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Smithsonian Institution, 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C, Fehrmtry 33, 1904. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit the Twenty -third Annual 
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, wliicli com- 
prises the administrative report transmitted by the Acting 
Director on July 1, 1902, and a memoir on the Indians of 
Zuni pueblo, New Mexico, which embodies the result of many 
years' work under tlie direction of the Bureau. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. H. Holmes, CMef. 
Mr S. P. Langley, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 


Repout op tke Dikector 


Introihictiiin ix 

Scope of the work ix 

Field research and exploration xiv 

Office research xviii 

Work in somatology x viii 

Work in psychology xx 

Work in esthetology xxii 

Work in technology , xxvi 

Work in sociology - xxxii 

Work in philology xxxiv 

Work in sophiology xxxviii 

Descriptive ethnology xl 

Collections XLi 

Property xli 

Publications xlii 

Financial statement xliv 

Accompanying paper xliv 

AccoMPANYiNu Paper 

The Zufu Indians: Their Mythology, Esoteric Societies, and Ceremonies Ijy 

Matilda Coxe Stevenson (Plates i-cxxix, figures 1-34) ] 






J. W. Powell, Director 


Etlinologic researches luave been conducted by the Bureau 
of American Ethnohigy during the fiscal year ending June 
30, 1902, under authority of the act of Congress making pro- 
vision "for continuing researches relating to the American 
Indians under the direction of the Smithsonian Institution," 
approved March 4, 1901. The work was carried forwai'd in 
accordance with the formal plan of o^Jeratious submitted ou 
May 20, 1901, and approved by the Secretary on May 23, 

Field operations were conducted in Alaska, Arizona, l^ritish 
Columbia, California, Colorado, Chihuahua (Mexico), Green- 
land, Indian Territory, Iowa, Maine, Missouri, New Mexico, 
New York, Oklahoma, ( )i-egon, Porto Rico, Texas, and 
Wyoming. The office work covered material gathered from 
most of the States and Territories, as well as from various 
other parts of the American hemisphere. 


The researches of the year were conducted in accordance 
with an ethnic system set forth in earlier reports. This sys- 
tem may be defined as the Science of Ethnology in its mod- 
ern aspects. Although based on investigations in all parts of 
the world during the last century, the system is essentially 


the product of the researclies in American ethnology during 
the hxst two decades of that century. Now that tlie system 
has assumed definite form, it affords a foundation not only for 
future researches, but for applying the principles of ethnology 
to ])ractical questions. Accordingly, the work of the year was 
gradually turned toward lines bearing directly on questions of 
puljlic interest. 

Among the lines of work in what may be called applied 
ethnology, to which special attention has been given during 
the year, two may be particularly mentioned: 

1. I'hysical ethnology. On the institution of the Bureau in 
1879 the Director found the science incomplete in that it dealt 
largel}' with merely casual characteristics of tribes and races, 
and neglected the essential characteristics expressed in the 
activities of peoples. Hence special attention was given to the 
habitual doings of the several tribes studied, and at the outset 
each was regarded as an acti vital type or genus; these were 
then compared, and in the liglit of the comparison the activi- 
ties themselves were analyzed and afterward groujied syste- 
matically. It was in this way that the science of demonomy, 
with its subdivisions, each relating to a group of activities, was 
developed. Now this great science, dealing as it does with 
the doings of tribes and races, each regarded as a typical 
group, is practically confined to tlie psychical side of man- 
kind; it barely touches the physical attributes; yet it affords 
a ])asis for classifying these attributes and measuring the 
influence of the prime force of demotic activity in shaping 
their development. In other words, the earlier ethnology 
dealt only with features and traits inherited from prehistoric 
ancestry; what may be called the new ethnology deals 
with those traits and human powers by which mankind is 
distinguished from all other organisms. The researches indi- 
cate that such traits and jjowers, such features and faculties, 
are connected with the normal development of tribes and 
races, and are, indeed, the essential factors in the growth 
of nations. Accordingly it wniuld seem that the time is 
at hand for applying the principles of the new ethnology 
to American aborigines as ethnic constituents of a growing 


citizenship. Tlie application requires a statistical study of 
physical characteristics, including viability, industrial aptitude, 
etc., of typical Indian tribes, tog-ether with a similar study of 
mixed bloods, or mestizos, both conducted with a view of com- 
parison with Caucasian and other ethnic norms. The impor- 
tance of this line of inquiry is sugo-ested l)v the fact that there 
are no physical statistics on record of any tribe of our passing 
race available for comparing stature, strength, endurance, via- 
bility, fecundity, and other ])liysieal attributes, with those of 
Caucasians, either with the view of gratifying our instinctive 
desire for knowledge or with the object of deriving useful 
information from the exjjerience of other ])eoples. The impor- 
tance of in([uiries concerning mestizos is sufficiently indicated 
by the history of a neighboring Republic, whose president is 
at once a product of the blended blood of the white and red 
races and one of the foremost among the world's national leaders. 
Singularly, there are no trustworthy records of mestizos in this 
country, though their luimber must reach some 30 to 60 per 
cent of that of the pure-blood Indian population. Nor is it to 
be forgotten that many of the practical problems connected 
with immigration, Chinese exclusion, the occujiation of Porto 
Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines, and the education of the 
colored race can be finally solved only in the light of ethnologic 
principles, whether these be developed through slow experience 
or derived from scientific researches already advanced to the 
applicable stage These and other weighty considerations have 
led to the inauguration of researches in physical ethnology. 
During the fiscal year a series of physical records made by 
Dr Franz Boas among the Siouan Indians, with photographs 
representing the physical tyjaes, was submitted. 

2. Ahoriginal economics. It is well known that aboriginal 
America gave the world corn, the potato, certain beans and 
squashes, tobacco, two varieties of cotton, and the domestic 
turkey; it is not so well known that the native tribes utilized 
various other natural resources which might well be introduced 
into the dietary and commerce of Caucasian peoples; and still 
less is it realized that various prepared foods habitually used 
by the Indians are of unsurpassed excellence — for while 


succotash and hominy have come into general use, the far 
sui)erior pinole, tainale, and pemmican are only locally used 
by whites, and many other desirable dishes are entirely 
neglected. When the Bureau was instituted it was a common 
impression that the aborigines were mere huntsmen and fisher- 
men whose habits were in the liighest degree vicious and 
improvident; but as the human activities were defined and the 
aboriginal industries were adopted it became more and more 
evident that many of the tribes were essentially agricultural, 
and that all subsisted in much larger degree than is commonly 
supposed on the })roduce of the soil. As researches progressed 
the importance of various aboriginal food sources neglected 
by the Anglo-Saxon was realized, and at the same time it 
became clear tliat our ])eople might learn much trom the red 
man concerning the simpler agricultural methods and the ways 
of bringing plants and animals under cultivation or domestica- 
tion. The success of the native in utilizing natural resources 
is well illustrated in the arid region comprising that portion of 
the country still unsettled. The traveler over an important 
railway from a few miles west of El Paso to a few miles east 
of San Bernardino traverses a zone supporting a Caucasian 
population of some 2(),0()(), with perhaps lialf as many Indians; 
the same zone abounds in ruins of aboriginal dwellings, tem- 
ples, acequias, and reservoirs, attesting a population fully ten 
times greater during the agricultural jjcrlod antedating the 
long-continued and disastrous Apache wars. It is highly 
significant that our least populated arid districts in the South- 
west are those yielding most abundant evidences of numerous 
population during 2>rehistoric times. A sjjecific example may 
be found in Arivaca valley, Arizona, with a preswit pojnilation 
of less than 100, where one of seven prehistoric villages witliin 
the valley comprises ruins of more than 120 dwellings, with 
temple, corral, stadium, and plazas, evidently representing a 
population of fully 600 for the village and 3,000 to 5,()(»0 
for the valley. Although the dejiopulation began in the 
prehistoric age, through wars still in progress at the time 
of discovery, the historic period has witnessed a part of the 
change; for it can not be doubted that Cabeqa de Vaca, 


Corouado, Alareon, and their followers saw within the zone 
between western Texas and eastern California a population 
twice or thrice the aggregate now subsisting within it, and 
tliis despite modern inultijilication of industries connected with 
mining, grazing, and transportation. The success of the abo- 
i-iginal husbandman in this region was partly due to a system 
of irrigation so satisfactory that modern farmers often profit 
by the prehistoric ditches; yet his chief advantages grew 
out of a more economical adjustment between labor and prod- 
uce, including crojjs now neglected. Among the neglected 
crop plants are various cacti (locallv known as saguaro, pita- 
haya, nopal, saguesa, etc.), whose fruits sufficed to support the 
entire native population for some two months of each year, 
though they are rarely utilized by white settlers. These cacti 
are products of the desert par excellence, adjusted to their 
liabitat during geologic ages, and, in some way not yet made 
out, deriving their vital energy chiefly from light; and they 
give promise that, unless exterminated by vandalism, they will 
some day yield to intelligent cultivation and add an invaluable 
resource to our arid districts. The researches concerning 
al)original food sources have been coupled with other studies 
in native economics, including those pertaining to textiles used 
for clothing, birch bark used for canoes and habitations, the 
making of baskets, etc. In most cases the immediate aim was 
to record the primitive customs and crafts as a contribution to 
knowledge ot a passing race, but the investigations have reached 
the stage of yielding useful lessons to the superior race. As 
announced in recent repoi'ts, productive studies of the begin- 
ning of agriculture and zooculture have been conducted. 
During the liscal year a memoir on Wild Rice, by Dr 
Jenks, was published, with a view of directing attention to 
a natui-al resource giving promise of value to modern agri- 
culture; Dr Russell spent the greater part of the year in a 
critical study of a typical tribe of the arid region (the Pima 
Indians), and has prepared a memoir on their industries for 
early publication; a systematic investigation of the birch-bark 
industries of the aborigines was taken up bv Dr Jenks; and 
Dr Fewkes devoted a part of the year to a special study of 


the aboriginal economy of Porto Rico, witli parti(;ular refer- 
ence to the artifacts and custoins still extant, and giving jjromise 
of future value to that newly acquired territory. 

Except for the diversion of a jjortion of the energies of a 
few collaborators to the apj)lications of ethnology, the work 
has been continued along former lines; and, as heretofore, 
most of the collaborators have been employed partly in the 
field and partly in the office. 

The organization of the work, which is slightly modified by 
the applications herein set forth, may be defined as follows: 
(1) Physical characteristics (including the demography of the 
native tribes), or somatology; (2) mental characteristics, or 
psychology; (3) arts (including games, sports, etc.), or esthe- 
tology; (4) industries (including economics), or technology; 
(5) laws, or sociology; (6) languages, or philology; and (7) 
myths (together with attendant ceremonies and other observ- 
ances), or sophiology. Customary attention has been given 
also to general and classific work, to the illustration, editing, 
and publication of reports, to distribution of the published 
material, and to the ancillary office work. 


The Director spent more than three months in Maine, engaged 
(so far as impaired health permitted) in researches among the 
northeastern Algonquian Indians and in revising his classifi- 
catory writings designed for the guidance of operations in the 
Bureau. The linguistic and other material obtained from the 
Indians was utilized directly in the more general work, includ- 
ing the linguistic classification described in other paragraphs. 

Under the immediate guidance of Dr Franz Boas, philolo- 
gist, Mr H. H. St. Clair, 2d, spent the first three montlis of the 
yeai- in linguistic researches in Wyoming and Oregon. In the 
former State he made a full record of the local Shoshoni dialect, 
and in the latter he made a partial collection of the lexic ' and 
grammatic material of tlie Wasco and Paiute languages. 
Under similar guidance, Mr William Jones made a critical 
study of the Fox language in Iowa and Indian Territory ; and 


Dr Roland B. Dixon recorded tlie languages of the Maidu and 
other tribes of northeastern California under the auspices of 
the American Museum of Natural History, but with an arrange- 
ment, noted elsevrhere, b}' which thfe material is available in 
the Bureau work. 

On September 25 Professor W. H. Holmes, of the National 
Museum, and Mr De Lancey Gill, of the Bureau, repaired, 
under the auspices of the Bureau, to northeastern Indian Ter- 
ritory for the purpose of examining a spring reported by a 
correspondent to contain abundant bone and flint implements 
associated with bones t)f both modern and extinct animals. 
They were successful in obtaining: (1) the finest collection of 
mammoth teeth thus far made hi America; (2) one of the 
finest collections of mastodon teeth ever made; and (3) the 
most remarkable collection of chipped arrow points, lance 
heads, and knives thus far made in a single locality in this 
country. They verified the reported association, and were 
able to identify the spot as an aboriginal shrine, to which the 
attention of the aborigines was probably directed by the 
gigantic teeth and bones of extinct animals, and at which sac- 
rifices were made through several generations. During the 
same trip they visited Kimmswick, Mo., where also human 
relics are reported to occur in association with bones of extinct 
animals. Toward the close of the year Professor Holmes 
again visited this locality, and, with the assistance of Mr 
Gerard Fowke, made a considerable collection for preservation 
in the Museum. 

In November Dr Robert Stein returned from a two years' 
absence in EUesmereland and northern Greenland, where, 
under facilities aftbrded by the Bureau, he obtained ethnologic 
data of interest relating to the Ita Eskimo, or Arctic High- 
landers. Besides a small collection of objects intended for 
preservation in the Museum, he brought in the words and 
music of several songs which serve to establish the existence 
of an archaic language among these people and at the same 
time to demonstrate for the first time, despite a prevailing- 
opinion to the contrary, the existence of a fiducial cult among 

23 ETH — 0-t n 


Under a special arrangeuieiit, Miss Alice C. Fletcher \'isited 
Oklahoma early in the fiscal year for the purpose of verifvin}^- 
and extending her records of certain Pawnee rituals for puhli- 
cation by the Bureau. Later she employed certain aged 
Pawnee Indians to recite the ancient rituals in such manner 
as to permit the making of phonographic and other records. 
Her efforts have resulted in unique contributions to knowledge 
of the esoteric customs connected with human sacrifice and 
other rites in pre-Columbian times that still survive in emble- 
matic form. A part of the material has been incori)orated in a 
monograph on the Ilako, forming part of the Twentv-second 
Annual Report. Also, under a special arrangement, l)r Willis 
E. Everette sent in useful records concerning the Athapascan 
tril)es of Alaska. 

During the earlier part of the year Mr O. P. Phillips was 
employed temporarily in making motion pictures, rejiresent- 
ing the industries, amusements, and ceremonies (tf the Puel)lo 
Indians and other tribes in New Mexico and Arizona. The 
object of the work was to obtain absolutely trustw()rth)' 
records of aboriginal activities for the use of future students, 
as well as for the verification of current notes on fiducial 
dances and other ceremonies. Despite accidents that hap- 
pened to the apparatus the work was fairly successful, yield- 
ing about a dozen kinetoscope ribbons, in connection with 
which about a hundred excellent photographs were made by 
Mr Phillips. The apparatus was kindly furnished in the inter- 
ests of science by the Armat Moving Picture Compan\-, of 

Although occupied chiefiy in administrative woi'k, the Eth- 
nologist in Charge made a reconnaissance in eastern central 
Colorado early in the fiscal year, visiting certain archeologic 
localities, notably in the vicinity of Pueblo, Colo., and tracing 
the conditions affecting tril)al movements during jirehistoric 
times about the border laud between the peoples of the plains 
and those of the mountains and plateaus. 

On August 16 Dr J. Walte% Fewkes proceeded to southern 
Colorado and northern New jMexico for the purpose of extend- 
ing archeologic explorations in districts hitherto inadequately 


studied. His operations were extended sontheastward tlu-ough 
New Mexico into western Texas and northern Chiluialiua 
(Mexico); in the latter State he made the most critical study 
thus far attempted of" the extensive prehistoric ruins known as 
Casas Grandes. Throug-hout he made extended notes on the 
surviving- tribes, as well as on the various types of ruins and 
other relics, of which a carefulh" selected collection was 
brought in on his return to the office on November 20. 

On April 28 Dr Fewkes sailed for Porto Rico with the object 
of making such a reconnaissance of this and neighboring islands 
as might serve to throw light on the aboriginal industries 
still surviving and giving promise of utility and at the same 
time form a basis for a more extended investigation during the 
current year. Although extended scarcely beyond Porto Rico, 
his work was successful, yielding material for a special report. 
He returned to Washington and began the preparation of this 
report just before the close of the fiscal year. 

Mr James Mooney proceeded, on September 17, to the fie^ld 
in Oklahoma and Indian Territorv, where he resumed a special 
investigation of the heraldic systems employed among the 
Kiowa, Kiowa Apache, and Cheyenne tribes. His work con- 
tinued throughout the fiscal year, yielding the greater part of 
the material required for an exhaustive monograph on one of 
the most interesting- customs of the American aborig-ines. In 
connection with the study of the devices a considerable 
collection of specimens was brought tog-ether for preservation 
in the National Museum. 

Throughout the entire fiscal year Dr Frank Russell was in 
the field, chiefly in Arizona, though his operations extended 
into New Mexico and Colorado, and about the close of the 
year into the Fox habitat in Iowa. During the earlier months 
he made an extended archeologic reconnaissance of the upper 
Gila valley, jiushing his journey southward to the international 
boundary, westward to the area already covered by other col- 
laborators, and northward to the border of the plateau country; 
thence the surveys were extended over the plateaus into Colo- 
rado and New Mexico for the purpose of comparing the low- 
land antiquities with those of the highlands. During the 


winter and spring he stayed in tlie Pima country, near Sacaton, 
and began a systematic study of tlie industrial and other cus- 
toms of the Pima tribe. The woi-k yielded material for a 
special report on the technology of the tribe and for a more 
general monograph on the historic and prehistoric inhabitants 
of the Gila valley. 

On October 30 Dr Albert S. Gatschet repaired to Indian 
Teri-itory for the purpose of completing his Peoria vocabulary 
and grammar and making cognate researches among the few- 
survivors of the Peoria tribe. He was able to pei-fect his 
records of the language of the tribe during the ensuing month 
and bring his work to a successful close about the middle of 

The beginning of the year found Dr John R. Swanton 
engaged in researches concerning the language and social 
organization of the Haida Indians in British Columbia. This 
work continued until September, ^deldiug voluminous material 
for publication in future reports. On September 30 he 
returned to Washington and began preparing the material for 


Work in Somatology 

During the later months of the year definite steps were 
taken toward a systematic investigation and record of the phys- 
ical characteristics of the aborigines. A nucleus was already 
available in the form of an extended anthropometric record 
made by Dr Franz Boas among the Siouan Indians several 
years ago and acquired by the Bureau in 1899; and it was 
decided to prepare the matter for early publication, partly as 
a record of the physical characteristics of a typical group, 
partly as a model for future work. In order to enhance the 
value of the publication it was arranged to liave Dr Boas pre- 
pare an introduction treating of somatology in general terms 
and to have Mr De Lancey Gill, the illustrator of the Bureau, 
prepare suitable illustrative material from the photographic 
negatives preserved in tlie office. The memoir is well 
advanced, but was not quite completed at the close of the year. 


For some years past photography has been employed in the 
Bureau in such a manner as to yield useful anthropometric 
data. Thus, in dealing- with the wilder tribes, who would 
resist ordinary physical measurements on fiducial or other 
grounds, the collaborators lia\'e made it a point to obtain group 
photographs with the figures so placed as to permit measure- 
ment of stature and other physical elements by comparison 
with a normal figure introduced for the purpose; similarly, 
visiting Indians photographed in the Bureau laboratory have 
usually been so placed with resjiect to backgrounds and other 
objects as to permit physical measurements of sufficient accu- 
racy for 2jractical purposes. During the fiscal year special 
attention was given to photographing indi^'iduals in exact 
portrait, ])rofile and full face, with the view of permitting 
measurement of the facial angle, form of cranium, and other 
anthropometric elements. This was done not only in the 
office, but to some extent in the field, especially by Dr Frank 
Russell, who made a large number of profile and full-face 
photographs of Pima Indians. Although the system is not yet 
perfected, it gives promise of excellent results as the researches 
in somatology progress. . 

Various collaborators of the Bureau have collected crania 
and other somatic material in connection with their field opera- 
tions. For some years the material was preserved in the 
United States Army Medical Museum, but it has now been 
transferred to the United States National Museum, whei"e the 
current collections of the collaborators are now regularly sent. 
In the absence of specialists in somatology in the Bureau por- 
tions of the somatic material have been placed during the last 
year or two for special investigation in the hands of experts 
not connected with either Bureau or Museum; and it is a 
pleasure to acknowledge the service rendered to the Bureau 
in this way by Dr George A. Dorsey, of Field Columbian 
Museum, and Dr Ales Hrdlicka, of the American Museum of 
Natural Histcny. A provisional arrangement has been made 
for having such work done within the Bureau hereafter. 

xx bubeau of american ethkology 

Work in Psychology 

For some years past the Director has given special attention 
to the mental characteristics of the aborigines and during 
recent months he has formulated a working system of psychol- 
ogy adapted to the needs of ethnologic students. In part the 
results are embodied in a series of s^'Mthetic outlines of ethno- 
logic science designed for incorporation in successive reports 
and printed in a somewhat abbreviated preliminary form in 
the American Antln-opologist for the ])urpose of eliciting sug- 
gestions from contemporary ethnologists in this and other 
countries. An abstract of the principles underlj'ing this 
series, designed for incorporation in the jjresent report, was 
printed in December, 1901, under the title Classification of the 

In addition to his duties as Ethnolooist in Charg-e, Mr W J 
McGee continued the application of the principles of psj'chol- 
ogy to the current researches. Two methods of psj-chologic 
inquiry have been successfully pursued in the 2)ast. While 
these are in some degree antithetic, they also measurably rep- 
resent stages in the development of knowledge. The first 
method may be defined as that of introspection, the second as 
that of experiment. During the last decade the latter 
attained great vogue, and departments of experimental psy- 
chology have been built up in several universities and colleges. 
The two methods, more especially the latter, afford a founda- 
tion for a third method, which alone is available for the study 
of large groups, such as races, nations, or entire peoples. 
It may be defined as the method of direct observation of 
noi-mal interactions. In pursuing this method it is as- 
sumed, on the basis of experimental psychology, that Jihys- 
ical acts are correlated with mental actions — in other words, 
that human thought and human action are interdependent. 
The recognition of this simple principle removes the need for 
a large jiart of the detail work involved in experimental psy- 
chology, for it permits the interpretation of mental char- 
acteristics of individuals and groups from their habitual, or 
normal, actions rather than from a repetition of special ac- 


tions of a prearranged series. For this reason it lias not hitli- 
erto been deemed necessary to introduce psychometric work 
in connection with the etlniologic researches, the observations 
on Indian habits and artifacts seeming to afford a satisfactory 
index to and measure of tlie aboriginal mind. In its general 
aspect the principle may be said to have been established 
early in the hi,story of the Bureau through observations on 
activital coincidences which have since been formulated in the 
comprehensive law of the responsivity of mind; so generalized, 
the jwinciple may be regarded as the keynote of ethnic science, 
the Rosetta stone wdiereby the characters of all races may be 
interpreted. The recognition of the principle serves also to 
explain and establish the sequence of stages in human devel- 
opment inferred from observations of many peoples; that is, 
from savagery, through barbarism and civilization, up to en- 
lightenment, since it shows that each transition was the prod- 
uct of cunmlative experiences, long assimilated and applied 
through commonplace habits rather than through abstract 
reflection; for in all tlie lower stages of human progi-ess the 
mind borrows from the hand. Customarily, the stages of cul- 
ture are defined on the basis of social organization, but they 
may be defined nearly as conveniently in terms of psychic 
development. So defined, primordial savagery is not merely 
the stage in which the law rests on maternal kinship, l)ut 
that of instinctive imitation, in which experience is per- 
ceptive rather than apperceptive, wdiile knowledge increases 
through accident rather than design. Similarly, barbarism 
is not only the stage of paternal kinship and patriarchy, 
but that of awakening apperception accompanied by distrust 
and dread of nature, in which knowledge is stinuilated bv 
notions of divination, with accompanying physical tests slowly 
assimilated in conscious experience. In like manner civiliza- 
tion is not simply the stage of law based on territorial right, 
but that of habitual discovery, in which new-found facts are 
consciously perceived and utilized. So, also, enlightenment 
means more than mere recogrnition of individual rio-hts as the 
basis of law; for it is the stage of invention and of the union of 
individuals for conquest over nature through the exercise of 


definite previsiou based on accumulated experience. Defined 
in a word, respectively, the four psychic stages are those of 
(1) imitation, (2) divination, (3) discovery, and (4) invention. 
Now, among the applications of the principle of the interde- 
pendence of thought and action, none are more important than 
those pertaining to the developmental stages; for the leading 
problems of the world to-day are connected with the lifting of 
lower races and more primitive cultures to the planes of civil- 
ization and enlightenment. The special applications are innu- 
merable, but they cluster about the general principles: (1) that 
in primitive culture thought is engendered by action, (2) that in 
higher culture thought leads action, and (3) that hence the most 
effective waysof raising lower peoples are those of manual rather 
than mental training. All systematic observations indicate that 
in the earlier stages the mental clings to the manual so closely 
that the primitive artisan feels the implement as a part of him- 
self and commonly believes that a part of his personality goes 
out into both tool and product; thus his craft is a constant 
stimulus to mental activity and prepares him for further steps 
in the long way leading from the plane of fettering instinct to 
that of free invention. When the savage or barbarian is so 
far educated that his hand intuitively moves knife or saw or 
plane by pushing outward instead of pulling inward, his mind 
is in the third quarter of the normal course of development; 
but to this position he can be raised only by the oft-repeated 
example and simple precept of rational training applied to 
lower races. The researches along these lines are not com- 
plete; some of the results were incorporated in a bi'ief paper 
on Primitive Numbers published in the Nineteenth Annual 
Report; and a preliminary account of certain results was pub- 
lished during the year under the title Germe d'une Industiie 
de la Pierre en Amjirique, in L'Antlu'opologie, Paris. 


Mr Mooney remained in the field throughout the greater 
part of the year, and his researches were such as to yield mate- 
rial for a prospective report on Indian heraldry. His investi- 
gations during several years past have shown that various 


Indian tribes possess heraldic systems analogous in many ways 
to those of medieval Europe. Such a system is especially 
developed among- the Kiowa, and his work during the year 
was carried forward in this and neighboi'iug tribes. The 
ways in which the system is developed render the study 
extremely difficult. The principal heraldic devices are of two 
classes, one pertaining to tipis, the other to shields. The tipis, 
with their devices, belong to families, in which they are heredi- 
tary. The shields, with their emblematic or armorial bearings 
belong to warrior brotherhoods, which arise in connection with 
the bearings themselves. Usually the devices are dreamed by 
a shaman or revealed to him in a vision, as he conceives it, 
the dream indicating also the number of shields that it is per- 
missible to make with the particular bearing- of the revelation. 
In due time the shields are made in accordance with the 
shaman's dream, not to exceed the number indicated in the 
vision, and may be adopted by unattached warriors until all 
are in use. Each shield usually bears two devices, one on 
an outer cover of skin which may be regarded as a sym- 
bol of the bearing within, and another secret device upon 
a second cover beneath or upon the body of the shield 
proper. The latter design is never exjDosed save in battle, 
when it is displayed as a magical device for offense as 
well as defense against enemies, and in sacred ceremony. 
The shield is regarded by its owner as the symbol of his 
special tutelary. It is prized and kept sacred during his 
lifetime, and, unless sacrificed in his declining days on the 
death of a kinsman, is buried with his body, being usually 
placed under his head in the grave or sometimes left sus- 
pended from a tripod or the branch of a tree near by. By 
reason of the habitual sacrifice of shields and the decline of 
aboriginal customs few now remain, though fortunately many 
are preserved in memory and tradition. The devices can be 
adequately studied only with the aid of their respective own- 
ers, when these can be induced to reveal the meaning and 
medicine of the devices or, still better, to reconstruct them in 
such manner as to permit tlie investigator to trace the inter- 
related meanings of the various features as they are slowly 


wrought in accordance with archaic ritual. The family tipis 
are also practically extinct, though nearly every family has 
surviving representatives acquainted with the family crests 
and with the ritualistic modes of constructing both tipis and 
heraldic devices. Mr Mooney's method has been to employ 
survivors of both brotherhoods and families to reconstruct 
their shields and tipis in miniature, with the armorial bear- 
ings, these models to be preserved in the National Museum 
after the study is finished. The task has been a tedious one, 
yet the {progress has been satisfactory. The heraldic system 
of the native tribes opens the way to knowledge of various 
obscure customs of primitive peoples and to vital stages in 
cultural progress. They are closely related to the pictograph 
systems found among the tribes of the Plains, and through these 
they are akin to the glyphic systems employed in the aborig- 
inal books and sculptures of Mexico and Central America. 
Moreover, since they represent the transition from prescrip- 
torial to scriptorial culture, they are found to throw nuicli light 
on the genesis of European systems of heraldry. The liei-aldry 
of those tribes in which it is best developed forms a luicleus 
for the esthetic activities generally: in the heraldic devices 
artistic forms and coloring find their highest expression; in 
connection with them the powers of imagination attain their 
highest perfection; and through them symbolism, ritual, faith, 
and war ceremonial were crystallized and kept alive. 

Etlmolo"'ists have long- realized that the widest gateway to 
aboriginal life is tiiat aftorded by games of chance; for ])rimi- 
tive men, especially in tliat barbaric culture in which divina- 
tion is the keynote of jisychic character, are habitual gamesters, 
and not only devote much time to gaming, but play openly 
with infatuation, so as to aftbrd constant opportunities to the 
student. The lowly games that are played bv the native 
Australians and Polynesians have received much attention; 
those of Korea, Japan, and China, in which the barbaric 
element of divination is supplemented by skill, have been 
described by eminent authors; tlie yames of the American 
aborigines have been studied not only by collaborators of the 
Bureau but by other able ethnologists, notably Tylor; and 


the various studies afitord a foundation for systematic research. 
The work was taken up incidentally by the late Frank Ham- 
ilton Gushing, with the collaboration of Dr Stewart Culin, of 
Philadelphia, author of notable treatises on Korean and other 
games. Their joint study was incomplete at the time of Mr 
Cushing's death; subsequently it was carried forwai-d inde- 
pendently by Dr CUilin. Dui'ing the Aear an arrangement 
was effected with Dr Culin under which he has nearly com- 
pleted a monograph on Indian games for publication by the 
Bureau. In the prosecution of the work he has made several 
field trips, has examined material in all the leading museums 
of the country, and has ])repared numerous photographic and 
other illustrations. The results of tlie stud}^ are of much 
interest in that they illustrate a curious commingling of the 
fiducial and the fortuitous in the notions of primitive game- 
sters. Actually, the games are played as depending on chance 
rather than skill, though considerable skill is eventually devel- 
oped; yet the playing is essentially devotional toward the 
mysterious potencies held to control the physical world and 
to govern human affairs. Accordingly, the games played for 
pastime run curiously into the most sacred ceremonies, and 
the devices employed afl'ord a fruitful revelation of j)rimitive 
thought. By reason of the wealth of material the mono- 
graph has become voluminous. It was not quite ready for 
delivery at the end of the year, but is jjromised for the first 
quarter of the current year. 

During the year Professor W. H. Holmes, now of the 
United States National Museum, completed the monograph 
on Aboriginal Pottery of Eastern United States, of which 
he prepared the first draft while an officer of the Bureau. 
Although primarily technologic, it forms an important addi- 
tion to knowledge of aboriginal esthetics. As repeatedly 
noted in the ethnologic work of the Bureau, esthetic motives 
invariably arise in symbolism and develop through a conven- 
tionalism shaped by ancillaiy or adventitious conditions, 
including texture of materials, character of tools, etc., as well 
as through growing conceptiveness and power of imagination. 
Now, no line of esthetic development is more complete than 


that represented in the decoration of fictile ware, and the 
author of this monograph, combining' as lie does thorough 
technical knowledge of the potter's craft with high artistic 
skill and singular esthetic appreciation, has been able to trace 
in masterly fashion and to illustrate effectively the growth of 
fictile decoration. As a faithful description of aboriginal jjot- 
teiy the treatise will undoubtedly become standard; and it 
is the most comprehensive contribution thus far made to the 
historv of those stages of culture in which the fashioning and 
decoration of joottery ha\'e ranked high among the voca- 
tions of mankind. The monograph forms the bod\- of the 
Twentieth Annual Report. 

During the year the series of graphic representations of 
personages in the Hopi pantheon collected by Dr Fewkes, 
mentioned in previous reports, was sent to press as a part of 
the Twenty-first Annual, under the title liopi Katcinas. Dr 
Fewkes also completed the illustrated memoir on his unique 
collections of pottery and other material from Arizona and 
New Mexico, noted in the last report. It is in press, under 
the title Two Summers' Work in Pueblo Ruins, as a part of 
the Twenty- second Annual. 

Work in Technology 

Primarily, Professor Holmes's monograph on aboriginal pot- 
tery of the eastern United States is a description of the fictile 
ware classified by districts, so far as practicable by tribes, and 
also b}" technologic types. The art of the potter is old, far 
older than written history, so that its beginnings can never be 
traced directly. The antique and 23rehistoric wares themselves 
yield a partial record of the development of the art; the arche- 
ologists of the Old World have been able to supplement and 
extend the written history of pottery through study of sucli 
material, and their researches have lent interest to the ancient 
vessels and sherds w'ith which the museums of the world are 
enriched. Yet the fictile ware of Egypt, Babylonia, Etruria, 
India, and other Old World provinces falls far short of telling 
the whole story of the art, since it fails to reveal tlie actual 
motives and sentiments of the early artisans; the relics are 


husks of the history of pottery without the vital kernel. 'Die 
archeologic studies in America supplement the European 
reseai-ches in a highly useful way. In the first place, the 
period of pottery among the American aborigines was com- 
paratively shoi-t, so that the prehistoric and the historic are 
closely related; and, in the second place, the several living 
tribes within reach of current observation represent various 
stages in the development of the art, so that opportunities exist 
in America for studying the motives and sentiments of the 
artisans engaged in all of the earlier developmental stages of 
the art. In general, the craft of the potter may be said to arise 
in the social stage of savagery, or the psychic stage of imita- 
tion, with tedious growth through accidental improvement; in 
general, too, the art maj' be said to expand and differentiate in 
the succeeding barbaric stage, with attendant divinatory con- 
cepts as motives, and it is this stage, with its protean forms, 
textures, decorative devices, and modes of manufacture, which 
has been found peculiarly inscrutable by students of the prod- 
ucts alone. Now, it is precisely this stage which is represented 
by most of the American aboriginal ware, both prehistoric and 
historic, and by the work of surviving tribes. Accordingly, 
Professor Holmes's description of the American ware, with his 
critical analysis of types and interpretation of motives, would 
seem to afford not merely a supplement to, but a sound toun- 
dation for, the liistory of the potter's art. The monogra[)h, 
which forms the body of the Twentieth Annual Report, em- 
braces faithful representations of some 250 typical specimens. 
Of the two special investigations concerning aboriginal indus- 
tries undertaken during the year that of Dr Fewkes in Porto 
Rico seems likely to be of the more general interest. While 
his trip to the Antilles was designed as a reconnaissance of 
Porto Rico, Haiti, and adjacent islands, he was prevented, 
partly by the volcanic disturbances of early Ma}", from extend- 
ing observations beyond the first-named island; yet this taihire 
resulted beneficially rather than otherwise, since it enabled 
him to make a more definite ethnologic and archeologic sur- 
vey of Porto Rico than was at first contemplated. Among the 
surviving types of aboriginal liandicraft to which he gave 


special attention were those connected with habitations. In 
all parts of the American hemisphere the prevailing house 
type is in some measure a blend of the indigenous and the 
imported; while in most districts the imported motives are so 
])redominant that the indigenous elements are hardly traceable, 
there are other districts, especially in tropical, subtropical, and 
arid regions, in which tlie aboriginal types are of such excel- 
lence that many elements have been retained with advantage 
by Caucasian settlers. Tliis is especially true in the Antilles, 
where natural conditions of climate, water, and available ma- 
terial have led to light and inexpensive types of construction 
by which European settlers have been glad to profit. The 
types are somewhat analogous to those which have been better 
developed in the Orient, especially by the Japanese, which are 
frequently commended to the attention of Occidental builders. 
When it is remembered that the prevailing Anglo-Saxon types 
are suited to the rigorous climate of northwestern Euro^je and 
adaptations of materials developed in the northern temperate 
zone, it becomes evident that they are not well adapted to our 
soutliern temperate zone, still less to our tropical and subtrt)p- 
ical possessions. Then, when it is remembered that the indig- 
enous types, e. g., of Porto Rico, are specifically fitted to the 
local climate and adaptations of local materials, it w^ould seem 
clear that architectural motives derived from them ought to be 
even more useful than any borrow^ed from Japan. These con- 
siderations have influenced the reseai'ches in Porto Rico, and 
they are in part the motive of the special report on Porto Rico 
prepared by Dr Fewkes. Other motives have reference to the 
native food sources which have been found useful by genera- 
tions of European settlers and aboriginal modes of food pi-epara- 
tion which are of such excellence as to still survive. It appears 
from the observations that several native foods are worthy of 
attention and cultivation bv settlers from the United States 
and that some of the indigenous modes of preparing food may 
well receive careful study with a view to maintaining the excel- 
lence of the preparations when more advanced modes of hand- 
ling, milling, preserving, and transporting are introduced. The 
details of Dr Fewkes's investigations are incorporated in a 


memoir designated for early publication in the form of a bul- 
letin. The industrial data are supplemented by bibliographic 
and other material, which will render the report a manual of 
Porto Rican ethnology and archeology. 

The special investigation undertaken by Dr. Russell among 
the Pima Indians covered aboriginal industries developed 
in and adapted to the arid region. Here, as in Porto Rico, 
local types of habitation have resulted from the climatic and 
other local conditions. The primal house type is a small 
circular structure of cactus or reeds, roofed with earth, the 
whole supported by an inner framework of poles. This type 
is varied according to available materials, the grass house and 
the house of cactus (okatilla stems or saguaro ribs) being closely 
related derivative forms. It is varied also by arrangement of 
material, as when the cactus staves are wattled with reeds or 
withes, and the house tends to become square in plan with 
vertical walls eventually plastered by the washing of mud 
from the roof and by the throwing up of embankments as 
wind-breaks below. Under the imitative instinct of savagery 
the wattled walls are coated with a mortar of mud, which is 
hardened by embedding in it pebbles and larger stones; 
and this may be deemed the secondary type of aboriginal 
architecture in the southwestern United States and northern 
Mexico. From it develops, under favorable conditions, a third 
type, that of rubble masonry set in a mortar of uuid or even 
laid dry; but where building stone is lacking, the pebble-set 
wattle structure grows into a distinctive architecture of which 
the basis is the ])uddled wall, or pise, called b}- Spanish settlers 
cajon, the fourth house type of the arid region. Aboriginally, 
the earth used in the structure was doubtless tamped between 
wattled walls, at first permanent and afterward temporary; 
certainly, during later times the earth was built up in succes- 
sive tiers between movable screens of wattling so placed and 
braced as to form a temporary trough for each layer. The 
cajon structui-e was durable and was susceptible of develop- 
ment into communal houses of many rooms and several stories. 
As in the primal tvpe, the roof consisted of earth laid on 
brush supported by a sheathing of canes or cactus staves and 


rafters of cedar poles; on one-story houses it was a place of 
temporary resort for the occupants, and with the gradual evo- 
lution of parapets and the growth of these into higher stories 
the roofs became upper floors. Subsequently (probably after 
the Caucasian invasion) earthei'n bricks laid in mud mortar 
were adopted, and this type of construction, knowai as adobe, 
was generally adopted; and in the better buildings, both of 
cajon and adobe, the walls were coated with a thin plaster or 
slip fixed by a soda or other earthy salt. Now, the aboriginal 
cajon house type is admirably adapted to the present needs 
of the arid region and is well worthy of consideration by 
Caucasian settlers. Properly constructed cajon walls are 
much superior to adobe in homogeneity and strength, though 
somewhat more expensive of labor. Their durability is 
sufficiently attested by Casa Grande in the Gila valley, 
which was a ruin of immemorial antiquity when discov- 
ered by Padre Kino in 1694, and is still standing despite 
vandalism as well as natural weathering. Moreover, the cajon 
is readily susceptible of improvement by the addition of lime 
or cement to the material in any desired quantity, and by sub- 
stituting a plaster of lime or cement for the simple slip. So 
improved, the native construction would seem better adapted 
to the conditions and requirements of habitations in the ai-id 
region than any imported models. The cost would be only 
that of the lime and the handling of materials, while wood, 
burned brick, and even stone are highly expensive. The thick 
walls would effectively equalize interior temperatures despite 
the enormous diurnal range, which is the most serious obstacle 
to residence in arid districts; and the general massiveness 
would lend itself to distinctive and desirable architectural' 
effects. Dr Russell's researches extended also to the lighter 
and more composite types of construction surviving among 
the Pima and neighboring Indians, as well as to the attendant 
industries and food sources. Among the latter the fruit of the 
cactus figures prominently, not only in modern customs but in 
tradition and ceremonies, attesting the still more important 
place which the fmit and its products occupied in the lives of 
past generations. Dr Russell's material has been so divided 


as to yield a special memoir on teclinology, designed for early 
publication in bulletin form, and a general monograph on the 
social organization, mythology, and esthetology of the Pima 
tribe and on the antiquities of their habitat. 

During the year Dr Albert E. Jenks revised the proofs of his 
memoir on Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes, which 
forms part of the Nineteenth Annual Report. This treatise is 
deemed especially valuable in that it calls attention to a wide- 
spread food source largely used by the aborigines and giving 
promise of great utility to our citizens whenever the requisite 
attention is given to cultivation, milling, and preparation. In 
food value the wild rice ranks high among cereals, and its 
natural habitat is such that by its means otherwise useless 
swamp lands may be utilized and reclaimed, while it can not 
be doubted that with judicious cultivation it might be adapted 
to a widening range of soil conditions. Later in the year Dr 
Jenks resumed his researches concerning the birch-bark indus- 
tries of our northern aborigines. As noted in the last rejjort, 
one aspect of the industries clustering about the birch tree is 
of prime significance to ethnologists in that the birch-bark 
canoe was the most effective agency of distribution of tribes 
and culture during early times; moreover, it is well worth 
noting that the interest is a living- one, since the bark canoe 
remains a most effective device for transportation for wliite 
as well as red men. Indeed, its use by white tourists, fishermen, 
and hunters, is apparently increasing in the northern United 
States and Canada. Various other birch-bark artifacts are in 
use among whites as well as natives. The half conventional, 
half symbolic makok, or maple-sugar box, proves a convenient 
household utensil; birch-bark baskets of different forms are 
found useful as well as artistic; and on the wdlole it would 
appear not only that the birch-bark industry is increasing in 
consequence of demands by whites, liut that it serves as a 
helpful stepping-stone from the primitive customs of the 
Indian toward the free and self-supporting citizenshi]) which 
is the Indian's ultimate goal. Exigencies connected with the 
editorial work of the office compelled Dr Jenks to divert a part 
of liis time from the research. Therefore the work was not 

23 ETH — 04 in 

XXXII HrRE.vr of American ethnology 

quite completed at the end ot" the fiscal year, when I)r Jenks 
was, at the re(}uest of the Director of the Pliili[)j)iiie Bureau of 
Nonchristiiui Tribes, furloug'hed for a year, with a view to the 
more eff"ecti\e introduction of the methods of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology in the Philippine researches. 

For several years Mr J. D. McGuire has l)een engaged in 
investigating certain branches of aboriginal technology, and 
some of his results have been })ublished in the reports of the 
United States National Museum. During the last fiscal year 
he began, at the instance of the Director, a critical study of the 
earliest records of aboriginal technology made by the con- 
quistadores, missionaries, and other picmeers. During tiie year 
just closed he continued the work, and has made a series of 
extracts from the records which have proved of great use to 
the Director and the collaborators engaged in field researches. 
The extracts are arranged on cards, and these have been 
ac(|uired for the use of the Bureau. 

Work in Sociology 

Throughout most of the year the time of the Ethnologist in 
Charge has been so fully occupied with administrative work, 
largely relating to publication of the reports, as to somewhat 
delay his sociologic inquiries; yet fair progress has been made. 
One of the special inquiries of the year relates to what niay be 
called, by extension of common terms, aboriginal land tenure, 
this investigation being rendered timely by current progress 
in the allotment of lands in severalty to former tribesmen, as 
well as by recent occupancy of territory formerly inhabited 
by native tribes in Alaska, Hawaii, and the Philippines. The 
researches indicate that primitive peoples have no conception 
of land tenure in the sense in which the term is employed by 
civilized and enlightened peoples. In the first place, there is 
no recognition of individual rights to lands or natural wealth, 
for such values are regarded as belonging to the clan, the gens, 
or the tribe; that is, possession is communal rather than indi- 
vidual. In the second place, the jiroperty sense is especialh' 
inchoate as applied to lands, which are viewed as natural 
ranges for men and animals, for h)cal tribes and local fauna; and 


there is no recognition of ownership or of title inimical to 
tlie natm-al coordinate rights of snch men and beasts. True, 
there is among most tribes a vagne sense of prescriptive riglit 
to long occupied territory, to the home of the ancients who 
plav so prominent a role in primitive philosophy, so that a trUie 
commonly feels it to be a right and a filial duty to protect the 
home range against pei'manent invasion by aliens; yet the 
vague right so recognized scarcely applies to the land per se, 
but onl)- to the rights of the chase, fisheries, fruits, and any 
cultivated products, personal habitations, quarries, or clay pits; 
that is, to what may lie called the usufruct of the soil. In 
fact, the attitude of the savage or barbai-ian toward property 
in land is much like that of American citizens during the last 
centurv toward }>roperty in water, to wit, in the rains, rivers, 
lakes, seas, artesian watei', ordinary ground water, etc. During 
recent decades the idea of property in water has grown up 
in the less humid districts and is rapidly extending, yet the 
development of this conception is slow, even in the minds of 
the most intelligent people. Perhaps a closer example may 
be found in air as viewed by enlightened peoples, for the 
air is resrarded as essentially common to all living and breatli- 
ing things, and its use as an inherent right far transcending 
conventional titles to personal or communal projjerty. There 
are indeed certain germs of communal property right in 
air, manifested in the occasional actions of neighborhoods 
looking to the abatement of certain nuisances, yet the 
claims put forth in such actions relate rather to the free 
and common use, the usufruct, of the air than to its possession 
as property, so that our attitude toward air is closely analo- 
gous to that of ])rimitive folk toward land. The results of the 
inquiries find ready application in coniiection with various 
public questions. One of the conclusions is that primitive 
folk can not be at once transferred from the plane of collective 
interest in the usufruct of the soil to that of individual land 
tenure, any more than the farmer of the Atlantic seaboard 
could be brought in a day to full understanding of in-igation 
water rights, with all the complications of dams, sluices, main 
ditches, gates, etc.; indeed, the education of the citizen farmers 


who have gone West and grown up with irrigation was mucli 
more rapid than conld be expected of the slower-minded tribes- 
men. Accordinglv, it wouhl clearly be a mistake to transfer 
tribesmen directly from the range to the severalty holding; 
there should be, as indeed experience has shown in dealing 
with the Indians, an intermediate period of proprietary train- 
inff on collective reservations. The researches indicate that 
this period should cover at least a generation ; in most cases 
two generations would be required for the development of the 
sentiment of thrift and the feeling of independence required for 
successful citizenshi}!. Some of the results of the year's work 
have been made public in scientific papers and addresses, and 
progress has been made in arranging the material for formal 
issue in reports. 

In connection with his linguistic researches in 
Columbia Dr John R. Swanton collected definite information 
concerning kinship terms and other factors in the social organi- 
zation of the Haida Indians, and toward the close of the year 
he made progress in aiTanging the data for publication. 

Work in Philology 

During the earlier jjart of tlie fiscal year the Director con- 
tinued the arrangement of Mexican and Central American 
lino-uistic material with a view to the classification of the 
aborigines of the southern portion of North America on a 
linguistic basis. As during the preceding year, Dr Cyrus 
Thomas collaborated in the work. The completion of the task 
was delayed bv the illness of the Director during the later 
months of the year. 

At the opening of the year Professor Franz Boas, of 
Columbia University, received an honorary appointment as 
philologist and was intrusted with the supervision of a con- 
siderable part of the linguistic researches in which the Bureau 
is engaged. (Jne of the objects of the api)oiutment was that 
of obtaining a uniform series of outlines of Indian languages 
to 1)6 published in synoptic form for use in comparative studies 
by the philologists of the world. The work requires extensive 
preparation because of the wide range and considerable 


volume of the material both in hand and required. At the 
time of its discovery there were in North America something 
between one and two thousand tribal dialects or languages 
belonging to about a luuulred linguistic stocks or families, so 
that the scope of the work is so broad that it may not be 
accomplished except by the cooperation of many specialists 
devoted to jjarticular groups of languages. Under such con- 
ditions it seems inexpedient for the Bureau alone to attempt 
to cover the ground, and the plan of the work intrusted to 
Dr Boas is to enlist the cooperation of other institutions and 
linguistic specialists. During the fiscal year the work was 
organized in cooperation with the American Museum of 
Natural History, Columbia University, Harvard Univer- 
sitv, and the University of California. The collaborators 
include Dr John R. Swantou, of the Bureau; Mr H. H. 8t. 
Clair, 2d, of the American Museum ; jMr William Jones, rep- 
resenting Columbia Universit}- ; Dr Roland B. Dixon, of Har- 
vard, and Dr A. L. Kroeber, acting under the auspices of the 
University of Califf)rnia. Dr Swanton's work comprised the 
transcription of a voluminous series of Haida texts; he also 
comjileted a synopsis of the Haida language for incorporation 
in the general series. Mr St. Clair devoted a part of the year 
to work on a dictionary and grammar of the Chinook language, 
and in addition made a critical study of Shoshoni linguistic 
material in the archives of the Bureau and of the American 
Museum. Mr Jones made good progress in analyzing the 
grammar of the Sauk and Fox dialects, nearly completing a 
list of suifixes and prefixes; also in arranging for publication 
a series of Fox texts collected during the preceding fiscal 
year. Dr Dixon prepared a grammar and vocabularv of the 
Maidu language; while Dr Kroeber collected and arranged 
both lexic and grammatic material representing several other 
California tribes. Inspired by the hearty approval of scientific 
men at home and abroad, Dr Boas and his collaborators have 
taken up the work with zeal. Dr Boas observes: " Linguistic 
work in many parts of North America is exceedingly urgent 
on accoinit of the rapid disappearance of the native languages, 
and the means at our disposal for this work are insuflicient." 


Yet it is a gTatifioatiou to repoi-t tliat the intei'est of the col- 
laborators, who have worked gratuitously or for only nominal 
compensation, has resulted in a large volume of invaluable 
material amassed at trifling cost to the Bureau. It is a 
pleasure to acknowledge the generous contributions of I)r 
Boas and tlie other collaborators named. 

During the vear Dr Boas completed the proof revision of 
his memoir entitled Kathlamet Texts, and it has l)een pub- 
lished as a bulletin. He also completed the manuscript for a 
similar memoir entitled Tsimshian Texts, and it was transmitted 
for publication on January 29, 1902. 

Dr Alljert 8. Gatschet carried forward to sul)stantial com- 
})letion liis vocabulary and grannnar of the Peoria language, 
and also continued the arrangement of material for tlie cum- 
parative Algonquian vocabulary. In addition, he devoted 
some time to special researches required for answering some 
of the numerous requests for information concerning Indian 
terms and phrases constantly received from correspondents. 

Mr J. N. B. Hewitt devoted the greater part of the year to 
his monograph on Iroquois Creation Myths, mentioned in 
])revious reports; three of the five sections were sent to press 
during the year as a part of the Twenty-first Annual Report. 
Toward the close of the year he took up the general discussion 
of principles noted in another paragraph; and, as a part of the 
current work, he continued the extraction and arrangement of 
Iroquoian linguistic material in a form suitable for reference 
and eventually for publication. Throughout the year a con- 
siderable part of Mr. Hewitt's time was occupied in the 
researches required for answering technical inquiries from cor- 
respondents — a duty which seems unavoidable, although its 
perfi)rmance retards progress in systematic researches. 

Miss Jessie E. Thomas continued the transcription of the 
manuscript Diccionario de Motul, while Senor Audomaro 
Molina, of Merida, Yucatan, made good progress in the trans- 
lation of the Mava and Spanish terms into English, with a view 
to the issue of this extensive vocabulary in a form appropriate 
to the publications of the Bureau. In view of the prospective 
value of this work to future students it would seem important 


that the final transhition should be based on thoroup-h and 
critical knowledge of the Maya, Spanish, and English lan- 
guages; and, having regard to the desirability of this and to 
the fact that Senor Molina is a volunteer collaborator resident 
in another country, it is deemed proper to insert the following 
voluntary expression from the United States consul at Pro- 
greso, Yvicatan, ^Ir Edward H. Thompson, himself a critical 
student of the antiquities, history, and languages of Yucatan: 
"To my mind, in the work of the Licentiate Andomaro Molina, 
the Bureau has done the best work of the year and has done it 
in the best jjossible way. It has arranged to give to light and 
study a much-needed work, and it has j)ut it in the very hands 
best fitted to do it I am, perhaj^s, competent to speak upon 
this subject, and I am willing to place on record my belief 
that no living man could have this work intrusted to him so well 
as ]\Ir Molina. The work that he is doing can not be done by 
a foreigner. I am, perhaps, as well Informed upon the native 
Maya, their habits, customs, etc , as any living foreigner, and, 
it may be, better than any other. I know enough to know 
that I could not do the work as it should be done. This task 
should only be undertaken by one who has been brought up 
on milk from a native breast, whose first words were in Maya, 
and whose thoughts come easier to him when clothed in the 
Ma3'a form than in classic Castilian or downright Anglo-Saxon. 
Such a man is Molina. To the instincts and the education of 
a scholar he adds the subtile understanding of the native and 
as perfect command of the ancient language, the Maya, as any 
man can have at this clay." 

The final proofs of the Natick Dictionary, compiled by the 
late James Hammond Trumbull, were revised during the year, 
and the greater part of the sheets have been printed. 

In addition to his work on the Mexican and Central Ameri- 
can linguistic records, Dr Cyrus Thomas, in immediate col- 
laboration with the Director, continued his investigation of 
aboriginal records preserved in the forms of codices, sculptures, 
etc. His work was productive, yielding among other results 
a memoir entitled Mayan Calendar Systems, which was sent 
to press as a part of the Twenty-second Annual Report. 


Progress was made also in preparing- for the press the trans- 
lations made by Mr Charles P. Bowditch of certain scattered 
yet noteworthy contribntions to knowledge concerning the 
calendric and other records of Mexico and Central Amer- 
ica, and it is a pleasure to acknowledge the genei'ositv of 
the translator in contributing- the material and in furtherino- the 
work of its preparation in every practical way. Touard the 
end of the tiscal year Mr Elbert J. Benton was temporarily 
eneraared to edit the material and arrang-e the illustrations for 
publication; this work was well advanced at the close of the 

Work in Sophiology 

About the end of May Miss Alice C. Fletcher completed her 
monograph on the Pawnee Indians under the title Hako: A 
Pawnee Ceremony. In many respects a tj^pical tribe of the 
Plains, the Pawnee Indians were in some points the most 
remarkaljly developed of the prairie tribes. Like other vigor- 
ous aboriginal groups, they were composite; an inii)ortant 
constituent, later known as the Skidi band, came from the 
wooded hills and broad bottom lands of the Arkansas country, 
where they or their ancestry had developed a woodland cul- 
ture and doubtless performed a share in the erection of the 
imposing mounds of the lower Mississippi region. Other tribal 
constituents represented prairie provinces; and there are strong 
sug'o-estions in the rich tribal mvthologv that at least a cultural 
constituent was absorbed from the highly religious sedentary 
peoples of the Soutli we stern pueblos. The comj^josite tribe 
lived long-, as is attested by their traditions as well as their 
customs, in the prairie region, which they shared with the 
buffalo; and in even greater degree than tlie Siouan tribes 
dwelling farther northward, they adjusted themselves to this 
natural spoil, so that the buffalo became the source of their 
food, their raiment, and the material for their habitations, the 
guide of their migrations, the object of their handicraft and 
hunting tactics, and finally, one of the foremost among their 
deified tutelaries. Accordingly, the fiducial ceremonies of the 
tribe combine intensity of local veneration for a few leading 


tiitelaries with a wealth of iinao-erv and ritual derived from 
other districts and peoples, vivitied by their union and inter- 
action. During- earlier days the rituals were so far esoteric as 
to generally escape the notice of ethnologists as well as of 
casual visitors; but during recent years a few students, notably 
Miss Fletcher, have been permitted to witness the sacred cere- 
monies, and even to examine and obtain interpretations of the 
magic bundles which serve as the tangible basis of the rituals. 
All of these rituals are impressive; some, like the Hako, are of 
remarkable richness, not only in gesture and measured move- 
ment, but in the poetic imagery expressed in word, music, 
pantomime. Miss Fletcher's record appears to be perfect, and 
she has analyzed with acumen the rhythm and melody of the 
chants, the s}'mbolic harmony of the accompanying panto- 
mime, and the meaning expressed in the intricate figures of the 
dance and movements of'the aiarch that form essential features 
of the ceremony. From Miss Fletcher's rendition and inter- 
pretation it would seem that these elaborate rituals open a vista 
looking directly on the beginnings of song, dance, drama, poesv. 
They certainly are a revelation to students of the highest phases 
of human culture as well as to the investigator of jn'imitive cus- 
toms. The memoir is in press as a part of the Twenty-second 
Annual Report. 

In connection with his comparative study of Indian creation 
myths Mr Hewitt has been led to analyze certain funda- 
mental features of primitive philosophy, especially those form- 
ing the basis of totemism, sliamanism, etc. It is well known 
that in the different Indian languages there are terms difficult 
of translation into modern tongues which are of deep mean- 
ing to their users, for example, manido, or manitou, among the 
Algonquian tribes; ■sxakan, or wakanda, among the Siouan 
tribes — terms covering a larger proportion and wider variety 
of tlie thought of primitive men than auA' single terms cover 
in higher culture. Among the Iroquoiaii Indians the corre- 
sponding term is orenda, which may be translated mysterious 
power for good and evil, powers of magic, or, more briefly, 
magic potency. Mr Hewitt's analysis was announced in a 
preliminar}' paper, and has already proved serviceable to eth- 


nologists ill tliis and other countries; and it seems probable 
that tlie Iroquois term will come into j^-eneral use in the 
English Inngnage for purposes of sophiolog-ic discussion. TJie 
complete study is designed for pul>licatioii in the second part 
of Iroquois Creation Myths, whidi was nearly ready for tlie 
press at the end of the vear. 

For a number of years Mrs Matilda Uoxe .Stevenson has 
been investigating the myths and ceremonies of the Zufii 
Indians of New Mexico. ^During the fiscal year she has fin- 
ished the revision of several incomplete chapters and arranged 
the matter for the entire monograph in form for jiublication. 
This work will prove a most interesting contribution to the 
knowledge of a typical Pueblo tribe, which, although in some- 
what familiar contact with the whites for a long period of rears, 
is so conservative in character as to have been but slightly in- 
fluenced in manners and customs, beliefs and institutions. The 
conditions under which Mrs Stevenson's studies were carried on, 
especially with respect to the inner life of the people, were excep- 
tionall}' favorable, and the value of the study is greatly enhanced 
by the fact that primitive Zuili, owing to the encroachments of 
civilization, promises soon to become a thing of the past. 

Although their researches were devoted primarily to other 
Indian activities, several of the collaborators have made note- 
worthy collections of sociologic material during the year, the 
Avork of Dr Fewkes on Porto Rican zemis and zemeisin, that 
of Mr Mooney on the fiducial factors in Kiowa heraldry, that 
of Dr Russell on the calendric systems and accompanying 
beliefs of the Pima Indians, that of Dr Jenks on the mythology 
of birch bark, and that of Dr 8wanton on the mythologic 
features of social organization among the Haida Indians being 
especially worthy of mention. 

Descriptive Ethnology 

In connection with his field work, Mv Mooney was able to 
make some progress in the preparation of the Cyclopedia of 
Native Tribes; and, when other duties permitted, Dr Thomas 
continued the collection of material for this work, both from 
current ])ublications and from rare books that are constantly 
being added to the library. 


About the middle of the vear the Milder translation of the 
nianu.seript history of Texas, by Padre Morii, was taken up for 
annotation with a view to publication. The historical annota- 
tion was kindly undertaken by Dr George P. Garrison, of the 
University of Texas, and the manuscript was in his hands at 
the close of the year. 


All of the collaborators engaged in tield operations made 
more or less extensive collections for study and for ultimate 
transfer to the United States National Museum. By far the 
most extensive of these collections was that made by Mr 
Mooney as a means for research in lieraldry. This collection 
still remains in the tield. Dr Russell collected a full series of 
objects representing the arts and industries of the Pima Lidians, 
including a series of baskets representing the more arcliaic as 
well as the modern forms; among the unique objects com- 
prised in the collection are two calendric records intermediate 
in character between the winter counts of the North and the 
maguey-book records of the South. Dr Fewkes made con- 
siderable collections in New Mexico and Chihuahua early in 
the year, and subsequently obtained an interesting series of 
aboriginal objects in Porto Rico. As usual, various collections 
were obtained also by purchase under the more iuunediate 
direction of the Secretary. 


The property of the Bureau comprises (1) office furniture 
and apparatus, (2) ethnologic manuscripts ;uid other original 
records, (3) photographs and drawings of Indian subjects, 
(4) collections held temporarily by collaborators for use in 
research, (5) a working library, and ((I) undistributed residues 
of the editions of- the Bureau publications. There was little 
change in the amount or value of office property during- the 
year. Purchases of office furniture were inconsiderable; sev- 
eral manuscripts were acquired by purchase, mostly for imme- 
diate publication, as noted in previous paragraphs, while the 
records of original work progressed steadily. About <S.05 


negatives (glass and film), 2,050 prints, and a number of 
drawings wei'e added to the collection of illustrative material, 
and a, proportionate quantity of illustrative material was used 
in the reports. Most of the collections of the year have gone 
directly to the United States National Museum; some, like 
those of Mr Mooney, are still in use. The library has main- 
tained a stead)' growth, chieily through exchanges, partly by 
the purchase of current ethnologic books and early records 
pertaining to the aborigines. The additions of the year com- 
prise about 895 books and 150 pamphlets, raising the con- 
tents of the library to 11,339 books and 2,500 pamphlets. 
The number of back reports was reduced through tlie con- 
stantly increasing public demands for ethnologic literature. 
Nearly all of these documents are now out of print. During 
the first half of the fiscal year IMr J. Julius Lund continued in 
charge of the property* as custodian. After Mr Lund's resig- 
nation Mr Frank M. Barnett was appointed to this position. 
Miss Jessie E. Thomas reniiiins in immediate charge of the 
library; Miss Ella Leary of the distribution of documents. 


At the beginning of the year Mr Herbert S. Wood had 
charge of the editorial work; subsequently he was furloughed 
for several months, when Dr Albert E. Jenks assumed edito- 
rial duties in connection with his researches; in June Mr 
Wood resumed his editorial capacity, and toward the end of 
May Mr Elbert J. Benton was temporarily added to the corps 
as editorial assistant. The second part of the Eighteenth 
Report was delivered from the bindery on January 7, and 
was immediately distributed; Bulletin 26 was delivered on 
March 11, and, after brief holding in the hope that the Nine- 
teenth Report might be distributed at the saane time, was sent 
out to the exchanges about the end of the year; separate 
copies of the papers composing the Nineteenth Report were 
delivered in March, but the binding of the volumes was 
delayed by reason of unusual conditions in the Printing 
Ofliice, and the edition had not been delivered at the end of 
the 3'ear. On January 29 the Twentieth Annual Report Avas 


transmitted. It is designed for publication in one volume and 
comprises, in addition to the formal report, the Holmes mono- 
graph on aboriginal pottery. The Twentv-first Annual 
Report was transmitted for printing on March 12. It also is 
designed to form one volume, comprising, in addition to the 
formal report, the memoirs on Hopi Katcinas, by Dr Fewkes; 
and Iroquois Creation Myths, b}- Mr Hewitt. On June 30, 
the Twenty-second Annual Report was transmitted for publi- 
cation in two volumes. It comprises, in addition to the admin- 
istrative report, Two Summers' Work in Pueblo Ruins, by 
Dr Fewkes; Mayan Calendar Systems, by Dr Thomas; and 
Hako: A Pawnee Ceremony, by Miss Fletcher. On January 
29 Dr Boas's memoir entitled Tsimshian Texts was transmitted 
for publication in bulletin form. k\ the close of the year 
material was in hand for the Twenty-third Report and for the 
greater part of the Twenty-fourth. 

Mr De Laiicey Gill remained in charge of the illustrative 
Avork, preparing copy for and revising proofs of the illustrations 
for the Twentieth and later reports. He also made photo-pur- 
traits of some 200 Indians, chiefly members of delegations 
visiting Washington, and developed a considerable number of 
negatives made by the several collaborators in the field; in 
addition he made a useful series of field photographs in con- 
nection with the work of Professor Holmes in Indian Terri- 
tory, as noted elsewhere. 


Appropriation by Congress for the fiscal year ending .Tnne 30, 1902, " for 
continuing ethnological researches among the American Indians under 
the direction of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or com- 
pensation of all necessary employees and the purchase of necessary 
books and periodicals, fifty thousand dollars, of which sum not exceed- 
ing one thousand five hundred dollars may be used for rent of builil- 
ing" (sundry civil act, March 3, 1901 ) S.50, 000. 00 

Salaries or compensation of employees |i33, 030. 0? 

Special services %\, 788. 50 

Traveling expenses 2, 687. 42 

Ethnologic specimens 2, 920. 25 

Illu.strations 690. .50 

Manuscripts 1, 401. 99 

Books and periodicals for library 1, 401. 78 

Rental 1, 375. 00 

Furniture 25. 75 

Lighting 125. 86 


Stationery and snpplies $1, 817. 27 

Freiglit 80. 4:5 

Pcstago and telegrapli and telephone 67. 50 

Miscellaneous 11 1 . .55 


Total dislmrsements $47, 023. 82 

P.aUuirc .Inly 1, 11)02, to meet outstanding' liabilities 2,976.18 


Few of the great groups of American aljorig-ines liave 
proved of equal interest with the tribes of the arid region. 
The Puebh) towns were first visited by white men in 1540, 
when the Coronado expedition penetrated the vast pUiteaus of 
the Cohirado and the Rio Grande, but the world knew little of 
the p('(>))l(' until New Mexico passed into the possession of the 
United States. Durinj*- the middle of tlie last centurv mem- 
bers of military exploring- expeditions under Sitgreaves, Ives, 
Emory, Simpson, Whipple, and otliers prepared short accounts 
of their observations among the Pueblos, and later the Powell 
Survey in 1874, the Hay den Survey in 1874, and the Wheeler 
Expedition in 1879 brought several of the villages to public 
notice. More recently the Bureau of American Ethnologv, as 
well as a number of other institutions, have conducted scien- 
tific investigations of importance among the Pueblo tribes. 

The puel)lo of Zuni has attracted more attention than tlie 
other towns. In 1879 Mr Frank Hamilton Cusliino- wms 
selected by Major Powell to take up his residence in tins 
pueblo with the view of mastering the language and of mak- 
ing a thorough .study of the manners and customs of the people. 
Althougli tlie results of his researches have never appeared in 
full, a number of valuable pa])ers have been published. "My 
Adventures in Zuni" ajjpeared in The Centurv ^lagazine for 
February to May, 1883. A series of articles on "Zuni Bread- 
tuffs" was pul:)lislied in The Millstone during 1884-1886. A 
memoir on "Zuni Fetiches" appeared in the Second Annual 
Report of the Bureau; "Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of 
Zuni Culture Growth," in the Fourth Annual Report, and 
"Zuni Creation Myths" in the Thirteenth Annual lieport. A 
work on "Zuni Folk Tales" appeared after Mv Cushing's 
death, and tlie great store of information obtained bv him 


during his residence at Zuni was utilized in a number of 
minor })apers. 

The Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau contains a "Study 
of Pueblo Architecture : Tusayan and Cibola," by Victor 
Mindelefif. During the decade beginning with 1879 Mr James 
Stevenson made extensive collections in Zuni and the other 
pueblos, illustrated catalogues of which were published in the 
Second and Third Annual Reports. Mrs M. C. Stevenson 
accompanied her husband to the Pueblo countiy in 1879, and 
soon became interested in the studv of this most fascinatinsr 
people. Her visits have been repeated at frequent intervals 
down to the present year, and her observations are now 
brought together in the accompanying paper, "The Zuni 
Indians: Their Mythology, Esoteric Societies, and Ceremonies." 
Mrs Stevenson has published a number of papers dealing with 
the particular phases of Zuni life. "Zuni and the Zunians " was 
printed privately; " Religious Life of the Zuni Child " appeared 
ill the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau; "From 'the Zuni 
Scalp Ceremonial'" in The Congress of Women, vol. 2, Chi- 
cago, 1894; "Zuni Ancestral Gods and ^Masks" in The 
American Anthropologist for 1893; "Zufii Mythology" in the 
memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, Chi- 
cago, 1894, and "Zuni Games" in The American Anthropol- 
ogist for 1893. 

In the accompanying paper Mrs Stevenson does not 
attempt a monographic study of the Zuiiis, the subject being 
too extensive for presentation in a single volume. Brief 
sketches describing the everyday life, arts, and customs of 
the i)eople are given, but chief attenti(ni is devoted to the 
mythology, the esoteric fraternities, and the ceremonies of the 
people. These subjects are here presented in the detail which 
their impdrtance demands. Mrs Stevenson's prolonged visits 
to Zuni and her intimate acquaintance with its people, espe- 
cially with their inner life, give ample assurance that the true 
nature of the beliefs and practices of this tribe is here revealed. 


23 ETH— 04 1 







Introduction 13 

Mythology 20 

General conceptions of the universe 20 

Classification of the higher powers 22 

Beginnings of the universe 23 

Creation of the A'shiwi and their coming to the outer world 24 

- Songs of the Divine Ones over the gt'towe 26 

Kow'witunia appoints Yil'now vvuluha deputy to the Sun Father 27 

Coming ot the Hojiis, Pimas, and Navahos 28 

Zuiii explanation of the jjresence of Mexicans 29 

Coming of the witches and the introduction of corn. — 29 

A'shiwi continue their journeying 31 

Witches give seeds to the Corn maidens 31 

Origin of the ancestral gods 32 

Origin of the diminutive Gods of War 34 

Destruction of the Kia'nakwe, and songs of thanksgiving 36 

Origin of the clans 40 

A'shiwi resume their journeying 43 

Adoption of the two surviving Kia'nakwe by the A'shiwi 43 

A'shiwi find the Middle place 44 

Origin of the Ko'tikili 46 

Discovery of the Corn maidens 48 

Creation of the Beast Gods 49 

Origin of the Bow priesthood 49 

Rediscovery of the Corn maidens and their re-creation of corn 51 

- Origin of animal fetishes ■"iV 

Origin of the Zuiii salt lake 58 

Flight of the A'shiwi to To'wa yiil'liinng and their return to the valley . . 61 

-f-Anthropic worship and ritual 62 

■"^ Ki' wi'siwe and their functions 62 

History myth of the coming of the A'shiwi as narrated by 'Kiiiklo 73 

Rabbit hunt with the gods 89 

Coming of Ko'loowisi (plumed serpent) and involuntary initiation into 

the Ko'tikili i)4 

Voluntary initiation into the Ko'tikili 102 

Calendar and calendric ceremonials 108 

Calendar 108 

Winter solstice ceremonies 108 

— Winter dances of the Korikokshi 141 

Summer solstice ceremonies 148 

A'shiwanni ( rain priesthood ) 163 

Installation of an associate Shi'wanni of the North 168 

Preparation and [ilanting of te'likinawe 171 

Winter retreat of the Shiwanni of the Nadir 173 

Summer retreat of a Shiwanni 179 




'Hla'hewe cereiiicmial fur rain ami tlif gruwtli of corn ]80 

O'winahai'ye, thanksjiiving iVstival for crops 205 

Ceremonies uS the second ilay 211 

Ceremonies of the seconil night 214 

{■ QuaJrennial dance of the Kla'nakwe 217 

Annual festival of the Sha'liiko 227 

Minor ceremonies i>'.'>\ 

Night ceremonies of the Council of the Gods in 1879 241 

Night ceremonies of the Sha'liiko gods in 1891 250 

Night ceremonies of the Ko'yemshi in 1896 254 

Morning ceremonies of the Sha'liiko in 1891 25ti 

Ceremonies following the Sha'liiko festival of 1891 2iil 

Retirement of the Ko'yemshi and accotnpanying ceremonies 273 

Bi"'si'si with the Mo'lavve, fruit and seed bearers 277 

History, arts, and customs 283 

Chronologic summary of historic events 2815 

Native accounts of the revolt of 1680 286 

Government 289 

Property 290 

List of clans 29! 

Social customs 292 

The household 292 

Natal customs _ 294 

Puberty customs 3():i 

Marriage customs 804 

Mortuary customs 305 

Games 317 

Arts and industries 349 

House building 349 

Agriculture and horticulture 350 

Salt gathering 354 

Food and drink 3()1 

Dress and adornment 369 

Weaving 372 

Basketry 373 

Pottery 373 

Silversmithing 377 

Beadmaking 378 

Wagonmaking 378 

Auctioneering 378 

Recent changes in arts and industries 379 

Pli ysical characters .- 383 

Medical practice 384 

Witchcraft 392 

Esoteric fraternities 407 

Origin and functions of the fraternities 407 

Shi'wannakwe 428 

Ne'wekvve (Galaxy fraternity) 429 

'Sitn'iaklakwe (Hunters fraternity) 438 

Ralibit hunt 441 

'Hle'wekvve (Wood fraternity), or Sword-swallowers 444 

The Mu'waiye 458 

February ceremonial of the 'Hle'wekwe 482 


Esoteric fraternities — Continued. Page 
'HIe'wekwe (Wood fraternity), or Sword-swallowers — Continued. 

Order of the Klii'lii'silo (Spruce tree) 483 

Ma"ke 'Hlan'iiakwe (tireat Fire fraternity) 485 

Order of Kok'ko'HIan'na 487 

Initiation into the order of O'naya'nakia 490 

Fire order of the Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe, Sword division 504 

Origin of the Sho'tikianna (Arrow division) 511 

Po"8ikishi, division of the Spruce Tree 515 

U'huhukwe ( Eagle-down fraternity ) 521 

Ceremonial of initiation into O'naya'nakia 522 

Ceremonial over a sick man 527 

'Chi'klalikwe ( Rattlesnake fraternity) 528 

Hii'lo'kwe ( Ant fraternity ) 528 

Shu'maakwe 530 

Ceremonial of initiation into the Shu'maakwe 532 

Ma"ke 'San'nakwe (Little Fire fraternity) 549 

Ceremonial of initiation into O'naya'nakia 550 

Sun dance of the Pe'sha'silo'kwe (Cimex fraternit}') 564 

Order of Pa'yatamu of the Little Fire fraternity 568 

'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus fraternity) 569 

A'pi"liishiwanni (Bow priesthood) 576 

In.-tallation of the elder brother Bow priest 577 

Ceremonial of initiation into the Bow priesthood 578 



Plate I. General view of Zuiii (frontispiece) 13 

II. Mummy cave in Canyon del Muerto 18 

III. Mask of 'Klanil'ona (owner of springs), front and rear 

views 21 

IV. Ko'thluwala'wa, junction of Little Colorado and Zuiii 

rivers 21 

V. o, Mask of Ko'yemshi; 6, c, Mask of Ko'mokat'si, front 

and rear views 33 

VI. a, A hard climb; b, Pictograplis on canyon wall at Han'- 

'lipTMkia 41 

VII. Pictograplis on wall of inner chamber at H:in"liplnkla.. . 42 

VIII. View of Ojo Caliente in 1879 43 

IX. Rainbow .Spring at Ojo Caliente 43 

X. Viewof olderportionof Zutii showing Chu'pawa ki'wi'sing 

at A 47 

XI. To'wa yiil'lanng (Corn mountain) 61 

XII. Views of Mother rock, west side of To'wa yal'liinng 61 

XIII. Ko'loowisi (Plumed Serpent) 94 

XIV. Ko'loowisi with head thrust through tablet 9.5 

XV. Group of Ne'wekwe (Ile'iwa ki'vvi'sin6 in rear) 102 

XVI. Mask of Sa'ya'hlia, a warrior god, front and side views. . . 102 

XVII. Bauble of Ne'wekwe ((ialaxy fraternity) 106 

XVIII. Sun priest 108 

XIX. Aged man of Deer clan 112 

XX. New Year fire in He'iwa ki'wi'sine 11.5 

XXI. Idol of A'hayuta, elder God of War 116 

XXII. Shrine of younger God of War on To'wa yiil'lann^ 117 

XXIII. To'mapa, a shrine in we.*t wall of To'wa yal'liinne 118 

XXIV. Family starting for the field to deposit prayer plumes at 

winter solstice 119 

XXV. Prayer ])lunies of member of Great Fire fraternity at 

winter solstice 119 

XXVI. Mask of Shits'ukla, game eater: front, side, and rear 

views 130 

XXVII. Mask of Kwe'lele, fire maker to Shits'ukia: front and 

side views 130 

XXVIII. Mask of Pau'tiwa, front and side views 130 

XXIX. Ko'yemshi gods on house top 152 

XXX. Shrine to anthropic gods on Kor'kokshi mountain 156 

XXXI. Koi^'kokshi gods dancing in plaza attended by Ko'yemshi 

gods and Ne'wekwe (Galaxy fraternity) 162 

XXXII. End view of fit'tonfi fetish of Rain priests 163 

XXXIII. Top view of et'tone fetish of Rain priests 163 

XXXIV Cloud symbol and fetishes of Shi'wanni (Rain priest) of 

the Nadir before offerings are placed 174 



Plate XXXV. Cloud symbol aiul fetishes of Shi'wanniof the Nadir after 

offerings are placed 177 

XXXVI. Room of gt'tone fetish, of Shi'wanni of Black Corn clan. 179 
XXXVII. Hiini'pone (jiavilion) of the 'Hla'hewe, personators of 

the Corn niaiden.s 190 

XXXVIII. 'Hlelh'pone (headdress), with tablet ornamented with 

cloud, sun, crescent, and star symbols 194 

XXXIX. 'Hla'hewe dancing in plaza 196 

XL. He'patina, shrine symltolizing center of the world, with 

front slab removed 201 

XLI. Cave shrine of Pa'yatiimu; a. Shrine; h, Idols removed 

from shrine 204 

XLII. Kia'nakwe gods crossing bridge at Zufu 218 

XLIII. Mask of a Shi'wanni Rain priest of Kia'nakwe, front, 

side, and rear views 219 

XLIV. ", Mask of Ko'thlama, front view; b, Head of personator of 

Ko'thlania, rear view 219 

XLV. ]\IaskH of A'pi"l;ishiwanni (warriors) fi, of the North, i, 

of the West, and c, of the South: front and side views. . 219 
XLVI. Masks of A'pi"lashiwanni (warriors) a, of Zenith, h, of 
the Nadir, c, of monsona (director) of warriors of the 

Kia'nakwe, front and side views 220 

XLVII. Kia'nakwe gods dancing in plaza 223 

XLVIII. Shrine at Pi'kTaia'kla'na (Water-cress spring) 2.S3 

XLIX. H;il'(in kwa'ton (ant entering place) shrine 233 

L. He'patina shrine symbolic of the center of the world; 

position of shrine indicated at /1 234 

LI. Mask of Shu'laawi'si, deputy to the Sun Father, front 

and side views 241 

LII. Masks of He'hea (blunderer) of the South: front, side, 

and rear views 242 

LIII. Mask of He'hea (blunderer) of the Nadir: front, side, 

and rear views 242 

LIV. Mask of Sa'yatiisha, rain priest of the North: front and 

side views 242 

LV. a, Mask of Yii'muhakto; b, <; Mask of Hu'tutu: frontand 

side views 243 

LVI. Mask of Siil'imobiya, warrior of Zenith: front and side 

views 243 

LVII. Mask of Sid'imobiya, warrior of Nadir: front and side 

views 243 

LVIII. Altar of U'huhukwe ( Eagle-down fraternity) 245 

LIX. Altar of 'Siin'iakiakwe ( Hunters fraternity) 250 

LX. Deerskin hood of the Sha'liiko, giant courier gods of the 

rain-makers 250 

LXI. Sha'lako, giant courier god of the rain-makers, preceded 

by Jiisahernate 257 

LXII. Shu'laawi'si, deputy to the Sun Father, preceded by his 

ceremonial father 258 

LXIII. Sa'yatiisha and Hu'tutu, rain priests, and two Yii'muhakto 

( warriors) 258 

LXIV. Sha'lako, giant courier gods of the rain-makers 260 

LX V. Nai'uchi pet Imming a feat m legerdemain 272 

LXVI. Ko'yemshi gods in plaza 274 



Plate LXVII. Canvas packs of jiersonators of the Ko'yemshi gods 274 

LXVIII. Women bearing offerings to the personators of the Ko'- 

yenishi gods 274 

LXIX. Wa'tem'la (all herds) gods in plaza 275 

LXX. Mask of u'wannami (rain-makers), front and rear views.. 275 
LXXI. f(, Mask of Na'tiishku; h, c Mask of Na'wisho, front and 

side views 275 

LXXII. Incident in retirement of Ko'yenishi; Mu'lukt.ikla gods 

in line for dance as Wa'teni'la pods retire 275 

LXXIII. Mask of Mu'luktiikla, front, side, and rear views 275 

LXXIV. Mask of He'mishiikwe with tablet, front and rear views. 275 
LXXV. II, Mask of god accompanying He'mishiikwe; //, c, flasks 
of goddesses accompanying He'mishiikwe, front and 

rear views 275 

LXXVI. Personator of Bi'"si'si, original director of Xe'wekwe 

(Galaxy fraternity), crossing plaza 279 

LXXVII. Ziifii living room 293 

LXXVIII. Learning to weave Ixdts 294 

LXXIX. Zufiis imitating the dance of the Ye'bi'chai gods of the 

Xavahiis 294 

LXXX. Dog dance 294 

i..\X.\I. Pleasure dance 294 

LXXXII. Maidens at the well 294 

LXX.XIII. Youthful runners 328 

LXXXI V. Game of ta'sholi we 348 

LXXXV. View of the highest section of Zuiii 349 

LX XX VI. Placing the rafters 349 

LXXX VII. Women jilastering a house and firing pottery 350 

LX.X XVIII. The Zuni salt lake 356 

LXXXI.X. Lake in the depths of volcanic cone, home of the Gods of 

War 357 

XC. Bread making for the feast 365 

XCI. Aged woman carrying fagots 365 

XCII. Flaying a beef 368 

XCIII. Zuiii matron 371 

XCI V. We'wha weaving belt 373 

XC V. Shop of silversmith 377 

XCVI. (7, Bead making; /), Bead maker's family 378 

XCVII. Zuiii wagon in 1879 378 

XCVIII. Auctioneering 379 

XCIX. Group of Zuiii albinos 383 

C. Child with broken leg in splints 392 

CI. Mi'li (ear of corn covered with plumes), insignia of the 

order of O'naya'naki (life-givers) 418 

CI I. Dry painting in front of altar of Shi'wannakwe 428 

cm. ri. Mask of Kok'ko 'HIan'na (Great God) of Xe'wekwe, 
front and rear views; 6, Mask of Mi'totiisha, front and 

side views 429 

CIV. Altar of the Xe'wekwe (Galaxy fraternity) 432 

CV. Zuiiis imitating deer dance of the Hopis 440 

CVI. 0, Deer lying in state; I, Prayer over rabbits 441 

CVII. Map showing route followed by 'Hle'wekwe (Wood fra- 
ternity ) or Sword-swal lowers 444 



Plate CVIII. Dry paintings,fetishes,and wall decorationof'Hle'wekwe. 454 

CIX. Sword of 'Hle'wekwe, the Sword-swallowera 460 

ex. Boxes of 'Hle'wekwe 464 

CXI. Basket with meal crossed and encircled with corn pollen, 

syniliolic of the four regions and the whole world 474 

CXII. (I, Ancient 'hla'we; 6, 'hlu'sipowe: fetishes of 'Hlawekwe, 

the Sword-swallowers 475 

CXIII. South shrineof theGodsof War,sho\vingtehFnawe(staves) 

used in ceremonial oft he 'Hle'wekwe,S\vord-swallowers. 481 

CXIV. 'Hle'wekwe, the Sword-swallowers in plaza 483 

CXV. Mask of Kok'ko 'Hlan'na (Great God) of Ma"ke 'Hlan'- 

nakwe (Great Fire fraternity), frontand side views 487 

CXVI. Altar of Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe (Great Fire fraternity) 491 

CXVII. A' wan 'Si'ta (Great Mother) of Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe 492 

CXVIII. Sword-swallowers of Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe 510 

CXIX. Dance of Arrow order of Ma"ke 'Hlan'nakwe 513 

CXX. He'hea gods on their way to ceremonial chamber of 

U'huhukwe (Eagle-down fraternity) 526 

CXXI. U'huhukwe chasing He'hea gods with their firebrands. . 526 
CXXII. Altar of Hii'lo'kwe (Ant fraternity) before fetishes are 

placed on it 529 

OXXIII. Mask of the Shumai'koli of the Zenith 536 

CXXIV. Shumai'koli gods and Sai'apa in plaza; circle dance 543 

CXX V. Altar of Shu'maak we 543 

CXXVI. Altar of Pe'shii'silo'kwe (Cimex fraternity ) 550 

CXXVII. Altar of :\Ia"ke 'San'nakwe (Little Fire fraternity) 551 

CXX VIII. Plume offerings made at shrine of Pa'yatiimu, god of 

music 569 

CXXIX. Willow dance of 'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus fraternity) 574 

CXXX. Scalp house 581 

CXXXI. Scalp pole in center of plaza , 586 

CXXXII. Maidens returning from the house of victor with gifts for 

their services in grinding 592 

CXXXIII. Pu'panakwe, choir of A'pi"l;i8hiwanni (Bow priesthood). 592 

CXXXI V. Meal painting and fetishes of A'pfliishiwanni in plaza.. 601 
CXXXV. Pa'mosono''kIa female associate to scalp custodian and 

two Hii'shiya dancers in plaza 601 

CXXXVI. Grass wand carried by Pa'mosono"kIa 601 

CXXXVII. Idols of elder God of War from shrine on Kwll'li yal'- 

l;inni5 (Twin mountains) 607 

CXXXVIIl. Shrine on Kwll'li yiil'liinng showing latest idols of elder 

God of War in place and displaced idols 607 

CXXXIX. Idols of elder (iod of War from ancient cave shrine, on 

the west wall of To'wa yhl'liinne (Corn mountain) 607 

Figure 1. Morning prayer to rising sun 14 

2. Ancient sun shrine 42 

3. Sun shrine at Ma"sakla 118 

4. Toad kept in gt'tong reed 163 

5. Room of gt'tow(5 of Corn clan 165 

6. Diagram of the "Hla'hewe ceremony in the ki'wi'sine 185 

7. Positions of participants in 'Hla'hewe ceremonial in ]>laza 191 

8. Diagram showing position of Sha'liiko and other participants on 

the ceremonial ground ' 257 



Figure 9. Depositing prayer plumes at Ku'shilowa (Red Earth) 278 

10. Whistle used l)y Bi'"8i'si 280 

11. Ti'kwawe of the Bow priests 320 

12. Split reeds used in sho'li we .330 

13. Method of placing reeds in playing sho'livve 331 

14. Implements used in i'yiinkolo'we 338 

15. Implements used in ho'kIamonn6 341 

16. Plumed sticks and reeds used in playing la'pochiwe 342 

17. Implements used in hapoannC pihl'kwanawe .343 

18. Implements used in Sa'yaf'laknawe 343 

19. Method of holding arrows in playing sho'wiyaltowe 344 

20. Implements used in po'kliiinnawe 345 

21. Implement-s used in 'si'kon-yii'munfi ti'kwang 346 

22. Shelter for the field guardian 352 

23. A storage room 353 

24. Old Zuni vase 376 

25. Modern Zuni vases 377 

26. Theurgist reconstructing the mi'li 420 

27. Shrine dedicated to the rattlesnake 424 

28. Hopi Indian, married to a Zuni woman, carving an image of 

Pa'yatiimu for Ne'wekwe ( Galaxy fraternity ) 43 1 

29. Method of combining plumes and grass 433 

30. Markings on back and arrangement of hair of the Ne'wekwe 435 

31. Arrangement of hair of the Ne'wekwe, front view 436 

32. 'Hlem'mosona swallowing sword 468 

33. Meal painting used at installation of elder brother Bow priest 577 

34. Excavation and meal mounds symbolic of Shi'papolima and homes 

of theGodsof War 582 


By Matilda Coxe Stevenson 


During the last twent3'-five j-ears the investigations of archeologists 
and ethnologists in the United States have been largely directed to the 
southwestern region, especially to Arizona and New Mexico. This 
region appears to have been once quite densely popuhited, then deso- 
lated by wars, and afterward held in precarious tenure by remnants 
of a dwindling race. The older ruins are found in the valleys, along 
the water courses, where the prehistoric people probably dwelt in 
peace and prosperity until, driven by a powerful foe from the homes 
of their fathers, they were forced to take refuge in recesses and caves 
in the canyon walls. These resorts are filled with the homes of the 
clitf dwellers. Many of the houses are well preserved, but most of 
the ruins of the valley are hardlj^ more than crumbling heaps of 
stones, while among these everywhere are scattered the lares and 
penates of the ancients. 

It can not be determined how many generations of cliff dwellers 
lived in these strange fastnesses; but that many of the stone structures 
of the cliffs are hundreds of years old ma^' not be questioned. Some 
of these places have become inaccessible, owing to the wearing away 
of the approaches by the elements that fashioned the recesses of the 
canyon walls When the clouds of war grew less threatening, the 
people ventured to leave their fortresses, the scenes of long trials and 
many privations, and settled upon the mesas, or table-lands, which are 
so prominent a feature in the scenery of New Mexico and Arizona. 
The elevation of these sites enabled them to detect the approaching 
enemy; while in the valley below, along the streams that washed the 
bases of the cliff's, thej' sowed and gathered their crops. But the 
mesa top was far from the harvest field, and the women must have 
grown weary carrying the water vases and canteens up the steep 
acclivities of the rocky walls. In the course of time the mesa dwellers 




[ETH. ANN. 23 

Ventured to descend to the vallc3-.s and to erect their dwellings upon 
the ruins of the towns where their forefathers had lived; thei-e they 
at length regained their inheritance and reestablislied tiieir pueblos, 
which still endure, although within the jiast few years they have been 
rapidly changing under the influence of civilization. Thus was com- 
pleted the cycle of vicissitudes in the history of these people — from 
valley to clitf, from clitf to mesa, and from mesa to valley again. The 
Hopi villages of Arizona and Acoma of New Mexico are still on mesas, 
but the people are graduallj' mo\ ing down into the valleys. 

Much has been done, but more remains to Ije accomplished, before 
there can be hope of writing the history of the generations of men 

Fig. 1 — Morning prayer to rising sun. 

whose records are found here and there on the canyon walls of the 
8(nithwest and whose traditions speak to us, however imperfectly, 
through the people now living in the pueblos of that region. Among 
the renmauts of ancient tribes, the Zufiis, whose extreme exclusive- 
ness has preserved to them tiicir strong individuality, may claim per- 
haps the highest position, whether we regard simply their agricultural 
and pastoral pursuits or consider their whole social and political 

The quest for happiness is universal, and in their endeavor to attain 

this the Zufiis have developed a philosophy that has been profoundly 

influenced by their environment. Upon this philosophy is built a sys- 

-tem of religion which, among its man\' interesting features, inculcates 



ti-uthfulness. A Zuiii must speak with one tongue in order to have 
his prayers received hy the oods, and uidess the prayers are accepted 
no i-ains will come, which moans starvation. His voice must be gentle' 
and he must speak and act with kindness to all, for the gods care not 
for those whose lips speak with harshness. The morning prayer (fig- 
ure 1) he must utter out of doors, looking toward the rising sun. All 
must observe continence four days previous to and four days following 
the sending of breath prayers through the spiritual essence of plume 
offerings, and thus their passions are brought under control. They . 
look to their gods for nourishment and for all things pertaining to 
their welfare in this world, and while the woof of their religion is col- 
ored with poetic conceptions, when the fabric is separated thread by 
thread we find the web composed of a few simple, practical concepts. 
Their highest conception of happiness is physical nourishment and ■ 
enjoyment, and the worship of th(>ir pantheon of gods is designed to 
attain this end. 

It has been said that the Pueblo Indians are attached to the Roman 
Catholic faith; but such is not the case, at least with the Zufiis. For 
a time their ancestors were compelled to worship in that church, but 
their pagan belief was not seriously affected thereby. The ritual 
pleased them, and they were allowed to decorate their walls with sym- 
bols of their own belief, and so the church became more or less an 
object of interest to them, and to some extent the ritual of Catholicism 
moditied their own. The Rio Grande pueblos, however, have been 
brought more under the inffuence of the church, and superficial 
observers have supposed them to be permanently Christianized. 

In July, ISTO, the birth year of the Bureau of Ethnology, an expe- 
dition was sent to make researches among the pueblos and the more 
important ruins of New Mexico and Arizona, and at the same time to 
make a special study of some particular pueblo. Zuiii, in western 
New Mexico, was selected as the place for the more detailed work. 
Mr James Stevenson was placed in charge of the expedition, and with 
a small party, including Mr Frank H. Cushing. ]Mr J. K. ,Hillers, 
and the writer, started for Zufii. •' ^ 

The first point of interest visited afte<J^avijjg Las Vegas, N. Mex., 
then the terminus of the Atchiso«,"Topeka and Santa Fe railroad, was 
the ruin of the pueblo of Pecos, situated on a knoll about 10() feet 
above the Rio Pecos, 25 miles south of east of Santa Fe. At that time 
the walls of the old 'church erected under the command of the Spanish 
fathers were standing, and some of the interior wood carvings were 
silent witnesses to the former presence of the conquerors. With no 
other implements than knives and stilettos the party worked during 
the night, by the light of the brilliant moon, opening one chamber. An 
impression of a hand and arm in color, probably of a maiden, was found 

16 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

on the Willi. Such evidence.s' of maidenly vanity are still to be seen in 
pueblo houses of the present time. 

