers, before the rigures of the cultus heroes of the Oraibi altar 
difl'er in form from those at Mishongnovi, although they evidently 
have the same signiricance. At Oraibi these flowers are fastened to a 
common stalk, while at ^Mishongnovi their stems are inserted in a log 
of wood, and at Shipaulovi in a mound of sand. 

Perhaps the most marked difference between the Dral) Flute altar 
of Oraibi and that of jNIishongnovi is the presence on the floor of 
the former of a mosaic made of kernels of maize of dift'erent colors 
representing a rain-cloud; in this feature it differs from all other 

'The Mishongnovi Drab Flute altar has certain likenesses to the Oraibi Flute altar elsewnere 
described. Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. viii, number 31. 

19 ETH. PT 2 28 


altar.s known to tlic author. This mosaic oecupie.s the position of the 
zone of sand, and as a consequence the row of birds placed on this 
zone are, in Orail)i, found in two clusters, one on each side of the 
maize mosaic. There are several objects on the Oraibi Flute altar 
which are absent from that at Mishongnovi, among' which maj- be 
noticed a bowl back of the tiponi, wooden objects, artificial flowers 
like those inserted into the mounds of sand, and panpipe-like objects. 
The two upright wooden cylindricals representing maize, the rain- 
cloud sj'mbols between the uprights of the altar, and the statuette 
of Cotokinuiiwu appear to be characteristic of the Oraibi altar. 

Mai'kcdly diHerent as are the Drab Flute altars of Orai))i and 
Mishongnovi, those of the Blue Flute are even more divergent. In 
fact, they have little in common, and can not readih' be compared. 
The Oraibi altar has no reredos. but paintings on the wall of the 
chamber serve the same purpose. The Orailn altar is composed of 
a medicine-bowl, placed on the floor and surrounded by six ditferently- 
colored ears of maize laid in radiating positions (a six-directions altar), 
the whole inclosed by a rectangle composed of four Imnks of sand 
into which rows of eagle wing-feathers had been inserted. 

The reason the Oraibi Cakwaleiiya altar is so poor in fetishes would 
have been found to be paralleled in the Walpi Macilefiya altar, now 
extinct, were we acquainted with its character. We shall never know 
what the nature of this altar was, notwithstanding the fact that it 
fell into disuse within the memorj' of a chief who died only a few 
years ago; but the author ))elieves that one reason for its disappear- 
ance was that the ]\Iacilenya division of the Flute fraternity had no 
chieftain's badge, or tiponi.' 

No object corresponding with the bundle of aspergills tied to a rod 
and set upright in a pedestal, described in m}- account of the Oraibi 
Flute altar, was seen in either of the two Flute chambers at Mishong- 
novi, nor do I recall its homologue in Walpi or Shipaulovi. As the 
standard, or awata-natci,'^ stood in the Flute chamber, and not on the 
loof. when I saw the altar, it is possible that the aspergills belong 
with this object rather than to the altar itself. 


Both Flute altars at Shipaulovi are simpler than those at Mishong- 
novi. a feature due in part to the fact that Shipaulovi is a smaller 
pueblo and is of more modern origin. 

The reredos of the Blue Flute altar * is composed of a few upright 

1 This sacred palladium ("mother") is, as has been repeatedly pointed out, the essential object of 
the altar, the great fetish of the society. A religious society destitute of it is weak, and rapidly dete- 
riorates. Hence the want of virility of the Snake society at Oraibi and the pueblos of the Middle 
mesa. Their chiefs have no tiponi and the cult is not vigorous. 

-The staff is set on the roof to indicate that the altar is erected, and the secret rites in progress in 
the chamber below. The term awata-natci, "bow upright," is descriptive of the standard of the 
Snake and Antelope ceremduials, when a bow and arrows are tied to the kiva ladders (plate xi.vii). 

3See The tJraibi Flute ,\ltar. .Inunial .American Ethnology and Archieology. vol. il. 














slats of wood without a transverse portion. Figurines of the Fhite 
youth and the Fhite maid are present, but there is no statuette of 
MiuA'inwii as at Mishongnovi and Walpi. There are two tiponis and 
two talastconios. The sand zone and row of birds are present, and a 
very characteristic row of rods stands vertically in front of the 
reredos, where the sticks of zigzag and other forms are found in 
known Flute altars. In the absence of an upper crosspiece to the 
reredos the four sticks representing lightning- hang from the roof of 
the room. 

The great modifications in the Shipaulovi ' altar lead the writer to 
suspect that the altar is more neai'ly like that of Shumopovi than any 
other, but until something is known of the altars of the latter pueblo 
this suggestion may be regarded as tentative. 