Near one end of the town were the remains of two circular walls, 

which have been described by some writers as estufas, or lire houses, 

and are supposed to have been used for religious purposes by the 

.» former inhabitants of the pueblo. Careful observation indicated that 

these particular inclosures were probably designed as reservoirs and 

were used for the storage of snow, to be consumed during the long 

droughts of that arid country. Subsequently in the same year it was 

found that the Laguna Indians used similar stores of snow. The 

Laguna women, in carrying water fi'om distant springs when the 

^0tg^ reservoirs were exhausted, have worn a path 6 or H inches deep in the 

^■^ sandstone. How pathetic is the story graven in the winding footway; 

what pages might be tilled with this "testimony of the rocks." 

The journej' from the terminus of the railroad at Las Vegas to 
Zuiii was long and tedious, and the party felt deeply grateful to 
General Edward Hatch, then in command of the district of New 
Mexico, and to General J. J. Dane, district cpiartcrmastcr, for their 
cordial compliance with the request of General Sherman to afford 
every facility in the way of transportation and otherwise. Had it not 
been for the enthusiastic interest in ethnologic research of the General 
of the Army, the limited allotment for the e.xpedition would necessarily 
have been largely expended for transportation and labor, and the 
scientitic work greatly hampei-ed. 

Ten days were consumed in the journey from Santa Fe to Fort 
"Wingate over the old Fort "Wingate road, a thing of the past since the 
introduction of the railroad. Every foot of the wa}' bore evidence of 
former settlement. When not visible on the surface, walls, stone 
implements, or fragments of pottery were readily revealed by a little 
work with the pick and shovel. 

The warm welcome extended by General George P. Buell, then in 
command of Fort Wingate. was appreciated by the travelers, who had 
been constantly exposed to the burning sun of New Mexico for ten 
daj's. After a short time spent in outfitting, the party proceeded to 
Zufii, 45 miles distant. Here they were made welcome by the native 
priests and other officials of the pueblo; and later, when a council was 
held and Mr Stevenson told them the object of his visit, the3^ promised 
him every possible aid, a promise which they have sacredly kept. 

Six months were spent in .studj'ing the religion and sociology of the 
Zufiis, in making a survey of the town and immediate vicinity, in 
securing photographs of the pueblo and the people showing various 
phases of their daily life, and in making a collection of cerinuonial 
objects including a large number of fetishes, and of stone implements, 
fabrics, foodstuffs, and pottery. Two images of saints and portions 



of the altar of the old Catholic church were obtained, the enamel 
finish on the face and limbs of the figures showing much artistic skill. 
The church objects were in the custod}- of one Mauritio, and in order 
to determine whether they might be removed a council of I'eligious 
and civil officers was held. It was finally decided that it would be 
well to have these objects go with the other Zuni material to the 
"great house" (National Museum) in Washington, where they would 
be preserved. 

While the priests and other high officials favored photographing the 
ceremonials — in fact, seemed eager to serve the expedition in every 
way — the populace were so opposed to having their masks and rituals 
"carried away on paper," that it was deemed prudent to make but 
few ceremonial pictures with the camera, and the altars and masks 
were sketched in color bj- the writer without the knowledge of the 
people. The largest and most valuable collection, especially of fetishes 
and sacred vessels, ever secured from any of the pueblos was made at 
this time. 

Before the collection was packed. General Buell left Fort Wingate 
for C'olorado witli his command and most of his transpoi'tation facilities 
to participate in the Ute war. After securing all the available teams 
in the country, Mr Stevenson found the number inadequate to convey 
the collections from Zufii to the railroad. To ask for the few teams 
remaining at Wingate seemed presumptuous, yet it was necessary that 
somethin;!' be done to get this material out of the Territory immedi- 
ately. No one could tell what a day might bring forth in this frontier 
post, far from the raih\ay and without telegraphic communication 
with the outer world. The Apaches were within striking distance 
and the Navahos were threatening an outbreak, while nearly the entire 
command of the military post was absent in Colorado. It was decided 
to communicate at once with General Buell and solicit aid. The I'esult 
was that all the wagons except those in dailj' use at the garrison were 
assigned to Mr Stevenson, with a request that the transportation of 
the collection be hastened and the teams returned at the earliest 
possible moment. This generous act was profoundly appreciated. 
Had aid been withheld at this time much of the collection might never 
have reached the railroad. 

The whole of the six months devoted to field work in 1879 was spent 
at Zuni; and though the writer accompanied Mr Stevenson to the 
meetings of the various secret organizations, and though her relations 
with the Indians were of the most cordial nature, she obtained at this 
time but the merest suggestion of their inner life. 

During 1880 all of the Rio Gi'ande pueblos were visited. Photo- 
graphs were made at each pueblo, and collections of stone implements, 
objects associated with the ritual, and potterj' were secured. In 1881 
23 ETH— 04 ^2 

18 THK ZTNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 

Ml" Stevenson roturncd to Zuni, wlierc six months were spent in ethno- 
logic stucl_v and collecting. Tlie Hopi villages and a numl)er of ruins 
in the vicinity were visited in the winter of the same year. 

In subsequent years further researches were made among the Kio 
Grande pueblos and the ruins of central and northern Arizona, and 
many oljjects of value were obtained. The pottery from the ruins was 
especially tine, many of the pieces rivaling in form and coloi' the old 
Greek and Egyptian wares. One of the most interesting ruins was 
found in an arm of the canyon de Chelly. Although the main canyon 
had ijcen previously visited, this arm, named the canyon del INIucrto, 
from the exhumation of a number of mummies," was unknown to the 
white man before the old Navaho chief, Ganado Mucho, who was 
Mr Stevenson's guide, led him, as a mark of special favor, into this 
hitherto unexplored field. Models of the ruins in the canyon del 
Muerto, constructed principally by Mr Victor Mindeletf. artist to 
the expedition, from tlie surveys, photogi'aphs, and sketches made 
at this time, are among the most interesting tol)e seen in the National 
Museum (see plate ii). 

The rich results from superficial excavations in New Mexico and 
Arizona, especially in the Hopi country, convinced Mr Stevenson that 
archeologic treasures lay hidden within the earth; but these bethought 
would remain undisturbed while he gathered objects of interest, both 
ancient and modern, from the many pueblos. For tourists and curi- 
osity-seekers, tired with the desire for collecting, were effecting trades 
with the Indians, and many choice s[)ecimens were already crossing the 
seas; hence came the necessity for immediate action on the part of the 
(iovernment collectors. It was hoped by Mr Stevenson that, when 
the materials to be found on the surface were safely deposited in the 
National Museum, a well-organized system of excavation throughout 
the Southwest could be Ijegun. Hut exposure and overwork shortened 
the days of this earnest workei', and after his untimely death in 188S 
it remained for Dr J. AV. Fewkes, Dr Walter Hough, Dr George H. 
Pepper, and others to verifj' his opinions. The valuable archeologic 
collections made in recent years are evidence of the correctness of Mr 
Stevenson's convictions. 

The writer has made several prolonged visits to Zuni, and after manj" 
years of investigation and intimate acquaintance with the priests, the- 
urgists, and the people generally, feels sufficiently acquainted with 
them, their life, and their thoughts, to venture a presentation of their 
esoteric beliefs, their rituals, habits, and customs. The limitations of 
this volume, however, make it necessary to give only a restricted 
account of many subjects that are deserving of more extensive treat- 
ment, and much material has been reserved for future publication. 

a Mr J. Stanley-Brown was the first of the party to discover human remains in this canyon. 













While the writer has gone deeply into the subject of the religion of 
the Zunis, and is able to record the more important details of their 
philosophy, there are yet many fields to be worked, and an attempt 
at drawing final conclusions will not be made until more extensive 
studies of allied tribes have been undertaken. If that which is here 
presented serves as a basis for future investigation, and aids the Gov- 
ernment to a better understanding of the North American Indians, the 
author will have succeeded in her purpose. 

Whatever has been accomplished by the writer at Zuni and else- 
where is largely due to the training and instruction received from her 
lamented husband and companion, James Stevenson. JNIuch of the 
present volume is based on his notes and records. His plans for 
ethnologic research were far-reaching, and he expected to give many 
years to their completion. His life was devoted to the establishment 
and development of scientific institutions, and it is largely to his 
eflorts, in support of those of Major J. W. Powell, that the 15ui-eaii 
of Ethnology owes its origin and success. His reputation for careful 
investigation, and a high sense of integrity, is too well known to 
require further comiuent in these pages. 

To Mr W. H. Holmes, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
the writer is indel)ted for uniform courtesy and for opportunities 
ati'ordcd in the prosecution of her recent studies in Zuni. Acknowl- 
edgments are due for courtesies extended during the long period of 
the writer's investigations in the Southwest, among othei's. by Colonel 
(i. G. Huntt, Captain Herbert H. Sargent, Captain Curtis B. Hoppin, 
Captain Guy Carlton, Dr Washington Matthews, Major Francis H. 
Hardie, Lieutenant Clarence K. Day, and Lieutenant H. B. Jordan, of 
the United States Army; Honorable Henry ^I. Teller, United States 
Senate; Honorable Robert Adams, jr.. House of Representatives; Dr 
Reginald H. Sayre; Dr George Tully Vaughan. Assistant Surgeon- 
General Marine-Hospital Service; Mr J. D. McChesney, of the United 
States Geological Survey; Mr F. V. Coville, Botanist, Department of 
Agriculture; Mr J. N. Rose, United States National ^luseum; Mr P. C. 
Warman. editor, United States Geological Survey; jNlr William Bar- 
nuiu of the Carnegie Institution; and Mr Douglas D. Graham, at 
present United States agent to the Zunis. Mr Gi-ahani\s interest in the 
success of the i-epi'csentatives of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
has been exhibited in the most effective manner for twenty years or 
more, and his generous aid, not only to the writer but to others in the 
employ of the Government who have visited Zuni pueblo, has in many 
ways been invaluable. 

The writer is under oldigations also to her Zuiii friends, among whom 
are numbered not only the priests and theiirgists, Init also the women 
and children, who ever manifested a pleasing readiness to serve her. 

20 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. asn. 23 

' She is especially grateful to the high priest of Zufii; the sun priest; 
Nui'uchi." elder ))rother Bow ]ii-i('st; Mesha, younger brother Bow 
piiest; Kenoti, member of the Bow priesthood; the Ko'mosona, director 
of the fraternity devoted to anthropic worship; Sinahe (Dick), associate 
rain priest; Roman Luna, a theurgist; Hillian, son of Nai'uchi, and Nina, 
his daughter, who freely gave such aid and information as was sought. 
Among those, since deceased, who faithf ulh' served the writer, and for 
whom she will ever retain tlie fondest remembrances, are Nai'uchi's 
wife; Lai'wa'silu'si, a former high priest; Pedro Pino,* a former gov- 
ernor; Jose Palle, a rain priest; and Wewha, the strongest character 
and the most intelligent of the Zufii tribe within the knowledge of the 

General Conceptions of the Universe 

Civilized man's conceptions of the universe are altogether different 
from those of primitive man. The former understands natural phe- 
nomena through analysis and correlation; the latter accounts for them 
by analogy. Civilized man lives in a world of reality; primitive man 
in a world of mysticism and symbolism; he is deeply impressed by 
his natural environment; every object for him possesses a spiritual 
life, so that celestial bodies, mountains, rocks, the flora of the earth, 
and the earth itself are to him quite different from what they are to 
civilized man. The sturdj' pine, the delicate sapling, the fragrant 
blossom, the giant rock, and the tiny pebble play alike their part in 
the mj'stic world of the aboriginal man. ]\Iany things which tend to 
, nourish life are symbolized by the Zunis as mother. When a Zufii 
speaks of the Earth ^lother the earth is symliolized as the source, not 
only of all vegetal matter which nourishes man, but also of the game 
which gives him animal food. The earth is mother, the great one to 
whom all are indebted for sustenance. 

The Zufiis believe that the earth is supplied with water by their 
* dead of both sexes and all ages above infancy, and infants soon reach 
maturity after going to the undermost world whence the Zunis came. 
The deceased alwaj-s go first to Ko'thluwala'wa (Dance village), al)iding 
place of the Council of the Gods, and they often return thither to dance 
in the great dance house. The deceased A'pi'Mashiwanni (Bow priest- 
hood) are an excej^tion; they join the Ku'pishtaya,' becoming light 

The u'wannami (rain-makers) are conti-oUed and directed b}' the 

a Nai'uchi died in June, 1904. 

t> Pedro Pino and one otlier spoke Spanish fluently, the latter being able to read and write in this 
language. They had been taught by Spanish priests, who compelled them to give all their time to 
the language until they became proficient as interpreters. Two other men spoke a little Mexican. 

"•See p. 21. 

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Council of the Gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and , 
g-ourd jugs from the six great waters of the worjcQ They are carried 
1)3' the steam which rises from these springs to the upper plane, pro- 
vided they are supplied with breath plumes, each u'wannami holding 
a group of these plumes in order to ascend. Every individual in Zufii 
makes these offerings each month at the time of full moon. The 
u'wannami pass to and fro over the upper plane, protected from the 
view of the people below by cloud masks. Mt is not the clouds which 
fall in rain; the u'wannami pour the water tKrough the cloud masks. . 
The clouds are produced by the breath of the gods and smoke, and, 
when it is understood that the greater the smoke offering the greater 
the inducement for the rain-makers to work, it is not surprising that 
smoking is one of the conspicuous features of the Zufii ritiiah} There is 
a time at the summer solstice when the torchbearer sets fire to every- 
thing in his way, from Ko'thluwala'wa to Zuni. The greater the 
smoke offering the heavier the cloud masks will be. 

The Ku'pishtaya (lightning-makers) are mighty warriors who control 
the lighTning arrows. Each Ku'pishtaya has his 'Kia"lawanni (deputy), 
and his 'Si'kiahaya (courier). 'Kianil'ona, the greatest of the Zufii 
ancestral gods (plate in), sits in state in Ko'thluwala'wa (plate iv), 
where the Council of the Gods appeals to him for water with which 
the u'wannami may water the earth, the male gods sprinkling with 
plume sticks dipped in gourd jugs of water and the female gods 
from vases. The heavy rains are produced by the pouring of the 
water directly from the vases. The u'wannami are sent to designated 
points by the Council of the Gods to water the earth according to 
the supplications of the Zufiis. 

The varying forms of the clouds are significant to the Zuni mind. - 
Cirrus clouds tell that the u'wannami are passing about for pleasure. 
Cumulus and nimbus clouds indicate that the u'wannami will water the 
earth. The smoke offerings which produce the clouds may have been 
sufficient to bring the rain ; but this is not all. The daily life, especially 
of the A'shiwanni (rain priests), must be such as not to offend the 
Council of the Gods, which controls and directs the rain-makers. 
Should this not be the case the Council of the Gods withholds its 
power, and the Su'ni-a'shiwanni, who send the cold winds from the 
northeast and northwest, would drive away the cloud masks. Thus 
the Zunis account for wind clouds. The summer winds of the south- 
west and southeast are the breath of the u'wannami, who do not breathe 
from the mouth but directly f I'om the heart. 

These people rarely cast their eyes upward without invoking the 
rain-makers, for in their arid land rain is the prime object of prayer. 
Their water vases are covered with cloud and rain emblems, and the 
water in the vase symbolizes the life, or soul, of the vase. 

a Referring to the springs of the six regions owned by 'Klanil'ona (owner of springs). 

22 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

WIrmi tli(> Ku'pishtaya communicate with ono anotiiei', tii(^ ruler of 
the North dispatches his courier to the Ku'pishtaya of the West ami 
the courier returns to his place in the North, the ruler of the West 
transfcrrinir the message to the South by his courier; in this waj' 
coinnumication is held tx'tween the Ku'pishtaya of the six regions, 
^le Zunis have no fear of lightning, as the Ku'pishtaya never destro\' 
the good in heart. One who is struck, by lightning, no matter what 
his previous standing, must have possessed a bad heart. Thunder is 
produced by the rain-makers gaining with stoneg^Xvhile the Ku'pishtaya 
are shooting their missiles. (The rain-maker of the North rolls a stone 
' to a fellow at some other point, and the one receiving the stone returns 
it; any number of rain-makers may join in the game. According to 
Zuni philosophy thunder is produced in no other way\) 

The seeds distributed to the people by the personators of ancestral 
gods are recognized by the intelligent as only .symbolizing the bless- 
ings which they desire and anticipate, yet each person receives the 
gift with the same solemnity and plants it with the same reverence as 
if it actually came from the god of seeds in the undermost world. 

(The sun is referred to as father, the ancient one. The moon is 
his sister; the Sun Father has no wife. All peoples are the children 
of the sun. Whatever the Zufiis fail to account for b\- incidents in the 
early stages of their existence is attributed to the agency of the Sun 
Father. Though the Zuiii philosophy, like that of other aboriginal 
•> peoples, is built on analogic I'easoning, these .savage philosophers cer- 
tainly place entire faith in the lirst great cause, all-powerful, without 
beginning, without end. 

Classification of the Higher Powers 

The higher powers of the Zufiis may be classed under seven heads, 
as follows: 

1. Uii/rerxa/. A'wonawil'ona, the .supreme life-giving bisexual 
> power, who is referred to as He-She, the symbol and initiator of life, 

and life itself, pervading all space. 

2. Celestial, anthropic (represented by persons wearing masks). The 
Sun Father, who is directly- associated with the supreme power; he 
always was and always will be; he is the great god above all other 
anthropic and zoic gods; he is the giver of light and warmth, and 
through the supreme power the giver of life. The Moon Mother, giver 
of light at night, the divider of the year into months, and, through 
A'wonawil'ona, the <lelineator of the span of life — the supreme power 
gradually draws the mystic veil from the Moon Mother's shield, indi- 
cating birth, infancy, youth, and maturity; she draws the yeil over 
the shield again, symbolizing man's passing on to the infancy of old age, 


when he sleeps to awake in the abiding place of the gods; — and the 
Morning and Evening Stars. 

3. Celestial, antltropic (represented in carvings and paintings). The 
Polar Star, all the fixed stars, the Morning and Evening Stars, the 
Galaxy, Orion, Pleiades, Ursa Major. Ursa Minor, and Achiyiila'topa 
(the l)eing with wings and tail of knives). 

■1. TerrestriaL Earth Mother, giver of vegetation. 

5. Suhterranean, anthropic (not personated). The Gods of War 
(represented by images of wood), children of the Siui Father, who 
have their successors but not impersonators on the earth; Po'shai- 
yilnki, the culture hei'o; and Corn Mother. 

fi. Suhterranenn, anthi'oplc (represented by persons wearing masks 
and in one instance by an ophiomorphous image). Salt Mother, giver 
of herself; Corn Father, giver of himself; White Shell Woman, 
giver of herself; Red Shell Woman, giver of herself; Turcjuois 
Man, giver of himself; patronal and ancestral gods; the Plumed 
Serpent; and a number of foreign deities to be propitiated. 

7. Terrestrial and sulterrunean. Zoic gods who play their part 
through the esoteric fraternities, eradicating the ill effects of witch- 
craft on individuals and interceding between the members of the 
fraternities and the Sun Father and Moon Mother, and between them 
and the anthropic gods. ; 

Beginninos of the Univeese 

The Zuni ceremonies cluster about a cosmogony which serves to keep 
the beliefs alive and to guide ))oth actors and spectators through the 

In the beginning A'wonawil'ona \\itli the Sun Father and Moon 
Mother existed above, and Shi'wanni and Shi'wano"kia, his wife, 
below. Shi'wanni and Shi'wano"kia were superhuman beings who 
labored not with hands but with hearts and minds. The rain priests 
of Zuiii are called A'shiwanni and the of Fecundity is called 
Shi'wano"kia, to indicate that they do no secular work; they give 
their minds and hearts to higher thoughts in order that their bodies be 
so purified they may enter into conununion with the gods. 

All was shi'pololo (fog), rising like steam. With the breath from 
his heart A'wonawil'ona created clouds and the great waters of the 
world. He-She is the blue vault of the firmament. The breatii 
clouds of the gods are tinted with the yellow of the north, the blue- 
green of the west, the red of the south, and the silver of the east of 
A'wonawil'ona. The smoke clouds of white and black become a part 
of A'wonawil'ona; they are himself, as he is the air itself; and when 
the air takes on the form of a bird it is but a part of himself — is himself. 
Through the light, clouds, and air he becomes the essence and creator 

24 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.axs.23 

of vegetation. The Zurd conception of A'wonawii'oiiii is siniiliir to 
that of the (ireelvs of Athena. 

It is not strange, therefore, that the A'.shiwi" cover their altar.s witii 
synil)ols of cumuiu.s and nimbus clouds, with "the flame of the cloud 
crest," and '"the blue of the deep wells of the sky," and use all these, 
woven into plumes, to waft their pra_vers to the gods, and have 
as their symbol of life, embracing all the mysterious life-.securing 
propcities. including mystery medicine, an ear of corn clothed in 
beautiful plumage; for the spirit of A'wonawil'ona is "])ut into and 
upon this created form." The name of this .symbol. mi"li. is but 
another word for corn, and the et'tone. the most sacred fetish of the 
A'shiwanni, is anotlier symbol of life, including rain and vegetation. 

While every Zuni is taught that in inhaling the sacred breath from 
his fetishes or in breatiiing upon the plumes he offers to the gods he 
is receiving from A'wonawirona the breath of life or is waftin"- his 
own breath prayers to his gods, only th(> few have any conception of 
all that is implied in their observances or fully appreciate the poetic 
nature of their myths. 

After A'wonawil'ona created the clouds and the great waters of the 
world, Shi'wanni said to Shi'wano"kia: "I, too, will make something 
beautiful, which will give light at night when the 3Ioon Mother 
sleeps." Spitting in the palm of his left hand, he patted the spittle 
with the fingers of his right hand, and the spittle foam(>d like yucca 
suds and then formed into l)ul)i)les of nian\' colors, which lie blew 
upward; and thus he created the fixed stars and constellations. And 
Shi'wanni was well pleased with his creation. Then Shi'wano''kia 
said '"See what I can do," and she expectorated into the palm of her 
left hand and slapped the saliva with the fingers of her right, and the 
spittle foamed like yucca suds, running over her hand and flowing 
eveiywhere; and thus she created A'witelin 'Si'fa (Earth Mother). 

Creation of the A'shiwi and their Coming to the Outer 


Shi'wanni and Slii'wano''kia were the parents of the A'shiwi. who 
were created in the undermost world, l)eing born as infants; not. how- 
ever, at long intervals, but in rapid succession, until many were born. 

Yiitokia (Sun Father)'' created two sons, Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, 
by impregnating two bits of foam with his raN^s. These Divine Ones 

a A'shiwi, the people, the reference being to the Zuiiis only. Shi'wi is the singular form. 

& Yiitokia means the holder or bearer of light. The sun itself is conceived as a shield of burning 
crystal, which the Suti Father, who is anthroj)omorphic. carries as he makes his daily journey from 
east to-west. Prayers are addressed to the invisible and esoteric bearer of (the power behind) the 
shield, who travels over the road of day sealed on a colossal turquois, wearing beautiful buckskin 
clothing and many necklaces of precious beads. 



ascended to their Sun Father over a road of iiu^al, whieh they made 
l»3' throwing' the meal upward. 

The Sum Father, wishing to l)ring his cliildreu from the undermost 
world to his presence, provided each of the Divine Ones with an a'mito- 
lau pi'''l;iiiiie (rainbow), wil'lolonanne slio'liwe (lightning arrows), ai\d 
a 'kia'aliinne (cloud shield), and directed them to go to the undermost 
world and bring his children to his presence. They rent the earth 
with their lightning an-ows and descended into A'witen te'hula (fourth 

When the A'shiwi inquired of the L)i\ine Ones "Who are you? 
Whence did you come i" they replied "■ A'ciii ana pi'akoa" ("The two 
come down"). 

The undermost world was so dark that the people eould not see one 
another, and they trod upon one another's toes. Their houses were 
but holes in the earth, and their food was seed grass. In order to see 
the people Kow'wituma laid drj' grass upon the ground and placed his 
})ow on the grass, and by ru])liing his arrow, with a rotary motion, upon 
the bow he produced tire, and lighted the grass, using it as a torch to 
carry aljout among the people. Many could not look on the tire, for 
their eyes were not good for light, while others fell back crazed with 
fear. Kow'wituma said: "You have but few people." The elder ones 
replied "We have many," and they called those who were absent. 

The Divine Ones, throwing out a line of meal, produced light, which 
guided them to the north, where they cut an ii'shekia (pine tree of the 
north, Pinus ponderosa var. scapulorum) with stone knives, and return- 
ing, planted it for the people to ascend to the third world, A'wisho 
te'hula (water-moss world). Here the Divine Ones threw out meal to 
the west, which produced light to guide them thither; and there they 
cut a kia'lil'silo (spruce of the west, Pseudotsuga douglassii), and 
returning, they planted it for the people to ascend to the second 
world, Pa'naijula te'hula (nuid world). Here the Divine Ones, led by 
the line of meal which they thi'cw out, went to the south and cut a 
'hlan'ilkoha (aspen of the south, the quaking aspen, Populus tremu- 
loides) and returning, the}' planted it for the people to ascend to the 
first world, La'tow'te'hula (wing world; from yil'tokia la'towwe, sun's 
wings, the rays of the sun being referred to as wings). It was in this 
world that the A'shiwi first saw the lightof day ; hence the name. 
Throwing out a line of meal to the east, the Divine Ones visited this 
direction, where they cut a lo'kwimo (spruce of the east, silver spruce, 
Picea pungens), and returning, they planted it for the people to ascend 

"Te'hula refers only to underworlds. Uhl'oniinne is the term for the outer world, or this world. 
The undermost world bears several other names: An'noeiyau te'hula (world of utter darkness, 
blaekness-of-soot worldl: Lu'hote kla'plnna; lu'liote {fine earth or dust): kla'plnna (uneooked, not 
hardened by fire). 

26 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ ann. 23 

thereby to the outer world," Te'koliuiakwi u'kwa'ikiu (light-of-da\' 
place). The Zufiis, in speaking of Te'kohaiakwi ii'kwai'ikia, add yam 
Ya'tokia Ta"chu (my Sun P'atlier), yilm A'witeiiii 'Si'ta (my Eartli 
Motiier), ii'iiatikianapkia (I inhale tlie sacred l)reatli). The place of 
coming through to this world is called Ji'mi'kianapkiatea, u word full 
of occult meaning, having n^ference to an opening in the earth tilled 
with water which mysteriously disappeared, leaving a clear passage 
for the A'shiwi to ascend to the outer world. 

Tlie Divine Ones and the A'shiwi spent some time in each world as 
they ascended, and luany of the A'shiwi who were left behind struggled 
on after the others. The A'shiwi had constant rainfall during their 
ascent to theoutei' world, which was reached just as the Evening Star, 
who is second warrior to the Sun Father and follows after him, rose 
above the horizon. 

Songs of the Divine Onks over the Et'towe 

In the lower workl the A'shiwi had rain priests (A'shiwauni; sin- 
gular, shi'wanni), of whom six were assigned to the six regions. Each 
shi'wanni possessed an et'tone,'' most sacred of their fetishes, which 
he brought to this world wrapped in a mat of straw in a crude basket, 
pressed to his breast. Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, the Divine Ones, 
having knowledge that the A'shiwamii possessed et'towe, made a meal 
painting of a'wehlwia'we (cumulus clouds) on the ground and on the 
road, and the A'shiwauni placed their et'towe on the painting. The 
Kia'kwemosi, Shi'wanni of the North, sat uext to the road, on the 
south side, the road being the dividing line; the Shi'wanni of the 
West and Shi'wano"kia sat on his right. The Shi'wanni of the South 
sat next, the Shi'wanni of the East being on his right. The A'shi- 
wanni of the Zenith and Nadir sat next, and after them four other 
A/shivvanni, Kow'wituma sitting at the end of the line. Four A'shi- 
wauni sat on the other side of the road, with Wats'usi north of 
them. Yii'nowwuluha, a man of great heart and wisdom, sat before 
the meal painting to the north of the line, and the A'shiwi gath- 
ered around on the north, west, and south of the painting. The_v 
sang the songs of the Divine Ones for rain, that the earth should 
abound in lda"sanna (grass seed), the only food then known to the 
A'shiwi. They sat singing in low tones until midnight. Then, leaving 
their et'towe in place on the painting, the Divine Ones and the A'shi- 
wauni retired a short distance and ate. After eating they slept awhile, 

a In an curlier publication it was stated that the A'shiwi ascended to the outer world tlirough a huge 
hollow reed. The student of mythology labors under many dilliculties, none of which are more per- 
plexing than that of distinguishing between the tribal cosmogony and the winter tales of sjiecial nar- 
rators. The intimate acquaintance with the Indians of the Southwest acquired by the writer through 
later investigations has served to mark quite definitely the ditTerences between their mythology and 
their winter tales. 

t Plural et'towe. The etymology of this word is not known, but it implies invariable bringerof 


uikI then retunicd to the paintini;' und. tiikinii- their seats, resumed 
their prayers. At this time Mo'yiiciiuii'Jilan'na (Great Star, the morn- 
ing star), the first warrior to the Sun Father, could be seen, but faintly 
at first through the delicate showers. When the people saw the star 
the_y exclaimed "Our Father comes," but the Divine Ones declared 
"He is not your Sun Father, but his warrior who comes before." 
Later, when the sun appeared, the people fell on their faces in fear; 
but the Divine Ones cried: "Be not afraid; it is your Sun Father." 

At this time the Kia'kwemosi went over the eastern road and, planting 
te'likioawe (prayer plumes) which the Sun Father had sent him by the 
Divine Ones, prayed, saying: "My Sun Father, my Moon Mother, I 
give to 3'ou te'likinawe." 

Kow'wiTUMA Appoints Ya'nowwuluha Deputy to the Sun 


When the Kia'kwemosi returned to his place 1)V the meal painting, 
Kow'wituma, pointing to the et'towe, which were concealed with the 
mat covering, asked ya'nowwuluha "What are these?" and he replied 
"'Kia'et'tone chuet'tone."" Then Kow'wituma said: "You are al)le 
to tell me of these precious things; your heart is good; your head is 
good; I will make you pe'kwin (deputy) to my Sun Father." Ya'now- 
wuluha remained standing on the meal line and near the painting, 
while the birds of the six regions came in succession and sang. 

Kow'wituma called first O'no'hlikia (bird of the North, Icteria 
longicauda, long-tailed chat). On ariiving he perched on the eastern 
end of the meal line and sang for rains and lightning. The bird kept, 
his place after he ceased singing. Then Kow'wituma called Mai'ya 
(bird of the West, Cyanocitta macrolopha, long-crested jay). This 
bird pei-ched next to O'no'hlikia on the meal line, and repeated the 
songs for rains and lightning. He, too, remained in his place after 
singing. Kow'wituma next called ]\Iu'la (bird of the South, macaw). 
Mu'la stood on the meal line next to Mai'ya and sang songs for rains 
and lightning. After these songs Kow'wituma called Kiil'tetasha (bird 
of the East, Pipilo megalonyx, spurred towhee). This bird repeated 
the songs for rains and lightning, having his place on the meal line 
next to Mu'la. Kia'wulo'ki (l>ird of the Zenith, Progne subis, purple 
martin) was called next. His place was on the meal line after 
Kiil'tetasha. He, too, sang songs for rains and liglitning. The last 
bird called by Kow'wituma was He'alonset'to (bird of the Nadir, 
Passerina ciris, painted bunting). This bird stood on the meal line 
beside Kia'wulo'ki and sang for rains and lightning. 

The birds remained in place on the line while Kow'wituma said to 

« A full explanation of the C't'towe will be found in the chapter on the A'shiwauni (Rain priest- 
hood ) . 

28 THE ZCNI INDIANS [eth. axn. 23 

Yil'nuwwuluhii: "'These birds shall be your et'towe." The birds then 
flew a\va>' to tlieir homes. 

Yii'nowwuhiha, passing around by the north side ))aek of the meal 
painting, took his seat on the line to the left of the Kla'kwemosi, bj- 
order of Kow'wituma. Then Kow'wituma had the Shi'wanni of the 
Zenith move with his et'tone to the end of the line of A'shiwanni on 
the south side, and had Ya'nowwuluha take his place in the line as 
Shi'wanni of the Zenith and pe'kwin" (deputy) to the 8un Father. 
Kow'wituma again had the two A'shiwanni on the immediate right of 
Ya'nowwuluha move with their et'towe to the end of the line on the 
south side; he then took his plaee by the side of the pe'kwin, with 
Wats'usi sitting to the right of him. The prayers and songs over the 
et'towe were eontinued eight days and nights, tlic A'shiwanni retiring 
each evening for refreshment. There were no houses yet, and each 
shi'wanni made a place for his et'tone by using four stone slabs. On 
the ninth day the A'shiwanni, by direction of the Divine Ones. ])egan 
building houses of large reeds and earth. 

The A'shiwi were queer beings when they came to this world. They 
had short depilous tails, long ears (at night they lay on one ear and 
covered themselves with the other), and webl)ed feet and hands, and 
their bodies and heads were covered with a'wisho (moss), a lengthj' 
tuft being on the fore part of the head, projecting like a horn. The 
Zunis do not believe that they ever existed in other than human form. 
After the A'shiwi moved to a spring not far distant from their place of 
nativity, which they named A'wisho, the Divine Ones aniputated the 
tails and ears and cut the webbed feet and hands with their stone knives. 
The people then bathed, for they were very unclean. 

Coming of the Hopis, Pimas, and Navahos 

The Mu''kwe (Hopis) followed the A'shiwi to this world four years 
(time periods) after all the A'shiwi arrived. The Coconino Pimas came 
four years after the Mu"kwe. and the A'piichu (Navahos) followed 
four years after the Coconino Pimas. All these peoples came from 
the undermost world, passing, like the A'shiwi, through three worlds 
before reaching this world. The Zufiis do not pretend to account for 
the origin of the other pueblo peoples. 

The villages of the A'shiwi and Mu'^kwe were not far apart in the 
undermost world, and the two peoples, though not related and speaking 
different languages, conununicated with one another and were friendly. 
After the Divine Ones had arranged for the A'shiwi to go to the outer 
world, they visited the Mu''kwe, delivered the message from the Suu 
Father, that he wished them to come into his pre.sence, and gave them 

a Pe'kwin, when used without explanation, will refer to the Shi'wanni of the Zenith, earthly 
deputy to the Sun Father. 


te'likinawe which the}' had prepared for them; and the Divine Ones 
in.structed the Mu"kwe liow they should proceed to the outer world. 
The Mu'"kwe themselves cut the trees by which they ascended to this 
world. The Divine Ones worked only for the A'shiwi, and, as has 
been stated, they traveled with the A'shiwi from the undermost to this 
world and remained with them until they had found the Middle place. 
When the Mu"kwe reached this world they did not make a cloud 
s^-mbol upon the ground and they did not sing, for they did not 
have the Divine Ones to teach them. The Mu'ivwe came through 
li'mikianakate'a, a short distance north of the point of egress of the 
A'shiwi. After the A'shiwi had been four years at A'wisho, the Mu"kwe 
moved southeast of li'mikianakate'a and not far from A'wisho. Here 
the Divine Ones cut the webbed fingers and toes and amputated the 
tails of the ]Mu''kwe. 

ZuKi Explanation of the Presence of Mexicans 

Two Mexicans, man and wife, who appeared in this world at the 
time the A'shiwi arrived remained with them for some time. The 
Coconino Pimas remained with the A'shiwi long enough to teach 
them some of their songs, which have descended to the Shu'maakwe 
fraternit}'. The Navahos separated from the others. The Coconino 
Pimas were the last to leave the vicinity of li'mikianakate'a. They 
were verj^ thirst}' during their journey and could find no water; finally 
they discovered fox tracks and followed them, for the}' knew that 
the tracks would lead to water. After proceeding some distance they 
were led into a deep canyon (Coconino), where they remained, building 
permanent homes for themselves. Some few of the A'shiwi went with 
the Coconino Pimas" to the canyon and thus became permanently 
separated from their people. The Coconinos met a shi'wauni (rain 
priest) of a strange people upon reaching the depth of the canyon. 

A Mu''kwe when walking about one day discovered a village and 
visited it, inquiring of the people, who were A'shiwi, whence they came 
and whither they were going. ''We are in quest of the Middle place," 
they replied. After a time all the ]SIu"kwe but the Corn clan (the Zufiis 
do not know where or when the Mu'ivwe received their clan names), 
moved west, then east. After many struggles with enemies in the val- 
leys and in canyons the Mu"kwe built their homes on mesas. 

Coming of the Witches and the Introduction of Corn 

While the A'shiwi were at A'wisho the Divine Ones organized four 
esoteric fraternities (see Esoteric fraternities). The A'shiwi were 
happy here. Day after day they were followed by those who had failed 
to come to this world with them, for many, becoming tired had fallen 
back. Every time the A'shiwi heard a rumbling of the earth (earth- 

a The Zunis declare that some few of the Coconino words are the same as their own. 

30 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. ■« 

quake) they knew that others were coming out. Thcj- would say 
"My younger brother comes;" or, "Soiue of m\' i)eop]e come." The 
exodus from the underworlds continued four years." The last ob.served 
to come foi'tli were two witches, a man and a wife, who were all-pow- 
erful for good or evil. Kow'wituma and AVats'usi, hearing a rumbling 
of the earth, looked to see who had arrived, and met the two witches, 
whose heads were covered with loose hoods of fiber blowing in 
the breeze. Kow'wituma inquired of the witches: "Whither are you 
going!'" They replied: "' We wish to go with 3'()ur people to the Mid- 
dle place of the world." Kow'wituma said: "We do not want you 
with us." The witches, holding seeds in their closed iiands under 
their arms, said: " If we do not go we will destroy the land. We have 
all seeds here." W^hen the Divine Ones again told the witches they 
were not wanted, they declared that it would not be well if they were 
not allowed to go, .saying: "We have all things precious for your peo- 
ple." The man, extending his closed hand over the seeds, said: "See, 
I wish to give this to the Kia'kwemosi; and 1 wish him to give us two 
of his children, a son and a daughter. AVhcn we have the children the 
corn shall be his." " Why do you wish the children f asked Kow'- 
wituma. "We wish to kill the children that the rains may come." 

The Divine Ones hastened to repeat what they had seen and heard 
to the Kia'kwemosi, who replied: "It is well." When the witches 
appeared before the Kia'kwemosi and claimed two of his children, he 
said: "I have no infant children; I have a youth and a maiden; what 
do you wish to do with themf "We wish to destro}' them." " Whj'^ 
do you to destroy my children?" "We wish to destroy them 
that there may be much rain. ^X^i have things of great value to j'ou, 
but we must first have much rain." "It is well," .said the Kia'kwe- 
mosi; and when the youth and maiden slept the two witches shot their 
medicine into their hearts by touching the children with their hands, 
causing their deaths. Their remains were buried in the earth, and the 
rains fell four daj's. On the fifth morning a rumbling noise was heard, 
and Kow'wituma saw the j'outh appearing from his grave. Again 
there were four da^-s of heavy rains, and on the fifth morning after 
the resurrection of the youth a rumbling was heard, and Kow'wituma 
saw the girl coming from the earth. The same night the two witches 
planted all the .seeds in the wet earth, and the following morning the 
corn was a foot high and the other things were of good size. By 
\ evening all was matured and the A'shiwi ate of the new food, but 
they were not pleased; everj- thing was hot, like pepper. Then Kow'- 
wituma and Wats' usi called the raven, who came and ate much of the 
corn and other things. Again the Divine Ones called the owl, who ate 

a "Of old two days were as four years, and four days as eight years." reference being to time 
- periods. Years throughout this paper will refer to indefinite time periods, unless it is otherwise 


the heart of the gTiiin, leaving the remainder on the cob, so that tlie 
corn became soft. The Divine Ones then called the co_yote to come and 
eat the corn; he ate of everything in the field. The raven, owl, and 
coyote. })y eating of the food, .softened and sweetened it so that it 
became palatable to the A'shiwi. Since that time the fields have had 
to be watched, for the raven takes the corn in the day and the coyote 
robs the fields at night. At this time the Divine Ones instructed 
the A'shiwi in tire making and cooking. 

A'shiwi Continue their Jouenetinc 

"While the earth was not muddy, it was so soft that the A'shiwi found 
difficulty in proceeding. Long years were consumed, and many vil- 
lages were built, and then abandoned, as they pushed on in their ijuest 
for the Middle of the world. Even when they tarried at the towns 
which they built they were driven therefrom by the corruption of their 
dead, and they desired even to escape from the etfluvinni of their own 
bodies, whicli \\as unbearable. "It was like burning suli)liur; it was 
an odor that killed." Repeated divisions of the people occurred dur- 
ing the years consumed in their migrations, some going to the north, 
others to the south; thus the Zufiis account for manj- of the ruins north 
and south of their line of march. 

Witches Give Seeds to the Corn Maidens 

Unseen and unknown, the Corn maidens came with the A'shiwi from 
the undermost world and nMiiained with them until they had been four 
years at Shi'pololokwi (Fog place), when they were discovered by the 
two witches sitting under a ham'pone (out-of-door covered place), a 
pavilion of pine boughs. The witches inquired: ''Who are you?" 
The maidei)s replied: " We are the a'towa e'washtokii (Corn maidens)." 
" Where is your corn?" asked the witches. "We have none." "This 
is not right. If you are Corn maidens you should have corn;" and, 
handing a yellow ear of corn to one of the maidens, the witches 
said: " You are the Yellow Corn maiden and a'wankio'wu (great or 
elder sister)." To another they handed a blue ear of corn, sa3'ing: 
"You are the younger sister, the Blue Corn maiden; you two will be 
the directors or leaders of the others." Handing a red ear of corn 
to the third one, they said: "You are a younger sister, the Red Corn 
maiden." And to the fourth they handed an ear of white corn, saying: 
"You are a ^younger sister, the White Corn maiden." And to the fifth 
they said, as they handed her an ear of multit'olored corn: " You are the 
Every-colored Corn maiden and a younger sister." And to the sixth they 
handed a black ear of corn, saying: "You are the younger sister, the 
Black Corn maiden." And to the seventh they handed an ear of sweet 
corn, saying: "You are the 3'ounger sister, the Sweet Coi'n maiden." 
And to the eighth the}' said, as they handed her squash seeds: "You 

32 THE ZUNI IKDIAN8 [eth. ann. 23 

are the j^ounger si.ster, the Squash nmidcn." And to the ninth they 
handed watermelon seeds, saying: "You are the younger sister, the 
Watermelon maiden/' And to the tenth they handed muskmelon 
seeds, sajdng: "You are the younger sister, the Muskmelon maiden."" 
After receiving tlie corn tiie elder sister said '• I will dance with m}- 
corn, and so will my sisters; "' and she formed her sisters into two lines, 
facing the east tiiat tliey might see the coming forth of the Sun 
Father. They danced all night under a hower walled with h</mawe 
(cedar), whose roof was ii'weldwia'we (cunndus clouds) fringed witii 
kia'lii'silo (spruce of the west). The witches observed the dance 
through the idght. and in tiie morning continued their migrations 
witli the A'siiiwi. hut said not a word to them of the Corn maidens, 
who rensained at Shi'pololo kwi. where "they bathed in the dew (or 
mist), ))ut did not drink of it." 

Origin of the Ancestral Gods 

After the A'shiwi had journeyed for many years from the far north- 
west in a southward and then in an eastward direction, the Kia'kwe- 
mosi decided to send two of his children, a youth named Si'wulu'si'wa 
and a maiden named Si'wulu'si"sa, to look for a good place to build a 
village. The two finally ascended a mountain, wliere the sister was 
left to rest while the brother jiroceeded to look over the country-. 
Returning to the mountain top at midday he found his sister sleeping, 
and was so enamored of her beauty that he embraced her. This act 
made her wildly angry. The result of his eml)i'ace was the birth of ten 
children that same night. This unnatural union caused an immediate 
change of tonyue; l)ut. though their language was changed, thev under- 
stood each oth(>r perfectly. There was no change of appearance. The 
fir,stborn* was normal in all respects, but the other nine children did not 
possess the seeds of generation. The brother said to the sister: "It 
is not well for us to be alone; we will prepare a place for the others 
of ours." He descended the mountain and drew his foot through the 
sands and created two rivers (the Zuiii and the Little Colorado) and 
a lake, and in the depths of the lake a village. Si'wulu'si'wa and his 
sister also created two mountains, one of them to be his perpetual home. 
The village is Ko'thluwala'wa, having the great ceremonial house of 
the gods in its center. This house is provided with four windows, 
through which those not privileged to enter may view the dance. Only 
deceased members of the Ko'tikili (mj-thologic fraternity) go within 

aThe A'shiwi say that the Mexicans brought beans, but that they always had watermelons and 
muskmelons. Although the Zunis make this statement, it is declared by the representatives of the 
Department of Agriculture that neither the watermelon nor the muskmelon are indigeneous to this 

6 Attention is called to an error regarding "the firstborn" in a paper published in the Fifth An- 
nual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, the notes for which were gathered during the writer's first 
Tisit to Zuni. 















the Willis. The name of the lake is Hiitin 'kiaiakwi (Listening spring), 
the reference being to hearing voices in the depths of the waters, l)ut 
it usually bears the name of the village, Ko'thluwala'wa. We'nima, 
the archaic name, is commonly used in ceremonials. 

The first group of A'shiwi to cross the river was the 'Hle'wekwe 
trkili_(Wood fraternity); and the children on their mothers' backs 
pinched and bit the mothers until they became alarmed and dropped 
their little ones into the water, when the children were at once trans- 
formed into et'towa (tortoises), mi"kia*li (water snakes), tii'kia (frogs), 
and niu'tuli"kia (tadpoles). These transformed children descended from 
the river into the depths of the lake, where they were immediately 
restored to their normal condition; and they attained to the age of 
maturity at once, becoming the Council of the Gods, the prototypes of 
the Ko'mosona, first body of A'shiwanni, and Gods of War. 

The following table gives the members of the Council of the Gods, 
and shows their relative positions and the corresponding positions of 
certain Zuiii priests: 

Council of the Gods and tlieir Warriors Zuili Priests 

Pau'tiwa — Director-General of the Ko'mosona — Director-General of the 

Kok'ko Ko'tikili 

•Kliikio — Pe'kwln (deputy) to the Direc- Ko'pekwiu (deputy) to the Director- 

tor-General of the Kok'ko General of the Ko'tikili 

Shu'laawi'si — Pe'kwin to the Sun Father Pe'kwln (deputy) to the Sun Father 

(Shi'wanni of the Zenith) 

Sa'yatiisha Kla'kwemosi 

First Yii'muhakto Shi'wanni of the West 

Hu'tutu Shi'wanni of the South 

Second Yii'muhakto Shi'wanni of the East 

Sal'iniobiya, warriors and seed-gatherers Elder and younger lirother Bow priests — 

of Ko'thluwala'wa Earthly representatives of the Gods of 


Si'wulu*siwa and the nine last-born became Ko'3'emshi (old dance 
men) (plate v), the father being the A'wan tii'chu (Great Father), of 
the newl3' created gods, while Si'wulu'si'sa became Ko'mokiitsi (old 
dance woman) (plate v) and mother of the Kok'ko. All anthropic 
gods bear the name of Kok'ko." The firstborn became Kor'kokshi 
(dancer for good). A'wan tii'chu decided that he and his nine last- 
born should remain in the mountain of his creation'' (peak to the left 
on plate iii), on the opposite side of Ko'thluwala'wa from Mount 
Kor'kokshi, on which he embraced his sister, while Ko'mokiitsi and 
the tirstborn should live in Ko'thluwala'wa. 

aKa'ka, the term given by some writers instead of Itoli'ko, is tlie name for raven, and bears no rela- 
tion whatever to the gods. 

ftKo'yemshi mountain bears evidence of leaving once been a great center for maliing arrow points. 
The Zuiiis, liowever. do not admit that genuine arrows were ever made by tliem. "Arrows were cast 
upon the earth by lightning-makers." 

23 ETH— 04 3 

34 ' THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

To those who followed the 'Hle'wekwe across the mystic waters the 
Divine Ones called "Wait until we speak;" and the3- charged the 
women not to be afraid of their children if they should pinch and bite, 
if they would bring them safely across the rivei'. These children were 
subjected to no change except that their toes and tingers became 
wel)bed. The Divine Ones cut the webs with their stone knives, 
restoring the feet and hands to the normal form. After the remainder 
of tlie people had crossed the river, the Kla'kwemosi re((uested the 
Divine Ones to descend into the lake and hjok after the lost children. 
After the creation of the gods, which, according to Zufii ))elief. was the 
beginning of the worship of th(! ancients, the A'wan ta"chu Ko'yeni- 
shi deemed it best that these gods should not ajjpear outside the dance 
house unmasked, lie therefore created masks ))y placing his finger 
to his mouth and rubbing the spittle in a small spot on the tloor of the 
dance house, a mask appearing almost immediately each time the finger 
touched the fioor. Masks wei-e made in this way for each god. 

On entering Ko'thiuwala'wa the Divine Ones found all the newly 
created gods W(>aring masks; but these were soon removed and placed 
by their sides, and the Divine Ones addressed them as "my children;'' 
and the gods said "'Sit down and tell us of our mothers." On learn- 
ing that their mothers refused to be comforted the}- said: "Tell our 
mothers not to grieve for us: we are not dead; we live and sing anil 
dance in this ))eautiful place. \Vhen they fall asleep tliey will wake 
here and return to the undermost world whence thej^ came. Here we 
work for our mothers and all our people, and we are very happy." 
They also said to the Divine Ones "'Look well at our masks and exam- 
ine them;" and the Divine Ones looked until they knew the masks 
with their hearts; and said " El'lakwa cha'we (thanks, children)." On 
ascending from Ko'thiuwala'wa the Divine Ones related to the Kla'kwe- 
mosi what they had seen. 

After remaining for a time near Ko'thiuwala'wa — which time might 
be called the mythologic period, for. according to Zufii legend, they 
were in personal communication with their gods — the A'shiwi con- 
tinued their travels, building villages from time to time, then desert- 
ing them to push on to the ^Middle of the world. 

Origin of the Diminutive Gods of War 

The A'shiwi had proceeded less than a day's journey from Ko'thiu- 
wala'wa, coming to the place that they afterward called Han'lipinkia, 
when smoke was discovered in the distance. "Ha!'' exclaimed the 
Kla'kwemosi, "there is a village. I wonder who these people are?" 
"We will see" said the Divine Ones; and two members of the 
Ne'wekwe ti'kili (Galaxy fraternity) were told to go ahead and hunt 
a trail. They refused, saying: "We are fighting men and we maj' 


meet some one and kill him. and thus get you into trouble." But the 
Divine Ones dispatched the two men, who had not gone far when they 
observed two women on the bank of a stream washing buckskin. 
They killed the women, who belonged to the village whence the smoke 
came; and as soon as the strange people learned of the murder they 
were enraged and at once attacked the A'shiwi. who fought two days, 
but without success. Then Kow'wituma and Wats'usi, having grown 
weary with fighting, for they had had many conflicts dui'ing their 
journey from the far northwest, requested their Sun Father to send 
two others to take their place as warriors. 

In compliance with this wish the Sun Father caused a heavj' rain to 
fall until the cascade of the mountain side no longer glided placidly 
over the rocks to the basin below, but danced along; and in her" joy 
she was caught in the sun's embrace, and bore twin children, who 
issued from the foam. 

When Kow'wituma and ^Vats'usi looked toward the cascade thev 
discovered two little fellows upon the water in the ba.sin, whom they 
at once recognized to be of divine origin. Kow'wituma inquired of 
the tiny ones: '"Who is your father?" U'yuyewi, the tirstl)orn, 
replied: "'The Sun is our father." "Who is your mother f" " Laugh- 
ing water is our mother." "It is well; thanks; it is good," said 
Wats'usi; "I am weary with lighting, and I wish you two to work for 
me." "I am very small," said the firstborn (while the Divine Ones 
were somewhat below medium height, the newborn gods were dimin- 
utive in stature), "and do not know how to fight." "Yes," said 
AVats'usi. "you understand all al)out fighting." "Wait, wait," said 
the firstborn; but Wats'usi and Kow'wituma insisted, saj-ing: "Your' 
heart is good and we know you understand how to fight." "Is it so? 
do I understand how to fight* I guess my younger l)rother knows 
more than I." INIa'sai'lema interi'upted, saying: "My elder brother 
knows more than I." "All right," said the elder, "we will fight for 
you." Wats'usi said: "We have fought two days, but we can do 
nothing with the enemy. Many arrows have pierced the heart of the 
'Cha'kwena who leads the o])posing forces, yet she continues to pass 
to and fro l>efore her army, shaking her rattle; and until these people 
can be conquered or destroyed we can not proceed in our ([uest of the 
Middle place of the world." The newborn gods of Laughing water 
replied: "We will join }'ou. We may destroy the enemy; we may 
not." In times of peace both these gods bear the name of A'hayuta. 
When associated with war the elder is always referred to as U'yuyewi,. 
and the younger as Ma'sai'lema. 

aTho Zunis iittribute gender to all natural objects. 

36 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann, 23 

Destruction of the Kia'nakwe, and Songs of Thanksgiaing 

The day was still young when these gods requested Kow'wituma, 
Wats'usi, a man of the Coyote clan, and To'na 0"si (Turkey man") to 
niuster al>out a pottorv di'uni and dance. The man of the Coyote clan 
was provided with a drumstick, such as is used at the present time for 
these drums. U'vuvewi, Ma'sai'lema, all those who had participated 
in tiylitiiig, and the ^V'siiiwanni joined in the In'oken circle ai'ound 
the group, each man in the circle having a woman of his paternal clan 
by his side. 

By command of Kow'wituma the man of the Coyote clan gave four 
loud and distinct strokes upon the drum, and then l)eat it rapidly, which 
called forth seven l)eings from the depths of the earth, who toolc their 
places in the group. The circle moved slowly, with even, measured 
step. Those in the circle sang, Kow'wituma, kecpci'of the songs, lead- 
ing the song. After four songs, or stanzas, the To'na 0"si struck the 
drum with his great claws four times, eacii time clearly and with great 
force. Each stroke caused the hearts of the enemy to tremble and 
jump witii fear. He then beat rapidly upon the drum while those form- 
ing the circle sang four songs, after which tlie A'shiwi, ac<'om])aiiied 
Toy the I)ivine Ones, U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema, advanced to meet the 
enemy, wlio were discovered to be the Kia'nakwe, though the A'shiwi 
called them the white people, because they all wore mi'has* (white 
cotton embroidered blanicets). 

The fighting continued four days. The Kia'nakwe were compelled 
to close their nosti'ils with raw cotton to avoid the sulphurous odors 
emitted from the l)udies of the A'shiwi. At night each party fell back; 
the Kia'nakwe to their village, and the A'shiwi to Han'Hipinkia, where 
they danced and prayed throughout the night for rain. 

The second nigiit tlie Kia'kwemosi sent the l)ivine Ones to Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa to inquire if A'wan ta''chu Ko'j^emshi could tell anything 
al)ont the enemy, and to implore the Council of the Gods to cause 
rainfall, that the A'shiwi 1)0\vstrings, which were made of yucca fil)er, 
might 1)e made strong, and the bowstrings of the enemy, made of 
deer sinew, might be weakened. The A'shiwi secured their anows 
for the engagement with the Kia'nakwe on Ko'yemshi mountain. <" 
Mountain is to be seen at left of plate (see plate iv). 

The prayers of the A'shiwi brought heavy rainson the third morning, 
and again they met the enemj\ This time their forces were strength- 

a This personage was a turkey of enormous size. 

^The Zufiis say tliey never saw tlie mi'hia until they met the Kia'nakwe, but they afterward wove it 
of their native cotton. The modem mi'ha is made by the Hopi priests, and consists of commercial 
cotton in the body of the blanket and wools for embroidery. They are exclusively ceremonial and 
are the most valued of all fabrics known to these people. The principal designs in the embroider}- 
are conventional butterflies and cloud and lishtnin^ symbols. 

f.\s already stated. Ko'yemshi mountain, in the immediate vicinity of Ko'thlnwala'wa, was 
.found to have been a central place for arrow making. 


ened by the Kok'ko, present at the request of U'yuyewi and ]\[a*sai'- 
lema, who were now the recognized Gods of War. Again Kii' yapilli'sa, 
the 'Cha'kwena, walked in front of her arm}-, shaking her rattle. She 
succeeded in cai)turing four of the gods from Ko'thluwala'wa — Kor'- 
kokshi, the tirst born of Si'wulu'siwa and Si'wulu'si'sa; It'^sepasha 
(game-maker), one of the nine last-born; a Sa'ya'hlia (blue horn, a war- 
rior god); and a Sha'liiko (one of the ct)uriers to the u'wannami 
(rain-makers). These gods succeeded in making their escape, Init all 
■were captured except the Sha'lako, who ran so like a hare that he could 
not be caught. 

The Kia'uakwe had a dance in which the prisoner gods appeared in 
celebration of their capture. Kor'kokshi, the firstborn, was so angry 
and unmanageable that Ku'vapiili'sa had him dressed in female attire 
previous to the dance, saying to him: ''You will now perhaps be less 

In the Zuiii dramatization of the Kla'nakwe dance of tlianlisgiving for the capture 
of the gods the one personating the Kor'kokshi wears woman's dress and is referred 
to as the ko'thlama, meaning a man who has permanently adopted female attire. 
The custom of youths donning female attire at puberty, which exists to some extent 
among the pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona, has given rise to conflicting state- 
ments. An assertion made, not only by the writer after her first visit to Zuiii, but also 
by others, was that these persons were hermaphrodites. One is led into this error 
by the Indians, who, when referring to men dressed as women, say "She is aman;" 
which is certainly misleading to one not familiar with Indian thought. Others claim 
that men who are thus attired, who are regarded in a religious light, subject the 
maidens of their trilie to their desires before their husbands are privileged to take 
them unto themselves. After more intimate acquaintance with the pueblos the 
writer is able to give the facts as they are. Men who adopt female attire do so of 
their own volition, having from childhood hung about the house and usually pre- 
ferring to do the work of women. On reaching puberty their decision is final. If the)' 
are to continue woman's work they must adopt woman's dress; and though the women 
of the family joke the fellow, they are inclined to look upon him with favor, since 
it means that he will remain a member of the household and do almost double the 
work of a woman, who necessarily ceases at times from her labors at the mill and 
other duties to bear children and to look after the little ones; but the ko'thlama is ever 
ready for service, and is expected to perform the hardest labors of the female dejiart- 
ment. The men of the family, however, not only discourage men from un.sexing 
themselves in this way, but ridicule them. There have been but five such persons 
in Zufii smce the writer's acquaintance with these people; and until about ten years 
ago there had been hut two, these being the finest potters and weavers in the tribe. 
One was the most intelligent person in the pueblo, especially versed in their ancient 
lore. He was conspicuous in ceremonials, always taking the part of the captive 
Kor'kokshi in the <lramatization of the Kla'nakwe. His strong character ma<le his 
word law among botli the men and the women with whom he associated. Thcjugh 
his wrath was <lreaded by men as well as liy women, he was belove<l by all the chil- 
dren, to whom he was ever kind. Losing liis parents in infancy, he was adopted by 
an aunt on his father's side, and the loving gratitude he exhibited for his auntand 
her grief at his death afforded a lesson that might well be learned by the more 

a The Zunis assert this to be the first instance of a god or man appearing in woman's dress. 

38 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

enliKhtened. Such was his betUT siile. He was said to be the father (if several 
ohil(heii, Init tlie writer knew of l)ut one child of whom he was regarded as cer- 
tainly being the father. The other ko'thlania, who was one of the richest men 
of the village, allied himself to a man during one of the visits of the writer to 
Zuni, and to the time of her departure from Zufii in 1897 this couple were living 
together, and they were two of the hardest workers in the pueblo and among the most 
prosperous. The third and fourth assumed woman's attire during the absence of the 
writer. The fifth, a grandson on the maternal side of Nai'uchi, elder brother 
Bow priest, donned the dress during the visit of the writer to Zufii in 1896. The 
mother and grandmother were (juitc willing that the boy should continue in the 
work in which he seemed interested, but the grandfather, who was much <lisgusted, 
endeavored to shame him out of his determination to follow woman's work. He did 
not, how^ever, attempt any authority in the matter, and on the boy's reaching man- 
hood the trousers were replaced by woman's attire. There is a side to the lives of 
these men which must remain unt<ild. They never marry women, and it is under- 
stood that they seldom have any relations with them. 

At night, after the third day's liattle, both parties fell back, as usual, 
and the A'shiwi dant-cd and pniycd. The rain continued to fall, and 
on the fourth niornino- nmistiire so atlVcted the bowstrings of the 
enemy that they failed in most of their shots. 

After many prayers and songs addressed In' Kow'wituma to the Sun 
leather, tlic knowledge eame to him that Ku'vapiili'sa carried her heart 
in her rattle. He aimed his arrow and, piercing the rattle, Ku'yapii- 
li^sa fell dead. Her death caused a jiaiiic among her peoitle, who 
retreated to their village, closely pursued by the A'shiwi; tiiese cap- 
tured the village and released tlie three god.s, who returned to Ko'tli- 
hiwala'wa. Another version says that U'yuyewi sent his younger 
brother to the .Sun Father to solicit aid, and to learn how the heart of 
Ku'yapiili'sa might be reached; whereupon the Sun Father provided 
ISIa'sai'hmia. the younger God of War, with two turquois rabbit sticks, 
telling him to give one to his younger brother. On returning to battle, 
the elder brother threw his .stick, but mis.sed the rattle. Then Ma'sai'- 
lema threw his stick, which struck the rattle, and Ku'yapiili'sa fell 
dead. The Kia'nakwe in desperate fear jumped into the waters of the 
black rocks, which Kow'wituma at once cov^ered with stone slabs that 
the enemy might not return to the earth. Their ghost selves went to 
Ko'tiduwala'wa. But two escaped this tragic death, a youth and a 
maiden, brother and sister, who hid in a cave in the rocks below the 

After the A'shiwi captured the village they opened the gates of the 
corral in which all game was kept by the '(Jha'kwena (keeper of game) 
and said to the game: "We have opened for you the doors of the 
world; now you may roam where you will, about the good grass and 
springs, and tind good places to bear your young; you will no longer 
be imprisoned within the walls, but have the whole world before j'ou." 
Since that time eauie has roamed over the face of the earth. 


KUi'iuakia" is an extensive ruin about ol) miles sciutli of ZiuTi and a little off the 
trail to the Zufii salt lake, standinj; upon the brink of the canyon wall of black rock, 
over which flow many springs of clear water as cold as ice. The village had been 
surrounded by a wall 5 feet thick. When the ruin was visited in 1884 the walls 
were standing to the height of 5 feet, and it was found that the masonry was supe- 
rior to that of any ruin in the surrounding country. There were remains of several 
underground ki'wi'sivve (chambers dedicated to anthrophic worship). There was 
an additional inclosure whose eastern side was formed by the main wall of the vil- 
lage, which the Zunis claim was a corral in which 'Cha'kwena kept all game. She 
allowed the game to go out to graze during the day, the young awaiting the return 
of their mothers in certain niches in the walls of the corral. 

Hundreds of te'likinawe, offered by the Zufiis to the departed Kia'nakwe, dotted 
the canyon walls about the springs. The Zuiiis never visit this ruin except by 
special permissionof the Ko'mosona (directorof the ki'wi'siwe) or Mo'sona (director 
of the personators of the Kia'nakwe). 

After the the A'shiwi again formed about the drtuii at 
Hiiii'lipinkia. The seven beings were again called from the earth; 
Ku'yapali'.sa's scalp was divided and held by a son of the man of the 
Coyote cliin who beat the driini, and the ceremony held before going 
to battle was repeated. The songs were not for the destruction of 
the enemy, Imt were :i thank.sgiving for the scalps which bring good 
fellowship between the deceased enemy (ghost self) and the A'shiwi, 
and therefore much rain. After the close of the songs U'yuyewi :ind 
Ma'sai'lema declared that this ceremony must always occur after the 
scalping of an enemy. 

The instruction by the l>eings who came from the earth at this time 
was that, when this ceremony should he repeated, thetepehan (pottery 
drum) must be struck the first time with such force that they could 
not fail to hear and be present, though invisilde, to insure the correct 
singing of the songs. 

Disaster again threatened the A'shiwi while they were still at 
Han"lipinkia. The second danger arose from the wrath of their gods, 
instead of from a strange foe. Though continued supplications were 
made by the A'shiwi to the Council of the Gods for rain, their 
prayers remained unanswered, and drought was threatening starva- 
tion. The A'shiwi were beginning to fear that their A'shiwanni were 
not pure of heart, when it was discovered that the te'likinawe which 
. had been deposited by the Kia'kwemosi and others had been stolen by 
a witch before the ISun Father had i-eceived the prayers which had 
been breathed into the plimies. The Divine Ones, however, recovered 
the stolen te'likinawe, which were again planted, and so the calamity 
was averted.* 

nKla'makla in from klam'amanC ; plural klam'amawi?, easy to break; pule klam-amanO, a shell 
easy to break, pu'we klam'amawe, 'hells easy to break, from the black rock of which the village 
was built, containing stiells which broke from the slightest pressure after being removed from the 

ft Han'liplnkla (place of stealing) received its name from the occurrence described. Though 
Hiin''liplnk]a i^ well known to the present Zufiis, many of whom have visited the place, compara- 
tively few understand why or how this place received its name. The A'shiwanni are superstitiously 
averse to any reference to the stealing of the te'likina'^■e 

40 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Origin of the Clans 

It was at Han"lipinkia that the iV'shiwi received their clan names, 
which originated in this way: During their migrations the A'shiwi 
traveled in groups, so when the Divine Ones decided that the people 
should 1)0 gathered into clans they addressed each group, saying: " You 
will take unto j'ourselves a name." Of one group he inquired " What 
will you choose i!" and they answered: "We are the Pi'chikwe (Dog- 
wood people)/' Another group having been questioned, they replied; 
"We are the To'wakwe (Corn people). Others chose to be the 
'Ko"loktakwe (Sand-hill Crane people), selecting this bird because it 
happened at the time to be flying by. Each name was chosen from 
.some object seen at the time, and the totem of each clan was cut on 
the rocky walls; many of them are to be seen at the present time. 

It has been mentioned that four fraternities were organized by the 
Divine Ones soon after coming to this world. These were the Shi'- 
wannakwe people, who do notfast from animal food, Ne'wekwe (Galaxy 
people), 'Siin'ia'kakwe (Hunters), and *nie'wekwe(Wood people). The 
mo'sona (director) of the Shi'wannakwe chose to })elongto theTo'nakwe 
(Turkey clan). Themo'sonaof Ne'wekwe chose the 'Ko'Motakwe (Sand- 
hill Crane clan); the mo'sona of 'Siin'iakiakwe also chose the 'To'wakwe 
clan, and the mo'sona of 'Hle'wekwe chose the 'Ko"loktakwe, while his 
pe'kwin (deputv) chose to belong to To'wakwe (Corn clan). Since 
that time the a'mosi (directors) of these organizations have been 
chosen from the original clans, and the deputy to the mo'scjna of the 
'Hle'wekwe must be of the C/orn clan. It is not permissible in these 
case^ as it is with manj' others, for a child of the clan to fill the place.* 

The first clan to prepare te'likinawe (prayer plumes) was the 
Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan). These plumes are attached to slender sticks, 
themselves called pichi'hlame, the last syllable coming from 'hla'wa- 
psushle'a (making prayer plumes). 

The Pi'chikwe clan was divided in the following manner: Yiinowwu- 
luha. pe'kwin to the Sun Father, placed two eggs in a sacred basket 
of meal and deposited it on the floor before the et'towe'' of the A'shi- 
wanni and requested all the people of the clan to choose an egg. 
All chose the beautiful blue ogg; none would have the more homely 
one. But, alas! when the eggs were hatched the raven came fi'om the 
blue egg and the macaw from the other. Yii'now wuluha then said to some 
of the Pi'chikwe, "Henceforth you will be the Mu'la (macaw)Pi'chikwe." 
Others of this clan he called Ka'ka (raven) Pi'chikwe. Ya'nowwuluha 
sent the Mu'la to Mexico and with it a number of the Mu'la Pi'chikwe 

a Pi'chi, from pi'chiko, dogwood (Corniis stolonifera); kwe (pi.) suffix, signifying people. 

6 A Shi'wi belongs to the mother's clan, and is regarded as the child of the clan to which his pater- 
nal parent belongs The reader will bear in mind that whenever the child of a clan is mentioned in 
this paper, reference is to the clan of the paternal parent. See List of clans. 

cSee A'shiwanni (Rain priesthood). 

Bureau of American ethnology 





to look for the Middle place, saying: " If you find it we will go there. 
The others will go eastward to look for the Middle place." 

The Ziinis keei^ the location of Hiin'MipInkla from the knowledge o£ the white 
man. They declare that the writer was the first American to visit the sacred spot. 
It was out of the course of the Spanish invaders, and it is certain that no student has 
before seen the place. While a stage road from the railroad to St. Johns, Ariz., 
passes nearby, there is nothing in evidence to iniluce the traveler to alight. To 
avoid the high mesas the writer, with the younger brother Bow priest, a shi'wanni 
and theurgist, followed the old California wagon road over a desert country devoid 
of every vestige of animal life. Kwa'kina, an extensive ruin, was found 6 miles 
northwest of Zufii. On reaching a miniature forest of scrub cedars, about 3.5 miles 
from Zufii, a dry but otherwise attractive camp was made. At sunrise the following 
morning, after proceeding a mile or two, the road was left and an untraveled country 
followed 5 miles to the southwest, the Indians constantly asserting that water would 
be found nearby; finally the three Zunis separated, each running many miles, but 
they returned without success. Determined to reach the destined point, the}' urged 
the writer to continue the journey, saying they would again hunt, for water. On 
her refusal to comply with their wish, a dispute resulted which was soon quelled, 
however, and, after sharing water from the keg and canteens with the thirsty animals, 
all heads were turned toward Zufii. 

After a few days a new start was made by a more southern route. Pi'nanai, an 
extensive ruin on a knoll a mile west of Zufii, on the St. Johns road, was passed. 
The St. Johns road was left to the south before reaching Ojo Caliente to avoid any 
questions as to the destination of the travelers which might be asked by the people 
of this village. The second morning ont brought the party to a difficult road. After 
an unsuccessful attempt Ijy the driver of the escort wagon to asceml, the wagon was 
practically unpacked and the material transported l)y the patient, faithful Indians. 
Finally, after strenuous efforts, the mules and wagons reached the summit (plate 
VI a). After a short distiince had been traveled on the mesa, it became necessary to 
build a road in order to descend. One of the Indians, knowing the writer's objec- 
tion to their driving her team, hurried to the top after the road had been improved, 
and, without warning, jumped into the wagon and started down the hill. His 
apology was: "I knew you would not let me drive if I asked you, and I was afraid 
if you drove you might be killed. It w'as better for me to die." After much 
trouble the party began traveling over the lowlands. After proceeding several miles 
'Kia'napalto, the last of a series of springs, which figures in the 'Kiiiklo myth (see 
page 85 ) was reached. 

About 30 miles from St. Johns the travelers turned northward to traverse a country 
unknown to all, though two of the three Indians of the party had visited H;in"li- 
plnkla-sonie years before by a trail which took them over an altogether different 
route, and had a vague idea of the proper course to take. An obscure wagon road 
was discovered by the Indian guide, leading up and down mesas, many being 
difficult of ascent. Finally the guide declared that the road must be left and the 
party go more toward the north. After traveling some miles in this direction 
the writer was obliged to stop her Indian companions and compel them to make 
camp. One of the Indians descended to the valley below to make a reconnaissance 
for water. He returned after dark with a siiecimen of a ceremonial stone knife, a 
red pottery bowl, and a quantity of fragments of pottery, telling the writer of exten- 
sive ruins where the specimens were found, and also brought the good news that the 
animals could be watered in the morning. By sunrise one of the Indians was off 
with the thirsty beasts to refresh them; the others packed the wagon and ere long 
the march to Hiin'liplnkia was renewed. Five miles to the northeast the party came 
to the fissure in which Hiin'lipinkia is to be found, and camii was made near a group 



[ETH. ANN. 23 

of water pockets, the only drinkalile water within miles. From this point the party 
proceeded on foot to where a sandstone bench is crossed to the north of the tissure, then 
turnint; southward a quarter of a mile was traversed, when a descent of 150 feet was 
made to a canyon 100 feet across at the point of descent. Turning toward the direc- 
tion of the camp the party worked their way throu<rh a labyrinth of tall grass, rank 
weeds, and willows, which earlier in the season must have been impas.sable. The 
canyon narrowed toward the end, and at this point it is not over I.t feet wide. 
The walls were completely covered with pictograplis (see plate vi h). An interest- 
ing feature of this canyon are the potholes, many of them large and deep, 
some forming a perfectly arched niche. It was in one of the latter that the Gods 
of War, U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema, are supposed to have been created. « This 


Fig. 2 — .\n('ient sun shrine 

arch is near the point of the canyon, and it is sufficiently large to admit a per- 
son 5 feet 3 inches tall. An etching of the sun decorates this niche about 2 feet 
above the base. The younger brother Bow priest e.xhibited the keenest interest in 
imparting all that was to be learned about H;in"liplnkia. Retracing their steps, the 
party found on the right a small natural chamber, about 10 by 10 feet, the walls and 
roof of which are sandstone. From this point the party with difficulty squeezed 
through a small opening at the base of the wall by lying flat on the ground; another 
and larger ajiartment was entered, roofed only by the firmament. Access to four 
other chambers is by narrow passageways. The walls in these places are also elabor- 
ate with pictographs, including clan totems. f> 

« See Origin of the Diminutive Gods of War. 

6 PI. vn 8how.s a number of symbols secured by the camera: u, Zuiii seal; b, sun; r, primitive Zuiii 
before the amputation of tail; d, feet after removal of web; e, unknown; /, altar: (i. curious composite 
figure including deer. 

Bureau of American ethnologV 




r . 


r I 

t ^^ 

[ )' 



\ \ / 

1 1 


















The rail! priest of the party, who is a member of the Shi'wanualiwe fraternity, 
exclaimed upon seeing one of the altar etchings: "There is the altar of my frater- 
nity." The discovery of these etchings settles the question that the pueblos, at 
least the Zuiii people, had tablet altars before the invasion of the Spaniards, and 
that they were not suggested to the Zuilis by the Roman Catholic altars," 

Curious water markings on an irregular broken surface arelielieved by the Zufiis 
to be the footprints of those who danced at Han"lipinkia on the level above the 
canyon. '^ 

The following morning a sun slirini', which no doubt had l^een covered and uncov- 
ered with sand many times, was discovered not many rods from camp. This shrine 
with its many fetishes was photographed and sketched an<l afterward removed, to be 
dejiosited in the National Museum at Washington. 

A'sHiwi Resume Theik Journeying 

All obstacles havino- l)eeii removed, the main body of the A'.shiwi con- 
tinued eastward in their for the Middle of the world. In addi- 
tion to the Divine Ones they now had with them the God.s of War — 
the o'ods born of Laugh ino- water. 

After the A'shiwi had been .some time at 'Kiap'kwena.' the director 
of the Ne'wekwe fraternity disappeared through Lu'kiana 'kiai'a and 
beciinie the musician and jester to the Sun Fatlior, accompaiiyiiii;' him 
in his daily travels over thi.s world; but he first instructed his people 
that he was to be personated annually b^- a member of the fraternity, 
when he would l)e present in spirit. This personage, as he appear.s in 
one of the Zuiii dramas, presents one of the most statel3', picturesque, 
and dramatic characters to })e imagined. 

AnorTiON of the Two Sukviving Kia'nakwe hy the A'shiwi 

The two Kia'nakwe, brother and sister, who escaped death at the 
hands of the A'shiwi cotKiuerors by secreting themselves in a cave, sub- 
sisted for a long time on meal and rats, the meal being ground from 
the corn left l)y their people. The rats were caught in a trap set every 
night liy the lioy, whowoidd go in the morning and fetch what he had 
secured. At night the girl roasted the rats, and in the morning made 
a stew of them. 

Gi'owing weary of this life, the brother decided they would start out 
into the world and see if they could not tind some kind people among 

a Although extensive studies of the rock writings of the Southwest have been made, the writer had 
never before found anytliing whicli would indicate the altar. 

''See Destruction of the Kia'nakwe and Songs of Thanksgiving. 

c Ojo Caliente. one of the three farming districts of the Zufiis, 15 miles south of west of the pueblo 
of Zufii (see pi. viii). The town takes its name from a number of springs at the place, three of 
which are sacred, each to a god. To'scluna 'kiai'a, named from the tall grass whinh grows in the 
spring is dedicated to Ko'loowisi (Plumed Serpent), and three years nut of every four the pilgrims of 
the summer solstice gather there. They go quadreniually to Ko'thluwala'wa. This .spring also sup- 
plies the water for irrigating th • farms of Ojo Caliente. A'mitolan 'kiai'a (Rainbow spring) , which 
is about 2 feet in diameter and quite deep, is sacred to the Sha'liiko gods. The water of this spring 
is clear and cold, and is excellent to drink. Lu''klana 'klaia (ashes spring) is the spring of Bi*''si'si, 
the original director of the Ne'wekwe fraternity. While numbers of te'likinawe are to be found at 
all these, Lu''klana 'klaia is the only one where a shrine appears to have been erected. The 
ZuHis claim that all the sacred springs are used for the gods to look through. A view of rainbow 
spring is shown in pi, ix. 

44 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

whom they could live. Drawing near to the village of 'Kiap'kwena the 
youth said: "I see not far off a village; to-morrow I will go there." 
The sister begged him not to venture, fearing he would be killed. 
But he s:iid: " It is better that we both die than live longer in the world 
alone." AYhile they were yet talking, a youth from 'Kiap'kwena saw the 
boy and girl, and greeting them, inquired " Who ai"e youf ''We are 
the last of our people, the Kia'nakwe,'"" said the boy, as he held two 
et'towe to his breast. The girl having provided herself with two ears 
of white corn before leaving Kia'makia took them from her dress and, 
extending them toward the youth, said: " See, we are the Mi'klanakwe 
(Corn people)." "Will you go to our village^'' .said the 3'outh. The 
boy replied: "To-morrow we will go, though I fear your people will 
destro}^ us, as they destro^-ed all my people." 

The 3'outh hurried to the village and told of his meeting with the 
boy and girl, and the Kia'kweraosi, feeling compassion, sent for them 
to come to liuii. On their arrival the Kia'kwemosi. addressing the 
two, inquired "Who are you?" And the girl again took from her 
dress the two ears of white corn, saA'ing "See, we are the INli'kia- 
nakwe;" and the boy displaA'ed his two et'towe. The Kia'kwemosi 
was well pleased, and said: "You are the same as our people, the 
To'wakwe; you must live with us and be our children. Yoii," 
addressing the boj', "are now old enough to have a wife; and 
you," turning to the girl, "a husband. You will have children, and 
they will be our children." He selected a woman of the Corn clan to 
adopt the brother and sister. 

Another version of the story is that the boy, wandering off, ran upon the village of 
Ojo Caliente and, returning at night, said to his sister: "I have seen a town where 
people live; we will go to it." She replied: "They will kill us if we go." He said: 
"It is better that we should die like our people than live alone." The next morn- 
ing they hurried through their breakfast and started for the village. Upon their 
arrival the boy called on the Kia'kwemosi and was i-eceived kindly. 


Leaving 'Kiap'kwona, the A'shiwi migrated to He'shota'yiilla. a small 
village, to find all the inhabitants but four either fled or dead from the 
effluvium of the A'shiwi. The houses here were built of reeds and 
earth, and the A'shiwi declared, "Our people built this village."* 
On entering one of the houses an aged man and woman, with two 

«The Zuiiis say the Kia'nakwe were strangely marked. One half of the face was red, the other 
white, the dividing line running diagonally across the face. It has been so long since the boy and 
girl came to live with the A'shiwi that all traces of the mark have gone from their descendants, 
although an aged priest claims that he remembers seeing a very old woman so marked when he 
was a young child. The wife of the deceased Ko'mosona (director of the Ko'tikili), who preceded 
the present incumbent, is supposed to be a direct descendant of the Kia'nakwe, and she is the 
A'wan 'Si'ta (Great Mother) of the personators of the Kia'nakwe. She bathes the head of each par- 
ticipant in the dance of the Kia'nakwe and draws an ear of corn four times over the top of the 
head, sa>ing: "I am of the Corn people: I do this that you may follow the straight road of the Sun 

i»The Zuiiis assert that their early ancestors had such dwellings before they built stone houses. 


ffi-anck-liildren, boj* and girl, were discovered sitting by a meal s_ynil)ol 
of olouds upon the floor. Their ears and nostrils were closed with 
raw cotton, and they were })endino- over a he'pikia tehl'i (urinal) in 
whicli the old man had deposited sunflower and other medicine, the 
funics of which they were inhaling- to save them from the killing odors 
of tlie A'shiwi. Some of the A'shiwi exclaimed: ''These people are 
dead." The old man replied: " Weare not dead; we were the Yellow 
Corn people; you have destroyed or driven off all but ourselves; we 
are saved by inhaling my medicine, but it has made our corn, which 
wc hold in our belts, black, and we are now the Black Corn people." 
Since that time they and their descendants have been called the Black 
Corn people. 

Some of the A'shiwi wished to kill these people, but the Kia'kwe- 
mosi said: "No, they may have an et'tone." The Kia'kwemosi, 
endeavoring- to learn more from the aged man, said: '"We will cause 
your death if you remain here." '"No, you can not do that; I possess 
great things," replied the old shi'wanni. pointing to his et'tonc, which 
was immediately before him and over which he leaned to inhale the 
medicine from the bowl. 

The Kia'kwemosi was pleased to And that the old man possessed an 
•et'tone, and said to him, ''You must remain with us; you will remain 
in your house four days and sing- your songs for rain, and we will see 
what you can do with your et'tone (there were manj' houses in He'sho- 
tayalla, but all the others had been deserted, for the people fled from 
their houses before they died); then I will bring out mj' et'tone and 
sing my songs for rain." "No," said the old man, "you shall sing 
your songs first; you are perhaps greater than I." "No," replied the 
Kia'kwemosi, "you were here flrst, and you shall sing tirst." After 
much talking, the Black Corn shi'wanni went into retreat for four 
days and sang his songs for rain, and much fell; after the fourth 
day the Kia'kwemosi placed his et'tone in a room and sat four days 
and sang, and his songs brought much rain. The two became fast 
friends, and the old priest and his family were adopted into the A'shiwi 
tribe. Since his death his et'tone has been in the possession of the 
old priest's descendants, the Kwin'nakwe (Black Corn people)." 

Through the friendship of the shi'wanni having- this fetish in liis 
keeping the writer was enabled to photograph b^' flashlight the cham- 
ber in which this et'tone is kept. (The et'tone is not in view in the 
picture.) This old priest was the keeper of the fetish Ko'loowi'si 
(Plumed Serpent), and had the privilege of painting an elaborate ser- 
pent on the wall of the chamber. Other et'towe i"ooms do not have 
this decoration (see plate xxxvi). 

aThe t^t'tonO, said to have come from the Shi'wanni of He'shotiyjil'Ia, was the fetish of an aged 
shi'wanni, the last of the Black Corn clan, supposed to Ije the direct descendant of the people of this 
vilhige. Since his death in 1902 the et'tone (invariable hringer of good) has remained permanently 
in its resting place, as no other priest is privileged to bring it out. 

46 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 2:i 

Another villaoe of the A'shiwi was Ma"'.sakia/' standing on a knoll 
less than 2 tnilcs cast of the present Zuni. After a time the A'shiwi 
concluded that thcv were a little too far east for the center of the 
world. They abandoned their villages about Ma"sakia and built the 
town of Hiiroiia (Ant place). Finally the 'Kian'astepi (Ilydrotrechus 
reniigis), who came f loni the south, relieved the Zunis of all anxiety 
])y spreading his legs and declaring the Middle of the world to be 
directly beneath his heart. So the town of I'tiwanna (middle) was 
built, as indicated by 'Kian'astepi, where the present pueblo of Zuiii 
stands, on the opposite bank of the river from Hiil'ona. I'tiwanna and 
Hrd'oiia are fre([uently rcfei-red to as one and the same place. 

The et'tone of the Kia'kwemosi rests in the room which is directly 
west of and below the ceremonial chamber of the Kiakwe amosi 
(Directors of the house of houses), and is supposed to be the spot over 
which 'Kian'astepi's heart i-estcd, and therefore the Middle of the 

He'patina, a shrine a short distance southwest of the village, symbol- 
izes the Middle of the world. The Middle place, where the et'tone of 
Kia'kwemosi rests, is regarded as too sacred to be referred to, except 
by the Kiakwe amosi themselves. 

Orkun of the Ko'tikili 

A time came when Pau'tiwa, director-general of the Kok'ko, desired 
that the A'shiwi should be made personally acquainted with their gods, 
and that they learn in detail of their coming to this world and their 
migrations after reaching here. Pau'tiwa therefore chose 'Kiiiklo, 
his deputy, as narrator; and. in obedience to him, 'Kiaklo passed from 
Ko'thluwala'wa to I'tiwanna on the backs of the Ko'yemshi.'' He 
related to the A'shiwi the history of their coming to this world and 
their (juest for the ^Middle place, and declared to the A'.shiwi, before 
he departed, that in eight days all of the others (referring to the 
ancestral gods) would come from Ko'thluwala'wa, when they must be 
prepared to receive them, adding: " You must build six chaml)ers, one 
for each of the six regions, which shall be dedicated to the Kok'ko." 

After the departure of 'Kiaklo the A'shiwi hastened to work, and the 
six chambers, which were called ki'wi'siwe, one for each region, were 
in readiness when he reappeared to them. 'Kiiiklo visited each of the 
six ki'wi'siwe remaining a short time in each, to announce the coming 
of the gods, and again departed over the western road to Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa; not, however, before a man of the Dogwood clan had exam- 
ined 'Kiaklo's mask, afterward making one like it. 

The first body of A'shiwanni and others were gathered in He'iwa 

n The first syllable, ma, from mawe (salt), so named from a Shi'wi, who, looking abont the country 
soon alter the people had settled at this point, discovered the Sail Mother near by. 
(' See p. 33. 


(north) ki'wi'.sine to greet the gods, wlio wore their masks to Iti'wanna, 
)mt reiiiovcd tht-iii on eiitt'iing the ki'wi'sine. A'wan t!i"chu (Great 
Father) Ko'yemshi, addressing- the A'shiwi, said, "Now j'ou will look 
well at these masks." Pau'tiwa's mask was the first examined. Kia'- 
kweinosi, who belonged to the Dogwood clan, receiving it from the 
hands of Pau'tiwa, and inspecting it closely, said "Thanks, my 
child."" Afterward he made a connterpart of the mask worn l)y 

The mo'sona (director) of the Ne'wekwe fraternity examined the 
mask of A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi and copied it: others of this fra- 
ternity copied the remaining nine masks of the Ko'yemshi. Then 
A'wan tii"ehu Ko'yemshi, desiring to organize a fraternit}' by whom 
the gods should be personated, said: " I wish a Ko'mosona,'' a Ko'pek- 
win (deputy to the Ko'mosona), and two Ko'pi"l!"lshiwanni (warriors to 
the Ko'mosna and Ko'pekwin)." The Kia'kwemosi first chose a man 
of Deer clan, saying: " iMy child of Deer clan, I wish you to be the 
Ko'mosonji of the Ko'tikili." And to another of the same clan he said: 
^^ly child, I wish you to be Ko'pi'Mashiwanni to the Ko'mosona." 
And selecting a man of Badger clan, he said: " 'Sly child, I choose you 
to be Ko'pekwin to the Ko'mosona." And he chose another of the 
same clan to be Ko'pi"tl:ishiwanni to the Ko'jx'kwin. 

The first body of the A'shiwanni then left the ki'wi'sine, and the 
newly appointed Ko'mosona divided t!ie A'shiwi, regardless of clan, 
among the six ki'wi'siwe, to which they were to remain permanently 
allied. A'wan t:i"chu Ko'yemshi then directed the gods whose masks 
had not l)een examined to separate and go to the other five ki'wi'siwe, 
where their masks should be copied. Th(»re were six Sha'lako (giant 
couriers to the rain-makers), and one was designated for each ki'wi'sine. 
The Council of the Gods, a Sha'lako, some of the Kor'kokshi, a body 
of 'Cha'kwena, and the Sal'imobiya (warrior and seed-gatherer) of 
the North remained in He'iwa (north) ki'wi'sine. A Sha'lako, Sal'imo- 
biya of the West, and a number of Kor'koksiii went to Mu'he'wa 
(west) kiwi'sinc. A Sha'lako. a numljcr of Kor'kokshi. Sarimohiya 
of the Soutli, Mu'luktiikia, and the Kian'akwc went to Chu'pawa 
(south) ki'wi'sine (^1, plate x). A Sha'lako, other Kor'kokshi, a body of 
Wa'tcm'la, and Siil'imobiya of the P2ast went to O'he' wa (east) ki'wi'sine. 
A Sha'liil'^o, a l)ody of 'Cha'kwena, other Kor'kokshi. and Sal'imobiya 
of the Zenith went to Up"sannawa (zenith) ki'wi'sine. A Sha'lako, a 
body of Wa'tcm'la, others of the Kor'kokshi, and Sfil'iniobiya of the 
Nadir went to He'kiapawa (nadir) ki'wi'sine.'' 

alt must be borne in mind that these gods were the children of the A'shiwi. 

'j Ko, from Kok'ko; mo'sona, director. 

c Since the organization of the Ko'tikili every male child must become a member of this fraternity 
in order to enter the sacred dance house in Ko'thluwala'wa. A dramatization of the coming of 
the gods to I'tiwanni occurs quadrennially, when the children receive involuntary initiation into 
the Ko'tikili. 

48 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth, ann. .iS 

Discovery of tite Corn Maidens 

The witches who were with the A'sliiwi never mentioned their meet- 
ing witli the Corn maidens, and after the A'shiwi had settled at 
I'tiwanna, Kow'wituma and Wats'usi went on a deer hunt. On 
drawing- near Shi'pololo tiiey discovered, daneing under a ham'pono 
(pavilion of spruce boughs or, as some say, of cat-tails), these beau- 
tiful maidens, who had remained in the same place since the departure 
of the A'shiwi. Eaeii maiden held a 'hla'\ye. in either hand brought 
from the under world consisting of a number of stalks of a white 
plant, each stalk abundant with delicate white plume-like Ijaves. 

On tlieir retui'n to I'tiwanna the Divine Ones related to the 
A'shiwanni what they had seen, and these at once became eager to have 
the Corn maidens come to them. The pe'kwin to the Sun Father was 
delegated to liring them, that thev might dance for the rains and 
tlie growtli of coi'n. The Corn maidens accompanied the pe'kwin to 
I'tiwanna. Leaving them at Ku'shilowa (I'ed earth), which place is a 
few rods east of the present village of Zufii, he hastened to notify the 
A'sliiwanni and Divine Ones, who M'ere assembled in the O'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine. Kow'wituma and Wats'usi then went for the Corn maidens. 
The Yellow Corn maiden and four sistei's accompanied Kow'wituma 
and tiie Blue Corn maiden and four sisters accompanied Wats'usi to 
the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine, where they sang and danced for a short while. 
IS'o rattles, drums, or singers accomj^anied the Corn maidens at this 

At midnight they were led by the pe'kwin, who was preceded by 
the other A'shiwanni and the Divine Ones, to a hiim'pone of waving 
corn, in si'aa' " te'wita (the sacred dance court). A meal painting of 
cloud symbols had l)een made on the giound in the ham'pone where 
the Corn maidens danced. 

During the dancing the A'shiwanni and Divine Ones fell asleep, and 
while they slept Pa'yatiimu,* god of nuisic, l)utterflies, and flowers, 
who was walking about the coiuitry, discovered the Corn maidens, and 
approaching the ham'pone, he took a seat at the northeast corner. 
Pa'yatiimu thought the maidens were all vei\y beautiful, but the Yellow 
Corn maiden was the most beautiful of all, and he said to himself 
'' Ho'oh il al'lanna (I wish to eml>race her)." The Corn maidens, uuder- 
.standing Pa'j'atamu's thoughts, were much afraid, and thej' ceased 
dancing and drew close to one another. The elder sister whispered 
to the others: '" I think he will soon sleep, and then we will run awaj'.'' 

a The word means to break or tear apart. The te'wita was so named because the court often 
became so crowded as to endanger the breaking away of the walls. 

''Pa'yatiimu is diminutive and wears a crown of flowers, and with the sho'kona{his flute) he causes 
flowers to bloom and draws the butterflies of the world to him. His home is in .\'mitoian te'poula 
(rainbow covering entrancel at the base of Shun'tekaiya, a mesa near To'wa yjil'liinn^. 


And when Pa'yatiimu slept the Corn maidens ran off liy the first light 
of the morning- star to Ke'3'atiwa shipololo' a'wehlwia'kiai'a." 

The god of music soon awoke, and to his dismay found the maidens 
gone: and his heart was sorely troubled. The A'shiwanni and Divine 
Ones on waking were also astonished to see the Corn maidens gone, 
and looked ever3'where, but could not find them. The A'shiwanni 
and Divine Ones having slept while Pa'vatiimu was at the liam'pone, 
they did not suspect the cause of the flight of the Corn maidens. On 
reaching Ke'yatiwa, the Yellow Corn maiden, the elder sister, sent 
the Black Corn maiden to Ko'thluwala'wa to tell the gods of their 
fears. On delivering her message she was accompanied back to 
Ke'yatiwa by A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi and Pau'tiwa,* both gods 
assuming the form of ducks; and the Corn maidens, who were in the 
spring, were now protected from view b\' the gods spreading their 
wings over the waters. 

Crkation of the Beast Gods 

The Divine Ones, wishing that the world should be well guarded by 
those keen of sight and scent, visited Shi'papolinia, home of 
Po'shaiyanki, Zuiii culture hero, and his followers, and converted the 
medicine men who came to this world with Po'shaiyanki into Beast 
Gods. Thej' converted one into the Cougar, giving him the north 
region to i^reside over. Another was converted into tiie Bear to 
guard the west. A tiiird was transformed into the Badoer to "uard 
the south. Anotlier was converted into the AVhite Wolf to preside 
over the east. A fifth was converted into the Eagle to guard the 
zenith, and another was transformed into the Shrew to guard the nadir 
or earth. Others were converted into rattlesnakes and ants to preside 
with wisdom over the earth. 

Origin of the Bow Priesthood 

At another timia U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema started on a journey, and 
discovering a beautiful woman in the distance, U'yuyewi exclaimed: 
"•Who is that woman f Ma'sai'lema replied: '" 1 do not know." On 
reaching her, U'yuyewi asked: "Where do j'ou live?" Pointing, she 
replied: "There is ni}' house." " Where is 3'our father? where is j^our 
mother?" "There in m^^ house," replied the woman; and she then 
inquii-ed of U'yuj'ewi "Where is your house?" He replied, pointing 
to the southeast: "There is my house; come with me to my house." 
The woman consenting, the three started in the direction indicated by 

a Ke'yatiwa, cat-tails ; shi'pololo, fog coming up like steam ; A'wehlwia, cumulus clouds, 'Klai'a, 

6 See p. 46. 

23 ETH— 04 4 

50 THE ZIINI INDIANS [eth.asn.23 

U'ynyewi, the woman walking ))etween them. On their way U'yu3"ewi 
told her that his was vor}" beautiful; but he was 13'ing to her. 
On reaching a cave in the rocks the woman asked: "Where are we?" 
U'yuyewi replied: " Here is my house." At night the woman inquired: 
"Where shall 1 sleep?" U'yuyewi said: "You will sleep between my 
younger brother and me." U'yuyewi lay at the right of the woman 
and Ma'sai'lema lay at her left. Each placed an arm across the woman. 
Earh' in the morning U'A'u^'ewi .said: "Let us go now and look about 
the country." "Whither are you going?" inquired the woman. " Oh, 
to walk about." said U'yuyewi, who at the same time closed his left 
eye and winked at his brotiicr with his right as a signal to be ready; 
and as U'yuyewi and the woman left the cave, Ma'sai'lema .struck her 
on one side of the head with his club. Then U'yuyewi struck her with 
his club on the other side of the head, and the woman fell dead. Taking 
her scalp, they went to the house of the Cougar of the North, who was 
very angry on learning what the two had done. They then visited 
the house of the Bear of the West, where they were also denounced 
for the murder. Then going to the house of the Badger of the South, 
they related their story, only to anger the Badger. Again they told 
their story to the Wolf of the East, who also became very angry. On 
reaching Shi'papolima they were kindly received by the ants, who, 
after listening to their story, asked them to sit down in the ceremo- 
nial ciiamber, where an altar stood in the west end of the room. 

Presently a voice was heard calling: "Where are mj' husbands? 
I want my husbands." And the Gods of War recognized the voice as that 
of the woman they had killed, and they told the mo'sona (director) of 
the Ant fraternity that the ghost woman had come. He called to the 
woman to come in, and as soon as she entered the Gods of War again 
struck her with their clubs, and, carrying her out, threw her some 

Returning to the chamber of the ants, the Gods of War discovered 
the tracks of a chaparral cock, made during their al)sence. The mo'sona, 
examining the footprints of the bird, inquired "What is this?" The 
Gods of War asked "Which way did the bird go?" U'yuj-ewi .said 
"It went out," but Ma'sai'lema declared that the bird had passed in. 
"Then where is it gone?" they both cried; and after much hunting 
Ma'sai'lema found it back of the altar. U'yuvewi joined his j-ounger 
brother behind the altar, and, holding the bird carefully, examined it 
and counted the tail feathers; and, passing to the front of the altar, he 
sat before it and said: "Listen! This bird has ten tail feathers; here- 
after when a man takes a scalp he must observe continency and fast 
from animal food, grease, and salt for the period of ten days." This 
fast is observed at the present time. The closest relations were at that 
time established between the Gods of War and the ants. U'vuvewi 


and Ma'sai'lema left Shi'papolima at sunset to return to Hiil'ona, car- 
rying the Navaho woman's scalp with them. 

Announcement was made in Hiil'ona that the Gods of War were 
returnino- with a scalp; Kow'witunia and Wats'usi, the l)ivine 
Ones, and others went out to meet them and accompany them to the 
village. On reaching Hiil'ona (the site of the present Zuni) they 
encircled the village four times, each time drawing nearer to the 
center, and entered te'wita Milanna (large plaza), where the divided 
scalp was hoisted on a pole, and thirteen days were spent in rejoicing. 

On the evening of the last day a group was formed aliout a pottery 
drum in the te'wita, and a circle, composed of the A'shiwaimi and 
others, surrounded the drum. The seven beings previously referred 
to were again called forth hy the loud strokes on the drum, and the 
same songs were sung as at Hiin"lipinkia." After the songs, Kow'- 
wituma and Wats'usi, without rising from their seats, disappeared 
forever into the earth, making their perpetual home in the depths of 
the crater at the Zuiii salt hike. 

The priesthood of the Bow was thus organized, with U'j-uyewi and 
Ma'sai'lema as the tirst directors, and the scene supposed to have l)een 
enacted at this time is drauiatiz(>d upon the initiation of a victor into 
the priesthood of the Bow. 

Rediscovery of the Corn Maidens and their Re-creation of 


After flourishing four years (time periods) at I'tiwanna, the site of 
present Zuni, the A'shiwi can)e to grief because of the witches destroy- 
ing their corn and other food; and in their distress the}" called upon 
the Gods of AVar to aid them. The Gods of War instructed the kakii 
(raven) to fly about and look for the Corn maidens. The raven 
returned to saj" that he could not rind them. The Gods of War then 
called upon the owl to search at night for tlie Corn maidens, l)ut lie 
brought back word of faiiui'c. Tiiey then sent the hawk, who 
returned with no better news. Then the Gods of War and the 
A'shiwanni talked together and it was decided to ask aid of Bi"'si'si, 
musician and jester to the Sun Father. For this purpose the Gods 
of War visited Lu'kiana 'kiai'a, tlie spring, into which Bi'"si'si disap- 
peared dui'ing the migrations of tlie A'shiwi, and said to him "We 
want you." "Why do you want meC asked Bi"'si'si. The tiods 
of War replied: " A'towa e'washtokii kwa'chua ho'nawa a'tii 'chu 
to'no te'shuna (The Corn maidens are gone; our fathers wish you 
to find them)." "Hai'i ho'o te'shuna (All right, I will rind them)," 
replied Bi"'si'si. He accompanied the Gods of War to I'tiwanna 

" See Destruction o( the Kia'nakwe and Songa of Thanksgiving, p. 36. 

52 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. an.n. 23 

and wont into the Ile'iwa ki'wi'sino, where the A'shiwanni were 
assenililcd. The Ivia'kweniosi told Bi"'.si'si of his wish, and he 
said "■Ho'o a'wa a'wili i'iinna (I will look for them all);'" and the 
Kiii'kwemosi replied "El'lakwa (Thanks)." The words between the 
Kia'kwemosi and Bi'"si'si were not spoken l)y the lips, but from the 

The A'shiwanni sat all nioht and all day in the ki'wi'sine, where there 
was no tire. They spoke not a word with their lips, and they did 
not eat, drink, or smoke. All their thoughts were given to the Corn 
maidens and to rain. 

After leaving I'tiwanna, I5i""si'si ascended a tall cottonwood tree" and 
looked all over the world. Finally he espied one of the maidens in the 
far south through the separated plumes of one of the duck's wings.* 
Descending from the tree, he hastened to tell the A'shiwanni and the 
Gods of War of his discovery. • Again he spoke not with his lips, but 
with his heart. He was then carried by Yu'pia'^hlan'na (Galaxy), 
who bowed to the earth to I'eceive him, to Ke'yatiwa, and descending 
to the earth, he walked with great dignity, his arms crossed, to meet 
Pau'tiwa, to whom he spoke: "The A'shiwanni wish the A'towa 
e'washtokii' to come to them." The Corn maidens, hearing the words 
of Bi""si'si, refused to go, saying "We are afraid." But Pau'tiwa 
said: "Your A'wan a'til'chu (Great Fathers, meaning the A'shiwanni) 
want you: you must go."' All spoke with their hearts; hearts spoke 
to hearts, and lips did not move. 

Bi"'si'si returned to I'tiwanna, followed ))y the A'wan ta"chu Ko'- 
yemshi, Pau'tiwa, and the Corn maidens; the gods and Corn maidens 
remaining at Ku'shilowa, a few rods east of I'tiwanna, while Bi'"si'si 
went direct to the ki'wi'sine, where the A'shiwanni, who were still 
assembled, sat in line at the west end of the room and back of the 
cloud symbol of meal made by the pe'kwin. Their miwachi'' were on 
the meal painting, and a line of meal extended from the cloud symbol 
to the ladder leading from the hatchway to the floor of the ki'wi'sine. 
A liaslvet containing six te'iikinawe stood by the meal painting — one 
yellow, for the Yellow Corn maiden of the North; one blue, for the 
Blue Corn maiden of the West; one red, for the Red Corn maiden of 
the .South; one white, for the White Corn maiden of the East; another 
white dotted in all colors, for the Every -color Corn maiden of the 
Zenith, and a black one, for the Black Corn maiden of the Nadir. 

oOne or two A'shiwanni claim that Bi'"si'si did not ascend the cottonwood tree, but traveled by 
Yu'pia'hlan'na (Galaxy) south until he was over Ke'yatiwa; when, looking down, he discovered one 
o£ the maidens through the separated feathers in the duck's wing. The first version, however, is 
held by all the other A'shiwanni. 

('It will be borne in mind that A'wan t:i''chu Ko'yemshi and Pau'tiwa had assumed the form of 

c Singular miii, sacred fetish composed of an ear of corn surrounded by feathers. 


After announcing the arrival of the Corn maidens, Bi"'.si'si left the 
ki'wi'sine with the yellow te'likinane (singular of te'likinawe) and, 
planting it, he returned to the kiwi'isine for the l)lue te'likinane, 
which he planted a short distance beyond the yellow one. Returning 
to the ki'wi'sine, he took the red te'likinane, which he deposited a 
short distance bej'ond the blue. Again returning to the kiwi'sine, he 
took the white te'likinane and placed it a short distance beyond the 
red one. He then secured the every-colored te'likinane and stood it in 
place, and went for the black te'likinane and placed it a short distance 
bc^'ond the ever\'-colored one, near Pau'tiwa. The gods, being now 
in human form, were sitting south of the Corn maidens, who stood in 
line east and west. After depositing the last one, Bi'^si'si passed 
from left to right around Pau'tiwa and the Corn maidens. 

A'wan til'chu Ko'yemshi then went to I'tiwanna and returned to 
Ku'shilowa, preceded by the pe'kwTn (deput^y to the Sun Father). He 
circled round the Corn maidens and Pau'tiwa from left to right and 
took his position back of Pau'tiwa, who was now standing in line with 
the Corn maidens. Bi"'si'si stood before Pau'tiwa and the pe'kwin 
was l)cfore Bi"'si*si. In this order the four proceeded to I'tiwanna, 
followed by the Corn maidens. 

The pe'kwin entered the ki'wi'sine and took ids seat nortii of the 
meal painting. Pau'tiwa, following, passed up tlie meal line to the 
cloud symbol, then around by the nortli side of the painting and sat in 
line with the A'shiwanni, immediately back of the meal painting. He 
remained in the ki'wi'sine but a short time, not removing his mask 
while there. The pe'kwin smoked a cigarette, taking a whitf or two 
at a time, and waved it with an upward motion over Pau'tiwa. Each 
shi'wanni afterward sprinkled Pau'tiwa's mask with meal, and Pau'- 
tiwa passed down tlie south side of the room, throwing meal before 
him as lie proceeded, and then ascended the ladder from the west 
side." On leaving the ki'wi'sine Pau'tiwa n-turned directly to Ko'th- 
luwala'wa. When a short distance west of I'tiwanna he again assumed 
the form of a duck.* 

The Corn maidens ascended, one by one, to the roof of the ki'wi'sine, 
where Bi"'si'si awaited them. Each maiden tirst went to the northeast 
corner of the roof and faced north, while Bi"'si'.si waved his two eagle 
plumes about her, turning her completely around by his manipulation 
of them, that the rains of the north and of all the world might fall 
upon I'tiwanna. The maiden then passed to the northwest corner 

a In descending the ladder of a ki'wi'sine one always steps from it on the right side, but it is 
ascended from the opposite side. 

("The gods assume forms other than their own when they come up from Ko'thuhvala'wa. 
Nothing would induce u Zuiii to shoot at game anywhere near Ko'thluwala'wa because of his 
f&ir that the animal might be an assumed form of a god. 

54 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

and looked westward, and agjain the feathers were waved alumt her, 
and she was turned that the rains of the west and of all the woild 
niiyht fall upon I'tiwanna. At the southwest corner the maiden looked 
southward and was turned that the rains of the south and of all the 
world niioht fall upon I'tiwanna; and ajfain she stood at the southeast 
corner and looked eastwai'd and was turned that the rains of the east and 
of all the world might fall upon I'tiwanna. The maiden then descended 
into the ki'wi'sine, Bi'"si'si wavinj; his feathers over her back as she 
passed through the hatchway. The same ceremonv was repeated over 
each Corn maiden on the roof before she descended into the ki'wi'sine. 
The Corn maidens on entering the ki'wi'sine passed up the meal line 
and sat on the ledge north of the line, each maiden sitting to the left of 
the one who preceded her. After all were seated in the ki'wi'sine, the 
pe'kwin dipped two eagle-wing feathers six times for the six regions 
into a bowl of metlicine water which stood before the meal painting, 
and sprinkled lirst the a'wan kiow'u (elder sister) Yellow Corn maiden, 
by striking the plume held in the left hand with the one held in the 

As soon as all the maidens had entered, Bi"'si'si with arms folded 
appeared in the ki'wi'sine and, standing near the hatchway, spoke 
with his lips, addressing the A'shiwanni: "Hom a'tii'chu ko'naton sun'- 
iiakianap'kia (My great fathers, I greet you)." The A'shiwanni replied, 
also with their lips: "Kets'anishi (All good come to you)." Bi"'si'si 
then left the ki'wi'sine, returning to Lu'kiana'kiaia'. Then the Yellow 
Corn maiden accompanied the Kia'kwemosi to his home; the Blue Corn 
maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the West; the Red Corn 
maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the South; the White Corn 
maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the East; the Multicolored 
Corn maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the Zenith, and the Black 
Corn maiden to the home of the Shi'wanni of the Nadir. Each maiden 
bathed and rubbed her body hard from head to foot, and what of her 
being she rubbed ofi' she left with the shi'wanni whom she accom- 
panied. Thus the Kia'kwemosi became the possessor of yellow corn, 
the Shi'wanni of the West of blue corn, the Shi'wanni of the South 
of red corn, the Shi'wanni of the East of white corn, the Shi'wanni of 
the Zenith of multicolored corn, and the Shi'wanni of the Nadir of 
black corn. 

The Corn maidens returned to their home at Ke'yatiwa, and the 
pe'kwin brushed the meal of the cloud symbol together with his eagle 
plumes and, lifting it with his hand and ])lumes, deposited the meal in a 
sacred meal basket, afterward throwing it into the river, to go to 
Ko'thluwala'wa as an offering to the Council of the Gods. 

When that which the Corn maidens had left of themselves had been 
planted, and the corn had grown a foot high, they were requested by the 
A'shiwanni to come again to I'tiwanna and dance, that the corn might 


g-row. The pe'kwiii. who was sent to briny the Corn maidens/' returned 
with them at sunset, g'oino- at once into the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine, where 
tlie A'shiwanni and Divine Ones had assembled. The A'shiwanni sat 
in line back of a cloud symbol of meal that had been made by the 
pe'kwin previous to his going for the Corn maidens. He now drew a 
line of meal from the cloud symbol eastward, which he embellished 
with mi'wachi (ears of corn surrounded 1)V plumes) and other sacred 

Passing noi'th of the meal painting, the pe'kwin took his seat imme- 
diately back of it. The Corn maidens proceeded up the meal line, 
and live of them took seats north of it, the elder sister being at 
the east end, while five sat south of the meal line, the Blue Corn 
maiden l)eing at the east end of that line. IT'yuyewi passed be- 
fore the Corn maidens north of the meal line and gave to each a te'li- 
kinane, the color of the stick being appropriate to the region to which 
the maiden belonged. He placed the te'likinane between the clasped 
hands of the maiden, and, clasping her hands with his own, waved 
them to the six regions, with prayers for rains to come from the six 
quarters of the world. Ma'sai'lema passed down the line on the south 
side and gave, with the same ceremony and prayers, a te'likinane to 
each maiden on that side. After the distribution of the te'likinawe the 
a'wan kiow'u, accompanied by U'yuyewi and a Pi"'lashiwanni (member 
of the Bow priesthood), and the younger sister Corn maiden, accom- 
panied b}' Ma'sai'lema and a Pi"'lashiwanni, visited He'patina (a shrine 
symbolic of the Middle of the world), for the water vases left there 
before they fled from l*a'yatiimu. The vases secured, the Yellow Corn 
maiden with U'yuyewi and the Pi'"lashiwanni went to Kia"si 'kiaia', 
a small spring a few miles north of I'tiwanna, and collected water; and 
the Blue Corn maiden, accompanied l)v ila'sai'lema and his accompa- 
nying Pi"'lashiwanni, visited 'Kia'nayalto (a spring in a high place), 
in the foothills of To'wa yiil'lanne (Corn mountain). 

When the Yellow Corn maiden with her attendant returned to the 
ki'wi'sine, she passed up the meal line and took her seat at the west 
end of the north line of maidens. The Blue Corn maiden passed up 
the meal line and took her seat at the west end of the south line of 
maidens. The water vase of the Y^ellow Corn maiden was placed on 
the north and that of the Blue Corn maiden on the south side of the 
painting. Taking the vase of the Yellow Corn maiden in his hand, 
the pe'kwin spriidvled her and her line of sisters with plumes dipped 
in the water. He then received the vase of the Blue Corn maiden and 
sprinkled her and her line of sisters. The tirst body of A'shiwanni 
sat in silence, and the maidens also spoke not a word. 

The maidens afterward danced in the ki'wi'sine to the music of two 

aNai'uchi, elder brother Bow priest, and also Shi'wanni of the Nadir, until his death in June, 1904, 
alone claimed that the Gods of War and not the pe'kwin went for the Corn maidens. 

56 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ ann. 23 

choirs. One choir .siit in the southeast corner of the ki'wi'sine; the 
other was grouped in the northeast corner. These choirs had been 
taught appropriate songs for the occasion b_y Kow'witiinia and 
Wats'usi. The maidens on the south side, holding their l)eautiful 
'hla'we (a number of white stalks covered with white plume-like 
leaves), danced lirst to the accompaniment of the choir in the southeast 
corner of the ki'wi'sine. Then the maidens on the north side danced 
to the music of the choir grouped in the northeast corner. 

At midiiigiit the A'shiwanni, (iods of War, the maidens, and the 
members of the choirs left the ki'\v'i^sine for si'aa' te'wita, where they 
sat under a hiim'pone of kia'lil'si'lo constructed by the A'wan ta"chu, 
pe'kwin, and Pi'"lashiwanni Ko'yemshi. Near the west side in the 
middle of the hiim'pone a meal painting of clouds had been made by the 
pe'kwin. The A'shiwanni, carrying their mi'wachi from the O'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine, deposited them in line on the cloud symbol. U'yuyewi 
laid upon the uieal painting a folded white cotton embroidered kilt 
having a broad band of blue-green painted on it, symbolic of the vege- 
tation of the world, and painted at each end of the I)and was the game 
of sho'liwe, the game itself being tied to one corner of the kilt and 
a game of ti'kwane being tied to another corner. The pe'kwin sat 
immediateh' liack of the painting. The other A'shiwanni sat in line 
on the west side of the hiim'pone. The Corn maidens took seats in 
the hiim'pone corresponding to those occupied in the ki'wi'sine, the 
a'wan kiow'u sitting at the east end of the north line, and tlie Blue 
Corn maiden at the east end of the south line, these two being the 
directors of the other maidens. Their te'likinawe were placed by their 
sides next to the meal line. 

A tire made by a man of the Badger clan burned in the plaza 
befoi'e the hiim'pone that all present might be seen. No youths 
could enter the hiim'pone where the l)eautiful maidens were, and 
every protection was thrown around them that they might not 
again be frightened away. The Corn maidens slept till dawn, the 
A'shiwanni, Divine Ones, and warrioi-s remaining awake to protect 

At daylight the Gods of War. knowing that Pa'yatiimu lived in 
the midst of fog and cloud, thought it would be well to seek his aid, 
and visited his house under the rainbow." Pa'yatiinui returned with tlie 
Gods of War to I'tiwanna, going at once to the house of the Ma"ke 
'san'nakwe (Little Fire fi-aternity). wliere he was joined by the eight 
members of the order he had originated some time before.* They 
went together to the plaza at the northeast corner of the hiim'pone, 
from which point Pa'yatiimu liad previously observed the Corn maidens. 
The flutes given them Ijy Pa'yatamu were laid across a large and beau- 

a This bow has no reference lo the celestial bow. b See Esoteric traternities. 


tiful medicine bowl and covered with a white eml)roiderod cotton 

The Corn niaidi'n.s danced from daylight until ni^lit. Those on 
the noi'th tside, passing' around ))y the west, joined their sisters on the 
south side, ami, leaving the hiim'pone, danced in the plaza to the 
music of the choir at the southeast corner of the hiim'pone. After they 
had all returned to their places the maidens on the south sid(>, passing 
l)y the west, joined their sisters on the north and danced in the plaza 
to the music, not only of the choir on that .side, but also of the group 
of trumpeters led by Pa'yatiinui. The maidens were led eai'h time to 
the plaza b^' eitiier tiieir elder sister Yellow Corn maiden, or the 
Blue Corn maiden, and they held their beautiful '^hla'we in either hand. 
The Corn maidens never appeared again to the A'shiwi, for soon after 
the dance described the_y were destroj'ed \ty the great tire which swept 
over the earth." 

Origin of Animal Fetishes 

After the A'shiwi settled at I'tiwanna, U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema 
lived with their grandmother at Shop"hlua yiillakwi, not far from 
I'tiwanna. While these diminutive (iods of ^Var were great in heroic 
deeds they were also very mischievous. On one occasion when they 
appeared in I'tiwanna U'yuyewi took his position on the east and 
Ma'sai'lema stood on the west, oi^posite his bi'other. The elder held 
his game of ho'klamonne close to his breastand, calling to his younger 
brother, requested him to catch the ball of the game, which he would 
roll to him. After Ma'sai'lema received the l)all he returned it to his 
elder brother in the same manner. Ma'sai'lema had the games of ti'- 
kwane and shoTiwe, which he held to his breast. Each one had a tur- 
(|Uoise ra1)bit stick, which the boys of the village observed with envy. 
U'yuyewi tlinnv his rabliit stick cutting his younger brother open 
from throat to abdomen, and Ma'sai'lema fell. U'yuyewi patted his 
hand over his moutii, giving the war whoop, but not loud, and pressed 
his hands upon his Ijrother, and Ma'sai'lenia rose unharmed. Then 
Ma'sai'lema threw his stick at his elder brother, cutting him the 
waist, and U'yuyewi fell as one dead. Ma'sai'lema hastened to him, 
repeated the war whoop, and pressed his hands to his elder brother, 
and he arose unharmed. The A'shiwi youths looked on amazed, and 
begged that they might use the rabbit sticks, but U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'- 
lema reiDlied: "Thej^ are for us alone; these are our games."'-' 

•I The 'Hla'hewe drama, which in the past was played quadrennially in .August when the corn was 
a foot high, is similar to the myth here de.scribed, with the e.xception of a few changes made, the 
Zuiiis say, by the pe'kwTn at the first production of the drama. This drama has not occurred since 
1891, when the writer observed it in all its details. It is held specially sacred by the Zufiis, and they 
prefer not to enact it in the presence of strangers; hence, as most of the ceremonies must be held out- 
doors, it IS not likely to occur again. 

b See Games. 

58 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth, asn. 2£ 

The Gods of War continued throwing the rabbit sticks at each otlier, 
first one and then the other jumping up unharmed. Finally, after 
much persuasion on the part of the A'shiwi youths, the gods threw 
their rabbit sticks at them, striking one at a time until many laj' upon 
the ground. All who were struck were immediately killed. The 
mothers of these youths, wondering at the absence of their children, 
went in search of them, to find (jnly their dead bodies; and the women 
were greatly enraged. 

The gods returned to their home as though nothing unusual had hap- 
pened, and their grandmother was unaware of the trouble they had 
caused until informed b}' the parents of the deceased children, where- 
upon she whipped the gods. They afterward told her that she had 
better hurry away, for they intended to burn I'tiwanna. Very early 
in the morning the grandmother ran to Ma'kiaiakwi, a low mountain 
not far south of the present Zuni, leaving the Gods of War alone at 
the house. After talking together U'yuyewi and Ma'sai'lema decided 
that their grandmother was too near, for they were very angry with 
the A'shiwi and intended to destroy everything in the world about 
them; so they called to their grandmother to go farther, and she has- 
tened to the place now occupied by Ma'we'sita (Salt Mother). 

The gods shot lightning arrows with their rainbow bows into the 
heart of the shield of Inirning crystal carried by the Sun Father, and 
immediately the world was ablaze. The A'shiwi were not destroyed 
by the fire because their bodies still retained the hardness of iron, the 
condition in which they were when they came from the underworlds 
to tiiis world; but the Corn maidens were destroyed and many animals 
were burned and converted into stone, some of them becoming diminu- 
tive. Thus the A'shiwi account for the size of many of their animal 
fetishes, which the}' l)elieve to have originally been living creatures. 
Many of the birds were burned. 'Ko'ioktakia (sand-hill crane) 
ran to Ko'tina yiil'liinne, near Ojo Caliente, but was burned before he 
could reach the summit of the mountain. He is now to be seen on 
the spot where he was overtaken by the catastrophe, converted into 


ORreiN OF THE Zuni Salt lake 

Four years after U'yu3-ewi and Ma'sai'lema set fire to the world 
they went to 'Kia'nanaknana, a spring at the black rocks, about 5 
miles ea-^t of present Zufii, then the home of Ma'we'sita. They 
had lived there four years when 'Hli'akwa" (Turquoise) came to the 
black rocks. Ma' we inquired of him: "Who are you T' He replied: 
"■ 1 am 'Hli'akwa, from Wehl"hluwalla (Santo Domingo).* 1 was of no 

"The perfect bine is the male: the off-colored is the female. 

''The luniunise mines best known in New Mexico are about 15 miles by trail from the pueblo of 
Santo Domingo. Previous to their being possessed by white men they were the resort of Indians m 
quest ot turquoise. 


value there. The elder and ^'ounger brother Bow priests gave me to 
women to pa3' them for granting their evil desires, so I came awa3\ 
After I left, A'ne 'hlawi (a certain l)ird) 'shot' small stones from his 
mouth upon the elder and younger brother Bow priests and the women 
as the>' entered my home, and another bird caused a rock to fall and 
cover the entrance, leaving but a crevice through which thin sheets of 
he'we (a wafer-like bi-ead) and a tiny jug of water wore passed to them. 
In four days they all died. When the rock was removed from the 
entrance of the house it was discovered that they had become large 
rattlesnakes. These snakes were short, and their ])odies were thick." 
Ma'we declared: "I also am too near my people to be of value; 
I will go far away." The Gods of War, hearing the remarks of 
Ma'we, said: '■'Mother, if you go far away you will ))e of much greater 
value, and we will go with you." Together with 'Illi'akwa, the Gods 
of War and Ma'we left 'Kia'nanaknana. 

Before leaving the Idack rocks Ma'we saw a youth, who in answer 
to an inquiry said he was of the Til'kiakwe (Frog clan). '" Well," said 
she, " in four years I wish 3-our people to come here and put my house 
in good ordei'." Since that time the people of the Frog clan have 
taken great care of this spring. 

'Kia'nanaknana is sacred to the A'shiwanni. The basin formed by 
the spring is about 1.") by '20 feet. Ten-aecd ledges extend around it 
beneath the surface of the water. It could not be learned whether 
these ledges were produced l)y deposits from the spring or were 

This spring is cleaned after the installation of a new pe'kwin, and 
at such other times as may be deemed necessary^ by members of the 
Frog clan and their immediate families. ])y order of the pe'kwin. 
He commands: "In eight days the water shall be removed from 
'Kia'nanaknana and the spring shall be well cleaned. Bowls must 
be made for dippnig the water."" On the eighth day after this 
announcement the pe'kwin awaits a short distance from the village the 
coming of those designated to clean the spring. The men are dressed 
in cotton trousers and shirts. European dress, so much in vogue at 
the present time, even in ceremonials, must not be worn on this occa- 
sion. The women wear their ordinary dress, their best moccasins, 
many necklaces, and white cotton blanket wraps bordered in l)Iue and 
red. Each person carries a bowl with four la'showawe (one or more 
plumes attached to cotton cord) and four te'likinawe wrapped in corn 
husks. The la'showawe are carried in the bowls. All these plumes 
were prepared by the fathers or brothers of the women who are 
present. The la'showawe are oti'ered to the deceased A'shiwanni, and 
the te'likinawe to the u'wannami, of the four regions. 

J female members of the Frog elan and women closely related in consanguinity make the bowls, 
wtiicn have four small openings equidistant, near the rim. 

60 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. axn. 23 

The pe'kwin precedes the party to the spring, and, when all are 
gathered on the bank, he offers a prayer for rain and crops, and then 
directs the men to enter the water. They rcino\e their trousers and 
begin at once to fill the vases, which they hand to the women, wiio 
pass other vases to the men and empty the water contained in those 
received by them. In this way the spring is cleaned, the men descend- 
ing from terrace to terrace. 

When the work is completed each person attaches la'showawe to 
the four openings in the bowl, and the pe'kwin, receiving one bowl 
at a time, deposits it on one of the terraces. These ledges are 
literally covered with bowls, which have been deposited from time 

When the pe'kwin comes from the basin of the spring he receives 
the four te'likinawe from each person and ])unches them in a kia'et- 
chine (a number of prayer plumes wi'apped togetiier) and, attaching a 
stone sufficiently heavy to carry this to the bottom of the spring, casts 
it into the centerof the water, which is now only a few inches in depth, 
with the following prayer: "We pray that the u'wannami will work 
for us, that our croi)s and the ci'ops of all the world may be watered 
and be plentiful, that our people and all people may be happy, that 
our people may not die but sleep to awake in Ko'thknvala'wa."' 

On leaving Kia'nanaknana, Ma'we and 'Hli'akwa assumed the form 
of birds, and in their ffight ]Ma'we, striking a certain projecting point 
of rock, passed through the rock, leaving an opening. Here she 
dropped the eagle plume that was tied to her hair; it petriffed as it 
stood perpendicularly in the ground and became a monument man}' 
feet high. This monument and the opening in the rock are to be seen 
at the present time. 

On reaching a beautiful lake, about 45 miles south of the present 
Zuiii, the Gods of AVar decided that thej- had gone far enough, and 
Ma'we agreed to stop with them, but 'Hli'akwa declared that he must 
go farther. Though 'Hli'akwa endeavored to persuade Ma'we to 
journey on, she refused, and finally he said: "You may stop here 
because j-ou are not of so great value as myself; this is too near home 
for me." So he journeyed on to the southwest and made his home in 
a high mountain protected bj' many angry white and black bears.'' 
Ma'we made her home in the lake, and the Gods of War selected a 
mountain rising from the lake for their home. 

«These sacred objects will soon be scattered, as the secret of burying the vases benenth the water 
has become knoivn to the men now employed in constructing the Government dam for these Indians. 
This spring will be in tlie be<l of the great reservoir. 

&The writer was bound to secrecy regarding the home of ^Hli'akwa. The Zufiis make pilgrimages 
thither for the purpose of collecting turq\ On these expeditions they are always provided with 
te'likinawe and sacred meal. The plumes are otfered to the angry bears who guard 'Hli'akwa. and 
the meal is sprinkled upon the beasts, when, the Zuiiis say, they become friendly and allow them to 







Flight of the A'shiwi to To'wa yal'lanne and theik Return 

TO the Valley 

The A'shiwi were not destined to remain undisturbed. They were 
compelled by a great Hood to .seek refuge on a near by, which 
they named To'wa yiil'lanne (plate xi) from the quantity of corn they 
carried from the lowlands to the mesa, the corn occupying nuich room 
in their houses. During the stay of the A'shiwi on the mesa a cave 
in the southwest wall of To'wa j-iirianne took the place of He'patina in 
.symbolizing the Middle of the world. Tlie Znfiis claim that many 
sacred objects were secreted in this cave during the Spanish conquest 
(see A plate l). 

Though this table-land stands hundreds of feet above the valley the 
waters rose nearh' to the summit and caused consternation among the 
A'shiwi, who feared that the flood would sweep them from the face of 
the earth. It was Anally decided that human sacrifice was necessary 
to appease the angry waters. Consequently a son and a daughter of 
the Kia'kwemosi " were di'es.sed in their most beautiful clothes, adorned 
with many precious beads, and then cast into the great sea. The 
waters immediately began to recede, and the youth and maiden were 
converted into stone. This columnar rock, known as the "Mother 
rock," stands for all time as a monument of the peril fi'om whicli the 
A'shiwi were happily delivered (plate xii). 

The A'shiwi were glad to descend to the valley, for their trials were 
great when living on the mesa and the maidens had grown wear}' 
carrying water up the steep acclivit}*. They rebuilt Ma"sakia, 
Hal'ona, or I'tiwanna, and a number of other villages. The most 
easterly was Kia'kiima, and Ha'wiku was the most westerlj% Ma"sakia 
being the center of priesti}' power. But now their peace was disturbed 
by the Navahos and Apaches, who made repeated attacks, plundering 
and killing many of their people. Thrilling stories are told by the 
present Zunis of attacks of the Navahos upon their ancestors, and how 
the women and children were brutally murdered during the absence 
of the men from their homes. But the Navahos did not always get 
the better of the community dwellers. The Zuiiis relate one instance 
when their people let it be known that they were to have a great dance 
in the si'aa' te'wita, and so induced many of the enemy, who were ever 
ready to observe the ceremonials of the A'shiwi, to be present. The 
plaza was crowded with the Navahos, when, at a signal from one of 
the A'shiwi, war clul)s did lively work, almost every Navaho present 
being clubbed to death. 

"See A'ahiwanui (Rain priesthood). 

62 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth, ann. 23 



The Zuni ki'wi'siwe (cliambers dedicated to anthropic worship) are 
above ground, rectangular, and constructed of stone. The exterior 
walls are roughly plastered, hut the interior walls are smoothh" fin- 
ished like those of dwellings. The}' are entered through a hatchway 
quite different from that found in the roofs of other buildings. Each 
ki'wi'sine has a couple of openings in the front wall for the admission 
of light; in early days these were never closed, as those not privileged 
to do so would never look in the direction of the ki'wi'sine while a cere- 
monial was proceeding within. At present these openings are tilled 
with wads of cloth to prevent tiie intrusive eyes of strangers. There 
is an interior door leading to the adjoining dwelling. The fire altar 
(see plate xx), which is constructed of stone slabs, is immediatel}' 
beneath the hatchway, so that the smoke can readily escape. 

As has been stated, the A'wan tifchu Ko'yemshi appointed a man 
of the Deer clan as Ko'niosona" director of the Ko'tiliki (mythologic 
fi'aternityj and director-general of the ki'wi'siwe, and a man of the 
same clan as his warrioi, and he selected a man of the Badger clan 
as Ko'pekwin (deputy) to the Ko'mosona, and a man of the Badger 
clan as warrior to the Ko'pekwin. 

There is a great varietj' of anthropic gods in the Zuni pantheon, 
many of them ancestral. Certain gods are allied to particular ki'wi'- 
siwe, their dances being under the special direction of the o'taikJa 
mo'sona (dance director) of the ki'wi'sine, to which the personators of 
these gods belong. 

There are six ki'wi'siwe, dedicated to the six regions. The one for 
the north is He'iwa (building up wall, so named because the people 
were const^intly tearing down and rebuilding the ki'wi'sine), and it 
stands on the north side of si'aa' te'wita* (sacred dance court), though 
not on the north side of the village. The one for the west, Mu'he'wa 
(manure house; this ki'wi'sine was originally built of blocks of manure), 
is not on the west side of the village, but stands rather to the center of 
the group of ki'wi'siwe. Chu'pawa (corn house; this name was derived 
from the people in the olden times popping corn in the ki'wi'sine) is 
dedicated to the south, and is in the southern portion of the village, but 
not on the south side. As it is south of the main group of houses it 

o The fact that the Deer elan is almost extinct causes much anxiety to the Zuiiis. The present 
warrior to the Ko'mosona belongs to the Bear clan, owing to their inability to find a man of the Deer 
clan among the A'pi"'lashiwanni (Bow priesthood) to fill the place. 

''Si'aa', to break or tear apart. This te'wita receiyed its name because of the danger of the sur- 
rounding walls falling because of the large crowds of spectators who gathered on the roofs to observe 
the ceremonieB in the court. 



may originally have been on this side of the village. The one for the 
east is O'lieSva (brains; this ki'wi'sine received its name from a certain 
godwlio requested the people of his ki'wi'sine to make snowbird traps 
and catch birds. Upon the god's return the birds were given to him, 
and he requested the people of the ki'wi'sine to boil the birds and to 
crush the kernels of squash seeds with water on a stone and throw 
them into the jjot with the birds. When the seeds boiled they 
resembled l)rains, and the people named the ki'wi'sine after the squash 
seed, calling it brains. Another version gives the name "Itrains of 
game"). Up"sannawa (few people; derived its name from its mem- 
bers heing reduced), which is dedicated to the Zenith, and O'he'vva are 
east of the others, but they are hardly cast of the center of tiie present 
village, lle'kiapa (back wall, referring to the opposite from the 
east, which is always "'the before" with the Zunis) is dedicated to the 
Nadir, and is on the west side of the village. When possible, all cere- 
monial chambers extend east and west, sjaubolicof the daily course of 
the Sun Father. 

Each ki'wi'sine has its dance director, who is the superior of his 
ki'wi'sine, and he leads the songs and dances, his position being 
always midway the line of dancers, and a coi'ps of wor'we (managers) 
who are appointed for life, though they may be impeached for proper 
cause. Tile o'taikia mo'sona decides when the dances of his ki'wi'- 
sine shall occur, excepting at the time of the semiannual ceremonies 
of the Kor'kokshi," which are controlled by the Ko'mosona (director- 
general) of the ki'wi'siwe after consulting with the tirst body of A'shi- 
wanni (rain priests). In a sense the o'taikia mo'sona controls these 
also, for though the Ko'mosona notitics him tiiat the dances must 
occur, the specihc time is decided upon when he conmiunicates his 
wish to one of the tirst bod}' of A'shiwanni that his people will dance 
for him — that is, the Kor'kokshi of iiis ki'wi'sine will dance in connec- 
tion with the retreat of the shi'wanni for rain. Each ki'wi'sine has 
dances iu association with one of the tirst body of A'shiwanni. The 
dual system so complete with the Zunis is expi'essed in the coupling 
of the ki'wi'siwe. 

While the ki'wi'siwe are ordinarily referred to in the following 
order — He'iwa as elder brother to Mu'he'wa, Chu'pawa as elder brother 
to O'he'wa, and Up"sannawa as elder brother to He'kiapawa — 
they are difierently classified for the Kor'kokshi dances. He'iwa 
is elder brother to O'he'wa, Mu'he'wa is elder brother to He'kia- 
pawa, and Chu'pawa is elder brother to Up"sannawa when the 
dances' are produced in the He'iwa, Mu'he'wa, and Chu'pawa, the 
j-ounger brothers, according to the above relation, supply the god- 
desses for the Kor'kokshi This order is reversed when the O'he'wa, 

« Kor'kokshi (dancers for good) are the u'wannami (rain-makers). 

64 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 

He'kiMjiawa, and l'p"wannawa take up the dances. Then they l)econie 
the elder hrother.s, the 3'ounger brothers, as before, supplying the 

The ki'wi'siiie which is to furnish the Kor'kokshi upon the return of 
the party from Ko'thluwala'wa or Kiap'kwena at the summer solstice 
(see page 1.58) begins the Kor'kokshi dances of winter. If a recpiest is 
made at this season by the Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin (deput}' to Ko'mo- 
sona), or A'shiwanni, including the elder and younger brother Bow 
priests, for the gods to repeat these dances the second da}' in the 
plazas, they must remain during the night in the ki'wi'sine, and may 
dance if they choose, but they do not visit the other ki'wi'siwe after 
the tirst night. The same rule is adhered to if the}' dance the third 
and fourth days in the te'witas. Under no conditions can the Kor'- 
kokshi dance more than four days in the winter. The\' must never 
dance but one night and day in the summer, for so the gods have com- 
manded." The tirst dances of the Kor'kokshi in sunuuer occur when 
the Ko'mosona and his party return from their pilgrimage to Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa or Kiap'kwena. Kach ki'wi'sine, including the one to which 
the Ko'mosona belongs, takes its turn sexennially in furnishing dances 
for this occasion. They always gather in the ki'wi'sine to which the 
Ko'mosona is allied and dance here and in the house of the Ko'pekwin 
during the night, and in the plazas the following day. 

Those who are to personate the Council of the Gods'' and the 
Ko'yemshi gather in the Ko'pekwin's house, and the personators of 
the Sha'lako, with their fellows and wor'we, assemble in the ki'wi'sine 
of the Ko'mosona, except when the Chu'pawa takes its turn in fur- 
nishing the Kor'kokshi; then the Sha'lako of this ki'wi'sine, with his 
younger brother or alternate, is present in the Ko'pekwin's house, and 
their wor'we go to the ki'wi'sine. 

The (treat Fire fraternity always assembles in the Ko'pekwin's house 
for the summer solstice ceremonies, but the Ko'mosona may select the 
fraternit}' he wishes to have perform in the ki'wi'sine. 

No other dances are allowed duiing the sunmier dances of the 
Kor'kokshi. The Kor'kokshi remove their masks in summer when in 
the ki'wi'sine. In winter they go over the western road to remove 
their masks and disrobe. Dances may occur at any time from the 
winter solstice to the summer solstice by the wish of the dance 
director of a ki'wi'sine. 

Dances for rain sometimes occvir at the farming districts. After 
dancing one or more days the dancers usually walk to Zufii, retire to 
the ki'wi'sine of the o'tailda mo'sona who has charge of the dance, and 
dance during the night. The dances are repeated in the plazas the 

a Nai'uchi had the dance repeated in summer, but this was stopped, as it is against the old custom 
of the Kor'kokshi to appear more than one day in tlie te'witas. 
ftSee p. 33. 


following day. Each ki'wi'siiie has a dance of thanksgiving and also 
for rain at the gathering- of the crops, the dancers departing over the 
western road. 

All male children must be received into the Ko'tikili, in order to 
enter the sacred dance house of Ko'thluwala'wa after death, and at 
the time of involuntar}' initiation the child becomes allied to one of 
the ki'wi'siwe. 

Women may join a ki'wi'sine under certain conditions, but their 
initiation into the Ko'tikili is I'are. Occasionall}' when a woman is ill 
and the treatment of one or more theui'gists fails, her family may 
think she has been frightened by one of the personators of the gods, 
and they try to decide who caused the trouble. When the person has 
tinally been decided upon he is recjuested to appear before the girl. 
He visits the house dressed in the full regalia of the god he person- 
ated at the time he was supposed to have frightened the girl, and 
proceeds to instruct her in the importance of the religious duties 
which nmst be performed by her should she become a member of the 
Ko'tikili. At the next involuntary initiation ceremonies of the 
Ko'tikili the girl passes through the rites with the infant boys. She 
walks back of the one who is supposed to have frightened her, he 
becoming her ceremonial father, while the j-oung boys are carried on 
the backs of their ceremonial fathers. The voluntary initiation of 
the girl is no less- severe than that of the boys. 

In 1902 there were foui' fennile menibci's of the Ko'tikili. Two 
of these were in Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine, both young married women. 
One has three children, the other none. Chu'pawa has one girl who 
joined the Ko'tikili at the time of the last involuntary initiation pre- 
vious to the writer's visit to Zuni in iyu2; she is not married. The 
O'he'wa has one female member; she is the eldest of the female mem- 
bers, is married, l)ut is childless. These women take part in the 
masked dances, personating the goddesses. 

The ki'wi'sine to which the child shall belong is decided upon at his 
birth. He must join the ki'wi'sine of the husl)and of the doctoress 
who receives him at his nativity. If several female phj'sicians be 
present, which is usually the case, each is desirous to secure the child 
as it comes into the world. The husband of the fortunate physician 
serves as godfather in both the involuntary and voluntary initiation. 
If the doctoress has no husband, her eldest son takes his place; if there 
is no son, her eldest brother acts. 

The initiator^' ceremonies are supposed to be performed by direct 
command of Ipau'tiwa (director-general of Ko'thluwala'wa), who sent 
'Kiaklo" from Ko'thluwala'wa to I'tiwanna to notify the A'shiwi that 
the gods would come in eight days to give to the children the sacred 

<i 'Kiiiklo is an ancestral god and deputy to Pau'tiwa. 
23 KTH— 04 5 

66 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

breath of life, so that after death they might enter the dance iiouse 
at Ko'thhiwahi'wa before proceeding to the undermost world whence 
they came. 

Pau'tiwa decided that one of the gods must go to I'tiwanna (site of 
the present Zufii) to relate to the people their history after leaving 
the undermost world and to prepare them for the coming of the 
gods to bless the male children with the sacred breath of life that 
they might enter into the everlasting happiness of the sacred dance 
house. 'Kiiiklo was chosen as a sagacious god to perform this service. 
Before he started on his mission, Pau'tiwa gave him a duck skin 
filled with seeds, with shells about its neck, to be used as a rattle. He 
was carried to I'tiwanna by the ten Ko'j'emshi, who sang to him as they 
proceeded, each Ko'yemshi taking his turn at bearing 'Kiaklo on his 

"A body of four men have this history myth in their keeping. Two 
of them must be of the Dogwood clan and the two others must be chil- 
dren of the same clan — that is, their paternal parents must belong to 
this clan." The men of the Dogwood clan may belong to either the 
Parrot or the Kaven division of the clan.* Upon the death of a 
member of this organization a successor is chosen by the first body of 
A'shiwanni and the director of the organization. Death is the pun- 
ishment for betrayal of the trust reposed in tiiese men. This organi- 
zation meets four consecutive nights until midnight in the months of 
Februaiy and March to rehearse the Iliad of their race. They meet 
one month in the house of a member of the Dogwood clan, and the 
next month in the house of a child of the Dogwood clan. The first 
body of A'shiwanni holds meetings simultaneous with those of this 
organization. Plume ofl'erings to the Council of the Gods and et'towe 
(see page 163) are pre[)ared at these meetings. 

The drama occurs quadrennially, beginning in April, by direction, 
as is supposed, of the Council of the Gods, when a member of the 
organization takes his turn in personating 'Kiaklo. the performance 
being an exact representation of the visit of 'Kiaklo and the other 
gods of I'tiwanna. 

The ceremonial begins with the ten Ko'yemshi and the personator 
of 'Kiiiklo visiting their shrines, located at the base of the knoll upon 
which the shrines dedicated to the Council of the Gods stand. At 
the rising of the morning star the personators of the Ko'yemshi, well 
laden with food collected from the people of the village, go to their 
shrine, where they deposit te'likinawe. After making a fire they 
group themselves about it and enjoy their feast. The personator 
of 'Kiaklo, following a little later, deposits plumes at his shrine, 

'' At the time the writer secured this myth the director of the body, a man about 30 years of age. 
was a memberof the Parrot division of the Dogwood clan. The other keeper from this clan, who is 
much older, belonged to the Raven division of the clan. The two remaining were respectively 
members of the Corn and Frog clans. 


which is but a short distance from the other, and joins the Ko'yemshi 
in the feast. Here the ordinary dress is replaced by religious para- 

The persouator of 'Kiaklo has his body painted with the pinkish 
clay found near Ko'thluwala'wa. He wears buckskin trousers fringed 
on the outside and reaching to the feet, a white cotton shirt, and a 
white embroidered Hopi kilt, across which a band of blue-green is 
painted, with a conventional design of the game sho'liwe at each end 
of the band. The blue-green of tl>e l)and symbolizes the vegetation of 
the world. The kilt is held on Ijy an eml)roidered sash and a red belt, 
and a fox skin is pendent at the back. A foldecf mi'ha (sacred em- 
broidered blanket) is worn over the shoulders. Dance moccasins com- 
plete the costume. The mask, which is of hide, covers the head; it is 
painted white, the back being decorated with a frog or toad and several 
tadpoles in black. A rainbow extends over the upper portion of the 
front of the mask, which has circular eye and mouth holes. Three 
lines, symbolic of rain, radiate from the lower portion of each eyehole. 
A fox skin finishes the base of the mask. The personator carries a duck 
skin filled with seeds, with a string of shells around the neck, which he as a rattle. The Ko'jijmshi also have their bodies painted with 
the pinkish clay universally used by the personators of the anthropic 
gods; their masks are freshly colored with the same pigment; they 
wear the black kilt and pieces of the same material tied around the 
base of the mask. 

The drama begins with the Ko'yjemshi carrying 'Kiaklo on their 
backs to the village, just as the god is supposed to have traveled from 
Ko'thluwala'wa to I'tiwanna, and the song of the personators of the 
Ko'yemshi is supposed to be the same as that sung by the gods at that 
time. The song is begun as soon as they start for the village and con- 
tinued until 'Kiiiklo has taken his seat in the ki'wi'sine. 

68 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Free Trandntion <if Ko'yeinshi, Song 


We come out from the fourth world; we carry our crrandchild on our 
backs. We come out. 

A lia' i . - hi' a ha' i hi'. 

He remains on our hacks and looks to the six regions, my poor grand- 

Hurry and call for rains, my poor grandchild, you whom 1 carry on 
mv hack. 


We come out from the fourth world; we carry our grandchild on our 
l)acks. ^Ve come out. 

A . - ha' i hi'. a ha' i hi'. 

He remains on our backs and looks to the six regions, my poor grand- 

Hurry and call for seeds, my poor grandchild, you whom I carry on 
my back. 

Song of the Ko'yemshi 


A'witen tc'hula lion" u'kwai'i; yiim nana se'topa; hon u'kwai'i. 

Fonrtli world we fome out; our grand- carry on \\\' come out. 

child backs, 

A- . .-ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 

Les'si te'kwin tu'nawa Ui'chupiichi, i'yo ho'ma nana. 

To the .si.x region.s look; remains on our backs, poor mv grand- 


Ha'nate 'kia'shima we'atina, i'yo ho'ma nana, to'o ho'o se'toye. 

Hurry, rains call for, poor my grand- you I carry on 

child, my back. 


A'witen te'hula hon u'kwai'i: yiim nana se'topa; hon u'kwai'i. 

Fourth world ^vc come out; ^ our grand- carry on we come out. 

child backs; 

A ha' i hi' . .a ha' i hi'. 

Les'si te'kwin tu'nawa lu'chupiichi, i'yo ho'iiia nana. 

To the six regions look. remains on our backs. poor ni\' grand- 


Hii'nate to'shona we'atina, i'yo ho'ma nana, to'o ho'o se'toye. 

Hurry, seeds called for, poor my grand- you I carry on 

child, my back. 

a Hon is a contraction of bono, we (two or more). 



We reach the last spriiij^' on the road carrying our grandchild on our 

A ha' i hi'-. ..a ha' i hi'. 

We reach the middle spring on the road with our grandchild on our 


A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 


We sec the prairie-dog girls and the pi'airie-dog women enter their 
place below. 

A ha' i hi' ...a ha' i ...hi'. 

Ha'aiyu, ha'aiyu; we will reach there in one, two. three, four steps. 
Call for rains, our poor great-grandchild, continue to call for rains. It 
is beautiful, beautiful here." 


'Kia'na piil'to o'nakona yam nana se'topa, hon a'wiya; 

Spring lust - road our grand- carry on we come to; 

child l>!icks 

A-_.-ha'..-_i....hi'..-_a.._ha' _-.i.._.hi'. 
'Kia'na iltjwa- o'nakona yiim nana se'topa hon a'wiya. 

Spring middle road our grand- carry on we come to. 

clrild backs 

A ha' i hi' a ha' i.. _ hi'. 

'Ku'shi e'washtokii 'ku'shi a'makli i'ami a'hakwi te'maian 













. ._i ._ . 

-hi' a.. 



..i ..hi'. 

Ha'ai3m, ha'ai}'!!; to'pa, kwil'li, hai'i, a'witen i'techuna 

one, two, three, four steps 


rea'cli thure. 

I'yo ho'nawa aSvan nana ^kia'shiuia; we'atiua, te'hatou. 

Poor <iur great- prand- rains ' call for, eontinue to 

child call for. 

E'lu e'lu li"la. 

Beau- bean- here, 
titul, tiful 


nl'tiwanna (the old Zuiii). 




[ETH. ANN. 23 

Ha'aiyu, ha'aiyu; we reach there in one, two, three, four steps. 
Call for seeds, our poor great-grandchild, continue to call for seeds. 
Beautiful, beautiful here." 

A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 


Our poor great-grandchild, our \>o<>v great-grandchild, carried on our 

You wish to go about carried on our backs. 

A ha' i hi' a ha' i hi'. 


Our great-gi-andfather duck came out a short time since from the old 
dance village'' by the mountains. "^^ 


Ha'aiyu. lui'aiyii; to'pa, kwil'li, hai'i, a'witcn i'techuna 

one, two, throf. four steps 


reacli there, 

I'3'o ho'nawa ti'wau nana to'shona we'atina, 

Poor "iir great- grand- seeds call for, 



continue to 
call for. 









i. ..hi'.. ..a 

I'yo ho'nawa 


nana. i'v< 




grand- pool 




Se'towi hon'te. To'o a'lu'sema, se'towi ho'ma, se'towi ho'ma. 

i'yo ho'nawa a'wan 

our great- 

Carried on my back. 

You wish to go about. 

A... -ha' 



carried (jn my back, carried on my back. 




P'wayusha',''' i"wayuyha', i"wayusha', huna', i'Svayu huna'. 
A..__ha'^ ...i.._.hi'/. ..a._ .ha' i___.hi'". 

La'lekhoMi i'yokwi we'ninia yitrhia' ho'nawa 

There [rt- ftTriii^' to Ko'thluwiila'wa and the our 

twii uKuintains near by] 


a wan 






kwai 1 

come out 

short time. 


'» Ko'thluwala'wa. 

t' Referring to the two mountains near Ko'thluwala'wa, sacred to the ancestral gods. 

'^Referringtotheduck rattle given to 'Kiiiklu by I'au'tiwa (director-general of Ko'thluwala'wa). 

cNana is used both for grandfather and grandchild. 

/The first eight stanzas are sung on the way to the ki'wi'sino, sec pi. xa. 




You have reached the ki'wi'sine; ascend the ladder. 

You will enter the ki'wi\sine, and here you will sit down. Hasten and 

enter; hasten and stand. 
Inside you will see 3^our fathers" all seated calling for rains. 
A._. ha'... i_...hi' . _a.. ..ha'.. ..i._ _.hi'. 


Our great-grandfather duck came out a short time since 
From the old dance village by the mountains. 

You have reached the ki'wi'sine; ascend the ladder. 
You will enter the ki'wi'sine, and here you will sit down. 
Hasten and enter; hasten and stand. 

Inside you will see your fathers all seated calling for seeds. 
A. - ..ha' i hi' a ha' i. hi'. 


^ Li"la to'o i'ya; li"la to'o ye'maku. 

Here you come: here you go up. 

Li"la to'o kwa'to; li'Ma to'o i'mu. 

Here you enter: liere you sit down. 

A'uthhiwa'la kwa'to; a'uthluwa'la ye'li. 

Hasten enter: Imsten stand. 

Te"laku i'yiim to'o a'tii'chu a'wunatikia; 

Inside your you fathers will see; 

Ti'nanuliye yiim to'o 'kia'shima we'atina. 

All sitting down your you rains ealling for. 

A ha' . . . i hi' a ha' i hi'. 

La'lekho'li i'yokwi we'nima yid'liia' ho'nawa a'wan nana 

There [referring to Ko'thluwala'wa and the our great grand- 

two mountains near by] father 

iwayusha' kwai'i ko'wa. 

duck came out short lime. 

_^ Li'^la to'o i'ya; li'Ma to'o ye'maku. 

Here you come; here you go up. 

Li'4a to'o kwa'to; li'Ma to'o i'mu. 

Here you enter; here yim sil 


A'u'^hluwaMa kwa'to; a'u4iluwa4a ye'li, 

Hasten enter hasten stand. 

Te'Maku yiini to'o a'tiiVhu a'wunatikia; 

Inside your you fathers will SL-t*; 

■" Ti'nanuli^'e yam to'o to'shona we'atina. 

All sitting down your you seeds calling for. 

A... ha'....i hi' a.. _.ha'.. .J.. . hi'.* 

a A'shiwanni (rain priests). ^Stanzas IX, X, and XI are sung on the roof of the ki'witsin^. 

72 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. :;» 


Hasten, hiistcn, a'haya, hasten, hasten, a'haya. 

A ha' i hi' a . ha' i_.-.hi'. 

A'haya, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten, hasten. 

Ikii'. iku'. a'haya; iku', iku'. a'haya. 

Hasten, hasten, a'hnya; hasten, hasten. a'haya. 

A ha' i hi' a... ha' i hi'. 

A'haya, iku', iku', iku', iku', iku', iku', iku'. 

A'haya, hasten. liasten. hasten, hasten. hasten. hasten, hasten. 

Ascending to the roof of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, the Ko'yemshi, who 
, is carrying- 'Kiaklo, seats him upon a blanket. Before 'Kiiiklo enters 
the ki'wi'sine the following- dialogue takes place between him and the 

'kiaMo. 'Kiiiklo, 'Kiiiklo. "Kiiiklo, Ho'o kwa'to (I enter). 

Ko'yeiKshi. Klu'u (Good-by). 

'Kilil'Jo. Ton o'tiptu (You will dance). 

Ko' yriDshi. Eh Si, hon o'tip.she (Yes, we will dance). 

'Kiallo. Ho'o sham'li kwai'i (In the morning I will come out). 

The first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, the Ko'pekwin, and the 
people of the Chd'pawa ki'wi'sine are assembled to receive 'Kiiiklo. 
The pe'kwin (sun priest) and the three members of the organization 
to which the personator of 'Kiiiklo belongs sit in line on the north 
ledge. Aline of meal extends from the base of the ladder to the ledge 
on the north side of the ki'wi'sine and is cros.sed by four equidistant 
lines of meal. Wiien 'Kiiiklo descends into the ki'wi'sine he stands 
at the base of the ladder while the Ko'yemshi, who remain on the roof, 
repeat the twelfth stanza of the song four times. He now steps upon 
the first cross line and remains while the same stanza is again repeated 
four times, and this repetition occurs as 'Kiiiklo stands on each cross 
line. On reaching the end of the line 'Kiiiklo takes his seat and repeats 
the history myth, which is begim at sunrise." 

n This most sacred of myths was seeuredtirst from the director of the body of men who have it in their 
keeping and afterward from a second man of the body, neither one knowing that the other liad recited 
the myth. The only difference in these two recitations was the addition of two words by the second 
man. This is the only instance where the writer has not had all oral information verified by three or 
more priests or theurgists. 



History Myth of thk Coming of the A'shiwi as Narrated by 


The following- are the principal characters and objects which appear 
in this history. 

Pi"'laslH\vanni to'vona,lel<l>^'' !i"'l youiiger Kia'kweniosi, director nf (he house of 
b r o I li L- r B I) w 

Pi'"lashiwanni te'jiona,! priestsoi'thephicc. houses. 

Pau'tivva, director-general of Ko'tlilu- Pe'kwin, dei)Uty to tlie Suu Father. 

wala'wa. Et'towe," fetishes for rains and fructiti- 

'Kiaklo, deputy to director-general. cation. 
A'wan tii'chu Ko'yemshi, great father of 

the ancestral gods. 

[Free translation] 

Narr<(tor. Now we (the Zufiis) come throtigh the hole which is emptied 
of water for our pas.sage and afterward tills with water, and we 
inhale the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona.'' While we are in the 
fourth world, the blackness-of-soot world, our great fathers. Bow 
priests of the place, work for us. The elder brother does not 
care to perform the mysteries alone, but wishes his \'ounoer 
brother to join him in his wonderful work. 

Eld'-'r hrotlti r. This light (pointing above) is what we are looking for. 
1 have thought it all over. I want mv younger brother of the 
place verj' much. 

[Text and interlinear translation.] 


No'mihlte hon ji'mi'kianapkiatea.'' 

Now we Ji'mi'klanapklatea. 

A'witen te'hula, an'nociyan te'hula. Ho'no li"la a'teyaye'. 

Fourth world. blackness-of-.soot world. We here rfmain. 

Ho'ntiwa a'wan a'tiiV^hu a'pi''lashiwanni tejxona, 

Our great fatlier.s. Bow priest.s of the jtlace, 

I'matiel'la/^ j-iim yu'yanamonakia.* 

Do not wish, possessing all knowledge, fearing nothing to gain the end. 

Elder hrother. 

— Lu'kia te'kohannan teshuna'kia. Zem'akwiwe yti'kiakia. 

This light of day looking for. Mind tini.shed. / 

[pointing above] 

Yiim suwe tc'yona iin'teshema ti'kia. 

Mv younger brother of tlfe plaee want \erymiK-li. 

a See p. 163. 

(■Seep. 22. 

c Referring to water disappearing for the time being from the opening in the earth througli which 
the A'shiwi came to this world (see p. 26). 

ft Referring to the Divine Ones not wishing the A'shiwi to remain in the undermost world. 

« The term is applied to one possessing all power and using the power only for good. It is in 
this reference the term is applied to the Pi"'l;ishiwanni te'yona. The elder brother did not wish to 
perform the mysteries alone, but desired that his younger brother should join him m his wonderful 

/Referring to having thought a matter over. 

74 THE ZUNI INDIANS - lkth. a.nn. 32 

Narrator. The youngei* brother hastens. 

Younger h'other. Now, do you want me very much? What do you 
wish? What do j'ou wish to say? Do you wisli a great talk? 
All I'ight; let me know what you wish to talk about. 

Elder brother. I aiu thinking all the time of one thing; for many days 
I have concentrated my thoughts on the one thing; I am think- 
ing serious!}' that 1 will remain here for a time to aid my people. 

Narratiir. The elder and younger brothers of the place talk to one 
The two cut down the pine tree of the North (Pinus ponderosa); the 
two cut down the spruce (Pseudotsuga douglassii) of the West; 
the two cut down the aspen (Populus tremuloides) of the South; 
the two cut down the silver sjjrucc (Picea pungens) of the East." 

Elder hrotlier. Over there in the fourth (undermost) world, we sit 
down to talk together on serious subjects. 




He hiistened 


Yoimger brother. 

E'mala kiiima, 1 

bo'mo to'o an'teshema ti'kia; ma'imati? 


me you want very what dn you 

much. wish?" 

Chaup hincho'li 

pe'nane te'yu'hlanna te'akiana? 

What do you wisli 
to sny 

talk big have/ 


ho'mo to'o yu'yakiakia. 

All right, 

me yon let know. 

Elder brother. 

Ho'o u'sona i'se 

imaku'na. Ho'o te'wanajie te'vakiana. 

I thinking always of one thing. I many days one place think on 

one thing done. 


An su'we te'yona le'achi iyjintikwa'kui. 

His younger brother of the place they t> talk lo one another. 

A'shekia a'chi kia'wulkwikia: 

Pine tree of north the two cut down; 

Kia'la^silo a'chi kia'wulkwikia; 

Spruce tree of the west the two cut down; 

*Hlan'ilkoha a'chi kia'wulkwikia; 

Aspen of south the two iiit down; 

Lo'kwimo a'chi kia'wulkwikia. 

Silver spruce of the two cut down, 

the east 

Eldm"- hrotlirr. 

Thlo'kwa a'witen te'hula ho'no ti'nan Ma'kiye. *»*^ 

Over there fourth world we sat down together to talk 

on serious subjects. 

a It is understood by the narrator and others that the trees of the four regions were used as a means 
of aseent from the low'er worlds. 
& Referring lo the elder and younger brothers. 




Over there in waler-moss (third) world, we sat down to talk together 

on .serioihs .subjects. 
Over there in mud (second) world, we sat down to talk together on 

.serious subjects. 
Over there in wing (fii'st) world." we sat down to talk together on 

serious subjects. Over there our fathers'' are near by. We see 

all of our children; they are not happy there. It is dark inside; 

we can not see one another. 
We step on one another's toes. Wo are looking for the light; all 

must look for it; this light (pointing above) we are looking for. 

I have thought it over; this is what you want very. much; all 

wish our rain-priest father of the North. 
Nnrrato)'. They'' talked to one another. The two wished the rain priest 

of the North very much. 

Thlo'kwa a'wisho te'hula ho'no ti'nan 'la'kiye. 

Over there water-moss world we sat down together to talk 

on serious subjects. 

Thlo'kwa pii'nula te'hula ho'no ti'nan 'la'kiye. 

Over there mud world we sat down together to talk 

on serious subjects. 

ti'nan 'la'kive. 

Thlo'kwa la'tow" te'hula ho'no 

Over there sunbeam world we sat down together to talk 

on serious subjects. 

Thlo'kwa le'witea j^iim a'tii'chu.* 

Over there nearby our fathers. 

A'wa ho'nawa te'apkunan u'natikiilkia. 

.\1I our children see. 

Elth'kwa e'lutea te'iimme. 








1 yunawame. 

see one another. 

happy there. 

te'kwTn u'lia; elth'kwa 

dark inside; can not 

i'yachu'shle nan'nule. 

step on one another. 

Lukia te'kohannan te'shunakia; 

This light [pointing above] looking for: 

Le'nakia to'o thlo iin'teshema 

That is \vhat you all want 

Teinta'i pish'le shi'vvanni ho'nawa tii'chu i'likiana. 

All want north rain priest our father have. 


Le'achi'' i'j-antikwakia. A'chi pishle siii'wanni an'teshema tikia; 

They talked together. The two, north rain priest want verv 


zem'akwiwe yakiakia. 

mind finished. 


very much. 

«Wing; in this world was seen the first glimpse of sunlight, the beams penetrating through the 
opening in the earth. Sunbeams are called the sun's la'tOwwe (wings). All this is distinctly under- 
stood by those versed in the *Kiaklo myth. 

''A'shiwanni (rain priests). 

cElder and younger brother (Divine Ones). 

7() THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Ho lia.stoned, carrviiii;' his precious things" clasped to iiis tjreast. 
Elder hrotli, i\ All wisli our rain-priest father of the West. 
JSarrator. They talked together. The two wished the rain priest of 

the West very much. He hastened, carrying his precious things 

clasped to his breast. 
Mder hrother. All wish our rain-priest father of the South. 
Nurndar. They talk together. The two wish the rain priest of the 

South very much. He hastens, carrying his precious things 

clasped to his breast. 
Elder hrother. All wish our rain-priest father of the East. 

An'anamei'kiashetikiakia, yiim el'leteliwe yiim 'kiaettowe," 

He liastens. liis i.recions thiiiK^. his rain and crop 


yiim chu'ettowe, yiim nui'ettowe, yilni 'hle'ettowe 'hle'iyan 

his rain and c-rop his rain and crop his rain and crop carries 

fetishes, fetishes, fetishes 


at his iin'MsI. 

Elder hrother. 

Temta'i kiil'ishi shi'wanni ho'nawa tii'ciui i'likiana. 

All want west rain priest our father have. 


Le'achi i'vantikwakla. A'chi kiilishi shi'wanni an'teshema tikia. 

They tallied together. The two, west rain priest ' want verv 


An'anameikiashetikiiikla. yiim el'leteliwe, yiim chu'ettowe, 

He hastened, his precious things, his rain and crop 


yiim mii'ettowe, yiim "thle'ettowe 'hle'iy:in te'chikia'napkia. 

liis rain and croi> his rain and crop carries at liis breast, 

fetishes, fetishes 

Elder hrother. 

Tem'tai iila'ho shi'wanni ho'iuiwa tii'chu i'likiana. 

All want south rain priest our father have. 


Le'achi i'yantikwakia. A'chi alaho shi'wanni iin'teshema ti'kia. 

They talked together. The two, south rain priest want very 


A'nanamei'kiashetikiiikia, yiim el'leteliwe, yiim 'kia'ettowe, 

He hastens, his precious things, his rain and crop 


yam chu'ettowe, yiim mu'ettowe, yiim 'hle'ettowe 

his rain and crop his rain and crop his rain and crop 

fetishes. fetishes, fetishes 

'hle'iyan te'chi kia'napkia. 

carries at his breast. 

Elder hrother. 

Temta'i te'makoha shi'wanni ho'nawa tii'chu i'likiana. 

All want east rain priest our father have. 

a Fetishes to bring rains and crops. 




Niirnifor. They talk together. The two wish the rain priest of the 
East very much. He hastens, carrying his precious things clasped 
to his breast. They stoop over and come out through tho place" 
which was filled with water, the w^ater disappearing for the time 
being to permit the A'shiwi to pass. The two meet. 

Elder hrothi'r. All wish the Middle place; we must look for the Aliddlc 
of the world; we are on the road. Our great fathers and our 
people stop here together. 

JYiirrato/'. Our great fathers talked together. Here they arose and 
moved on. They stooped over and came out from the fourth 
world, carrying their precious things* clasped to their breasts. 


Le'achi i'yantikwakia. A'ciii 

te'makoha shi'wanni 


TliL'v ' talk together. The two, 

east rain priest 



very iiiueh. 

A'nanamei'kiashetikiakia, yiim 

(■■rieteliwe, yiim 


He liastens, his 

precious things, his 

rain and crop 

yiim chu'ettowe, yiim 

mu'ettowe, yiim 


his rain and crop liis 

rain and crop his 

rain and crop 

*hle'iyan te'chi kia'napkia. 

carries at his breast. 

Yiim *kiashima te'litokwi" I'ti 

ji^akna, kwai'ikia. 

Out water inside place 

stoo]), come out. 

A'ohi i'onaellatekia. 

Thu two meet. <-■ 

Elder brother. 




All want 




.\11 here? 







ho' no 

a won a 



looking for we 

a'wan a'tii'chu 3'u"lakitina 

great fathers stop together. 

ho'nawa yu"lakltina. 

we stoi) together. 

a'wan a'tii'chu le'achi i'yantikwakia. 

great fathers they talked together. 

thlu'walcmaku; a'witf'n te'hula'' i'tinakna, 

they arose: fonrth wt^rld stoop. 




precious things. 




rain and crop 




rain and crop 




rain and crop 

yiim 'hle'ettowe 'hlo'iyan te'chi kia'napkia. 

their rain and crop carry at their breasts, 


" lieferring to the .V'shiwi (Zufiis) coming througlt Ji'mi'klanapklatea to this world (see p. 26), 

'' Et'towe, fetishes to bring rains and crops. 

c The elder brother precedes the younger to this world, and they are followed by many people. 
The younger one, following later, joins his brother, and the others come after him; hence the 

rfThe narrator, after mentioning the arrival of (he .V'shiwi in the oiUer world, goes back and 
relates their coming through the inner worlds. 

78 THE ZUNI 1NDIAK8 ( a.nn. 23 

They stooped over and came out from moss world, farrying their 
precious things clasped to their breasts. 

They stooped over and came out from mud world, carrying their 
precious things clasped to their breasts. 

They stooped over and came out from wing or sun raj's world, car- 
rying their precious things clasped to their breasts. 

They stooped over and came out and saw their Sun Father and inhaled 
the sacred breath of the light of day. 

Second-world place, third-world place, fourth-world place;." 

Following their road of exit, they stooped over and came out. 

They walked this way. 

They came to the gaming-stick spring. 

They came to the gaming-ring spring. 

They came to the Ne'wekwe '' baton spring. 

They came to the spring with prayer plume standing. 

They came to the cat-tail place. 

They came to the moss spring. 

They came to the nmddy spring. 

They came to the sun -ray spring. 

They came to the spring by many aspens. 

The}' came to shell place. 

I'tinakna, kwai'ikia. A'wisho te'hula i'tinakna, kwai'ikia. 

stoop, come out. Moss world stoop, come out. 

Pil'nanula te'hula i'tinakna, kwai'ikia. 

Mud world stoop, come out. 

Latow te'hula i'tinakna, kwai'ikia. 

Wiug world stoop. come out. 

Yiim ya'tokia tii'chu an'tekohannane u'natikianapkia. 

Their sun father light of day. inhale the sacred breath. 

Kwil'li kiana'na hai'i kiana'na a'witen kiana'na. 

Second-world place, third-world place, fourth-world place. 

Yam o'ne_ya'hlan kwai'ina i'tinakna, kwai'ikia. Kia"la a'wakia. 

Their great road exit stoop. come out. This way come. 

Yii'mune 'klai'akwi a'wikia. 'Si'kon 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. 

Gaming-stick spring come to. Gaming-ring spring come to. 

Ta'nin 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. Ta'melan *kiai'akwi a'wikia 

Ne'wekwe spring come to. Prayer plume spring come to. 

Ijaton standing 

Ke'yatiwa kwi a'wikia. A'wisho 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. 

Cat-tail place come ti>. Moss spring come to. 

Pa'nanulin 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. La'tow 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. 

Muddy spring come to. Sunbeam spring come to. 

'Hliin'ihlkoha 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. U'puiema kwi a'wikia. 

Aspen spring come to. Shell place come to. 

" Referring to passing through the interior worlds. 
b Galaxy fraternity. 



The}' came to dragon-flj- place. 

Tlie_y came to flower place. 

They came to the place of trees with drooping limbs. 

The,y came to flsh spring. 

They came to young-squash spring. 

They came to listening spring." 

Our great father old dance man; our great mother old dance 

They possess nuich knowledge; they finished the rivers.'' 
They possess nuich knowledge; they made Ko'thluwala'wa moun- 
Eldi I' l>i-<>ther. All wish our great fathers, the 'Kia'ettowe, Chu'ettowe, 

Mu'ettowe, 'Ille'cttowe (rain and crop fetishes.) 
Narrator. -They passed between the mountains.'' It is far to the Mid- 
dle of the world. 

Pa'si'' shi'na kwi a'wikia. U'teyan in'kwi a'wikia. 

Dragonfly iianir iilact' cunie tn. Flower plure come tn. 

Ta'piliyiinku kwi a'wikia. Kiish'ita 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. 

Trees with rtroop- pliiee come to. Fisli spring place come to. 

iiig limbs 

Mo'liln-' 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. Hil'tin" 'kiai'akwi a'wikia. 

Young squasli spring' come to. Listen spring come to. 

Ho'nawa a'wan ta"chu hona'wa a'wan 'si'ta. 

Our great fatlier. our great mother. 

Yiim iinikwa nan'nakkia. 

They know many things. 

A'chi 'kiap'ya'hlanne ya'kiakia; yiim iinikwa nan'nakkia. 

The two. rivers made: they know many things. 

A'chi Ko'thluwala yiil'liinne an'ninmkia. 

The two Ko'tli]u\\ala'wa mountain made. 

Elder hrotker: 

Teni'ta'i hona'wa a'wan a'tii'chu i'likiana 'kia'ettowe. 

All want our great fatliers have rain and crop 


chu'ettowe, mu'ettowe, 'hle'ttowe. 

rain and crop rain and crop rain and crop 

fetishes, fetishes, fetishes. 


Kia'la a'wimpikwaiikia kwai'ikia. La'lekho'li i'tiwanna. 

Come passed between, come out. There where middle. 

a Hil'tin means to listen, to hear, and is the name for the waters of Ko'thluwala'wa. The expres- 
sion has reference to the hearing of voices in the depths of the water 

ft The two original ancestral gods (.see p. 33). 

("The brother makes the beds of the rivers (Zuiii and Little Colorado) by drawing his foot through 
the sands, and the sister follows in the path (see p. 32). 

''References to the Ot'towe being carried by the A'shiwanni between Kor'kokshi and Kt>'yemshi 
mountains, which are near Ko'thluwala'wa, as the A'shiwi proceed in their quest for the ^^iddIe 

« Pa*si is archaic for sliu'makolowa (plural shn'makolowe), <lragoii fly, one of the rain symbols of 
the A'shiwi. 

/This spring is associated with the Ko'yemshi gods (see p. 33). 

80 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Our great fathers!" our great mothers!* 

Here we will sit perfect!}- still for days, which will be precious, and 

our hearts will speak with the gods of the inside water place;'' all 

wish to meet together. 
Siai [yriest (deputy to Sun Father). Here we will sit perfecth' still, 

not moving hody or limb; wlu-re can we talk together^ 
Klu'hiDeiiiosi (Director-general of the House of Houses). Sun priest of 

the Dogwood clan knows. 
Sun priest. Much thouglit has lieen given to finding a place; one has 

been found; give no further thought to it. 
Narrator. Our great fathers'' sit j^erfectly still. There we can talk 

with them. Now all my children are happy together. 

Hona'wa a'wan a'tii'chu'' hona'wa a'wan a"sita, 

Our gri.-,a fathers, our gnat lucthers. 

Li'la ho'no yu'laklt'ikia, a'wante'wananne a'kia.-'^ 

HtTi.' we sit perfeetly still. precious days eontinue. 

Yiim 'kia'shima te'Iitokwi. Tem'la iin'teshenia ti'na i'wokwikia. 

Our water inside place. All wish meet together. 


Li'la ho'no yu4akitikia. Ho"li ko'na tc'kwiyasljuwuii t(.''yakia'na^ 

Here we sit perfectly still. Where can talk tonne !iiiutht*r together? 

Kla'l'iceinosi : 

Pi'chikwe a'nota pe'kwin'' shi'wanni lu'koii a'naAvukia. 

Dogwood olau sun priest. he knows. 


An'^seman a'ninena; kia'me ton an'Veinun a'ninenawey' 

ApUice has been found: give no furtlicr thought to it. 

Hona'wa a'wan a'ta\*hu '^ yuUakitikia. 

Our great fathers sit perfeetly still. 

Ma'leko'" yii'sluiwan te'yakiana. 

There we can talk tiigelln-T. 

La'ki ho'ina a'wan te'apkunan kets'anishi a'teyakia'na. 

Now my all children liappy together, 

atKta'eitowe (see p. 163). 

tChu'cttowe (see p. 1C3). 

'■ Ko'thluwala'wa. 

('The gods of Ko'thuluwala'wa. 

^■The 'khiijtton^ (*kla from 'kla'we, water) is referred to as father, the chuVttonC- lehu from 
ehuwe. seeds) as mother. 

/The unexpressed idea is that one will remain perfectly quiet, not moving the body or limbs, 
during the days of retirement. The expression is used for the retr^-at of the A'.shiwanni (see Rain 
priesthood). After a period of fasting and continence, perfect repose of body, and concentration of 
thought, the physical and grosser nature becomes separated from the spiritual nature, leaving it 
free to commune with A'wonawil'ona (see p. 22) and the gods. 

!/The literal translation of the word pe'kwin is deputy, and in the above case the reference is to 
the deputy of the Sun Father. This priest, however, is referred to simply as the sun priest or priest 
of the Zenith. 

/'This expression is not translated literally. The meaning is that much thought has been given to 
finding a place fey the retreat of the rain priests. 


Here we linish our prayer plumes. 

There" our fiithers the Council of the Gods will receive them. 
Pau'tiira. Our greixt fathers, 'Kia'cttowe, Chu'ettowe, Mu'cttowe, 
'Hle'ettowe, passed between the mountains to find the Middle of 
the world, where they sit perfectlj' still. 
Who is a good man? Who possesses nuich wisdom? 
A meinher of the Council of the Gods. Over there, in the room above, 
sitting in the hatchway. Everybody knows 'Kiiiklo of the place; 
this man knows nuich. 
Pau't/ica. Now, I wish some one to tell him to come. 
Narrator. He hastens, comes in, and sits down. 

Li"la ho'nawe te'likinawe a'yakianap'kia. 

Here our prayer plumes liuislied. 

La'lek la'ki ho'nawe a'tiiVhu i'likiana. 

Thure iinw our fathers have. 

Yam 'kia'shima te'litonan'kwi i'iinteshema. 

Our water inside place wisli. 

Te'likinawe a'yakianap"kia, la'lekho'li ho'nawa Kok'ko A'wan. 

Prayer phimes tinished. there our Council of the Gods. 

. Te'likinawe i'tiuhl'la, kianapkia.'' 

Prayer plumes placed together, finished. 


Ho'nawe a'wan a'ta'chu *kia'ettowe, chu'ettowe, mu'ettowe. 

Our great fathers 

'hle'ettowe, a'wimpikwekia, kwai'ikia;'' 

passed between, come out, 

La'lekho'li i'tiwanna le'anakia'nankwi yu"lakitikia. 

There middle name place sit jierfeclly still. 

-^ Li"la ko'leho'li 'se'manapkia. Chaup '.se'mak iinikwa kian'na. 

Here liow think. What mtTft knows much. 

A metiiher of the Coimc'd of the God>t.: 
'Hlo'kwa te'koskwa im'koskwi. 

Over there room above sitting in hatchway. 

E".sakianna 'Kiiiklo te'3'ona; lu'kon 'se'mak iinikwa kian'na. 

Everyliody knows 'Kniklo of the place; this man knows much. 


Te'wuna iin'teshema ti'nawe. 

Now wish tell him to come. 


A'nanamei'kiashetiklakia,'' ikia, imite'la'kukia. 

He hastened, came, sat down. 

"Referring to Ko'thluwala'wa. 

'Referring to planting prayer plumes, which are afterward received by the gods of Ko'thlu- 
^Referring to the tt'towe passing between the mountains near Ko'thluwala'wa 
dReferrnig to 'Kiiik'lo. 

23 ETH— 04 6 

82 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 

'^Kldhh). I am here. What do you witsh of me? You wished me to 

come. What do you wish to .say ? Do you wish to talk much 

PauHliixi. There in I'tiwanna (Middle name place) our j^reat fathers 

.sit perfectly still. 
You will tell the fijreat ones to count the days one b_v one, and in 

eight days the gods will go over the road and meet all our fathers. 

We will go over the road and meet them ; we will meet all our fathers. 
Now, think of some. Perhaps all are gathered, (iood! No, I 

have not my North father of the place, the god with the scapula 

of the yellow deer of the North; the god with the scapula of the 


Li"la, kon iyanteku'nakia? 

Hlti'. what Jo you wish of me? 

E'malakiama ho'o to'o iin'teshema ti'napkia. 

Now I you wish come here? 

Ma'imati chaup hin'cho'li pe'nane teyu 'hlanna? 

Now what wish talk big? 

'Hlan'na pe'niin te'j'akiana? 

Big tiilli together? 


Laiekho'Hi i'tiwanna le'anakia'nankwi 

There middle name place 

Ho'nawa a' wan a'ta'chu" yu"lakitikia.* A'wona ellatekia'na.'' 

Our great fathers sit perfectly still. Road meet. 

A'wa j'al'lenan pi'lakiana. 

All count days one bv one, 

La'lekho'li yiim a'tii'chu to'no a'wona el'latekia'na. 

There your fathers you roaii will meet. 

A'wati tela'ma to'no i'techuna i'ku kia'tekwi.'' 

Four steps you will tjike hasten reach place. 

Les'si te'wanna, hin'choli hai'elikkia te'wakia. 

So many days. wish eight days. 

Te'aan'na tem'lamo j-ftm a'tii'chu a'wona el'latekia'na. 

After all our fathers road meet. 

Yiiin a'tii'chu' tem'lamo ho'no a'wona el'letekia'na. 

Our fathers all of them we road meet. 

E'mahlkianui, i'yantesemanawe.-^ Ho'lon tem'la ha'pona kok'shiye. 

Now, think of some. Perhaps all gathered, good. 

Elth"la, kwali'wan em'pi.shlankwinta'na ho'o tii"chu i'li te'yona. 

No, not this way north my father have of the place. 

Kok'ko 'hlup"sina kiai siilimon 'hlup'sina il'ona; 

God yellow deer scapula yellow got ; 

<' A'shiwaiuii (rain priests). 

l> A'shiwi (the Zuhis) have found the Middle place and ceased their journeying. 

I- Referring to the .\'shiwi meeting the gods from Ko'thluwala'wa. 

d Present site of Zuni. 

<?The A'shiwi (Zunis). 

/Reference to thinking of men who will serve the purpose. 




blue deer of the West; the god with the scapula of the red deer of 

the South; the god with the scapula of the white deer of the East; 

the god with the scapula of the cvery-colored deer of the Zenith; 

the god with the scapula of the black deer of the Nadir.- 
I wish the god with wood ears on his mask ver^' nuich. 
I wish the god with the wool cap very much. 
I wish the god possessing many deer very much. 
I wish the god A'nahoho" very much. 
I wish the god Shu'Iaawi'si very much. 
1 wish the gods who carry reed staffs ornamented with twigs of the 

spruce tree of the west* very much. 
I wish the shaker, the great director, who goes about, very much. 
I wish all of the gods with blue-horned masks very much. 



kTai siilimon 

'hli'anna il'ona 




deer scai'Uln 

blue got; 


a'hona kiai' siilinion 

a'hona il'ona; 



deer scapula 

red got ; 



kiai' siilimon 

ko'hanna il'ona; 



deer scapula 

white got: 



kiai' siilimon 

'si'lipiina il'ona; 


every color 

deer scapula 

every color got; 




kiai' siilimor 

I shikianna il'ona 




deer scapuhi 

black got; 

An'teshema ti'nakia 

'Hle'lashoctipona iin'teshema 



very much. 

Wood ear want 

very much. 


an'teshema ti'nakia. 

Wool cap 


very much. 

Na'wisho ' 

- an'teshema ti'nakia. A 

'nahoho iin'teshema 




very much. 

Anahoho want 

very much. 

Shu'laawi'si i\ 



Deputy tcitho Sun Father 
in Ko'tliluwula'wa 


very much. 


'hle'onna '' 



Spruce o£ 
the west 

held in hand 


very much. 

Ha'shi " 


a'wan mo'sona iin'teshema 



goes about 

great director want 

very much. 


a'wa i\ 

Ln'teshema ti'nakia. 

Horn blue 


want very much. 

a This mask is white with a black hand over the face. 

MMu'luktakla (tall thin gods). 

c So named because this god possesses many deer. 

'/The name which is usually applied to the 'Si'tonne gods is Mu'luktiikla (tall thin god). A frog 
decorates the back of the mask. The per.sonators of these gods carry long reed staffs with spruce 
twigs attached in the middle. These staffs have feather ornamentation of a variety of bird plumes. 

f This name is applied to 'Kiaklo, iis he continually says "hashi" and shakes his body as he pro- 
ceeds and sprinkles meal when he comes at sunrise following the appearance of the gods on the 
eighth day (see p. %). He comes from Ku'.shilowa, and after visiting the four te'witawe (plazas) 
departs while it is still early day over the western road. 

84 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. asn. 23 

1 wi.sli the Plumed Serpent very much. 
1 wish the god Suti"ki " very much. 
I wish the suckling ver}' much. 
I wish the old dance men* very much. 
Great father of the Ko'yemshi. Now, do you want me very much? 
PciM'thm (addressing great father Ko'yemshi). You will go over the 
road with 'Kiiiklo and meet our fathers at the ^Middle place. 
You will carry this'' for your rattle when j'ou go to meet your 
Narrator. 'Kiiiklo comes out'' and sits down. He looks to the six 
regions and calls: "'Kiiiklo, 'Kiiiklo, 'Kiaklo, 'Kiiiklo grand- 
fathers;' where are you^ Carr^' me on j'our backs." 

Ko'loowisi' iin'teshema ti'nakia. Su'ti'ki iin'teshema ti'nakia. 

riiiiiK-'l Serpent want very much. A small bird want very nineh. 

'Si"sikiaf' iin'teshema ti'nakia. Ko'yemshi'' iin'teshema ti'nakia. 

Svickling want very nnieh. Olil lianee man want very much. 

Great father iftlw Ko'yenifth! : 

E'malakiama ho'ma to'o iin'teshema ti'nakia? 

Xow me yiju want very much? 

Pmi'tiim (addressing 'lOiiklo): 

L'alekho'li i'tiwanna kwi A'iim a'tii'chu. 

There Midrlle phiee our fathers. 

To'no a'wona el'latekia'na. 

You road will meet. 

Lu'kia to'o i'leyana'' yiim a'tii'chu to'o a'wona ellatekiii'na. 

This you hold your fathers you road will meet. 


'Kiiiklo imuna kwai'ikia.' Les'si te'kwi tu'natikia. 

'Kluklo sits doAvn. comes out. To the six regions looks, and calls. 

"Kiiiklo, 'Kiiiklo, 'Kiiiklo, 'Iviiiklo. 

A'nana,'' hop tona'wakia? llom i'seto'nawe.-' 

Grandfathers, where are you? Me carry on backs. 

a A small bird. 

6Ko'yem.shi (see p. 33.) 

c Referring to a duck skin filled with seeds and having a string of beads about the neck to serve 
as a rattle. 

d Referring to the coming of •Kiaklo from the depths of the lake to the shore. 

*'The Ko'yemshi. 

/ Ko'loowisi came from the waters of the west, appearing to the A'shiwi for the first time when 
they went to To'wa ylillanS to escape the great flood which swept over the earth. The impression 
of his head is still to be seen on the mountain side where he stopped to rest. Ko'loowisi did not 
return to the western waters, but went to Ko'thluwala'wa. becoming the seed bearer of the gods to 
the A'.shiwi. 

9'Si''sikla names the infants at involuntary initiation; hence the appellation ".suckling." 

'iThe Ko'yemshi. who were in their mountain, heard as one hears from lightning, and the Awan 
ta''chu (great father Ko'yemshi) went at once to the lake by the inner road through the mountain. 

I 'Kiiiklo ascends the ladder to this world from the abiding place of the Council of the Gods and 
sits on the bank of the lake. 

jThe Ko'yemshi, hearing in their mountain home, come to the borders of the lake, and "Kiiiklo 
mounts the back of the pe'kwin (deputy to the great father Ko'yemshi). 




The old dance men. hearing 'Kiilklo call, come from their mountains 

to the lake. 'Kiiiklo mounts the back of the deputy to the great 

father of the old dance men, and looks to the six regions. 

'Kiiiklo, looking to the east, sees four roads close together. 

'■KtlikJo. We will take the middle road. We will come this way. 

Grandfathers, you will sing. 
Narrator. 'Kiiiklo now recounts the trav^els of the ancients to the 

Middle of the world. 
'■KiaMo. We come this way. We come to a large lake; here we get up 
and move on. We come to a valley with watercress in the 
middle; here we get up and move on. 
We come to the stealing place; here we get up and move on. 
We come to houses built in mesa walls; here we get up and move on. 
We come to the last of a row of springs; here we get up and move 

We come to the middle of a row of springs; here we get up and 
move on. 

Lessi te'kwi te'tuna cho'kia. '* 

To the six regions looks. 

'Kiiiklo te'luwankwi ta'na a'witen 

'Kiiiklo east looks this way four 

wo'klapa u'natikia. 

together sees. 

>^ I'tiwa o'neya'la'kowa 

Middle road 

A'nana, te'nanawe.'' 

Grandfathers sing. 

'Kiatu hlan'na kwi 

Water big plaee 

a na 


o ne}^ a 




kiiithl ho'no 

come we 




come to; 

Te'wiiria i'tiwa pi'^kiaia kwi a'wikia; is'ko 

Valley middle watercress place come to; here 


we tills road. 

ho'no a'wonakia/ 

we this road. 

is'ko 'liluwaremaku. 

here get up; move on. 


gi't up; move on. 

Hiin'^ipinkia \\\V^ a'wikia; is'ko thluwareiiiaku. 

stealing place come to; here get up; move on. 

He'ipachi kwi' a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'eniaku. 

get np; move on. 


get up: move on. 


get up; move on. 

a Referring to tKiaklo. 

h The song of the Ko'yemshi is begun when the gods start for I'tiwanna. Whenever the Ko'yemshi 
cease singing. 'Kiiiklo .strikes the one who carries him with his rattle and calls for more singing. 

ctKiaklo now recounts to the A'shiwi the travels of the ancients from Ko'thluwala'watortiwanna. 

dSo named from i)lume wands, deposited for rain, which wtTC stolen by a witch, thus causing the 
rains to cease. The plume wands were afterward secured by a shi'wanni (rain priest), thuH averting 

c Cliff dwellings. 

Wall-bullt place come to; 


'Kiaia' piilto 



; is'ko 

Last series of 


come to: 



'Kiaia' i'tiwa 




Middle series of 


come to; 



86 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. asn. 23 

We come aofaiii to the middle of a row of sprin^.s; here we get up 
' and move on. 

We come to the house of Ko'loowisi; here we get up and move on. 
We come to watercress place; here we get up and move on. 
We come to a small spring; here we get up and move on. 
We come to a spring in a hollow place in a mound, hidden by tall 

bending grasses; here we get up and move on. 
We come to ashes spring; here we get up and move on. 
We come to high-grass spring; here we get up and move on. 
We come to rainbow spring; here we get up and move on. 
We come to place of the Sha'liiko; here we get up and move on. 
We come to the place witli many springs;" here we get up and 

move on. 
We come to mess place; here we get up and move on. 

I'tiwa 'kiaia'* kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Middle series of place come to; here get up: move on. 


Ko'loowisi 'kiakwe kwi a'wikia; is'ko thkiwaremaku. 

eome to; here get up; move on. 


get up; move on. 

is'ko thhuvaremaku. 

here get up; move on. 

is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

here get up; move on. 

Lu'kiana 'kiaia'kwi a'wikia: is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

.\shes spring come to: here get up; move on. 

To'seluna'' 'kiaia' a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

High-grass spring place eome to; here get up; move on. 

A'mitolan 'kiaia'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Rainliow spring come to; here get up; move on. 

Sha'liiko 'kiaia'kwi' a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

sha'liiko spring eome to: here get up; rar)ve on. 

'Kiap'kwena kwi' awi'kia; is'ko thluwaremaku. 

Many-springs place come to; here get up, move on. 

U'hana'' kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

place come to: here get up. move on. 