The altar ]\Iacilefiya (Drab Flute) at Shipaulovi differs in many 
respects from that at Mishongnovi, but is in a way comparable with 
that at Oraibi. The rei'edos consists of several sticks, some cut into 
zigzag forms, symbolic of lightning, l>ut there is no transverse slat, 
as at Mishongnovi and Oraibi. A flat stick upon which is painted a 
zigzag figure of a lightning snake, elsewhere figured," is interesting in 
comparison with figures on the Antelope altar at Shumopovi. The 
four lightning symbols drawn in .sand in the mosaic of this altar have 
horns on their heads, and depending from the angles of the zigzags of 
the body are triangular apperidages, representing turke;/ feathers, 
similar to those which are depicted on the Flute slab to which refer- 
ence is made above. Although the Antelope altar in the Shipaulovi 
Snake ceremony has no such appendages to the lightning symbols, it 
is interesting to find these characteristic appendages in symbolic figures 
used in related ceremonies, where their presence is one more evidence 
of close relationship Ijetween the two pue1>los and of the late deriva- 
tion of the ceremonials of Shipaulovi from Shumopo\'i. 

The position of the image of Cotokinuiiwu in the Oraibi Flute altar 
was occupied, in the Shipaulovi Mai'ileiiya altar, by a statuette of 
Taiowa. Studies of this tigurine were not close enough to allow the 
author to decide whether Taiowa, as represented on the Shipaulovi 
altar, is the same as Cotokinunwii, but it is highly probable that the 
two bear intimate relationship. This figurine is absent from the 
Oraibi altar, but the pathway or zone of sand, with the birds, the row 
of feathers, and the decorated slab before it on the Shipaulovi altar 
are comparable with like parts of a similar altar at Mishongnovi. 

There remain undescribed the Flute altars of Shumopo\-i, the ritual 

'Shipaulovi. "Higli Peacli Place," was founded after the advent of the Spaniards, probably later 
than 1700. Unlike Jlishongnovi and Shumopovi, there is no ruin at the foot of the mesa which ia 
claimed as the former home of the ancestors of this pueblo. Tcukubi. the nearest ruin, appears to 
have been deserted before the sixteenth century, and the adjacent Paylipki was a Tewa pueblo 
whose inhabitants left it in a body in the middle of the eighteenth century, and are said to have 
settled at Sandia. on the Rio Grande. 

^Journal -\merican Ethnology and Archteology, vol. ii, p. 120. 


of whifh pueblo i.s little known. These altars are erected in Auyust 
of every odd year, and fig'iires or descriptions of them would complete 
our knowledge of Hopi Flute altars. 

PuBLK^ Flute Cekemony 

The public dance of the Flute priests at Mishongnovi in 1896 
occurred on August Loth, at aliout 5 p. m., and closely resembled that 
of Shipaulovi and Walpi. The preliminary exercises of that day at 
Toreva spring, which took place before the march to the pueblo, 
were not witnessed, but the procession was followed from the time it 
reached the first terrace of the below the pueblo until it entered 
the plaza. As a detailed account of the ceremonies at Toreva spring 
has been given in a description of the Siiipaulovi Flute dance, it will 
not be necessary to I'epeat it here. 

After the preliminary exercises at the spring a procession was 
formed which marched to the mesa top along the trail into the pueblo. 
This procession was aligned in two platoons about thirty feet apart, 
one called the Cakwalenya, the other the Macilenya. The per.sonnel 
of these platoons was as follows: 


The Cakwalenya society formed the first platoon and was composed 
of the following personages: 
i. The chief. 

2. A Flute boy. 

3. Two Flute girls. 

4. A man wearing a moisture tablet on his l)ack. 

5. Four men with white blankets. 

The members of this division were arranged as follows: In advance 
of the procession walked the chief, and directly beiiiad him was the 
Flute boy with a Flute girl on each side. The remaining members of 
the division formed the liody of the platoon, flanked by the man with 
the moisture tablet on his back and a small boy with the Flute stand- 
ard at his left (plate lvii). 


The Macilenya priests formed the second platoon, which consisted 
of the following persons: 

1. The chief. 

2. Flute boy. 

3. Two Flute girls. 

4. A man with the sun cinhlcni on his l)ack. 
.^. Men with cornstalks. 

6. Five men with white blankets. 

7. A naked l)oy with Flute standard. 

8. A warrior. 


The anaiioeiiient of this division was similar to tliat of the Cak- 
walefiva, but it will he noticed that the number of participants was 
larger. The li