Plumed Serpent 


place c 

Pi4\iaia kwi 

a'wikia; is'ko 

Watercress place 

come to; 

; here 

Kiatsi ^kiaia' 



Small sprinx 


come to; 

Po'showa '" 



Spring in cavity 


come to; 

in a mound 

a Named by the Spaniards Ojo Calientc. 

6 The two springs are called the middle springs, asthoy are supposed to be centrally situated between 
the others mentioned. 

f A spring so covered by bending grasses from all side.-^ as to leave but a small opening, which can 
be seen only when one is very near. The spring referred to is sacred to the gods of Ko'tliluwala'wa. 

rfThe largest of the springs at Ojo Caliente. 

*■ During the A'shiwi migrations the Sha'liiko gods appeared to them through this spring; hence 
the name. The places here mentioned were named by the A'shiwi as they stopped from time to time 
in their quest of the Middle place. 'Kiaklo relates to those of I'tiwanna the places named by 
their fathers. 

/'Kiap'kwenakwi or 'Kiapkwena i.s the Zuiii name for Ojo Caliente. 

ffU'hana is another name for a'wisho (moss); it is also the Zuiii name for wool. 



We come to stone-lodged-in-a-cleft place; here we get up and 

move on. 
We come to stone-picture place;" here we get up and move on. 
We come to poison-oak place; here we get up and move on. 
We come to a spring in a mesa wall; here we get up and move on. 
We come to rush place; here we get up and move on. 
We come to a place of bad-smelling water: here we get up and 

move on. 
We come to the place of sack of meal hanging;'' here we get up 

and move on. 
We come to the blue-jay spring;'' here we get up and move on. 
We come to Corn mountain; here we get up and move on. 
We come to the spring at the base of the mesa;'' here we get up 

and move on. 
We come to the ant-entering place; here we get up and move on. 
We come to vulva'' spring; here we get up and move on. 

A"lapa'si kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

stone held between I'lare come to; here get up; move on. 

two other .stones 

.- A"sina'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

stone-picture place come to; here get up; move on. 

Pi'shu'kiaia'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwaremaku. 

PoLson-oak spring come to; here get up; move on. 

'Kia'nuhl'hla'kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. wall spring place come to; here get up; move on. 

To'loknana kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Rushes place come to; here get up; move on. 

'Kia'techi kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Bad-smclling place come to; here get up; move on. 

O'pompia* kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Sack of meal i)lace come to; here get up; move on. 


A'yaya'' ^kiaia'kwi a'wikia; is'ko tliluwal'emaku. 

Blue-jay spring come to; here get up; move on. 

To'wa yal'la kwi ti'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Corn mountain place come to; here get up; move on. 

I'te'la'kup 'kiaia a'wikia;'' is'ko thluwaremaku. 

At the base of spring come to; here get up; move on. 


Hitl'on kwa'ton a'wikia; is'ko thluwaremaku. 

Ants entering come to; here get up; move on. 

A'slia' 'kiaia a'wi'kia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Vulva spring come to; here get up; move on. 

n Rocks with pictographs. 

6 from owe, flour (corn or wheat); pompia, hanging. 

f^So named from the blue jays gathering about the spring to drink. 

dCorn mountain. 

e So named because the rock from which the water flows resembles the vulva. 

88 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. asn. 23 

We come to a spring high in the mountain; here we get up and 

move on. 
We come to Apache spring; " here we get up and move on. 
Wc come to coj'ote spring; here we get up and move on. 
We come to salt place; here we get up and move on. 
We come to a place with fumes like burning sulphur; here we get 

up and move on. 
We come to ant place; here wc get up and move on. 
We come to the Middle place. 
^Klcillo (addressing the A'shiwi). In a short time mj- fathers, whom I 

have there,* will meet you on the road. You will meet together. 

They will come, and will give to all your children more of the 

great breath; the breath of A'wonawil'ona; the breath of the light 

of day. 

'Kia'naj-iiltokwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Spring in hiKli place come to; here get up: move on. 

Wila"su'kia" 'klaia a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Apache spring come to; here get up; move on. 

Sum 'klaia a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Coyote spring come to; here get up; move on. 

Ma'^sakia"" kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Salt place come to: here get up: move on. 

Ko'lin 'kiaia'kwi'' a'wikia; is'ko thluwal'emaku. 

Odor of burn- spring come to; here get up; move on. 

ing sulphur 

Hal'ona' kwi a'wikia; is'ko thluwaremaku. 

Ant place come to; here get up: move on. 

I'tiwanna' kwi a'wikia. 

Jliddle place come to, 

'■Kl&Mo (addressing the A'shiwi). 

We"simte'nalapa la'lek ho'na a'tii'chu i'lona. 

In a short time here my fathers have. 

To'no a'wona el'latena'wa. To'no a'wona el'latekia. 

You road will join you. You road meet together. 

To'ma a'wa te'apkunawe a'wan pi'nan te'liyana'wa. 

Your all children great . breath we give more. 

To'no te'kohanna yan'ichiyanap'tu." 

You light of day inhale. 

fiSo named because it resembles certain springs of the .\pachc Indians. 'Klaki'ma is another 
name for this siiring, which is near a ruin of the same name. 


•■ Ma''sakila— ma— from mawe (salt), is so named Irom a man having visited the Salt Mother before 
she left her home a few miles east of Itiwanna and returned with a small quantity of salt to this 

rtThe shrine symbolizing the Middle of the world, the spot upon which He'patina stands. It is 
claimed that this place received the name of Ko'lin from a tuft of grass pulled up by the ancients 
exposing black water having the odor of burning sulphur. The shrine is a few hundred yards 
southwest of Zuiii. 

e Halona is the village which was occupied by the A'shiwi previous to their settling at I'tiwanna. 
The two are separated by the Zuiii river. 

/Supposed to occupy the middle of the world. 

oThe biidy of one wearing a mask becomes the abode of the god he impersonates: he blows from 
his heart the breath of .\'wonawil'ona upon the plumes or the hand and carries these to the mouth 
of another, that the sacred breath may be inhaled. The breath of .\'wonawil'ona is everywhere; 
it is life itself. 


As the narrator does not remove his iiuisk. and as lie speaks very 
rapidly, much that is said is lost to the hearers. Though it is sup- 
posed that tliis iliad is recited for the express purpose of instilling the 
history into tiie minds of the people, it is really intended that the 
people shall be informed aliout it but vaguely. The statement that 
this narration is begun in one ki'wi'sine and continued tlirough 
'Kiaklo's visit to the other live is erroneous. It is repeated in full in 
each ki'wi'sine. 

When it becomes necessary to quench his thirst, 'Kiiiklo takes 
popcorn water (made by grinding popped corn and mixing it with 
cold water) through a reed which is passed through the mouth hole of 
the mask. This is his only nourishment during his visit to I'tiwamia. 

The directors and la3Mnen of each ki'wi'sint"' are assembled to receive 
'Kiiiklo, who goes directly from one to tiie other in the following order, 
and in each repeats the sacred story from l)eginning to end. He goes 
from Chu'pawa to Mu'he'wa at noon, 0'he"wa at sunset, Up"sannawa 
at midnight, He'iwa at rising of the morning star, and He'kiapawa at 
dawn, each move being made on the back of a Ko'yemshi. He leaves 
the He'kiapawa in the morning about 7 o'clock, and departs over 
the western road to return to Ko'thluwala'wa. He talks more rapidly 
in the He'iwa and He'kiapawa ki'wi'siwe than in the others, because 
the time is limited. 

Rabbit Hunt with the Gods. 

The rabbit hunt in which personators of the gods take part occurs 
quadrennially after the visit of 'Kiaklo to the village, but may occur 
oftener in times of great di'ought. 

The first body of A'shiwanni including the elder and younger 
brother Bow priests meet in the ceremonial chamber of the latter, 
\vhere they spend the night, and at sunrise the warrior of the frater- 
nity of Hunters who is either the elder or younger In-other Bow priest, 
notifies the fraternity that a hunt by the Kok'ko (anthropic gods) will 
occur in four days. Those who are to personate the gods in the hunt 
pi'epare te'likinawe the day following this announcement. The}' meet 
the .same night in their ki'wi'siwe, rehearse their songs, and smoke. 

'Si"sikia (the suckling) and the Ko'j'emshi go about the village on 
the fourth day inquiring for the boys to be initiated into the Ko'tikili. 
The male children four or five years of age are brought forward by 
their mothers, who declare that their little ones have no name, and 
request that they be named by the Ko'yemshi and 'Si"sikia, who have 
the naming of the children. The^' name girls only when the\' are to 
join the Ko'tikili. Pregnant women visit the 'Cha'kwena" (who is 

«Xhe "Cha'kwena is the deceased Ku'yapali'sa (female warrior) of the Kla'nakwe, who carried 
her heart in her rattle as she walked to and fro before her army during the engagement with the 
A'shiwi. She was also keeper of all game (see Destruction of the Kla'nakwe and songs of 

90 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

personated by a man) in the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine the same day, and 
wash off the pinkish paint which covers her limbs. The dress of the 
'Cha'kwcna at this time liangs from l)otli shoulders and fastens up the 
fiont. The Zunis say: "In the olden time dresses were worn in this 
fashion." The 'Cha'kwena gives te'likinawe to the women, to be 
offered to the A'wan 'Sita ((Jreat Mother) of the children of To'wa 
yiiriilnne (Corn mountain). These te'likinawe are deposited at the 
mother rock (see plate xii) below the summit of this mesa. The hus- 
bands of the women freijuently accompany them on this pilgrimage, 
which means much to them. 

Later in the day the 'Cha'kwena, wearing her mask, which covers the 
face only, passes through the village telling the people she will give to 
them the game of the world. At this time 'Cha'kwena and the other 
gods receive many donations of food. The Siil'imobiya (warriors and 
seed-gatherers) of the six regions announce that they will bring all seeds 
to the people. After sunset these gods go over the western road and 
deposit the collected corn in the river for the gods at Ko'thluwala'wa, 
but the remainder of the food is brought back to the village and eaten. 
Tiie 'Cha'kwena on the following da3' plants the te'likinawe given her 
by the personators of the gods who are to take part in the hunt. 

The 'San'iakiakwe assemble in their fraternity chamber on the night 
previous to the hunt, and the personators of the gods, including the 
'Cha'kwena, wearing the masks and other paraphernalia, go from the 
He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine to the fraternity chamber of the 'Siin'iakiakwe 
and dance to the accompaniment of the rattle, drum, and song of the 

The first body of A'shiwanni meet the same night in their ceremonial 
chamber. At sunrise on the following morning the 'Siin'iakiakwe 
join the A'shiwanni. 'Cha'kwena leaves the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine 
and. passing b\' the north side of the village, enters Si'aa' plaza from 
the east side. Proceeding to the center of the plaza, she passes to 
the north, west, south, and east, starting each time from the center, 
and then makes a circle from left to right four times around the 
plaza, tiiat the rain-makers of the four regions and those of the 
world, the circle s3'mbolizing the world, may cause the rains to fall 
upon Zuiii. She then ascends a ladder and enters tlie ceremonial 
chamber of the A'shiwanni and sits on a sacred embroidered blanket 
spread upon a l)ox and crossed with sacred meal, indicative of the 
four cardinal points. The priest of the Zenith (sun priest) places 
a hand on each shoulder and motions her to the six regions, the 
Zenith and Nadir being indicated by a sort of raising and lowering of 
the shoulders, and attaches a fluffy eagle plume, colored red, to the 
scalp lock. The elder and 3'ounger brother Bow priests make tire 
with tlie tire sticks in the chamber of the A'shiwanni, and torches 
of cedar liber are ignited. The 'Cha'kwena, accompanied bv two 


Ko'3'enishi carrying the lighted torches, and the 3'ounger brother Bow 
priest follow the 'Siin'iakiakwe, who leave the chamber for the western 
road, carrying bread made by the wives and daughters of the first body 
of A'shiwanni. The Ko'yenishi set tire to the grass and other vegeta- 
tion as they proceed. The Siirimobiya of the six regions, 'Hle'lashok- 
tipona (Wood-ears), U'povona (Wool-cap), and Na'wisho (Owner of 
many deer), pass over the road, following the 'Cha'kwena, and, after 
reaching a certain point, the yellow Sal'imobiyaof the North halts; the 
others proceed some distance, when the blue Sal'imobiya of the East 
stops; and so these gods take their positions in tile at about equal 
distance apart. 

A Sa'ya'hlia (l)lue hoi'n), who deposits a reed cigarette in 'kiawiyu 
I'aknakwi (a deep place in the riyer bed some distance west of the vil- 
lage), returns and joins his three associates, who go through the village 
with other gods, notifying the people that the hour for the hunt has 
arrived and calling on tiiem to prepare for it. They use their giant 
yucca on all who are not fortunate enough to get out of the wa}-. All 
hasten to have their hair done up, it having been washed in yucca 
suds. No one can take part in a religious ceremonial without first 
having the hair washed. Many are mounted and others are on foot. 
Should a personator of a god wish to mount, he steps to one side 
with a member of his ki'wi'sine, the equestrian dismounts and puts 
on the mask, and the other takes the saddle. Maidens ride behind 
their fathers or brothers. Tlie Sa'ya'hlia follow separately, each with a 
party of pedestrians, and when they reach the Sal'imobiya of the North, 
this god chases the party to where the Sal'imobiya of the West stands, 
and returns to a point a few yards in advance of his former place. The 
same party is then chased to the next god by the Sal'imobiya of the 
West, who returns to a point some yards in front of his former posi- 
tion. In this way the party passes all the gods, and the gods at the 
same time advance some yards. This plan is pursued with each 
Sa'ya'hlia and his party. Finally all reach the 'San'iakiakwe, who are 
waiting in the timbered country. 

A low tree is fired near the base with a burning torch, and the 
fraternity, gods, and others, with prayers, cast bread into the flames 
as food for the gods. Those offered 1)V the 'Siin'iakiakwe are invoca- 
tions to the deceased members of the f raternitv to aid them in the 
hunt. The 'Cha'kwena pi-ays to the goddess whom she personates, 
imploring her to send many of her children (rabbits) to tlie Zuiiis. 
The oth<>rs address the gods in general, praying that they will 
influence the mother of game to send her children to them and that 
the rain-makers will water the earth. All excepting the gods pass 
their rabbit sticks through the flames for success in the hunt. A 
large circle is formed around the preserve bj' starting in opposite 
directions. The 'Cha'kwena and 'Siini'akiakwe remain within the cii'cle 

92 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ans. 23 

and with the tirehi'ands drive the iiilibits out from their hidino- places 
among the trees. The rabbits are killed l>y the gods and othei's 
with the nilil)it stirk. The gods never take u[) the rabbits they kill, 
but the women run from their places to collect them anil return again 
to the circle. When a god fails to kill a ral)liit wiiich rutis t)etween 
himself and another man. and the man kills it, the latter strikes the 
god over each aim and leg; but shoidd the god slay the I'abbit 
he whips the man: if both fail, they whip one another. The women 
endeavor to catch the rabl)its with their hands as they i)ass by, l)ut are 
not often successful. Tiu' unsuccessful one receives four strokes across 
the back from the gods. 

The first rabbit killed has its nose cut and is handed to the 'Cha'- 
kwena by a maiden, and the 'Cha'kwena rubs the bleeding nose down 
her legs on the inner sides, that the A'shiwi (Zuni) girls may hasten 
to arrive at the age of puberty and that they may be prolific in child- 

After the first hunt is finished the circle is broken, and the women 
who have charge of the slain rabbits carry them to the mo'sona (director) 
and pe'kwln (deputy) of the 'Siin'iakiakwe, who stand facing the east, 
each holding a firebrand. The_y pick oti' a bit of fur from the tip of 
the tail of each rabbit and place this fur in the tiicbrands, foi- future 
success in the hunt. The rabbits are laid on their sides on the ground, 
with their heads to the east and facing south, and all draw near, praj', 
and sprinkle them with meal. 

All the rabbits that are secured in the hunt, except the one carried 
by 'Si"sikia to He'iwa ki'wi'sine, are conveyed by the director of the 
'Siin'iakiakwe to the ceremonial chanit)er of the first body of A'shi- 
wanni and presented to them. The rabljits are laid on the floor, with 
their heads to the east, and an ear of corn is placed between the fore 
paws of each rabbit (see plate cvi b). All present, including the 
members of the household, gather around, oticr up a i>rayer, and 
sprinkle meal. A feast is then enjoyed, and some of the food is cai'- 
ried from this chamber to He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine by the women of the 
house. The rabbits presented to the first body of A'shiwanni are 
stewed in \'essels used exclusively for ceremonial cooking, and at sun- 
rise the meat is cast into the fire, with a prayer to the gods to eat: 
"My fathers, my mothers, my children, eat." 'Si"sikia flays his 
rabbit and fills the skin with cedar bark. A pinch of meal is placed 
in the filling, symbolic of the heart, a hollow reed is run from the 
mouth through the filling, and gypsum is placed in the eye sockets. 

After the return of the gods from the hunt they pass about the 
village before entering He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine. There is dancing in 
the six ki'wi'siwe throughout the night. During the evening the 
'Cha'kwena, led by the Ko'mosona, encircles the village, and on 
reaching a point on the north side she leaves the Ko'mosona, proceeds 
some distance north of the village, and deposits food ofl'erings in 


an excavation made for tlie purpose, that the A'shiwi women may 
pas« safely through parturition; that the cinldren may live and grow 
to maturity, and that the women may be prolitic. The 'Cha'kwena 
repeats her prayer on the three following' evenings at the three other 
cardinal points. The gods appear for three successive evenings for 
a time in the streets of the village, and dance during the night in 
He'kiapawa ki'wi*siue and' in the ceremonial chamber of the 'Siin'ia- 
kiakwe. The 'Cha'kwena spends the four days following the last 
deposition of food in the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine lounging on her bed, 
suggestive of a woman after accouchement. Any woman having lost 
children may remain in the ki'wi'.sine at this time, the 'Cha'kwena 
pi-eparing a sand bed for her." 

The first morning the woman is in the ki'wi'sine she bathes the 
goddess and dresses her in a new gown with embroidered sash and a 
woman's belt tied at the left side; a pair of moccasins of tine white 
deerskin and elaborate necklaces and bracelets of precious beads are 
put on, and blue yarn is attached to the I'ight wrist and a bow wristlet 
to the left; the mask is then placed over the face. The goddess is 
supplied with a gourd rattle, which she carries in her right hand, 
and a bunch of te'likinawe is carried in the left hand. A fawn skin 
hangs below the breast. In this regalia the 'Cha'kwena follows the 
Ko'mosona from the ki'wi'sine, with the four Sa'ya'hlia l)ehind her 
and after them the Ko'pekwin and two Ko'pi'^lashiwanni. The last 
three stand off a distance while the others approach the house south 
of the ki'wi'sine. The 'Cha'kwena, standing in the doorway, extends 
the te'likinawe she carries into the room four times, and the four 
Sa'ya'hlia, who are close to her, extend their bows in the same manner. 
Afterward the matron of the house comes forward and hands various 
kinds of bread to the 'Cha'kwena, who hands the larger pieces to the 
Ko'mosona or Ko'pekwin, to be deposited in a lilanket that is spread 
on the ground, and places the small pats in the fawn skin she wears, 
to be afterward given to the gods. The famih' of the house now 
sprinkle the 'Cha'kwena and Sa'ya'hlia with meal. ^Vlany houses are 
visited, and food is collected in the manner described. 

Men who participate in the hunting of large game give te'likinawe 
to the 'Cha'kwena, Ku'yapiili'sa having been the original owner of all 
game, for success in the hunt. The tirst body of A'shiwanni and such 
women as wish to become mothers make offerings of te'likinawe to 
Ku'yapiili'sa. Long prayers are repeated with each presentation. 
This goddess is soon laden with plume offerings, which she carries 
attached to a string. Every house on the ground floor is visited 
b}- 'Cha'kwena and her party. Those living alMjve descend to make 
their offerings of food. When a sufficient quantity has been gath- 
ered the blanket is removed by the Ko'pi"lashiwanni and carried to 

a Zuni women are confined on sand beds. 

94 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann, 23 

Hi''ki;ipawa ki'wi'sine. WIkmi the t'liwn skin can no longer hold the 
contributions its contents are emptied liy a Ko'pi"lashiwanni into a 
sack which is carried for the purpose. After Cha'kwena has con- 
cluded her visits through the village, she passes, with her associates, 
over the western road, led b\' the Ko'mosona for a distance, iind the food 
collected in the fawn skin is deposited with te'likiiiawe and pra\'er 
meal in an excavation in the river hank made h\' wor'we (managers) 
from the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine. Long prayers are offered by all 
pi'esent. The opening is afterward covered, Cha'kwena removes 
her mask, and the ceremony in which she figures is concluded. 

Coming of Ko'loowisi (Plumed Serpent) and Involuntary 
Initiation into the Ko'tikili 

Those who are to personate the gods at the coming of Ko'loowisi 
spend the greater portion of their time in the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine 
during the eight' days preceding the appearance of the fetish. The 
tirst seven mornings they go to collect wood, which tiiey bring on 
the hacks of burros. On the sixth morning the Sul'imohiya from the 
other ki'wi'siwe, each with his younger brother, or fellow, meet in 
He'kiapawa to decide upon the fraternities that are to be invited to 
the ki'wi'siwe to participate in the coming ceremonies, each Sal'imoijij'a 
except the one in He'kiapawa being privileged to have a fraternity of 
his choice in his ki'wi'sine. The Gi"eat Fire fraternity must alwaj'S be 
in He'kiapawa for this occasion. 

Each personator of a god who is to accompany Ko'loowisi to the 
village selects a young man and provides him with a gourd jug with 
which to visit To'seluna. a sacred spring at Ojo Caliente, and get water 
and the tall grass which grows in the spring. The party of young 
men returns in the evening in time to join the personators of the gods, 
who have gathered at a certain point some distance west of the village, 
ready to accompany the Ko'loowisi, which has been taken to this point, 
entirely .secreted by its priest, or keeper. 

The figure of Ko'loowisi, wliich is constructed of deerskin, is about 5 
feet long and 8 inches through the thickest part of the body. The 
under portion is painted white and the back is black, covered with 
duplicate curves in yellow and blue-green to designate the scales of the 
serpent. A rod of cottonwood extends through the fetish, symboliz- 
ing the spinal column. A miniature stick with phunes attached, rep- 
resenting the heart, is secured at the middle of tlie rod. Hoops of 
slender pieces of cottonwood, representing the ribs of the serpent, 
extend from the neck to the lower end. A deerskin tongue, colored 
red, hangs from the mouth, which is provided with teeth. Plumes 
stand from the top of the head, which is made of a gourd. The throat 
is wrapped with a fox skin" (see plate xiii). The procession as it 

« An exact model, made for the writer by a priest associated with the fetish, is in the United States 
National Museum. 























enters the village is impressive. The head of the fetish passes through 
a tablet ornamented with cloud s^'mbols (see plate xiv), which is sup- 
ported on each side by a man of Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. Two other 
men carry on each side a spruce tree which so covers the Ko'loowisi 
that only the head is distinctly seen. The tail of the fetish, which is 
held b}' the left hand of the priest, or keeper, and the •su"hlan'na 
(great shell), on which he constantlj" blows, are hidden from vi^vv by 
the trees. 

The Ko'loowisi is accompanied by Pau'tiwa (director-general in 
Ko'thluwala'wa), the Sal'imobiya (warriors and seed-gatherers) from 
the six regions, many other gods, and a number of men from Chu'pawa 
ki'wi'sine. Su'ti'ki, a bird fetish, follows after Ko'loowisi. The gods 
are grouped at the side and back of the fetishes. The Ko'loowisi 
is carried to each ki'wi'sine in the order visited b}' 'Kiilklo. On 
entering He'kiapawa the Ko'loowisi is deposited north of the altar, 
with its head to the east, and the two trees are so placed as to quite 
cover the fetish except the head. The tablet through which the 
head was thrust is deposited back of the altar, the gourd jugs of 
water brought from To'seluna spring are placed before the fetish 
north of the meal line, which extends from the altar, and the grass 
from the spring is laid upon the jugs. The ki'wi'sine is decorated 
with two pictures of Ko'loowisi, which extend along the north and 
south walls, the heads almost meeting at the altar. The priest of 
the Ko'loowisi and Pau'tiwa remain with the fetish. The former con- 
stantly blows the shell, making it appear that the serpent is keeping up 
a continuous roaring. The other personators of the gods go to their 
respective ki'wi'siwe, where the meml)ers are assembled to receive 
them. The Ko'yemshi, who are supposed to be returning after car- 
rjung 'Kisiklo back to Ko'thluwala'wa, come to the village after the 
others and proceed to their ceremonial chamber. The gods dance 
throughout the night, visiting one ki'wi'sine after another, observing 
the order in which the regions are named — North, West, South, East, 
Zenith, and Nadir. 

At the rising of the morning star the gods who accompanied the 
Ko'loowisi gather in the He'kiapawa from their ki'wi'siwe, and make 
offerings of grains of corn and other seeds, which are received bj^ 
the director and deputy of the Great Fire fraternit3\ The yellow 
Sal'imobiya of the North has yellow corn, that of the West blue corn, 
that of the South red corn, that of the East white corn, that of the 
Zenith multicolored grains of corn, that of the Nadir black corn; the 
Ko'yemshi native squash seeds, An'nahoho gourd seeds, Shu'laawi'si 
corn of all colors, and Na'wisho sweet corn. Each one presents a 
plume wand with his offering. These wands are afterward planted at 
the apexes of sand mounds in the Chu'pawa and O'he'wa ki'wi'siwe. 
The gods now leave the ki'wi'sine and go over the eastern road, which 

96 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 

lead.s to Pescado, one of the farming di.stncts. After proceeding 
about a mile they remove their masks and taiie from their hair a 
la'.showanne (plume attached to a cotton cord), consisting of a single 
f(>ather of a woodpecker, and attach it to a sprig of coyote weed. 
"This feather is used because the woodpecker ascends and descends 
the trees headforemost and can peck into the hardest wood." The 
masks are replaced, and the gods return to their I'espective ki'wi'siwe 
and await the coming of 'Kiiiklo at daylight. 

'Kiiiklo, who on the present occasion is called Hii'shi (shaker), 
accompanied by two Mu'luktiikia, two Kla'nakwe. director and warrior, 
two or three Sal'imobiya, two or three Sa'ya'hlia, and usually one or two 
'Cha'kwena gods," comes over the eastern road to Si'aa' te'wita. The 
two Mu'luktiikia dance in the center of the te'wita, while Ha'shi tramps 
a])out sprinkling a line of meal after him and calling to the others to 
follow.'' When the gods reach He'kiapa te'wita the IMu'luktiikia dance 
immediately before the opening in the wall of He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine 
through which the head of Ko'loowisi has been thrust, the tablet being 
attached to the opening of the outer wall. The head of the serpent 
protrudes at intervals, touching the Ma'luktakia while thcj- dance. 
Hii'shi now repeats the running about and .sprinkling of meal behind 
him, calling to the others to follow. After a short time Hii'shi, with 
his followers, departs over the western road, while the Ko'yemshi and 
Siil'imobiya, and others of the six ki'wi'siwe who may have been 
spectators, return to their respective ki'wi'siwe. 

Later in the morning the directors of the different ki'wi'siwe and 
some six or eight others go to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, where members 
of the Great Fire fraternity have already carried materials for a 
sand or dry painting. A disk is formed of sand, which may be 
gathered from any place, but usually from the creek. A deep, small- 
necked, archaic bowl, greath' prized by the Zunis, decorated with 
toads, tadpoles, and dragon flies, is placed by the director of the 
Great Fire fraternity in the center of the disk of sand. This bowl is 
referred to as the spring. The water in it must have been brought 
from 'Kia'nanaknan'na (a spring sacred to the rain priests), and must 
contain mosses, such fishes as may be found, frogs, and also a 
water snake, if one can be secured in this particular spring. The 
water is dipped by a member of the Frog clan. A ground color 
of white covers the sand, and one of the artists of the fraternity, 
chosen by the director, delineates upon it pictures of the Siil'imobiya, 
'Kiiiklo, and other gods. There must be as many gods represented 

"These ^Cha'kwena bear no relation to the ^Cha'kwena (Ku'yapiilitsa) before mentioned. 

!> The man who personates Hii'shi is not the same as he who represents 'Kiaklo when he recites the 
iliad. though he wears the same mask and regalia; nor are those who accompany him the men who 
are to personate the gods when the children are initiated into the Ko'tikili. These are now present 
as spectators only. 


in this painting as there are children to he initiated. The director of 
the Great Fire fraternity remains constantlj- by this painting, leaving 
it only occasionally to observe the progress of the work done by 
members of his fraternity in Chu'pawa and O'he'wa ki'wi'siwe. 

There are fifteen sand mounds made in each of these ki'wi'siwe for 
the fifteen gods who are personated." The men who make the mounds 
remain to look after them. The gods for whom the mounds are made 
in the Chu'pawa are the six elder l)rothers Siil'imobiya, two elder 
brothers Na'wisho, elder brother 'HIe'lashoktipona, elder brother 
U'poyona, two elder brothers An'nahoho, Shu'laawi'si, *Si"sikia, and 
Awan ta"chu (Great Father) Ko'yemshi. The younger brothers of the 
gods, except Shu'laawi'si, 'Si"sikia, and A'wan ta"chu Ko'3'emshi, 
visit the O'he'wa ki'wi'sine. Shu'laawi'si, 'Si"sikia, and Awan til"chu 
Ko'yemshi go from one ki'wi'sine to the other. 

As soon as members of the Great Fire fraternity leave for the two 
ki'wi'siwe to make the sand mounds Shu'laawi'si, led by his ceremonial 
father, leaves the Up"sannawa to visit the O'he'wa, where he is joined 
by the two An'nahoho, and the four proceed to He'iwa ki'wi'sine, where 
the director of the Great Fire fraternitj' dips water from the "spring" 
with an ancient shell attached to a long stick of cottonwood and gives 
to each a drink. At this point the choir of the fraternity sing to the 
accompaniment of the rattle and drum. The water is drunk to make 
the gods angry, and the pe'kwin (sun priest) saj's: "Those of 3'ou 
who drink this water are privileged to strike all men and women you 
may meet, except those that you find lying down, standing close to 
the wall or by a ladder or under one, or carrying an ear of corn or a 
vase of water; or pregnant women, men wearing plumes in the hair or 
buckskin around them, officers of the fraternity who take part in the 
ceremonies, or those who have worked on the sand painting and 
mounds." The gods and others who had previously visited the ki'wi'- 
sine and partaken of the water also received instructions from the 
pe'kwin to whip the people. These gods break large quantities of 
pottery, and as each piece is thrown to the ground thej' cry: " Pa'chu 
a'shetu (Death to the Navaho)." Baskets are broken by the other 
gods and burned by the lighted brand of Shu'laawi'si, and they cry: 
"Le'na Pa'chu an ham'pone cha'pitu (In this waj' burn the Navaho 
camp.)" The populace and Sarimobiya give the war whoop during the 
destruction of pottery and baskets. 

The Ko'yemshi ascend to the roof of the He'iwa ki'wi'sine and listen 
to 'Si"sikia, who has not left the ki'wi'sine and is now on the ladder 
which passes through the hatchway. He holds the stuffed rabbit skin 
with gypsum eyes, previously referred to, near his mouth, and the 

"Illustrations of these sand paintings maybe found in "The Religious Life of the Zuni Child, '* 
Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 639-555. 

23 ETH— 04 7 

98 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. asn..23 

rabbit is supposed to be saying: "Your little grandfather is hungry; 
he wishes something to eat; bring him some food." The Ko'j'emshi, 
in obedience to the little grandfather's request, go to the homes of 
the children who are to be initiated and have been previouslj' named 
by 'Si"sikiaand tiie Ko'yemshi. The first boy visited gives an eating 
bowl full of cooked yellow beans, the next gives a bowl of blue beans, 
the next a bowl of red beans, the fourth a bowl of white beans, the fifth 
a bowl of beans of all colors, the sixth a bowl of black beans. The 
other children give dried peaches, stewed meat, etc. The bowls of 
food are carried to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine by the Ko'yemshi, who hand 
them through the hatchway to persons inside. 'Si"sikia does not receive 
the bowls himself. Wor'we (managers) from the other ki'wi^siwe 
goto He'iwa and carry off their share of the food, each party partaking 
of the feast in its own ki'wi'sine after the gods have finislied their tour 
of destruction. About this timo each godfather carries a la'showanne 
to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, giving it to the director of the Great Fire 
fraternity, who places it on the head of one of the pictures of the sand 

The godfathers of the boys who donate beans have their la'showawe 
placed on the heads of the Sal'imobi^'a of the six regions, each la'sho- 
wanne being placed on the head of the god associated with the region 
of the color of the beans, the color of the figures having nothing to 
do with the ki'wi'sine the boy is to enter; but, apart from the feathers 
of the godfathers of the boys who have donated the beans of the colors 
of the six regions, the feathers are placed on the heads of the figures 
as the director may decide. As soon as each father is informed upon 
which figure his plume is placed he leaves the ki'wi'sine to prepare for 
the involuntary initiation of his godchild. 

The pe'kwin leads the gods from He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine. where they 
assembled after their feasts in their respective ki'wi'siwe, to Si'aa' 
te'wita. Entering by the eastern covered way, he sprinkles a line of 
meal from the entrance of the plaza to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine and forms 
a circle of meal at the base of the ladder which leads to the roof of the 
ki'wi'sine. He crosses the main line of meal at equal intervals with 
lines of meal of the different colors associated with the six regions, 
beginning at the east entrance, to indicate the positions the gods are to 
take. He again returns to the east entrance and places the Ko'pekwin, 
deputy to the Ko'mosona, the Ko'mosona, and the gods in proper order, 
standing each one, with a hand on each shoulder, on a cross line of the 
meal; they all face north. The position of the gods is as follows: The 
Sarimo))iyaof the North stands next to the Ko'mosona, then follow in 
order the Siirimobiya of the West, Sal'imobiya of the South, Sal'imo- 
biya of the East, Sal'imobiya of the Zenith, Siil'imobiya of the Nadir, 
'Hle'lashoktipona, U'poyona, An'nahoho, Shu'laawi'si, 'Si"sikla, and 
Great Father Ko'yemshi. The other Ko'yemshi mark a place with 


the feet foi' each god to place his extended foot while striking the 

The child, who is carried on the back of his godfather, wears a 
cotton shirt and two blankets, and is held on the back b_y two addi- 
tional blankets and a piece of canvas which take the place of the bison 
robes used in olden times. As the godfathers pass before the gods 
tlie children are struck four times by each god with bunches of giant 
yucca. The Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin take no part in the whipping. 
After the godfather passes the line of the gods, he steps into the meal 
circle and ascends the ladder to the roof of the ki'wi'sine, where the 
child is stood at the hatchway if he is old enough to walk down the 
ladder, otherwise the godfather carries hira into the ki'wi'sine. He 
removes the la'showanne from the proper sand figure and ties it to 
the child's head, and the director of the Great Fire fraternity gives 
the child a drink from the "spring." The water is dipped with the 
old shell referred to. After all the children have the plumes tied to 
the hair they are told to .step upon the sand painting, their breasts 
and other portions of their bodies being touched with the sand. The 
children are now carried on the backs of their godfathers to the 
plaza and seated on the ledges that extend around the square, the 
godfathers standing behind them. The wife and daughter of each 
godfather stand on each side of the child, who now has only three 
blankets over him, holding a piece of canvas which secretes the child. 
After the godfathers leave the ki'wi'sine the director of the Great 
Fire fraternity ascends with the spring bowl and. dipping water with 
the shell, gives those who are assembled on the roof of the ki'wi'sine 
drafts of the sacred water. 

A square formed by four crosses of meal, symbolizing the four 
regions, each cross with its four points symbolizing the same, is made 
in the plaza by the Ko'mosona. Four Sa'ya'hlia, selected by the 
Ko'pi"lashiwanni from some one ki'wi'sine, stand each on a cross. 
The one on the northeast cross faces north, the one on the northwest 
faces west, the one on the southwest faces south, and the one on the 
southeast faces east. After a time the four gods turn, facing the 
points directly to their left, and in this wa\' they make a circuit of 
the four regions, after which the Ko'mosona leads the Sa'ya'hlia 
from the northeast cross past the children, beginning with the child 
nearest the east entrance. The god endeavors to locate the ciiild under 
the canvas bj' touching it with his foot. Each child is struck once; 
then the Sa'ya'hiia from the northwest cross passes by the children 
and strikes each one twice. Three strokes are given each child by the 
Sa'ya'hiia from the cross at the southwest point, and four strokes are 
given by the one from the southeast cross. 

The four Sa'ya'hiia now form a line, facing north, and the child 
nearest the east entrance is carried on the back of the godfather; 

100 THE ZUNI INDIANS Teth. ann. 23 

the little one, now having but two blankets and the canvas over him, 
is struck four times b}' each Sa'ya'hlia. Each child is carried in turn 
by these gods. After passing the gods, the godfather continues to 
his home, where he and the godchild join in a feast, after which the}^ 
go to either the O'he'wa or the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. When the gods 
leave the plaza they repair to the He'kiapawa, where all the other 
gods are assembled; there they have a light repast, and then arrange 
the corn to be delivered by the Ko'loowisi in the ki'wi'siwe. When all 
who are privileged, including the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mo- 
sona and others, are gathered in Chu'pawa and O'he'wa ki'wi'siwe the 
gods in He'kiapawa separate into two bodies, going to the two ki'wi'siwe 
in the order })efore described. All bu.t one of the gods enter the hatch- 
way headforemost; facing the north, and catching the rung of the 
ladder with one foot, then the rung below by the bended knee, they 
descend the ladder in this manner to the fire altar; and with head on 
the slab of the altar make a somersault into the room. 

A sacred embroidered blanket is attached to the wall at the west 
end of the room, one is placed on the ledge immediately below, and 
many strings of precious beads and an old red, black, and green yarn 
belt hang on each side of the blanket on the wall. U'poyona, who is 
the first god to enter the ki'wi'sine, and who walks down the ladder 
instead of going headforemost, takes his seat before" the blanket. As 
each god makes a somersault into the room he hops like a frog past 
the mounds on the south side, and then around on the north side. 
As 'Hle'lashoktipona (Wood-ears) passes U'poyona this god leaves his 
seat and hops on all fours after him. As each god reaches the appro- 
priate mound he halts on all fours to the north of it, and when all are 
in jiosition the}' simultaneously jump on their mounds, remove the 
plume wands, and, jumping ott" in the same fashion, pass to the children 
who are between the extended knees of their godfathers. Each god- 
father sits on the ledge between his wife and daughter. 

Each god blows four times upon the plume wand he carries, each 
time passing it before the child's lips, giving to him the sacred breath 
of the god. After this ceremony all the gods except Shu'laawi'si, 
'Si"sikia, and Great Father Ko'yemshi depart by the western road. 
The three last named proceed to O'he'wa ki'wi'sine and there join the 
j'ounger brother gods in similar ceremonies. Later in the evening 
Su'ti'ki, the bird fetish which announces the coming of Ko'loowisi, 
is carried from the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine to the roof of Chu'pawa. 
The pole is projected through the hatchway, and by an ingenious 
arrangement of cord the bird is made to run back and forth, while a 
second man uses a whistle of most curious workmanship" that is 
hidden under his blanket. The bird is supposed to chirp and warble, 

a This whistle was secured for the United States National Museum. 


notifying those in the ki'wi'siuc of the coming of Ko'loowisi. Finally 
the bird halts at the far end of the pole, and all, including- the oliildrcn 
in the Ivi'wi'sine, draw their hands to their niontlis, inhaling the breath 
from the sacred fetish. While this is being done the man witli the 
whistle blows out his breath four times. 

This ceremony with the liird is repeated at O'he'wa Ivi'wi'sine, and 
afterward the two men with the bird fetish pass out over the western 
road." Ko'loowisi is the next to visit the ki'wi'siwe, going first to 
Chu'pawa. The serpent is carried now just as it was brought to the 
village. The slab is held firmly while the head is projected through 
the hatchway into the ki'wi'sine. Water from the To'seluna spring is 
secretly emptied from a gourd jug into the bod}' of Ko'loowisi, and it 
pours from his mouth into ))o\vls held bj- the Ko'mosona, the Ko'pek- 
win, and two Ko'pi"lashiwanni. The grains of corn of different colors, 
which are now mixed, are afterward put into the serpent and received 
in baskets from its mouth by those who receive the water. The to'selu 
(long grass) from the spring is thrown through the hatchwaj', wliile the 
children's eyes are covered in order that they may not know that it 
does not come from the month of the serpent. 

Ko'loowisi is now carried to the hatchwaj' of O'he'wa, where the 
offering of seeds and water is repeated. Each child receives a bowl, 
which is a present from the godfather made by a female member of 
his family, containing sacred water from the Ko'loowisi. The Ko'pek- 
win gives a handful of the mixed corn to each boy and to each god- 
father, and a roll of the long grass is also handed to each child. Should 
there be an oversupply of the grass it is given to the godfathers. As 
soon as these distributions have been made to the children in Chu'pawa 
Ivi'wi'sine the Ko'mosona, Ko'pelvwin, and two Ko'pi"lashiwanni proceed 
to the O'heSva ki'wi'sine and take part in similar ceremonies. After 
receiving the gifts of the gods the children are carried to their homes 
by their godfathers. The water is drunk l)v the boy and his innnedi- 
ate familv and is also used to sprinkle the stacked corn. The long 
grass is deposited with the stacked corn, and the seeds are planted 
separate from the others in the field in the coming spring. 

After the ceremonies in the ki'wi'siwe the gods deposit the plume 
wands from the mounds and food in a large excavation west of Zuiii, 
which is afterward covered. They then return to the village, with their 
masks secreted under blankets, each going to the house where his mask 
is kept and returning it to the keeper with appropriate prayers. As a 
a number of masks are often kept in one house, several personators 
of the gods meet there and are served with an elaborate feast. Previ- 
ous to the feast, however, each pensonator of a god removes all of his 
clothing but the breechcloth and is bathed by the women of the family. 

oThe two men mentioned have entire cliarge of the bird fetish and the whisUe, and their office is 
for life. 

102 THE ZU?fl INDIANS [ETn.ANN.23 

At sunrise the niorning- after initiation the child goes to the house 
of his godfather, where the plume is removed from his hair and the 
head is bathed hv the wife; then the godfather returns the plume to 
its place and gives the hoy four ears of corn and te'likinawe, after 
which the child has his morning meal at the house of his godfather. 
After the meal the godfather carries the cliild to Ku'shilowa (red earth), 
a short distance east of the village, removes from his hair the plume, 
and plants it in the earth, and the child deposits his te'likinawe. He 
plants the corn tlie coming j'car in his fields. 

Thus this curious involuntary ceremonial of initiation of the 
Zufii bo_y into the Ko'tikili, an initiation for which the godfather is 
mainly responsil)le. The bov must take upon himself the vows as soon 
as he is old enough to full}' understand the requirements resting upon 
a member of this fraternity. 

Voluntary Initiation into the Ko'tikili 

Voluntary initiation occurs when the boy is 12 or 1?> years of age. 
He decides for himself, but the elders do not fail to have him under- 
stand the importance of the step. 

The initiation described was witnessed in 1891. By 1 o'clock in the 
day the Ile'iwa k'iwi'sine (see plate xv)" contains a large number of 
people, including several boys to be initiated. Each boy sits l)y the 
side of his godfather (the same godfather acting for involuntary and 
voluntary initiation) on the south or east ledge of the room. The first 
body of A'shivvanni (rain priests), the Ko'mosona, and the Ko'pekwin 
sit on the south ledge, to the west. Four Sa'ya'hlia stand on the north 
side of the ki'wi'sine and west of the center of the floor, facing south. 
The long goat's wool used for hair on these masks is tied with j'ucca 
ribbons, so that the eyeholes of the mask may not be covered. The 
Ko'j'emshi (see plate v a),* who have charge of the bunches of giant 
yucca, hand a bunch to each Sa'ya'hlia (see plate xvi). 

One of the boys is a Sia youth, who is included in the number to be 
initiated in order that the Sia Indians may use the Ko'yemshi masks 
which they possess, all who formerlj' had this privilige being now 
dead. This boy is accompanied to Zuiii by one of the principal rain 
priests and two theurgists of his tribe. The director of the Shu'- 
maakwe fraternity was chosen as his godfather. As this youth has 
not received in\oluntary initiation in Zuiii. he must pass through 
a more extended ceremonial than the others. He is the first one 
brought forward. 

oin the plate the He'iwa ki'wi'sine occupies only the left-hand portion, reaching nearly to the 

'• Although the masks of the ten Ko'jemshi are similar, each one has its special knob and mouth 















_ < 



" Q." 


UJ o 














< < 

'•n o 





The godfather folds four large blankets separatel}' into squares 
and two women lay them over the Sia boy's back while he bends for- 
ward. A large piece of double canvas is now thrown over the bo}', 
completely covering him. Ills hack is bent until one could sit upon 
it. The godfather, who leads the novice, holds the canvas together 
under the chin so that the boy can scarcely see. The women who 
place the blankets walk on either side of the boy, who stops before 
the Sa'ya'hlia at the east end of the line. This god strikes the boy 
four times with all his strength across the back with the yucca. The 
four strokes are repeated l)v each Sa'3'a'hlia in turn, the novice being- 
led l)y his godfather from one to the other and then to the northwest 
corner of the room where he stands facing north. The Sa'ya'hlia now 
stand in line north and south and face east. The boy is again led 
before the gods to be \^hipped with the j'ucca. The one at the north 
end of the line strikes him first. He passes four times before the 
Sa'ya'hlia, and each time the gods give him one stroke each with the 
yucca. The blows are counted aloud by the Ko'yemshi, who stand by 
and furnish the gods with fresh Inuiches of yucca as needed. One 
of the women who accompany- the boy is now led by the godfather 
before the gods. She bends forwai'd and receives on her back one 
stroke of the yucca from each Sa'va'hlia, they having resumed their 
position on the north side of the room. Two blankets are removed 
from the boy\s back and he is again led before the gods, each one 
striking him with force four times across the back. Judging from 
the smothered groans, the strokes are keenl}' felt by the bo}'. After 
the third whipping the boy and the godfather each take meal from a 
cornhusk held by the godfather and sprinkle the Sa'ya'hlia, and after 
the l)lankets are removed the godfather attaches a Huffy eagle plume 
to the hair of the boy, who again appears in his calico shirt and 

A blanket of ordinary thickness and a deerskin are used for vol- 
untary initiation. The novices pass but once before the Sa'3'a'hlia, 
receiving from each of these four gods four strokes with giant yucca 
delivered with all their strength, and though every effort is made by 
the novices to keep silent, their smothered groans are pitiable to 
hear. When all of the novices have received their chastisement 
they return to their seats, each one going to the side of his god- 
father, who places his hands over the eyes of the boy while the four 
Sa'ya'hlia gods remove their masks. The Ko'yemshi do not take off 
theirs. After the boys are whipped the two Ko'yemshi go to the 
roof of the ki'wi'sine to see that no one intrudes while the masks 
are being removed. Every initiate has a rain-maker's mask given 
him by his godfather, which l)ecomes his personal propert}-, and is 
buried after his death. When the godfathers remove their hands 

104 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ahn. M 

from the eyes of the boys, the novices discover for the first time 
that the supposed gods are but men. P'our of the boys stand before 
the four Sa'ya'hiia, each god placing a mask on the l)oy before him 
and handing him his yucca. The novices now pass down the line 
of gods, the first boy striking the first god once over the right arm 
and then the left, the right ankle and then the left. He repeats the 
strokes with each god, the other boys doing the same. Passing on, 
they afterward form into line and again approach the gods, each boy 
being vis-a-vis to the god whose mask he wears. Each god removes 
his mask from the boy's head and the novices return to their seats, 
when four others pass through the same ceremony. 

After all the boys have been initiated the gods replace the masks 
over their own heads and the godfathers are struck by each god over 
the limbs, as heretofore described. Afterward each shi'wanni is struck 
in the same manner. The Ko'mosona informs the bo3's that if they 
divulge the initiatory secrets, especially those associated with the 
masks, their heads will be cut ofl' with a stone knife. 

After the initiation a feast is served in the ki'wi'sine, the food being 
brought to the hatchway in the roof by the families of the Sa'ya'hlia. 
After the feast the boys pass out one by one with their godfathers. 
The Sa'ya'hlia go to the plaza while the Kor'kokshi are dancing and 
run up the ladder and over the housetops, using their yucca freely. 
Women are whipped to cure them of bad dreams. 

As the writer was closeted in the ki'wi'sine, she could not observe 
the ceremonies in the plaza at this time; but on a similar occasion 
she remained in the plaza instead of going into the ki'wi'sine, and 
the scenes observed at that time, which are virtually the same each 
year, are hei"e given. 

There are thirty-one Kor'kokshi u'wannami (rain-makex\s) dancers 
in the plaza. Seven are goddesses. Those representing women wear 
the ordinary Ijiack woven dress and white blanket wraps, bordered 
top and bottom in l)lue and red. l)Uu' knit leggings, many necklaces, 
and turquoise earrings. Their hands and arms are colored pink and 
their feet yellow. The hair is parted over the top of the head and 
down the back, and done up on either side over forms made of wood 
and wrapped with native blue yarn. After one side is wrapped, the 
person whose hair is being dressed holds the yarn tightly until the 
hairdresser rolls the rest of the hair, when it also is wrapped with 
yarn. A bang of goat's wool 4 inches deep passes around the head. 
The woman's mask, which covers only the face, is white, with a black 
beard about G inches long. Each personator of a woman has a large 
white fluti'y eagle plume tied to the forelock, except one who has two 
plumes, which are somewhat smaller than those worn by the others. 
They carry spruce twigs in both hands. 

Those personating the male gods have their legs and arms painted 


yoUow to the knees iiiid elbows; yellow lines run from the elbow up 
the arm and down the back and breast on each side. They wear the 
conventional dance moccasins, with porcupine anklets, white cotton 
embroidered kilts fastened at the right side, a white fringed cotton sash, 
and a Zuiii woman's belt which is carried around the waist and looped 
at the right side. A fox skin is pendent at the ))ack. Bunches of native 
blue yarn with sleigh ))ells are worn below the knee, the yarn hanging 
in tassels. A tortoise-shell rattle hangs at the calf of the right leg. 
Blue yarn is wound around the right wrist and a bow wristlet is worn 
on the left. In addition to the elaborate necklace, each dancer wears 
a hank of blue j^arn around the neck. Spruce twigs stand out from 
the belts, and also from the leather armlets, which are cut in points 
colored blue-green, and a banded turke}' feather is suspended from 
each point by a buckskin thong several inches long. The hair, which 
has been plaited to uiake it wavy, falls over the ))ack, and three 
white, equidistant, tluti'y eagle plumes are attached to a string hanging 
down the back. A bit of cylindrical wood about 1^ inches long and one- 
fourth inch in diameter is tied to the lower end of the string to keep it in 
place. A launch of yellow parrot plumes stands on the fore part of the 
head at the line from which the bang falls. The masks, which are 
rectangular and shaped to tit the face, are blue-green, blocked at the 
base in black and white, sj'mbolic of the house of the clouds, and 
have a black beard. The gods carry gourd rattles, colored pink, in 
the right hand and small spruce twigs in the left. 

The dancers are led ]>y a man of the ki'wi'sine dressed in velveteen 
knee breeches with a line of silver buttons on the outer sides, buckskin 
leggings, red garters, moccasins, a black native wool shirt trinuned 
with red and green ribbons over a white shirt, and a j'ucca ribl)on 
aroiuid the head. A white Huffy eagle plume and a small bird plume 
are attached to the forelock; a buckskin folded lengthwise hangs over 
the left shoulder. This man carries a mi'li (see jJage 416) and a meal 
basket in the left hand and sprinkles meal with the right. 

The dancers enter the Si'aa' te'wita from the western way and leave 
it by the eastern covered way. One personating a goddess walks by 
the side of the foremost dancer. All personating the gods form in line, 
facing north. The leading goddess stands vis-a-vis to the dancer she 
accompanies, while the other six personators of goddesses face the 
dancers in the middle of the line. The leader of the song and dance 
always stands midway down the line. The god at the east end of the 
line and his vis-a-vis turn to face the man who precedes the dancers, 
and dance a moment or two, while the others, except those person- 
ating women, continue the dance, facing north. The six women face 
the men. In a short time the two at the end of the line resume their 
former position, and the leader, who is not a dancer, passes down 

106 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

the line in front of the dancers to the jjroup of Ko'yeiushi standing 
north and near the west end of the line of dancers. The leader prays 
and sprinkles each Ko'j'emshi with meal. The dancers continue the 
song and dance to the accompaniment of the rattle. After a time they 
turn, forming into single file facing the east, and so they reverse sev- 
eral times. The step in the dani'C is of dull uniformity, the balancing 
being done with the left foot, while the right is raised slightly above 
the gi'ound and put down squarely with a stamp. 

After the Kor'kokshi dance once they retire for a time to the 
ki'wi'sine whence they came. They are soon followed to the plaza Ity 
four Sa'3'a'hlia, who remain a short time, brandishing their huge 
bunches of giant yucca, causing men, women, and children to get out 
of theii' wa}'. Thej' retire to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, where they, with 
two Ko'yemshi, pass the boys assembled there through voluntary 
initiation into the Ko'tikili. 

Eight of the Ko'j'emshi remain in the plaza, where they are joined by 
members of the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) fraternity, who have their entire 
l)()dies painted ash-color, with curves of ))lack under each eye and over 
the upi^er lip. Their heads and ears are covered with ash-colored 
cotton skullcaps ornamented on the top and over the ears with rib- 
boned corn-husk rosettes. Native black-wool breechcloths are worn. 
A bunch of unspun black 3'arn hangs about the neck and a sti'ing of 
it is tied around the left ankle. One man has his })ody and limbs 
encircled by bands of white paint. P^ach is provided with a large 
l)lanki't, which is worn most of the time, for the day is extremel}^ 
cold, and each carries his baton (see plate xv. Group of Ne'wekwe), 
the harlequin's bauble (see plate xvii). Throughout the afternoon 
during the interval of the Kor'kokshi dancing the Ko'yemshi and 
Ne'wekwe hold high carnival, delighting the hundreds of spectators 
with their buti'oonery. 

Women of the higher rank gather inside the houses or on elevated 
galleries to witness the ceremonials in Si'aa' te'wita. Others sit on 
the house tops or on blankets .spread on the south side of the plaza. 
The return of the dancers is always the signal for the cessation of all 
nonsense, and these clowns, with great seriousness, attend to the wants 
of the Kor'kokshi, some portion of their regalia not infrequently 
requiring attention. The warrior of the Ko'yemshi whirls the rhombus 
during the dancing, calling upon the rain-makers to gather, the Kor'- 
kokshi being their personators. 

After the fifth dance a bowl of food is brought to the plaza, and 
after the food is eaten by the Ne'wekwe one of them brings a bowl of 
urine and drinks and gargles his throat with it, and places it in the 
northwest corner of the plaza when the dancers are seen advancing. 
It is drunk after the dancers leave the plaza. 













After the sixth dance the Ko'yenishi and Ne'wekwe gather in the 
northeast portion of the plaza, the latter having- laid a.side their 
batons. One Ne'wekwe beats a drum, while the others burlesque the 
dancers who are now absent from the plaza. The scene becomes 
hilarious when a Ne'wekwe ascends a ladder and, entering a house, soon 
emerges with a urinal filled to the brim, wliich he brings to the plaza 
and passes to his three fellows, each one drinking from the l)owl." 
When the vessel is empty he places it, inverted, over his head, and a 
fellow hastens to lick the drops whicli fall from the liowl to the ground. 
The man with the urinal final!}' falls to the ground and smashes the 
bowl. The four Ne'wekwe play at being intoxicated from the draft, 
their antics exceeding anything before observed by the writer. They 
come nearer falling to the ground without so doing than could lie 
imagined. One man, tumbling into the arms of another, exclaims: 
'"Father, why am I crazy? " One of the four is a peerless harlequin. 
They hold a regular drunken dance, thi'owing their arms up, and 
with the Ko'yemshi sing to the accompaniment of the drum. A 
man falling from a ladder, a rung having slipped out, causes great 

At 4.30 the Kor'kokshi come to the plaza for the seventh time, 
when the innov^ation occurs of forming into file facing west and dancing 
a moment before forming in line facing north. The leader of the 
dancers now stands west of them instead of east. After the dance, 
which does not close until the shadows of evening are failing, the 
Kor'kokshi leave the plaza by the western street. 

Although a boy at voluntary initiation into the fraternity of the 
Ko'tikili joins the ki'wi'sine to which his godfather belongs (see page 
65), it sometimes, though seldom, occur* that a man from choice leaves 
his ki'wi'sine to become associated with another. In such case he may 
return at any time to the one of his boyhood. Also, when improper 
conduct is observed between a man and the wife of one of his fellow- 
members, the offender is expelled, whereupon he .seeks admittance into 
one of the other ki'wi'siwe. Sometimes, however, the efforts of mem- 
bers to expel an objectionable person are futile. For example, the 
director of a certain ki'wi'sine discovered that undue intimacy existed 
between one of his fellow-members and his wife, and, after denouncing 
the man, he left the wife's house never to return. A meeting of the 
members of the ki'wi'sine was held, and not only the director but the 
Ko'mosona (director-general of ki'wi'siwe), he ijeing also a member of 
this ki'wi'sine, demanded the dismissal of the guilty man. But their 
demands were overruled, whereupon the Ko'mosona, the director of the 
ki'wi'sine, and three others left and became members of the Chu'pawa. 

oTbe Ne'wekwe are the only Zuiiis who eat and drink filth. It is the aim of each member of this 
fraternity to outdo the others in everything disgusting. 

108 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 


The year (te'pikwai'i) is divided into two seasons, each consisting of 
six months (te'lakwai'i). The month is divided into thi'ee parts, each 
part being' caHed topiiita as'tem'hi (one ten). 

According to Zufii calculation, when the rising sun strikes a certain 
point at the southwest end of To'wa yiil'lanne (Corn mountain) it is 
the winter solstice. Then the sun moves to the north, passes the moon 
at A'yonawa yiil'liinne and continues lound to a point northwest of 
Ziuli which is called Yal'lii 'hlan'na (Great mountain), where it sets 
consecutively for four da3's at the same point. The last day is tlie 
summer solstice. 

The names of tlie months are given below, it will Ite observed that 
those for the months December to June are indicative and that the 
same names are repeated for the other six months. 

Winter months. I'kopu (turning or looking back"), December; Taiviimchu (limbs 
of trees broken by snow), January; O'niinulaklakwame (no snow in tberuail), Feb- 
ruary; 'Hli'tekwakla 'sanna (little winil month), March; 'Hli'tekwakla 'hlan'na 
(big wind month), April; Kwashi'iimme (no name), May. 

Su.MMER MONTHS. I'kopu (turning or looking back), .Tune; Taiyiimchu (limbs of 
■trees broken by snow), July; O'nanulaklakwamg (no snow in the road), August; 
'Hli'tekwakla 'sanna (little wind month), September; 'Hli'tekwa'kta 'tlilan'na (big 
wind month), October; Kwashi'iimme (no name), November. 

Winter Solstice Ceremonies 

Ya'tokia (sun father) i'tiwannan (middle) kwi (place) te'chi (reaches 
there) is a reference to the shortest day in the year, the winter solstice. 

Though the ceremonies of both seasons extend through .some days, 
the first day on which the people en masse plant teiikinawe (piayer 
plumes) is designated as the solstice. The day cho.sen for the winter 
solstice celebration is the 21st or 22d of Deiiember. The pe'kwln (sun 
priest) is alone responsible for the calendar. He is usually correct in 
his calculations, but has been known to be in error. Such was the case 
in 1896, when the pe'kwln (see plate xviii) had but recently rejjlaced 
his predecessor. The former sun priest had been dismissed from his 
high office by the word of the yhi'wano"kia (Priestess of fecundit}'), 
who enjoys such prerogative; she declared the failure in crops due to 
the bad heart of the pe'kwin. Many ventured to hint that he pos- 
sessed the diabolical powers of witchcraft. After prolonged discus- 
sion by the first body of A'shiwanni (rain priests) and others over the 
time designated by the new pe'kwin, his decision was confirmed. 

" The reference is to the Sun Father's turning back after reaching the point referred to at the 
southwest end of To'wa yiil'liinne. He is supposed to pause here for a time before returning on his 





Tlie Sim priest makes daily observatious of the sunrise at a pctritied 
stump which stands on the outskirts east of the village, and sprinkles 
it witii meal when he offers his matins to the rising sun. When the 
sun rises over a certain point of To'wa yiU'liiu'ie he informs the elder 
brother Bow priest, who notifies the first body of A'shiwanni, and 
they meet the same night in the ceremonial cliamber/' 

The following morning the pe'kwin prepares four te'likinawe for 
the Sun Father and Moon Mother and, carrying them up the steep 
acclivity, deposits them at a shrine on To'wa yariiinne. The four 
te'likinawe are tied into groups of twos, each group having a blue 
stick for the sun and a yellow one for the moon, which is referred to 
as sister of the sun. The lower end of each stick is tipped with black 
to indicate feet, and the top is beveled, witii three black dots on the 
beveled surface indicating eyes and mouth. Under tail and breast 
feathers of the eagle and plumes of the birds of the six regions are 
attached to each stick. 

The fourth morning following he deposits four te'likinawe in the 
field'' to the deceased a'pekwin (sun priests). The sticks of these are 
black with turkey plumes attached. On the fourth morning after this 
he returns to the sun shrine on To'wa yal'liinne and deposits four te'li- 
kinawe. On the fourth morning next succeeding he plants four te'li- 
kinawe in the field to his predecessors. Again on the next fourth 
morning he deposits four te'likinawe at the sun shrine on To'wa yill'- 
lilnne. On the fourth morning following thereafter he plants four more 
te'likinawe in the field to his deceased predecessors. The pe'kwin nmst 
observe coiitinency from four days previous to the first planting of 
the plumes to four days following the last deposition of these offerings, 
and he nmst fast from animal food four days following the oft'erings 
made to the sun, but this fast is not observed in planting te'liki- 
nawe to the deceased a'pekwin. 

The morning following the final planting of the te'likinawe the 
pe'kwin announces from the house top that the winter solstice will 
occur in ten days. Then the rising sun will strike the point referred 
to as the Middle place, after which it returns over the road it has 
traveled. The pe'kwin continues his daily visits to the petrified stump 
to pray and sprinkle meal to the rising sun. 

Studies of the winter solstice ceremonies were made in 1891 and 1896; 
and as each annual festival is substantially the same only the one for 
1891 will be described. It must be borne in mind that the dates vary 

«While this room is the ceremoni.Tl chamher of the first body of A'shiwanni, ■who are known as 
tile Kla'liwe amosi (Directors of the house), the house referred to being the perpetual home of the 
et'tone (seep. 163) of the Shi'wanniof the North, it isspol;en of as the house of this shi'wanni in conse- 
quence of his being the possessor of the sacred fetish, which rests in the room immediately over the 
center of the world; and, as has been stated, the Shi'wanni of the North is always referred to as the 
Kla'kwemosi (Director of the house), while the others of the first body of A'shiwanni are spoken 
*of as Shi'wanni of the West, South, etc. 

& Fields throughout this paper refer to ground under ctiltivation. 

110 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann, 23 

somewhat in ditfereiit years. While the actual ceroiiioiiial continued 
eleven days, beginning on the 22d of the month in 1891, for conven- 
ience of reference the four days prior to this date will be indnded in 
tlie enumeration of days. The references in the following account 
are therefore from the first day to the fifteenth inclusive, the tifth 
day being the actual begiiming of the ceremonial. 

The first four days are consumed by the first body of A'shiwanin, 
not including the Shi'wano''kia (Priestess of Fecundity), who assemt)le 
in the houses of the Kia'kwc amosi in the preparation of te'likinawe. 
Besides their individual prayer plumes to the sun and their ancestors, 
each shi'wanni makes a te'likinane to the sun, one to the moon (tiie two 
being wrapped together with native cotton cord), and four to each of 
the six regions for the deceased A'shiwanni of these regions. The 
te'likinawe of the Priestess of Fecundity are made by the first body of 
A'shiwanni. She prepares a ha'kwani (a numlier of cotton-cord loops), 
symljolizing a sacred white blanket. The Kia'kwemosi and tiie Shi'- 
wanni of the Nadir each make a te'likinane, the stick measuring from 
tlie inner side of the elbow to tlie tip of the middle finger. That of the 
Kia'kwemosi is to the u'wannami (rain-makers) of the six regions or 
the whole world, and that of the Shi'wanni of the Nadir, who is also 
elder lirother Bow piiest. is to the Ku'pishtaya (lightning-makers), 
with whom the deceased A'pi"lilshiwanni (Bow priests) work. The 
elder and younger lirother How pi'iests prepare offerings to the Gods 
of War, and four to the lightning-makers (deceased A'pi"lashiwanni) 
of each of the six regions. All except the individual offerings of these 
priests are grouped together into a kia'etchine (a group of te'likinawe), 
the two longer te'likinawe made by the Kia'kwemosi and Shi'wanni of 
the Nadir being in the center. The Shi'wanni of the Nadir holds the 
te'likinawe in place while the younger brother Bow jiriest wraps the 
base with thread made of yucca. The kia'etchine is placed on the meal 
painting in the He'iwa (North) ki'wi'sine" the fourth evening. 

This group of te'likinawe is offered to the gods with praA'ers for the 
pure hearts of the people, the appearance of a'wehlwia'we (cumulus 
clouds), shi'pololowe (fog. clouds like the plains), wil'lolonanne (light- 
ning), rains, and much water in the rivers and lakes. Should the 
h(>arts of the people l)e not pure, it could not be expected that the Sun 
Fatlier would combine witii the Council of the Gods in directhig the 
u'wannami to favor Zufii-land. The Ko'mosona and his associates 
prepare their prayer plumes in the room adjoining the Mu'hewa (west) 
ki'wi'sine, to which he belongs. He also has one te'likinane, as long- 
as from the inner side of the bend of the elbow to the tip of tlie middle 
finger, which is offered to the Council of the Gods. Members of the 
fraternities, except those of the 'Ille'wekwe (Sword swallowers), also 
gather in their ceremonial chambers on the tirst day and prepare 

oSee Ki'wi'siwe and their functions. 


Thi.s is a busy season with the fraternities, and the floors are covered 
with groups of men with their medicine l)oxes beside them and plumes 
of all colors lyinu- about. Thev prejiare te'likinawe not only accord- 
ing- to the custom of the fraternity in whicli they hold mem))ership, 
but according to the orders to whicli they belong, the fratei-nities in 
most instances being composed of several orders. They go from one 
ceremonial chami>er to another to prepare the appropriate offerings, 
for it is quite common for a Zufiian to hold meml)ership in two or 
more fraternities. The A'pi"'lashiwauni as sucii prepare te'likinawe 
to the Gods of War and to their predecessors. The members of this 
organization also prepare the appropriate offerings for the other 
fraternities in wliich they hold membership. 

Each member of a m3'stery medicine order, and manj' of the fra- 
ternities have the order of Mystery medicine, makes off'ei'ings to the 
sun and moon — four to the deceased members of the fraternity, one to 
Po'shaiyanki," and one to Fo'sbaiyiinki's fellow. The ends of the 
offerings made to the two latter personages are cut square across, with 
a Greek cross on the top,'' but the offerings of the A'shiwanni to 
Po'shaiyanki are serrated on the top, symbolic of cumulus clouds. 
A miniature crook and corn planter, each having a la'showanne (one 
or more plumes attached to a cotton cord) attached, are grouped with 
the offerings to Po'shaij^iinki. The crook, which symbolizes longevity, 
is deposited with the prayer beginning "I walk with this cane," which 
signifies that the one who speaks prays to grow old; not to die, but to 
sleep and awake as a little child with tlie others, reference being made 
to the ancients. 

The officers of the order of mysterj- medicine make te'likinawe to 
the 15east Gods of the six regions, to their deceased predeces.sors of the 
order, and four to deceased members at large. A member at large 
may only make an offering to the Beast God of one of the six regions. 
The A'pi''lashiwanni prepare four to the deceased of their fraternity 
who preceded them as warrior guardians of the altars and medicine. 
Such orders of fraternities as have patron gods make additional 
offerings to them. The offerings of boj's who have received onl}' 
involuntary initiation into the Ko'tikili (mythologic fraternity) and 
those of the women and girls are made for them by their fratei'nity 
fathers. When the fraternity parent is a woman, her fraternity 
father prepares her te'likinawe and those for her fratei'nity child, 
should the child not be a member of the Ko'tikili. 

Altiiough it is considered out of order, a man sometimes makes his 
fraternitj' offerings at his mother's or wife's house. Each man pre- 

« Po'shaiyilnkl is the Zuni culture hero who gave to them oxen, sheep, and raiment. 

'j Although the superstition regarding the Spaniards is still so great that no word of Mexican must 
be spoken in the presence of a te'likinane, many of the aged theurgists declare that the cross in 
the marking on the oflering to Po'shaiyanki is symbolic of Catholicism, as their culture hero was a 

112 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ans.23 

pares hi.s individual offerings, one to the .sun and four to hi>> ancestors 
in his mother's house; at least such was the custom. The writer has 
observed these te'likinawc being made in the wife's house. The hus- 
band makes the individual offerings for the wife and children in the 
wife's house, including such bo3's as have not received voluntar}' 
initiation into the Ko'tikili. Siiould the father not be living the eldest 
son tills his place. Each female has one offering to make to the moon 
and three to her ancestors. Infants have two to their ancestors, none 
to tlie sun or moon. A very joung infant sometimes has but one, 
to its ancestors. Procrastination is a common fault of the Zunis, and 
consequently many must hurry t<j complete the individual plume making 
on the fifth day, the day on which the offerings are made. 

On the evening of the second day all the fraternities except the 
'Hle'wekwe, 'Ko'shi"kwe ((Cactus), and A'pi"lashiwanni convene, each 
having its tablet altar erected. The members of the A'pi'Miishiwanni 
go to their respective fraternities to fill their places as guardians of 
the altars and fetishes. 

These synchronous meetings continue eight nights: they la.^t until 
midnioht on the first three nights. The women and children return to 
their homes to sleep, while the men sleep in the ceremonial chamber. 
The fourth night's ceremonies continue throughout the night, closing 
after sunrise. Again they convene, retiring the first three nights at 
midnight, and on the fourth night the ceremonies continue until after 
sunrise. The sick are healed at this season, but there is no initiation. 

The visiting of one fraternity with another at this time is common. 
An invitation is extended by a mo'sona (director) of one fraternity to 
the corresponding officer of another. The former, calling upon the 
latter and presenting him with a small quantity of meal wrapped in a 
corn husk, invites him and his associates to come to his chamber and 
assist in healing the sick. These invitations are not confined to those 
who practise in a similar way." 

Images of the Gods of War (A'hayuta) are begun in the house of 
the aged man of the Deer clan (see plate xix) on the third day. He 
fashions the idol of the elder God of "War, while a man of the Bear clan 
makes that of the younger, both gods on this occasion bearing the 
name of A'hayuta. The games to accompany' the idol of the elder 
eod are made bv a member of the Deer clan, and those for the vounger 

a The writer was present during a ceremonial of the Shu'maakwe (see Esoteric fraternities) when 
certain members of the Ma'^ke ^hlan'oakwe (Great Fire fraternity) by invitation practised their 
mystery medicine upon the sick of the Shu'maakwe, who do not possess the secret. On another occa- 
sion she was present when the patron gods of the Shu'maakwe danced at a meeting of the Ma''ke 
'lilan'nakwe, and members of this fraternity visited the chamber of the Shu'maakwe the same night 
and practised their mystery medicine. There was a special meeting of the Slni'maakwe fraternity 
previous to the solstice of 1896 to initiate the new Ko'mosona of the Ko'tikili into the fraternity, that 
he might be provided with a mi'li (see p. 416). The Kla'kwcmosi wished him to possess the sacred 
fetish for his visit to Ko'thluwala'wa (see pi. iv) upon the occasion of the summer solstice ceremo- 
nial. The Ko'mosona was not a member of any esoteric fraternity pre\lous to his initiation into the 





are made by a member of the Bear elan. Two other men, belonoiug 
respectivelj' to the Deer and Bear clans, make each four te'likinawe. 
The reason for confining the preparation of these idols and their 
games to the Deer and Bear clans is given in the words of the elder 
brother Bow priest: 

When the two goils were once going about the country, the elder spoke, address- 
ing the younger: " Wlio is your father? The deer is mine." Tlie younger, who was 
just a little more venturesome and braver than the elder, replied; "The bear is my 

At this season the images are carved from po'la (Populus fremontii). 
For the scalp ceremonial they must be made of Jl'shekia (Pinus pon- 
derosa) that has been struck by lightning. 

Seven members of the A'pi''l:ishiwanni are designated by the elder 
brother Bow priest to make the f)araphernalia for the elder God of 
War, and the same niuiiber are appointed by the younger brother 
Bow priest to prepare that for the idol of the younger God of AVar. 
One warrior makes a tablet, a second makes a statf, a third makes 
a shield. The hoop of the shield, large enough to encircle the 
bended knee, is tirst wrapped closel}' with cotton cord, and afterward 
the space is tilled with netting. The idol stands on this shield. A 
fourth warrior makes the ko'lannan'hla,'kwikia an te'likinawe (a ser- 
rated projection from the umbilicus to which plianes are attached, sym- 
bolic of clouds and lightning). All varieties of seeds are deposited in 
the cavity before the projection is inserted. The plumes attached waft 
specially valuable prayers to the gods for rain. A fifth makes a 
diminutive bow and arrow, shield, and war club, which are attached 
to the projection. A sixth warrior makes the war club. A seventh a 
tehl'nane (a stick with plumes attached) of he'sho (pinon). measuring 
from the bended knee to the heel. After the idols are modeled they 
are decorated. The base of each idol is covered with a wad of yucca 
fiber," held in place by a rope of the same. 

Yucca cord also serves to support the plume offerings afterward 
made to the gods liy memlwrs of the Bow priesthood. A belt of raw 
cotton is wound round the idol. A fine cotton cord hangs at the neck, 
from which an abalone shell is also pendent, but these are obscured by 
other adornments. When all is completed the idols are stood in state, 
facing east, near the north end of the room in which they have been 
fashioned. Two men, one of the Deer clan and the other of the Bear 
clan, serve as sentinels or special watchers over the idols until they are 
taken to the He'iwa (north) ki'wi'sine. Many come to offer prayers 

n The yucca leaves are boiled, then run through the mouth, the fiber being partially .separated by 
the teeth. They are afterward completely parted by the fingers. The mass i.s laid away tnitil required, 
when it is sufficiently moistened with water to render it pliable. A cord is made by first arranging 
the yucca into a strand of the lengtli required, then dividing it into two. The pieces are rolled sep- 
arately with one hand at the same time on the knee, and afterward twisted into a cord without rais- 
ing the material from the knee. The cord is rubbed with meal until it is quite white. 

23 ETH— 04 8 

114 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth. anx. 23 

and spriiiklo the o-od^i with nieah Each nicniber of the A'pi'Miishi- 
waiiiii leaves a te'likinaiie in the helt of eacli idoL 

The maker of the sacred tire of the new year is chosen })y tlie Kia'- 
kweiTiosi and notified b\' tlie Ko'pekwin, who immediately after sunrise 
carries a small quantity of prayer meal wrapped in corn husks to the 
house of the selected party. Clasping the latter's hands with both of 
his, and still holding the meal, the Ko'pekwin di'livers his message and 
prays. The oftice of tire-maker is filled alteiiiately by a memlier of 
the Badger clan and a child of that clan (see List of clans). He often 
T)ecomes the personator of the god Shu'laawi'si in the Sha'liiko cere- 
monial the following autumn, })ut this is not always the case. 

The plucking of an eagle occurs in the house of a prominent shi'wanni 
(not one of the tii'st body of A'shiwanni) on the fourth day. The 
process is as follows: The male members of the family are busy 
arranging plumes for their te'likinawe, when the stepson of the shi'- 
wanni is dispatched for an eagle (the eagles are kept in cages), which 
is brought into the room under cover of a heav\' blanket. Before 
removing the blanket entirely, one man catches the feet and another 
holds the head of the bird. The blanket is spread on the floor, and 
the eagle is held on it. An ear of white corn is held to the east of the 
eagle, the head of the bird being to the west. Then the plucking 
begins, which requires some time, after which the feathers are depos- 
ited in an Apache basket. During the plucking a gourd of powdered 
ke'chipa (kaolin) is brought in by the elder daughter of the house, who 
washes several of the eagle plumes in water and holds them near the 
fire. AVhen dry, the feathers are rubbed with the kaolin to whiten 
them. The j-ounger daughter mixes a quantity of kaolin with water 
in a small bowl and places it north of the eagle. Aft^r the plucking 
is completed the stepson lifts the ear of white corn, and liiting ofl' sev- 
eral grains takes a mouthful of the kaolin mixture. The man at the 
head of the eagle holds its mouth open while the other, standing with 
his head some distance above the eagle's, ejects the mixture of kaolin 
and chewed corn into the eagle's mouth; then, throwing the remainder 
from his mouth over the eagle, he rubs that which remains in the 
bowl over every spot where the white flufiy plumes should grow. 
The corn is used that the plumes maj^ soon grow, as corn comes up, 
and the kaolin that the plumes maj' be white. While this is going 
on in the center of the room the old shi'wanni sits with his back to the 
fii'e, with piles of plumes before him and a basket on the ledge by 
him, filled with plume sticks. When the plumes are all assorted into 
groups he attaches them to the sticks. After each te'likinane is com- 
pleted he breathes upon it and oflers a prayer. The eagle is carried 
under cover of the l)lanket to his cage, where he remains in compara- 
tive peace until re(iuired for another plucking. 

The preparation of wheat and corn bread for the feasts that follow 


is elaborate. The light bread, which is made into fanciful shapes, is 
baked in the ovens which illuminate the town on the fourth night, this 
being the last opportunity for their use until the ten days devoted to 
the ceremonial expire. 

At noon on the fourth day the new-3'ear tire-maker starts on his tour 
through tlie village for wood. He collects a fagot of cedar from each 
house, the person giving the wood offering a prayer that the crops may 
be bountiful in the coming jear. As the wood is collected it is tied 
together, and when tli(> fire-maker has a load he cariies it to the 
He'iwa ki'wi'sine, entering through the liatchway in the roof. As soon 
as the wood is deposited he starts for more, and he continues until 
everj' house in Zuni has donated its share. 

The ki'wi'sine is entered each time through the hatchway, and the 
collector also leaves b\- the same entrance. Upon leaving the ki'wi'- 
sine after having- deposited the last load of wood, the fire-maker goes 
to the house directly east of it, where he collects coals from the fire- 
place with two pieces of wood, and returns through a communicating 
door between the house and the ki'wi'sine. After depositing the coals 
at the fire altar, he arranges a portion of the wood in a square, log- 
cabin fashion, to a height of about 18 inches. The lire (see plate xx), 
which is lighted at sunset, is called ma"ke tesh'kwi (lire not to be 
touched, sacred fire)." 

At sunset the pe'kwin makes a meal painting on the floor at the 
west end of the ki'wi'sine, he being the only shi'wanni present at the 
time. Later on he places on the i)ainting the kla'etchine, composed of 
the te'likinawe prepared by the flrst body of A'shiwanni. 

The first body of A'shiwanni assemble at night in the ki'wi'sine, and 
at midnight the idols of the Gods of War are brought to it from the 
house where they have stood in state. The pe'kwin, who leads the 
part}', carries a meal basket and sprinkles first the idol of the elder 
God of War and afterward that of the younger, while he stoops before 
and between the idols. The elder brother Bow priest, after placing a 
te'likinane in the belt of each of the idols and sprinkling both with 
meal, takes his position north of the pe'kwin who now stands a short 
distance from the idols. The younger brother Bow priest makes his 
offerings to the gods in the same manner, and stands south of the sun 
priest. Each whirls a rhombus.* 

After prayers the procession leaves the house in the following 
order: The pe'kwin leads, sprinkling meal as he proceeds. He is 

(I Ti?sh'kwi is jipplied to all sacred objects, such as altars, dry paintings, shrines; to the ashes and 
sweepings which are kept for ten days; also to fasts, such as shi'li (meat) tesh'kwi, raachi'kwa (sugar) 

6 This instrument, which is composed of two slender slats of wood attached by a string, is exten- 
sively known among savage peoples. It is sometimes called bull roarer, and is said to be used to 
work savages into frenzy. Such is not the case with the Pueblo tribes, among whom the rhombus is 
whirled to create enthusiasm among the u'wannami (rain-makers). 

116 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ask. 23 

followed b}- the priest of the pa'ettone/' cariyuig his fetish which 
bears his name; after him is a priest of the 'su'hlan'na (great shell), 
cari'ying- the shell; then the Kia'kweraosi bearing his et' tone; then the 
aged man of the Deer clan, carrj'ing the idol of the elder God of War. 
The two men of the Deer clan follow with the paraphernalia of the 
god; then a man of the Bear clan with the idol of the younger God 
of War, and after liim two other members of the Bear clan bearing 
the parapheinalia of this god. The elder brother Bow priest walks 
to the right of the pe'kwin and the younger brother Bow priest is on 
the right of the man at the end of the file, each whirling his rhombus 
as he proceeds. After entering the ki'wi'sine the fetishes and idols 
are placed on the meal painting, the idols and paraphernalia being 
deposited by the pe'kwin. The A'pi"l;ishiwanni are present in a body, 
having left their various fraternities for this purpose, and at this time 
they sing the song which is sung after sunset in the closing scene of 
the scalp ceremony (see A'pi"lashiwanni, page 005). 

The ceremonies in the ki'wi'sine continue throughout the night. 
The Gods of War are thus honored that the}' may intercede with the 
rain-makers for rains to fructify the earth. At sunrise the idols are 
carried l)y the elder and younger brother Bow priests to their respec- 
tive homes, each being accompanied by a warrior bearing the games 
and ]3araphcrnalia of the gods. Each idol is placed in the west end of 
the large chamber and the paraphernalia are arranged about it (see 
plate xxi).'' 

As soon as the idol and its belongings are placed in position by the 
elder brother Bow priest and his associates, the}' otter pra\'ers and 
sprinkle meal. Then the familj' of the former gather about the idol 
to pra}' and make ott'erings of precious beads, etc., and the}- sprinkle 
sacred meal. Many from outside, of both sexes and all ages, come to 
the gods to pray and make ott'erings of one or more precious beads. "^ 

After depositing a little food south of the idol, and then breakfasting 
with his family, the elder Ijrother Bow priest ties a reddish, flutty plume 

aThe pa't?ttowe (singular pa'OttonC: pa from Pachu, Navaho) are sacred fetishes of the A'pi''lashi- 
wanni (Bow priesthood) which protects them from the enemy. 

6 Plate XXI was made from a case in the National Museum, the objects being placed according to pho- 
tographs and slvctches made of the group in the house of the elder brother Bow priest in 1896. The 
idol is a very old one, secured through Nai'uchi for Mr Stevenson from the shrine on To'wa j'ariiinnfi 
(Corn mountain) in 1881. It has been redecorated after the sketch made of the one observed in the 
winter solstice of 1896. All the coloring used on it is native. The white top of the idol with black 
rectangles signifies a white cloud cap with black rain clouds — the house of the clouds. The tablets, 
staffs, war club, and the te'Iikinawe, except four, were made by the elder brother Bow priest, who 
also made the feather bow and arrow, which is to be seen immediately before the idol. The other 
te'Iikinawe were fashioned by the aged member of the Deer clan. The games (see Games, p. 317) 
were made by members of the same clan. All was done by direction of Nai'uchi, the elder brother 
Bow priest, that the writer might have a facsimile of the idol of the elder God of War as he appears 
in his (the elder brother Bow priest's) house at the winter solstice. 

cDuring the time the idol is in the house, Nai'uchi, the most successful practitioner in Zuni, treats 
several patients who come to him. In each case he relieves the sufferer by pretending to extract 
the cause of the disease from the body: wrapping the ejected material in a husk, he carries it from 
the house. Nai'uchi does not practice medicine through his association with the Bow priesthood, 
but through his membership in other esoteric fraternities. 



A. HOEN .t CO., Litb 



to his forelock, removes a die (g-rain of corn) from one of the cups of 
the game i'3-ankolo'we, and hands it to the associate warrior, who wraps 
it in a corn husk while the elder brother Bow priest ties the four cups 
together. The associate binds the two games of sho'liwe together and 
gathers all the games into his blanket over the left arm. The elder 
brother Bow priest removes the yucca rope with the te'likinawe 
attached, and, stooping before the idol, holds the plumes near its base 
while he prays. He now deposits the feather bow and arrow in a 
hu'chipone (deep basket), and the idol with all its adornments is stood 
in the basket. The rope containing the te'likinawe is placed next, 
and the food which was south of the idol is wrapped in the cloth and 
put into the l)asket. He now hangs his war pouch over liis shoulder, 
rolls a quantity of pra^'er meal in a piece of cloth, and tucks it into 
his belt. Wrapping his blanket about him, he provides himself with 
a rhombus and. supporting his basket with his left arm, leaves the 
house, wliirling the rhombus with his right hand. He is followed by 
his associate carrying the remaining paraphernalia of the god in the 
blanket over his left arm while he whirls a rhombus with the right 
hand. During their pi'ogress through the village the two are frequently 
stopped by those who wish to prav before the idol and sprinkle meal 
upon it. On reaching the shrine on U'hana yal'lanne the idol placed 
the previous year is removed and the new one substituted, with its 
paraphernalia about it, just as it is seen in the house of the elder brother 
Bow priest. The idol of the younger God of AVar is carried in the same 
manner to a shrine on To'wa yiil'lanne (see plate xxii)." The only dif- 
ference observed in the two images is that the one representing the 
younger god has a zigzag stick, .symbolic of lightning, running up 
from the top of the cloud cap on the head. 

The A'shiwanni and ofEcers of the fraternities deposit their te'liki- 
nawe on the fifth day at the appropriate shrines, while all others plant 
theirs in the fields, the fraternity offerings being deposited in the 
excavations with the individual offerings. 

The Kia'kwemosi carries the kia'etchine, composed of the prayer 
plumes of the A'shiwanni, and the ha'kwani, made Yiy the Shi'wano'- 
'kia, to the base of Ma".sakia (a ruin on a knoll), where the kia'etchine 
is deposited. Both the plumes and the ha'kwani are offerings to the 
u'wannami A'shiwanni (rain- maker priests). The pe'kwin alone visits 
the shrine on the summit of the knoll, but no plume offerings are 
deposited here. This shrine (see figure 3) consists of a stone wall, semi- 
circular in form, about 3 feet high, the inner space being 3 feet wide 
and ojjening to the east. A sandstone slab, about 2 feet high and 14 
inches wide, with a .symbol of the sun 4 inches in diameter etched upon 
it .stands against the apex of the wall. A smooth-surfaced stone on 
which are cut a number of lines is inserted in each side of the wall 

a See p. 606. 



[ETH. ANN. 23 

about 8 inches above the base. Some of the priests declare that the 
. lines on the south side of the wall indicate the number of yenm the pre- 
vious sun priest held the office, and the one on the north side the num- 
ber of years the present incumbent has served." Nine concretions 
form a square on the ground before the etching of the sun, and there 
are three smaller ones in line in front of these. Concretion fetishes, 
valued as liringing fructlHcatiori to the cartli, are to })e found in all the 
fields. A small flat stone rests on two of the larger concretions. 

The same morning, about 9 o'clock, members of the order of Pa'ya- 
tilmu of tlie Little Fire and Cimex fraternities, playing on their flutes, 
ascend To'wa yiiriiinne to To'mapa, a shrine in the west side (see plate 
xxiii) halfway uj) the mesa, and deposit th(Mr offerings to the god, 

Fig. 3 — Sun shrine at Ma"sakla. 

while officers of other fraternities carry their offerings to various 
shrines. The *Ko'shi'kwe deposit te'likinawe at this time, but they 
hold no ceremonial in their chamber. 

There is no exception to the rule of members at large of fraternities 
planting their fraternity ofl'erings at this season in the same excava- 
tion and at the same time as the familv deposit theirs. It is usual for 
all the memliers of a household to go together: in fact, in all observa- 
tions made by the writer, such has been the case. Husbands deposit 
their oflferings in the fields of the families of their wives, and vice 
versa. A hole al)out 14 inches square and the same in depth is made 
by a man of the household, and the plumes, which are carried to the 
fields on the fifth day, wrapped together with corn husks, are sepa- 

oThe statement regarding the lines was made pre^-ious to the appointment of the present sun 






rated and deposited, the father standing his te'likinawo, including those 
of his ti'kili (fraternity), in one end of the excavation, the mother 
placing hers in the other end, and the children depositing theirs 
between. The infant is carried to the field on the mother's back, and 
with its tiny hand, guided by the mother, plants its plumes. These 
offerings ma\' be planted any hour between sunrise and sunset (see 
plate xxiv). Tliose who are absent on long journeys or those too ill 
to leave the house have their offerings deposited for them bj' some 
member of the family. All must have the head bathed with yucca 
suds previous to depositing the plume. There may be exceptions to 
this rule, such as a young child suffering with a cold. 

The sun rose in splendor on the morning of the fifth day, making 
brilliant the mantle of snow that covered the earth. The valley was 
sparkling white, and the mesa walls were white, with here and there a 
patch of dark blue, the pines veiled b}' the atmosphere. The snowy 
plain was a vast kaleidoscope from morning until evening, the devotees 
in their bright clothing going to and returning from their sacred 

One description of a family planting prayer plumes will answer for 
all, and the writer will describe the one in which she took part, having 
been expected to perform this sacred office with one of the fainilies. 

On the present occasion the male head of the is an associate 
.shi'wanni. Those who accompany him are his wife, mother-in-law, 
daughter about 10 years of age, a younger one of 4- years, a son 8 
months old, the j'ounger brother of his wife with his wife and infant, 
a girl of l:i years, daughter of the younger brother Bow priest, who 
is the elder brother of the associate shi'wanni's wife, and the writer. 
The associate shi'wanni hands the writer the te'likinawe he has made 
for her, saying: "Though you are a woman you have a head and a 
heart like a man, and you work like a man, and you must therefore 
make offerings such as men make." 

The party proceeds to a melon patch of the associate shi'wanni, 
where he makes an excavation about 14 inches square and of the 
same depth, using an old saber for the purpose. The excavation com- 
pleted, all except the two infants remove the corn husks which wrap 
the te'likinawe and, after sprinkling prayer meal in the excavation, 
proceed without formality to plant te'likinawe. Each man deposits 
as his individual offerings one te'likinane with its stick colored blue 
to the Sun Father and four with sticks colored black to his ancestors. 
The younger brother of the wife plants, in addition to his individual 
te'likinawo, offerings as a mem]>er of tlie Great Fire fraternity (see 
plate xxv)," one to Po'shaiyitnki (culture hero), one to the younger 
xfrother, or fellow, of Po'shaiyiinki. The one to Po'shaiyilnki has 

«It should be noted that the te'likinawe on pi. xxv are inverted. To get a proper view of the 
prayer plumes the plate should be reversed. Through inadvertence in the color printing this mistake 

120 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

attached a miniature orooi<, syiiiljolic of longevity, the other a minia- 
ture corn planter bound to it, to bring much corn in the coming year. 
He also plants one to the Cougar of the North, to the Hun Father, and 
to the ]\Ioon ^lother, the two latter being bound together. Some of 
the te'likinawe have pendent la'showawe (one or more plumes attached 
to cotton cord). Those having the la'showawe bear the prayers for 
rains, and those without are for clouds and other things. 

Each female, including the child of 4 years, plants one te'likinane 
with the stick colored yellow to the Moon Mother, and three with the 
sticks colored black to her ancestors. Each infant offers one or two 
te'likinawe with sticks colored black to its ancestors. The writer 
deposits one to the Sun Father and four to ancestors. In addition to 
the individual plumes, both the wife and elder daughter of the asso- 
ciate shi'wanni, as members of the Shu'maakwe fraternity, deposit 
two te'likinawe to Shumai'koli and two to Sai'apa (patron gods of the 
fraternity), one to the ettone," and four to the deceased members of 
the fraternity. 

After the te'likinawe are all stood in the ground each person takes 
a pinch of meal brought by the mother-in-law in a cloth and, hold- 
ing the meal near the lips, repeats a prayer for health, long life, many 
clouds, much rain, food, and raiment, and the meal is sprinkled thickh' 
over the plumes. The little child seems to understand perfectly her 
duties and prayers. The tinj' babies have their hands dipped into 
the meal and held over the plumes. These plumes remain uncovered 
until sunset the following day, that the Sun Father, in passing over the 
road of day, maj' receive the pra^-ers breathed upon the meal and into 
the f)]umes, the spiritual essence of the plumes conveying the breath 
prayers to him. The excavations are afterward so covered that no one 
could discover that the earth had been disturbed.* 

After the te'likinawe are deposited no animal food or grease can be 
eaten or touched with the hands for four days, those excepted being 
members of the 'San'iakiakwe (Hunters) and Shi'wannakwe (those who 
do not fast from animal food) fraternities and children receiving 
nourishment from their mothers. As the latter take milk, they may 
eat grease. The first l)ody of A'shiwanni must fast from animal food 
and grease and observe continence for ten daj's from this time. 

Thei'e must be no trading of any description for four davs, and to 
begin trading before ten days have expired is indicative of piebianism. 
No ashes or sweepings may be taken from the house during this 
period, and no artificial light must appear outside the house, not even 
a burning cigarette, nor the flash of firearms, no matter how great the 

"See A'shiwanni (Rain-priesthood), p. 163. 

ft When the associate shi'wanni visited the excavation in the evening after the plume planting, the 
writer accompanied him and induced him to let her have the complete set of plumes which were 
planted the previous day. These te'likinawe are deposited in the United States National Museum 
in an excavation as they appeared in the field at Zufii. 


distance from the village. The words of a shi'wanni will give au 
idea of the dread these people have of failure in the custom concerning 
firelight: "Whvdid the woman [reference to the camp manager of 
the writer] go outside last night with a light < She was seen l)y one of 
my neighbors. Alas) alas! alas! I will have no crops for four years. 
1 shall be poor. Rains will come and fall all around my fields, vipon the 
fields of my brothers, but none will come to me." The writer endeav- 
ored to console him by saying that he could not possibly be respon- 
sible for the acts of one of her party. "It was done from my house 
and I must be the sufferer. Did she carrj' a lamp or candle ( " When 
informed that a candle was carried, disti'ess was again depicted on his 
face. "It might have been better had she carried a lantern, for then 
the light would have been at least partially housed." 

On the morning of the fifth day the fire-tender covers with ashes the 
coals on the fire altar in the ki'wi'sine and goes to his home for his 
breakfast. After his meal the fire-tender deposits his individual te'- 
likinawe and returns to the ki'wi'sine where a fire burns throughout 
the day. At night he covers the coals with ashes })efore he sleeps. In 
the morning the fire is again kindled from the coals. After a time 
the fire-tender covers the coals with ashes and goes a distance from 
the village for cedar, to be consumed on the fire altar. On his return 
in the evening, after he has taken his meal in his own house, he again 
rekindles the fire, which burns until he is ready to sleep, when he covers 
the coals as before. He leaves the ki'wi'sine only to eat and to go for 
wood each day until the closing of the festival. No food nuist be taken 
in the ki'wi'sine for ten days. If this rule should be broken, the 
otiender would not only have his crops destroj^ed by crows and mice, 
but would l)e in great danger of death. 

There is no perpetual fire kept in the ki'wi'siwe of any puelilo, nor has there 
been one since the introduction of matclies among the Indians and since they 
have foimd tlieir wa}' to the woods clear from enemies. In times past the scarcity 
of "wood near home and the danger attending journeys for wood, which was 
brought upon their backs (as they had no beasts of burden until the invasion of 
the Spaniards), compelled the strictest economy in fuel and necessitated a central 
fire for each village. This not only gave warmth to a large number of priests while 
they performed their religious and other duties, but furnished coals with which to 
light small flres elsewhere when needed for domestic and other purposes. Fire fur- 
nishes warmth and light after the sun is gone to his home for the night, and it cooks 
the food and conveys the spiritual essence of food to the gods. Fire is therefore a 
goddess, second in importance only to the sun. Thus the elements attending the 
physical wants become features of the psychical. 

From the fifth to the eighth day the pueblo is buzzing with the mills 
and the songs of the grinders, and on the eighth day every household is 
busy preparing varieties of food, for on the following morning the 
fraternities will adjourn, when meat may be eaten and the appetite 
generally sated. 

122 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. a.nn. 23 

On the eighth day there are still more extensive preparations of te'li- 
kinawe. All are busy in chambers of the fraternities and elsewhere. 
While this day is especially set apart for making the offerings to be . 
deposited on the ninth daj% several days must be consumed bj^ many 
who have not only their own te'likinawe to make but those of their 
fraternity children. No one who has not received voluntary initia- 
tion into the Ko'tikili is privileged to fashion the sticks or attach the 
plumes, although women sometimes color the sticks. There is, how- 
ever, an exception to this rule. When a woman has severed her con- 
nection with the U'huhukwe (Eagle down) fraternity," she must then 
prepare the offerings for it, she having beeti instructed by her frater- 
nit}' father. 

The only persons exempt from offering te'likinawe on the ninth day 
are females who are not associated with a fraternitj^ and 3^oung male 
children who have not received voluntai'v initiation into the Ko'tikili. 
Each member of the Ko'tikili deposits one te'likinane to the sun, one 
to the moon, four to the Kok'ko A'wan (Council of the Gods), and 
others to the game animals, birds of the six regions, birds of sunnner. 
birds of winter, and to Po'shaiyiinki for all domestic animals. 

The old proverb, "' When you are in Rome do as the Romans do," is 
sometimes observed in Zufii. For example, a Hopi Indian, married 
to a Zuiii woman and therefore a resident of Zuni, is seen sitting in 
the midst of a group of his people (visitors to the village) in the 
southwest portion of the room of Jose Palle, a shi'wanni. and all are 
preparing te'likinawe that are quite different from those offered by 
the Zuiii. The son of the shi'wanni by a former wife, one by his 
present wife, a stepson, and two adopted children, nephews of the 
wife, one of whom wears female attire, sit on the ledge in the north- 
east portion of the room, all busih' engaged preparing their te'liki- 
nawe. The shi'wanni himself sits some distance from the family in 
the east end of the room. Medicine boxes and Apache baskets are 
before and beside him. His wife busies herself making te'likinawe 
of the U'huhukwe fraternity, from which she has resigned. Two chil- 
dren amuse themselves with plumes given them liy their grandfather. 
One young mother, tying a plume to her infant's hair and providing 
him with a ceremonial rattle, teaches him to dance. Thus the children 
begin at the tendei'est age to prepare for their future duties, those 
features which delight their infantile minds becoming the ritual asso- 
ciated with their worship. 

The Hopi resident makes for each person present, including the 
children and the writer, a la'showanne of two fluffj' eagle plumes and 
two i^ine needles, which he presents with prayers for rain to fructify 
the earth, that the crops may be bountiful, and for the good health and 
long life of all. The la'showanne is tied to a strand of hair at the left 

a See Esoteric fraternities. 


side of the head near the erown. He sets the basket containiiii;' the 
other la'showawe made by himself and his people on the north ledge 
of the room, and he and his party leave the house. 

When the others complete the preparation of their otierinys, the 
baskets containing them are also deposited on the ledge. Such objects 
are never touched or in any way disturbed by the children. Aljout S 
o'clock supper is served. The Ilopi resident and the two sons-in- 
law of the house, being present, participate in the meal. No animal 
food appears. Considerable time is consumed over the meal, and 
it is after 9 o'clock when the mother and elder daughter begin 
their ablutions preparatory to attending their fraternity. Their 
hair has alreiidy been washed. The l)ath and toilet are made in the 
general living room. Each woman stands before a large bowl of 
water and, without removing her camis, bathes the entire ])ody. No 
member of a fraternity would dare omit the daily bath during a cer- 
emonial. Such neglect would cause great ofiense to the Beast Gods, 
who would visit their wrath upon the offender. After the daughter 
has batJied she washes her husband's head in j-ucca suds and proceeds 
to brush and do up his hair. Tiie younger daughter performs the 
same service for her husband, who holds his infant on his lap, caress- 
ing him, except at times when the child is coa.ved away by his grand- 
jiarents or other relatives present, all seeming ready to suspend more 
weighty matters to fondle the tiny one. 

Twelve members of the Chu'pawa ki'wit'sine, including the pe'kwin 
(deputy to the priest of tiie Kla'nakwe)," arrive from time to time. 
The pe'kwin arranges a number of te'likinawe, which he brings with 
him, into groups, wrapping them at the base with corn husks, and 
deposits them in a flat basket. Lithe meantime Jose Palle's two sons- 
in-law depart for the chamber of the Shi'wannakwe fraternit}'. The 
elder daughter has her hair dressed ()y the adopted son, who wears 
feminine dress. She then attires herself in her best gown and belt. 
The man}' necklaces of the father are divided by him between his wife 
and daughter. Each woman has her own silver necklaces, but is read}' 
to add all the ko'hakwa (white shell beads). tur(juoise, and corals that can 
be secured. Great pride is felt over the display of such wealth at these 
ceremonials. The writer has seen children of four or five summers 
loaded with necklaces, marveling that the weight could be carried in 
the dance. The elder daughter assists her 8-year old child to bed in the 
west end of the room and starts for her fraternity. Her infant nephew 
begs to accompany her, his attachment for his aunt seeming to be as 
great as that for the mother, and he is caught up on her back with a 
blanket and carried off to the fraternity. Her younger sister, after 
filling a jiottery l>asket with sacred meal and returning it to a niche 
in the south wall, lies beside the niece. 

The members of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine who are present chat and 

a See p. 36. 

124 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 

smoke and repeat te'lapnawe (tales) until midnight, when they hold an 
interesting ceremonial not directly connected with the winter-solstice 
festival, but relating to the calendar. The chairs are removed, the 
floor is swept, and the party take their seats on their wadded blankets or 
on the ledge, forming a broken circle near the fireplace, in which may 
be seen a large vessel, balanced on stones, containing a stew of meat and 
homin}', and two large pumpkins roasting before the fire. The men 
remove their moccasins. The shi'wanni of the Kia'nakwe (see page 
36), who is the man of the house, forms the central figure and is raised 
above the others by his wadded blanket being placed on a low box. 
He faces east. A large Apache basket containing his te'likinawe, 
offerings to the Coimcil of the Gods, two small vases of the roots and 
blossoms of te'na'siili (mythical medicine plant bearing blossoms of 
the colors of the six regions), and several buckskin medicine bags, are 
placed before him. Other baskets holding similar te'likinawe belong- 
ing to the others of the group are handed him. He removes the 
buckskin medicine bags from the larger basket, lays them on the floor 
between himself and the basket, and transfers the groups of te'likinawe 
from the smaller l)askets to the larger one, arranging them artistically, 
so that the feather ends radiate and the la'showawe attached to the 
te'likinawe fringe the edge of the basket. 

The shi'wanni makes a cross of meal south of the basket and one in 
the center of it, and deposits a stone cougar, 8 inches long, colored 
}-ollow, the mouth, tail, and feet black, on tlie cross south of the basket. 
Another basket is now handed to the shi'wanni, which he holds on his 
lap, and to which he transfers the two packages of te'na'sali. He then 
proceeds to empty the bags. Removing one fetish at a time, he exam- 
ines each, and, if a prej- animal, deposits it in the basket on his lap, 
with the head to the east. There are as many as forty of these stone 
fetishes, mostly prey animals, ranging from 1^ to 4 inches in length. 
A few are concretions, sacred to the fields. As an evidence of the 
extreme conventionality of these fetishes, the shi'wanni finds it neces- 
sary, when handling some of the more ancient ones, to consult several 
of his party as to what animals they might be. Each animal fetish 
carries an arrow point on its back, held on with strings of precious 
beads wrapped around the image. 

The man to the left of the shi'wanni also has sacks of fetishes. 
Removing each fetish separatel}' from the sack, he holds it until it is 
received by the shi'wanni, who places it with the others. When all the 
fetishes have been deposited, the shi'wanni again sprinkles a cross of 
meal in the larger basket, and handles each package of the tena'sali 
separately. Each fetish is deposited in the large basket with the same 
care as when it is placed in the smaller one. He sets the smaller 
basket between the larger one and the large fetish of the cougar, 
being careful to so place the basket that the la'showawe in the larger 


one full over it. The seeond man to the left of the shi'wanni. his 
stepson, makes a cigarette of native tobacco and, after lighting and 
drawing on it an instant, hands it to the man at his right, who takes 
a whiff and passes it to the shi'wanni, who takes eight long whiffs, 
each time blowing the smol^e over the l)asket of plumes and fetishes. 
The shi'wanni then returns the stump of the cigarette to the man at 
his left, the collector of the te'na'sali. The first associate to the 
shi'wanni, who sits on his right, after consuming all but a bit of the 
cigarette, deposits it by the large stone cougar. Each cigarette of 
native tobacco afterward smoked by the associate is deposited by this 
fetish after the better part has been consumed. 

Cigarettes are smoked by all the party during the ceremonial, but not 
more than one or two smolte at the same time. After the shi'wanni's 
first smoke he takes a pinch of meal in his right hand and repeats a 
long litany, responded to by the others. At the close of this prayer 
he sprinkles the meal he holds over the cougar and basket of plumes 
and fetishes, and then all take a pinch of the meal from the basket 
and simultaneously offer a short prayer and sprinkle the plumes and 
fetishes, drawing from them the sacred breath. The song now begins, 
led by the shi'wanni. It opens low in a minor key, swelling until the 
notes are rich and full. This song, less monotonous than usual, is 
offered to various beings of the six regions, who are addressed in suc- 
cession. The first pra^'er is to a group belonging to the Sia cosmog- 
onj', whom the writer has never before heard mentioned in Zuiii 
ritual. These beings are the Yellow Woman of the North, the Blue 
Woman of the West, the Red Woman of the South, the White Woman 
of the East, the Every -colored Woman of the Zenith, and the Black 
Woman of the Nadir. The Cougar of the North, the Bear of the 
West, the Badger of the South, tlie White W^olf of the East, the Eagle 
of the Zenith, and the Shrew of the Nadir play an impoi'tant part in 
this ritual." 

The old shi'wanni, sitting in light or shadow according to the uncer- 
tain flickering of the fire light in the quaint fireplace, with silvery hair 
and a countenance impressed with the superstitions peculiar to his race 
and depicting the most intense earnestness, is a picture not to be for- 
gotten. He is surrounded by his associates, who are also intent upon 
having their songs pass over the straight road of truth. The songs and 
prayers are to bring rains to fructify the mother earth, who gives to 
her children the fruits of her being if prayers are offered with a pure 
heart. The song closes at the rising of the morning star, which 
announces that the Sun Father is coming from his house, when all 
repeat a short prayer and inhale the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona.* 

o This prayer song was recognized as being in the Sia language, and on being questioned the shi'- 
wanni. who was not a little chagrined at the discovery, said: " The song came to us long ago, so long 
that the fathers of the father's fathers could not tell when." 

''See Classification of the higher powers, p. 22. 

126 THK ZrNI INDIANS [eth. an.i. ^ 

The stone fetishes are I'eturned to the buckskin medicine biij^s b_v 
the owners, and the te'nas'siili is restored to the vase by tlie man whose 
special care it is to guard tlie sacred m_ythical medicine plant. The 
participants in this ceremony now go to their homes or fi'aternities, 
and return after sunrise for their te'likinawe, which ma\' be planted 
in the fields any time durino- th(^ day. 

An inci<lent occurred on the eighth evening that is worthy of mention. A flayed 
liear was brouglit to the pueblo l)y some Navahos and presented to the mo'sona 
(ilirector) of tlie ILi'lo'kwe (ant) fraternity, who at once convened the fraternity. 
The altar was erecte<l and the a'kwamosi (maker of medicine water) consecrated the 
water. The bear was butchered, and in an inner room, during the night, was cooked 
in immense caldrons in the broad fireplace with awning by female members of 
the fraternity. The other members spent the night in singing and dancing. In the 
early morning the cooked meat was brought in, with other food, in large VjowIs. The 
mo'sona placed the bear's skull in a fiat basket in which he had made a cross of meal, 
symbolic of the four regions, and deposited the basket before the altar, the top of tlie 
head to the east. A woman prepared a bowl of yucca suds and eacli person ))resent 
dipped his two ceremonial eagle plumes into the suds and Ijrouglit them forwanl over 
the top of the skull. The woman who prepared the suiis afterward washed the skull, 
and the mo'sona painted the lower portion of it black and the upper portion yellow. 
The top of the head was spotted over with micaceous hematite. A salmon-colored 
fluffy eagle plume was attached to the top of the skull and a similar one to the base. 
After the skull was decorated the a'kwamosi sprinkled it with meal, having first 
thrown medicine water over it, and all present sprinkled meal upon it. The skull 
was afterward carried in state to To'mapa, a shrine in the west wall of To'wa yill'- 
liinnc (see pi. xxin)." Each member of the fraternity having prepareil a te'liki- 
nane, these were arranged in a flat basket, the plume ends ra<liating, and the skull 
was placed in the center. The woman who washed the skull carried it and was 
followed by four ofticers of the fraternity, who sang to the accompaniment of the 
rattle. Each man wore the deerskin hood of the personators of the Sha'liiko, which 
may be worn by officers of fraternities on such occasions as described. 

The first bcxly of A'shiwanni gather on the eighth day in the He'iwa 
ki'wi'siue, where they remain during the night and prepare te'likinawe, 
some of which are deposited at sunset on the evening of the ninth 
day in a spring or water pocket, through which the Kok'ko (anthropic 
gods) are supposed to view this earth from the undermost world. 

On the ninth day the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, the 
Ko'pekwin, and two Ko'pi"lashiwanni meet in the dwelling of the 
Ko'mosona, his wife's house, and prepare te'likinawe. P^ach shi'waimi 
makes four offerings to Pau'tiwa. The others present make each two 
te'likinawe to be offered to that god. The Ko'mosona groups all the 
te'likinawe into a kia'etchine. On the same day the people of the Corn 
clan and the children of the clan '' assemble in the house of the father or 
head of the clan to choose a man to personate Pau'tiwa (see page 33), 
who is known at this time as the Kom'hii'likwi.'' The head of the clan 
presents prayer meal wrapped in a corn husk to the party chosen to rep- 
resent the Kom'ha'likwi, notifying him that he is to personate this god 

'( skulls of the prey animals of the six regions are deposited at this shrine. 

6 See List of clans. 

<• Dance witch.or witch of the Kok'ko. 


in the coming- cpremony. A prayer is offered for a good heart to the 
chosen party and for rains to fructify the earth. Each man present 
makes four te'iikinawe to Pau'tiwa. When the prayer plumes are 
completed the head of the clan groups them into a kia'etchine, which 
is afterward given to the personator of Pau'tiwa. 

Pau'tiwa appears three times annually in Zufii. When he comes to announce the 
closing of the winter solstice ceremonial the personator must l)e of the Corn clan or 
a child of this clan, the corn being selected every other year. When Pau'tiwa comes 
on the evening of the closing ceremonies he must be of the Dogwood clan or a child 
of this clan, the Dogwood clan being represented every alternate year, and being 
chosen for this occasion by the mo'sona of Shu'maakwe fraternity, who selects him 
irrespective of the Parrot and Raven divisions of this clan (see page 40). When 
Pau'tiwa comes for the rao'lawe festival « the personator must be of the Ai'yahokwe 
(a certain plant) clan or a child of this clan, the Ai'j'ahokwe being represented every 
alternate year. 

Five members of the Sun clan and five of the Corn clan, besides the 
personator of Pau'tiwa or Kom'ha'likwi, assemble in the house of the 
latter soon after his appointment, and each one present makes four 
te'iikinawe to tlie Council of the Gods. After the offerings are com- 
pleted the men carr^' them to the Ko'mosona, who puts them with 
the offerings made by his party, wrapping the group of te'iikinawe 
at the base with cotton cord, and hands the kia'etchine to the Kom'- 
hii'likwi, who with his party is dispatched to plant these plumes. 

The tive men of the Sun clan precede the others in tile, the fifth one 
carrying a ta'sakwinne (ancient corn planter). He is followed by the 
Kom'ha'likwi bearing the kia'etchine. The five men of the Corn clan 
follow in file. All carry a mixture composed of ground abalone shell, 
ko'hakwa (white shell), and turquoise, which they sprinkle as they 
proceed. This mixture is prepared by a woman of the Sun clan, and 
is made especially for the occasion. When some distance west of the 
village the man who carries the corn planter makes an excavation on 
the bank of the river, using the corn planter to loo.sen the earth, which 
he throws out with his hands. The process is somewhat tedious, Init 
continues until he has excavated to the depth of his waist and some 
2 feet in diameter. He must reach considerable water. After the 
Kom'ha'likwi deposits the te'iikinawe in the excavation, all sprinkle 
the plumes with meal and pray for rains, then the opening is filled by 
the man who made it. 

On the tenth day the otaikia mo'sona (dance director) of each ki'wi'- 
sine, with several associates, awaits in his ki'wi'sine the coming of 
the Kom'ha'likwi, who arrives at midnight. He dodges about and 
disappears in the dark corners to avoid the light and the view of the 
people, just as witches do; hence the name. Ascending the ladder to 
the roof, he throws a pinch of meal through the hatchway', and marks 
four lines with meal on the crossbar of it, which indicates that after 

<• See Annual festival of the Sha'lako, p. 277. 

128 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ank. 23 

four (lays shall have passed ashes may he carried outside, or that the 
tesh'kwi (fast) closes. After visitino' the ki'wi'siwe he disappears 
over the western road. Each day one line of the meal is rubbed off 
by the otaikia mo'sona. 

During the fourteenth day the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mo- 
sona, Ko'pekwin, the two Ko'piMiishiwanni, and the fire-tender are 
engaged in the He'iwa ki'wi'sine preparing te'likinawe to the Council 
of the Gods, the six Sha'liiko, four Sa'ya'hlia, and Bi"'si'si. Those to 
the latter are designated mo'lawe a'wan te'likinawe, they being asso- 
ciated with I}i"'si'si, the original mo'sona of the Galaxy fraternity, at 
the time of his appearance in the festival of the mo'lawe." In addition 
to these offerings, others are made every four years to 'Kiaklo,* and 
to the Kiu'nakwe,'' who are personated quadrennially. At the same 
time the A'wan tii"chu Ko'j'emshi* is chosen from the designated fra- 
ternity by the elder brother Bow priest, who is also Shi'wanni of the 
Nadir, the several fraternities alternating annually; and while it is 
customary for the A'wan tii"chu Ko'\'emshi to select his nine asso- 
ciates from the fraternity to which he belongs, they are sometimes 
chosen at large from the people. 

The Great Fire fraternitj' is also assembled in the ki'wi'sine at this 
time, with other members. The mo'sona of this fraternity directs two 
of its members to visit 'Kla'nanaknana, a spring at the black rocks 
east of Zuiii, and collect water. A gourd jug covered with a net- 
woi'k of cotton cord, with four fluffy white eagle plumes attached, is 
handed to one of the men, who holds it in his left hand and receives 
four te'likinawe in his right. These plume offerings are to the Sun 
Father, deceased Kia'kwe amosi (rain priests) of the North (rain 
priests of the Zenith), and rain priests of the Nadir. The second man 
receives four te'likinawe to the Sun Father, deceased rain priests of 
the West, South, and East, which he carries in his left hand, while in 
his right he has a rhombvis, which he whirls as he follows the other 
man to the spring. The leader carries meal in his belt, which he 
throws before him as he proceeds. Reaching the spring, the te'likinawe 
are deposited, and the jug is filled with water. 

The same morning the Ko'mosona selects a man of the Deer clan and 
one of the Corn clan to visit a spring at 'Kiap'kwena (Ojo Caliente). 
The man of the Deer clan leads. He carries in his left hand a water 
jug similar to that borne by the member of the Great Fire fraternity, 
and five te'likinawe, which are to be offered to Council of the Gods. 
In his right hand he carries a rhombus. The man of the Corn clan 
carries in his left hand a similar jug and five te'likinawe, as offer- 
ings to Council of the Gods and the Sha'liiko. He carries a rhombus 

a See Annual festival of the Sha'liiko, p. 277. 

fcSee Origin of ancestral pods, p. 33. 

»See Destruction of the Kla'nakwe and songs of thanksgiving, p. 36. 


in his right. These ttVlikiiiuwe are deposited in the spring, and the 
jugs are filled with water. This couple returns the same evening, 
though the spring is 1.5 miles from Zufii. Should they liecome weary, 
they sprinkle meal before them, with a prayer to the Council of the 
Gods for strength of heart and limb. Upon their return from 'Kia'- 
nanaknana the men pass to the right of the ladder, and after descend- 
ing into the ki'wi'.sine turn to the left and advance to the director of the 
Great Fire fraternity, who stands by the meal painting. After receiv- 
ing the jugs, the director stoops and empties the water into his medi- 
cine bowl with the prayer: " Ho'mo a'til'chu u'wannam-a'shiwanni 
yiim 'kia'shima yam to'shonanne yam 'hii'towe yam wil'lojonanne yam 
ku'hilunanne yaui'hlash'shiakia (My fathers, rain priests, rain- 
makers, give to us water, seeds, rains, and lightning. Let us have 
thunder. Let us be white-haired with age)." The unexpressed 
thought is that they may be made happy with the fruits of the earth 
and live to old age, to sleep, not die, and awake in Ko'thluwala'wa (the 
abiding place of the Council of the Gods; see plate iv). The two 
members of the Great Fire fraternity take their seats with their 
fraternity. The Ko'mosona receives the jug brought b}' the others and 
pours the water into his medicine bowl with a prayer similar to that 
offered by the director of the Great Fire fraternity. 

On the fourteenth day the tirst l)od\' of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, 
and the Ko'pekwin consult together in the He'iwa ki'wi'sine as to who 
shall personate certain gods and who shall entertain the Council of the 
Gods and Sha'liiko in the coming autumn. This privilege is asked by 
such men of the village as desire to build new homes or renovate old 
ones, those having good hearts and being fitted to till the positions 
receiving mui'h consideration; the decision is made ))y the elder 
brother Bow priest. There are always eight new houses to be blessed 
by the gods. 

A meal painting, quite different in character from the one symbolic 
of clouds seen on the fourtii day, is made by the Ko'pekwin before 
sunset on the fourteenth day. The former painting is the property 
of the Gods of War, and nuist never appear except in connection 
with them. The latter is used in reference to the Kok'ko. The cloud 
symbols of the other fraternities are different from either of those 
mentioned. A large fire burns on the fire altar da}' and night during 
the fourteenth day. 

The Sa'ya'hlia masks (see plate xvi) that were deposited ])y the 
meal painting are soon removed and worn by the personators of these 
gods, who appear as warriors for a short time in the streets of the 
village and then return to the ki'wi'sine. They and the personators 
of Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele (two gods from yhi'papolima") wear their 

a See Esoteric fraternities. 
23 ETH— 04 9 

130 THE ZUNI INDIANS (eth. ann. 23 

masks throughout tlie night and move about continually without taking 
seats (see plates xxvi and xxvii). 

The personator of Pau'tiwa appears in the ki'wi'sine after dark, and 
his mask (sec plate xxviii) is removed and placed by the meal painting, 
the man liimself taking his seat inunediately back of it between the 
lines of men of the Dogwood and Sun clans. 

The ledge around the room is filled with spectators, all males who 
have passed their voluntary initiation being privileged to enter the 
ki'wi'sine. The Sa'ya'hlia, Shits'ukia, and Kwe'lele are tenacious in 
their prerogative of whipping those who are found dozing or who 
attempt to depart from the ki'wi'sine during the night. No one 
must sleep while in the ki'wi'sine, nor nuist one, after entering, leave 
before morning. The memVjers of (xreat Fire fraternity and of the 
Hc'iwa ki'wi'sine alternate in singing to the accompaniment of the 
rattle and drum. 

There is constant smoking, and a (jliantity of popcorn water is drunk. 
No article that has touched grease must be used in dipping this water. 

^Ir. George M. Landers, of Connecticut, a Representative in tlie Forty-fourth and 
Forty-fiftli Congresses, desiring to aid in Christianizing and civilizing the Zunis, gave 
to an Indian, who was spending the winter with the writer, a large box of cutlery and 
silverware, thinking that this Indian, having the enviroiiinent of civilization for 
six months, would carry hack its influence to her people. When the writer visited 
Zuni about two months after the return of the Indian to her home, she found that the 
steel knives had been distributed among the rain priests and others, for the purpose 
of fashioning te'likinawe, and that the large silver spoons were used with popcorn 
•water, which is drunk in certain ceremonials. The forks were playthings among the 
children, the Indian to whom the things were given having returned to the use of 
her fingers in place of the knife and fork. Yet this Zuflian, during her six 
months' stay in Washington, came in contact only with the highest conditions of 
culture, dining and receiving with some fif the most distinguished women of the 
national capital. 

The songs and dancing of Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele continue until 
the rising of the ]\Iorning Star (warrior to the Sun Father), which is 
carefully watched for by men who ascend the ladder to the hatchway. 
When announcement is made of the appearance of the star, Kwe'lele 
and the director of the order of Kok'ko 'hlan'na (Great god) of the 
Great Fire fraternity " take their seats near the tire altar. Kwe'lele 
places his horizontal fire stick on the floor and proceeds to produce 
lire by friction. A quantity of crushed cedar tilier having l)een placed 
beside the horizontal stick, a second stick held in the hand is rubbed 
in a rotarj^ manner upon the oije on the floor. After Kwe'lele has 
worked a while, the director of the order of Kok'ko 'hlan'na takes 
the stick, and, after a time, produces sparks, which ignite the crushed 
fiber. Lifting the fiber in both hands, he waves it sidewise until 
there is suHicient fire to light the brand. (The breath must never be 
blown upon the fiber, for this would so oflend the gods that no rains 

« See p. 407. 














) — 


















I 'llilllilill 












would conio.) Kwc'lele rises aud touches his brand to the lig-ht, after 
which the director throws the crushed fiber into the flames of the fire 
altar. The fire tender lights a similar brand at the fire altar, and the 
party leaves the ki'wi'siue in the following' order: Shits'ukia, carrying 
a rhombus in his right hand and an ear of yellow corn in his left; the 
Ko'pekwin, with a basket of sacred meal and his mi'li in his left hand, 
while with his right he throws meal before him; the pe'kwin, who 
carries a basket of meal and an ear of blue corn in his left hand and 
sprinkles jneal with his right; the fire-tender, carrying in his blanket 
over his left arm four ears of corn with te'likinawe in the center and 
a firebrand in his right hand; the Ko'mosona, carrj'ing his mi'li and 
basket of meal in his left hand and sprinkling meal with his right; 
Paii'tiwa, wearing a white cotton shirt, embroidered sash, four mi'hawe 
(sacred embroidered blankets), white deerskin leggings fringed at the 
sides, and dance moccasins; his mask is elaborately decorated; on his 
left arm are many te'likinawe, including offerings from each member 
of the first bodj' of A'shiwanni, while with his right hand he sprinkles 
meal, which he carries in his sash; four Sa'ya'hlia, who carry bows 
and arrows in their left hands, and bunches of yucca in the right; four 
men of the tSun clan; Kwe'lele, who follows a short distance from the 
others, carrying a firebrand and crushed cedar fiber in his right hand, 
and in his left fire sticks, from which the fire is made. 

The party proceeds to Ku'shilowa (red earth), a short distance east of 
Zuni, where the fire tender lays his burning brand on the ground and 
Kwe'lele places his brand south of it. The Ko'pekwin runs a line of 
meal between the two brands, which are a short distance apart. ."Shits'- 
ukia stands north of the brand of the fire tender and Kwe'lele stands 
south of his own Tn'and. The fire tender stands just west of the meal 
line and Pau'tiwa stoops with bended knees behind the fire tender. The 
four Sa'ya'hlia stand a short distance back of Pau'tiwa, the remainder 
of the party forming in groups north and south and back of the others, 
all facing east. Those grouped at the back sprinkle meal on the gods 
and draw in the sacred ijreath. The te'likinawe are now deposited in a 
circular excavation, an arm's length in depth, made by the ceremonial 
father of Pau'tiwa, a member of the Sun clan, he having preceded the 
others from the ki'wi'sine in time to have the excavation in readiness. 
The fire tender separates his corn from the te'likinawe and carries it 
home. The father of -Pau'tiwa covers the ofierings with earth, leaving 
no trace of the excavation. 

The plume ofl'erings are made to the Sun Father, Council of the 
Gods, Sa'ya'hlia, Shits'ukia, Kwe'lele, u'wannam A'shiwanni," Ku'pish- 
ta3'a,* and Po'shaiyanki.'' The praj^ers offered on this occasion are for 
I'ain, snow, and warmth from the Sun Father to fructify the mother 
earth, that she ma^' give in abundance the fruits of her being, all seeds 

a Rain priests (rain-makers). 6 Lightning-makers. c Culture hero. 

132 THE ZUNl INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

))eing mentioned, and for raiment, each article being named. For the 
latter Po'.shaiyanki is appealed to. 

The exit of the party from the ki'wi'sine is the signal for all families 
to l)egin the cleanintr of their houses. Each female member of the 
family e.xcept the one making the ))read, no matter how young, if she 
can walk and carry a small basket or bowl, goes to the nearest field of 
the family and deposits sweepings; ashes with live coals are deposited 
separately. To the sweepings she says: ''I now deposit you as sweep- 
ings, but in one year you will return to me as corn.'' To the ashes 
she sa\'s: "I now deposit you as ashes, but in one year you will return 
to me as meal.'' Botli the ashes and sweepings are sprinkled with 
meal, and prayers are offered. The one who is making the bread 
afterward goes to the heaps, repeating prayers and sprinkling meal. 
The te'likinuwe, which are kept \\itii the ashes and sweepings for ten 
days, are then deposited in the tields. 

After the return of the jtaity to the ki'wi'sine, where the A'shiwanni, 
the Great Fire fraternity, and others have await(»d them, the (ireat 
Fire fraternity sing to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum, and 
the four Sa'ya'hlia, Shits'ukia. and Kwe'lele dance until after sunrise. 
Having extinguished his firebrand at Ku'shilowa, Kwe'lele brings it 
with him to the ki'wi'sine and after sunset deposits it on the road 
to Ko'thluwala'wa. .\ll go to their homes to eat except the four 
Sa'ya'hlia, Shits'ukia, and Kwe'lele, who must remain in the ki'wi'sine. 

An aunt on the paternal side, or some woman of the father's clan, 
calls through the hatchway in the roof of the ki'wi'sine to the fire 
tender. He ascends to the roof and accompanies her to her house, where 
she washes his head with yucca suds and bathes his body for purifica- 
tion and longevity, that he may not die. but sleep to awake in Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa. After eating in the aunt's house, the meal including animal 
food, the fire tender returns to the ki'wi'sine. When the others who 
left for breakfast have returiuHl. the pe'kwin selects separately from 
a basket tray a number of te'likinawe to be distributed to persons 
chos(Mi to fill certain offices, whicli appointments were discussed on the 
previous day. 

The pe'kwin hantls each te'likinane separately to the elder brother 
Bow priest, the following words being repeated with the presentation 
of each: "Tii'chumo" (father), said by receiver; "tal'emo" (father's 
brother's son), said by the giver; ''pa'pamo" (elder brother), said 
by the receiver; "su'emo" (younger brother), said by the giver; 
"ka'kiamo" (mother's elder brother), said by receiver; " kil'simo" 
(mother's younger brother), said by giver; "na'namo" (grandfather), 
said bj- receiver; "tosh'limo" (grandson), said by "giver; "al'limo" 
(gretit-grandfather), said by I'eceiver; "u'waikiiimi" (great-grandson), 
.said I)}' gi\er. Each offering is to the god the chosen party is to per- 



sonate; the otfering'S for those who have been appointed to entertain the 
Sha'lako remain in the ki'wi'sine until they are taken in charge by Pau'- 
tiwa later in the day. The elder brother Row priest distributes the 
others soon after he receives them. The presentation of the te'likinawe 
indicates that the parties are chosen for the office and must repair to 
the ki'wi'sine. They are as follows: Those to personate Shu'laawi'si," 
Sa'yntiisha, two Ya'muhakto, Hu'tutu, Pau'tiwa, A'wan tu"chu Ko'- 
j^emshi,* and Bi'"si'si.'' Every fourth year the personator of 'Kiiiklo 
and the priest or the director of the Kia'nakwe are included, the 
ceremonies in which these gods ligure occurring quadrenniallv. 

The elder bi-other Bow priest returns to the ki'wi^sine and is soon 
followed l)y those to whom he has given the te'likinawe. These otl'er- 
ings remain in the house of each man until he has tilled the position for 
which he is chosen. 

On entering the ki'wi'sine these men take their seats on a plank 
extended from one box to another. The personator of .Shu'laawi'si is 
the first addressed, the pe'kwin presenting to him the appropriate offer- 
ing from the basket containing the te'likinawe. The sticks of these 
ofierings are as long as the space between the carpus and the tip of 
the middle finger. The stick for Shu'laawi'si is Idack, spotted with 
yellow% blue-green, red, and white, and feathers of the turkey, duck, 
and the birds of the six regions attached. The priest stoops before 
the chosen personator of Shu'laawi'si, and. placing the te'likinane 
ill his hands, clasps them with both of his and prays for rain, corn, 
nuuli water over the earth, long life, and all good things. The te'liki- 
nane is now passed downward several times before the face in order that 
the selected one may draw the sacred lireatli from the plumes. The 
same ceremony is repeated bj' the pe'kwin with Sa'yatiisha, Hu'tutu, 
the two Ya'muhakto, A'wan ta"chu Ko'yemshi, and Bi""si'si. The 
sticks of all except the Ko'yemshi are colored j'ellow, while that of 
the Ko'yemshi is colored black, and all are decorated with feathers of 
the eagle, turkey, duck, and the birds of the six regions. After the 
presentation of the te'likinawe the chosen personators of the gods 
leave the ki'wi'sine, the personator of Sa'yatiisha taking to his home 
all the te'likinawe excepting those of the Ko'yemshi and Bi"'si'si. 

Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele perform during the day on the roof of the 
ki'wi'sine. All the exposed parts of Shits'ukia's body, including the 
upper legs, ai-e painted white, with this symbol ^: just above the knees, 
formed by scraping off the white paint. He wears a white cotton shirt, 
an embroidered Hopi kilt fastened at the right side, an embrf)idered 
Hopi sash, and a woman's belt around the looped on the right. 
A fox skin is pendent at the back of the waist. A sacred embroid- 
ered blanket is doubled and fastened ovei- the right shoulder, passing 

a Shu'laawi'si must belong to the ki'wit'sine of the Zenith. 6 See p. 33. oSee p. 408. 

134 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. a.nn. 23 

under the left arm, both arms being perfectly free. Several strings 
of archaic black and white beads, with an abalone shell attached, 
pass over the right sliouldcr and under the left arm; the deerskin 
leggings are fringed at the side, native black 3'arn is tied around the 
legs below the knees and hangs in tassels, with sleigh bells attached; 
dance moccasins are worn. On some occasions it has been oliserved 
that Siiits'ukia wears white cotton leggings knit in fanciful designs. 
These are unquestionabl}^ of Spanish origin. A bow wristlet is on the 
left wrist and native blue 3'arn encircles the right. The mask (see plate 
xxvi) is white with designs of lightning in vollow and bliie, and a 
cornstalk runs over the forehead. A deer tail hangs on each side of 
the mask a})ove the colored wheels that syml)()lize corn and sijuash 
blossoms. White iiuSy eagle pliuues and yellow parrot feathers deco- 
rate the top of the mask and long parrot plumes and fluffy eagle feathers 
stand up at the back of the mask; an aigret of hawk plumes is below 
this group. A collarette of sjjvucc is worn at the Itase of the mask. 
Shits'ukia carries a riiombus in liis right hand, which he uses con- 
stantly, and yucca in his left. 

Kwe'lele has his Ijodv colored black except the upper legs, which 
are painted white, the white beginning some inches above the knees. 
He wears an embroidered Hopi kilt fastened at the right side and 
held on by a Hopi woman's Ijelt with a white cotton fringed sash; 
a fox skin is pendent at tlie back. He has green armlets just above 
the elbows, with spruce twigs standing from the upper sides. A bow 
wristlet is on the left wrist and native blue yarn on the right, the _yarn 
hanging in tassels. Strings of archaic beads, similar to those worn 
by Shits'ukia, hang in the same way over the shoulder. He wears 
dance moccasins and anklets embroidered with porcupine quills, and 
carries liunches of yucca in the right hand and tire sticks in the left. 
The mask (see plate xxvii) is black, witii plume decorations similar to 
that of Shits'ukia; bells of white paper hang on each side of the 
mask. Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele walk about over the roof for some- 
time; meanwhile crowds are gathering in the plaza and on the house 

The ladder leading into the ki'wit'sine has a horizontal bar (symbolic 
of the bow of the Sa'j-a'hlia) attached to it several feetabove the hatch- 
way, which is fringed with black goat's wool about 5 inches deep. A 
squirrel skin is pendent at the middle of the bar, and each end is deco- 
rated with white fluff}' eagle plumes. The songs of the Great Fire 
fraternity are to be heard within during the time the two gods are on 
the roof. As the afternoon draws to a close Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele 
descend into the ki'wi'sine, and soon reappear with ears of sweet corn 
strung together horizontally' witli strings of yucca, which thej' throw 
to the populace. The corn has been cooked in the husk, which is after- 
ward removed. It has been mentioned that no meals are served in the 


ki'wi'.sine during the winter solstice ceremonial; no rains would come 
if food should be eaten there at this season. This custom and that 
of throwing food to the populace arc associated with the legend here 

Legend related /<// We'irhn 

The gods of Chi'pia^' were hungry. They had no meat, and they were hungry for 
meat. There had been no rains for a long time, l)ut there had l)een a Httle liglitning. 
Shits'ukia said to Kwe'lele: "I think I will go to-morrow to look for deer." The 
ancestral gods of the A'shiwi were also hungry, but the gods of Chi'pia did not 
know this. Shits'ukla and Kwe'lele were so hungry that they ate their moccasins, 
and Shits'ukia ate his earrings of deer tails; and so in the morning he started 
after deer. There was no game in his country, and he considered: "Which route 
shall I take? I think I will go to the west, whence the lightning came; the deer, I 
guess, live there." He was barefoot and poorly clad, for he had eaten everything; 
he had only a little meal of sweet corn and a few .seeds of the .same. The afternoon 
of the fourth day he came to tall green grass, and sitting in the grass were two sisters 
washing a buckskin. When tliey discovered the stranger they turned a large pottery 
bowl over the buckskin. Shits'ukia, approaching them, inquired: "What are you 
doing?" "I have been washing." "What have you been washing?" " I have 
been washing myself." "No," said Shits'ukia, "I know what you have been 
washing; you have been washing buckskin." "Did you see?" "Yes; I saw you 
a long time. I have been watching you." The girls- then removed the bowd and 
showed the buckskin, and then continued their washing. When it was done, one 
said, addressing her sister: "Now we will go home." The girl then invited 
Shits'ukia to accompany her home. These people were the Kwal'ashi kwin'na 
(Black raven). These raven people then lived in adiigh mountain. On reaching 
the house the father exclaimed: " Who is that boy who has come?" The mother 
also asked the question. The daughter replied : "I don't know; he has been travel- 
ing four days and nights." The father said to the elder girl: "Well, he will be good 
for your husband." The parents were eating and had much meat before them. 
They invited Shits'ukia to eat. The father had just returned from the cornfield. 
After he had finished his meal he said to the stranger: "I will take you for my son. 
You are poor. You will live with me. Look at both my children. You shall have 
one as your wife. Look at both and tell me the one you choose." Shits'ukia 
replied: "I wish the elder daughter for my wife." "It is well," said the father. 
At bedtime the father said: "I guess you are very tired. You will sleep alone with 
your wife in the upper room." On reaching his room Shits'ukia found his bed 
made of deerskins. He slept all night with his wife. When they arose in the morn- 
ing the father said: "Now I will show you all our game — elk, deer, antelope, rabbits, 
and rats." Going a short distance away, he exclaimed: "Ah, ha, iny children, I 
am glad to see you; good day." The game answered; "Kets'anishi (all good come 
to you)." Shits'ukia said to the game: "I am hungry and want meat. Which of 
you shall 1 kill?"' An elk replied, "Kill me;" and Shits'ukia killed the elk, fiayed 
him, and then returned to the house. For four days he killed deer and dried the meat. 
The fifth day he asked the father: "Where is a good place to plant my corn? I have 
a few seeds." "A little way off there is agood place." "Well, I have lots of meat. 
I will take it with me and staj- two nights at the field." He went off and planted the 
corn; he did not intend to sleep in the field. That night he wrapped the meat up 
in a skin and went to Ko'thluwala'wa. Pau'tiwa was delighted to see the meat. 
He asked: "My child, where did you find the deer?" "I sat outside my house 

" Chi'pia is the abiding place of certain gods who preceded the Zuiiis to this world. It is located, 
according to Zuni history, near Shi'papolima, the home of the Zuni prey gods. 

13() THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. a.nn. 23 

after sundown and saw a little lightning. I thought I would look for my children in 
the direction whence it came, and I found them." He told the story of meeting 
with the Kwal'ashi people. He remained all night at Ko'tliluwala'wa. 81iits'ukla 
said; " Pretty soon I will steal all the game." He also told of his planting the 
corn. " Well," said Pau'tiwa, ")'our corn will be ripe in four days and I shall be con- 
tented to have you steal all the game; my peojile are very hungry for meat." All 
night they talked. Pau'tiwa went out and brought in a beautiful girl and said: 
" When you bring the deer, then this girl shall be your wife. I sent the eagle for 
game and he returned without having seen it. I also sent the hawk, and he returned 
without having seen any. But you are wiser than the others; you are my child." 
Shits'ukia returned early in the morning to where he hail jilanted the corn. The 
corn was already quite high — over a foot. lie hoed the ground and sang till sunset, 
and then returned to the Kwal'ashi people and slei>t that night with his wife. He 
said to the father: "My corn is good; it is already quite high." He remained four 
nights with people, going each day to his cornfield. lie also killed many deer, 
and dried the meat. The fourth day hcsaid to the Kwal'ashi man: "Xow I am going 
to my cornfield. My corn I think is ripe. Now I will roast some corn." 

Shits'ukia went to the field, and made a great tire at night and threw the corn in, 
and all the gods came from Ko'thluwala'wa and ate the corn and meat. After all 
had gathered, Shits'ukia said to the cougar: "Father, I wish you to come to me." 
And in a little while the cougar appeared. He then called the bear, then the 
lynx, and then the coyote. Shits'ukia said to the cougar: "Father, what will you 
have to eat? Will you have .the rabbit?" "No." "Will you have the antelope?" 
"No; I wish the deer." He then said to the bear: "My father, warrior, what will 
you have to eat?" " I will have the same as the cougar — the deer." He then .said 
to the lynx: " My warrior, what will you have? Will you have the deer?" "No." 
"Will you have antelope?" "No; I want the rabliit. I do not runabout much; I 
will eat the rabbit." Then he asked the coyote: " What will you have? Will you 
have the rabbit?" "No." "The antelope?" " No; I will have the deer." "Well, 
let us go." And they all went to the deer house. When they came close to the great 
stone fence which surrounded the game he said to all: " We must not speak loud." 
And on reaching the gate he spoke to the deer, saying: " Deer, my children, come 
hither; my father and warriors wish to eat; whom shall I kill?" A deer replied; "Kill 
me." "Come outside, my child," said Shits'ukia. "Where shall I go? It is dark, I 
cannotsee." "Here; comeout." The <leer pas.sed out the door. The cougar made 
a second attempt before be caught the deer. Then Shits'ukia called the bear. The 
hair was so heavy over his small eyes that he could hardly see. "Stand here," 
said Shits'ukia. A second deer was called. When the deer passed out of the gate 
the bear walked about, but could not see the deer; the deer went far away, and the 
bear failed to catch him." Shits'ukia said: "Now you have failed to catch thedeer; 
no longer shall you eat deer. You will be my warrior still, but you shall eat only 
medicine."'' Then Shits'ukia called the lynx, who has eyes like the cougar, and 
he caught the rabbit and ate it. Then the coyote was called up, and the deer came, 
as for the cougar. "Pass out," said Shits'ukia. The coyote had fallen asleep, and 
awoke after the deer had passed, exclaiming: "Where is the deer?" "He has 
gone," Shits'ukia .«aid, "go after him." But with all the coyote's running he could 
not catch the deer. When he returned Shits'ukia asked him if he had caught the 
deer. The coyote replying in the negative, Shits'ukia said: " W'ell, hereafter you 
shall not eat the meat of any animal. You shall eat only blood. In the past the 

" "The cougar has eyes like fire and sees all things. The bear only walks about slowly, continu- 
ally dropping ehips." 

bThis medicine is fuinid in the earth by the Itear. Whenever the Zunis see him, he is still walking 
around, drfipping chips and hunting in the earth for his medicine. In the old time 8hit.s'ukla gave 
the bearthe medicine, which he still eats. 


coyote ate only bluod, and therefore the fetish sus'ki (coyote) is dipped into the 
blood of the deer. The cougar and bear fetishes also eat blood of the deer. 

Then Pau'tiwa and Shits'ukia botli said to the game: "My children, you shall no 
longer sta.v here. We will open the gates that you may pass over the earth and eat 
the grass of the eartH." The game had but little to eat in their stone house. Pau'- 
tiwasaid: "You will find goo<l places where you can have your young, and when 
we want food we will kill and eat you, and your otherselves will come and live 
in my house." And all the game passed out of the gates. One of the Kwal'ashi, 
hearing, ran to tell the others, and all left the house to see, and they cried: " Who 
has let out our game?" Shits'ukia at once spat out the medicine" Pau'tiwa had 
given him over the Kwal'ashi people, and they all turned into ravens and, croaking, 
flew away, to return no more to their homes. 

The collecting of the corn and throwing it to the people, iiniid 
shouts iind cheers of the latter, continue for some time. When throw- 
ing it Kwe'lele holds the yucca in his left hand. Previous to tiie dis- 
tribution of the corn each time Shits'ukia and his associate walk 
about over the roof of the ki'wi'sine hooting in a peculiar way. Their 
dexterity in throwing the great bunches of corn, often as many as a 
dozen at once, is remarkable. 

The water collected on the fourteenth day is drunk late in the after- 
noon of the following day, that of the Great Fire fraternity being admin- 
istered by the director of the fraternity, and that from 'Kiap'kwena by 
the Ko'mosona. The water is dipped with a shell, the one receiving the 
draft saying, "ta'chuino" (fatiier), and the giver repl^dng, "pa'pamo" 
(brother). Pau'tiwa, yhits'ukia, Kwe'lele, and the four Sa'ya'hiia do 
not take this water. Should they drink of it the Council of the Gods 
would refuse to water the earth. The pe'kwin receives his two drafts 
before leaving the ki'wi'sine to accompany Pau'tiwa on his round of 
the ki'wi'siwe. 

Late in the afternoon five men of the Sun clan are seen coming 
over the plain a considerable distance south of the village. When 
they left the ki'wi'sine they carried the mask and paraphernalia of 
Pau'tiwa, the personator of this god having also gone from the ki'wi'siiie. 
Soon after the men of the Sun clan are seen Pau'tiwa is discovered 
coming from the south also, but he is nearh' a quarter of a mile 
east of the group, and is alone. His dress is the same as previously 
described. He carries in each hand a nundier of plume wands strung 
together with yucca thread, with loops at the top of each group to 
serve as handles. The base of each wand is wrapped with a bit of corn 
husk. He has also a large bunch of te'likinawe in each hand. A 
diminutive game of 'si'kon tikwane, a slender stick with a hoop colored 
blue attached, is carried in the right hand, the whole elaborately dec- 

" This medicine was given to Shits'ulila by Pau'tiwa wlien he first visited Ko'thluwala'wa after 
Pau'tiwa told liim he wished him to steal oil the gjime. Shits'ukia replied that perhaps the Kwal'- 
ashi people had good heads and would find out and kill him. Then Pau'tiwa gave him the medi- 
cine and said it would destroy tile people. Shits'ukia returned to Ko'thluwala'wa with I'au'tiwa, 
and lived there a longtime, and had the girl as his wife. He did not take his Kwal'ashi wiie with 
liim when he returned to his home. On his return he passed south of I'tiwanna (Zurii). Shits'ukia 
and Kwe'lele still visit Ko'thluwala'wa. 

138 THE ZUNI INDIANS Ieth. ann. 23 

orated with eagle plumes and feathers of the birds of the six regions. 
This game must be held until Pau'tiwa deposits it after leaving the 
pueblo at sunset. Pau'tiwa also has in his left hand a kia'puli 'hla'si- 
tonne (a twig, suggestive of the Navaho scalp." having a crow's 
feather and owl plume attached, which must have dropped from the 

Pau'tiwa proceeds with a slow, even tread. He circles round the 
village four times, coil fashion. The tirst circle is a short distance 
from the village, the last through the streets of the town. After the 
fourth circuit he stops beside a house on the east side of the village. 
A stone slab. 8 by I'i inches, concealing a recess in the wall is removed 
by the matron of the house and laid on tlie ground some minutes pre- 
vious to the arrival of Pau'tiwa. A man of the Sun clan and two of 
the Dogwood clan, one gi'andfatlier to the other, form a group by the 
house on this occasion. The man of the Sun clan personates Pau'tiwa's 
father; the others, his elder and younger brothers. The younger 
brother assists Pau'tiwa to detach tlie te'likinawe to be deposited in 
the recess which runs some '2^ feet along the wall and is S or 10 inches 
deep. Much of this space is filled with these offerings previousl}' 
deposited, many of them looking (piite as fresh as the new ones.* 

'The te'likinawe deposited by Pau'tiwa are offered to the sun and 
moon, to the former the blue stick and to the latter the yellow. The 
upper ends of both are beveled to represent the face; three black dots 
denote the eyes and mouth. These offerings are for the increase and 
perpetuation of vegetable and animal life, especially that of the 
Zufiis. The plumes are deposited with prayers, and then Pau'tiwa 
sprinkles them with meal which he carries in his belt and ^jroceeds to 
a house on the north side of the village. 

As soon as Pau'tiwa leaves, the matron of the house appears, carry- 
ing a small copper kettle of plaster. The younger brother of Pau'- 
tiwa after replacing the slab in the wall hastens after the party, leaving 
the woman to secure it with the plastei-; she leaves no trace of the 
excavation. The ceremony of depositing te'likinawe is repeated at 
houses on the north, west, and south sides of the village, and at two 
houses in the inner streets for the zenith and nadir. When these 
offerings to the sun and moon have all t)een deposited, Pau'tiwa goes 
to theHe'iwa ki'wi'sine as the sun is sinking behind the horizon. He is 
received at the base of the outer ladder by Shits'ukia, Kwe'lele, and 
the pe'kwin, who carries a basket tilled with te'likinawe. The ladder 
is sprinkled with meal by Shits'ukia and tiie pe'kwin, and Pau'tiwa 
sprinkles it as he ascends by throwing the meal up before Jiim. 

nin times of hostility tlie Navahos pass about at night, like the owl, and inform the enemy of the 
Zuiiis of their whereabouts. 

li Mr Stevenson fluring his explorations among the ruins of the Southwest found many objects in 
the walls of cUB and mesa houses which had been deposited in the same way. 


As soon as Pau'tiwa reafhes the roof of the ki'wi'sine, he throws the 
symbol of the Navaho scalp into the ki'wi'sino, wliich indicates that the 
song must cease. Stooping, witli bended knees, and facing east, he 
separates two plume wands f loni the others, one to be given to the 
man who is to personate a Sha'h'iko in the coming autumn, and one 
for the man who is to entertain the god. The sticks of these wands 
are the length of the bended elbow on the inner side to the tip of the 
middle finger. Pau'tiwa deposits them with four smaller te'likinawe 
while he pra_vs, on the end log of the hatchway, this opening of the 
ki'wi'sine being finished on the four sides with substantial logs, and 
draws four lines of meal with his index and second fingers on the inner 
side of the log upon which he places the plumes, meaning that the gods 
will come four times, the reference being to the Sal'imobiya bringing 
seeds from Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding place of the Council of the Gods). 

Pau'tiwa now sprinkles meal through the hatchway. Rising, he 
kicks the twig, which has been thrown out upon the roof, four times 
with his left foot, symbolic of the treatment of the Navaho scalps. 
He then lifts the twig in his left hand and. descending the outer ladder, 
departs with those who await him at the base of the ladder to Chu'- 
pawa ki'wi'sine." Shits'ukia leads, whirling the rhombus, and is fol- 
lowed by the pe'kwin and Kwe'lele. (Shits'ukia and the pe'kwin, on 
reaching the ki'wi'sine, sprinkle the ladder with meal, and pass be3'Ond 
to allow Pau'tiwa to approach. He sprinkles meal upon it as he 
ascends to the roof, and repeats the deposition of the te'likinawe as 
described. After all the ki'wi'siwe have been visited Pau'tiwa and 
his party proceed to the northwest corner of the yillage, where he 
turns to face the east, and recei\'es from a woman of the Dogwood 
clan, she facing north, a ha'lvwani (a number of cotton loops symbol- 
izing the sacred embroidered blanket). The woman, in presenting the 
ha'kwani, repeats a long prayer for food and raiment. 

The three gods leave the village by tiie western road, and are sup- 
posed to go to Ko'thluwala'wa, where Shits'ukia and Kwe'lele spend a 
night, after which they return to their home in the east, passing south 
of Zuiii in their journey. In reality they go to a bend in the river 
which serves as the greenroom. The pe'kwin accompanies them a 
short distance. Handing the plumes he carries to Pau'tiwa, to deposit 
on the road to Ko'thluwala'wa, he returns to the village. After depos- 
iting the te'likinawe, the gods disrobe, their masks and paraphernalia 
being brought to the village under the blankets of those dispatched 
for the purpose. After the departure of Pau'tiwa, those who are in 
the He'iwAjvi'wi'sine go to their homes to eat, with the exception 
of the^ouFSaTya'hlia, who must remain in the ki'wi'sine to receive tiie 
*Cha'kwena,* who arrives soon after dark. Those in the other ki'wi'siwe 

a The entrance to this ki'wi'sine maybe seen in the center of pi. x at a point marked A. 
b See p. 89, note a. 

140 THE ZIJNI INDIANS [eth, ann.23 

also return to their homes for food. The chief worJi " of each ki'wi'sine 
carries the plume wands and te'likinawe left b}^ Pau'tiwa to his home. 

The personator of the 'Cha'kwoiia must be a man of the Badfioi clan. 
As the 'Cha'kwena proceeds to the Hgliwa Jii'ju'sinc, all prejrnant 
women hasten to look upon her, that they may pass through the trials 
of parturition safely tind without pain. Tlie'Cha'kwena descends into 
the lle'iwa ki'wi'sinc, and the gods accompanying her tramp about 
over the roof. She sits by the Sa'ya'hlia, to whom she speaks for a few 
minutes. While here 'Cha'kwena is visited by personators of her peo- 
ple, the Kia'nakwe from Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. She does not stwy long, 
soon leaving for Si'aa' te'wita (sacred dance plaza) by the eastern cov- 
ered way, having entered it from the west, and passing to the east 
side; thence by the north way to the southwest corner, whence she 
departs from the village. As she proceeds, she prays for the good 
health of the people, their increase, more game, and l>ountiful crops. 

After accompan^'ing the 'Cha'kwena a short distance from the village 
the other gods return. The A'toshle, angry gods, remain in the town 
and announce that four times the gods will come: "For so my grand- 
father," referring to Pau'tiwa, " he who has been here, has said." The 
A'toshle go about the village scolding the men and women and fright- 
ening the children, who stand in abject fear of them. Many of the 
peo|)le of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine remain in the He'iwa to see the whip- 
ping, by the Sa'ya'hlia, of those who wish to be cured of headaches 
and bad dreams. These gods show little mercy in the use of their 
great bunches of yucca. 

About 11 o'clock great excitement prevails over the arrival of the 
'HIe'lele. In the old time these beings wore, in addition to the breech- 
cloth, a bison robe over their backs, the hair inside; at present, owing 
to the scarcity of these robes, a sheepskin or piece of canvas is 
usually substituted. 

Large tires burn in every house and bontires light up the village 
everywhere. This is a real gala time for the youngsters, who are per- 
mitted to keep the tires l)lazing. All hands pelt the 'HIe'lele with 
coals of fire as they pass through the streets, calling for fire: '"More 
fire. Give us more beautiful Howers," referring to the coals of fire. 

The dancing continues in all the ki'wi'siwe until long after midnight, 
when the gods depart over the western road. Previous to their 
departure the Sal'imoliiya carry baskets of seeds into each ki'wi'sine, 
giving a portion of the contents to each person present. The seeds, 
which are afterward planted, are sure to \'ield bountifully if those to 
whom they are given have good hearts. 

« The wor'we ( plural for wor'li) of the ki'witsiwe are also the Sha'liiko wor'we, the chief wor'li select- 
ing such members of his ki'wi'sini' as he may choose to have serve with him in attending upon the 
Sha'liiko. The wor'we are appointed for life. In case one should die the chief wor'li chooses a man 
to till the vacancy. When a chief wor'li dies the ne-^it in rank takes the office. 



The visits of tiie Sal'iraohiya, with the dances and distribution of 
seeds, are repeated at each Ivi'wi'^sine ever}' fourth night until the four 
visits have been made. Each member of the Ko'tikili carries a bowl of 
food to the road leadino; to Ko'thluwala'wa, praying as he goes that 
the gods will bless the A'shiwi with rain to fructify the earth, that 
she may bear to them the fruits of her being. The food is emptied 
into the river as offerings to the Kok^ko AJwa_(all the gods). 

The Sa'ya'hlia leave the He'iwa ki'wi'sine after the whipping, ))ut 
return at midnight and are sprinkled with meal by the Ko'pi"lashi- 
wanni, after which they depart over the western road, accompanied 
by the 'Hle'lele. 

When the Sa'ya*hlia leave the ki'wi'sjne the mi'wachi (plural of mi'li, 
see page -HO) and other objects are removed fi'oni the meal painting, 
and the Ko'pekwin gathers the meal of the painting together and 
deposits it in the circular hole in the floor of the ki'wi'sine (sjan- 
bolic of the entrance to the undermost, or fourth world), with a 
prayer for corn and all the fruits of the earth, and the winter solstice 
ceremonies are closed. 

Winter Dances of the Kok'kokshi 

On the day following the winter solstice ceremonies, about sunset, 
the chief Sha'liiko wor'li of each ki'wi'sine calls upon some man to 
notify' the older and more important members of his ki'wi'sine to meet 
in his (the wor'li's) house^at night. When all are gathered some one 
present asks the wor'li: "What do you wish to say?" He replies: 
"What do you think:' What man will take the te'likinane (referring 
to the wand to be given to the entertainer of the Sha'liiko)^ Wiiat 
man will entertain the Sha'ljlko in his house?" Someone present 
replies: "I will receive the te'likinane and have the Sha'liiko in my 
house." The wor'li then stands and hands over the wand with the 
words: "I pray that all things will be well with you; I pray that you 
may have much rain, that you will have much corn and all things to 
eat, that your family may keep well, and that you may all live, not 
die, but sleep, and awake in Ko'thluwala'wa." The wor'li then selects 
a man to serve as elder brother Sha'liiko and gives to him the other 
wand, composed of feathers of eagles' legs, of ducks, and of birds of 
the six regions. 

The wor'li blows his breath upon the plume wand four times, each 
time drawing it befoi-e the mouth of the chosen man, and prays: " May 
you speak with one tongue; may you be gentle; may you he good to 
others, that we may have much rain, much corn, all things to eat, 
and all clothing. May j^our life be long, and may you pass over your 
road to the end and sleep, not die, to awake in Ko'thluwala'wa." The 
four smaller te'likinawe left at each ki'wi'sine by Pau'tiwa are also 
given to the chosen personator of the Sha'liiko. The wor'li then selects 

142 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

a man to act as youno'er brother Slia'liiko, and the chosen Sha'lilko 
breathes four times upon the plume wand he has received, and each 
time passes it before the mouth of the chosen younger l)rother, 
repeating the prayer that was said by the wor'ii to him." Tlie 
elder brother Sliaiiiko now passes the wand before the mouth of all 
the men present. 

At sunrise on the following morning, accompanied by his younger 
brother, he visits the houses of all members of his ki'wi'sine, including 
the youngest children, excepting those who were gathered at the 
wor'li's house on the previous night, and passes his plume wand, as 
before described, before the Uiouth of each. He selects four men to 
act as Moiawe (fruit and seed bearers) from such houses as he may 
choose while he is making his round of calls. 

. On the same morning the wife and daughters of the man wiio is to 
have the Sha'lako dance in his house go through the town and notify 
all persons connected with the family by consanguinity, and also the 
close neighbors and the people of the clan, to come to the house. No 
time is set for the visit; sometimes only one or two women with 
their children will meet there, at other times large numbers may 
chance to come together. The men and their wives and children go at 
difi'erent times. The man of the house stands before each guest and 
breathes four times upon his wand, passing it each time ])efore the 
lips of the other, who inhales the sacred breath or better part of 
the man. On the fourth day after Pau'tiwa leaves the plumes at the 
hatchways of the ki'wi'siwe the people of each ki'wi'sine meet in the 
house of their chief Sha'lako wor'ii to discuss what dances thej' shall 
have as soon as they can get the masks ready. It is usual to select 
gods whose masks are easy to pi'epare. 

The people of companion ki'wi'siwe often dance together, one 
ki'wi'sine inviting the people of the other. This is done b}- the wor'ii 
.sending some of his people to the companion ki'wi'sine, when those 
who wish to dance go to the wor'li's house on the same evening and 
sa}-: ''We will dance with you." It is usual for the guests to prepare 
their own masks to suit the dance in which they are expected to join, 
and they must not only prepare te'likinawe of the ki'wi'sine to which 
they belong, but must make others for the one in which they are 
to dance. • It is the privilege of guests to make a choice among the 
masks belonging to the ki'wi'sine in which they are to dance, and they 
may appropriate any mask they wish. For instance, the wor'ii may 
have decided that two of his men should personate the A'toshle, but, 
should a guest choose one of these masks, it is given to the latter. 
When Ko'yemshi masks are chosen they are secured from a man of 
Eagle clan who has charge of these particular masks. Only seven of 

(I Should one of these men be caught fighting or quarreling or intimate with any woman except his 
wife, he is expelled, and another is chosen to fill his place. 



the Ko'ycmshi masks, liowever, nuiy l)o liorrowed; those of the three 
officers — Great Father, deput}^ and warrior — must not be borrowed on 
this occasion. The g^uest carries his two eagle-wing feathers, which 
are associated with the esoteric fraternities, and four te'likinawo to lie 
oflered to the deceased wor'we of the ki'wi'siwe with the pi-ayer: "Take 
all disease from our people." The head wor'li receives the te'likinawe. 

The dances occur in the ki'wi'siwe the fourth night and the gods 
appear in the plaza on the fifth morning after Pau'tiwa announces 
the coming of the gods. The A'toshle do not dance in the plazas, 
T)ut go about the village, and are joined later in the day by some of 
the Ko'3'emshi. As they approach a house blank cartridges are 
sometimes fired by a man of the house at the A'toshle, symbolizing 
that the Navaho will be frightened away or killed and not enter the 
Zufii homes. When an A'toshle falls as if dead the door of the house, 
is closed upon him, and he soon rises and walks away. At other times 
the A'toshle and Ko'yemshi are shot, S3-mbolizing the killing of game. 
The one who fires the shot is sure to be successful in the hunt. The 
one supposed to be shot falls to the ground, the hunter places a hand 
each side of the mask and draws in the breath, and the game is carried 
into the house, laid upon a blanket on the floor with the head to the 
east, facing south, and an embroidered sacred blanket is spread over 
him. All present sprinkle meal upon him, and the children are told 
that the A'toshle who was shot is now a deer. All the personators 
of the gods return at dusk to the ki'wi'sine, remove their masks, put 
on their ordinary dress, and return to their homes. Each chosen 
Sha'liiko, with his younger l)i'othcr, goes over the western road and 
plants the four te'likinawe in an excavation the depth of the lower 
arm. Prayer meal is sprinkled in and the excavation is covei'ed; 
this is repeated for all the ki'wi'siwe. A week or more is consumed 
with these particular dances and exhibitions. On the day following 
the last of these performances the Ko'pekwin makes four te'likinawe, 
and plants them in his cornfield to tiic Council of the Gods and the 

The following is a description of the first of the Kor'kokshi cere- 
monies in the winter of 1891. The fourth afternoon following the 
planting of prayer plumes by the Ko'pekwin two Mu'luktakifa gods 
(see plate lxxiii) from the He'iwa ki'wi'sine, this being the one 
which begins the Kor'kokshi dances," visit the other ki'wi'siwe, going- 
first to the He'kiapawa, where the two men who are to act as Sha'liiko 
and his younger brother the following autumn and the chief officers 
of the ki'wi'sine are gathered to receive them. They announce: " On 
the fourth night the gods will come [referring to the Kor'kokshi]." 

«The ki'witsiiiL' that is to furnish tiie Kor'Iiolishi dancers for thu summer solstice ceremonies 
begins the Kor'iioiishi dances of the preceding winter. 

144 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth ann. 23 

The two gods sit facing east. The wor'li lights a reed cigarette of 
native tobacco and waves it to the six regions, each time taking a puff. 
He then hands it to one of the gods, who pushes back his mask and 
repeats the puffing of the cigarette, also motioning it to the six 
regions, and then returns the cigarette to the wor'li, who again 
extends it to the six regions, puffing each time. He next hands it 
to the second god, who repeats the performance and returns the 
cigarette to the wor'li. who now deposits it in a basliet ti'ay- The 
wor'li then inquires of the gods: " Why are 3'ou here?-' The gods 
reply: "I come that you may I'uise much corn and all things to eat, 
that you may have many children, that 30U may be happy, and to tell 
you that the gods will be here on the fourth night; prepare for them." 
A long- prayer is then repeated bj' these gods in the archaic tongue 
and in it a history is given of their coming to this world and of their 
migrations, the springs they passed, etc. 

The Sha'liiko wor'we and two men who are to act as the Sha'liiko and 
his 3'ounger brother each give te'likinawe to the gods. The elder 
brother god, standing about the center of the room, now draws four 
parallel lines of meal extending east and west, and places a cigarette 
which he carries and a corn-husk package of meal on the south line. 
The gods now leave the ki'wi'sine, the wor'li takes the package of meal 
and cigarette, and all present smoke the cigarette and wave it to the 
six regions for rain. The wor'li carries the package of meal home with 
him. The ceremony described is repeated in each ki'wi'sine visited, 
except that no package of meal is left. Then they return to the 
He'iwa and disrobe. 

There maj^ be some dances in the plaza during the tour of these gods, 
but these have no direct connection with the gods or with what they 
have to saj'. The two who make the announcement of the coming of 
the gods deposit the te'likinawe given them on the banks of the river 
in an excavation the depth of an arm to the Council of the Gods and 
the rain-uiakers. The excavation is covered after meal has been 
sprinkled in it. 

It is the business of two men in each ki'wi'sine to collect the dancers. 
These men are called o'taikia pe'yenakwe (dance talkers). The}' address 
the men the\- wish to have dance. The men often decline, but after- 
ward jield to persuasion. The same men take part as often as the 
Kor'kokshi dance of a ki'wi'sine is repeated, as others who have not 
rehearsed the songs would not be sufficiently familiar with them. On 
the fourth afternoon following the announcement by the two gods they 
repeat their tour of the ki'wi'siwe, remaining but a short time in each 
one, to announce that the gods, referring to the Kor'kokshi, will come 
at night, and this night is referred to as Kok'ko A'wan i'tiwannan 
(great gods in the middle, meaning that the great gods come in the 
middle of the year). 


While the two gods from the He'iwa ki'wi'sine are notifying the 
peopK^ of the other ki'wi'.siwe that the gods will foine at night, two 
men from He'iwa go through the village collecting corn and all varie- 
ties of cultivated seeds in their blankets. At the same time the wor'we , 
and members of all the ki'wi'siwe excepting He'iwa prepare te'liki- 
nawe for the Kok'ko A'wan (Council of the Gods), which are made 
into a kia'etchine by the head wor'li of each ki'wi'sine. 

On the return of the seed-gatherers they empty the contents of their 
blankets on one blanket. The corn is removed from the cob and the 
seeds are mixed together, equally measured into live parts with a basket 
tray, deposited in five sacks, and placed before the altar of the frater- 
nity chosen by the chief wor'li of the ki'wi'sine to receive the gods and 
furnish music. There are elaborate preparations throughout the day 
for the entertainment of the gods. Every member of the Ko'tikili, 
including the women, deposits food of every variety that has been 
made in the home into the river to na'nakwe (grandfathers) and ho'ta- 
kwe (grandmothers). 

After the two Mu'luktiikia have announced "The gods will come 
to-night," they return to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine. The people of each 
ki'wi'sine, including those who are to personate the Kor'kokshi (the 
female Kor'kokshi represent such women as belonged to the Ko'tikili 
when they were alive, and symbolize fecundity) proceed to their 
homes to eat, and afterward go to the house of the head wor'li of 
their ki'wi'sine. Later on, the personators of the Kor'kokshi go to 
the river bank a short distance west of the village. They are covered 
with their blankets, which hide the masks. Each Kor'kokshi deposits 
his tortoise-shell rattle, which is worn on the calf of the right leg, 
on the ground and places his mask upon it," and sprinkles the sacred 
objects with meal and prays, addressing the rain-makers: "Come, let 
us go to our people and dance and make rain for them." Then, 
addressing the Sun Father and Council of the Gods, they say: "I 
hope you will let me live. Maj' 1 have a good heart. May 1 raise 
much corn and many sheep and hav(> all things to wear. Let me be 
happy; let all people have much and be happy." The Kor'kokshi 
then come masked to the village, and after dancing in the four plazas 
they retire to the He'iwa ki'wi'sine and dance. The fraternity stops 
singing as soon as the Kor'kokshi are heard without.'' 

(1 If the mask is not to be worn, then only the rattle Is laid on the ground. When the Kor'kokshi 
dance in winter they may be masked or not, according to the dictates of the dance director, when 
they come over the western road. If they are masked, they dance in the four plazas before retiring 
to their ki'wi'sine. If they are not masked, they go directly to the ki'wi'sine. 

b The Kor'kokshi can wear their masks in their own ki'wi'sine and others as they choose, except 
those of the ki'wi'sine of the Zenith. They must always wear the mask when dancing, not only in 
other ki'wi'sin?. but in their own. 

23 ETH— 04 10 

14() THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. a 

After the Kor'kokshi have danced and sung songs that have been 
made for the occasion by members of the ki'wi'sine, five of the god- 
desses take each a sack of seeds from before the altar. .The person 
who was chosen Sha'lilko of this ki'wi'sine and who is now persona- 
ting a Kor'kokshi, receives a bunch of reed cigarettes wrapped in a 
corn husk from the head wor'li of the ki'wi'sine, and taking a pinch 
of meal from the bowl before the altar places it in his sash and leads 
the dancers to the other five ki'wi'siwe, the same ceremonies being 
repeated in each. They usually go to the nearest one first, but the 
director of the dance, who is always midwa}' the line of dancers, has 
the privilege of choosing. There are gods, but no Kor'kokshi, in 
the other ki'wi'siwe, and these gods must complete their dances before 
stopping, so that it sometimes happens that the' Kor'kokshi must wait 
outside, for the others must not dance when the Kor'kokshi are dancing. 

On reaching the roof of each ki'wi'sine the leader of the dancers 
takes the meal from his belt, waves it to the four regions, and throws 
it through the hatchway, trying to strike the small excavation before 
the fire altar that is symbolic of the entrance to the undei'most world, 
at the same time exclaiming: "A'wisho, althtiha (Water moss, open 
the door);'" and all draw in the sacred breath. The water-moss world 
being next above the undermost, if the door be opened, the rain- 
makers may come from there and be present in the ki'wi'sine. The 
Kor'kokshi now descend the ladder, make the circuit of the room, form 
in single file, facing cast, and, turning to the north, begin the dancing. 
The bearer of the cigarettes soon approaches the chief wor'li of the 
ki'wi'sine, puts a pinch of meal from his sash into his left hand, places 
one of the cigarettes upon the meal, takes both hands of the wor'li in 
his, and waves them to the six regions, saying: '"Ma}' my Great 
Fathers bring much rain; may my Great Fathers bring many seeds." 
One of the goddesses then advances with a sack of seeds and deposits 
it by the second wor'li. The several wor'we and aged men of the 
ki'wi'sine sit in line on the south side of the room near the west end. 
The two Kor'kokshi return to the line of dancers, and each wor'li and 
aged man in turn holds the sack of seeds close to his face and prays. 
After which the wor'li who received the cigarette lights it, and after 
pufling it passes it down the line for each to smoke. 

The women of the house adjoining the ki'wi'sine and their imme- 
diate friends are present and give food to such dancers as appear when 
the Kor'kokshi are not there. The women also sprinkle the gods 
with meal. The dances may be repeated several times at the request 
of the members of tiie ki'wi'sine. After the Kor'kokshi have danced 
in a ki'wi'sine the people of it, who dress in the house of the wor'li, 
visit their ki'wi'sine and receive from the ■ Sha'liiko wor'li of their 
ki'wi'sine the kia'etchine composed of te'likinawe made by members 


of each of the other ki'wi'siwe. After prayers tliey g-o to the ki'wi'sine 
furnishing the Kor'kokshi, and, passing around in an ellipse, form in 
single file, facing north, and dance. In a short time the one who is 
to personate a Sha'liiko, and who carries the kia'etchine, advances to 
the wor'we and elderly men and hands the kia'etchine and a reed 
cigarette to the chief wor'li. He holds both hands of the giver of the 
cigarette, who stoops before him and prays. At the close of the 
pra3'er the god returns to the line of dancers. 

The kia'etchiwe (plural of kia'etchine) are kept in the homes of those 
who receive them, the chief wor'li selecting men for this purpose, 
until after the morning meal, when each man deposits his in a place 
associated with the region of his ki'wi'sine. They are deposited as fol- 
lows: The one from the ki'wi'sine furnishing the Kor'kokshi deposits 
the kia'etchine at a spring associated with the region of his ki'wi'sine; 
the next kia'etchine is deposited in an arroyo or a small can3'on; the 
next, in a cornfield of the region with which the ki'wi'sine is associated; 
the next, on the road running west from the village; another, at a 
still greater distance on the western road; the last, in the bed of the 
river some miles west of the village. 

These dancers, who may be masked or not according to the choice 
of the director, the exception being the Ko'yemshi who must invari- 
ably wear their masks," continue around to the other ki'wi'siwe, giving 
one reed cigarette to each wor'li of a ki'wi'sine. 

After each body of dancers has made a tour of the ki'wi'siwe, they 
spend the remainder of the night dancing in their own. As soon as 
the visiting dancers leave a ki'wi'sine, a wor'li passes around among 
the people carrj'ing the sack of seeds and gives a handful to those 
present, including women and children. The seeds are carried home 
and planted the coming season with those given by the Ko'loowisi, 
apart from the other seeds. A draft of medicine water is adminis- 
tered by the director of the fraternity to all unmasked dancers and 
others who may be in the ki'wi'sine during the ceremonies. He 
sprinkles the masks, dipping two eagle plumes into the water. All 
dancers are sprinkled with meal at the close of each dance. 

Each ki'wi'sine is supposed to follow in regular succession in pre- 
senting the Kor'kokshi, but this does notalwaj^s happen; for instance, 
if a head wor'li of the ki'wi'sine is engaged with his fraternity, the 
dance of his ki'wi'sine is delayed until he is free, and it not inf reijuently 
happens that some other ki'wi'sine takes the place of the one which 
would come in regular order. 

While the Kor'kokshi dances are classed among the most sacred 
observances, for the rain-makers themselves are not only personated 

«The masks of the Ko'yemshi are frequently worn by others than the real Ko'yemshi, and in such 
cases they must be returned to the keeper ol these masks at the close of the dances, no matter 
what the hour may be. 

148 THE ZUNI INDIANS (eth. ann. 23 

but ure spirituallj' present, the}' also furnish great entertainment to 
the people. The sacred dance court of the Zunis is not only their 
temple where the}- invoke their god, but it is their theater where they 
gratify their love for the spectacular. 

From the close of the Kor'kokshi dances to the latter part of March 
the ki'wi'siwe hold a variety of dances, which furnish great interest 
and enjoyment to the people. When a wor'li or some prominent 
member of a ki'wi'sine wishes to have a dance, he calls at some house 
where he will find a num))er of liis people gathered, as it is customary 
for people of a ki'wi'sine to meet almost nightly, when not other- 
wise engaged, in the difierent houses of the members. He says: 
■'I wish to have a dance; let us arrange for it." They begin making 
songs at once — there are song-makers in Zufii as well as elsewhere. 
The wor'li makes four te'likinawe on the following day and plants 
them during the same afternoon to the Kok'ko A'wa (all the gods), 
and the dance occurs on the fourth night. On the fourth afternoon 
the wor'li makes a reed cigarette, carries it to the house of the Great 
Father Ko'yemshi. or to the director of a fraternity, and presents it, 
with the request that the recipient furnish Ko'yemshi for the dance. 

The wor'li and dancers assemble in the ki'wi'sine and dance and sing 
during the night. The man who is selected by the wor'li to act as 
leader, or priest, of the dancers goes to the ki'wi'sine, where he remains 
while the others visit the house of the Great Father Ko'j^emshi, or the 
director of a fraternity, as the case may be, and dance. At dawn they 
go t(j the river bank, deposit their tortoise-shell rattles, and, putting 
on their masks, sprinkle meal and praj'. They wear their ordinary 
dress, and on their return to the village dance in the four plazas. 
The Ko'yemshi do not appear at this hour with the dancers, who go 
later to their homes and eat, after which they bathe and wash their 
hair if only the sho'yanne (mask which lOvers only the face) is worn. 
After the bath they carry their dance paraphernalia to the ki'wi'sine, 
the masks being already there. The leader, dressed in his regalia, 
returns to the ki'wi'sine in the morning to lead the dancers. 

Summer Solstice Ceremonies'* 

Though the visits of the pe'kwin (deputy to the Sun Father and 
Shi'wanni of the Zenith) to the petrified stump referred to in the 
winter solstice ceremonies are continued daily for the purpose of 
offering meal and prayers to the rising sun, no further observations 
are made from this point after those for the winter solstice. The 
pe'kwui observes Yal'liin 'hian'na (Great mountain), a mesa northwest 
of Zuiii, from the shrine at Ma"sakia (see figure 3) for a number of 

<> Yii'tokla te''chi (sun reaches there t, the summer solstice, is indicated by the setting sun sinking 
a certain point on a mesa northwest of Zuni. 


evenings prior to the summer solstice. The sun strikes a certain point 
of this mesa at sunset for live consecutive davs. The Zufiis say that 
the Sun Father I'ests live times in succession over this mesa in his daily 
journeys over the world. At other times he does not halt twice in the 
same place. Upon the first observation of the sun at this point the 
pe'kwin informs the elder brother Bow priest, who is also Shi'wanni 
of the Nadir, and he notifies the first body of A'shiwanni. They 
gather the same evening in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi 
(Shiwanni of the North). 

The following morning the pe'kwin makes four te'likinawe and ties 
theoi in pairs, to be offered to the Sun Father and Moon Mother. 
Those for the sun have their sticks colored blue and those for the 
moon j^ellow. He plants them at a shrine on Yiil'liln 'hlan'na. The 
fourth day following he prepares four te'likinawe to the deceased 
a'pekwin (sun priests) and plants them in his field. On the fourth 
morning following the deposition of these plumes he plants two to the 
sun and two to the moon on Yiil'lan ^ilan'na; the fourth morning after- 
ward he repeats the planting of four te'likinawe to the deceased 
a'pekwiin in the field; again on the fourth morning succeeding he 
plants two to the sun and two to the moon on Yal'lan 'hlan'na, and 
the fourth morning afterward he deposits four to the deceased a'pekwin 
in the field. The same fast is observed by the pe'kwin in coiuiection 
with the planting of these plumes as that practiced in depositing the 
plumes previous to the winter solstice. 

At early dawn of the last day of depositing the plumes he announces 
from the roof of the ceremonial house of the Kia'kwemosi that yil'tokia 
te'chi (summer solstice) will occur on the eighth day after the issuing 
of this notice. As he stands facing the rising sun while making the 
announcement to the people, it is believed that he is repeating the 
words given him at the time by the Sun Father. At this season 
the pe'kwin is supposed to have direct communication with the Sun 
Father. In addition to the notice, the pe'kwin says: "1 wish my 
children to make te'likinawe to my Sun Father, Moon Mother, and to 
the u'wannaiui (rain-makers). I wish the A'pi''l:ishiwanni (Bow priest- 
hood) to make te'likinawe to Ku'pishtaya and to the u'wannam A'pi^'lil-^ 
shiwanni."" Though he looks upward as he speaks, his words are 
heard b}- the mass of people who have congregated for the purpose. 
In 1891 the solstice occurred on June 21. and the ceremonies of that 
year will be described. 

Two days previous to the solstice the first body of A'shiwanni assem- 
ble in the ceremonial chaml)er of the Kia'kwemosi and prepare te'li- 
kinawe, and the Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin prepare te'likinawe in 

a Deceased members of the Bow priesthood become lightning-makers and work with Ku'pishtaya, 
the chief of lightning-makers. 

150 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. an>. 23 

their respective houses. Ail the t'niternities except the 'Hle'\vel<we 
and A'pi^liishiwaniii convene on the daj^ previous to tlie solstice 
and remain in session throughout the day and night; the members 
of the latter fraternity meet with those to whom they are allied. 
Altars are erected in the ceremonial chamber and embellished with 
the mi'wachi and other fetishes. Medicine water is consecrated by 
the a'kwamosi (maker of m(>dicine water), and suds fi'oni certain roots 
are made, symbolic of clouds. The day is consumed principally in 
the preparation of te'likinawe to Ki2kifi.A/w^n (Council of the Gods). 
There are no fetishes of the Beast Gods present at this time, but at 
night prayer songs are offered to these gods to invoke their influence 
upon the u'wannami. The members of the A'pi"lashiwanni offer 
special prayers to Ku'pishtaya and u'wannam A'pi"'liishiwanni. 
Prayers are also offered to Pa'yatiimu (god of music). The songs 
are sung to the accompaniment of the rattle, no drum being u.sed on 
this occasion. The closing song to the rising sun, when the flute is 
plaj-ed, is exceedingly' impressive. The te'likinawe prepared by mem- 
bers of the fraternities are deposited, with their individual offerings, 
on the day of the solstice in the manner described on page 119. 

Pottery is made and decorated on the three following days. Though 
pottery ma}' be made at any- season, this is a special time for the work- 
ing of this art, and women and girls are to be found busy molding 
clay or painting in every house in Zuiii. Pottery is tired on the fourth 
day, when the village at night is ablaze and has the appearance of a 
smelting town of civilization. A bit of wafer bread, the spiritual 
essence of which is believed to feed the spirit of this object, is depos- 
ited in each piece of pottery as it is balanced on stones to be baked 
(see plate lxxxviii). 

The tirst body of A'shiwanni prepare te'likinawe in the ceremonial 
chamber of the Kia'kwemosi on the fifth day following the solstice. 
The men prepare those for the Shi'wano"kia (Priestess of fecundity). 
Each shi'wanni makes two to the sun, two to the moon, four to the 
u'wannami of each of the six regions, and four to his deceased prede- 
cessors. The offerings are made into a kia'etchine, which is carried bj' 
the Kia'kwemosi and his first associate to 'Kia'nanaknana, a spring in 
the lava beds some miles east of Zuui, and is sunk in the waters of the 
spring. The Kja'kwemosi carries a gourd water jug covered with a 
network of cotton and with white fluffy eagle plumes attached, which 
he fills from the spring while his associate whirls a rhombus. On his 
return lie goes into retreat with his et'tone for eight nights, accom- 
panied by his associates and the Shi'wano"kia." 

On the last night of his retreat, which is the night of the return of 
the pilgrims from Ko'thluwalawa, he makes a cloud sj'mbol of meal and 

a Each member of the first body of A'shhvanni follows in order In going into retreat (see p.~180). 


corn pollen on tho floor, which is embellished with his et'tone and other 
fetishes, including- the mi'wachi of himself and associates. The jug of 
water, which is also placed by the painting, is afterward emptied into 
a medicine l)owl and drunk on the closing night of the ceremonies 1)y 
those present, it l)eing the privilege of the families of the shi'wanni and 
his associates, including the youngest children, to gather in the chamber 
on that night. The party in retreat rarely speak, and they sing but 
little until the last night, when they invoke the pi-esence of the u'wan- 
nami. They sit most of the time perfectl}^ quiet, giving' their thoughts 
to their desired object, that the u'wannami mav water the earth. 
Their prayers go from their hearts to the Sun Father and the u'wan- 
nami without spoken words. Should the Shi'wano'*kia be nourishing 
an infant, the child is brought into the ceremonial chamber by a female 
relative and haniled to the mother in perfect silence, who, after feeding 
the child, returns it in silence to the bearer, who leaves the chamber 
without a word. The thoughts of the A'shiwanni at this time must not 
be given to earthly things. The pe'kwin visits the Kia'kwemosi dur- 
ing his retreat, as he does all the others of the first body of A'shiwanni 
during their retirement. 

On the eighth day the A'shiwanni of the West, South, East, Zenith, 
Nadir, and the elder and younger brother Bow priests, join the Kia'- 
kwemosi and his associates who are in retreat, and prepai'e te'likinawe 
in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi. The Ko'mosona and 
Ko'pekwin with their Ko'pi''lashiwanni, six men to act as Sha'liiko" 
and their alternates (each of the six men who are to personate the 
Sha'liiko and each of the alternates has two associates present, whose 
duties are to prepare the masks and paraphernalia of the Sha'liiko), 
the personator of Shu'laawi'si, a man designated as his father 
(whose duty it is to prepare the mask and attend to the general adorn- 
ment of the person of the Shu'laawi'si), Sa'\'atitsha, first Yil'muhakto, 
Hu'tutu, second Yil'muhakto, and ten men who prepare the masks and 
dress of the last four mentioned (see page 33) gather in the chamber 
adjoining the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine, the one to which the Ko'mosona is 
allied, for the purpose of preparing te'likinawe. Each person present 
makes four to the Council of the Gods, and each one who is to person- 
ate a god in the Sha'liiko festival the coming autumn makes four 
additional oft'erings to the god he is to represent. The te'likinawe 
must be completed by noon and deposited in basket trays. 

The personators of the ten Ko'yemshi (see page 33) are busy at the 
same time in a house chosen b^- the A'wan tii'Vhu (Great Father) 
Ko'yemshi making their plume ofl'erings; but one other besides the 
Ko'yemshi is present, he being a man who labors for them. Each one 
makes four te'likinawe to the Ko'yemshi and four to the Council of 

<• See Annual Jestival of the Sha'lako, p. 227. 

152 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

the Gods. The offerings of the Ko'yemshi must also he completed 
and deposited in basket tra}\s by noon. Immediately after noon the 
Ko'yemshi, who are now termed the Du'michimchi, leave the house. 
They are nude, excepting a bit of old black cloth about their loins, 
their hair hanging loose before each shoulder. They proceed in tile, 
each man grasping with both hands the string which holds the loin 
cloth of the man preceding him. As they pass through the streets 
women on the bouse to))s pour over them water into which sacred meal 
has been sprinkled, with a prayer for rain. Though this scene causes 
merriment among the spectators, it is of a strictly religious character. 
After passing through the streets the Du'michimchi retire to dry 
themselves, after which they put on their masks and visit the house 
tops (see plate xxix) and, after making a tour of the village, return to 
their ceremonial chamber, resume their dress, and then retire to their 
homes, when the name of Du'niichimchi is i-enounced. 

Near sunset the Ko'mosona makes a meal painting in Mu'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine, where a number of his associates are gathered, and deposits 
about it sacred objects, including a kia'etchine composed of the plume 
offerings in a basket tray, making a long pi'ayer for rains to fructify 
the earth. 

All now go to their homes to eat. The}' do not abstain from animal 
food, as at the winter solstice, as Shits'ukia" plays no part at the present 
time. After eating, all return to the ki'wit'sine, when the Ko'mosona 
and Ko'pekwin each make three po'newe (singular, po'ne), reeds tilled 
with native tobacco, the tobacco being pressed in bj' the use of a 
slender stick or the quill end of a plume. After the reeds (which are as 
long as from the metacarpus to the tip of the middle finger) are rilled 
they are colored black, each one wrapped in a corn husk, and deposited 
in an Apache basket, which is set bj^ the meal painting. Those who 
are to personate the Sha'liiko and their alternates are present. 

Members of the Great Fire fraternity visit the ki'wi'sine, wear- 
ing ordinary dress and each carrying a rattle. They sit south of 
the meal painting and sing invocations to the Beast Gods of the six 
regions, to A'chiyalii'topa (a being of the zenith with wings and tail of 
knives), and to their original director. One song is addressed to each 
being, imploring his intercession with the u'wannami for rain. The 
song closes at midnight with the drawing of the sacred breath of 
A'wonawil'ona,*and the Ko'mosona, without rising from his seat, offers 
a prayer to the Council of the Gods for rain. The director of the Great 
Fire fraternity afterward prays to the Council of the Gods, and the 
sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona is inhaled b}' all present. The Ko'mo- 
sona hands one of the wrapped cigarettes to the Sha'liiko wor'li of the 
He'iwa ki'wi'sine; returning to the basket, he takes a second cigarette 

a See p. 135. 6 See p. 22. 


and hands it to the Sha'ljiko wor'li of the ki'wi'sine of the west. The 
remaining cigarettes are in turn distributed to the Sha'iako wor'we 
of the other ki'wi'siwe, and all but the Ko'niosona, the Ko'pekwin, 
and their A'pi"liishiwanni leave the ki'wi'sine for their homes, each 
Shaiiiko wor'li carr3'ing home his cigarette in a corn husk. 

Those who are to make the pilgrimage to Ko'thluwala'wa and those 
who are to aid them in getting off are astir betimes on the following 
morning. The Ko'yemshi gather in their ceremonial chamber and cer- 
tain others join the Ko'mosona in the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine, others start 
directly from their homes. After the Ko'yemshi collect their te'li- 
kinawe from the basket trays they proceed to the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine 
when the Ko'mosona divides the kia'etchine which has stood on the 
meal painting in the ki'wi'sine, giving a portion of the te'likinawe to 
the Ko'pekwin and keeping the others for himself. He is also pro- 
vided with te'likinawe made by men of his (the Deer) clan, and the 
Ko'pekwin has offerings made by a man of his (the Beai') clan. Each 
places his te'likinawe in a hu'chapone (deep basket), which is carried 
on the back and held in place by a strap crossing the chest or forehead. 
A long-necked ancient gourd jug is provided with a sprinkling stick, 
colored black, and freshl}' painted for each occasion. The bulb of the 
jug is partially covered with cotton netting, around the bottom of which 
four white Huffy eagle plumes are arranged at equal distances. The 
jug is carried in the right hand by means of a cotton cord, which 
forms a handle, and four te'likinawe to the Council of the Gods and a 
crooked stick, symbolic of longevity, are held in the left. Prayer 
meal, which is carried in the belt, is thrown out with the right hand in 
a line before them as they proceed. The two Ko'pi"lashiwanni whirl 
rhombi, calling the clouds to gather. The director of the fraternity of 
Hunters carries on his back a hu'chapone tilled with te'likinawe. 

The Great Father Ko'yemshi carries a kia'ctchitie in a piece of white 
commercial cotton cloth, which passes over the right shoulder and 
across the back, and is tied in front. He and his nine fellows each 
carry four te'likinawe to the Council of the Gods. The ceremonial 
father of Shu'laawi'si carries four te'likinawe for the Council of the 
Gods and the personator of Shu'laawi'si the same number. Those 
who personate Sa'yatasha, Hu'tutu, the two Yil'muhakto and the six 
Sha'iako, with their alternates, each carry four te'likinawe to the 
Council of the Gods. 

The party leaves the village about S o'clock in the morning, bare- 
foot and clad in ordinary dress, which is new for the occasion." The 
Ko'mosona, with his Ko'pi'''lashiwanni on his I'ight, leads the party. 

a In the past the party has always made these journeys on foot; but at the present, while the 
Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin, the two Ko'pi"tl!ishiwanni, nnd Ko'yemshi adhere to the old custom, others 
proceed to the base of the mountains on burros. 

154 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Tho ceremonial fatlier of Shu'laawi'si, the personators of Shu'laawi'si, 
Sa'j'atiisha, Ya'iuuhakto, Ilu'tutu, a second Yil'muhakto, and the 
Sha'liiko, with their fellows, come next. The director of the Himters 
fraternity follows some distance behind alone," and after him a man of 
Deer clan and one of Badger clan go on burros. After these follow tho 
Ko'pekwin with his Ko'pi'"lashiwanni and then the ten Ko'yemshi.* 

After sunset the canteens are tilled at a spring, then the party 
ascends a mountain, where they camp for the night. After the even- 
ing meal the Ko'mosona requests the party to dance. Early in the 
morning they proceed on their journe}-, arriving at the forks of the 
road. A mile or so from Ko'thkiwala'wa the Ko'yemshi take the right- 
hand trail, which leads northwest to their mountain. The Ko'mosona 
and others take the left-hand trail, which carries them southwest to 
Kor'kokshi mountain, which they ascend.'' 

The Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin, each with his Pi"'lashiwanni, the 
one to the Ko'mosona preceding and carrying a torch, enter a cave on 
the summit of the mountain. They are supposed to go by an inner 
passageway to the depths of Ko'thkiwala'wa and return. Each car- 
ries a number of te'likinawe, which' are deposited within the cave. 

The Zuiii priests humbug their people liy declaring that there is a direct passageway 
from this cave to the dwelling place of the Council of the Gods in the depth of the 
lake, and that, opening from this passageway, there are four chambers, equal distances 
apart, where those privileged to enter the underground road may rest on their jour- 
ney to and from the lake. A stone which was carefully placed to conceal the 
entrance to this shallow cave was removed in 1881 by llr Stevenson, and two of his 
party and himself, including the writer, succeeded in squeezing in to the depth of 
16 feet. At the end of this passageway they found a space of not more than .3 feet. 
It was examined carefully l;)y candlelight, and it was discovered that nothing of any 
size could pass lieyond. Numbers of te'likinawe were fi:>und in the passageway. 

The visit of Mr Stevenson and the writer to Ko'thluwala'wa was interesting. 
Spending one night in St. John, Ariz., they left there with a view to visiting the lake. 
Most cautiously they approached their Indian guide on the subject, but on learning 
their object he declared they must not go. Extreme persuasion was necessary to induce 
him to guide them to the sacred spot. As the day advanced and the party proceeded 
on their journey the old Indian, so fearless in battle, became greatly alarmed; he 
declared the marshy ground which the party crossed with difficulty was made so by 
the gods who did not wish them to approach the lake; his usually merry voice was 
reduced to a whisper; in fact before camp was made he was unable to speak. 
He said to the writer: "If you insist on going, I will show you the way, but I 
shall offend the gods and I shall surely die." Finally, after the party had 
traveled for several hours, he said in a low whisper: " We will camp here." As the 
writer could see no water, she thought the Indian had yielded to his superstitious 

oThe director of the Hunters and his deputy alternate in the quadrennial visits to Ko'thluwala'wa. 

b In the intervening years the personators of the gods, including the Ko'yemshi. visit a spring 
south of Zufli, while the others go to To'sehina spring at Ojo Caliente. 

f These mountains are prominent landmarks. According to a Zui5i legend. Kor'kokshi mountain 
is the spot where their first ancestral god and goddess originated: and the other is the home of 
the Ko'yemshi. It was on Ko'yemshi mountain that the Gods of War prepared for the attack 
upon the Kla'nakwe. The vast amount of flint chips show it to have been a great center for arrow- 
making. » 


fear. Just then a Mexican youth appeared, and the writer inquired of him if a 
lake was near. He replying in the affirmative, the old Indian whispered: "And 
you have seen it?" "Yes." "And you have looked into it?" "Yes," replied the 
Mexican, looking up with surprise. "And you were not afraid?" "No; why 
shoiilil I be afraid?" The youth was still more puzzled when the old man said to 
the writer : "He has looked into the waters of tlie Kok'ko A'wan and he did not 
die." The superstitious notion is that anyone who looks on the waters of this lake, 
unless by special permission of the Ko'mosona, will die in four days. 

In deference to the wishes of the old jj;uide the party camped half a mile from 
Ko'thluwala'wa. When they remounted to visit the lake no amount of persuasion 
could induce the Indian to accompany them, but some time later, when they had 
completed the circuit of the lake, they discovered the old man as near the water as 
the marshy ground would permit, engaged in prayer. The headkerchief had been 
removed, a custom usually observed by these people when taking part in any reli- 
gious ceremony. He stood erect, his hair blowing in the breeze. His right hand was 
extended toward the setting sun, and with it he was scattering prayer meal toward 
the lake. He gave no evidence of being aware of the approach of others until his 
prayer was completed, then turning with the old smile upon his face and his eyes 
again bright, he exclaimed: "I am very happy, and yet, I know I must die. I shall 
be contented to die, for I have looked upon the waters of the house of my departed 
fathers." He had approached the lake on foot, as this sacred ground must not be 
desecrated by the tread of beasts. The old Indian desired to remain behind after camp 
was broken, but the writer determined not to be separated from him. Several times 
he urged her to follow the parly, but she insisted upon waiting for him. Finally he 
said: "Well, I suppose you must see all." Whereupon he took a large quantity of 
bread, wdiich he had secreted behind a tree, and consigned it to the camp tire, with 
a prayer to the dead that they would intercede with the Sun Father and the Kok'ko 
A'wan for his peiiple and all the world. The old man had observed a strict fast 
during his stay in this camp for the purpose of saving his food to offer to the departed. 

In crossing a low mountain not far from the lake several pieces of pinkish clay 
were collected. This is greatly prized by the Zuiii, who believe that if the smallest 
portion should be parted with no rain would again fall upon the land. The priests 
claim that this clay conies directly from the house of the Council of the Gods in the 
depths of the lake. The Indian guide could not be persuaded to touch a piece, and 
when he found that he could not make the part}' desist from gathering it he begged 
that they would not let it be seen in Zuiii. 

The main road had scarcely been reached when two Zuiii Indians appeared, return- 
ing from a visit to Camp Apache. They exjiressed surprise at the meeting, and the 
guide was not long in informing them that IMr Stevenson had been to St John to 
see a collection of ancient pottery which had been found in a cave by a Mexican, 
and he adroitly endeavored to have the Indian travelers continue their journey. 
His efforts to ward off any suspicion of the party having vi.sited Ko'thluwala'wa was 
dramatic. He kept the attention of the visitors so riveted upon his fictitious narra- 
tion of the visit to St John, de.scribing the bowls of turquoise and other i)recious 
beads found with the pottery, that there was no time for inquiry on tliepart of the 
visitors. He recited many anecdotes of his trip, all originating within his brain. 
His hearty laughter became contagious, and so the night passed without his permit- 
ting the others to sleep or even to lie down; they must have no time for thought or 

The punishment for visiting the lake without the permission of the Ko'mosona ia 
not only death within four days by the anger of the gods, but severe corporal pun- 
ishment and perhaps death by the order of the Ko'mosona. 

156 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

AVhile the Ko'mosona and part}' are in the cave the personators of the 
Council of the Gods and Shaiiiko deposit te'likinawe at a shrine on the 
summit of the mountain to the west (see plate xxx). There are many 
precious beads and large numl)ors of te'likinawe in position at this 
shrine, and hundreds of the plume offerings lie scattered about, hav- 
ing been removed to make room for others. 

The Ko'yemshi make offerings at a shrine on their mountain, and liy 
the time the others are through with their ceremonies on Kor'kokshi 
mountain the Ko'yemshi are coming over the trail singing. 

Song of the Ko'yeirinhi at Ko'lhhtwala'ii-a 


ha'lUikn, a'valtonanf, a'yaltonanS. 


mountain walliing: on the walking on the 
sheep, mountain edge, mountain edge. 


wa"su'sukla a'thlashi a'lana ye'maku 

a'lana ye'maku, 


gopher, old, many go up. 

many go up. 


ha'liliko a'wuhl'hlananS a'wuhl'hlanang 


mountain walking below, walking below, 


wa"su'sukla a'thlashi a'lana pan'iyu 

alana pan'iyu. 


gopher, old, many comedown. 

many come down. 

Both parties gather on a hill to the of the lake. The Ko'mosona 
and Ko'pekwin remove their clothing preparatory to entering the lake. 
They tie up their hair and secure their many necklaces around their 
throats. Each one suspends a sack from his neck in which to place 
the tortoises they may secure. The Clreat Father Ko'yemshi gives the 
kia'etchine he carries to the Ko'pekwin and the director of the Hunters 
fraternity hands his to the Ko'mosona. The two, owing to the marshy 
conilition of the ground, approach the lake on their hands and feet, 
somewhat in the fashion of frogs. Thej' deposit the kia'etchine which 
they have brought from Zuiii and the othei's in the water, weights being 
attached for the purpose of sinking them. The kia'etchiwe are offered 
to the Council of the Gods without being separated, with prayers for 
rain, and also that their othei"selves, the tortoises, may come out through 
their doors, their homes being deep in the water. Four holes are sup- 
posed to in the walls of the lake, which are termed the home of 
the tortoises. The Ko'pekwin also deposits fire sticks, which are old 
and used only for this occasion, into the lake, after applying a coat of 
mud from the lake, he having previously made notches on the hori- 
zontal stick. These sticks are of giant yucca stalks and must be 
})roken, not cut, from the plant. When depositing the fire sticks he 
offers a praj'er for much rain. 

Others of the party gather as near the lake as the will permit, 
and each one plants four te'likinawe to his ancestors. All, including the 
Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin, return to the hill and dress, after which 
they take their evening meal. After dancing for a time, they again 

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undress and go as near as possible to the lake, where each one deposits 
food. Those who ai-e to personate the Council of the Gods and Sha'- 
lilko in the coming autumn otfer the pra^'ers while at the lake which 
they will repeat at the time of the Sha'lilko festival. They now pro- 
ceed to the south side of the lake and dance. At the close of the 
dance they return to the hill and retire for the night. In the early 
morning the Ko'mosona, Ko'pokwin, and the two Ko'pi"l;ishiwanni 
return nude to the lake and gather cat-tails (Typha latifolia), which 
thej' distribute to the othei's. The pe'kwin also secures the tire sticks 
wiiich he deposited in the water on the previous evening. 

Before departing for the lake the Ko'mosona dispatches most of the 
party for tortoises with the words: " Go, look for our otherselves." 
Only meml)ers of the fraternity of Hunters may strike the tortoise with 
the rabbit stick; others pat them with their hands until the head is pro- 
jected, when a string is tied around the neck. 

A favorite place for the tortoise is said to he the house of the deer, 
a spring a short distance from Ko'thluwala'wa, above the general level 
of the country, and so named because deer congregate there to drink. 
An underground passage is supposed to extend from this spring to the 
lake; in fact, Ko'thluwala'wa is said to be connected with all sacred 
springs and lakes by underground roads. 

After the return of the Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin from the lake to 
the hill the sacred tire is made by wood friction. A small quantity of 
cedar fiber is crushed and deposited on the ground and the stick, to be 
used horizontally, with bits of nmd attached to each point where the 
other stick is to be used, is laid upon it. The Ko'mosona," Ko'pekwin, 
the two Ko'pi"lashiwanni, the personator of Shu'laawi'si for the coming 
autumn, the ceremonial father of Shu'laawi'si, and other members of 
the Badger clan, form a broken circle. The process of lire making 
begins with the Ko'mosona, who, after using the drill, passes it to the 
Ko'pekwin who sits at his left. After the tirst handling of the drill 
these two do not touch it. The sticks being damp, a long time is 
required in making the fire. It would not do to work on a spot that 
had been touched with a drill. When combustion occurs and the 
crushed fiber is ignited, the one who produces the fire lifts the filler, 
holding it in partly closed hands, moving them back and forth that the 
fiber may be fanned by the breeze. Tiie l)reath must never be blown 
upon it, as this would so ofiend the Council of the Gods that there 
would be no rain. If rain is not the result of the fire making, the 
hearts of those who work with the drill are not good. 

The cedar brand is ignited from the burning fiber, which is now 
thrown into the spring with a prayer for rain. The one who produces 

a The Ko'mosoua being a child of the Badger clan (see List oi clans) is privileged to use the Are 

158 THE ZUNl INDIANS [eth.ann.23 

fire iuul lij^lits tlie })rand is termed Shu'laawi'.si, but he not be 
confoiincled with the one who is to personate Sim'laawi'si in the 
autumn festival of tiie Sha'liiko. He lays the brand on the ground, 
the burning end to the east, this being the signal for the return to 
Zuiii. Extra brands are held in readiness, as the sacred fire must not 
die out on tiie way. As they proceed they sing, and the two 
Ko'pi"'l;isliiwanni whiid their rhc)ml)i. imploring the u'waniiami (rain- 
makers) to water the earth. When they are a short distance from 
Ko'thluwala'wa, the pinkish clay used by the personators of the 
gods is collected by the Ko'mosona and others. 

As they proceed, Shu'laawi'si runs about .setting fire to grass, trees, 
or whatever comes in his way, that smoke may rise in clouds like the 
breath clouds from the gods of Ko'thluwala'wa." When crossing from 
one side to the other of the procession, Shu'laawi'si must pass back of 
it,. never befoi'e. The Council of the Gods hold te'likinawe between 
their hands, not the actual plumes offered ))y the Zuiii, but the ghost- 
selves of the plumes, and blow them to the heavens, they forming 
clouds as they ascend. "Breath comes from the mouths of the Kok'ko 
A'wan like steam." 

The party returns to the mountain or ridge where they camped on 
their journey to Ko'thluwala'wa. Shu'laawi'si builds a fire at a dis- 
tance from the others and lays his firebrand near by. the end pointing 
to the oast. The Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin each place beside the 
firebrand their gourd jugs, which thej' filled with water from the 
spring, the home of the deer, near Ko'thluwala'wa. After dancing 
until midnight, the party rest and sleep until early morning, when 
they start for Zufii. They visit the springs of Ko'loowisi (Plumed 
Serpent) and Kok'ko 'hlan'na (great god) of the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) 
fraternity as they pass through Ojo Caliente. Shu'laawi'si continues 
the destruction of whatever may come in his way. 

The party is met b}' the Kor'kokshi, who on the present occasion are 
representatives of the Heiwa ki'wi'sine, about 1^ miles southwest of 
Zufii. " A bonfire is lighted here, just as at the camping place, from the 
brand that is afterward laid on the ground, the burnt end to the east, 
and the jugs of water brovight l)y the Ko'mosona and the Ko'pekwin 
are placed either side of it at the west end. The party from the lake, 
except the Ko'yemshi, are seated facing east, while the Kor'kokshi, 
who Iiave donned their masks and paraphernalia, dance. The Ko'yem- 
shi, likewise, are attired in their scanty ceremonial dress, including 
their masks. On proceeding to Zufii the brand is ignited at the bonfire 
and is now carried bj' the one who is to personate Shu'laawi'si in the 
Sha'liiko ceremonial of the coming autumn. 

a When the fence of a ranchman was bnrnecl .some years ago, the Zniii regarded this American, as 
they called him. as a most depraved character because he objected to the burning of his fence when 
the object was to bring rains. 


The Ko'iiiosona leads the party, earning his jourd jug of water; 
bis Ko'pi"'iashiwanni is at the rijjlit. whirliug the rhombus; the Kor'- 
kokshi follow, with those who are to personate the Sha'lako on either 
side. Tlie Ko'pekwiii, carrying his ]ug of water, follows next, with 
his Ko'pi"'lasliiwanni whirlin"' the rhombus; the personator of Shu'- 
laawi'si with his tireljrand held horizontally, the burning end to the 
front, is next to the Ko'pekwin. Those who personate the others of the 
Council of the Gods proceed on either side of the Kor'kokslii, carry- 
ing great bunches of cat-tails, and several have rhombi wliich are kept 
in constant motion. On reaching the village at dusk the party visits 
He'kiapa (back wall) plaza, and after the Kor'kokshi dance here the 
procession passes up the west street to the north of the village and a 
short distance down the street and enter Ko'china (rat) plaza. After 
a dance here they pass to 'Si'aa' te'wita. sacred dance plaza, and, after 
one dance, they visit te'wita 'hlanna (great plaza), where they give one 

The Ko'mosona, followed by his Ko'pi"lashiwamii, now leads the 
Kor'kokshi and those who are to personate Sha'lako, with their attend- 
ants, into the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine. The Ko'pekwin with his Ko'pi"- 
liishiwanni leads to his home, the wife's house, those who personate 
the Council of the Gods and the Ko'yemshi. 

The Hit'lo'kwe (Ant fraternity) has its altar erected in the Mu'he'wa 
ki'wi'sine. The altar is embellished with mi'wachi and other fetishes, 
and a bowl of medicine water is in front of it. The fraternity is 
grouped south of the altar, which faces east. The tortoises are depos- 
ited in a large bowl of water which is set before the altar, and the 
cat-tails are stood either side and rest against it. 

The altar of the Great Fire fraternity is placed in the home of the 
Ko'pekwin, with mi'wachi and many other fetishes aljout it, and a bowl 
of medicine water deposited before it. Tortoises and cat-tails are also 
placed by this altar. The members of this fraternity are grouped 
south of the altar with their rattles readj' to furnish music for the 
dance. This fraternity is alone privileged to meet in the Ko'pekwin's 
house at the summer solstice. 

Soon after entering the house, Shu'laawi'si knocks otf the burning 
end of his brand at the fireplace and lays it before the altar of the 
Great Fire fraternity. The Kor'kokshi remove their masks and 
change their ceremonial dress for ordinary clothing, and all except the 
Ko'mosona, his Ko'pi"'liishiwanni, and the otticers of the fraternity 
go to their homes for refreshment. The wife of the Ko'mosona and 
the women of her famih' bring food to the ki'wi'sine for those who 
remain. After the evening meal nothing must pass the lips of the 
actors excepting the drafts administered by theurgists until afternoon 
of the daj' following. The Ko'pekwin, his Ko'pi"lashiwaniii. and the 

1(')0 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. an.v, 23 

officers of the Great Fire fraternity remain in the house of the foi-mer, 
his wife and family and clan relations serving food to them, while the 
others go to their homes to eat. All gather later in the evening. 

The Kor'kokshi prepare themselves in the ki'wi'sine for the dance, 
the masks being discarded for tlie night dancing. The Ko'mosona 
leads the Kor'kokshi from the ki'wi'sine to the Ko'pekwin's house. 
He carries his mi'li and meal basket in his left hand and sprinkles meal 
with his right from the time he enters the house until the dancers form 
in line. After one dance, they return to the ki'wi'sine, accompanied 
by two Ko'yemshi wearing masks. In this way the Kor'kokshi dance 
alternately four tinu's in the Ko'pekwln's house and the ki'wi'sine. 
In the former place the Great Fire fratei'iiity sing to the accompani- 
ment of their rattles and in the ki'wi'sine the Ant fraternity furnishes 
the music. When the Kor'kokshi are not present in the Ko'pekwln's 
house. Shu'laawi'si. the Ko'yemshi. and others dance. 

The night is passed in dancing, and at daylight the Ko'mosona, hold- 
ing a corn husk of mud from Ko'thluwala'wa, dips his index finger into 
th(> mud and anoints tiie breast, the palm of the right hand, and the sole 
of the right foot of each of the Kor'kokshi, who are now standing, 
.saying: "Kok'ko A'wan hel'li'kwe kwa ho'o an'teshema to'o i'ton, 
kwa an'teshema to'o tu'tu (I anoint you with the mud of the Council 
of the Gods; I do not wish you to eat; I do not wish you to drink)." 
A fast is observed from this time mitil noon. After the anointing the 
Kor'kokshi prepare themselves to dance, after which the Ko'mosona, 
taking a large medicine bowl, prepares paint with the pinkish clay 
from Ko'thluwala'wa. Calling to him each man who personates a Kor'- 
kokshi god, he asks each in turn where he will have the paint applied, 
and, dipping his index finger into the bowl, daubs the paint on the 
spot indicated — foot, hand, shoulder, or elsewhere. Then handing the 
bowl of paint to the dance director, he tells him that the Kor'kokshi 
are to paint themselves. Each man covers his face, body, arms, hands, 
feet, and his legs nearly to the thighs, with the paint. The Ko'mo.sona 
now calls the eight men who personate the Kor'kokshi goddesses, and 
after asking them a similar question daut)S them with yellow paint, 
mixed in a medicine bowl, brought also from the neighborhood of 
Ko'thluwala'wa. Addressing the chief goddess, who stands midway 
in the line of the goddesses in the dance, and, handing over the Ijowf 
of yellow paint, he directs that all shall decorate their persons. The 
hands and arms to the elbows and feet and legs to the knees are painted. 
The ceremonial dress is now put on and the tortoises are distributed 
as far as they will go; others carry gourd rattles only. 

The bowl containing the tortoises is deposited near the middle of 
the tloor before the dancers are supplied, where it remains through- 


out the day. The tortoises" are returned to the bowl each time the 
Ivor'kokshi come to the ki'wi'sine. 

The Ko'yemshi are the first to visit 'Si'aa' te'wita in the early morn- 
ing, this being the morning which closes the retreat of the Kia'kwe- 
mosi. They are led by the Ko'pekwin, carrying his mi'li and meal 
basket in his left hand and sprinkling meal with his right. Each 
Ko'yemshi has a bunch of cat-tails in his left hand and a rattle in his 
right. They present the cat-tails to the >Shi'wano"kia (Priestess of 
fecundity), who descends from the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'- 
kwemosi to receive them. The ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwe- 
mosi is in the second story of a house opening on the Si'aa' te'wita. 
Returning to the chamber, the Shi'wano"kia hands the cat-tails to the 
Kia'kwemosi, who lays them near the meal painting on the floor. 

The Ko'yemshi are followed by the Kor'kokshi led by the Ko'mo- 
sona who wears a white shirt, white embroidered kilt held on b^^ an 
embroidered sash tied at the right side, blue knit leggings, and red 
garters. The feet are bare. A line of pinkish clay extends across 
the nose and under the eyes. There are thirty gods, of whom twenty- 
eight are Kor'kokshi and two are younger brothers of Pau'tiwa, 
director-general at Ko'thluwala'wa. One of the brothers stands mid- 
way the line and leads the dances. There are eight goddesses. One 
walks beside the foremost dancer in the file, and faces him in the 
dance. The others are companions to the gods, who number from 
thirteen to nineteen, inclusive, in the line. The Kor'kokshi dance in 
He'kiapa and Ko'china plazas before going to Si'aa'. The arrival of 
the Kor'kokshi in Si'aa' te'wita is the signal for the Kia'kwemosi to 
play his flute in the ceremonial chamber. After the first dance in the 
plaza, the Kia'kwemosi descends from the ceremonial chamber and 
passes from west to east down the line of gods, halts for a moment 
before the Ko'mosona, and then passes by the goddesses. He sprinkles 
each goddess and the cat-tails* she carries with meal and then receives 
the cat-tails and returning down the line of gods he sprinkles them and 
the cat-tails with meal, receiving from each god, except six, the cat- 
tails he carries. He then halts before the Ko'mosona and, sprinkling 
a line of meal down the mi'li, which the Ko'mosona holds in his right 
hand, otters a prayer. 

The Kia'kwemosi returns to the ceremonial chamber and deposits the 
cat-tails by the cloud symbol on the floor (see page 150). Leaving the 
Si'aa' te'wita, the Kor'kokshi proceed to the te'wita 'hlanna, and, after 

"After the ceremonial the tortoises are taiien home by tliose who caught them and are hung by 
their necks to the rafters till morning, when they are thrown into pots of boiling water. The eggs 
are considered a great delicacy. The meat is seldom touched except as a medicine, which is a curative 
for cutaneous diseases. Part of the meat is deposited in the river, with ko'hakwa (white shell beads) 
and turquoise beads, as offerings to Council of the Gods. 

bThe stems of the cat-tails are afterward used by the A'shiwanni for te'Iikinawe. 

23 ETH— 04 ^11 

I(i2 THE ZDNI INDIANS [eth. ann, 23 

(laiK'iiig there, they return to the ki'wi'sine, lay aside their masks, 
indulge in a smoke, and rest a short time. The dancing in the four 
plazas is repeated four times before noon. The fourth time they dance 
in the Si'aa' te'wita the Ko'mosona, who leads the tile of dancers, tells 
the Great Father Ko'yemshi that it is time to eat. 

After this dance the Kor'kokshi are followed for the first time by the 
Ko'3-emshi, who have previoush' awaited them in the Si'aa' te'wita. 
After dancing in the te'wita 'hlanna the Ko'mosona leads the Kor'kok- 
shi to Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine. and the Ko'yemshi follow the Ko'pekwin 
to his house. Great feasts are spread in both houses, those who have 
spent the night in the two places being still present. 

There is no dancing in tlie house of the Ko'pekwin during the day, 
and no one but the Ko'pekwin and the Ko'yemshi leave the iiouse. 
Those who are to personate the gods at the Sha'liiko festival receive 
instructions in their duties in the He'iwa ki'wi'sine during the day. 
The Ko'mosona administers to each one in the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine 
from a shell the water from the -spring, which has been previously 
emptied from the gourd jug into a medicine bowl, saying "Drink." 
The one receiving the draft says: "Ta"chumo"" (father). The Ko'mo- 
sona replies: "Tal'lemo" (younger one). After all have been helped, 
the Ko'mosona says: "I am well pleased, my children; you havedanced 
four times; we will dance no more now, for neither did the people of 
old. You may drink all you wish." The water vases brought in by 
the women of the Deer clan are soon surrounded b_v the thirsty men 
who have neither eaten nor drunk since the previous evening. The 
same is repeated in the Ko'pekwin's house, water being carried thither 
by women of the Badger clan. They indulge in a great feast served 
by women of the Deer and Badger clans. 

After smoking and resting for a time the dancing in the four 
plazas is repeated four times. The fourth time they dance in the 
Si'aa' tewita (see plate xxxi) the Ko'mosona again tells the Great 
Father Ko'yemshi that it is time to eat. After dancing in the te'wita 
'hlanna. they return to the ki'wi'sine and to the house of the Ko'pek- 
win. where a second feast is enjoyed. Here they smoke and have their 
heads washed in yucca suds by women of the Deer and Badger clans. 
The summer solstice ceremonies, strictly speaking, are now over, yet 
it is but the beginning of the Kor'kokshi dances for rains to fructify 
the earth that the crops may grow, the Kor'kokshi being personated 
in turn from the live other ki'wi'siwe. 





















































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The rain priesthood consists at the pi-csent time of fourteen A'shi- 
wanni (those who fast and pray for rain), the elder and younger Bow 
priests, and ShiVan<>'"ki:i (Priestess of fecundity). Of the A'siiiwanni, 
six are linown as Kia'kwc a'niosi (directors of the house). The house 
referred to marks the middle of the world, and is the ceremonial house 
of the Kiakwe ainosi. A room in this house, in which the et'tone of the 
Shi'wanni of the North is kept, is supixxsed to be directl}' over the cen- 
ter of the world. While the term Kia'kwe a'mosi is applicable to the 
A'shiwanni of the six rejfions, the Siii'wanni of the North, being the 
head of the priesthood, is always referred to as the Kia'kwemosi; 
the others are termed the Shi'wanni of the West, the Shi'wanni of the 
South, etc. Throughout this paper the term Kia'kwemosi will refer 
to the Shi'wanni of the North. The six regions in order are North, 
West, South, East, Zenith, and Nadir, the center being alwaj's sub- 
sumed. The A'shiwanni are described by the ZuPii as those who do 
no secular work, and it is their special duty to fast and pray for rain. 

Each shi'wanni, excepting the Shi'wanni of the 
Zenith, is the possessor of an et'tone, whicli is sup 
posed to have descended directly from the shi'wanni 
who brought it in a basket" clasped to his breast from 
the undermost to the outer world. The et'tone is 
dual: 'kia'ettone and chu'ettone (see plates xxxii and 
xxxiii). The 'kia'ettone (the first syllable, 'kia, is froni 
'kiawe, water) consists of four hollow reeds, each of the fig. 4-Toad kept 
lenp-th of the middle finger measured on the under side, '" et'tone reed, 

1 • 1 • 1 11 « 1 1 • actual size. 

one reed being thicker than the rest. All contain water. 
The larger one also contains in the water a diminutive toad (Bufo punc- 
tatus, figure i), which seems to thrive in its restricted quarters. The 
ends of the reeds are closed with a blackish clay, said by the A'shiwanni 
to have lieen brought from the undermost world, and native cotton. 
The chu'ettone (the first syllable, chu, is from chu'we, seeds) is com- 
posed of eight hollow reeds filled with all the edible seeds known to 
the A'shiwi (Zuiiis) and closed at the ends with native cotton. Origi- 
nally the reeds contained only kia"sanna, tiie only food then known to 
the A'shiwi. Each group of reeds is wrapped with cord of native cot- 
ton, the end of the cord on the 'kia'ettone being left free, to symbolize 
the tail of a toad, which would indicate that the A'shiwi were aware of 
the evolution of the toad from the tadpole. A number of precious 
beads are attached to the cord wrapping of the et'tone, and a fine 
arrow point rests on the top. 

ti See p. 26. Since the A'shiwi learned the art of making pottery the fit'tonS has rested in a vase 
instead of a basket. 

164 THE ZLiNI INDIANS [eth. asn. 23 

The sacredness of the et'tone is indicated, not only b}- it.s promi- 
nence in legend, but b_y the care with which it is guarded. The 
writer was fortunate in being able to handle and examine the et'tone 
of Nai'uchi, since deceased, Shi'wanni of the Nadir, who was also 
elder brother Bow priest. On removing the toad from the reed 
it was found to be in a livel}' condition. The writer is indebted to 
Nai'uchi for models of the sacred fetish, which are in the National 

When the A'shiwi were divided into clans these sacred objects 
became associated with the clans chosen by their possessors, and while 
an et'tone may pass from a shi'wanni of the parent clan to one of the 
children of the clan," it remains in the care of a woman of the parent 
clan, when not in the hands of the shi'wanni, this office passing from 
mother to daughter or from sister to sister. 

When not in use each et'tone rests in a sealed vase in a special 
chamber in the dwelling house of its keeper. The cham})er has no 
windows, and the door is kept sealed except when the sacred fetish 
is brought to a larger chamber in the same house for the winter and 
summer retreats or is taken from the house for the 'Hle'wekwe cere- 
monial.'' Should there be a small opening in the roof of the chamber 
of the et'tone, it is covei'ed with a slab set in plaster, and is opened 
only for the purpose of sprinkling meal into the chamber during a 
retreat of the shi'wanni and his associates. Two of the et'towe are 
supposed to have come fi'om the conquered Kia'nakwe, to have been 
brought by the boy who, with his sister, was adopted bj- the A'shiwi. 
The aged woman who has the care of these fetishes is said to be the 
direct descendant of the foster mother of the brother and sister. 

Through the earnest persuasion of a nephew to the shi'wanni pos- 
sessing these fetishes, the wife being also in sympathj- with his wishes, 
the aged woman in charge of them (his mother-in-law) was induced 
to allow the door of the room to be opened. The entire famil}' 
incurred danger in giving their assistance. The front chamber was 
carefully guarded, so that no one should enter 4in inner room into which 
the sacred apartment opens. It was necessary to be expeditious, there 
being no surety against intrusion, for, according to the custom of the 
A'shiwi, the people of the same clan are regarded as one family and 
have access to all parts of a house. While the old woman was opening 
the sealed door of the room containing the et'towe the writer, with the 
assistance of the nephew, hurriedlj' prepared her flashlight and camera, 
and in a few moments a picture was taken. The illustration (ligure 5) 
shows the room, which is about 7 b}' 5 feet, with two vases containing the 
sacred objects and other fetishes associated with the et'tone. The door 
was soon closed again and sealed with plaster. The family was in 

" See List of elans. 6 See 'Hle'wekwe fraternity. 




great distress, the young wife being prostrated with fear, for she knew 
that if her husband and mother were detected in tliis breach of trust 
their lives would be in great danger. When the writer expressed lior 
thanks, the wife, after her condition had improved, said: "We are all 
very nuich afraid and very unhappy, but we were glad to serve 
you." Two et'towe rest undisturbed in sealed vases in their chambers, 
the divisions of the A'shiwanni to whom they belong having ceased 
to exist because the families privileged to form these divisions 
have either exj^ired or been considered unworthy to join the sacred 

Except the Shi'wanni of the Zenith, who is pe'kwin (deputy) to the 
Sun Father, each shi'wanni has a corps of associates, including a woman, 

Room of et'towe of Corn clan. 

except the shi'wanni possessing the Kia'nakwe et'towe. He has no 
female associate, as none has ever been found possessing a sutiiciently 
good heart for this position. One of the duties of the women asso- 
ciated with the A'shiwanni is the grinding of white corn into a coarse 
meal in the family mills. This kia'waiawe (prayer meal) is mixed 
with crushed turquoise, ko'hakwa (white shell), and abalone shell. 
The wife, daughter, or sister of the pe'kwin grinds tiiat which he uses. 
This priesthood is confined to families, the rule being that each 
member of a division of the priesthood must be of the clan or a child 
of the clan of the shi'wanni of the division. The son or brother of 
the shi'wanni fills a vacancy, preference being given to the eldest son. 
There are exceptions, however, to this rule, such as the Shi'wanni of 

166 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann,28 

the Zenith, who in appointed l)>' tlie first })ocly of A'shiwuiini fioiii tiie 
Pi'chilvwo (Dogwood clan), and may helong to either division of the 
clan (see page 40), the directors of the 'lile'wekwe and Shii'niaaltwe 
fraternities. The et'tone of the Shu'maaitwe is distinctly different 
from the others. The songs ovei' this et'tone are in the Pima tongue." 
The associate priests arc in the line of promotion, hut should the 
first hod}- of A'shiwanni consider one unworthy of advancement,* it 
convenes, and a discussion occurs in regard to the proper party for 
the place. This meeting, however, appears to be a mere formality, it 
being the prerogative of the shi'wanni in whose division an appoint- 
ment is to lie made to select the man. Nevertheless, he addresses the 
priesthood, saying, referring to himself and his associates: '*Wedo 
not know who is best. We leave the selection to 3'ou." At the same 
time lie has already made known his choice. The Kla'kwemosi, who 
is the head of the priesthood, formally requests the elder bi'other Bow 
priest to notify the person of his appointment. The elder l)rother Bow 
priest enjoys great power in Zufii, and nowhiM-e is this superior per- 
.sonage (earthly representative of the elder God of War) moi'e revered 
than in the first bodj- of A'shiwanni. Though the female associate of 
the Kla'kwemosi, whose position is quite difi'erent and far superior in 
character to that of the other female associates, slie being Shi'wano"kia 
(Priestess of fecundity), is present at these meetings, she holds her 
peace when one is to be appointed, but is free to express herself 
when there is any suggestion of impeachment. Any shi'wanni or 
associate may be impeached for proper cause. 

Some years since, the Shi'wano"kIa denounced the pe'kwin, Shi'wanni of the 
Zenith, declaring the droughts and failure of crops to be due to his impure heart. 
She even expressed her suspicion of his being a sorcerer. Some one must be held 
responsible for the absence of rains, and the poor pe'kwin, a most excellent man, 
was the victim. He was impeached and removed and, after much discussion, a 
young man of the Raven division of the Dogwood clan was selected to fill the place. 
The Kla'kwemosi dispatched the elder and younger brother Bow priests to make 
the announcement to the chosen party. The mother, who was present, wept 
bitterly and begged her son not to accept the position, saying to the elder brother 
Bow priest: " lie is so young, and he might make some mistake, and then perhaps 
he would be condemned as a sorcerer." The mother's grief touched the heart of 
the son, and he declined the honor which he most earnestly desired to attain. 
Another meeting of the A'shiwanni was held, when a man of the Macaw division of 
the Dogwood clan was chosen, and in due time he was installed in his high office. 

The A'shiwanni are becoming much concerned regarding the suc- 
cessors of the Kla'kwemosi and pe'kwin. They say it is hard to find 
good men who are eligible, either of the Dogwood clan or children of 

n See Shu'raaakwe fraternity. 

'I The vital requisite is that ohe shall be pure of heart, otherwise his prayers for rain would avail 
nothing, and in this arid 'land, where the greatest boon to man comes from the clouds, it means 
much to these people to have an infallible rain priesthood. 


tlip chin. It was due to the impossibility of iindiog suitable persons 
that the present Kla'kwemosi had Imt one male associfte for some 
time. He is the eldest son of the former Kui'kwemosi and nephew of 
the present one, and will in time attain that position. The present 
Kla'kwemosi and his predecessor were brothers. 

The following is an enumeration of the A'shiwanni as it existed in 
November, 1896: 

KTa'kwemosi (Shi'wanni nf the North) , Dogwood clan, younger l)rother of his pred- 
ecessor; lir.'st associate, Turkey clan," son of the former Kla'kwemosi and nephew 
on the paternal side of the present one; second associate. Dogwood clan; third asso- 
ciate, vacant, no eligible person being available; fourth associate, Shi'wano"kIa, 
Dogwood clan, elder sister of the former and the present Kla'kwemosi. 

Shi'wanni of the West, Dogwood clan, deceased; associate. Sun clan, son of 
the deceased shi'wanni;'' second associate. Dogwood clan, younger brother of the 
deceased shi'wanni; third associate. Dogwood clan; fourth associate, a female. Dog- 
wood clan. 

Shi'wanni of the South, Badger clan; first associate. Badger clan; second associate. 
Badger clan; third associate. Badger clan; fourth associate, a female, Badger clan. 

Shi'wanni of the East, Eagle clan; first associate. Eagle clan; second associate. 
Eagle clan; third associate. Eagle clan; fourth a.ssociate, a female, Eagle clan. 

Shi'wanni of the Zenith, Dogwood clan.'^ 

Shi'wanni of the Nadir, Eagle clan; first associate. Sand hill crane clan, son of the 
shi'wanni; second associate, Eagle clan, younger brother of the shi'wanni; third 
associate. Eagle clan; fourth associate, a female,'^ Eagle clan. 

Seventh shi'wanni. Eagle I'lan; first associate. Eagle clan; second associate. Eagle 
clan; third as.sociate. Eagle clan; fourth associate, a female, Eagle clan. 

Eighth shi'wanni, Dogwood elan; first associate, Dogwood clan; second associate, 
Dogwood clan; third associate. Dogwood clan; fourth associate, a female. Dogwood 

Ninth shi'wanni,'' Black Corn clan; first associate, Black Corn clan; second asso- 
ciate, Ai'yaho'kwe (a plant); third associate. Corn clan; fourth associate, a female, 
Corn clan. 

Tenth shi'wanni, tUiaparral Cock clan, director of Shu'maakwe fraternity; first 
associate. Dogwood clan, deputy to director; second associate, Sand liill crane clan, 
maker of medicine water; third associate. Sun clan, warrior to the fraternity; fourth 
associate, a female, Ai'yaho'kwe, great mother of the fraternity. 

Eleventh shi'wanni, Sun clan; first associate. Sun clan; second associate. Sun clan; 
third associate. Sun clan; fourth associate, a female, Sun clan. 

Twelfth shi'wanni, Corn clan; first associate, Corn clan; second associate. Corn 
clan; third associate, Corn clan; fourth associate. Corn clan. 

a At the time of his father's death thi.s man was too young to be associated with the A'shiwanni. 

''The vacancy caused by the death of Lai'wa^silun'kla, Shi'wanni of the West, was notfilled inune- 
diately because the A'shiwanni were doubtful for a time wliether the first associate possessed a sutti- 
cienily pure heart; but after considerable discussion it was decided that the son of the former shi'wanni 
should be advanced to his father's position. Lai'wa'silun'kla's death was followed by the demise of 
the female associate, whose place was tilled by her mother's sister's daughter. Nai'uchi, elder brother 
Bow prie-st, declared that, though this woman was pure of heart, no other of her immediate family 
should succeed her, as her brother was a sorcerer, and he had strong suspicions of the father. The 
father held the important position of scalp custodian in the A'pi'^liishiwanni (Bow priesthood ) . 

<■ Pe'kwin (deputy) to the Sun Father; he has no associate. 

''Nai'uchi. as Shi'wanni of the Nadir, is preparing his grandchild, the daughter of his first 
ciate, to till the place of female associate when the present incumbent shall have passed away. 

(•The ninth shi'wanni is the po.ssessor of the C't'toni^ secured, according to Zuni legend, through 
the aged shi'wanni of the Black Corn clan, who was found with his wife and two grandchildren in 
the village He'shotiyiilla, west of I'tiwanna, and who became allied with the A'shiwi (see p. 45). 

1<)8 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Thirteenth shi'wanni, Corn elan; first associate, Corn clan; second associate, Corn 
clan; third associate, Corn clan; fourth associate, a female, Corn clan. 

Fourteenth shi'wanni. Corn clan; first associate, C'orn clan; second associate. Corn 
clan; third associate. Corn clan; fourth associate, a female. Corn clan. 

Fifteenth shi'wanni, « Coyote clan. 

Sixteenth shi'wanni," Frog*' clan. 

Installation of an A.ssociate Shi'wanni of the North 

An elaborate cereaionial of installation occurs when the appointee 
is received as an as.sociate shi'wanni. He passes from this position to 
that of shi'wanni without further ceremonial of special importance. 

The ceremonial described began about midday on December 13, 
1896, in the cerem'onial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi, where all such 
ceremonies associated with the tirst body of A'shiwanni take place. 
The man to be installed was a nephew of the Kia'kwemosi. He 
belonged to the Dogwood clan, was married, and did not appear to be 
over 20 years of age. Each .shi'wanni was accompanied by his male 
associates; and each director of a fraternity, having been notified in 
the early morning liy the elder brother Bow priest, was accompanied 
by his fellow-officers. The Shi'wano"kia and the writer were the 
only women present. In most cases a fraternity has but one warrior, 
owing to the limited membership of the A'pi"lashiwanni. The only 
fraternity not represented as a body is the A'pi"lashiwanni, the mem- 
bers of this organizatiofi appearing separately with the other fraterni- 
ties to which thej' are allied as warriors. 

The first body of the A'shiwanni, including the first associate of 
the Kia'kwemosi, the elder brother Bow priest and the Shi'wano"kIa, 
have seats in the south end of the room and east of the doorway. As 
each division of A'shiwanni or group of a fraternity arrives it finds 
seats which are most agreeable on the ledge which extends around 
the room, and after the ledge is filled seats are taken on the floor, 
the room becoming crowded. 

Gi'eat ceremon}' is observed on entering the chamber. As the 
groups come in each man of a group greets those present, who in 
return make response. The second party of the group entering does 
not extend this greeting until that of the first one has been responded 
to. Moccasins are removed after entering the room. The Kia'kwe- 
mosi acts as master of ceremonies until the arrival of the younger 
brother Bow priest, whose duty it is to look to the seating and to see 
that no one sleeps during the long ritual. The associate shi'wanni to 
the Kia'kwemosi spreads a large blanket on the floor near the first 
body of A'shiwanni 'and places on the blanket a large, fine white buck- 

"These are extinct. The two ^t'towe of these shi'wanni are the ones referred to as remaining 
permanently in sealed vases. 

''The writer believes when a specimen is secured and examined it will be found to be a toad and 
not a frog. Until then she gives the common translation of the Indian word ta'kla Urog)- 


•skin, furnished by the Kia' witli the head to the east. He 
receives from the Km'kwemosi a small Inu-kskiii sack containinu- corn 
pollen, and proceeds to sprinkle a line of pollen from one extremity of 
the deerskin to the other, great care being ol)served that the line of 
pollen shall be perfectly straight and end in the center of the month 
portion of the skin. Quantities of necklaces of coi'al, turquoise, and 
ko'hakwa beads, furnished bj' the Kia'kwemosi and other A'shiwanni, 
arc laid over the line of pollen, forming a slight ridge, this line being 
symbolic of the road of life and truth, the road which must be fol- 
lowed in order to win the favor of A'wonawil'ona." 

The decoration is somewhat different when a pe'kwin (deputy to the 
Sun Father)'' is installed. A sun symbol, composed of a disk colored 
blue-green, with three dots of black representing eyes and mouth, 
encircled by a block of black and white, symbolizing the house of the 
clouds, and four lines of pollen extending from four points of the 
periphery, is made in the center of the deerskin. The line of pollen 
and beads on the skin is broken by the disk. A line of meal extends 
from the deerskin to the entrance of the chamber, and the meal is 
crossed near the skin. The novice stands upon the deerskin, and the 
A'shiwanni and others in turn stand upon the cross line of meal. The 
novice is appealed to to do his duty as becomes the deputy of the Sun 
Father; to follow the straight road of the Sun Father, which will 
insure the good of his people. Should he find evil or discontent in 
his heart, to take it out and throw it behind him; and to keep straight 
in the path of truth and virtue. The sun priest prays that the bless- 
ings of A'wonawil'ona may continue, and that the Sun Father may not 
send his son (the rainbow) to call the rain-makers from above to send 
them elsewhere. He prays that all people of all lands may be bounti- 
fully supplied with food and clothing, and tiiat his people and all other 
people may have no great sickness among them, and that they may be 
preserved from death. He also addresses prayers to Ko'hakwa (white 
shell) mother' of the sun, and Ma'we (salt) sister'' to the sun. 

The novice now tal-- 'S a seat west of the deerskin and near it. Each 
person present removes the head-kerchief before taking part in the 
ceremony. Soon after noon the pe'kwin takes the hand of the novice, 
who rises and stands in the center of the skin facing east, with a foot 
on each side of the line of pollen and beads. The pe'kwin, still facing 

n See classification of the higher powers. 

'»The pe'kwin to theSiin Father is supposed to practice celibacy, and from the time of assuming 
his office to regard fi is wife, if he have one. as a sister, he remaining in the family and she perform- 
ing all the domestic duties as before. Should celibacy not be strictly observed, the A'shiwi would 
soon die and I'tiwanna become depopulated. At least such is siiid to have been the ancient law, 
but at present the pe'kwin resumes conjugal relations when not occupied with his religious duties, 
from which he is seldom free. He must be so pure of heart that he can make no mistakes., otherwise 
he would not keep the calendar correctly, and the people would be overwhelmed with infinite 

c Mother and sister are figurative. 

170 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

the novice, places his arms about the shoulders of the novice, -.vho 
places his around the pe'kwin's waist, and prays. The pe'kwin then 
places his hands behind him and clasps each hand of the novice by 
placing his lingers across the palm and his thumb on top of the hand; 
and, bringing the clasped hands around raises them nearly to the 
novice's chin, and prays four times; the novice responds "Yes" each 
time. During the prayers the pe'kwin draws the novice's hands to 
his own mouth and breathes upon them; then he moves them down- 
ward four times before the mouth of the novice that the latter may 
receive the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona. When the pe'kwin 
closes his prayers the first associate Shi'wanni of the West clasps 
each hand of the novice, the pe'kwin being careful not to relinquish 
his hold until his successor shall have taken the novice's hands. This 
requirement is strictly observed throughout the ceremonial. The 
second associate Shi'wanni of the West is the next to appear before 
the novice and pra\"s with him, and after him each shi'wanni with 
his associate, the Shi'wano"kia excepted, in the same order in which 
they go into retreat. Then follow the officers of the Shi'wannakwe, 
the Ne'wekwe come next, then the 'Siln'iakia'kwe, followed bv the 
'Hle'wekwe, then the Ko'mosona (director of the Ko'tikili), the 
Ko'pekwin (deputy to. the Ko'mosona), two Ko'pi"lashi'wanni (war- 
riors to the Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin), and then the officers of 
the Ha'lo'kwe. The last fraternity to take part is the 'Ko'shi"kwe." 
When the warrior of this fraternity has closed his ceremony the 
pe'kwin takes the novice's hands from those of the Pi'^liishiwaiini 
and conducts him to his place, not loosening his hold until the new 
associate shi'wanni is seated. The associate to the Kia'kwemosi, who 
arranged the deerskin, now removes the beads, returning. them at 
once to their owners. Beginning at the east end of the buckskin, he 
raises it slightly so as to throw the pollen toward the center; he now 
shakes the sides :ind other end of the skin for the same purpose, and 
gathers the pollen into a corn husk, which he folds and hands to ihc 
Kia'kwemosi, who ties the package with a ribbon of corn husk and 
deposits it in his pouch. The associate also folds the deerskin and 
hands it to the Kia'kwemosi, and afterward removes the blanket. 

The Kia'kwemosi now removes his head-kerchief in preparation for 
his part. He offers a long prayer, which is responded to occasionally 
by those present. When this prayer is over all join in another prayer, 
and at its close the younger brother Bow priest repeats one much 
like that offered by the Kia'kwemosi, the difference being that the 
younger brother Bow priest appeals to the Gods of War (who are 
associated with the lightning-makers) in addition to other gods. 

a The fraiernities mentioned will be fully explained under the heading "Esoteric iraternitles." 


All the prayers, which are repeated in low and impressivj? tones, 
are much the same, the burden beini;- that the incominfj shi'warnii may 
be pure of heart, live the straight lite indicated by the line oi' pollen 
and beads;" and so please A'wonawil'ona, who is life itself, that the 
people may be l)lessed with nnich rain so that all seeds may develop; and 
that they may have long life, without death, and grow to that old age 
when one sleeps to awake young- agaiti in Ko'tiiiuwala'wa (abiding 
place of the Council of the Gods). It could not l)e discovered that 
any other special instruction was given to the novice. The .symbolic 
lines over the deerskin seemed to be so full of meaning as to render 
spoken words unnecessary. 

Many pleasantries and jokes are indulged in under tiie breath during 
the long ritual, antl commercial tobacco is constantly smoked by those 
who are waiting their turn. The only service performed by the Shi'- 
wano''kIa is the sui)piyiiig of corn husks from an adjoining room for 
the smokers. 

At the close of the ceremony, which continues six hours, the new 
associate shi'waimi, who remains in position four hours, and showing no 
signs of exhaustion until the last moment, is escorted to his dwelling, 
the wife's house, by the elder and younger brother Row priests. Tliere 
is no further ceremony over him until he meets with the Kia'kwemosi 
and other associates in the winter retreat, when the dual fetish 'kia'et'- 
tone and chu'et'tone is placed in his hands that he may draw from it 
the sacred breath. 

Pkepakation and Planting of Te'likinawe 

The preparation and planting of te'likinawe are among the princi- 
pal features of Zuiii worship and ritual. Thousands of these plume 
otieringsare made annually. Ever\' god and goddess in the Zufii pan- 
theon receives his or her particular otierings, which are readily dis- 
tinguished by them. Individual offerings are insignificant compared 
with those made by the various fraternities and organizations. 

The first body of A'shiwanni make otierings each month at the 
appropriate points of the compass. At each place an excavation is 
made, in depth equal to the length of the arm of the man who removes- 
the earth, and te'likinawe, with meal ground from toasted sweet 
corn and kia'waiawe (prayer meal) are deposited. The sweet corn is 
first sprinkled into the opening, then the prayer meal, after which 
te'likinawe are planted to the sun, moon, deceased predecessors, and 
others. The portion of the stick symbolizing the face always faces the 
east. The elder and younger brother Bow priests make additional 
offerings to the lightning-makers of the six regions, the A'pi"lashiwanni 
becoming after death colaborers with Ku'pishtiiya, the lightning- 

"This straight road must be followed in order to receive the gifts of the gods. 

172 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 

makers. The first prayer is to the Earth Mother to invoke the Sun 
Father's embrace to warm her children (fruits of the earth) into beinjr. 
Prayers are also oflered to the deceased predecessors. 

The plume stick indicates to whom the te'likinane is oflered, and 
the plumes attaciied convey tlie lu-eath prayers to the gods. The 
breath of the prayer combines with tiie breath of the gods to whom it 
is oflered to form clouds, behind which the rain-makers work. After 
the prayers the excavation is covered so that no trace of it remains. 

The preparation of te'likinawe is as follows: The first stick is 
measured by the hand, the part of the hand used depending on the 
length of the stick required. Sometimes the under side of the middle 
finger is used; then again, the length of the stick is equal to the dis- 
tance from the met^icarpus to the tip of the middle finger. Others are 
measured from the carpus and still others from the inner side of the 
bend of the elbow to the tip of the middle finger. After the first stick 
is cut it is used as a measure for the others. As each stick is made 
it is laid carefully in a basket tray or on the floor beside the worker 
until all are completed. The plumes are then attached with cotton 
cord, the character of the plumes depending on the character of the 
person to whom the oflering is to be made. The offerings are again 
laid side by side, but once more are removed for the coloring of the 
sticks. If a la'showanne (one or more plumes attached with cotton 
coi'd) is added, the string of the latter is dotted four times in black, 
symbolic of rain clouds. 

The plumes used bj' the A'shiwanni are flufl'y eagle plumes, from 
the under wing, and feathers of the birds of the six regions. To these 
are added butterflies, each shi'wanni using those of the color appro- 
priate to the region he repre.sents; darning needles (Enallagma exulans 
Hagen), and artificial flowers of the te'na.s'siili (mythical medicine 
plant bearing flowers of the colors of the six I'egions). Each of the 
fourteen A'shiwanni has two paint pots of black and one of red earth. 
These earth paints are supposed to have come from the undermost 
world. The pots, when not in use, are covered with buckskin secui'ely 
tied with cotton cord, to which bits of turquoise, ko'hakwa, and aba- 
lone shell are attached. The sticks of the te'likinawe oflered for cold 
rains and snows are colored with paint from one of the black pots and 
those for the summer rains are colored with paint from tlie other, an 
exception being when neither paint is used, but instead paint used by 
laymen. Should the paint of the A'shiwanni be used in the month of 
May, cold winds would come and destroy- the fruit. At this time the 
paint in common use for the te'likinawe is employed by the A'shiwanni. 

stevenson] retreat of shl'wanni of nadir 173 

Winter Retreat of the Shi'wanni of the Nadir" 

One of the most pleasing ceremonies observed during the writer's 
studies among the Zuiiis was the occasion of the winter retreat, in 1896, 
of Nai'uchi, Shi'wanni of the Nadir. Every opportunity was given to 
observe close!}' all the features of the ritual and to photograph, by 
Hash light, the elaborate meal painting with its interesting embel- 

The day is spent in silent prayers for rains and at night Nai'uchi 
and his associates, who have gathered in the large chamber of the 
house in which the et'tone is kept, are joined by their families, includ- 
ing the youngest infants. The vases containing the et'tone and other 
sacred objects are brought from the et'tone chamber, which adjoins 
this room. The shi'wanni begins a pollen and meal painting in the 
eastern end of the i-oom, the painting extending frou) the north toward 
the south, by running a line of meal south; he afterward forms lines 
at right angles by sprinkling meal from the east, and again from the 
west, to the main line. He now outlines the cloud symbol, using his two 
eagle-wing plumes to efface anj' imperfections. Afterward he adds 
slightly to the length of the main line of meal, and an associate on the 
opposite side continues the line. The shi'wanni and his third associate 
sit' on wadded blankets west of the meal line, and his Hrst and second 
associates sit on the east side. After the meal line is completed, the 
shi'wanni tills in the outlines of the cloud symbol with white meal, 
while an associate ou the other side outlines six scallops in meal, corn 
pollen, and charred corncob, which vary in size, the largest being 
next to the cloud design, east of the line of meal and connected with 
it. The associate west of the line forms circles by adding similar scal- 
lops on his side, and the circles are tilled in with meal. The shi'wanni 
now proceeds to emptj- one of two vases. 

A number of concretion fetishes are removed and deposited in a 
basket containing eight mi'wachi.* These are most sacred fetishes 
and emblems of mystery medicine. They are afterward handed one 
by one to an associate opposite, who places them along the meal line. 
Other stone objects from a medicine box and buckskin sacks are added 
until the line seems a solid mass of irregular stones, some of them 
verj' attractive. A reed Hute is laid on one side.'' 

As soon as the shi'wanni has handed over many objects to the asso- 
ciate he proceeds to arrange the fetishes aljout the cloud symbol. A 
most beautiful ol)sidian knife, 8 inches in length, is deposited on the 
east side of the painting; then one, half the size, on the opposite side. 
The shi'wanni' afterward distributes a number of arrow points of 

ft While each .shi'wanni, with liis associates, malces a retreat of one day and night in winter, when 
the et'tone and other fetislies are placed about a meal painting, the summer retreat is for a longer 

('Seep. 416. 

cThis flute was secured after Nai'uchi's death for the United States National JIn.seum. 

174 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. a.nn. 23 

various sizes and foi'iiis over the' cloud syuit)()l, and an arrow point is 
placed at the end of each of the two lines radiating- from the extreme 
end of the meal and pollen circles. 

Nai'uchi and an associate each form a small cross of meal on oppo- 
site sides of the meal line by running- four lines inward to the center, 
s^'mbolic of the four regions. The cross is encircled with meal, sym- 
bolizing the whole world. The circle is afterward covered with strings 
of precious beads, which form a cincture pad, upon which the two 
men place medicine bowls. The eight mi'wachi" are placed in line 
across the back of the cloud symbol, and tortoise shells, the first 
objects taken from the second vase, are deposited at either end of the 
line of mi'wachi. The shi'wanni now bathes his hands in prayer meal 
and removes the dual et'tone from the vase, the wrappings about each 
part forming a sort of square package. These are laid back of the 
line of mi'wachi for a short time, and then the shi'wanni opens each 
package in the most reverent and impressive manner, for they are 
almost too precious to be touched even b}' the hands of the shi'wanni 
himself. This dual fetish is placed midway on the cloud symbol, the 
'kia'et'tone being east of the chu'et'tone (see plate xxxiv). A more 
solemn occasion than that of the placing of the et'tone on the cloud 
symbol and the ceremonies attending its presence could not be imag- 
ined. All hearts and minds are tilled with the adoration of the holiest 
of fetishes, with hopes for the dualistic influence upon the gods to 
water the earth. This is a supreme moment with the Zuiiis, and can 
be compared only with the administering of the Holy Eucharist in 
the Roman Catholic church. 

Nai'uchi now raises the third associate, who has recently been ordained, 
by taking both hands in his. and stands him next to the mi'wachi and 
cloud symbol. The shi'wanni again washes his hands in meal and, 
taking the kia'et'tone in his right hand and the chu'ettone in his 
left, he holds them with the clasped hands of the newly ordained 
associate and makes a long prayer, that the man may walk in the 
straight road of day. be pure of heart, and so please the gods that 
they will make the earth rich with her being. This prayer is repeated 
over the new associate by the other two in turn, each washing his 
hands in meal before handling the et'tone. When the second associate 
closes his prayer Nai'uchi receives the et'tone, first having rubbed his 
hands with meal, and returns its two parts to the meal symbol. 
The new associate is now seated in his former place by Nai'uchi, who 
places his hands on the associate's shoulders, motioning to the six 
regions, and gives him a push into his seat, resuming his own. 

a The beautiful mi'wachi displayed at the ceremony of the it'tong are the property of the A'shi- 
wanni by virtue of their membership in the order of O'naya'nakia (mystery medicine) of an 
esoteric fraternity. The altars seen during the ceremonies associated with anthropio worship are 
also the property of these fraternities, who are present by invitation, to furnish music for the 
dances of the gods. 



Nai'uchi calls for a vase of water, which ia brought by the female 
associate, and, dipping' six gourdfuls, empties it into the medicine bowl 
on the west side of him, and hands six gourdfuls to the associate oppo- 
site, who empties the water into the medicine bowl on his side of the 
line. The shi'wanni now sprinkles meal into his bowl and drops six 
concretion fetishes for fructitication sepai-ately into the water; as he 
holds each one he prays to the u'wannami (rain-makers) of one of the 
six regions. The associate forms a cross of powdered root and encir- 
cles the cross with it, afterward sprinkling the root over the surface 
of the water. 

After Nai'uchi, with long prayers, consecrates the water in his bowl, 
he stands and whirls the rhombus, whila thtf associate whips the mix- 
ture in his bowl into frothy suds,- symbolic of clouds. A single reed 
is used in making the suds, a more slender one being applied to keep 
them in ])lace in the bowl." 

The other associate on the east side plays the flute. ■ All this is an 
invocation to the gods for rain — the one great and perpetual prayer of 
the people of this arid land. The shi'wanni now lays aside the rhom- 
bus and, dipping his two eagle plumes into the consecrated water, 
sprinkles the ofl'erings. This dipping of the plumes into the water 
and sprinkling is repeated six times, and quiet reigns for a short 
while. Again the shi'wanni stands and whirls the rhombus while 
an associate plays the flute, and the recently ordained member 
shakes the rattle of shells suspended from a crooked stick to which 
plumes are attached. This rattle is used only in ceremonials of the 
A'shiwanni. The other associate constantly sprinkles meal over the 
meal line, beginning always at the far end of the lino, with prayers, 
which continue throughout the ceremony of inv'ocation to the rain- 
makers,* to enter and pass up the line of pollen and meal. The shi'- 
wanni and associates each in turn sprinkle meal up the line, though 
the shi'wanni is the principal actor. All night the appeal to the 
gods continues in low, weird, yet musipal tones. The invocation is as 

Inrocatioii to the V'mvnnami 

Come you, ascend the ladder; all come in; all sit down. 
We were poor, poor, piior, poor, poor, poor. 
When we came to this world through the poor place. 
Where the body of water dried for our passing. 

a The Sia Indians are much more expert than the Zunis in making suds and Iceeping the mass in 
place. It was not observed that the Sia used the extra reed, yet they bank the suds much higher 
than the Zuiiis. 

bit will be borne in mind that the rain-makers are the deceased A'shiwi- 

17(5 THE ZUNl INDIANS [etb. ann. 23 

Banked up doiiiln [cuiinili] cover the earth. 
All come four times with your showers, 
Descend to the base of the ladder and stand still; 
Bring your showers and great rains. 
All, all come, all ascend, all come in, all sit down." 

[The above stanza is repeated four times.] 


I throw out to you my sacred meal that you may all come. 

Hold your gaming-stick; throw it forward; all come. 

Hold your gaming-ring; throw it forward; all come. 

All come out and give us your showers and great rains; all come, 

That the seeds may 1)§ strong and come up, that all seed plants may come 

up and be strong. 
Come you that all trees and seeds may come up and be strong. 
Come you hither; all come. 


Cover my earth mother four times with many flowers. 

Let the heavens be covered with the lianked up clouds. 

Let the earth be covered with fog; cover the earth with rains. 

Great waters, rains, cover the earth. Lightning cover the earth. 

Let thunder be heard over the earth; let thunder be heard; 

Let thunder be heard over the six regions of the earth. 


Rain-makers, come out from all roads that great rivers may cover the earth; 

That stones may be moved by the torrents; 

That trees may be ui)rooted and moved by the torrents. 

Great rain-makers, come out from all roads, carry the sands of our earth 
mother of the place. 

Cover the earth with her heart, b that all seeds may develop, 

That my children may have all things to eat and be happy; 

That the people of the outlying villages may all laugh and be happy; 

That the growing children may all have things to eat and be happy. 

This way our great father 'kla'ettonf wishes you to come. 

This way '' our great mother clui'ettonC' wishes you to come; 

That we may have all kinds of seeds and all things good; 

That we may inhale the sacre<l breath of life; 

That our fathers 'kia'ettowe and our mothers chu'ettowe may bring us happy 

Let our children live and be happy. 

Send us the good south winds. 

Send us your breath over the lakes that our great world may be made beau- 
tiful and our people may live. 

a At these words the .^'shiwanni sprinkle meal up the line of Setishes, symbolic of the rain-makers 
passing over the meal line. 
^Reference to rains. The unexpressed idea is, water is the heart and life of the earth. 
(■Reference to the spirits of the rain-makers passing over the meal line to the ft'tone. 


There, far off, my Sun Father arises, ascends the ladder, comes forth from 

his place. 
May all complete the road of life, may all grow old. 
May the children inhale more of the sacred hreath of life. 
May all my chil<lren have corn that they may complete the road of life. 
Here sit down; here remain; we give you our best thoughts. 
Hasten over the meal road; we are jealous of you. 
We inhale the sacred breath through our prayer jilumes. 

In the summer retreat of the A'shiwanni thunder .stones are brought 
out and durino- the invocation to the rain-maker.s are rolled down the 
line of meal and pollen to a formed by two concentric circles of 
corn pollen just beyond the arrow points at the far end of the meal 
and pollen line (see plate xxxv). The shi'wanni is the first to roll the 
stone, and his as.sociate removes it from the disk, which is spoken of 
as the house of the thunder stone, and. returning to the meal painting, 
starts it down the line. In this way the shi'wanni and his associates 
take their turns in rolling the thunder stones. Tliese .stones vary 
from li to 4 or b inches in diameter and are among the most sacred 
objects to be found among the Zuiiis, who believe that these stones 
were dropped to the earth ))v the rain-makers while playing their 

At the rising of the morning star a kia'etchine (group of te'liki- 
nawe wrapped together at the base) is carried by tlie first associate 
shi'wanni to a field of Nai'uchi's; he is accompanied bj' another whirling 
a rhombus. Each is provided with a long necked gourd jug, the bulb 
covered with cotton netting and having four white flutty eagle plumes 
attached at equal distances around the lower edge of the netting. 
Meal ground from roasted sweet corn and prayer meal are sprinkled 
into an excavation'' and the te'likinawe are placed with the ej^es 
looking to the east, as the A'shiwanni express it, each te'likinane 
having three black dots on the upper end of the stick, representing eyes 
and mouth. . A prayer is repeated by the two associates after the te'liki- 
nawe are planted; meal is sprinkled during the prayer. The jugs are 
filled from a spring, and the two return to the ceremonial chamber. 
The first associate deposits the water into a medicine bowl on the fioor 
on the northeast side of the cloud symbol; the other hands his jug to 
the shi'wanni, who empties the water into a bowl west of the painting. 

The women join in the song for a short time, after which the ofler- 
ings made by the women are distributed among the shi'wanni and his 

« A fine specimen of a thunder stone of a highly silicified volcanic rock resembling chalcedony has 
been secured and deposited in the National Museum. 

ft Excavations used for the offerings of the A'shiwanni at the time of their winter and summer 
retreats are made with the 'semO (ancient bean planter), the depth being the length of a man's arm. 

23 ETH— 04 12 

178 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth, ans. 23 

associates. Plate xxxv shows the offerings, consisting of ears of corn, 
bowls containing grains of corn of various colors, bead necklaces 
and bangles made of meal in imitation of silver, and young shoots of 
peach trees with artificial fruit of dried he'palokia-' and sweet corn. 
Both are ground, the latter after it has been l)oiled, made into a stiff 
paste with cold water, and molded into balls and tinted. 

All included in the ceremony move the objects up and down in time 
to the songs of thanksgiving to the gods for the gifts that have 
been received. The moving of the brilliant corn and liighly decorated 
baskets by the men and women, the beautiful arms of the latter being 
exposed, is the rhythm of motion. The songs of thanksgiving, with 
the raising and lowering of the offerings, continue without cessation 
fifty minutes, after which a low prayer is made })y Nai'uchi, and the 
offerings are removed to another part of the roou). 

The maker of the suds pushes his cloud bowl forward to a group of 
women, and each takes a handful of suds and rubs it first on her chest, 
then over her arms and legs. The bowl is afterward carried around 
the room, that all may bathe with the suds. The third associate carries 
the bowl of consecrated water, administering a draft from a shell to 
all present. He begins at the west end of the room, giving it to the 
shi'wanni and associates last. 

After partaking of the consecrated water, the shi'wanni removes the 
mi'wachi one bj- one from the painting, carefully blowing off' any meal 
that may have dropped on the feathers, and returns them to the 
basket. He next removes the chu'ettone, while the associate by his side 
takes the 'kia'ettone. They blow off every particle of meal that may 
have remained on the fetishes. Each fetish is first wrapped in a piece of 
cotton cloth, then in deerskin, and then carefully tied. The shi'wanni 
now tenderly returns the chu'ettone to the vase, and after receiving the 
'kia'ettone from the associate deposits it by the side of the other. 
While the fetishes are being placed in the vase the two associates 
opposite the shi'wanni are engaged in returning the stone fetishes to 
the medicine box and sacks from which they were taken. After all 
objects are removed the second associate sweeps the meal and pollen 
into a heap, and, carrying it to the river, casts it into the waters, that 
it ma^' go to Ko'thluwala'wa. 

Without further ceremony the owners of four of the mi'wai-hi. who 
are related to the shi'wanni or associates, leave the chamber with their 
fetishes. The fetishes directly associated with the et'tone are returned 
with it to its room. Then the shi'wanni and associates have their heads 
bathed by the female associate, after which the usual feast is served, 
which Nai'uchi, his associates, and their families enjoy. First, how- 
ever, a portion of the food is gathered by the shi'wanni and associates 
and cast into the fire, to be convej'ed to the ancestral gods. 

aSeep. 365. 

























stevenson] summer retreat of shi'wanni 179 

Summer Retreat of a Shi'wanni 

An account of the sunimer retreat of the shi'wanni possessing the 
ct'tonc, which is supposed to liavc come from the Bhick Corn clan, was 
giv(Mi the writer hv the siii'waiuii liiuisclf and verified by the third 
associate, one of the brightest Indians in Zufii. 

The Iiouse in which the et'tone of the Black Corn clan is kept is one 
of the oldest in the village. It is accessible on one side from a street 
and on the other from a plaza. The room of the sacred fetish is 
on the ground floor, Ijut can he entered only by a ladder from an 
upper chamber. This room is not over 8 by -t feet and has a low ceil- 
ing. Its walls are elaborately decorated with cloud symbols and two 
Ko'loowisi (plumed serpents). The sacred frog, wearing a cloud cap 
with lightning shooting forth, stands with each foot on the tongue of 
a KoMoowisi. This decoration, which is not to be found in the other 
chambers of the et'towe, is due to the fact that the shi'wanni at the time 
referred to also had charge of the Ko'loowisi fetish (see plate xxxvi). 

The room where the retreat is made is directly above the chamber 
of the et'tone, and there is an opening 12 by 18 inches in the floor, 
through which meal is constantly sprinkled during the retreat. At 
other times this hatchway is closed ])y a stone slab set in plaster. 

The shi'wanni and his associates gather in the chamber of the et'tone 
at sunrise on the fifth morning of the retreat. The shi'wanni makes a 
cloud symbol of corn pollen and white meal on the floor, and the et'tone 
separated into its two parts, with other fetishes and arrow points, are 
placed thereon, the et'tone being the most important object. The shi'- 
wanni and associates descend to this chamber on the three following days 
at sunrise, noon, and sunset to invoke the presence of the gods. On the 
eighth and last day of the retreat a similar painting to the one in the 
room below is made on the floor of the upper room, and an even more 
elaborate display is made, when the families consanguineous to the shi'- 
wanni and his associates gather for the night, presenting a most inter- 
esting picture, similar to that described in the ceremonj^ of the Shi'- 
wanni of the Nadir. The te'likinawe are planted in the manner 
described in the winter retreat of the Shi'wanni of the Nadir. 

On the morning that the retreat closes, an excavation is made, in the 
manner heretofore described, close to the one that was dug at the begin- 
ning of the retreat, and te'likinawe are deposited just as they were on 
the first day in the other excavation. Both openings are now covered, 
tlie first remaining open until the second one receives the te'likinawe. 

At sunrise the heads of the shi'wanni and the three associates are 
washed by the female associate, after which a feast is enjoyed. Then 
the shi'wanni and associates each place food in a tine baslvet, and carry- 
ing it to the fireplace, where there are a few embers, consign it to the 
fire with prayers to the ancients of all regions, the dead Zufiis. to water 
the earth. The retreat of all the A'shiwanni are for the same object — 
rains to fructify the earth— and the ceremonials vary but slightly. 

180 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Ordm' of lietreut of the A'xliiwanni in 1891 

The following is the order of retreat of the A'shiwanni as observed 
by the writer in the summer of 1891: 

Kla'kwemosi retires June 26; leaves retreat July 4. 
Shi'wanui of the West retires July 4; leaves retreat July 12. 
Shi'wanni of the South retires July 12; leaves retreat July 20. 
Shi'wanni of the East retires July 20; leaves retreat July 28. 
Shi'wanni of the Zenith retires July 28; leaves retreat August 1. 
Shi'wanni of the Nadir retires August 1; leaves retreat August 5." . 
Shi'wanni of Eagle clan retires August 5; leaves retreat August 9. 
Shi'wanni of Dogwood clan retires Augu.«t 9; leaves retreat August 17. 
Shi'wanni of Black Corn clan retires Augu.^t 17; leaves retreat August 2.i. 
Shi'wanni of Shu'niaakwe fraternity (Chaparral Cock clan) retires August 

25; leaves retreat August 29. 
Shi'wanni of Sun clan retires August 29; leaves retreat September 2. 
Shi'wanni of Corn clan (Kla'nakwe) retires September 2; leaves retreat 

September 6. 
Shi'wanni of Corn clan retires September 6; leaves retreat September 10. 
Shi'wanni of Corn clan retires September 10; leaves retreat September 14. 



The drama of the 'hla'hewc (singular Mila'ha),'' which is enacted quad- 
rennial!}' in August when the corn is a foot high, is supposed to be a 
rep^'oduction of the ceremonies held at the time of the third appearance 
of the Corn maidens l)efore the A'shiwi, and is regarded as one 
of their most sacred festivals. Great preparations were made liy the 
A'shiwi for the tliird coming of the Corn maidens, who were to dance 
that rains would come and water the earth, tliat the new corn might 
be made beautiful to look upon, and that the earth would furnish all 
food for nourishment. While the drama must be played once in four 
years, it may occur moi-e often by ordei- of the first body of A'shiwanni.'" 

In 1890 there was a special play of the 'Hla'hewe, owing to the fact 
that the former pe'kwin (sun priest) had been impeached for having 
cau.sed a drought, and it was necessary that the new incum})eiit should 
become acquainted with this draiua, in which he plays an important 
part. The Zufiis declare this celebration of the festival brought so much 
rain that they danced all night in mud instead of on the hard ground. 
When the writer visited Zufii in 1891, she expressed regret to the 
Kia'kwemosi (rain priest of the North) and the elder brother Bow priest 
that she had failed to be present at the drama of the 'Hla'hewe in the 
previous year, and asked if it were not possible to repeat the ceremonj-. 
Whereupon the Kia'kwemosi declared that this could not be done as 

" The elder and younger Bow priests nlso make a retreat at this season. 
''■Hla'ha, rabbit sliin blanliet. The name signifies fecnndity. 

'•The writer learned when at Ziifii in 1902 that the "Hla'hewe (irama had not been performed since 
1891, owing, the Indians said, to their wish to iteep tlie sacred ceremony from the eyes of Americans. 


his people would at once suspect him of holding a festival in order 
that the writer might make notes and pictures. After much consult- 
ing between the Kia'kwemosi and elder brother Bow priest, they con- 
cluded that as certain prisoners at Fort Wingate, from Oraibi (a Hopi 
village), supposed by the Indians to be sorcerers, had stated that thej' 
would cause a drougiit throughout the Pueblo country if they were 
not liberated," they might include the 'Hla'hewe drama among the addi- 
tional ceremonies, as it was of special value for rains. 

Wiiile the drama is known as the 'Hla'hewe, the dancers and the 
choirs form into two parties, one side being called 'Hla'hewe, the other 
Sho'ko'we (singular sho'kona, flute), having reference to Pa'yatiimu 
(god of music, flowers, and butterflies). 

The first body of A'shiwanni assemble in the house of the Shi'wan- 
o"kia (priestess of fecundity), to arrange for the drama which is to 
occur in eight days. They decide who shall perform the parts in the 
drama for which permanent actors are not pi'ovidecl. The Shi'wano"kia 
is present, but remains silent. 

The following table gives the participants in the 'Hla'hewe and the 
mode of selection: 


First body of A'shiwanni, women wlio ofticiate with mi'wachi. '' 

'Illa'heire Sho'ko'ice 

A'wan mo'sona (director-general). A'wan mo'sona. 

Vice a'wan nio'sona. Vice a'wan mo'sona. 

Two he'kupowanhak'tona (virgins who Two ushiin'ashute (virgins who dance 

dance at sunset), impersonated by at sunset), impersonated by fe- 

females. males. 

One sho'lipsiraonthle'ona (virgin who 

dances with the he'kupowanliak'to- 

na), impersonated by a male. 
Two 'kia'punakwe, virgins ( water-sprin- Two 'kta'punakwe, impersonated by a 

klers), impersonated by a youth and youth and a maiden. 

a maiden. 
Man of Frog clan. '' Position permanent. 
One a'shuwahiinona (plume-waver), also 

called shuts'ina after the hawk whose 

plumes he carries. 
Ten mi'laiiliipo'na ( jjersonators of the Ten mi'laiiliipo'na. 

Corn maidens), the two females 

personating the Yellow and Blue 

Corn maidens being designated as 

a'mosono'"kIa (directresses-general). 

""These men are not only sorcerers but thoroughly imbueri with the lore of medicine." They 
spread consternation among the Pueblos, not only of Hopis and Zunis, but of the Rio Grande 
Indians as well, and all were having extra prayers and dances. 

tSeep. 416. 

cThe present incumbent is warrior to the Snake fraternity. 

182 THE ZTTNI INDIANS [eth. ann. Zi 

Four 'kia'potiikwe (dance at Hiiiirisc), Fcmr 'kla'potiikwe. 

impersonated by females. 
One ya'pota (symbolizer i>f corn ), a male, 

who dances that tlie ears of corn may 

he perfect. 
Four 'hla'he o'tiikwe (female daiiccr.«) FourSho'koo'tiikwe ( female dancer.^). 

Mo'sona (director) and vice mo'sona of Mo'sona and vice mo'sona of choir. 

Ten singers and a drummer. Ten singers and a drummer. 

Mo'sona of flutists and nine additional 

The A' wan mo'sona and vice A' wan mo'sona of both sides, he'kupowanhak'tona, 
A'shuwahiinonaof the 'Hla'he we, and ushan'ashute of the Sho'ko'we side areselecteil 
by the pe'kwiu and notilied by the elder brother Bow priest. The man of the Froj; 
clan is notified by the elder lirother Bow priest. The sho'lipsimonthle'ona is chosen 
and notified by the elder brother Bow priest. The 'kia'punakwe, mi'laiiliipo'na, 
and 'kla'potiikwe of both sides are chosen and notified by the pe'kwin. The 
ya'pota, 'Hla'he o'tiikwe, and choir of the 'Hla'hewe side are chosen and notified by 
the A'wan mo'sona of this side, an^d the Sho'ko o'tiikwe and choir of the Sho'ko'we 
side are chosen and notified by its A'wan mo'sona. The mo'sona of the flutists is 
notified by the A'wan mo'sona <)f the Sho'ko'we side, and he in turn notifies tiie 
other flutists. 

A'wan mo'sona and vice A'wan mo'sona of both sides may belong to any clan. 
The he'kupowanhak'tona and ushiin'ashute are children or grandchildren of the 
first body of A'shiwanni. They must abstain eight days from animal food and 
salt. Should they not be virgins, the green corn would be destroyed by worms. 
The sho'lipsimonthle'ona must he a son or grandson of one of the first body of A'shi- 
wanni, and he must abstain eight days from animal food and salt. In the ceremony 
described the sho'lipsimonthle'ona is personateil by a grandson of Nai'uchi, Siii'- 
wanni of the Nadir and elder brother Bow priest. This youth adopted female attire 
several years after the ceremony here <lescrihed. 

The 'kia'punakwe of the 'Hla'hewe side inust be of the Dogwood clan or children 
of the clan," and the 'kia'punakwe of the Sho'ko'we side must belong to the Corn 
clan or be children of this clan. They must aljstain from animal food and salt four 
days, which fast begins the mornhig they, go to the liiim'pone (pavilion). 

The A'.shiwanni. haviiio- enjoyed a feast, retire from the house of 
the Sln'wano"kia at midnight and .sleep until dawn in their homes, 
when the}' again gather in her house and prepare la'showawe (singular 
la'showane, one or more plumes attached to a cotton cord), each con- 
sisting of a tail and a wing feather of the 'hiai'aluko, mountain blue- 
bird (Sialia arctica). The two feathers are joined at the quill ends so 
as to form a V and wrapped with cotton cord. The feathers to he 
given to men are from the male bird, those for the women from the 
female bird. When the la'showawe are completed the elder brother 
Bow priest is first dispatched for the A'wan mo'sona and vice A'wan 
mo'sona of the 'Hla'hewe, who accompau}' him to the house of the 
Shi'wano"kia, and then for those who are to till similar positions on the 
Sho'ko'we side. Again the elder brother Bow priest leaves the house 
and returns with the he'kupowanhak'tona and .sho'lipsimonthle'ona. 

a See List of clans. 


Each party brought l)y the elder brother Bow priest is presented 
with a hi'showanne 1)y the pe'kwiii, who says to each: "May j-our 
heart ho good; niay you have good thoughts; may you speak with one 
tongue, that the rains may come." 

The pe'kwiri gives additional la'showawe to the A'wan a'mosi to be 
distributed by them among the others. Tiie la'showanne is attached to 
the left side of the head of each recipient by the cotton cord from 
which the feathers are suspended and by a strand of hair. These la'sho- 
wawe are planted in the fiekls with tc'likinawe on the morning after 
the close of the drama. All now return to their homes, the pe'kwin 
carrying the remaining la'showawe. After eating he visits the houses 
of the 'kia'punakwe, notifying them of their appointment and giving 
to each a la'showanue. which he attaches to the hair on the left side of 
the head. 

The two choirs in separate houses begin practicing the night they 
are notitied. The A'wan a'mosi and A'wan a'mosono'ivia are present 
at the rehearsals. The A'wan a'mosi join in the songs, but the A'wan 
a'mosono'"kia are silent. On the day following the notification the two 
choirs assemble at dawn in the Shi'wano"kia\s house to accompany the 
dancers. The 'Hla'hewe choir group in the southeast corner of the 
room and the Sho'ko'we choir" in the northeast corner. 

The iirst body of A'shiwanni sit in line on the south ledge which 
extends around the walls of the room. Two large Apache baskets 
containing ears of yellow corn, symbolic of the Yellow Corn maiden, 
and two tilled with blue corn, symboli5;ing the Blue Corn maiden,'' 
stand in line, the baskets of yellow corn l)cing north of the others in 
the west end of the room. The A'wan mosono'^kia personating the 
Yellow Corn maiden sits back of the baskets of yellow corn, and the 
A'wan mosono''kia personating the Blue Corn maiden sits back of 
the baskets of blue corn. Each woman has a pottery meal basket in 
front of her. 

The 'kia'potiikwe danceat sunrise, tirst on the Sho'ko'we side, when 
they carry yellow corn from the baskets, and afterward on the 
'Hla'hewe side, when blue corn is cari'ied. In the former case the 
yellow corn is given to the dancers by the A'wan mo'sono"kia per- 
sonating the Yellow Corn maiden, and thej^ are led to the floor by the 
A'wan mo'sono'*kTa personating the Blue Corn maiden. She remains 
but a few moments on the floor, but afterward returns and continues 
dancing for a short time after the 'kia'potiikwe retire. Before the 
yellow corn is exchanged for the blue, the Shi'wano"kia takes the 
clasped hand of each dancer, the corn being held between the hands, 

«The Zunis claim that ttie songs of the Sho'ko'we are sung in their ancient tongue, and the 
Laguna Indians also claim that these songs are in their archaic tongue. The Zuiiis in general 
resent the claim of the Lagunas. but a number of their priests have stated that the old tongue of 
the Zunis is the same as the ancient language of the Lagunas. 

'' Yellow is the color lor the north, the Yellow Corn maiden representing that region; and blue is 
the color for the west, the Blue Corn maiden being the representative. 

184 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. axn. 23 

and the corn three or four times before the lip.s of the girl, 
with a pi'aj'er that she may inhale the sacred ))reath of life. 'Plie 
dancers now pass to the A' wan nio'sono"'kia of the Sho'ko'we side, who 
repeats the passing' of the corn before the lips of the 'kia'potiikwe and 
returns it to the basket. The A'wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side, 
who is now in her place b\' the baskets, gives blue corn to the 'kia'po- 
tiikwe, and they are led to the floor })y the A'wan mosono"kia of tlie 
Sho'ko''we side. She, too, remains only a short time, Init returns and 
stays on the floor dancing until the 'kia'potiikwe have returned the 
blue corn, when she returns to her place and the 'kia'potiikwe leave 
the chamber. 

The girls who act as 'Hla'he and Sho'ko o'tiikwe gather in an adjoin- 
ing room and come forward as required, eight at a time, with the 
ya'pota in the middle of the line. Thej' begin to dance as soon as the 
'kia'potiikwe have retired. The dancers ai'e attired in their ordinary 
dress, but are careful to wear their best moccasins and elaborate 
necklaces. They repeat the performance of the 'kia'potiikwe. They 
carry first the yellow corn, and afterward the blue corn, receiving 
the corn and returning it in the manner previously described. They 
are led to the floor first by the A'wan iiio'sono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe 
side and afterward by the A'wan nio'sono"kia of the Sho'ko'we 
side, in the same manner as the 'kia'potiikwe. The corn is passed 
before their lips first by the Shi'wano"kia and afterward b}- the 
A'wan nio'sono"kia, as described above. After the first set of girls 
and the youth have danced with the yellow and blue corn, they retire, 
and another set take their places. The dance continues, except dur- 
ing the noonday feast, until the arrival of the he'kupowanhak'tona, 
sho'lipsimonthle'ona. and Ushana'shutt an hour before sunset, when 
they take the floor. These dances occur on three alternate davs in the 
. house of the Shi'wano"kia. 

On the seventh morning the two A'wan a'mosi, with their vicars and 
men selected by them, construct an extensive hilm'pone in the Si'aa' 
te'wita, sacred dance court, immediately in front of the He'iwa 
ki'wi'sine (ceremonial house of the Kia'kwe a'mosi), the lower door 
of the house opening into the west side, or back, of the hiim'pone. 
Heavy poles support the beams and over them is canvas covered with 
spruce (Pseudotsuga douglassii) boughs, the edge of the roof being 
fringed with spruce and cedar boughs, and the south wall formed of 
spruce and a small quantity of cedar. The personators of the A'wan 
ta"chu (Great Father), the pe'kwin, and the Pi"'lashiwanni (warrior) of 
the Ko'yemshi" gather the boughs and place them in position. 

The first body of A'shiwanni. the A'wan a'mosi with their fel- 
lows, the mi'laiilapo'na, and the two choirs assemble in the O'he'wa 

a See p. 33. 


hla'hewe ceremony for rain 


ki'wi'sine," the pe'kwin having- previously made a cloud symbol of 
meal on the floor, extending a line of meal eastward from the symbol. 
Later he forms four concentric circles of meal, on which he places 
a medicine bowl, after which he arranges the mi'wachi of the A'shi- 

I 2 3 4- 5 6 7 8 9 lo II 12. 





OO • • < 


1 • • 

• oo 


o o\ 



oooo o« 



O e 





o » 


180 » 

R □" 

o • 


o • 


o » 



O 9 




. 31 

, ® • • 

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. -55. 




Fig. 6 — Diagram of the 'Hla'hewe ceremony in the ki'wi'sinf: 1, Shi'wano"liia: 2, younger brother 
Bow priest: 3, Shi'wanni of the West; 4, Shi'wanni of the Soutlt; 5. Shi'wanni of the East: (i, 7. 'kla'- 
punal£we (youth and maiden): 8. Kla'kwemosi; 9, associate Kla'kwemosi; 10 andll. 'kla'punakwe 
(youth and maiden); 12, pe'kwin (sun priest): 13. elder brotlier Bow priest; 14, mi'wachi: 1.5, 
water jugs and vases of the 'kia'punakwe; 16. mi'Iaiilapona of 'Hla'lieweside; 17. baskets of mi'laii- 
lapona of 'Hla'hewe side; l.S. baskets of mi'Iaiilapona of Sho'ko'we side; 19, mi'Iaiilapona of Sho'- 
ko'we side: 20, basket of corn and te'likinawe: 21, basket of corn of 'Hla'hewe side: 22. medicine 
bowl: 23, basket of corn of 'Hla'hewe choir; 24. basket of corn of Sho'ko'we side; 25, prayer meal 
basket; 26, baskets of corn; 27, blanket: 2.S, tire altar; 29, basket of corn of Sho'ko'we choir; 30, 
drum of 'Hla'hewe choir; 31, directors of 'Hla'hewe side; 32, 'Hla'hewe choir; 33, drum of Sho'ko'we 
choir; 34, directors of Sho'ko'we side; 35, Sho'ko'we choir. 

wanni in line on the west side of the cloud .symbol (see figure 6). The 
preparations and ceremony in O'he'wa ki'wi'sine were as follows: 

The men assemble in the ki'wi'sine and prepare te'likinawe. After 
eagle, turkey, and other plumes are attached to the upper ends of the 
sticks, they are colored black. A diminutive crook (symbolic of lon- 
gevity), with la'showawe attached, is bound with cotton cord to each 

a Some years ago the ceremony here described occurred in the Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine owing to the 
O'he'wa being unfit for occupancy. 

186 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 2! 

te'likinane, and the te'likinane with its companion is wrapped in a 
corn husk wtiich only partially covers the plumes, the wrapping being 
secured by a ribbon of husk. The te'likinawe thus wrapped are 
deposited in baskets of corn, the feathers fringing the edge of the 
baskets, which are in position by the cloud symbol. These offerings 
are made to the rain-makers to induce them to intercede with the 
Sun Father, that he may embrace the rains of the earth, that the 
corn may grow to be beautiful to look upon and good to eat. The 
*Hla'hewe and Sho'ko'we choirs deposit their te'likinawe in separate 

After the te'likinawe are completed the Kia'kwemosi takes his seat 
by the medicine bowl. A woman places a vase of water and a gourd 
by him, and he dips six gourdfuls of water from the vase, emptying 
it into the bowl. He now drops six a'thlashi (concretions; sacred to 
the mother of corn of the six regions) separately' into the medicine 
bowl, raising high each stone and praying before depositing it into 
the bowl {2'2 of tigure 6). After the consecration -of the water a 
blanket (27 of tigure (J) is spread upon the floor a short distance in 
front of the cloud sj'mbol. The pe'kwin takes his seat to the west 
of the blanket; the elder brother Bow priest sits south and the 
younger brother Bow priest north of it. The ten mi'laiiliipo'na of 
the 'Hla'hewe side are .seated in line south of the meal Ihie extending 
from the meal symbol, and the ten mi'laiiliipo'na of the Sho'ko'we 
side are seated in line north of the meal painting. Some of these 
women are white-haired and aged. Each has a basket of corn before 
her. Those of the Sho'ko'we side have, in addition to the corn, 
'hle'we (tablets) ornamented with sun, moon, star, and cloud symbols, 
with white fluffy eagl(> plumes surmounting the tablets. Those of 
the 'Hla'hewe side have 'hla'we (slender stems of a plant) about 18 
inches long, painted white and adorned with delicate white duck 
feathers in groups of two, the space between being of the width of 
{he tirst three fingers placed cro.sswise within a few inches of their 
ends. Each basket is covered with a white embroidered kilt. The 
choir of the 'Hla'hewe side is grouped in the southeast corner and 
that of the Sho'ko'we side in the northeast end of the i-oom. The 
flutists prepare te'likinawe in the ceremonial chambers of the Ma"ke 
'Saii'nakwe (Little Fire fraternity) and Pe'sha'silo'kwe (Cimex frater- 
nity). The ears of corn, tied together in twos, are taken from the 
baskets in turn by the A'wan a'mosi of the choirs and the others, and 
deposited on the blanket to the right of the elder )>rother Bow priest, 
who at intervals holds a bunch of the corn between his hands and 
prays. He afterward makes a cavity in the end of each ear. After 
each ear is prepared by him he hands it to the pe'kwin. who deposits 
seeds in the cavity and passes it to the younger Ijrother Bow priest, 
who seals the opening with a paste of j-ucca fruit softened in the 


mouth before it is applied. The younger brother Bow priest lays 
each ear as it is completed to his left on the blanket, and it is returned 
by the j)roper parties to the baskets. Afterward the corn is placed 
with that stacked in tSie house of each individual who receives it. 

After the preparation of the corn the mo'sonaof the'Hla'hewe choir 
passes to each mi'laiiliipo'na of his side and tells her in low tones to 
go to the Sho'ko'we choir and ask them to work for the 'Hla'hewe. 
As each man is interrogated he replies "Yes,"- in a voice scarcely 
audible. The women return to their seats and the members of the 
Sho'ko'we choir sit on their wadded blankets before the basket of corn 
and, facing the mi'laiiliipo'na, prepare the 'hla'we. Each ear of corn 
to be carried by the dancers is surrounded and hidden by the 'hla'we, 
each one being separately bound to the corn with cotton cord. The 
cord is held between the teeth during the wrapping. When all the 
stems are attached, short dark eagle feathers, plumes from the birds 
of the six regions, and white sage blossoms are arranged upright 
around the ear of corn, and a piece of native white cotton cloth is 
placed over the base of the corn, extending several inches upwai'd and 
heavily wrapped with the cotton cord. A diminutive crook, with 
la'showa we attached, is tied to each 'hla'we to be carried in the left 
hand of the dancer. The 'Hla'hewe choir sings while the Sho'ko'we 
choir work.s on the 'hla'we. The song is addressed to A'wan 'Sita 
(Gi'eat Mother) corn: "See, I dress your children [referring to the 
corn] in beautiful feathers and mi'hawe '(sacred embroidered blankets). 
I pray that you will send to us many of your children another year." 
Upon the completion of the 'hla'we they are laid across the baskets 
of corn of the mi'laiiliipo'na of both sides, and the mo'sona of the 
Sho'ko'we tells the mi'laiiliipo'na of his side to request the choir 
of the 'Hla'hewe to work for them. The requests and replies are made 
in undertones. Members of the 'Hla'hewe choir sit before the baskets 
of corn of the mi'laiiliipo'na anil prepare the 'hle'we. An ear of corn, 
surrounded with feathers and white sage blossoms, is attached to the 
inner side of the tablet." The 'hle'we are also laid across tbe baskets 
of the mi'laiiliipo'na of both sides. The embroidered kilts are 
removed each time to allow the 'hla'we and 'hle'we to be placed in 
the baskets. 

At sunset each of the tirst body of A'shiwanni deposits four te'liki- 
nawe, the sticks colored black, with feathers of the eagle, turkey, and 
birds of the six regions attached, and six grains of corn of the colors 
of the six regions, beneath the floor of the ki'wi'sine through the cir- 
cular opening (symbolic of the entrance to tiie undermost world). The 
oflerings are made to the Council of the Gods and deceased A'shi- 

-' Some slight mistakes made in tlie arrangement of the feathers about one of the ears of corn was 
at once noticed by one of the women of the Sho'ko'we side. She immediately called the attention 
of a member of the choir of her side to the error, which he corrected. 

188 THE ZITNI INDIANS [eth, ann. 23 

wanni of the six regions for rains, and to Pau'tiwa" that th(' sun may 
r'ni))race the earth that she may be fruitful. 

Tlic four 'kia'punakwe,* one couple accompanied by a man oi the 
Dogwood clan and the other by a man of the C(5rn clan, come to the 
ki'wi'sine. They are met by the pe'kwin, who leads them down the 
room to seats at the west end. 

The two youths wear white cotton shirts, embroidered kilts about 
their loins, and finely dressed white buckskins tied about the neck and 
falling over their shoulders far below the waists. Each carries a 
perfect ear of corn secreted in the front of the sash which holds the 
kilt; they wear dance moccasins. The maidens are dressed in mi'hawe 
worn as dresses and fringed white cotton sashes. A perfect ear of 
corn is secreted in the l)ack of each sash. 'They wear ordinary moc- 
casins, but of fine quality, and Ijoth the youths and the maidens wear 
turquoise earrings and elaborate necklaces. 

The pe'kwin gives to each 'kiapuno'na (singular of 'kia'punakwe) six 
teiikinawe, one for each of the six regions, with a la'showanne attached 
to each; a liutterfiy the color of the region represented is also attached to 
each te'likinane. An awehlwia tehl'i (cloud vessel), which is a pottery 
vase with serrated rim, and decorated in clouds, rain, and tadpoles, and 
is suspended with cotton cord, and an ear of corn with which to sprinkle 
the water to be collected are given to each maiden. The youths have 
each a 'kia'pokiatonime (long-necked gourd jug), the bulb covered with 
a netting of native cotton cord, to which Hufly eagle plumes are fastened. 
A reed in each jug. having a la'showanne tied to it, is to be used as a 
sprinkler. The two 'kia'punakwe of the 'Hla'hewe side collect water 
from 'Kianayillto (spring in high place), in the foothills of Corn 
mountain, where they deposit their tc'likinawe to the deceased A'shi- 
wanni, Pau'tiwa, and A'wan 'Sita (Great Mother) corn, that the rains 
may come and the earth be embraced by the Sun Father, that she may 
give to the people the fruits of her being. The 'kia'punakwe of the 
Sho'ko'we side visit *Kiii"si'kiai'a (small spring), a few miles north 
of Zufii, and deposit their te'likinawe, with prayers similar to those 
ofi'ered by the others, and bring water. As soon as the 'kia'punakwe 
leave, the mi'laiiliipo'na of the 'Hla'hewe side, led by the A'wan 
a'mosono"kia, form in line down the center of the room, holding a 
'hla'we in each hand, and dance to the music of their choir, who sing 
to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum. The mi'laiiliipo'na of 
the Sho'ko'we side, who hold the 'hle'we, repeat the dancing to the 
music of their choir. The two sides dance alternately until midnight 
in the manner described. 

a See p. 33. 

f> In the ceremonial described the youth of the 'Hla'hewe side is a child of the Dogwood clan: he 
belongs to the Badger clan. The maiden belongs to the Dogwood clan and is the daughter of the 
Shi'wano"kla, who is of the Dogwood chm. The yo\ith of the Sho'ko'we side belongs to the Corn 
clan and the maiden is a child of that clan. At the next festival the youth of the 'Hla'hewe side 
must belong to the Dogwood dan and the maiden must be n iliild of the clan, and the youth of the 
Sho'ko'we side must belong to the Corn clan and the maiden must be a child of the clan. 

STEVENSON] "^HLa'hEVVE ceremony FOR RAIN 189 

The 'kia'punakwe return a short time liet'orc inidnioht with water 
from the springs visited, each party escorted by ii member of the 
A'pi"lashiwanni (Bow pi'iesthood). Each 'kiapuno'na, in addition to 
the vases of water, brings young' cornstalks with tlie roots. 

The pe'lvvvin receives the cornstalks and stands them on each side 
of the cloud symbol in line with the mi'wuchi and places the water 
vases and jugs on the circles of meal formed when he made the 
cloud symbol. The 'kia'punakwe resume their seats. The elder and 
younger brother Bow priests stand on each side of tiie cloud symbol, 
the elder ])rother being on the north side, and whirl the rhombi for 
the lain-makei's, while the Kia'kwemosi, remaining in his s(>at, plays 
on the tlute (not that of Pa'yatamu, but the smaller Mute of the 
A'shiwanni). At the same time a man of the Frog dan smokes 
a cigarette of native tobacco, puffing the smoke into the medicine 
water and over the vases and jugs of water and green corn, and both 
choirs sing, that the earth may be abundantly watered. 

After the cigarette is smoked the two male 'kia'punakwe sprinkle 
water from their gourd jugs over the cloud symbol and objects about 
it, including- the green corn, all the baskets of corn, from which the 
kilts have been removed for the purpose, and each person present. The 
female 'kia'punakwe repeat this sprinkling. After a long pra3'er by the 
pe'kwin the procession forms to proceed to the hilm'pone in the Si'aa' 
te'wita. The elder brother Bow priest leads. He carries his mi'li and 
a kilt, which has a broad band of blue-green (symbolic of the vegeta- 
tion of the world) painted across it, with a conventional design of the 
game of sho'liwe" at each end of the band. The design is formed by 
the use of a number of yucca splints crossed at right angles to form 
squares. These are laid on the cloth, and yellow and black paint is 
applied in the scjuares, which denote the sho'liwe reeds grouped ready 
to throw. The yellow indicates the north country, whence the A'shiwi 
came, over which the Kia'kwemosi, Shi'wanni of the North, has care, 
whose breath must Ite pure so that this region may always be fruitful 
and beautiful to look upon. The black is symbolic of the earth over 
which the Shi'wanni of the Nadir has care, whose prayers must be pure 
that the earth may be made good for man to walk upon. The diagonal 
line through each square is symbolic of the straight road of the Sun 
Father. The kilt is shaped to form an equilateral triangle, a fluffy 
eagle plume tieing fastened to each point. A game of sho'liwe" (arrow 
reeds) with plumes attached is tied to one corner and a ti'kwane" (gam- 
ing stick) with ])lumes attached is tied to another corner. 

The pe'kwin follows the elder brother Bow priest, carrying a sacred 
meal basket in his left hand and throwing the meal in a line before him 
with his right. Not being a member of the order of O'naya'nakia 
(Mystery medicine), he does not possess a mi'li. The 'kia'piuiakwe 

" See Games. 

lyO THE ZUNI INDIANS (eth. ann. 23 

follow next in lilc, :i youth hcforc each maiden. The nii'laiiliipo'na of 
the 'Illa'iu'we and Sho'ko'w*', walking .side liv .sitle. (!afli party led by its 
A'wan moisono'"kia, come after the 'kia'punakvve. Each nii'laiilapo'na 
carries on her head a basket containing coi'n and othei' seeds, two'hla'we, 
two 'hie'we, and te'likinawe, covered with a white eml)roidered kilt. 
Four A'shiwanni walk in file on one side of the nii'laiilapo'na, and a 
shi'wanni and the Shi'wano'*kia, who carries a basket of all kinds of 
.seeds on her head, are on tlie otiier .side. The younger brother Bow 
priest follows next. A man of the Badger clan carrying a pottery bowl, 
which is hidden from view by a red blanket, containing coals from the 
fire altar in the ki'wi'sine, walks to the right and back of the younger 
brother Bow priest, and behind him the 'Hla'hewe choir in a group, 
the mo'sona and vice nio'sona leading .side bj' side, thi.s group being 
in line with the others. The drummer, who is a short distance to 
the right, carries his pottery drum in his left arm and 
the hooped drumstick in his right hand. The Sho'ko'we choir follow 
in the same order, their drummer being .slightly to the left. The 
flutists come next in a group, led by their mo'sona and his deputy 
walking side by side. They all have their flutes to their lips, but do 
not play. The procession passes under the eastern covered way to the 
hiim'pone in the Si'aa' te'wita, and proceeds by the south side of the 
ham'pone to their places (see plate xxxvii). The elder brother Bow 
priest deposits his mi'li at the northwest corner of the cloud symbol, 
a painting of meal similar to the one in the ki'wi'sine having been 
previously made by the pe'kwin in the ham'pone. He lays the folded 
kilt on the symbol and takes his position by the west wall on the 
north side. The pe'kwin, following the elder brother Bow priest, 
places his meal basket by the cloud symbol, and takes his place by 
the west wall. The 'Ida'punakwe of the 'Hla'hewe side hand their 
jug and rain vase to the pe'kwin, who steps forward to receive them; 
he deposits them on the south side of the cloud symbol, and the youth 
and maiden take their places. The 'kia'punakwe of the Sho'ko'we 
side pass by the west to the north where the pe'kwin receives their jug 
and vase and deposits them on the north side of the cloud s3'mbol, 
and the "kui'punakwe pass to their positions by the west wall. The 
nii'laiilapo'na of the 'Hla'hewe .side remain in file, facing east after 
they enter the ham'pone. Those of the Sho'ko'we side pass around 
by the west wall to the north side to their places; they also face 
east. The other A'shiwanni take their positions in line on the west 
side of the ham'pone, and the choirs of the two sides are grouped 
at the southeast and northeast corners. (Figure 7 shows position of 
participants in 'Hla'hewe ceremonial in the plaza.) The flutists stand 
a short distance from the Sho'ko'we choir, outside the ham'pone. 
The flutes are about 27 inches long. The gourd cup at the end 




of eacli is decorated on the outer side with yellow, blue, red. black, 
and white cloud symbols. The concave or inner side has a sjround 



+ + 



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Fig. 7— Positions of participants in the 'Hla'hewe ceremonial; 1, younger brother Bow prieat; 2, 
Shi'wanni of the West; 3. Shi'wanni of the South: 4. Shi'wanni of the East^ 5, tkla'pun:ik\ve (boy); 
ii. 'kla'punakwe (girl); 7, Kia'kwemosi; 8. associate Kia'kwemosi; 9, *kla'^punakwe(girl); 10. 'khi'pu- 
nabwe (hoy); H, pe'kwin (sun priest); 12, elder brother Bow priest; 13, Shi'wan()''kln (Priestess 
of fecundity). 14. ei^bt mi'wachi; 15, meal painting syrnVjolicof clouds; 16, water jugs and vases of 
the 'kla'punakwe; 17, baskets of cdrn and te'likinawe of the Shi'wano"kia; 18, choir and drum of 
•■Hla'hewe side; 19, choir and drum of Sho'ko'we side; 20, a'mosi of the two sides; 21, banket of corn 
belonging to the mo'sona of tHla'hewe; 22, basket of corn belonging to tl^e mo'sona of Sho'ko'we; 
2S. basket of corn belonging to the mo'.sona of flutists; 24, te'likinawe of the 'Hla'hewe choir; 25, 
te'likinawe of the Sho'ko'we choir; 26, te'likinawe of flutists; 27. trees; 28, pottery bowl supporting 
the flutes, 29. flutists; 30 and 31, baskets of corn of flutists; 32, excavations in which corn and 
te'likinawe are deposited; 33. pottery 'bowl over coals; 34, bunch of te'likinawe. a to fc inclusive, 
mi'Iaiilapo'na of 'Hla'bewe side; each has her basket of corn and four te'likinawe by her side. / to 
7* inclusive. mi'Iaiilapo'na of Sho'ko'we side; each has her basket of corn and four te'likinawe 
by her side. 

color of white or l>lue-green, upon which l)utterfiie8 and drn-xM) flics 
are painted. The edges of the cups are .scalloped, each h^ing 

192 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ an.n. 23 

tipped with a flufly white eagle plume. The flutes are laid across 
a bowl 18 inches in diameter, the edge of which is serrated, and 
the bowl is decorated with rain symbols on a white ground. This 
bowl contains medicine of Pa'yatamu, supposed to be composed of the 
flowers of the te'nas'siili (mythical medicine plant having blossoms of 
the colors of the six regions), the hearts of butterflies, and dragon 
flies. The flutes are partly covered by a white cotton embroidered 
kilt having the same decoration as that carried by the elder brother 
Bow priest. 

The A'shiwanni are dressed in white cotton shirts and trousers and 
red silk headbands. The elder and younger brother Bow priests have 
the war pouch added to their dress. The two choirs are attired, 
according to the taste of the individuals, in cotton or calico shirts and 
trousers, with iine silk scarfs wrapped like a turban ai'ound their 
heads. They wear all the beads the.y possess and as many more as 
they can borrow. The mo'sona of the 'HIa'hewe choir ha^ a line of 
micaceous hematite across his face just below the eyes, indicative of 
the prominence of his office. The mo'sona of the Sho'ko'we choir 
has a line of corn pollen under the right eye and a line of micaceous 
hematite under the left. The corn pollen signifies that he is to fast 
and pray and to practice continency one night-. 

The flutists wear white cotton shirts under the native wool shirts, 
which are elaborately trimmed with green and red ribbons that extend 
in festoons across the back. Velvet knee breeches, lined on the outer 
side with silver buttons, the ordinary moccasins, and buckskin leggings 
are worn. The hair is parted on top and the front locks are folded 
over on each side of the forehead and tied with bunches of red and 
green ribbons. The back hair is done up in the usual knot or bow. 
Thej' make an elaborate display of beads and necklaces. Eadi flutist 
has a line of pollen, supposed to l)e from the te'nas'siili, under the right 
eye and a line of micaceous hematite under the left. The line of pollen 
of the te'nas'siili indicates that those so decorated sing the songs of 
Pa'vatiinm. The A'wan a'mosi and their fellows are dressed similar to 
the flutists, but their hair is done up in the usual wa}' and silk bandas 
are worn. Their faces are streaked across under the eyes with mica- 
ceous hematite after they i-eturn from their morning meal, which is 
taken in their homes. The A'wan a'mosono"kia personating the Yel- 
low and Blue Corn maidens wear their ordinary dress with a white 
l>lanket bordered in blue and red, which is fastened sufliciently low to 
expose the necklaces. A white embroidered sash is so arranged about 
the waist that the upper corners meet in front and the lower ones fall 
apart. A plunuilc ear of corn, symbolic of A'wan 'Sita (Great Mother 
corn), is carried in the back of the sash, but is hidden from view by the 
mi'ha. The breast is covered with precious beads. The hair is parted 
down the back, and each side is rolled and crossed so as to hang in a loop 

stevi:ns<.s] ■^HLa'hEWE CEREMONY FOR RAIN 193 

iicross the back of the liead, and this is wrapped with native blue yarn; 
bangs cover the face, and a white tiutt'y eagle plume is tied to the 
forelock. The other mi'laiiliipo'na wear their ordinary black embroid- 
ered dresses and blanket wraps, and their hair is done up in the 
usual manner. All wear white moccasins with finely tinished black 

All l)ut the two choirs and the Hutists remain standing until the 
'Hla'iiewe and the Sho'ko'we choirs have each sung, the latter being 
accompanied by the tiutists. After each song the choir repeats a 
prayer aloud. The others now take seats, the mi'laiiliipo'na keeping 
their places, sitting upon boxes or chairs covered with robes or blan- 
kets placed for them. The A'wan mosono"kia of each side takes the 
front seat, with her deputy (younger sister) back of her." The A'wan 
niosono''kia of the 'Hla'hewe side must belong to the Dogwood clan, 
and the one back of her must be a child of this clan. The mi'laii- 
liipo'na at the west end of the line must also belong to the Dogwood 
clan. The A'wan mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side must belong to 
the Corn clan, and the one back of her must be a child of this clan. 
The one at the" west end of the line must belong to the Corn clan. As 
has been stated, the other mi'laiiliipo'na may belong to any clan. 
The mi'laiiliipo'na of the 'Hla'hewe side deposit their baskets by their 
left side, standing their te'likinawc to the left of the baskets. Those 
of the Sho'ko'we side place their baskets on the right and their 
te'likinawe to the right of the baskets. Other baskets and te'likinawe 
are deposited in front of the hiim'pone and midway. 

After the songs all remain quiet until morning, and they are closelj^ 
watched by the elder and younger brother Bow priests lest they 
sleep. At sunrise the eight 'kia'potiikwe, having slept two nights 
in the house of the Shi'wano"kia, come to the hiim'pone, where four 
are dressed by members of the 'Hla'hewe choir and four by the 
Sho'ko'we choir. The ordinary' black dress is not removed, a mi'ha 
being placed over it and fastened, like the dress, on the right shoulder, 
the deep embroidery being at the top. A second mi'ha is used for a 
skirt only, and is fastened at the back, the deep embroidery being at 
the bottom. That the outer skirt may be sufficiently short, the blan- 
ket is turned over at the top, forming a sort of standing ruffle above 
the white cotton fringed sash. The moccasins are of finely dressed 
white buckskin with highly polished black soles. Each girl wears a 
profusion of fine necklaces, and the wrists are adorned with bunches 
of dark blue yarn hanging in tassels and tied with strings of red ^arn. 
The hair hangs loosely down the back, and bangs cover the face. The 

«The elder sister Yellow Corn maiden is represented by the foremost woman in the line on the 
north side, and the younger sister Blue Corn maiden is represented by the foremost woman on the 
south side; those next to these two are their ceremonial younger sisters. 

23 ETH— 04 13 

194 THK ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

dross complete, the "hlelh'])oiie" (see plate xxxviii) is placed on the 
head. When tlie 'kia'potiikwe are ready for the dance those who 
were dressed on the Slio'ko'we side pass around by the west side of 
the hi'ini'pone and Join the others on the south. Each dancer is sup- 
plied with two 'hia'we by the niiiaiiliijw'na, and they are led to the 
plaza by the A' wan niosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side who throws meal 
before her as she proceeds. 8he joins in the dance for a short time 
^nd returns to her seat. The 'kia'potiikwe face the east while dancing/. 
After one dance to the accompaniment of the 'Illa'hewe choir, the 
dancers return to the 'Hla'hewe side, each handino- iier 'hia'we to a 
nii'laiiliipo'na and receiving two 'hle'we instead. They now pass by 
the west side around to the Sho'ko'we side and out into the plaza, led 1)}' 
the A'wan mosono'"kia of the Sho'ko'we side, wlio also spiinkles meal 
as she advances. She joins the 'kia'potiikwe in the dance for a short 
time, and then returns to the ham'pone. When dancino- for the Sho'- 
ko'we side they have the additional music of the Hutists. After the 
dance the 'kia'potiikwe return to the ham'pone by the Sho'ko'we side, 
those representing the 'Hla'hewe passing around to their own side. 

The girls are now stripped of their regalia and return to their homes. 
They are no sooner departed than eight Mu'Iuktiikia (certain anthropic 
gods) arrive bj* the eastern covered way. The Ko'mosona. director- 
general of the Ko'tiki_[i (mythologic fraternity), having been notitied 
by the elder brother Bow priest that he desired the services of eight 
Mu'Iuktiikia, gave the order for them to appear. As soon as the ]\lu'luk- 
tiikla reach the center of the plaza they begin dancing, turning hrst one 
way then another, and dropping grains of corn of the colors of the six 
regions, which are cari'ied in a white end)roidered sash worn by each 
dancer. After a short appearance in the plaza for the purpose of drop- 
ping the corn, the Mu'Iuktiikia disappear by the western covered way, 
and the A'shiwanni gather up the corn. Each shi'wanni drops six 
graiiis, every grain beingof the color of one of the six regions, into each 
of the two square excavations, the one on the north having been made 
in the early morning by the Kia'kwemosi and the one on the south by 
the pe'kwin at the same hour. The^- carry the rest of the corn with 
them, passing down the Sho'ko'we side and up the 'Hla'hewe side, 
each shi'wanni giving six grains of corn of the six colors to each 

"The 'hlelh'pone is a ceremonial headdress. A circle is formed of a slender bit of wood, and four 
additional pieces are attached to the band at equal distances, coming together at the other ends, 
forming a sort of miter.. A fringe of black goat's wool, in the present instance about .3i- inches deep, 
extends around the band. A tablet similar to those carried in the liands stands out from the center 
of the miter, and a thin fringe of goat's wool, 4 inches deep, dyed red, hangs at the base. Serrated 
pieces of wood, symbolic of clouds, attached to the bands stand in the arches. Each cloud symbol 
is tipped with a fluiTy eagle plume. A bunch of yellow parrot pluniea stands at the back of the 
thlelh'ponnf^, witli an aigret of shorter parrot plumes and fiufTy eagle feathers at its base. Long 
streamers of red and green ribbon hang from the aigret. The 'hlelh'pone, like other ceremonial 
objects of tlic Zufiis, are freshly decorated whenever they are to be used. The decorating is done in 
the houses of eight men designated by the A'wan a'mosi, and they are carried to the hiim'pone 
when the morning star appears above the horizon. 





mi'laiihipo'na. They next distribute the corn to the members of the 
'Ula'hewe choir, then to the 'kia'piinakwe, the Shi'\vano"kia, the Sho'- 
ko'we choir, and last the flutists. After the corn, which is supposed to 
have been blessed by the gods, is distributed, the Kia'kwemosi deposits 
four t^iUikinawe in the excavation on the north and the Slii'wanni of 
the Kadir deposits four in the one on the south to the deceased A'shi- 
wanni; they cover the jiiunies with earth and oblitei'ate all traces of 
the excavations. The two choirs and flutists now go to their homes 
for refreshment. Upon their return all the others leave except the 
'kia'punakwe, who must remain and eat he'we (wafer bread), made 
of corn meal mush. They may drink cofi'ee when the}' have it. 

AH the participants in the drama return to the hiim'pone before 9 
o'clock, when the Mu'luktiikia reappear through the eastern covered 
way with four spruce trees, each tree borne by two of the gods, of 
whom the foremost has the trunk on his shoulder, while the other has 
his right arm around the top of the tree. They one of the trees 
midway and in front of the liiim'pone and three at the south end. 
The Mu'luktakia dance about during the planting of the trees. When 
they have finished they leave the plaza by the west entrance and 
pass over the western road to Ko'thluwala'wa (abiding place of the 
Council of the Gods). In reality they go about half a mile to a l)cnd 
in the river, where an emt)ankment protects them from view, and 
remove the regalia of the gods they per.sonate. The}' are followed by 
two men, who keep well to their left and are apparently unconscious of 
the presence of the Mu'luktakia. Their mission is, however, to bring 
back the masks and other paraphernalia hidden under their blankets. 

As soon as the Mu'luktakia leave the plaza, the general dancing of 
the 'Hla'he o'tiikwe and Sho'ko o'tiikwe begins. The female dancers 
remain in the house of the Shi'wano"kTa until theirservices are required, 
when four of them are led by the A'wan nio'sona of the 'Hla'heweside 
and four by the A'wan mo'sona of the Sho'ko'we side through the 
eastern covered way to the ham'pone, those for the 'Hla'hewe entering 
on the south and those for the Sho'ko'we on the north. Four of 
the girls are dressed by members of the 'Hla'hewe choir and four by 
members of the Sho'ko'we choir on their respective sides, their 
regalia being identical with that worn by the 'kia'potiikwe, including 
the *hlelh'ponne. 

The men who personate the ya'pota" may remain in the plaza observ- 
ing the drama until such time as the}- are wanted for the dance. The 
ya'pota, who personifies A'wa n tji/^hu (Great Father of corn), enters 
the hilm'pone on the 'HIa'hewe side. He is dressed by a member 
of the choir of this side. He wears a white embroidered kilt fastened 
at the right side and held on by a sash tied on the same side. A fox 

a Several men take their turn in representing ya'pota. 

190 THE zrSr Indians [eth.ann.23 

skin lianas pendent at the back, and a perfect car of corn — not a 
grain must be missing — is worn in tiie l)ack of the belt, though care- 
fully concealed from view. Spruce twigs standing ei'ect a7'e fastened 
a1)0ut the waist. The hair hangs down the ))ack. with two white flutt'v 
eagle plumes fastened one below the other. The front bangs cover the 
face, which is painted white, and tliere are daubs of the .same paint on 
each l)reast, shoidder, scapula, upper arm. and leg aliove the knee. 
Dance moccasins are worn, with anklets blocked with black and white 
porcupine quills, and hanks of native blue j^arn hanging in tassels, with 
sleigh bells attached, are worn l)?low the knees. Four strings of olive 
shells and black stone beads hang over the right shoulder across the 
chest and l)ack. These beads, which are claimed to be very old, are 
the property of the elder brother Bow priest and are greatly treasured 
b}- him. 

Each dancer, including ya'pota, holds a 'hla'we in each hand received 
from the mi'laiiliipona. The dancers of the 'Hla'hewe side are joined b}' 
those of the Sho'ko'we side and pass in tile, the ^^.^^uia midwav, to 
the plaza, led })y the A'wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side, who 
throws meal in a line before her as she advances. A line is formed 
facing the east, and after glancing a while they turn and form into tile 
facing south and dance again (see plate xxxix). This movement is 
repeated throughout the dance, with an occasional change by turning 
all the way round. 

The ya'pota uses his left foot principally to balance himself, vio- 
lently moving the right foot up and down. The women keep their 
feet close together, slightly raising the heel, the motion being princi- 
pally from the knee. All extend their arms before them and keep time 
with the songs of the 'Hla'hewe. entreating the Sun Father to embrace 
the Earth IMother that she may give to them the fruits of her being. 
Shortly after the dance begins, five women," wearing their ))lack 
dresses and blanket wraps, come from the ceremonial house of the 
Kia'kwemosi and pass through the ham'pone on the 'Hla'hewe side 
to the plaza. Each woman pa.sses her mi'li before the mouth of each 
dancer, who draws a breath from it, and they return to the house by 
the 'Hla'hewe side. The dance continues fifteen minutes, when the 
dancers return to the ham'pone, those of the Sho'ko'we side, who enter 
first, passing around to the north side. 

The 'hla'we are received by the mi'l aiiliipo'n a. The A'wan moso- 
no'Mvia lingers in the plaza a moment or two aHer the others leave, 
dancing slowl}' back to the hiim'pone as she faces On taking her 
seat she deposits her 'hla'we in the basket beside her. 

The dancers now receive the 'hie' we, and those on the 'Hla'hewe 

n These women, who approach the different dancers with their mi'waehi, are the Shi'wano'kTa and 
the wives of the first body of A'shiwanni. 



siilc. including ya'pota, pass by the west wall to the Sho'ko'wo side 
and. joining the others, proceed to the plaza, led Ity the A'wan 
mo'souo'ivia of the Siio'ko'wc side. The Sho'ko'we choir is joined 
by the flutists. The dance is nearly the same as before, the ditierence 
being that the 'hle'we are moved downward, while the song implores 
Great Mother of corn to give them many of her children during 
the coming year. After the dance the_v return to the Sho'ko'we side, 
the A'wan mosono"kia lingering, as before, a short time in the plaza; 
those l)elonging to the 'Hla'hewe pass around to the south side. 

The same persons who dressed the male dancer and the girls now 
disrobe them and prepare for another set of dancers, who appear as 
soon as the others are gone, led by the A'wan a'mosi of the two sides. 
The new set is dressed as before described. The start this time is 
made from the Sho'ko'we side. After four sets of girls have danced, 
as described, a feast is served, seventy-tive great bowls of food and 
coffee being brought by women and placed in two rows on either side 
in the hiim'pone. After all the participants in the drama have par- 
taken of stewed mutton with chili and hominj', stewed peaches, wafer 
bread, and coffee the remainder of the food is carried around and 
distributed among the spectators. While the more exclusive women 
with their children observe the ceremonies from windows opening 
into the plaza or seated on blankets and rolies on the south side of the 
court, the house tops are crowded with persons of both sexes and all 
ages, wearing their best clothes and most elaborate blankets and exhib- 
iting the most intense interest in all tliat is passing before them. 

Dancing is resumed after the feast, each side having five dances 
before the arrival of the sunset dancers. The he'kupowanhak'tona 
and sho'lipsimonthle'ona appear before the ushan'ashute. The two 
girls are dressed behind a l)lanket held by the elder brother Bow 
priest and another shi'wanni. The Kia'kwemosi assists the girls for 
a time, then the elder brother Bow priest takes his place and com- 
pletes the dress. Their attire is like that of the 'kia'potiikwe. 
After the he'kupowanhak'tona are dressed they retire to a lower room 
in the ceremonial house of the Kia'kwemosi which opens into the 
hiun'pone. There their hair is parted over the head and down the 
back, done up on both sides over wooden forms used exclusively for 
ceremonial hair dressing, and then wrapped with native blue yarn. 
Sho'lipsimonthle'ona's dress is like that of ya'pota, with long strings 
of tunjuoise beads hanging from his ears. He wears three white 
fluffy eagle plumes down the back of the hair, instead of two, but 
he does not have the ear of corn in his belt. While the girls are 
having their hair dressed the elder brother Bow priest spreads 
two blankets, one upon the other, on the floor of the ham'ponc 
on the 'Hla'hewe side toward the west end. A low box is placed 

198 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

on the side of the blanket rug, upon which a shi'wanni takes 
his scat, and one of the he'kupowanhak'tona partly reclines on 
the rug with her head held between the hands of the shi'wanni, he 
he being- careful to keep her liair from the face. The elder brother 
Bow priest spreads a white cotton cloth over the bod}' of the girl, 
and the pe'kwin coloi's her chin and lower jaw black with paint sup- 
posed to have been brought liy the A'shiwanni from the undermost 
world. A line is first drawn across the face near the upper lip, black 
is laid on below this line, and then corn pollen is applied to the upper 
portion of the face. The black is sj'mbolic of rain clouds and the 
pollen of the fruits of the earth. The girl now stands while the proc- 
ess is repeated with the other he'kupowanhak'tona and the sho'lipsi- 
monthle'ona. When the face decorations arc finished the l)lankets 
are folded into smaller proportions. The pe'kwni sits on the box, 
which remains in place, and two A'shiwanni hold a blanket protecting 
him from view while he prepares a he'kupowanne, which consists of an 
ear of corn and eight te'likinawe (otTerings to the Sun Father, Moon 
Motlier, and Corn Mother) secured in a mi'ha, wliich is folded into 
a strip a])out S inches wide and '.M) or more inches long. The end 
containing the corn and te'likinawe rests on the head. The embroid- 
ered portion forms the lower end of the .scarf-like piece. On com- 
pleting the he'kupowanne the pe'kwin resigns his seat to the elder 
brother Bow priest, who makes a second he'kupowanne. On its com- 
pletion the two are placed on the heads of the he'kupowanhak'tona, 
and i)ounds of ko'hakwa (white shell beads), turcjuoise, and coral 
necklaces are heaped upon each package. Each he'kupowanhak'tona 
gives an additional touch to the hekupowanne to properly balance it 
on the head before proceeding in file, with sho'lipsimonthle'ona 
between them, to the plaza. The girls carry 'hla'we, and the youth 
carries in his right hand te'likinawe, with a hoop (world s^-mbol) 
colored blue with la'showanne attached, and the folded kilt from the 
meal painting in the hiim'pone: and in the left hand the Kia'kwemosi's 
mi'li. The three are led to the plaza by the A' wan mosono''kia 
of the 'Hla'hewe side, who remains a few moments in the plaza and 
then retires to the hiim'pone, then the vice A'wan niosono'"kia appears 
and continues dancing after the others, who dance but fifteen minutes. 
They must not turn their faces from the east until they enter the 
hiim'pone. The he'kupowanhak'tona do not venture to raise their 
heads for fear of dropping the he'kupowanne. 

The pe'kwin removes the he'kupowanne from the heads of the he'ku- 
powanhak'tona and hands them to two men, who hold them in the left 
arm, much as an infant in civilization is carried, and proceed with them 
to the plaza. They face the east and pray, sprinkling meal from a meal 
basket held in the left hand. Each has an attendant who stands north 


of him. After the prayers the party return to the hiim'pone, and the 
lioarers of the he'kiipowanne are relieved of the sacred objects by the 
elder brother Bow priest, who in turn hands them to the pe'kwin, who 
holds them gently in his arms while he stands in the center of the plaza 
and prays to the Sun Father to give health, happiness, and long life 
to his ])eople. He prays that they may be blessed with the all-pervad- 
ing life of A'wonawilo'na." Moving the two he'kupowanne round in 
a circle, he draws from them the sacred breath, deposits them in a 
large bowl with serrated edge, and spreads an embroidered kilt over 

The ushiin'ashute are dressed and painted like the he'kupowan- 
hak'tona, and, carrj'ing he'kupowanne specially prepared for them, 
repeat the ceremony of the he'kupowanhak'tona with every detail. 
The flutists accompany the Sho'ko'we choir when the ushan'ashute 
dance, but they do not play for sho'lipsimonthle'ona. The Shiwano'- 
'kia and other bearers of the mi'wachi, who bless the ushan'ashute 
with their life-givers (see page -ilt?) in the manner described, leave the 
plaza l)y the eastern covered way. 

A'shuwahilnona now appears for the tirst time. He is dressed by a 
member of the 'Hla'hewe choir like sho'lipsimonthle'ona, except that 
he wears two plumes on the back of his hair instead of three; his moc- 
casins are painted white and there are daubs of paint on them from the 
pinkish clay found near Ko'thluwala'wa.* He has a bit of hawk medi- 
cine (a root) in his mouth and he carries a hawk plume in each hand, 
which he waves as he dances to the music of the choir of the 'Hla'hewe 
side. The choir sings the Shuts'ina yai'na (song of the hawk), which 
is an invocation to this bird that those who dance and sing may not be 
made tired. The A'wan mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side joins the 
A'wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side, each wearing a 'hlelh'ponne 
on her head and carrying 'hla'we. The A'wan mosono''kia of the 
'Hla'hewe side precedes A'shuwahilnona, and the one of the Sho'ko'we 
side follows after him to the plaza. After dancing about fifteen 
minutes they start for the 'Hla'hewe side of the hiim'pone, and the 
leader, as she passes in, turns and pushes A'shuwahilnona l)ack, and he 
returns to the center of the plaza and dances a few minutes longer, 
keeping time with the 'Hla'hewe choir by the most violent motion of 
the arms and legs, while he strikes one plume with the other. On 
entering the hiim'pone the A'wan a'mosono"kia are relieved of their 
'hlelh'ponne and 'hla'we and return to their seats. 

A'shuwahilnona now enters the hiim'pone on the 'Hla'hewe side. 
Passing first by the 'Hla'hewe choir, he waves his plumes about their 
heads; and, extending his arms before him, he strikes the underside of 
the plume held in his left hand with the one held in his right, waves his 
plumes in a circle, and strikes them toward the earth in the manner 

" See Classiflcalion of the higher powers. tSeepl. iv. 

200 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.anx.23 

described. At thi.s nuiment ;ill expectorate, that they may liave ofood 
hearts and much strength for the song and dance. A'shuwahilnona 
repeats the ceremony with the plumes over the A'.shiwanni, Sho'ko'we 
clioii-, flutists, the mi'hiiilapo'na of the Sho'ko'we side, and those of the 
'Hhi'hewe side; he then removes his regalia, assisted by a member of 
the 'Hla'hewe choir, and leaves the plaza by the eastern covered way. 

The elder brotlier Bow priest now ties a white fluffy eagle plume to 
each tree with a cotton cord, that the plume may convej- the breath 
prayers to the u'wannami (rain-makers) to water the earth. After the 
plumes are attached to the trees, there are ten dances by the 'Hla'he 
o'tiikwe and Sho'ko o'tiikwe, which continue the best part of the 

The pottery bowl, which has remained over the coals, is removed at 
dark and a large tire is lighted from the coals, wood having been placed 
near by. The legend says that a light must be kept so that the Corn 
maidens may be carefully watched and protected. All through the 
long night the dancers are ever ready to perform their part. The 
pe'kwin leads the man of the Frog clan to the hiim'pone at earliest 
dawn, and he sits on a wadded blanket immediately l)ack of the cloud 
symbol, facing east. He holds an ear of corn, a miniature crook with 
eagle and turkey plumes and feathers from the birds of the six regions 
attached, and two te'likinawe in his right hand. He prays for rains, 
and just as the plaza is bathed in sunlight, the te'likinawe of the 
mi'laiilapo'na and mi'wachi, obedient to his command, fall over.'' 

Following the all-night dancing, the four 'kia'potiikwe, led by the 
A'wan mosono"kia of the 'Hla'hewe side and four b\' the A'wau 
mosono"kia of the Sho'ko'we side come to the plaza before sunrise 
and entei' the hiim'pone from the south: the 'kia'potiikwe led In' the 
A'wan mosono''kia of the Sho'ko'we side pass around to the north, 
and are dressed as before described. After the girls of the 'Hla'hewe 
side are robed in their regalia they join the otliers on the north, when 
all are led to the plaza by A'wan mo.sono''kra of the Sho'ko'we side, 
who throws a line of meal before her as she proceeds. Each girl 
carries the 'hle'jsfi, which she constantlv moves toward the earth 
during the dance. They are accompanied by the Sho'ko'we choir and 
flutists, neither the musicians nor these particular dancers ceasing for 
a moment from sunrise until 9 o'clock, for the dancers must not return 
to the hiim'pone until the cloud sj-mbol is bathed in sunlight. During 

a When a woman wishes to leave the ham'pone for any purpose during the night shels attended 
by a member of the choir of her side. Such attendants are called Pi''lashiwanni. Tlit- elder brother 
Bow priest acts in this capacity several times during the night, and the younger brother Bow priest 
watches carefully thai no one as.sociated with the drama sleeps. To sleep at this time would give 
great offense to the gods whom they address. 

'>The ear of corn is afterward placed in the stacked corn in his house, the two te'likinawe are depos- 
ited south of tlie villjige on the road to tlie shrine of the Snake fraternity, and the crook is returned 
to the elder brother Bow priest. As the man of the Frog clan does not possess a crook he must borrow 
one. He is called by the pe'k\vln to take part in the 'Hla'hewe ceremonial because he possesses such 
valuable songs lor rains that mi'wachi and te'likinawe obey his commands. 



the dancing- several of the mi'lajiUipo'n a of the Sho'ko'we side come 
to the plaza and pass 'hle'we before the mouths of the dancers. The 
miwachi bearers make frequent visits to the plaza to pass the mi'wachi 
before the lips of the dancers, that they may inhale the breath of life, 
the breath of A'wonawil'ona. 

The Msia'punakwe appear about half past 7 o'clock, already attired in 
their ceremonial dress. They are led by the pe'kwin first down the 
Sho'ko'we side, when they sprinkle each basket of corn, the youths with 
the reeds dipped into their gourd jugs of water and the maidens each 
with an ear of corn dipped into her cloud vessel. They continue round 
to the south and down the 'Hla'hewe side, sprinkling- the baskets of 
corn on that side; they then go out into the plaza, where they form 
into line, facing east, back of the 'kia'potiikwe. At the same time 
the elder brother Bow priest passes a lighted reed tilled with native 
tobacco to the flutists, one after the other ceasing to play to take a 
pufl'. Ten mi'wachi bearers now pass in line before the 'kia'potiikwe 
and 'kia'punakwe. each drawing her mi'li three or four times before 
the mouth of each dancer, after which they approach the flute players 
and repeat the passing of their mi'wachi before the mouths of the 
flutists: and, beginning- with the Sho'ko'we choir, they draw their 
mi'wachi before the mouth of each person in the hiim'pone, always 
with prayers for a pure heart, health, and long life, which comes from 

After the reed has been smoked by the flutists the elder brother 
Bow priest stands on one side and the 3'ounger brother Bow priest 
on the other side of the dancers, and they whirl the rhomlii that 
the rain-makers may gather together and water the earth. ^\'hen the 
rhombi cease the 'kia'punakwe sprinkle the dancers as heretofore 
described, passing from the noi'th end of the line; and, preceded by 
the pe'kwhi and elder brother Bow priest and followed by the younger 
brother Bow priest, they leave the plaza by the eastern covered way 
to visit He'patina." a shrine (see plate xl) which is symbolic of the 
Middle of the world. 

He'patina has an under room 6 by 6 feet, measured by the feet of 
the Indian placed one before the other. The floor and walls are of 
stone. The shrine is roofed with beams some (! inches in diameter. 
These beams are filled in with twigs and the whole is covered with 
earth to a depth ecjual to the distance from the elbow to the tip of the 
middle finger. This roof has a hatchway sufliciently large to admit the 
objects deposited within. The roof is level, and forms the upper floor 
of the shi-ine, which is walled on three sides with stone slabs securely set. 
The fourth slab on the east side is so arranged as to be readily removed. 
This wall is roofed with slabs upon which are several curiously shaped 

a He, from he'liwe, mud; pa'tina, to place; so named because it was discovered tliat the water had 
soalied tlirouBli the vases and made mud on the floor beneath. 

202 THE Zimi INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

.stones. The center one has soniewhat tlic form of the hehiiet mask, 
and i.s referred to aw "the mask of the .Siirimobiya" (certain warrior 
gods and seed bearei's). The upper story of He'patina is the size of 
the heart of tiie ' Kian'astepi (H ydrotrechus reniig-is). The under cham- 
ber is the size of the 'Kian'astepi with his legs spread. North of the 
shrine, and adjoining it, is a small inclosure in which the A'shiwanni 
deposit te'likinawe. 

AVhen the party arrive at He'patina they circle I'ound the shrine four 
times toward the left, the elder and younger brother Bow priests whirl- 
ing the rhombi, and then halt before it. The two 'kia'punakwe of the 
'Hla'hewe side empty the water from their vessels into one of the cloud 
vases standing within the upper chamber of the shrine; the other two 
'kia'punakwe empty their vessels into another cloud vase in the shrine. 
After most earnest prayers by all, the pe'kwin deposits the vases con- 
taining the water in the lower chamber. The ears of corn carried by 
the maidens are left with theii' emptied vases in the upper chamber, .sym- 
bolizing the rains impregnating the earth, so that she sends forth the 
fruits of her being. The jugs, which are ancient, are carried away, 
being the property of the Kia'kwemosi. The two cloud vessels carried 
by the maidens are manufactured for the occasion, the one for the 
'Hla'hewe side being made by a woman of the Dogwood clan and that 
for the Sho'ko'we side b^' a woman of the Corn clan. 

On their return to the plaza the 'kia'punakwe, by request of the 
pe'kwin, take their places in the line of dancers, each 'kia'punakwe 
alternating with a 'kia'potiikwe. The youths have been relieved of 
the jugs and reed .sprinklers. When all have danced a short time, 
the mi'wachi bearers pass their fetishes before the mouth of each dancer 
4ind afterward to each person in the ham'pone. At this time the elder 
and younger brother Bow priests leave the plaza through the eastern 
covered way. 

But a single log remains of the fire which burned brightly throughout 
the night. The man of the Badger clan who brought the coals from 
the ki'wi'sine to the plaza now lights a cedar stick, about 2 feet long, 
at the fii'e and carries the burning wood to a spring north of the ruin 
Ma'sakia, together with four ears of corn tied together, and one te'liki- 
nane to A'witelin 'Si'ta (Earth Mother) and three to the deceased mem- 
bers of the'Badger clan. As he leaves the plaza the Sho'ko'we choir 
sing: "Go with the tire and plant your plume oflerings." He makes 
an excavation the depth of the lower arm to the elbow and deposits the 
te'likinawe, with prayers to the gods, including the ancients of his 
clan, to bless the Earth Mother with rain, that she may yield the fruits 
of her being; then he returns with the corn and what remains of the 
.stick of cedar. He throws the wood into the smoldering fire and car- 
ries the corn to his home, where it is kept until the next planting time. 

As stated before, when the sunlight falls upon the cloud symbol the 


mi'wachi and line^ of te'likinawe fall over at the command of the man 
of the Frog clan, who has kept his seat b_y the meal painting and west 
of it facing east. Althougli the writer is seated near the cloud symbol, 
it is impossible to discover the clever trick of the falling of the mi'wachi 
and te'likinawe. The A' wan a'mosi now fasten with delicate splinters 
native black blanket wraps'over the Idankets and necklaces of tiie A'wan 
a'mosono"kia; the other mi'laiiiiipo'na rise, and all place their baskets 
on their heads. A member of the 'Illa'hewe choir stands at the right 
of the A'wan mosouo'^kia of his side and a member of the Sho'- 
ko'we choir and a flutist stand to the left of the A'wan mosono''kia 
on the Sho'ko'we side. The men also have baskets on their heads. 
The A'wan mosono''km of the 'Illa'hewe side is the only one of the 
party who holds the basket without the aid of the rigiit hand. All in 
the hiim'pone remain still until the seats of the mi'laiiiiipo'na are 
removed and the Shi'wanni of the West has sprinkled all the partici- 
pants with meal. The A'wan a'mosono"kia and three musicians keep 
time with the Sho'ko'we choir and flutists by a peculiar motion of the 
body, and the 'kia'potiikwe and 'kia'punakwe continue the dance. 
The picture presented at this time is one of the most pleasing and 
striking to be seen during the entire drama. 

It is after 9 o'clock when the flutists, still performing, form in line 
facing east. Again the elder and younger brother Bow priests stand 
at either end of the line of dancers and whirl the rhombi. In a short 
time the flutists, who have played unceasingly since the opening of 
the early morning (jereujonj', group themselves together and pray 
aloud rafter the prayer the baskets are removed from the heads and 
placed in line in their former position. The A'wan a'mosono"kia and 
the three musicians remain standing, the other mi'laiilJipo'na stoop 
beside their baskets. 

The 'kia'potiikwe, their powers of endurance having been severely 
tested through the long 'hours of continuous motion, now return to 
the hiim'pone by the Sho'ko'we side, four of them passing around 
to the 'Hla'hewe side and are disrobed. The 'kia'punakwe take 
their former places in the hiim'pone, and the te'likinawe which fell by 
command of the man of the Frog clan are returned to the baskets 
and the kilts thrown over them. Medicine water is then admin- 
istered by the Kia'kwemosi, who dips it from the medicine bowl 
with a shell. The holy water is given in turn to the A'shiwanni, 
the male participants, the females, and the spectators in the plaza, 
a goodly number having gathered after sunrise, though during the 
night there wei'e but few present and the house tops were quite 
deserted. All eject the medicine water upon their hands and rub 
them over their bodies for physical purification. The pe'kwin stands 
west of the cloud symbol, and facing east closes the protracted ritual 
with long praj'ers for rains to fructify the earth, that she may yield 

204 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. asn. 23 

to them the fruits of her Ijeing. After the praj-ers the iiii'warhi 
are gathered from the cloud symbol by their owhei's, and the man of 
the Frog clan gathers the meal of the cloud symbol in his blanket and 
deposits it in the river, to be carried to Ko'thluwala'wa. The AVan 
a'mosono"kia, the other mi'laiilapo'na, and the a'mosi of the three 
choirs carry the baskets to their homes, the women placing the 'hla'we 
and 'hle'we in the corn stacks in their houses to remain permanently. 
The corn from the baskets is put away separate from the other corn 
in the house, to be planted the coming year. After the morning meal 
each woman plants her te'likinawe in the field. The he'kupowan- 
hak'tona and sho'lipsimonthle'ona accoiupany the pe'kwin to a field 
north of the village, where each deposits te'likinawe to the Council of 
the Gods, imploring them to gather the rain-makers of the North to 
water their fields. Again they visit a field west of the village, where 
te'likinawe are deposited to the Council of the Gods that the rain- 
makers of the West may gather and send rain to fructify the earth. 
The same is repeated in fields south and east of the village. All per- 
sons who have officiated in any way in the drama deposit te'likinawe. 

Tlie flutists at this sea,son make offerings at a shrine dedicatetl to Pa'yatamu wliieh 
is seldom visited. It is in the south wall of a mesa several miles east of Zufii, and is 
barely accessible. It is necessary to scale an almost vertical rock for 12 or more 
feet. The Zuiiis have a way of getting their toes and fingers into crevices in rocks 
and appear to ijroceed with but little difficulty." 

When the directors of the Little fire and Cimex fraternities delegated two niemliers 
of the Flute order, one being an officer, to accompany the writer to the sacred spot, 
they were charged to observe great secrecy, that others might not be made aware 
of the visit. Accordingly, with a few companions, they started off, ostensilily for a 
pleasure ride, not venturing to go direct to the locality. The detour preventeil them 
from arriving at the base of the mountain in time to reach the shrine before the cave 
(see plate xLia) had become too much shaded to be photographed, the climb being 
long and tedious. It was therefore necessary for the objects to be removed and 
placed in the sunlight. 

The aged officer was horrified on discovering the writer's intention and begged 
that the images of Pa'yatiimu be not taken from the jilace where they had rested 
un<listurbed for centuries of moons. But it had to be done, and the curious figures 
were placed in line on a ledge below the shrine just as they stood in tlie cave (see 
plate xLib) . There was no evidence of other images than those photograiihed having 
been deposited. Quantities of te'likinawe, with plumes still beautiful, were found in 
the cave and in crevices in the roofing rocks, and hundreds long since despoiled of 
their plumes lay scattered about. After the sacred objects had been photographed, 
the officer and the writer tenderly returned them to their places in the cave. * 

The party was discovered when descending the mountain, and the information 
was carried to the village, so that upon the return of the writer and her companions 
there was great excitement. Had the people in general known of the temporary 
removal of the images of Pa'yatiimu their wrath would have known no bounds; but 
these children of nature are like civilized lieings of tender years, and can be con- 
trolled through kindness or firmness, as occasion requires, by those for whom they 
entertain profound respect. 

nTUe novel plan of making two Indians serve as a ladder, one standing upon the shoulder.* of the 
other, was used in order to reach this shrine. 
''Two of these images are now in the National Museum. 







There is no tixed time for this eereiiioii}'. It depends npon the 
harvest and occurs after the gathering- of the crops. While it is an 
annual occurrence" of the A'pi^lashiwanni (Bow priesthood), others 
take part in it. The Ant fraternity necessarily does its share, owing 
to its relation with the Bt)W ))riestliood. 

The elder brother Bow priest having decided on the time for the 
festival, requests a meeting of the first body of A'shiwanni with the 
pa'mosona (scalp custodian) and his deputy^. On the morning after 
the notification the first body of A'shiwanni assemble in the iiouse 
of the Shi'wano"kia (Priestess of fecundity), and each makes a 
cigarette as long as the distance from the metacarpus to the tip of 
the second finger. Each reed is filled with native tobacco, and each 
shi'wanni, having painted his cigarette the color of the region to 
which he is assigned, wraps it in a corn husk; two additional cigarettes 
are made by the elder and younger brother Bow priests and given to 
the pa'mosona and his deputy. The Kia'kwemosi now collects the 
cigarettes made by the A'shiwanni and hands them to the pa'mosona 
telling him to find good men, one from each ki'wi'sine, to give notifica- 
tion of the coming festival, and to select the girls for the dance. The 
pa'mosona hands three cigarettes to his assistant, who selects a man 
from each of the three ki'wi'siwe, those of the South, East, and Nadir, 
designated by the colors of his cigarettes, while the pa'mosona chooses 
a man from each of the other ki'wi'siwe, those of the North, West, and 
Zenith. The pa'mosona and assistant retain their cigarettes in their 
homes seven nights, and onthe eighth night thev take them to the 
ki'wi'siwe to which they belong, where, after lighting them, all present 
take a whifl'. The other cigarettes are then distributed. On the fourth 
day following the distribution of the cigarettes the selected men notify 
the young women of the village that they wish them to assemble in the 
evening in the Chu'pawa (south) and Mu'he'wa (west) ki'wi'siwe. Obedi- 
ence to this request is optional, but there is never an3' lack of girls, 
though those of the elite usually go against the wishes of their parents,'' 
so great is their love for ceremonial and dance. Thej* gather for four 
nights in the ki'wi'siwe, the first three nights until midnight and the 
fourth until sunrise. The}' dance each night, but do not sing, this 
being the special privilege of the men. For four nights following the 
notification the song-makers from the several ki'wi'siwe gather in dwel- 
lings and compose songs. The best songs are adopted. Those for the 
present occasion are not only songs of thanksgiving for the harvest, but 
of thanks for respite from the hated Navaho. Prayers are addressed to 

«0'winahai'ye was an annual ceremonial until after the year 1S% when this account was written. 
In 1902 the ceremony was held for the first time in several years, another instance of the gradual 
stLspension of the ceremonials of these people. 

b Implicit obedience of child to parent is the rule among all tribes with which the writer is famihar. 
and any exception to this rule is very rare. 

206 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ans. 23 

tho Gods of War that the (miimii y may bo destroyed. The meiiihers of 
the Row priesthood gather in their ceremonial chiiml)er, each In'inging- 
his warrior wand, which in some instances is completed after the 
arrival. As each warrior arrixes those present g'reet him. asking- him 
to be seated. Those who iiave their wands ready place them at once in 
an Apache basket, the feather ends radiating. The others are depos- 
ited there as they are coin[)l(>ted. The foundation of the wand is a slat 
about 2 inches square at th(^ liase and about 8 inches in length, zig-- 
zagged to symbolize lightning, and colored l)hie-green. This piece of 
wood never receives a second coat of paint, conse([uently the color soon 
vanishes. A daub of medicine, resembling pifion gum, is placed on the 
.side of the slat at the time of its completion. Two eagle plumes are 
attached to the slat, the quill ends joining, the tips spreading- in V- shape. 
White tlutiy eagle plumes and other feathers" are added until there is 
no evidence of the lightning stick. The base of the stick is covered 
with a bit of red or black cloth, which is heavily wrapped with cotton 
cord. The wand of the elder brother Bow priest has red cloth at its 
base, and two feathers, one from the wing of the kiap'kona (swallow), 
the other from the o'no'hiikia (bird of the nortli, Icteria longicauda), 
are attached with a cotton cord to one of the long- eagle plumes of the 
wand. When the elder bi'other Bow priest completes the wrapping 
of his wand, he tucks the end of the cord into the wrapping with a 
knife. That of the younger brother Bow priest is covered at the base 
with black, and the cord wrapping is formed into two lines about one- 
half inch wide, each tied in a single bowknot. Another wand has four 
oval pieces of abalone shell, pierced at one end, attached to the base; 
another has a bit of crystal attached. These wands, which are usually 
worn on the top of the head and extend outward fi-om the back, 
symbolize the heart, or seat of life. A package of commercial tobacco 
which was handed the elder brother Bow priest is placed bj' him in 
the center of the basket containing the plumes. The A'wan 'Si'ta 
(Great Mother), mistress of the ceremonial chamber, grinds meal for 
the use of the warriors at a mill at the east end of the room. 

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon the elder brother Bow priest, im- 
patient at the nonarrival of some of the members of the Bow priest- 
hood, leaves the chamber, and cries through the streets for the 
wari'iors to come at once to their post of duty. When seven of the 
members have arrived the j'ounger brother Bow priest starts a song 
to the accompaniment of the drum, which is held between the knees, 
all singing in low tones. The drum, not more than 20 inches high, 
is made of wood, with the ends covered with hide; a padded stick is 
used. After a short time two of the warriors dance, each holding 

«An plumes when not iuuse are kept carefully wrapped and laid away in the medicine box, the 
same plumes being used year after year; many of them, even with all the care observed, -bearing 
evidence of age. 


a war club." The eldor brother Bow priest, who has been sittino- on 
a low stool, now seats himself with the others upon the south ledge of 
the room near the fireplace keeping time with the song and drum, 
lie liolds his war club under his left arm and a pistol in his right hand. 
At times the little ones gather in from the streets and listen most 
attentively. After one song the elder brother Bow priest laj's aside 
the pistol and war club and beats time with his right hand, while he 
holds in the left a lighted cigarette, from which he now and then 
takes a whiff. Commercial tobacco is smoked incessantlj'. 

The second song closes at 5 o'clock, and one of the men appointed 
b}' the scalp custodian leads in a girl, who takes her seat on the 
north ledge of the room, his alternate following, accompanied l)y a 
second girl, who sits beside the first. The A'wan 'Si'ta appears from 
an inner room with a shovel of live coals and proceeds to make a 
tire in the fireplace. The girls' dresses are embellished by the men 
whom they accompany, without removing the black woven gown. A 
mi'ha (white eml)roi(lered blanket) is folded lengthwise and passed 
under the I'ight arm and fastened over the left shoulder. The arms 
and legs are bare. The women as well as the men are never unmindful 
of their adornments at such times, and a man is dispatched in haste 
for the forgotten bracelets. The friends of the dancers are usually 
willing to contribute fine blankets, ko'hakwa (white shell), coral and 
turquoise necklaces, and earrings to add to the l)eauty of their dress. 

As the fire burns up brightly the songs of the warriors become more 
hilarious, growing louder and louder as they appeal to the Gods of 
War to give them the lives of their enemies, that they may have rain 
and bountiful crops.'' They now leave the house and form into two 
lines. After dancing before the ceremonial chamber the elder brother 
Bow priest leads the north line, followed in succession by a young- 
girl, provided with an arrow, the younger brother Bow priest, a war- 
rior, and another girl and wai'rior. The south line is headed by a 
warrior, followed by women and warriors. Two virgins, each holding 
an arrow, dance back and forth between the lines, the drummer walk- 
ing in front north of the lines. Their number is increased by young 
men and boys, some not older than 6 or 7 j'ears. One boy carries 
a stufl'ed horse's leg over his right shoulder, another a stick of wood 
in the right hand and a drumstick in the left, and a third carries a doll. 
The lines halt and dance vis-a-vis. After the first song the dancers 
advance westward sidewise; and after a second dance they proceed in 
the double tile. The third song is prefaced with the war whoop as 
they enter te'wita 'hlan'na (large plaza) from the northeast. The 
house tops are crowded with spectators and the plaza is walled by 
them, many on horseback. After dancing in the plaza for an hour 

a These instruments of torture hangr on the walls of the ceremonial room, ready for- use. 
bThe spirit of the scalped enemy becomes a friend. 

208 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

all disperse, iind the elder brother Huw priest passes through the 
town, calling for all to gather later in the Ui'wi'siwe to he happy and 

The choir of the 'Siin'iakiakwe (Ant fraternity) is assembled on the 
east side of the ceremonial chamber which extends north and south, sing- 
ing to the accompaniment of rattle and drum. A bowl of medicine 
water is in the northwest end of the room. A man and a woman of the 
fraternity begin dancing, and the man appears to grow wilder and wilder 
as he growls and jumps about nearly as possible like the bear he repre- 
sents. He wears a black breechcloth and carries an eagle-wing plume 
in each hand; a salmon-colored Huti'y eagle feather is tied to his fore- 
lock. JLvery little while the man grabs at the legs of some of the 
members of the choir. The dancing continues nearly an hour, when 
the A'pi"'liishiwanni, with their nude bodies zigzagged in white kaolin, 
representing lightning, enter in single file and form into an ellipse. 
All wear deerskin skull caps, but Nai'uchi (elder brother Bow priest), 
who wears a fur cap instead. They carry their bows and arrows and war 
clubs. Nai'uchi now and then indulges in animal-like performances, 
and he also holds a live coal in his mouth, afterwards running an arrow 
down his throat, dancing about with it in that position. He is very 
graceful, and there is no member more enthusiastic and energetic than 
this old man, who has fought in many engagements with the Navahos. 

At the close of the dance the A'pi"'lashiwanni stand aside to make 
room for a party personating Navahos, the songs being in the Navaho 
tongue. After one dance this party leaves the chamber for the Chu' 
pawa ki'wi'sine, and the warriors sing another song and dance with 
even more enthusiasm than before. The dance is begun in an ellipse, 
but after a time they break into a promiscuous group, and after 
dancing a while they again form into an ellipse. These changes are 
repeated several times. . 

After the warriors leave the chamber, another party representing 
Navahos make their appearance and form into two tiles, the principal 
dancers being two boys, one personating a girl, who would deceive the 
closest observer, they are so like the Navahos. The girl wears a l)lack 
velvet waist and a full red calico skirt, which falls below the knees. 
The tips of her moccasins are painted red, and her hair is done up in 
Navaho style. A red spot of the size of a silver dollar is on either 
cheek. The boj' has his body spotted in white. 

The choir of the Ant fraternity remains ((uiet during the presence of 
both parties personating the Navahos. When the lines cease dancing, 
the boy and girl take their position vis-a-vis and some distance apart. 
Bending slightly forward, they run until they almost meet, and then 
dance, the boy I'aising first one foot and then the other as high as 
possible by drawing the knees nearly to the chin. The girl's step is 
the same but not so high or violent. Their arms are kept in constant 


motion, and tlieyc:irry in either hand ti-i:ingalar pieces made of slender 
sticlvs ornamented with white fluti'y oagiepiumes. Passingone another, 
they go some distance and turning repeat the figure. There is no 
variation from this figure during the dance. The others of the party 
sing in Navaho while the two dance between the lines. The men wear 
artificial mustaches of black goat's wool. " A ridiculous character 
appears with these dancers, wearing an old pair of .\merican trousers 
and coat, an ash-colored mask with prominent nose, and a bushy wig; 
he carries an old pistol. 

The Kia'kwemosi with others of the first body of A'shiwanni are in 
in the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, while the Ko'mosoua, pe'kwin, and others 
are in the jMu'he'wa ki'wi'sine to receive the dancers. After dancing 
in the chamber of the Ant fraternity, the party representing Navahos 
proceeds to the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, which is by this hour crowded, luost 
of the north ledge being occupied by girls wearing black wraps over 
their heads and shoulders so as to conceal their faces. One sparkling 
eye only is to be seen through the folds of the blanket. They resist 
all efforts to make them expose their faces. The circular opening in 
the floor of the ki'wi'sine. symbolic of the entrance to the innermost 
world, is exposed, and later, food and plumes are deposited within. 

The dancers form, as before, into two files, running lengthwise down 
the room facing west, and dance. The queer-looking creature wearing 
a mask crouches at the west of the fii'e altar and keeps up a violent 
motion with the pistol which he carries, moving his head in time with 
his hand. He makes many jokes and the men joke with him. When 
the two lines cease dancing, the boy and girl dance between the lines, 
as before, to repeated encores. Finally some one cries: ''Let them 
stop; they are tired." Others say: "Let them go on." They dance 
thirty minutes. The men of the ki'wi'sine pass lighted cigarettes to 
the dancers, who indulge in a social smoke. The following dialogue 
between Nan'nahe, a Hopi Lidian married to a Zuiii woman, and the 
creature wearing the mask, causes great merriment: 

"Where did you come from?" " Over there," pointing to the east. "Have you 
a father?" "No." " Have you a mother?" "No; they died long ago." "Have 
you Ijrothers or sisters?" "No." " Do you know how to weave?" "No." "Do 
you know how to do anytliing?" " No." "Do you have anyone to work for you?" 
"No." " You must have stolen your beads; you must have stolen your pistol." " I 
found an .\merican sleeping and killed him and took his pistol. I would like to 
trade this red ribbon on my pistol for a watermelon." A boy brings some melons, 
which the man grabs and tucks under his blanket, handing the ribbon to the boy. 
" How did you get the wristlet you wear?" "I was lousy and a woman combed my 
hair; when she left I found this on ray wrist." He endeavors to discharge the pistol 
by pushing the trigger forward, which creates much amusement. 

nThe mustache is worn in ridicule of the Navahos, as some o£ these people have slight mustaches. 
The Zuiii regard such growth of hair as most disfiguring, and a man of the tribe who has any signs 
of a mustache is jeered at by the others. 

23 ETH— 04 14 

210 THI-; ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann, 23 

After the Navaho dancers leave tlie ki'wi'sine the person wearing the 
mask is requested to dance. He falls at his first attempt, hut after- 
ward he burlesques the dancers who have just left. He is received 
with great enthusiasm, being called out a second and a third time. 
When responding to the encore he pretends to be quite lame from his 
fall. After taking his seat he says a few words in Hopi in a squeaky 
voice, upon which a meniljer of this tribe who is present calls out: 
"Why, you are a Hopi." When he is leaving the ki'wi'sine his foot 
misses a rung of the ladder, and the leg projects between the rungs, 
much to the enjoyment of all preselit. He is again called to the floor, 
when he produces general laughter by his ridiculous dancing. After 
he leaves, a choir composed of the young men of the ki'wi'sine, sta- 
tioned at the west end of the room, sing. The leader of the choir 
selects certain girls to dance. They protest, but without avail. The 
wrap which covers the face nmst be thrown aside during the dance, 
but at the close of the dance the face is quickly concealed again. There 
is an interval of some minutes, when other girls are selected to dance. 

After a time three young men, who appear to be present for the 
purpose, select several youths from a group of young men who sit 
on the south ledge opposite the girls, leading them over to the girls. 
Some of the youths resist, apparently as bashful as the maidens appear 
to be. A youth on being presented to a girl addresses her in a few 
words. Her reply decides whether he shall sit at her feet or hurriedly 
return to his former place. .Several of the girls persistentlv refuse to 
make a choice, while others discard manj' before the fortunate one is 
chosen. When the j'outh remains with a girl a bowl of water is 
passed to him, and he in turn hands it to the maiden, who bathes her 
face, hands, and legs, the j'oung man remaining at her feet until she 
chooses a second youth, when the girl in company with the two leaves 
the ki'wi'sine. The girls return to the ki'wi'sine with their faces more 
closely veiled than ever. 

This is the only occasion, excepting that recorded in connection 
with the closing ceremonies of the 'Hle'wekwe fraternity, in which 
there has been anj^ evidence of licentiousness observed among the 
Zuni women, and but comparatively few young women leave the ki'wi'- 
sine at this time. While they are permitted to go, such a course is 
considered most improper and a shadow of disgrace clings to every 
girl who does so, no matter how innocent she may be. 

A visit was made to the home of one of these young women the morning following 
an evening spent in the ki'wi'sinf. A young girl was seen to approach tiniiUly the 
family group at their morning meal; but she was ordered away by both parents, 
who were weeping bitterly, while the elder daughter was severe in her condemna- 
tion of her sister. The writer upon inquiring into the trouble was answered by the 
mother, who, weeping afresh, says: "My daughter stole from her home last night 
and joined the wicked set in the ki'wi'sing, and she will never again be like ray 
daughter." The girl at first refused to notice the writer, but being assured of her 


sympathy, she gratefully raised her eyes, filleil with unshed tears, and said: '' I am 
notguihy, l)ut they will not believe me." This girl was severely whipped on her 
return from the ki'wi'sine, a punishment intiieted only for a grave offense. 

Ceremonies of the Second Day 

The first body of A'shiwaniii meet ao-aiii on the morning followino- 
the first evening's festivities, in the Shi'wano'iiia's house, and gathering 
around a small howl of native tobacco they pray and smoke. Two reeds 
are filled with the tol)acco and placed by the bowl, with a l)unch of corn 
husks to be used for cigarettes. The Kia'kwemosi, liolding two corn- 
husk cigarettes, clasps the hands of the scalp cu.stodian, prajdng that 
he may clasp tlie hands of the A'shiwanni of all the world, from where 
the Sun Father comes up to where he goes down; praying that the 
Sun Father shall give to his people and to people of all the world, from 
where he comes up to where he goes down, all things good — food, 
raiment, and prosperity; that the priests of old and his other selves 
(his deceased predecessors) shall send the rain to water the earth that 
the crops may be bountiful; and that his people may have power to 
destroy the enemy. At the close of this prayer the hands of the 
Kia'kwemosi and scalp custodian are reversed, and the latter repeats a 
prayer, after which the two reed cigarettes are lighted and passed 
around, each shi'wanni taking a whili'. With a husk cigarette in his 
hand, the scalp custodian now departs for the house of the A'kwamosi 
(maker of medicine water) of the Ant fraternity. After the smoke, 
the A'shiwanni with bowed heads whisper most solemnly a prayer, 
after which a meal is served by the mother of the Shi'wano"'kia; each 
one gathers liits of the food on a piece of bread, which is afterward 
thrown into the fire, with a prayer to the ancestors and a call tq them 
to eat. The scalp custodian stands with the A'kwamosi of the Ant 
fraternity, their hands clasped, he retaining the cigarette, and they 
ofl'er a pra3'er. Their hands are afterward reversed, and the A'kwa- 
mosi repeats a prayer. Both bow and smile to the white visitors who 
enter, but do not speak until after the prayers, when the A'kwamosi 
clasps Dr Tylor's" right hand with his left. Passing the hands in a 
circle over the Doctor's head and bringing them to his lips, the A'kwa- 
mosi draws a breath and passes the hands around his own head and 
then to the lips of Dr Tylor, to draw a breath, that all that is good 
may be di-awn from the one to the other. The scalp custodian per- 
forms the same acts with him, and finally the ceremony is repeated by 
both the A'kwamosi and the scalp custodian over the writer. 

The A'kwamosi of the Ant fraternity, who is a very old man of the 
Sun clan, now hastens to a large chamber opening upon the large 
plaza, where the A'pi''lashiwanni are assembled, to otficiate in the 

oDr E. B. Tylor, the distinguished English anthropologist, was present at these ceremonies, and 
during his short stay ho won the confidence and affection of all the priests and theurgists of the tribe. 
The writer is much indebted to him for his valuable suggestions in regard to her investigations. 

212 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

ceremonicH. A fow members of the priesthood sit in the south end. 
liusyiiiy themselves making moccasins, shirts, etc. Later the A'pi"'lil- 
shivvanni gather in a semicircular group on the east side of the room 
toward the north end, the A'kwamosi of the Ant fraternitj'. with flow- 
ing white locks, sitting just south of the group. Another old man, 
holding the ceremonial cigarette-lighter, a staff charred atone end, sits 
l)ack of the choir on a quaint chair of Zufii manufacture. The first 
body of A'shiwanni, excepting the Shi'wano'"kia and the Kia' 
(Shiwanni of the North), who remains in the house of the Shi'wano"kia 
during the day. stand in line at the north end of the room, on the east 
side, and members of the Ant fraternity stand on their right. An 
Apache basket, ornamented with cloud designs and arrow points woven 
into the dark straw, and containing feather wands, having each a 
streamer of red and green ribbons, radiating from the center of the 
basket, is deposited on the floor on the west side at the north end of 
the room. A second basket is placed near by, containing a small 
leather pouch of arrow points and two bunches of reed cigarettes HUed 
with native tobacco, tlie reeds being colored red and wrapped with 
corn husks. On the floor are two Ijowls of medicine water, portions 
of several hawks' breasts, and a quantity of kaolin, red pigment, and a 
small jar of bear's grease. 

When th(^ choir has its complement of members, the song begins, 
each member holding and brandishing in time with the song a pistol, 
bayoTiet, or war club. The song embraces a long history of the val- 
orous deeds of the Gods of War and of their people of old, down to 
the times when their fathers fought the hated Navahos, the invaders 
of their homes, recapitulating the instructions given by the Gods of 
War to go out to t)attle with brave hearts, the routes they must follow, 
and the means they nuist adopt in order to master the enemy. The 
gestures accompanying this portion of the song are speciallj' graceful 
and pleasing. 

When the song is begun, the elder brother Bow priest and three 
other members of the Bow priesthood take their positions on the 
west side of the room, and are prepared by four members of the 
Ant fraternity for the outdoor ceremony. The hair is separated 
into strands and rolled on burs, forming knots, half the size of a 
pigeon's egg, all over the head. The cotton shirts and trousers are 
not removed, and moccasins and leggings are worn. The war pouch, 
suspended across the shoulder, completes the dress. The face is given 
an application of bear's grease and red and black pigment. A paste of 
kaolin is applied to the chin, upper lip, tip of the nose, and eyebrows, 
and forms a circle on the top of the head, and hawk down, sj'mbolic 
of the clouds of the world, is applied to the paste. The A'kwamosi 


of the Aut fraternity removes arrow points from the sack and places 
one in the mouth of each man, with a prayer. The arrow point must 
remain in the montla until the return of these warriors to the chamber. 
Their decoration being completed, the four take .seats on the ledge on 
the west side of the room, two with heads erect, while two bow their 
iieads. A bow and arrow are laid before each man after four equi- 
distant lines of kaolin paste have been applied to the bow, and hawk 
down is uttaclied to each line. Two A'pi"lashiwanni now stand before 
them chanting a low ritual, while the song of the choir rings through 
the long chamber. At the close of the prayer the A'kwamosi of the 
Ant fraternity gives a draft from the medicine bowl to each of the four 
warriors bj' dipping a shell into the bowl, and he gives a reed tilled 
with tobacco to each. Each wai'rior now takes the bow and arrow 
which lie before him and one of the feather wands from the Apache 
basket and leaves the chamber, two going to Up"sannawa ki'wi'sine 
and two to Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, each couple being preceded by a 
member of the Bow priesthood clad in ordinary dress. The scalp cus- 
todian is in the Up"sannawa ki'wi'sine, which represents the side of the 
elder God of War, and his fellow is in Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, which 
stands for the younger God of War, to receive the warriors. 

At the same time young men in the ki'wi'siwe are adorning girls 
about 10 years of age for the dance. The girls wear their moccasins 
and black woven gown emljroidered top and bottom in dark blue. 
A white cotton embroidered kilt is fastened on the left shoulder, 
passing under the right ai'm. The wands received In' the members 
are attached to the heads of girls in upright position by fastening the 
lower ends to the dress at the back of the neck and t\'ing them to the 
top of the head with shreds of the maiden's hair, the loose hair, which 
has been braided over night that it unn' be wavy, hiding all traces of 
the mode of securing the wand. A leather band encircles the head, 
the front of which is concealed by a long bang which covers the face. 
A horn of carved wood is attached to the left side of the leather band 
and an artificial blossom of the squash Hower, woven of red and yellow 
yarn, to the right. A red fox skin hangs from the right wrist and blue 
yarn, tied in a tassel, is attached to the left. The left arm is encircled 
almost to the elbow with rare beads, and the bi-east is covered with 
coral, turquoise, and ko'hakwa necklaces. A spread turkey tail is 
attached to the back of the waist. Each girl carries an arrow in her 
right hand, which she gracefully manipulates between the thumb and 
forefinger during the dance, the significance being that the arrows of 
the Zufii may destroy the hated Navahos. 

Robes and blankets upon which to seat the warriors have been laid 
upon the ledge on the south side of the ki'wi'siwe near the west end. One 

214 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 

of the warriors in the Up"sannawa hands the reed cigarette he carries 
to the scalp custodian and the other hands his to the warrior who 
accompanies them. Tlie scalp custodian's fellow tills his place in the 
other ki'wi'sine. The cigarettes are lighted and returned to the donors, 
who draw the smoke into their mouths, and, puffing it out in clouds, 
wave the cigarettes around their heads; then they are again handed to 
the others, who wave them twice round the heads of the donors and 
then throw them on the floor. Two of the warriors, preceded by a 
choir of gaily dressed young men of the Up"sannawa and followed by 
two girls, proceed to the plaza and stoop upon the ground, the choir 
grouping themselves behind them, facing north; the girls dance before 
them, facing south. The motions of these young dancers remind one 
of humming l)irds hovering over blossoms. With their arms spread 
out, they seem to be winged creatures, their feet scarcely touching the 
earth. The length of time they keep their arms extended is remarka- 
ble. They constantly pass one another in the dance, always keeping 
their faces southward. A short time after the arrival of the party 
from the Up"sannawa ki'wi'sine the warriors from the Chu'pawa 
ki'wi'sine, with two girls, preceded by a choir formed by members of 
the Chu'pawa, take similar positions in the plaza, sitting a little apart 
from the others. This ceremony is repeated until ail the warriors 
have taken part, sunset closing this feature of the day. 

During the ceremony performed })y the last foui- warriors a hideous 
object, representing the butfalo, appears in the plaza. His face and 
bod^' are colored black, and he wears an enormous wig of black sheep- 
skin. His only clothing is a kilt of l)rownish-red deerskin fringed with 
tiny bells, held on with an embroidered Hopi sash tied at the back. 
When the warriors leave the plaza for the last time, the four little 
girls form in two lines about 10 feet apart and dance. The buft'alo 
man dances up and down between the lines for awhile, then darts ofl', 
shaking the rattle held in the right hand, and clasps one of the girls 
in an obscene manner. " He returns and dances between the lines, 
and tinallj' leaves the plaza amid great enthusiasm of the spectators. 

Ceremonies of the Second Night 

By 9 o'clock those interested in the ceremonies of the night are busy 
preparing for them. While the Chu'pawa and Mu'he'wa are the only 
ki'wi'siwe in which the warriors assemble, members of the other 
ki'wi'siwe, wearing the dress of the anthropic gods, dance in a num- 
ber of dwellings during the night, singing songs composed for the 

(iThis character, which has been adopted from the Hopi Indians, plays no part in the rites of 
thanksgiving, and is merely Introduced for amusement, like the character in the night ceremonies 
in the ki'wi'sine. 


The picture presented in the chamber of the Ant fraternity, in 
which the men and women are preparing- for their dance, and in two 
other rooms, where parties ai-e being decorated for the dance, is not 
unlilce the greenroom of a theater. Paints, robes, and ornaments are 
scattered about the rooms. Tlie men of the Ant fraternity arc paint- 
ing their bodies in white to represent animals, snalies, and the heavens. 
The parts which they can not reach, such as their backs and shoulders, 
are painted by one another. The women paint their lower legs and 
arms in white. All have their hair done up in their usual style and 
wear yucca wreaths tied in rosettes at the side of the head and a fluffy 
eagle plume attached to the forelock. The portion of the wri'ath 
passing over the forehead of the women is covered by the long bang. 
Men place the wreaths and feathers on the women's heads. Both 
sexes wear elaborate necklaces, and the women have strings of tur- 
quoise in their ears. 

When all are ready, two parallel lines are formed lengthwise of the 
room, which extends north and south. The choir is grouped on the 
east side and sings to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum. As 
soon as the dancers are on the floor they form into an ellipse, a woman 
to the left of each man, and dance from left to right. The men sing 
but the women are silent. After dancing thirty minutes the dancers 
pass in flle out of the house to the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. After enter- 
ing they form in an ellipse and pray aloud, and, dancing around for a 
time in the ellipse, they form into two lines and dance again. 

During the dancing a noise is heard on the roof, and on investiga- 
tion thei-e are found a number of men and one 5-year-old child, repre- 
senting Navahos. All but the child carry rattles, and they are richly 
di'essed, the best figure being the tiny boj', who personates a Navaho 
girl. Now and then they call through the hatchway to the dancers 
below, who replv; and in a short time the.}' leave for the roof of the 
Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine. 

A number of young women with their heads covered with blankets, 
as on the previous evening, are in the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. .Several 
of these are compelled to lay aside their wraps and dance back and 
forth between the lines of the Ant fraternity. Three youths, appear- 
ing as decrepit old men, personating the Zuni when the}' lived on 
To'wa yal'lanne (Corn Mountain), hobble around with the aid of stafls. 
Their clothing is ragged and their long, shaggy hair is unkempt. One 
carries a stone ax, and anotiier has a pair of large tin tweezers hanging 
from his neck, and both carry bows and arrows. 

Crowds that pour into the ki'wi'sine indicate the approach of the 
Navaho dancers, who are evidently the stars of the evening. Com- 
ing down the ladder one by one, they form into double tile and 
repeat the dance of the previous evening, the child appearing as 
interested as the elders. At the conclusion of the dance and song — the 

21(5 THE ZUNI INDIANS [kth. ann. 23 

latter being a prolonged burlesque of the Navahos — the paily leave 
the ki'wi'sine, and the trio of old men from To'wa yill'liinne take the 
floor and make efi'orts to dance; their joints appear to be so stiflened 
from age that they move their limbs with great difficulty. They utter 
a num})er of comical, innocent jokes. One, addressing the writer as 
" mother," causes a roar of laughter at iicr expense. 

The A'pi^lilshiwanni, led by the elder brother Bow priest, are the 
next to appear. Their bared limbs are painted white and the}' wear 
cotton-embroidered or buckskin kilts. Some of them, including the 
elder brother Bow priest, have their heads ornamented with feather 
wands, while others wear the skullcap of buckskin with an aigrette of 
hawk feathers on the top. They, too, repeat their dance of the pre- 
vious evening. One of the girls present has her blanket taken from 
her and is made to join in the dance. 

After the warriors leave, the choir of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine sings, 
and the scenes l)etween the young men and women of the previous 
night are repeated. Musicians, dancers, and personators of the gods 
pass in and out of the covered ways and streets throughout the night, 
as they go from house to house to dance. 

The ceremonies in the Mu'heSva ki'wi'sine are the same as 
observed in the Chu'pawa. At daylight all assemble in the plaza to 
ofler prayers to the rising sun, and nothing of further interest occurs 
until afternoon, when the ceremonies of the previous da_v are repeated. 
The bodies of the warriors are now painted white to represent animals, 
snakes, and the heavens, and they wear white embroidered oi' buckskin 
kilts, held on with white cotton fringed sashes tied at the right side. 
A fox skin is pendent at the back of belt and the war pouch is worn 
over the shoulder. The hair is dressed as on the previous day, and 
their faces and heads are adorned with the hawk down. The Kia'kwe- 
mosi, who, was absent on the previous day, is now present and stands 
at the right of the pe'kwin (sun priest). After the war song and 
the other cei'emonials in the house where the warriors are assembled 
the plaza ceremonies are repeated. An hour before sunset the first 
body of A'shiwanni take seats upon a ledge outside, which has been 
covered with robes and blankets for the occasion. Tiie terraced house 
tops are now a mass of color from the bright blankets and robes worn 
by the spectators, who crowd together to witness the closing scenes. 
Many Navaho visitors, also clad in rich attire and mounted on their 
horses, add to the gay setting of the plaza. Objects of various kinds 
are thrown b}' the crow'd on the house tops to the people below, wiiich 
occasions great scrambling and wrestling, Init good humor is invariably 
preserved. The Navahos make but few attempts to get possession of 
the gifts, but occasionally they contend for them, and when it is done 
fairly the Zuni make no resistance; but when there is any attempt to 
take advantage by tripping or the like, they are hustled off the plaza 



bv the police, who are ever alert to preserve order when there are a 
miinber of Navahos in the town. 

The dancing girls who accompany the warriors dance on, apparently 
unconscious of the hilarity around them. As each set of warriors 
appears in the plaza, the women of their families and women of their 
clans and their wives' clans bring baskets laden with various articles 
of footl and deposit them on the ground at the back of the warriors, 
whom they sprinkle with sacred meal. As soon as each couple of 
warriors are through with the sacred ceremonies in the plaza, they 
don the ordinary clothing and throw the contents of their respective 
baskets to the crowd. The number and quality of the gifts of each 
warrior depends upon the wealth and extravagance of his family and 
clan connections, many of them throwing quantities of calico and 
ribbon. Nai'uchi, elder brother Bow priest, is lavish with his gifts. 
After throwing yards of calico, ribbon, and quantities of food, he 
leaves the plaza, to return in a short time clad in new black cloth 
trousca-s and vest, with a tine long silk scarf wound round his head. 
All of these are I'emoved and thrown to the crowd. He is fully 
attired under this suit. Nai'uchi's gifts are eagerly sought. 

The girls continue their dancing until the evening shadows fall over 
the j)laza, when two warriors, with the choir of the Up"sannawa ki'wi'- 
sine, leave the plaza, going toward the east, and two warriors, with the 
choir of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine, going to the west. The writer follows 
the latter and sees the party divide in the street before the Chu'pawa 
ki'wi'sine, forming into vis-a-vis lines. Rows of men and women, 
each holding a bit of cedar bark, stand on the roofs of the houses 
near by. A theurgist of the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) fraternity walks 
back and forth between the two lines of warriors, passing clown the 
body of each, to carry ofl' disease, two eagle-wing feathers, while 
he repeats an inaudible prayer. At intervals during this ceremonj' 
those on the house tops expectorate three times upon the cedar bark 
and carry it in the hands from left to right around the head, simulta- 
neously repeating a prayer. Then all separate, each having his head 
washed in yucca suds by the appropriate woman." The writer accom- 
panies one of the warriors, whose head is bathed by the wife of the 
elder brother Bow priest. The woman afterward bathes the head of 
the warrior's mother, and then all the meml)ers of the family have 
their heads washed. 


The dance of the Kok'ko ko'han (white gods) is so called from the 
Kia'nakwe'' having been clothed in white and having slept under white 

aThe top of the head is slightly washed, and then a forelock is vigorously bathed, the one doing 
the washing repeating a prayer lor health, prosperity, and a good heart. Each hand and arm to the 
elbow is also thoroughly bathed. 

''See Destruction of tlie Kla'nakwe, and .songs of thanksgiving. 

218 THE ZITNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 

blankets. These blankets, whirl i at present are made principally ))y 
the Ilopi Indians, are supposed by the Ziinis to have orij^inated with 
the Kia'nakwe. These ghost peopk^ are angry with the Zufiis for tiieir 
destruetion; hence the ceremony of propitiation, which occurs quad- 
rennially and which is one of tiie most important as well as one of the 
most elahonite in Zuni. 

The part of this ritual that is performed in the Si'aa' te'wita, sacred 
dance plaza, was lirst witnessed by the writer in 1884. In comparing 
notes made on two later occasions with those made then, it was found 
that the outdoor ceremonials are identical in all details. 

The personators of the Kia'nakwe are always members of the Corn 
clan and Chu'pawa ki'wi'sim"'. Ten days previous to a ceremonial the 
masks, which are made of hide and cover the head, are taken from 
storage, filled with damp sand to soften them and bring them into 
shape, and placed along the north ledge of the large room, vacated for 
this purpose by the family, in the dwelling of the priest, or director, 
of the Kia'nakwe organization. Five days later the decoration of the 
masks begins. Four days are consumed in decorating the masks and 
attending to various details connected with the paraphernalia. This 
work, which is performed by the men who are to take part in the 
ceremony, is begun each morning and stops at sunset. Great secrecy 
is observed throughout the prei^aration for this ceremonial, and no 
one but those who have duties to perform may enter the room." 

The twelve songs that are sung during the ceremonies are archaic, the 
Zufiis say, though thej"^ admit that these songs are in the Sia tongue, 
which was the language of the Kia'nakwe. A newly appointed person 
requires much time to learn the songs; therefore, during the summer, 
when the day's work in the fields is over, those who are to take part 
in the Kia'nakwe ceremonial frequently meet and rehearse them. The 
rain priest and his associate have the same relative positions as the 
Kia'kwemosi and the pe'kwin of Zuni. 

When the Kia'nakwe are about to appear, those who are to per- 
sonate them and their prisoners asseml)le 2 miles south of Zuni. 
After painting their entire bodies with the pinkish clay used by the 
personators of anthropic gods, which is applied so thin that the color 
is scarcely to be discerned, they dress themselves in their ini'hawe* 
and masks and return to the village. Plate xui shows them cross- 
ing the bridge over the river. The house tops are filled with men, 
women, and children, all eager to have the first look at the gods as they 
approach from over the southern hills singing a low chant. The priest 
leads, followed by his deputy. They wear white cotton shirts, white 
embroidered })lankets, each having four dark flutiy eagle plumes 
attached, front and back, in the form of a square. Thej' wear leggings 

oTho writer was present by special invitation of the priest of the organization. 
''Mi'hawe is plural for mi'ha, saered embroidered blanket. 











































MOEN & CO., Lith 




of white cotton, knit iu fanciful dcsions, and dance moccasins. A 
toi'toise-shell rattle is carried in the rioht hand and a pottery meal 
basket and te'likinawe are carried in the left. Each mask is finished at 
the base with a collarette of spruce tipped with popcorn (see plate xliii). 

The other members of the Kia'nakwe, except the two directors of 
the warriors of the six regions, are dressed like their leaders, except 
the four feathers on the front and back of blankets. The directors 
have dressed deerskins instead of the mi'hawe, and they wear bow 
wristlets and carry tortoise-shell rattles in the right hand and bows 
and arrows in the left. Tne first captive to be seen is the Ko'thlama;" 
he wears the woman's dress of black, embroidered iii dark l)Iue, 
and caught at the waist with a red woven belt. A white embroid- 
ered sash passes from the left side of the waist to the right shoulder, 
where it is tied, the embroidered ends falling. A piece of white com- 
mercial cotton hangs over the back. The neck and arms, whicli are 
exposed, are painted white; the hair is parted from the forehead down 
the back of the head, and one side is done up over a wooden t'oi-m, 
while the other side is tied with red and blue yarn and left hanging. 
The mask (see plate xliv a) covers only the face. A rattle of deer 
scapuliB is carried in the right hand, and three ears of corn, tied 
together with yucca ribbons and te'likinawe, are carried in the left.'' 

The Sa'ya'hlia, another captive, wears a large deerskin, dyed reddish- 
brown and elaborately ornamented with various colored designs, an 
emblem of the sun being on the back. A white cotton embroidered sash 
is tied round his waist under the deerskin and falls at the side. The 
mask of the Sa'j-a'hlia is of native cotton cloth, colored with paint made 
from the pinkish clay. The mouth of the mask is bearded with lynx 
skin, and the projecting teeth are made of corn husks. Gray goat's 
wool falls over the top of the head and forehead, and padded eyeballs 
are conspicuous beneath the wool. A red fox skin is worn around 
the neck at the base of the mask (see plate xvi). The Sa'ya'hlia car- 
ries a tortoise-shell rattle in the right hand and a bow and arrows 
and te'likinawe in the left. 

The last captive to be seen in the line is It'sepiisha (game-maker), 
one of the ten Ko'yemshi;'' he wears the seldom varying dress, the 
short, ragged skirt of native black cloth, and the three-cornered piece 
of the same at the base of the mask, the body and mask being colored 
with the pinkish clay. The ten Ko'yemshi masks differ in detail. 
There are six warriors of the Kia'nakwe for the six regions besides the 
two directors. The masks are of the appropriate colors, yellow for the 
North, blue-green for the West, and red for the South (plate xlv a, b, 
and c); white for the East. The white masks are the same as those of 

« See Destruction of the 'Kia'nakwe, and songs of thanksgiving. 

b On one occasion tlie Ko'thlama had a quiver of arrows over his back and he carried a bow and 
arrows in his left hand. 
(■ See p. 33. 

220 THE ZUNl INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

the pi-iest luid deputy of tlic Kiu'iuikwe without the tadpole and 
dragon-Hy deconition (plate XLiii); \'ariegated for the Zenith, and 
black for the Nadir (plate xlvi a and b). The mask of the directors 
of the warrioi'^i of the .six re<4'ions is blue-green on the face with a 
decoration of black, dotted white, on the back (plate xi.\i c). 

After each god crosses the bridge over the river that iiows south of 
the village he halts, and when all have reached the hank they are 
greeted by nine Ko'yenishi. They afterward pass down the street on 
the south side of the village, then up on the east side to another street 
running east and west, and up this street to the Si'aa' te'wita, then out 
by the western co\'ered way to the street on the north side of the 
village, and down on the w(»st side to an inner one leading to the 
Chu'})awa ki'wi'sine, which they enter. Nine Ko'yemshi. th(> tenth 
being with the party of dancers, spend the afternoon entertaining the 
populace bj' going from house to house playing in primitive comedy. 

After prayers, the masks, with the spruce wreaths, are renio\ed 
and laid on a sheepskin spread on the tioor in a room adjoining and 
north of the ki'wi'sine, the doorway being about 2^ feet above the 
tioor of the chamber, though on a level with the floor of the room in 
which the masks are placed. The Kia'nakwe now disband and return 
to their respective homes for refreshment. Later in the evening they 
return to the ki'wi'sine, the priest taking his seat in the northwest 
corner and the two directors of the warriors sitting at his left; the 
others are grouped on the north side of the chamber. The priest and 
the two warriors by his side deposit 1)roken he' we (wafer bread) in two 
basket trays. Soon afterward the song begins. The pe'kwin (deputy) 
of the Kia'nakwe arrives, but before taking his seat on the west ledge, 
he empties a quantity of he'we, brought in a soiled cloth, into one of 
the basket trays. During the tirst song the priest occupies himself 
making four flat packages of corn husks, each about 3i inches long 
and 2 inches wide. Twelve songs are sung, there being a few moments 
intermission between each song. The director of the song sits at the 
east end of the group. Some move the right hand and some both hands 
in time with the song, which is at no time very loud. Rattles ai'e not 
used until the beginning of the dance. The singing of the twelve 
songs requires a little over two hours, each stanza averaging two 
minutes. At the close of each song a prayer is repeated aloud by all, 
and the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona" is iidialed. There are many 
members of the ki'wi'sine present, wdio take no actual part in the 
ceremonies, they being privileged to come to their own ki'wi'sine; 
in fact they assist the personators of the Kia'nakwe in various ways. 
At their own request and for protection against bad dreams, two are 
whipped with yucca across eac'h arm and ankle by a warrior of the 

« See Classification of higher powers. 





C OF THE MOSONA OF THE ^KIa'NAKWE front and side views 


A bunch of deer .scapuUr and thirt\ -Hve tortoise-shell rattles lie in a 
group on the Hoor near the two liasket travs. and several packages of 
plumes, etc., wrapped in old cloths, are on the Icdoc near the priest. 
Two hours l)efore midnight the priest empties the contents of one 
basket tray into the other, pi'ays, and, placing' his mouth \'ery close to 
the food, putt's smoke over it from his cigarette of native tobacco. 
Though he prays aloud, the singing drowns his voice. After a prayer 
of tiv^ minutes he divifles the food into three parts, returns it to the 
.soiled cloths in which it was l)r()ught. hands a package to each of the 
chiefs of the warrior gods and one to his d(^puty, and afterward one (>( 
the corn-husk packages to each. The three wrap their blankets around 
them, go to the ri\er, and deposit in the water the contents of their 
packages as food for the departed Kia'nakwe. These men are absent 
an hour. In the meantime one of the singers hands to a young man 
several pieces of green paint, a mixture of copper ore and boiled 
piiion gum. A large and beautiful paint stone and pestle are then 
placed on the floor on the south side and two young men proceed to 
grind the paint. First a piece is pounded into a powder, then water 
and scjuash seed are added, bits of the ])aint being placed on the stone 
as the grinding proceeds. Fully an hour is required for the proper 
mixing of the paint. The two take turns, one grinding while the 
other scrapes the paint toward the center of the paint stone. 

The last song closes as the three officers return from depositing 
the offerings in the river, and inuuediately one of the singers jumps 
up and endeavors to open the door on the north side of the room. 
Finding it fastened, he goes to the window in the west end, which 
communicates with a room, and calls to the man of the family, who is 
sleeping, to open the door in the north wall. Soon this door gives way 
to the push of one of the singers, and they all disappear through this 
quaint little doorway. They soon return, each bearing a pair of dance 
moccasins, which are handed to the paint-grinders. The two grinders 
and a third man repaint thirty-six pairs of dance moccasins. This 
work is done very rapidly. A quantity of paint put into the mouth 
with the linger is thrown out through the teeth over the moccasin; 
then the tongue serves as a paint brush. The sight is most repulsive. 
One man becomes very sick from the effects of the paint. During the 
painting of the moccasins the Kia'nakwe rehearse for the dance of the 
coming day. The}' remove their cotton trousers, or roll them up, so 
that they are not seen below the white shii'ts which fall over them. All 
hut the Ko'thlama hold tortoise-shell rattles; deer toes are attached 
with buckskin thongs to the tortoise shell. He holds the rattle of deer 
.scapula?. Then they form into ah elongated horseshoe, the apex being 
toward the west end of the room, the directors of warriors at each end. 

222 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 2) 

After ;ill have taken position, one of their number examines each 
tortoise to see that the number of deer toes attached is correct. The 
dance begins with the priest and his pe'kwin walking- abreast toward 
the west in slow steps, bending the knee with a stiff motion. When 
near the apex of the horseshoe the}' stop and face each other. The 

priest bends both knees and exclaims: " Hu' hu hu " 

The pe'kwin repeats the same. The priest again cries: "Hu' 

hu hu ," and it is again repeated by the pe'kwin, when they 

simultaneously bend their knees and call together, "Hu' hu 

hu hu." Immediately the dancers' voices are heard in rich 

minor tones. Then the rattles sound and the dancers form in file, 
facing north, the one at the south end of the horseshoe now being at 
the east end of the line. In a moment the\' all turn and face east, 
and so they continue to reverse while the priest and pe'kwin walk 
stiff-kneed back and forth. Every time the two meet midway the 
line of dancers they halt and bow. After the priest and pe'kwin 
back and forth four times the dance ceases, and the two, facing each 

other, cit: " Hu' hu hu hu." The dance is repeated, 

and the song continues. After dancing an hour they leave the 
ki'wi'sine and visit the house of Awan ta"chu (Great Father) Ko'yem- 
shi, where they dance. 

After the return of the Kia'nakwe to the ki'wi'sine the night is spent 
in smoking and talking. At daylight the masks are brought from the 
inner room and placed on a sort of hanging shelf previously prepared 
for them. They don their paraphernalia at sunrise and dance before 
the dwelling of the priest of the Kia'nakwe, which is on the west 
street, and again in the plaza on the west side of the town, each dance 
being like the one in the ki'wi'sine. The dress, however, is now 
complete. They return to the ki'wi'sine, remove their masks, and 

This particular ceremony of dancing at different points and passing 
around the village is I'epeated four times; each time they return to 
the ki'wi'sine. The last of these dances closes about an hour before 
noon. In the meantime twelve women of the Corn clan, the supposed 
descendants of the Kia'nakwe, assemble in the ki'wi'.sine, taking seats 
on the ledges on the east and south sides of the room. Two bowls of 
yucca suds are provided, and the priest advances to have his head 
washed. Each woman dips a handful of the suds, and when all are 
supplied each one rubs them down the forelock of the priest. An ear 
of corn is now rubbed on the top of his head four times. The other 
officers are washed in turn, and aU the Kia'nakwe pass through the 
same ceremony. 

After the washing of the heads, bowls of food and coffee are carried 
to the entrance of the ki'wi'sine by the wives and daughters of the 
personators of the Kaa'nakwe and are received by members of the 













Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine. The women who carry the food to the ki'wi'sine 
nmst first wash their heads, although they go only to the entrance and 
return home immediately after depositing the food; they wear their 
best moccasins and dresses for the occasion. This elaborate feast in 
the ki'wi'sine is i:)articularly enjoyed by all, including the twelve women 
of the Corn clan, as a fast has been maintained by the personators of 
the gods since the previous evening. 

After each man finishes his meal he collects a bit from each bowl 
upon a large piece of he'we (wafer l)read) and, folding it lengthwise, 
wraps it at each end with yucca and forms a handle. This package 
is carried in the left hand in the outdoor dance and is afterward 
deposited in the river for the Kia'nakwe. 

At the close of the meal one of the Chu'pakwe tills an Apache 
basket with grains of corn of various colors from a cloth that lies 
toward the west end of the room on which the corn is piled. He 
carries it to the east end of the room and gives to each of the twelve 
women of the Corn clan about a pint of corn to l)e planted the 
coming year. The women now leave the ki'wi'sine, but before thej^ 
depart the priest advances to the middle of the room and, with his 
te'likinane clasped in his hands, repeats in a most impressive manner 
a litany. The others appear weary enough, except at the moments 
when they make responses, in which they never fail. When the priest 
returns to his seat the eating l)owls are removed. Personators of the 
Kia'nakwe put on their masks and proceed to the Si'aa' te'wita, where 
the dance of the previous night is repeated (see plate xlvii). 

Contributions for the first body of A'shiwanni begin to pour into the 
ki'wi'sine during the dancing. The offerings are brought in blankets, 
the men carrying theirs on their backs while the women hand theirs 
through the hatchwa}'. They are received principally by an aged man 
of the ki'wi'sine. There are deer and antelope, some that have not 
been fla3'ed, but simply drawn, with corn and other small offerings 
placed inside; others are flaj'ed and the skins brought separate fi'om the 
flesh; about 3U() watermelons, many of them covered with a netting 
of yucca containing a number of feathers, and a large (juantity of 
corn on the cob. Several men are l)usy tying the corn together in 
bundles containing four to ten ears, and a handle is formed of yucca 
over the top ear. A large numljcr of birds are brought, the plumes 
of which are used by the A'shiwamii for their te'likinawe that are 
d(^posited at the winter solstice, that food may be abundant the 
coming year. The birds are laid apart from the general heap at the 
west end of the room, of light bread, which is strung together in 
fanciful shapes, dried deer meat, corn, melons, and pieces of calico. 
The luiflayed game and skins arc deposited at the east end of the 
chamber. As the dried deer meat, melons, and seeds are required to 
lill the game and skins, thev are brought to the east side of the room. 

224 THE ZIJNI INDIANS [eth. ass. 23 

The unHayed oame and skins are sewed up with ^'ii'.'oatiireads. It is a 
busy time for the few wiio work. Others who ci'owd the room look on 
and give their opinions. Contributions continue to a late houi', and the 
packages, when completed, are carried to the ceremonial house of the 
keeper of the 'su"hlan'na (great shell), so as to have them near the 
scene of action and to make room for other donations. 

After dancing four times in the plaza, the Kia'nakwe return to the 
ki'wi'sine and remain about twenty minutes, and then go again to the 
plaza and dance; four times more. 

In the absence of the Kia'nakwe from the plaza, nine of the 
Ko'_vemshi, the tenth dancing with the Kia'nakwe, amuse the audience. 
When playing the harlequin these men are sometimes obscene, but 
they rarely do anything more than anmse the populace with their jokes. 
Hearing the roars of the men, women, and children, one unacquainted 
with the language might infer that something had been saifl witli at 
least a double meaning, but this is not often the case. They mimic the 
dancei's, make fun of one another's masks or faces, pretend to be fright- 
ened at some child in the crowd, and call one another old and strangers 
who are known to no one, etc. They appear to greatly enjoy the games 
of wool bag, hopping on one foot, and, which they 
play during the intervals of the dancing. 

At 4 o'clock the Kia'nakwe return to the plaza, their backs laden 
with gifts for the A'shiwanni, and form a broken ellipse, the apex being 
to the east side of the plaza. The priest carries a liasket of loose corn 
of various colors, aiid his pe'kwin a basket tray of feathers artistic- 
ally arranged on a bed of raw cotton. At this time the A'shiwanni, 
including the Shi'wano"kia, who have been in the ceremonial chamber 
of the Kia'kwemosi, form a line, facing at the west side of the 
plaza. The Kia'kwemosi stands at the south end, with the pe'kwin 
beside liim, the Shi'wano"kia standing just back of them. The 
Shiwanni of the Nadir (also elder brother Bow priest), with the 
younger brother Bow priest by his side, stands next. The A'shi- 
wanni of the AVest, South, and P^ast complete the line. As soon as 
the Ko'yemshi, who stand on the north side of the plaza when 
the dancers come, relieve those on the north side of their burdens, 
till! members of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine remove the loads from the 
backs of those on the south side of the ellipse. The basket trays 
carried by the priest and deputy are taken and held by the A'wan- 
tii'Vliu Ko'yemshi and his pe'kwin. as these baskets mu.-t not touch 
the ground. Should the baskets be deposited on the ground the seeds 
would be unfruitful. 

The A'shiwanni appear like so many statues during the dance, which 
begins after the loads are removed from the dancers. AVhen the dance 
ends the burdens are returned to the backs of the priest of the Kia'nakwe 
and his deputy by two warriors of the Kia'nakwe, and the liaskets are 
handed to them. The priest of the Kia'nakwe now stands before the 


Kia'kwemosi. and his deputy before the pe'kwin (sun priest), who 
receive the liasket trays. Tlies(> trays are now transferred to the 
8hi'\vano''kia, who retains hotii, the basket of feathers lieing phiced 
on top of the basket of corn. The burdens ai'e now removed from the 
backs of tiie priest and his deputy and hiid upon a blanket spread for 
the purpose. The directors of warriors advance and stand before the 
Shi'wanni vi the Nadir and younger lirother Bow priest, and their 
burdens are removed. Long prayers are n^peated Ijy the four per- 
sonating the Kia'nakwe as they stand vis-a-vis to their prototypes in 
Zufii. These prayers continue until all the offerings are deposited. 
The priest and deputy speak in the Sia tongue, which the\' refer to as 
archaic Zufii, but the warriors talk in the modern tongue, as only the 
former are familiar with these praj-ers of the Kia'nakwe. 

Two blankets are laid side by side, with a space of several feet 
between, and each dancer deposits his burden on a blanket. As soon 
as the Ko'yemshi perform their share in relieving the dancers of their 
burdetis. they busy themselves brinf^ing in the watermelons from the 
house of the keeper of the great shell, which they deposit in a heap 
near the ladder leading to the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi. 
When all the dancers have mside their offerings, the Kia'nakwe priest, 
his deputy, and the directors of warriors turn and face the dancers, and 
each dancer in uni.son grasps his rattle with both hands, the priest and 
deputy holding theirs in the same wa}'. The priest offers a prayer, 
and all wave the rattle, still holding it with both hands, in a circle from 
right to left, and inhale a breath. Then the rattle is held in the right 
hand and shaken for a moment, and the song and dance begin. 

The A'shiwanni now adj(^urn to their ceremonial chamber, but return 
to the plaza after the dancers leave and carry the gifts up the ladder 
on their backs. It is all Nai'uchi, the old Shi'wanni of the Nadir, can 
do to carry up a large buck. He fails to lift it by placing the 3'ucca 
strings, which ai"e attached to the fore and hind legs, across his breast, 
but is able to bear it after it is raised to his back by others. The 
offerings are spread on the floor of the ceremonial chamber of the 
Kia'kwemosi. The Shi'wano"kia " at once begins collecting the birds 
and plumes from the packages. The A'shiwanni sit smoking in a 
group in the southeast corner of the room. Baskets of te'likinawe 
made during the afternoon are on the floor, to be ofl'ered to the 
deceased predecessors of the A'shiwanni and to the priests of the 

After all the birds and plames are collected, and there are many of 
them, the cjuestion arises regarding the allotment of the buck. It 
seems that no special package goes to any particular shi'wanni, but that 
the whole mass is divided; yet in this case it is agreed that the buck 

"The Shi'wano"kIa, the wife of the Kia'kwemosi, and the writer were the only women present. 
23 ETH— 04 1.5 

2'26 THE ZUNI INDIANS [ ann. 'JS 

must belong to the Kia' The Shi'wanni of the Nailir proceeds 
to flay the animal. The younficr brother Bow priest liohls tiie rig-ht 
liind leg, the Shi'wanni of the South holds the left fi)rcieg. the wife 
of the Kia' the left iiind leg. The knife is run down tiie 
throat, tiien out the right foreleg, then down tiie pauncli. and out the 
rigiit hind leg, out the left foreleg, then out the left hind leg. 

When the dancers retire from the plaza they are burlesqued b}^ the 
Ko'3-emslii, the jester having the same privilege in this rude life that 
was accorded to him in the courts of Kurope. 

During the afternoon, the time when the tops and the plaza 
are crowded with spectators, two Ko'yemshi, one carrying a doll and 
the other a basket containing a doll and ears of boiled corn tied together 
with yucca ribbons, approach a little girl, whose mother places her 
arms around the child as they come near. The two hold a con\ersation 
with the child, asking her many questions. She seems (juite interested 
and eager to receive the gifts. One Ko'yemshi presents to her the doll 
he carries, and the other hands the basket containing the doll and corn 
to the mother; the mother and child then leave the plaza. 

Great excitement and anmsement are caused b\^ the Ko'yemshi throw- 
ing blankets over a dog. Fir.stone and then another throws a blanket 
until the howling of the dog is completely drowned and he can not move. 
The excitement reaches the highest point when this bundle is lifted by 
one of the Ko'yemshi. The greatest enthusiasm prevails ovc- the return 
of the dancers, who are completeh' covered with gifts for the populace, 
including bi'ead of fanciful shapes, strung together with yucca ribbons 
and calico tied into balls with long ends like kite-tails. The people of 
all ages are eager to catch the articles that are flying through the air. 
It is astonishing how dextrous the Zuiiis are in throwing these objects. 
It is well-nigh dusk when the last gift is thrown. One of the dancers, 
requesting a Ko'yemshi to help hjni to remove the white shirt he wears, 
waves it, when off, until the male spectators are fairl}' wild when he 
tosses it into the air. No controversy or ill feeling is displayed between 
the Zufiis at these times. 

The dancers and Ko'j^emshi now leave the plaza and, passing out over 
the western road for a mile or so. they disrobe. A number of mem- 
bers of the Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine follow on the south side of the river, 
apparently unconscious of the maskers; they carry ordinary apparel 
secreted under their blankets, and return with the masks and other 
paraphernalia covered from view. ^A'ith this act the festival, which has 
been all-absorbing for daj's, closes, to be repeated in four years. The 
gifts to the A'shiw-anni are carried at night to their homes. Small por- 
tions of the game, after it is cooked, are deposited by each shi'wanni 
in the river as ofl'erings to the deceased Kia'nakwe, who are angry 
gods, and must be appeased with ceremonies and gifts. 



It was mentioned in treating of the winter solstice festival that those 
who arc to personate the Council of the Gods, the Sha'lilko (giant 
couriers of the rain-makers) and the Ko'yenishi, and those who are to 
entertain these gods are decided upon during the winter solstice cere- 
monies. One of the eight new or reconstructed houses is blessed 
by the Council of the Gods, six each by a Sha'lako. and one by the 

The large te'likinane given in the ki'wi'sine at the winter solstice to 
each man who is to entertain the Sha'lako is kept in his house, and is 
brought out from its resting place by him at intervals when the mem- 
bers of his and of his wife's clan gather in the house with his family 
while he holds the te'likinane and pra3^s. The prayer, which is long, 
is a supplication for life, iiealth, and happiness. 

At the close of the festival of the Sha'liiko the Ko'yemshi collect 
these te'likinawe from the different houses and deposit them, except 
the one given to the host of the Council of the Gods, which is carried 
by Sa'yatasha to his home and afterward planted by him. 

When the ceremonial house of the Kia'kwemosi i.s to be repaired the 
work is done by the people of his clan, the workmen being appointed 
by the pe'kwin (sun priest), some member of the governor's staff call- 
ing from the house top each morning the names of those selected to 
labor during the day. Several gods are present at this time to see that 
all hands keep at work. Each ki'wi'sine is repaired by its members. 
As the ceremonial chambers of the fraternities are general living rooms 
of families at all other times than when the ceremonials occur, there 
is no special building or repairing of these aside from the general 
house structure. The walls are whitened and sometimes decorated 
for ceremonials, the whitening being done by the women of the house 
and the decorating by members of the fraternitj-; in some cases 
decorations remain permanently on the walls. 

In building or reconstructing houses the wor'li (manager) details 
members to work on the house in which his ki'wi'sine is to be repre- 
sented by a Sha'lako. Personators of the Council of the Gods and 
Ko'yemshi direct men of their ki'wi'siwe to work upon the houses in 
which they are to appear. Their wives and daughters and the women 
of their clans wait upon the Iniilders. 

Houses of either a domestic or a religious character that are to be 
constructed or remodeled must be in order before the coming of the 
Sha'liiko. Such work is often delayed from day to day. and toward the 
end nuist be expedited to be ready at the prescribed time. 

Zufii, like a beehive in its peculiar construction, is most like one 
when house building is in pi'ogress. The streets near by are hiied 
with men, women, and children. 

2'J8 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

In 1884 the reconstruction of a house of more than ordinary impor- 
tance occupied attention. It was the ceremonial house of the Kia'kwe- 
a'niosi (first l)ody of A'shiwanni), usually referred to as the house of 
the Kia'kweraosi (Shiwanni of the North). It was not his place of 
residence, however, the custom of the husband going to the wife's 
house applying to the Kia'kwemosi also. His sister occupied the 
house until its destruction by lightning, which also caused her death. 
The Zufiis say she had no love in her heart for the Kia'kwemosi, her 
brother; that lightning never destroys the good of heart. The 
A'shiwanni rejoiced that the room of the et'tone" of the Kia'kwemosi, 
which is immediately over the center of the world, was not disturbed. 

On this occasion there are present two Sa'ya'hlia (see plate xvi), three 
A'toshle (two males and one female), four Ko'yemshi (see plate va); 
and three members of the Me'wekwe (Galaxy f raternitj'), each carrying 
his bauble. Each Sa'ya'hlia wears a white cotton em})roidered kilt, 
with a sash of the same material and a woman's red belt tied on the left 
side. A finely dressed deerskin is fastened on the right shouUler. pass- 
ing under the left arm. Bands of leather, painted })lue-green and edged 
with three points of unpainted leather, ornament the upper arms. A 
leather thong several inches long, tipped with a turkey plume, is 
attached to each point. Bunches of native blue yarn with long tassels 
encircle the wrists and are also worn below the knees. Dance moccasins 
complete the costume. The entire body is painted with the pinkish 
clay l)efore referred to. Bows and arrows are carried in the left liand, 
and in the right toi'toise-shell rattles and bunches of giant yucca. 
Two of the A'toshle are similarly dressed. The female weai-s ordinary 
woman's dress, and a white cotton blanket bordered with red and blue 
stripes is tied at her neck, falling over the back. The Ko'yemshi 
have their nude bodies and masks colored with the pinkish clay. The 
ragged kilt is worn, and a three-cornered piece of the same native 
cloth is tied to the base of the mask. 

The Ne'wekwe, attired in cast-off imiforms of the United States 
Army, are supposed to lend assistance to the laborers, l)ut they do 
little else than eat filth and plaj' the fool. The Ko'venishi scamper 
!il)()ut over the house tops and indulge in jokes and other nonsense, 
while the Sa'ya'hlia goaliout the village with bunches of yucca, dri\ ing 
the delinquents to work. The A'toshle also carry giant yucca, which 
they use without the slightest hesitancy, and they are supplied with 
large stone knives with which they threaten to cut oft' the heads of 
naughty and disobedient children. 

While there is much work in the house building there is also nnich 
pleasure. The women chatter the gossip of the day, men })ass their 
jokes, youths and maidens laugh joyously at one another's expense, 

a See A'shiwanni (rain priesthood). 


.and children vie with each other for the praise of their elders. Women 
are busy preparinjy a feast for those laboring on the ancestral house of 
the Kia'kweniosi. One group of niaideiis grinds at the mills, keeping- 
time to a choir of young men who are accompanied ))y the drum, while 
at two tireplaces aged women, looking more like mummies than living 
creatures, sit toasting the meal after it has passed thi'ough the coarsest 
mill; after the toasting, it uuist again go through finer mills. On 
another sida of the room a group of half-grown girls sits husking corn, 
their bodies keeping I'vthmic time with their voices. At another 
tireplace two women are busy baking he'we, while in the room beyond 
maidens are engaged over great pots of stewing meat, corn, and chili. 
Two meals are served to the workers, one at midday and one at sunset. 
Late in the afternoon the A'toshle and Ko'yemshi together visit a 
number of to learn if the imnates properly perform their 
duties. They make inquiries regarding the behavior of husbands, 
wives, and children. In one house a wife accuses her husband of 
being lazy and unwilling to work, whereupon he is brought up for 
judgment. He pleads his own cause and finally succeeds in getting 
the gods to accept his statement. In another house the mother 
complains that her daughter will not grind. The girl declares that 
grinding makes her very tired and her arms refuse to move. The 
female A'toshle commands the girl to accompany her to the mills and 
kneel beside her to be taught to grind so that her arms will not ))ecome 
tired. The two gods lecture a boy of 4 3"ears, while two younger 
children of the family are held close in the aims of their parents, who 
cover the little ones' eyes with their hands. The bo}- receiving the 
lecture clings to his mother, and his knees shake as he replies to the 
questions of the gods. The fear of the child is great as the gods wave 
their stone knives above him and declare that if he is naughty the}' 
will cut off his head. A father complains that his boys are uncleanly 
and will not bathe, whereupon they are commanded by the gods to 
proceed at once to the river, where the Ko'yemshi join the boys, and 
dropping tiieir kilts, jump into the water and bathe. In a short time 
they mak(> their l)rief toilet and return to the house and join the 
A'tosiile. Then all stand in line and repeat a long prayer, the mem- 
liers of the houseiiold ol)serving the greatest reverence. At the com- 
pletion of this prayer the family spi-inkle the gods with meal and 

After leaving the house the gods meet a man returning from his 
peach orchard, his burro heavily laden with fruit, the master urging 
him along with a heavy stick. The man is stopped by the gods and 
held up for trial for working in his orchard instead of assisting in the 
building of the house of the Kia'kwemosi. It is finallv decidc^l he 

280 THK ZUNI INDIANS [ ann.23 

ahall be allowed to go unpunished after supplying the party gener- 
ously with peaches, which tiie Ko'yemshi carry to their house. The 
other gods now return to the Ui'wi'sine, where they remove their masks 
and apparel and put on their ordinary clothing, which has been brought 
by young men, who convey the masks and paraphernalia closel}^ con- 
cealed under their Ijlankcts to their proper places. Such are the daily 
scenes during the exterior building of the house. 

The richer class is lik(^ly to entertain the Sha'liiko most fre- 
quently, as they are ))etter able to remodel and enlarge their houses 
from time to time, yet those who are very poor sometimes aspire to 
this honor. In order to do so the house must undergo the necessary 
improvements. One of the entertainers of the Sha'lako in 1896 
was tried and condemned as a wizard while engaged on his house 
improvements. It was witli difficulty that the writer had this man 
released, the whole village crying out against him, yet after being 
exonerated he proceeded with liis house building without further 


Each family that is to remodel a house for tlie ISha'liiko festival has 

at harvest time a corps of men detailed to work in their tields by the 

chief wor'li of the ki'wi'sine whence the personatoi's of the gods are to 

come. These men leave the village in a bod\-, usuallv on horseback, 

at early morning, returning at sunset. Thej' enjo}' a repast at the 

iiouse of those for whom they have labored. Great preparations are 

made for this occasion by the women of the household, their clan, and 

the clan of the man of the house. Grinding is again done as described, 

vvitii ceremony and song. 

On August 16, llSi»(i, the wor'li of the O'he'wa (East) ki'wi'sine visited 
the house where the .Sha'lako of his ki'wi'sine was to appear the coming 
autiinm, and informed the matron of the house that his people would 
work in the tields. The tields worked on this occasion were those of 
the man and woman of the house and of their two sons-in-law, the 
products of all going to the household use. 

On the return of the workers at sunset, those who were to personate 
a Slia'liiko, his fellow, and the Ko'niosona being of the number, a 
feast was served them on the roof of the house." The food was placed in 
a lino and twenty-one persons were seated on each side of it. The wives 
of those who chanced to be of the clans of the inmates of the house were 
assembled, with their baWes, on the roof to receive their husbands and 
aid in serving the meal. The fathers whose babies were pi-esent seemed 
very nuich more interested in the wee ones than in the elaborate meal 
that awaited them, and the babies, who exhibited great delight at the 
presence of their fathers, were taken and tossed about and played with 
before the food was tasted. Those men whose wives and l)abies arrived 

a These people enjoy being out of doors in the cool of the evening. 


after thej' were seated took the little ones in their arms and played with 
them, to the interruption of their meal. At the close of the meal food 
wrapped in corn husks was lianded to the man who was to personate the 
Sha'liiko and to his fellow by the momltcr of the household to whom 
the te'likinane was given at the winter solstice. The food was carried 
to the river and deposited to the Kok'ko A'wan (Council of the Gods)." 
The Sha'liiko festival is the great autumn celebration, and is of more 
general interest to the Zufiis, and also to the Indians of the surrounding 
country, than all the others. At no other time is there such feasting 
among them. Th(> larders are kept tilled. The poorer class of Zufiis 
often give all tliey [)ossess to their welcome and unwelcome guests, 
regardless of the sutlering in store for them when the festival will have 
closed and the visitors, who have satiated their appetites at their 
expense, will have gone. Among these unwelcome guests are the 
Navahos. for whom, except in a few instances where a friendship has 
sprung up, the Zufiis have scant amity. The Navahos have not the 
slightest hesitancy in riding up to a house, unsaddling their horses, 
walking in, and reiuaining as long as it Uiay suit their pleasure; and 
the Zuilis accept the inevitable as graciously as possible. 

Minor Ceremonies 

Though the great festival takes place in the autumn, minor ceremo- 
nies occur each month following the winter solstice, at which time the 
personators of the gods who are represented in this festival are 
appointed. They meet twice each month to rehearse their songs, and 
each month in the last quarter of the moon te'likinawe are deposited 
at some shrine to these gods. 

In January the chosen Sa'j'atasha" visits the house of the new A'wan 
til'Vhu Ko'yemshi, and the two remain together until far into the night. 
The following morning the personator of Sa'yatsisha goes on horse- 
back to Nutria (a farming district) to gather cottonwood, returning as 
early as possible. After reaching his home and depositing the l)ulk of 
the branches, he carries a small Inuidle of them to the house where the 
masks of the Ko'yemshi are kept and where the Great Father Ko'yem- 
shi awaits him. The two talk together for a while. The six person- 
ators of the Sha'liiko also gathei' cottonwood for their te'likinawe. 
Early in the following morning the Great Father Ko'yemshi, having 
selected his nine fellows, requests them to assemble at his house. 

Those who are to personate the Council of th(» (iods go to the house 
of the personator of Sii'yatiisha, who in((uires of Shu'laawi'si whom he 
has chosen to be liis ceremonial father. The latter replying, Sa'yatiisha 
requests him to bring the father, who may be of any clan: in ISlKj he 
belonged to the Corn clan. On his return Shu'laawi'si holds the 

« Sec p. oo. 

232 . thp: zuni Indians [eth. ann.23 

to'likinane (jivcii him by the pe'kwin in the He'iwa ki'wi'siiR' durinjj 
the winter solstice ceremonies and repeats with his chosen father the 
cerenion}- said I)}' the pe'liwin over him. The Ko'yemshi assemble 
at the same time in the house of the Great Father Ko'yemshi, who 
repeats with each of his nine fellows the ceremony with his plume 
offerinff that the pe'kwin held with him. The te'Iikinawe are then 
returned to tlip basket tray from which they were taken. 

On the followinjr morning the Ko'yemshi again gather in the (ireat 
Father's house, and those who are to personate the Council of the Gods 
and father of Shu'Iaawi'si assemble in the house of the persoiiator of 
Sa'^-atilsha, the alternate of each man who personates a Sha'liiko going 
to his principal's house. All are busy preparing te'Iikinawe. Each man 
makes four, except A'wan t;i"chu Ko'yemshi. who makes only three, 
haying the one alread}' given hiiu by th(! pe'kwin. The sticks of all the 
Ko'\'emshi are colored black, each having three eagle plimies, one 
from the l)ack of the neck, one from under the tail, and one banded 
one, and feathers from the birds of the six regions. The te'Iikinawe 
made l\y the personators of the Council of the Gods have the sticks 
colored black. The one given to Sa'yatiisha 1)}' the pe'kwin is painted 
yellow. Each stick of these gods has three turkey phuiies, one tiufi'y 
eagle plume, and feathers of the birds of the six regions. Each Sha'iiiko 
and his alternate prepare te'Iikinawe similar to those made at the 
house of Sa'yatiisha. When the otierings are completed they are laid 
in basket trays. The men return to their homes, where the head of 
each is washed by the wife or some female member of tlie family. 
Returning for the te'Iikinawe, the^- all proceed to U'hana 'kianakwi 
(Moss" spring), where Sa'j'atiisha makes an excavation with an ancient 
coi'n i)lantcr the depth of his arm to the elbow, and sprinkles in meal 
comliined with turijuoise, ko'hakwa (white shell lieads). and abalone 
shell until the place; is thickly covered, when eacii man deposits his 
te'Iikinawe in the excavation, sprinkles th(>m with meal, and prays. 
The exca\ation is carefully covered with earth b\- Sa'yatiisha. Conti- 
nence must be observed during the four following days, the persona- 
tors of the Council of the Gods spending each night until midnight in 
the house of Sa'yatiisha. The Ko'yemshi deposit tiieir te'Iikinawe in 
an excavation 1>y a spring. There are many concretion fetishes at 
this spring. The Ko'yemshi spend tliese four nights until midnight 
in the house of the Great Father, each alternate of a Sha'liiivo going in 
the same manner to the house of his Sha'iiiko. 

The spring visited in February is some 6 or T miles south of Zuiii, 
in a most retired spot. The writer was there in the company of the 
elder brother Bow priest, who claimed that no one who was not a 
member of the Ko'tikili (mythologic fraternity) had before visited this 

a U'hana is also the Ziini name for wool. 











shi-ine, Pi'kiaia'kiana (Water-cress spring). (Sec plate xlviii.) A 
short, steep climh a1>ove the spring- brings one to a cave rock, about 
30 feet wide, with a projecting ledge at the base, the deepest place being 
10 or V2 feet, the roof of stone projecting over the base. At each end 
of this arch, on the roof, are impressions of hands, made by placing the 
hand on the rock and spattering a brownish-red paint. There are seven 
of these hand impressions at the north end, more at the south end, and 
some near the center. A number of masks of anthropic gods are rep- 
resented on the rock with black paint, the more recent ones having in 
man}^ cases been made over older ones. A central figure on the rock 
wail represents a Ko'yemshi mask. An outline is formed by cutting 
the rock, and three pits, colored Ijlack, each large enough to hold a 
marble, denote the eye and mouth holes of the mask. The Ko'loowisi 
(Plumed Serpent) extends nearly the whole length of the rock, its 
head to the south. The teeth are large and of Ijlack paint. Many 
other figures are on the rock, including .several cougars, game animals, 
and the god O'lolowishkia. with conspicuous generative organs. The 
older markings on the rock are cuttings; the more recent are paintings 
in black. Near'each end of the rock are twelve pits, indicating diU'er- 
ent springs of tlie Council of the Gods. It was impossible to secure the 
whole scene with the camera, which failed to bring out distinctly the 
markings of this most elaborate and interesting shrine. A separate 
stone near 'the middle of the rock, which has the maslv of Sa'yatilsha 
cut on it, is a seat for the personator of this god. There are stone 
seats in line for the others, but these have no carvings. The stone 
where the Sha'liiko sit is large and has a square, smooth surface, 
upon which is a geometrical figure composed of small pits. 

In March A'^sina 'kia 'nakwi (Stone-picture-place spring), not far 
south of Zuiii, is visited. In April they go to Fi'shukiaia 'kla'nawki 
(Poison oak spring), which is at the base of No'ponia yal'liinne (Face 
momitain). In ^lay 'Kian'uhl 'hla'kwi (spring coming from mesa 
wall), situated at the base of Ke'ya'" yal'lanne (Whitewash mountain), 
is visited. In June they go to To'loknana 'kia'nakwi (Bulrush, Scir- 
pus occidentalis, spring), at the base of a mountain l)earing the same 
name. In July 'Kia'techikwj (ill-smelling water), at the t)ase of I'ti- 
wanna (middle) yal'lanne, is visited. In August they visit O'pompiakwi 
(Sack of meal hanging place).'' In September they go to A'yaya- 
kia'kianakwi (Blue-jay spring), at the base of a mountain of the same 
name. In October Ilal'on kwa'ton'' ("Ant entering place"), is visited, 
near which is a spring well protected by a wall and roof of stone 
(see plate xlix). 

nit is from this mesa that ke'chipa, the material used by the Zuiii for whitewash, is obtained. 

'' Mountain nf the Gods of War (sec Bow priesthood). 

c This shrine is on the site of the ruin Klakli'ma, at the southwest base of Corn mountain. 

234 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. anx. 23 

The shrine which symbolized the Middle of the world to the A'shiwi 
when they lived on To'wa j'iiriiinne is a cave in the rocky wall jiiht 
above liii'lon kwa'ton (see A plate l). It appears impassable, but it 
can be reached by expert climbers. 

The first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin, and two 
Ko'pi''lashiwanni asseml)le in the ceremonial chamber of tiie Kia'kwe- 
mosiat sunrise forty-nine days previous to the coming of the ISha'lako. 
The pe'kwin and Ko'pekwin each tie forty-nine knots in a white cotton 
cord, denoting' that the gods will come in forty-nine daj's, including the 
day on which the knots are made. The cord is as long as the reach of 
the nraker's extended arms, and is composed of four strands of cotton 
slightly twisted. The first knot is made about 8 inches from the end, 
and a turquoise or ko'hakwa bead is placed at this point. One string 
is given to the personator of Sa'yatiisha. the other to (jreat Father 
Ko'yemshi. The two go to Ku'shiiowa (red earth), a short distance 
east of the village, and pray. The same evening Ha'lon kwa'ton is 
visited by the Council of the Gods, Ko'yemshi, and the Sha'liiko, who 
deposit te'likinawe. 

From this time till the coming of the Sha'ljiko there are constant 
meetings and rehearsals of songs and praj'ers. 

In 1896 there was a serious discussion between tlie pe'lvUin and tlie personators of 
the Council of the Gods, witli tlie elder brother Bow priest on the side of the latter. 
The pe'kwin insisted that the others had miscounted and that some days should be 
drojiped, while the others were strong in their opinion that the proper time had been 
chosen for the coining of the Sha'liiko. The pe'kwin, however, carried his point. 

Another trouble also occurred about this time over a scandal that caused much 
excitement and nightly discussions. The whole village was horror-stricken over a 
report concerning the man chosen to personate Shu'laawi'si; he was accused by the 
elder sister of the wife of the present jie'kwln of improper conduct after his appoint- 
ment to office. A ciiuncil, formed of the lirst body of A'shiwanni and those who 
were to personate the Council of the Gods and the Sha'liiko, discussed the matter. 
The woman, being present, accused the man of approaching her at night with undue 
familiarity, he being her guest at the time. The man was tried, found guilty, and 
expelled from office; another was found to fill his place. 

When ten days have passed after the visit to Hii'lon kwa'ton the 
same party goes to the shrine Pa'nitonin'kwi in the afternoon and 
deposit te'likinawe. They return to tlie village by early moonlight, 
the Council of the Gods, who proceed quietly, preceding the others a 
short distance. The songs of the personators of the Ko'yemshi and 
Sha'liiko with their alternates, each party forming its own group, are 
heard some time before the men are visible. In ten days the same 
party visits A'ne 'hlawa an te' kiapoakwi, a shrine on a mound south- 
west of Zuili; and ten days later they go to Sus'ki a'shoktakwi (coj'ote 
wtone drinking place). After ten more days they visit A'kohanna 
ti'nakwi (white rocks sitting), a group of white sandstone pinnacles 
perched on a knoll which are sacred to the Council of the Gods. 



Mn'fkc nUan'na- 



















Sand-hill Crane 

! Eagle 




Sand-hill Crane 


Sand-hill Crane Sun 







Two of the rocks are marked with porpeiidic-uhu' lines cut in tlie rock, 
one having' twent^'-nine the otlier twenty-eight lines. It was stated 
that these lines denote the number of j'ears the late Ko'niosona 
and Ko'pekwin held office, a statement that requires substantiation. 
The Ko'yemshi are chosen annually alternately from the fraternities 
enumerated l)elow. It will be rememl)ered that the Great Father is 
designated at the winter-solstice ceremonial, he in turn choosing his 
fellows. The clans given are not those of the men ijersonating the 
Ko'yemshi, but the clans of their paternal parents. It makes no 
dirt'erence to what clan each man who personates a Ko'yemshi belongs, 
but his father must be of the clan mentioned. The Ne'wekwe (Galax_y), 
Sho'wekwe (Arrow reed),'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus), and Ma"ke 'hlan'nakwe 
(Great tire) fraternities follow annually in regular succession. 

h'li'i/emshi Nt'wek: 

1 A'wan t:i''chu (great father) Sand hillC 

2 Pe'kwln (deputy togreat father) Dogwood 

3 Pi'''la.shiwanni (warrior) Corn 
J E'sho'si (bat) Bear 

5 Mn'yiipona (small horns) Eagle 

6 Po'sokli (small mouth) Sun 

7 Na'thUishi (Old grandfather) Badger 

8 It'scpiisha (game-maker) Coyote 

9 'KJa'lu'si (water-drinker) Frog 
10 Sa'thliishi (old youth ) Badger 

The Ko'yemshi appear in the village the night of the day the plumes 
are planted at A'kohanna ti'nakwi. They are supposed to come from 
Ko'thluwala'wa.'' but their starting point is He'patina, a shrine sym- 
bolic of the Middle of the world, situated a short distance south of 
Zufii. They cross the river at the southwest corner of the town and 
announce the coming of the Council of the Gods in four days and of the 
Sha'liiko in eight days. The village is illuminated not only by fires iu 
the houses, from which each window is aglow, but by the ovens out of 
doors, the lire tongues issuing through the oven doors. The Ko'yem- 
shi pass first to the te'wita 'hlan'na (large plaza) and stand in a group. 
Sa'thliishi is the first to speak: '"Eight daj's everyone must go to the 
Navaho country and fight." 'Kia'lu'si speaks: "In eight days my 
people come. You boys must look around for nice gii Is and stay with 
them." It'sepiisha speaks next: ''To-night these men dragged me from 
my, and I am lonesome without my wife. When they go to 
sleep I will run away and return to my wife." Na'thlashi speaks: 
"To-night this man [referring to the Great Father Ko'yemshi] picked 
out nine men; pretty soon they will tight." Na'thlashi says but little. 
Po'sokli speaks: "In eight days we will have the big dance; then you 
will have plenty to eat." He continues for a time with obscene jokes. 
E'sho'si .says: "To-night I come; all of you come to see me; all of 

fl Since the degeneracy of the Sho'wekwe the aged director of this fraternity selects his nine fel- 
lows from the people at large. 
6 Abiding place of the Council of the Gods. 

236 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ans.23 

you bo^^s have a good time and do not he angry." Pi'''liishiwanni 
.speaks: "I come to tell you to-night that in eight days everyone will 
be happy and have a good time; men should trade wives." " Thei'e are 
further remarks of ohscene eharaeter. The pe'kwin (deputy to (ireat 
Father) closes with the following speech: "Night, my father, night, 
my mother, you have come a little near." He means that it is earl}' in 
the night. Addressing the Zufiis, he continues: "In eight days my 
people will come [referring to their ancestors]. All \\ill come from 
Ko'thluwala'wa and A'witen te'hula (fourth world). Even the old men 
too feel)le to walk will come leaning on a cane, the mother with her son 
walking before her, her child led by the hand, her younger child car- 
ried on her back, the infant in her arms, and her unborn child — all will 
come hither to see you. They will see you, but you will not see them; 
they will not be in the flesh, but in the ghost self." 

In the old time the people from Ko'thluwala'wa and A'witen te'hula 
appeared in th(> flesh, but theii' presence caused great mortality among 
the A'shiwi, which distressed the A'shiwanni, and thei'efore they of the 
ghost world decided to come thereafter onlj' in the spirit, and so the 
gods instructed the people to wear masks like those worn by them- 
selves, when they would come in spirit and abide for a time in the per- 
sonators of themselves. The Zunis have their mediums, gifted with 
superior sight, who see the ghosts. 

The pe'kwin continues: '"You must all work; the umst be 
completed; you must bring much wood. Make your moccasins and 
clothes. Tell the women to whiten the walls and make their houses 
beautiful for m^y people, the gods who are to come. The Council of 
the Gods will come in four days, and in eight days the Sha'lako will 
come." After a few jokes from the others, they start for the Si'aa' 
te'wita, sacred dance plaza, where thej' again form into a circle, with 
two in the ring, and repeat what was said in the large plaza. 
From the .Si'aa' te'wita they go to the ko'china te'wita (rat plaza), 
and from there to the He'kiapawa te'wita (back-wall plaza). The 
same speeches are repeated in all the plazas. 

On leaving the He'kiapawa plaza the Ko'yenishi disappear on the 
western road, but thej' soon return with masks, etc., under a covering 
of blankets and go into the ceremonial chamber of the fraternity of 
whicli the (Jreat Father Ko'yemshi is a member. They do not leave 
the house for eight days, except to make certain aiuiouncements at 
night regarding the coming of the gods and to collect wood. Each 
morning nine of them go for wood, one always r(>mainiiig in the 

A member of the fraternity to which the Great Father belongs is 
designated to secure the burros each day to bring the wood, each of 
the nine men having one burro. The men ride the burros in going 

aSuch practices are not common among the Zunis. 


for the wood, but ou the return at sunset the little animals are loaded 
with the wood and are driven by the Ko'yemshi. The wood is depos- 
ited before the new house that is to be dedicated by the Ko'yemshi, 
and the women of the house and members of their clan stack it. 

There is no altar erected during the eight days' retreat of the 
Ko'yemshi and they do not dance. The one remaining indoors spends 
his time principally in sewing his personal apparel. In the evening 
there are prayers and songs. The}' may eat anything, the food being- 
served by women of the fraternity to which the (xreat Father belongs, 
but they nuist observe continence and not even touch the hand of a 

At this time the chief wor'li of each ki'wi'sine with his associates 
meets the people of his ki'wi'sine and of the fraternity which is to 
take part in the ceremonies of the Sha'lako. The members of the 
fraternity rehearse their songs and te'likinawe are prepared. At sun- 
set the wor'we (plural of wor'li) proceed to the shrine of the Siui'liiko 
and deposit the offerings. This shrine, called the house of tlie Sha'liiko, 
is about li miles southwest of Zuiii, at the base of A'kohanna tinakwi. 
It is a low- walled, rectangular inclosure in which stones are placed for 
seats. Here the personators of the Council of the Gods and Sha'liiko 
hold a council previous to the Sha'lako ceremonial. Formerly the 
personators of these gods attired themselves for the festival at tiiis 
place, but as the influx of Americans and others has rendeied this spot 
liable to intru.sion, a house some distance east of this point now serves 
for their dressing room. There are a number of stones piled together at 
A'kohanna ti'nakwi to form a special shrine for Sa'yatiisha, and about 
12 feet south is what is known as the shrine of Shu'laawi'si. Quanti- 
ties of te'likinawe are to be seen at the slirine of Sa'yatiisha and in 
and about all the crevices of the larger rocks. 

On the same day that the Sha'liiko wor'we visit the Sha'liiko shrine the 
chosen father of Shu'laawi'si deposits two heaps of he'sho (pinon) wood 
at the western base of I'shiina an te'kiapoa (Grease knoll), six piles about 
equal distance apart between this knoll and A'kohanna ti'nakwi, and 
another heap on the knoll at the shrine of Shu'laawi'si. At noon of the 
same da}' the Ko'mosona and Ko'pekwin visit A'kohanna ti'nakwi and 
make two sand mounds, symbolizing the two mountains near Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa, one on each side of Sa'yatiisha's seat or shrine, the one on the 
north being symbolic of Ko'3'emshi mountain, and that on the south 
s.ynibolic of Kor'kokshi mountain, the seat itself being symbolic of 
Ko'thluwala'wa." The mounds are made of sand and covered with 
prayer meal. The Ko'mosona extends a line of meal outward from the 
shrine several feet to the east and crosses the line with meal four 
times, denoting the four regions, and sprinkles meal over a consider- 
able surface, and the two return to the village. 

oSeep. 154. 

'238 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. axn, 23 

At 10 o'clock at night a party visits A'iiohanna ti'nakwi in the 
following order: Ceremonial father of Shu'laawi'si, Slui'laawi'si, 
Sa'yatiisha, Yii'miihakto, Hu'tutu; second Yii'muhakto, Ko'mosona, 
Ko'pekwin, and elder and younger brother How priests. The father 
of Shu'laiiwi'si carries a vessel of live coals f i-oin the house of the per- 
sonator of Sa'j'atiisha. Shu'laawi'si lights the wood at his shrine which 
is near by with the coals brought by his chosen father and ignites his 
cedar brand. 

After the ceremonies at A'kohanna ti'nakwi the party proceeds in 
regular order across the plain to I'shiina an te'kiapoa, Shu'laawi'si 
lighting with his fire brand each of the six heaps of wood and also 
the two piles at this knoll. It is midnight before the party reaches 
He'patina, where prayers are sung. From here they go to the village, 
and. after announcing the coming of the Shaiiiko in four days, those 
who are to personate the Council of the Gods and the ceremonial 
father of Shu'laawi'si retire to the house of the personator of 
Sa'yatiisha and remain there foui' days in retreat, except when they 
go each morning for wood, leaving on burros provided for them and 
returning on foot driving the laden burros. Thev. too, must observe 
continence and not look upon the face of a woman during tiieir 
retreat. On the morning of the arrival of the party from A'kohanna 
ti'nakwi a member of the governor's staff calls from the house top that 
all nuist ofi'er food to the dead. Each member of a family deposits a 
quantit}' of food in the flames in the fireplace. 

Work is being hurried on the new houses. One of the character- 
istics of these people is to delaj^ their building until they find it 
neces.sarj' to hurry in order to complete their houses in time. 

Each day wagonloads of corn of varieties beautiful in color are 
brought from the farming districts. Those who are to entertain the 
personators of the gods are alreadj' busy in their homes. \A'hile 
nearly all ceremonies are attended with feasts, there is no other time 
in Zuni when festal preparations are made on such a scale as for the 
Slui'liiko festival. In each house that the gods are to dedicate, the 
women of the house, those of their clan, and those of the clan of 
the male head of the house are as busy as bees. Sometimes women of 
the clans of those who are to personate the gods Mend helping hands. 
As many maidens are invited to grind as will form two sets of grinders 
for tile mills. The mills varj' from three to eight in number, accord- 
ing to the wealth and pretensions of the family. 

The following is a description of a scene witnessed in 1891 in ^he 
wealthiest house in Zuiii. in which preparations were being made to 
entertain the Sha'liiko. All preparations for feasts, while more or less 
elal)nrate, are virtually the same, being controlled b}' the same 


As there are eioht mills in this house, there are sixteen orinders. 
An aijed woman, said to be the only one living" who knows the two 
ori.i>'inaI o-rinding songs* ]\y heart, sits before the mills and leads 
the grinders in the song; that is, teaches them the song. While one 
set of maidens grind, the others danee in the same room to the music 
of a choir formed of eight young men, one of whom beats on a drum 
while the others use rattles in accompaniment to the song. The 
dancers are led by a young man standing in the middle of the line. 
His dress of cotton trousers and shirt is embellished by a leather belt 
that has many tiny bells attached. The girls wear their ordinary 
dress. A crone places in each hand of a dancer as she leaves her seat 
an ear of corn, which she takes from a basket beside her. !She 
also gives two ears to the male dancer. She repeats a short prayer 
with each presentation. The dancers form in tile up and down the 
room, the maidens keeping their feet close together and balancing 
themselves on their toes as they raise their heels. They partly 
turn their bodies from left to right, moving in a sort of shuffle as 
they proceed in an ellipse to the starting point, where they reverse 
the movement from right to left. The song, in which they join, is a 
supplication for nuich rain and l)ountifuI crops. At the close of the 
dance each maiden returns her corn to the crone, who draws from it a 
breath and presents it to the lips of the dancers, who also draw the 
sacred In'cath from the corn. The grinders, resigning their places at 
the mills to these girls, repeat the dance, which in this wa}' continues 
until sunset. 

Two aged women are busy liefore the fireplace in the same room 
toasting the corn after it has been passed through the first mill, the 
meal, which is in two bowls, being stirred with bunches of slender 
sticks. After it is slightly toasted it passes through two more mills, 
or perhaps three, until it reaches the reipiired fineness, when it is as 
impalpable as wheat flour. Two women in an adjoining room are busy 
baking he'we (wafer bread), while in another room stews of nuitton, 
hominy, and chili are siuunering in great caldrons. A young mother, 
with an infant born the night before by her side, sits near the fireplace 
in the room with the grinders and dancers. All day she stays in the 
deafening noise of the rattle, the drum, and tiie song, and nuist not 
leave until the close of the feast that follows the dance, by which time 
she seems thoroughly exhausted and glad to retire to an adjoining- 
room for rest. There is a cessation at midday, when coffee is served, 
a luxury to be found in such quantitv only in a rich man's house. 
Before sunset the western door of the is opened, and just as the 

a Since deceased. 

b The Zuiii priests and others versed in their lore declare there are but two original grinding songs. 
These were given to the Zuiil when the Corn maidens first danced at Shi'pololo. There are many 
grinding songs borrowed by the Zuni from Aconiii. Laguna.and other Pueblos at times when the 
.Zunis '"ere driven to these places by failure of their crops. 

240 THE ZUiJ^I INDIANS [eth. an.n. 23 

last riys of the setting sun sink iK-liind the mountain the grinders 
and the dancei's simultaneously stop and a prayer to the setting sun is 

The party is now invited by the hostess of the bouse and her 
daughter into the great room, where a feast is spread, bowls of mutton 
stew, stewed peaches, and baskets of bread being placed along the 
center of the floor. On each side skins and blankets are spread for 
the guests to sit upon, and the youths and maidens have a merry time. 
The \essels are never allowed to become empty; the}' are speedil}' 
replenished b}' the hostess and her young daughter, who stand by the 
ti replace, where tlie large pots are balanced on stones. As each female 
guest pi'epares to depart after tinishing the meal a large bowl of 
steaming stew is handed her to carry home. The .voung men are not 
so favored. Before leaving the house each guest takes a pinch of 
ashes from the flreplace in the mill room and passes it three times 
round the head of the newborn babe, and on leaving the house throws 
the ashes out with a pra\'erfor the health and long life of the wee one. 

When the day of the great festival has arrived Zuiii is astir with 
anxious expectancy. The streets are carefully swept — an unusual 
occurrence" — and six excavations about l:i inches scpuireand 15 inches 
deep are made in diflereut sections of the town and one under the lad- 
der way of each house that is to be consecrated. The loose earth is 
made into a mound beside the opening, and a stone slab large enough 
to cover it is placed to the west of each excavation. Fires are blazing 
in every house, which denotes an occasion of importance, these peo- 
ple being most economical of firewood. As the afternoon wanes the 
house tops become crowded with gail}' di'essed men and women, not 
onl}' the Zufiis, but those from other pueblos near and far, for nothing 
seems to be of such general interest to the Indians, not even the snake 
ceremonial of the Hopi, as the Sha'lako festival of the Zuiiis. Many 
Navahos, most of them unwelcome guests, but treated nevertheless 
with courtesy, are scattered about the south front of the village in 
groups on horseback, all anxious to have the tirst glimpse of the gods. 

The personators of the Council of the Gods and the Sha'lako, with 
their fellows, leave Zufii at the rising of the morning star for A'ko- 
hanna ti'nawki, where a fire is lighted. They spend the day there and 
at the Sha'lako house at the base of the knoll, rehearsing prayers and 
songs. They cross the plain later in the day to the cabin used as the 
dressing room, to which place the masks and paraphernalia are con- 
veyed under cover of blankets. Masks, when not in use, are strip- 
ped of their plumes, and, as the Zuiiis have not the art of applying 
paint so as to make it permanent, they are repainted previous to being 
worn. The preparation of masks is attended with great solemnitj-, and 
only the initiated are present at such times. If anyone chances to 

oThe streets and houses of Ziiiii are kept in much better eonditioii at the present time. 






























enter the room while tlie niiisk.s are beinj»- prepared, he must receive 
severe cliastisement, extending the right ankle, then the left, then 
the right arm, and then the left, to be struck with bunches of giant 
yucca. This is specially necessary in connection with the masks of 
the Sha'liiko, for should they be seen while in course of preparation, 
and the offender not be punished in the way described, the Sha'lako 
would surely fall when running. Another danger is when the Navahos 
force their way too near to the Sha'liiko on the ceremonial ground oppo- 
site the village. When a Sha'lako falls while running, if one of the 
preceding reasons can not be given to account for the accident, it is 
certain that the representative of the god has spoken to some woman, 
and no personator of this god must speak to a woman from the time 
he enters Zuiii until he leaves. If such be the case, then the repie- 
sentative of the god receives a severe whipping at the hands of four 
S.i'ya'hlia, each one giving him four severe strokes across his nude l)ack 
with bunches of giant yucca." 

The time for this festival is in November, though occurring on dif- 
ferent days. The ritual varies but little from year to year, and such 
few variations as do occur will be mentioned. Scenes from the cere- 
monials of 1879, 1S91, and 1896 will be described. 

Night Cb:kemonies of the C'ouncil of the Gods'' in 1879 

Shu'laawi'si, preceded by his ceremonial father, leaves A'kohanna 
ti'nakwi on the afternoon of November 30 for He'patina, the shrine 
symbolic of the Middle of the world, and deposits te'likinawe in the 
lower chaml)er of the shrine.'' After planting the plumes he follows 
his ceremonial father to the village, crossing a bridge of lock and 
earth made for the occasion. The ceremonial father of Shu'laawi'si 
wears white cotton trousers and shirt, held in at the waist by a white 
embroidered sash tied at the right side, with a dressed deerskin banging 
back from his shoulders; a streak of micaceous hematite extends across 
his nose and under the e3'es. He carries a basket tray of te'liki- 
nawe, composed of eagle plumes taken from the under side of the tail, 
and other feathers, a mi'li, and a sacred meal basket, from which he 
sprinkles meal. Shu'laawi'si, who on the present occasion is a young- 
man,'' is nude, wearing only a small breechcloth. The entire body is 
colored black and spotted over in yellow, Idue, red, and whiU\ The 
mask (see plate li) is similarly decorated. A fawn skin lilled with seeds, 
supported by a sti'ap over his shoulder, hangs in front; twt) cotton- 
tail rabbits, with a fringe of rats (neotoma), which are procui'ed by 

nThe workers on these masks were intruded upon, but the four strokes of the yucca ^vhi<-h were 
allowed to he given allayed their fears of accident. 

6 See p. 33. Pau'tiwa and ^Kliiklo do not appear on this occasion. 

<^Seep. 201. 

rfOn two occasions it was observed that Shu'laawi'si was personated by a boy about 10 years of age; 
at ^ther times an ndnlt filled the place. 

23 ETH— 04 16 

242 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Shu'l;iii\vi'^;i"s father and paternal uncles, hatijjf over the back. He is 
adorned with many necklaces of ko'hakwa, coral, and tiuiiiKjisc. He 
carries te'likinawe in his left hand, and in his riyht is an uniiffhted tire- 
brand of cedar fiber, which has been bui'niny. 

As the two proceed through the village Shu'laawi'si sprinkles meal 
into the six excavations which have been made to receive the pra3^er 
plumes; then, preceded by his attending ceremonial father, he recrosses 
the rixcr and joins the other personators of the Council of the (Jods at 
He'patina. The Council of the Gods on arriving at He'patina are met 
by the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, the Ko'pekwin, and 
the two Ko'pi''lashiwanni, who pray and sprinkle the gods with meal. 
Those who personate the gods deposit te'likinawe in the lower apart- 
ment of this siirine. 

In a short time Shu'laawi'si returns to the village, preceded as before 
by his ceremonial father, and is joined on reaching the town by thi'ee 
He'hea gods. There are two styles of He'hea masks, whicii are colored 
with the pinkish clay previously referred to. Two masks have a tuft 
of sheep's wool d^'ed reddish-brown, with red peppers on the top (see 
plate iJi). The third mask is black with tuft of black sheep's wool 
(see plate liii). The lines running from the eyeholes are symliolic of 
rain and do not, as has been stated, indicate that these gods are w-eep- 
ing. Kaeli mask has a lynx skin at the base. Shu'laawi'si visits each 
excavation, deposits te'likinawe, and sprinkles meal while he; prays. 
The excavation first visited is in the street on the south side of the vil- 
lage. Here the offerings are made to the u'wannami (rain-makers) of 
the South; the plume sticks are colored red. The second exc-n iition is 
also on the river front, but much nearer the eastern side of the village. 
The plume sticks depositel here are white, for the u'wannami of the 
East. The third excavation is in the second street from tlie north of the 
village, Ijefore the ceremonial chamber of the Shu'maakwe frateinity. 
The fact that the excavation is in front of the house of the Shu'maakwe 
is not regarded by the writer as having any significance. The sticks 
deposited here are 3'eUow, for the u'wannami of the North. The 
next excavation visited is in the large plaza. The sticks deposited 
here are white, dotted in colors, to the u'wannami of the Zenith. 
Proceeding to the Si'aa' te'wita, Shu'laawi'si deposits te'likinawe \\ ith 
sticks painted black for the u'wannami of the Nadir, and he plants 
others with sticks colored blue, for the u'wannami of the West, in an 
excavation in the He'kiapawa te'wita on the west side of the \illav;e. 
It will be observed that in this instance the Zuiiis have not visited the 
six regions in the order usually' followed — north, west, south, east, 
zenith, and nadir. 

Shu'laawi'si is closely followed by the others of the Council of the 
Gods, Sa'yatiisha (see plate liv), his attendant Yii'muhakto (see plate 







































































:PORT PL, ^v 




HOEN & CO., Litb 



Lv a), Hu'tutu (seo plato i,v h, c), iuid hi.s Yii'imihakto (see plate i,v a), 
a !Sal'iinol)iya" for the Zenith (see phite lvi), and a Sal'iniohiya for the 
Nadir (see phite lvii). Roth iiuisiis have collarettes of raven's pluiues, 
and 'Hle'lashoktipona (Wood ears). These ood.s vi.siteach exeavation in 
the .same order as that observed by tShu'laawi'si. Sa'yatiisha wears a 
white cotton shirt, and over the right shoulder, passing under the left 
arm and falling l)e]ow liis waist, a dressed deerskin almost as white as 
the shirt. A mi'ha is sometimes folded and worn in place of tlie deer- 
skin. An embroidered kilt, fastened at the right side, held on with an 
eml)roi(U'red sasli tied at the right side, is worn under the deerskin. He 
wears white-dressed deerskin leggings fringed at the sides, dance moc- 
casins, anklets embroidered in porcupine quills, a siher bow wristlet, 
and a profusion of rare necklaces, to one of wliich is attach(>d an archaic 
pendent, a red shell (Spondylus princeps), a portion of the shell lieing 
set with turciuoise.'' A war pouch is worn beneath tlie shirt, and a 
cougar-skin (jiiiver hangs over the l)ack. held on by a Ijroad band of the 
skin. The dress of Ilu'tutu is the same as that of Sa'yatiisha. 

Both Sa'yatiisha and Hu'tutu carry l)unches of deer scapula? in the 
right hand and a bow and arrows and te'Iikinawe in the left. Among 
the latter is a miniature 'si'kon-ya'mune ti'kwane, a game of the 
Ko'yemshi, consisting of a slender stick and a ring. The ring is the 
world syml)ol and also the syml)ol of longevit}'. It is large enough to 
loosely encircle the thumli, and is colored blue for A'wonawilo'na (see 
p. 22). A la'showanne (one or more plumes attached to cotton cord) 
is tied to the ring, depending from tlie stick, which is also tilue. 

The exposed portions of the liodies of the two Yii'muhakto are dyed 
purple with the berry of Berberis fremontii. A white dressed deer- 

" The above masks and those of the Great Fattier Ko'yemshi, Pan'liwa, and Sa'ya'hUa were procured 
in 18%, after years of efTort, and deposited in the National Jluseum. As the Zimisliave no duplicate 
masks of the Council of the Gods, and as the writer wished these particular masks, she finally induced 
two priests, whose duty it is to look after them, to duplicate them for her. Those secured are made 
of rawhide prepared by the priests, and throughout the long process of making and decorating 
them every ceremony associated with their preparation was religiously observed. In order to obtain 
these specimens it was necessary for the writer to provide a house about nO miles away from Zuni, 
where the priests could feel entirely safe from intrusion and also where they \vould not hear a 
word of ■•Mexican" spoken. For many years past the Zuiii masks have been made almost exclu- 
sively of rawhide prepared in a peculiar manner instead of deerskin, owing to the scarcity of the 
latter. When the deerskins are secured tiiey are reserved for ceremonial dress. However, it was 
the good fortune of the writer during her investigations among the Zuiiis in 1902 to obtain a mask of 
'KTanirona (owner of springs), made of deerskin. She obtained also a mask of Ko'niokatsi, great 
mother of the anthropic gods. 'Cliakweua, warrior goddess of the Ki;l'nakwe. and several others. 

''The shell has been freed from llie thorns or projections and rubbed smooth About two-thirds of 
the turquoises re[ilace older ones. The modern work is not nearly so delicate as the original. The 
cement used in the older work is said to be a preparation ol pinon gum, tl'C same as that now in 
use by the Pueblos. The shell was secured for the Cuited States National Museum. The writer 
has never seen another with similar setting except the one found by Dr Walter Hough, of the 
United States National Museum, in Chavez pass, 30 miles south ol Winslow. Arizona, during one of 
Dr Fewkes's archeologieal expeditions. This rare specimen is in the form ol a toad. 

The Hopi Indians set turquoises on thin slabs of wood which they use as earrings by boring a hole 
in the slab and attaching it to the ear by means of a string. The Zufiis wear strings of turquoises in 
their ears instead of the slabs. These earrings are worn only on ceremonial and dance occasions. 

244 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

skin hangs from the waist and danco moccasins are worn. Both carry 
a laro-e collection of te'likinaw c in each hand, and a 'si'kon-yii'imine 
tikwane and small deer antlers in the left. Strings of black and white 
stone beads hang across the l)ody over the right shoulder. 

Two .Siirimohiya are nude excepting the breechcloth. They repre- 
sent the Zenith and Nadir, the one for the Zenith having the upper 
portion of the body blocked in the six colors, each block outlined in 
black. The knees and the lower arms to the elbows have the same 
decoration; the right upper arm is yellow, the left l^luc; the right leg 
is yellow, the left blue. Wreaths of spruce are worn around the ankles 
and wrists. The war poucii and many strings of grains of black and 
white Indian corn hang over the shoulder, crossing the body. The 
upper half of the Ijody of the SfU'imobiya of the Nadir is yellow and 
lower half ))lack; the lower arms and legs and the feet are yellow, the 
upper arms and legs black. He wears anklets and wristlets of spruce, 
a war pouch, and strings of ])lack and white corn. Each of these gods 
carries bundles of yui'ca baccata" in each hand with the points held 

'Ille'lashoktipona (wood ears, so called from the serrated projection 
of wood on either side of the mask) wears a white embroidered kilt 
fastened at the right side with an embroidered sash and a woman's belt. 
A fox skin is pendent at the back. The mask which covers the head 
is similar to that of Pau'tiwa; it has black goat's wool hanging over the 
l)ack, with two strings of unspun white wool falling over it. The 
mask is wreathed at the base with spruce dotted over with snow-white 

The gods proceed to the excavations in the order observed bj' 
Shu'laawi'si. Sa'yatasha tramps back and forth by the excavation in 
a kind of trot, depositing te'likinawe in the excavation, and then 
resuming his step. Hu'tutu plants his plumes, and resumes his stride. 
They both sprinkle meal over the plumes and in the street about the 
excavation. The two Yii'muhakto stamp the meal which has been 
sprinkled in the street. Sa'yatasha and Hu'tutu pass one another back 

and forth. As they meet, they sto)) and stamp, crying "Hu' 

tu tu, hu' tu tu, hu tu, hu tu, hu tu. hu tu tu tu." This is 

repeated at each of the .six excavations where the plumes are planted. 
In the meantime the other gods run and tramp a1)out by the excava- 
tions. After leaving the sixth excavation, they proceed to the house 
where the}' aie to spend the night, Shu'laawi'si and his chosen father 
preceding tiie others. The former plants plumes in the excavation 
under the ladder, ascends to the roof, and enters the house through 

a Yucca baccata 13 also referred to as giant yucca. 

bin 189() the Ssil'imobiya of tfie Nortli and West were represented. The body of the one wearing 
a yellow mask fortheNorth wasnudeexcept the breechcloth, liielowerarmsand the legswere colored 
yellow, the paint extending 5 inches above the knees. The body of the one wearing the blue mask 
for the West was painted in thesame manner, the color being purpish blue, from corn husks. There 
was a vvrenih of spruce at the base of his mask. The Sal'imobiya sometimes wear the embroidered 
Jiilt in addition to the breechcloth. 



HOEN i CO., Lilti 



the hatchway- The lower doors leacUng to the street are barred on 
such occasions. The plume planting- at the ladder and the other cere- 
monies are repeated by Sa'yatasha, Hu'tutu, and the Ya'inuhakto, after 
which they ascend the ladder." 

The tirst body of A'shiwanni, th(> Ko'niosona. the Ko'pekwiii, and 
two A'pi"l:ishiwanni remain at He'patina to I'eceive the Sha'lilko, who 
follows after the Council of the Gods; then hasten to the house of the 
Kia'kwemosi, where the Council of the Gods are closing the ceremo- 
nies over the excavation in front of the house. 

Crowds have gathered before tiie Kia'kwemosi's house to see the 
last of the gods before they retire from the streets. On ascending to 
the roof the Council is met by the Kia'kwemosi, his wife and 
daughters, and the mo'sona (dii'ector) of the U'huhukwe (Eagle down) 
fraternity (this fraternity having been invited to assist in the ceremo- 
nies), who pray antl spi'inkle meal upon the gods, each member of the 
family lirst sprinkling meal through a small opening in the roof. The 
famih' and the mo'sona, who carries his mi'li and meal basket, precede 
the gods to the chaml)er below. !' 

While the white visitors are hastening to enter a side room in the 
hope of reaching the ceremonial chamber, they are ordered bj' a hun- 
dred or more voices to come away. One man, more persistent than 
the others, follows, declaring that no American shall enter. The Kia'-,* hearing the disturbance, leaves the ceremonial chamber by 
the side entrance, and, reproving the man in severe words for intrud- 
ing upon for()idden ground, escorts the guests to the chaml)er and 
seats them by the altar which stands in the weH,end of the long room 
and then returns to his place with the other A'shiwanni. The altar 
(see plate lviii) shows the following objects: 

1, cougar of oream-yellow sandstone; 2, bear of black lava; 3, bison of Ijlack lava; 
4,- badger of red sandstone; 5, white wolf of white quartz; 6, medicine stone 12 
inches long and 2 inches in diameter of highly polished lava; 7, bear's foot, with 
•claws, north siile of altar; 8, bear's foot, with claws, and two eagle-wing plumes 
south side of altar; 9, tlute; 10, sacred meal basket; 11, medicine bowl with two 
eagle-wing plumes; 12, food; 13, human image in stone; 14, Apache basket of te'lik- 
inawe. The number of mi'wachi'' at the altar shows the large membership of the 
order of O'naya'nakia (Mystery medicine) in the U'huhukwe fraternity. The altar 
itself is constructed of slabs and tablets of wood. The latter are supported by two 
solid bars of wood laid npon the floor. The tablets are surmounted by faces of 
Ku'pishtaya (lightning-makers), the lower portion of the face symbolizing black 
rain clouds. Symbols of cumulus clouds, a bird resting on each, surmount the faces. 
The yellow cougar of the North and the red cougar of the South, each having the 
heart and the breath line indicated, decorate the two front tablets. Two lightning 

a The entrance of this group of gods into the house and the ceremonies within are always the same 
in their main features. Elaborate preparations were made for the reception of these gods in 1879 in 
the dwelling of the Kia'kwemosi. 

bToo much can not be said in praise of this Kia'kwemosi, who has since died. In dignity, cour- 
tesy, and graciousness he could not be surpassed by any civilized man, and the writer owes him a 
debt of gratitude for his aid, which was at all times cheerfully given, in acquiring knowledge of the 
most sacred rites of the Zunis. 

cSeep. 416. 


symbols, carved of wood, stand Ijetwi'en the front and back tablets. The lower slalj 
is carved with symbols of cumulus clouds, the sun, and the morning and evening 
stars. The slab above shows black rain clouds, with white clouds beyond. The 
upper slab represents the rainbow. The yellow face of the moon surrounded by the 
house of the clouds designed in black and white blocks rises above the rainbow. 
A'chiyiila'topa (the being with wings and tail of knives) and the figure of the star of 
the four winds are suspended above the altar. An eagle's tail i)lume is attached to 
the pdint of each star, which is decorated with cumulus clouds and the house of the ' 
clouds. The blue-green color of the altar symbolizes the tirmanient (see page 24) . 

A liiiL' of meal extends from the altar to the ladder on the south side 
of the room and thence to the east end. This line is crossed in three 
places at intervals of 3 feet, each cross line being- about 15 inches long. 
A number of fineh' dressed deerskins lying- one upon the other are on 
the floor north of the altar. Tii(> ledge on the north side of the room 
at the west end is covered with roltes and blankets upon which the 
gods sit. 

A number of meml)ers of the U'huhukwe fraternity, forming a 
choir, are grouped on the .south side of the room near the west end. 
The flutist of the fraternity sits back of the altar. The A'shiwanni 
stand in line and sprinkle the gods as they pass up the line of 
meal to the altar. The Kia'kweniosi and pe'kwin each hold a flat 
basket. Shu'laawi'si empties the contents of his fawn skin into the 
basket of the pe'kwin and lays the rabbits and rats over the basket. 
P^ach of the other gods in order removes a quantity of seeds from his 
belt and deposits them in the basket held by the Kia'kwemosi. The two 
A'shi'wanni wave their Vjaskets to the six regions and deposit them 
before the altar. Sa'yatasha and Hu'tutu stamp back and forth as they 
did about the excavations. In a short time Sa'yatasha takes meal from 
his belt and with it marks four lines on the north wall of the chamber 
l)y running his four fingers downward. Yii'muhakto runs his bunch 
of yucca downward over the lines. Sa'yatasha and Yii'muhakto 
repeat the same action on the west, south, and walls. After 
marking of the walls, Sa'yatasha mounts a low platform arranged in 
the middle of the room and attaches te'likinawe— one blue for the Sun 
Father, the other yellow for the Moon Mother — wrapped together at 
the ends, to a unique device carved of wood and painted in various 
colors and secured to one of the rafters. This little structure, the 
making of which is not restricted to any special person, is symbolic 
of the house of the clouds and is to be found in every house which 
has been blessed at the Sha'liiko festival." During the placing of the 
te'likinawe the choir sing to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum, 
the flutist plays back of the altar, and a warrior of the fraternity stands 
before it and whirls the rhombus.* 

o On this occasion it is made by the brother of the pe'liwln's wife. 

bin 1896 the Council of the Gotls met in the pe'kwln'.s house, where a ladder held by si.t men was 
used instead of the platform, an evidence of improvement in Zuiii house structure, these walls being 
much higher. The ambition of the Ziinis is to have one very large room with a higli ceiling in the 
dwelling, and the houses are improved in this respect from year to year. 




Tlie pluiuos are placed, witli prayers for rains, fjoo'l crops, health 
and long life to the family of the house, and all good which can come 
to man through the pure hi'eath of the breath of life, the breath of 
A'woiiawil'ona, who pervades all space. As Sa'yatasha steps from the 
platform, Yii'muhakto takes his place and sprinkles the te'likinawe 
with meal, the other gods shaking their rattles at this time. Yii'mu- 
hakto is followed by the others, who sprinkle the te'likinawe with 
meal, and pray, after which Sa'yatasha deposits offerings through a 
circular opening al)out 4 inches in diameter, beneath the stone floor 
directly under the cage, the excavation being as deep as the length of 
a man's arm to the ell)ow. These circular openings are symbolic 
of the entrance to A'witen te'hula (fourth wt)rUl) and are so carefully 
covered, when not open for such occasions as described, that one would 
not suspect their existence. A diminutive game of 'si'kou-yil'mune 
ti'kwane with la'showawe attached, grains of corn of the colors of the 
six regions, sweet corn, squash, watermelon, and nuiskmelon seeds 
are deposited as, seeds in the earth, the offerings placed below being 
symbolic of the seeds of life, those placed above of life itself. 
Prayers are otl'ered for the seeds to grow into life, and for rains, 
nuuh corn, and that the children of the house may grow to manhood 
and womanhood without disease; ma\' grow old, not die, but sleep to 
awake in Ko'thluwala'wa. After every god has sprinkled meal into 
the opening and ])rayed, the nuisic of the choir and flute ceases and 
the wari'ior lays away his rhombus. Sa'yatiislia and each god in 
succession stancis with the left foot on a small package wrapped in corn 
husks and prays that their enemies maj' succumb to their children, and 
they again stamp about the floor before taking seats. Each god is 
seated on the north side of the chamber by the Kla'kwemosi, who places 
his hands on the shoulder of each one, beginning with the Sa'yatasha, 
and motions him to the six region,s. Shu'laawi'si remains on the floor 
a short time after the others. The following diagram gives the position 
'of the tii'st body of A'shiwanni and gods as thev are seated vis-a-vis: 

Ceremonial lather (if ^jhu'laawi'.^i, seated next to the altar. 


2 Shu'laawi'si 

3 Sa'yatasha 

4 Yii'ninhakto 

5 Hn'tutu 

6 Yii'muhakto 

7 'Hle'lashoktipona 

8 Siil'imobiya 

9 S.iKimobiya 

10 Ko'mosona 

11 Ko'pekwin 

12 Ko'iii"l;ighiwanni 

13 Ko'pi'"lashi\vanni 

2' Shi'wanni of the Zenith (sun priest) 

3' Shi'wanniof theNorth( Kla'kweinosi ) 

4' Associate Shi'wanni of the North 

5' Shi'wanni of the West 

6' Shi'wanni of the South 

7' Shi'wanni of' the East 

8' Shi'wanni of the Nadir and elder 

brother Bow priest 

9^ Younger brother Bow priest 

248 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

The two Iwskpts are it-moved from the altar and lield by tlie 
Kiti'kwemosi and pe'kwlii, wliile prayers are offered. The pe'kwin 
passes his basket b^' the Kia'kwemosi to the associate Shi'wanni 
of the North, and the Kia'kwemosi passes his basket to the Shi'- 
wanni of the West, and in this order the baskets are passed down 
the line. One basket is not passed over the other, but around 
and before it. As each shi'wanni receives a basket he draws a 
breath of the contents and prays for much rain, all .seeds, rats, 
rabbits, and other game. The gods .say: "To-morrow I go to 
Ko'thluwala'wa, but I leave m}' children [referring to other god.s] 
with you for five da3's. They will dance in your houses [the new 
ones]; they will then go to the homes of the gods in the east, where 
they will sj)end one night and leave te'likinawe, which you shall give 
to them, and they will return to Ko'thluwala'wa. Give us food tliat. 
we may eat, and next year we will bring you all kinds of .seeds." The 
pe'kwiii to the end of the line of A'shiwanni, receives the basket 
containing the gifts of Shu'laawi'si, places it before the altar, and, 
returning, I'eceives the basket containing the gift of Sa'yatasha, and 
places it l)eside the other. The rats and rabbits are ofl'erings to the 
host. They are cooked by the women of the and eaten as deli- 
cious tidbits V)v the A'shiwanni and others in the morning after the ceremony. 

A J'oung man clad in pure white, witli a red silk scarf around his 
head, sits by the large tire holding a rod of cotton wood root, with 
which he furnishes light for the ceremonial reed cigarettes, which are 
constantly smoked by the personators of the gods and A'shiwanni. 

For two hours a litany is intoned in low notes by the gods and 
responded to by the A'shiwanni while two members of the A'pi"lashi- 
wanni (Bow priesthood) stand before the altar and whirl rhombi. 
Theie is much repetition in the prayer, at the close of which the six 
A'shiwanni take their seats near the tire and the personators of the 
gods remove tneir masks and place them upon the dressed deerskins. 
Afterward tifty-six large bowls filled with meat stew, containing 
corn, beans, and chili, several \arieties of bread, stewed peaches, and 
sliced watermelons are brought in by women and placed in lines 
down the north side of the room; for the want of space, some are 
placed on the opposite side. After the food is set down, the wife 
of the Kia'kwemosi, accompanied by a male member of her family 
(tilling the place of the host, who must remain with the A'shi- 
wanni), advances to the altai', the man preceding the woman. Ho 
wears cloth trousers, a red calico shirt, a red silk scarf around his 
head, and another around his waist. The woman wears hei' ordi- 
nary dress, with the white pi'toni, a piece tied in front and falling 
over the back. After .sprinkling meal upon the altar they turn toward 
the food, and the man in half whispers ofi'ers a long grace. Every 


little while the woiiiau repeats in a most iiiipressi\e iiianiier: •■Athlu'' 
(amen). The grace is repeated over the food on the south side of the 
room, and, addressino- tlie people, the two say: "' I'tonawe " (eat). The 
Slm'laawi'si, taking from one of the })owls a piece of he'we as i)ig as 
his two hands, places upon it a bit of food from each vessel and disap- 
pears thi'ough the hatchway in the roof, followed by Sa'vatasha and 
Ilu'tutu. The large assemblage now revels in the feast. 

Shu'laawi'si deposits the food in the excavation under the ladder 
before the house, Sa'yatiisha plants plumes in the opening and scatters 
Uieal, and Hu'tutu stamps upon the meal about the excavation. The 
prayers offered by the gods at this time are uttered in tones so low- 
that it is impossible to hear a word. The excavation is afterward 
covered with a slab and with earth until no evidence of it remains. 

The three gods return to the chamber and join in the feast. After 
all the food is consumed, the empty vessels are removed. The person- 
ators of the Council of the (iods having donned their masks, Sa'yatasha 
and Hii'tutu stride up and down the floor until the rising of the morn- 
ing star, after which Sa'yatasha and the p(>'kwin proceed to the roof, 
where the}- remain half an hour, chanting a prayer. 

Returning to the room, they approach the altar side by side. The 
pe'kw'in cari'ies a meal basket and throws meal before them as they 
proceed up the room. Sa'yatasha carries his bow and arrows in his 
left hand and a rattle of deer scapuhe in his i-ight. On reaching the 
altar the two sprinkle it with meal and, turning about, slowly retrace 
their steps, repeating the pra^'er they chanted on the house top as they 
stride up and down the long room three times, Sa'yatasha with every 
step waving the scapula downward. They halt midway for some 
thirty minutes until the close of the prayer, when Sa'yatasha places 
his right foot forward, facing east, and extends his right hand toward 
the eastern heavens and his left backward and toward the earth; 
at the same time he sprinkles meal from both hands. This motion is 
repeated by the pe'kwin, and then Sa'yatasha turns to the choir, 
repeats a prayer, and, going to the altar, offers a short prayer, which 
concludes the all-night ceremonial. 

The mask is removed b}^ an attendant and placed on the deerskins 
by the altar. A morning repast similar to the one spread during the 
night is enjoyed, and the personators of the gods rest and sleep until 
nearly 10 o'clock in the morning, when the ceremonies are resumed. 

It has been stated that the Sha'liiko are met on the opposite side of 
the river by the first body of A'shiwanni, the Ko'mosona, and the 
Ko'pekwin, who pray and sprinkle meal upon the gods. Each Shu'liiko 
goes to the house he is to dedicate. 

250 THK ZTINI INDIANS (kth. asn.23 

Night Ceremonies oe the Sha'lako Ctods in is'jl/' 

Iiot'ore suti.set the altar of 'Siiiriakiiikwt;' (Huiiter.s Fraternity-) was 
erected at the west end of the laroc room. (Plate lix .show.s altar 
divested of its accessories.) The nio'sona of the fraternity prays over 
a bowl of meal and proc(>eds to mai<e a cloud design of meal tn'fore the 
altar. The symbol is formed by making two scallops and tillino- them 
ill with meal. A line of meal is extended from Ijetween the scallops a 
short distance, and the mo'sona places six mi'wachi in line })etween 
the two fi-ont tablets of the altar. He afterward continues the line of 
meal down the floor to the ladder and ci'osses it with the meal eleven 
times, the cross lines lieing about 8 feet apart. He then places the 
meal ()asket by the altar. The maker of medicine water consecrates 
the water with the usual ritual. The chamber is now ready to receive 
the gods. 

Tlie eliigy worn l)y the Sha'lako is so ingeniously arranged that the 
wearer has only to step under the hoop-skirt structure and carry it by 
a slender pole, which is supported by a piece of leather attached to the 
belt. The top of the l)lanket skirt has a triangular opening through 
which the bearer of the efligy sees. A fox skin and a collarette of 
raven plumes complete the base of the mask. The pcrsonator of the 
Sha'lako and his fellow wear deerskin hoods (see plate lx) and white 
cotton shirts with native black woven shirts over them. The open 
sleeves of the wool shirts, which are fastened only at the wrists, expose 
the white sleeves beneath. They wear black woven kiRs, embroidered 
in dark blue. White dres.sed deerskins having the appearance of sleeve- 
less jackets are wrapped about the body. Each wears a white embroid- 
ered sash, and around the waist, over the, a woman's belt tied 
at the right side. An ancient stone hatchet, with handle, and a quan- 
tity of prayer meal are carried in the belt. The legs are bare and 
painted yellow, the color extending above the knees. They wear 
bunches of native blue yarn tied in tassels below the knees and dance 

The ethgies are not carried bv the personators of the Sha'lako 
when these gods come to the village in the evening, but by the 
Sha'lako wor'we (managers), who also have their legs painted yellow 
and wear dance moccasins. Each per.sonator of a Sha'liiko and his 
fellow, with other members of the ki'wi'sine to which the personator of 
the Sha'lako belongs, accompany each effigy. The six Sha'liiko, with 
their attendants, stop on the site of Hiii'ona kwi (Ant place). Here 
they are met by the first body of A'shiwanni, who praj- and sprinkle 
meal over the gods. The A'shiwanni return to the village and the 
Sha'lako run back and forth for a time, then proceed to the ceremonial 
ground, situated on the south bank of the river, already prepared 

n The writer was unable to observe the mdoor ceremonies of the Sha'lako gods in 1879, as she was 
housed with the Council of the Gods. 



HOEN A CO., Lith 







for them which was the last camping place of the Zunis daring their 
niigrations in (juest of the Middle of the world. This ground which 
is about '200 feet from north to south and 150 feet fi-oni east to west 
has been watered and stamped until it is level and smooth. Two 
Sha'liiko stand on the left and two on the east side of the ground, 
while the other two run liack and fortli, starting from opposite sides, 
and return. Each Sha'liiko takes his turn in running. They remain 
on the ground until after dark, then proceed to the village, each Sha'- 
liiko, with his attendants, going to the house where he is to remain 
during the night. On reaching the house the personator of the 
Sha'liiko, not the present bearer of the elligy. deposits te'likinawe in 
the excavation under the ladder. His alternate repeats the act, and 
both sprinkle meal while the effigy bearer and others stand by, the 
attendants singing to the accompaniment of the rattle. As they ascend 
the ladder the rattle, drum, and song are heard within. The attend- 
ants remain on the roof and sing, while the effigy bearer, the p 'r- 
.sonator of the Sha'liiko, with his fellow, descend into the house. They 
are led by the master of the house, his wife and daughters, and the 
mo'sona of the fraternity which is to officiate, who cai'ries his mi'li and 
his meal basket, from which he sprinkles meal as he proceeds. The 
room in whicii the ceremony here described is lield is <)(» feet long and 
over '20 feet wide. Tiie maker of medicine water sits by a medicine 
bowl at tiie north side of the altar. Tiie mem))ers of the fraternity are 
grouped on the south side of the room toward the west end. As the 
Sha'liiko and party enter the room the effigy bearer, with the personator 
of Sha'liiko and his fellow, pass to the west end of the room, where the 
figure is placed on a blanket rug north of the altar, there being a small 
circular opening in the stone floor to hold the pole to which it is attached. 
A large blanket is held so as to screen the figure while the bearer slips 
out and stands it in position. "While the effigy is being placed by the 
Sha'liiko wor'li, the personator of the Sha'liiko, deposits seeds, a gift to 
the host, from his lielt into a basket )\v the altai', and he also takes meal, 
from his belt and marks four lines on eacii wall — north, west, south, 
and east — by carrying the meal with his four fingers 2 feet down each 
wall. His alternate follows and strikes the meal lines four times 
with a bunch of giant yucca. A ladder is now held by five men, and 
the personator of the Sha'liiko ascends and repeats the ceremony of 
Sa'yatiisha, attaching two te'likinawe to the symbolic house of the 
clouds tiiat is fastened to the rafters. The choir of the Hunters fra- 
ternity, accompanied bj' rattles and drum, the flutist playing and a 
warrior of the fraternity whirling a rhombus, begins as soon as the 
personator of the Sha'liiko steps upon the first rimg of the ladder. 
The depositing of offerings in the floor beneath and tlie act of standing 
on the corn-husk package is also repeated here. His alternate follows 
each time and sprinkles meal, and the maker of medicine water beats 
time with two eagle plumes that he holds in each hand. 

252 THE ZTTNI INDIANS [eth. ann, 23 

After thiscereinon_y the personator of the Sha'liiko and his alternate 
seat themselves b}' the male head of the house in the same manner 
as in the seating of the Council of the Gods, and i-epeat, in substance, 
the same litany. The Sha'liiko, too, says: "I leave my children with 
you for five daj's. They will dance in your houses; they will then go 
to the home of the gods in the east and leave te'likinawe which you 
shall give to them, and they will return to Ko'thluwala'wa. Give us 
food that we maj' eat, and next year we will bring you all kinds of 
seeds." When the prayer closes the maker of medicine water dips his 
plumes into the water and sprinkles toward the north. This is 
repeated for each of the six regions. Again dipping the plumes into 
the water, he touches them to the lips of the personator of the Sha'- 
lako. The same is repeated with the alternate, who now rises and 
dances for a time, when he is joined by four members of the Hunters 
fraternity, who are nude except as to breechcloths. The personator 
of the Sha'liiko slips into the effigy, behind a blanket, then the blanket 
is dropped and the giant god joins in the dance. He is observed by all 
present with the most solemn interest. Although the walls of this 
chamber are the highest in Zufii, the man l)earing the eftigy is com- 
pelled to dance with bended knees, which he does with nuuh difficulty. 
As he can not peep through the oyjening in the blanket, constant atten- 
tion is required on the part of the attendant to prevent such accidents 
as stumbling, falling down, or knocking against others. 

The six ki'wi'siwe furnish dancers to assist in the great celebration. 
Each director of a dance vies with the other in hiiving his dancers per- 
fect in the dance and song. Each personator of a god is supposed to 
have the spirit of the god he represents abiding with him for the time 
being. "Have the gods not said: 'We will all be with you in the 
spirit?'" When the visiting dancers are absent from the house the 
Sha'liiko dances. 

The Sha'liiko houses are crowded at all times during the night. 
Each set of dancers is followed from house to house by a number 
of men, who pack the already overfilled chamber, leaving barely 
space enough for the dancers, and hang on to the inner ladder as long 
as there is standing room. Every one who enters the room, except 
the dancers, goes immediately to the altar and effigy to pray and 
sprinkle meal, passing the line of dancers for this purpose. 

Zuni, like more civilized places, has its exclusive set, and at no time 
is this more in evidence than at festivals, some women especially holding 
themselves aloof from others, whom they esteem less fortunate. Here 
also are many whose birth would justify but whose poverty prevents 
the exclusiveness in which they would indulge, their houses not being 
sufficiently spacious when ceremonials are held. In the present in- 
stance this, the largest house in Zuili, has a private hallway and several 


inner rooms where the elect gather to observe the ceremonies through 
large openings in the wall, which are kept closed except on such occa- 
sions. Thus with this primitive drama there is to be found a primi- 
tive theater, with pit and boxes. The observers who watch through 
the openings are principally women and children, seated on chairs 
and boxes. If there be attractive maidens in these inner rooms, 
young men are sure to Ije found there, indulging in merr^-making 
Avith the girls in the intervals of the dances. The custom among 
men of visiting the theater box may have originated with the primi- 
ti\e drama. There are also in these rooms men seated on the ledge 
or on their wadded blankets on the far side of the room smoking and 
chatting in company with the male members of the house. They take 
turns in advancing to the openings to observe the dance over the 
women's heads or to spend a time in the ceremonial room. Such are 
the scenes earh' in the evening; but as the night advances drinking is 
indulged in until the scene becomes disgusting in the extreme. No 
whisky is served in the ceremonial chamber, and great care is observed 
that none but Indians shall know the sources of the intoxication. 

In 1879 whisky was rarely if ever used by the Zufiis; but with the advanceof civil- 
ization intoxicants are producing demoralizing effects un these people. While there 
is a law forbidding the sale of liquor to Indians, this law is not executed; at least it 
was not up to 1896. The peddling of whisky is begun weeks before the Sha'liiko 
festival. The liquor is usually carried in kegs, not too large to be secreted under the 
blanket, and gallons are brought in this way to Zuiii by the Rio Grande Indians. 
The largest peddler of whisky during several seasons was a returned Carlisle student, 
who had spent five years under the influences of this school. When discovered by 
the writer his excuse was: "I am a saddler by trade. On my return from school 
I endeavored to get employment in Albuquerque, near my home — Laguna. On 
applying to the two saddlers there I received the same reply from both: 'White 
men are good enough for me.' What was I to do? You know my people make 
their own harness and saddles. I wanted money, so I engaged to carry whisky to 
Zufii for a German." This Indian could nut be induced to betray the name of the 

Every man in Zuni spends what money he can obtain on whisky, not only for 
his own use and that of his friends, but to dispose to the Navahos, who' come in 
large numbers to the dances. The whisky is usually taken from the kegs, bottled, 
and sold at exorbitant prices. The Navaho is a close trader, but the Zufii is 
closer. The writer has observed many trades in which the Zunis came out the 
better. One Navaho, crazy for liquor, trades a fine pony for a gill of whisky. 
Another exchanges a valuable necklace of coral, turquoise, and ko'hak wa for the .same 
quantity. Those who are able to buy the liquor in any quantity usually make use 
of the time of the Sha'liiko festival to replenish their stock of horses from the Navahos, 
who demand fair prices in their early stage of intoxication, but become so crazed 
with drink that they let their ponies go for any amount of whisky the shrewd Zuni 
is willing to give. While the younger men of Zuni drink as much as the Navahos, 
the older men and more clever traders keep their heads clear enough to get the best 
of the liargain. This trading of liquor goes on in the inner rooms, which are sup- 
posed, as has been stated, to be for the use of the elect; but the Zuiiis, l)eing no 
exception lo those who are demoralized by the liquor traffic, indulge their love of 

25-1 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

gain at any cost, and send out emissaries from these inner rooms to bring in those 
\vhi> wish the hquor. The drunker the man the more eager tlie emissary is to get 
hiiu, as he is sure that the trade will be in favor of those of his house. 

After each dance the partii^ipant.s have medicine water administered 
to them witii a .shell from the howl hy the maker of medicine water. 
These dancers are no sooner outside of the house than the Sha'liiko 
appears on the floor. 

Duicino' i.s suspended at midnight, when an elaljorate feast is 
spread, in which those present indulge to the fullest extent. This 
supper is served with the same ceremonies as those observed over 
the feast in the house of the Sa'yatiisha, food being deposited under 
the ladder outside of the house by the personator of the Sha'liiko and 
his alternate. After the feast the dance continues until daylight, when 
the ceremonies close to be resumed at a later hour in the niorniug. 

Night Ceremonies of the Ko'yemshi in isyti 

In 1S;)() the ten Ko'yemshi as usual closely follow the Sha'liiko on 
their arrival at the village. They wear white cotton trousers, white 
dressed deer skins, ov white embroidered blankets wrapped al)out 
them, and ordinary moccasins. F^ach one carries a fawn skin con- 
taining seed, the skin ))eing sewed for the purpose. A miniature 
gaming ring of the Ko'yemshi, with a la'showannc attached, hangs 
from the mouth of the fawn skin carried l)y the (Ireat Father 
Ko'yemshi, pe'kwin, and Pi'"Miishiwanni of the Ko'yemshi. Each 
carries a gourd rattle colored pink. They form into a group at the 
base of the outer ladder of each house entertaining a Sha'liiko and 
sing. Now and then a joke is passed between them. After their 
tour through the village they go to the house which the\' are to 
dedicate. The (Jreat Father Ko'yemshi deposits te'likinawe in the 
excavation under the ladder and his pe'kwhi sprinkles meal over them. 
Ascending the ladder they are met by the master of the house, his 
wife, and daughters, and the director of the ^Nla'M^e 'San'nakwe (Little 
Fire) fraternity, who precede them to the room where the choir of the 
fraternity is singing to the accompaniment of the rattle and drum. 
This room, contrary to the Zuili method of building, extends north 
and south. The altar, which is mt)st elaborate — this fraternity being 
one of the large.stand wealthiest organizations in Zufii — is in the north 
end of the long room. The fraternity is grouped on the east side. 
The Ko'yemshi, led t)y the director of the fraternity, are sprinl.kd 
with meal as they proceed down the room. Each Ko'yemshi empties 
the contents of his fawn skin into a basket by the altar as a gift to the 
host of the house. The (Jreat Father takes meal from his belt, and 
wdth it runs his four fingers down each wall of the room, beginning 
with the north wall. His pe'kwin follows and strikes the lines with a 
bunch of vucca baccata. • 


A ladder is held Iw six men while tlie Great Father ascends and 
attaches two te'likiimwe to the symbol of the house of the clouds. 
When he descends the pe'kwin goes up the ladder and sprinkles meal 
o\er it and the plumes. The dept)sition of plumes and seeds, the 
sprinkling of meal in an opening beneath tiie floor, and the standing 
upon a package covered with corn husks are repeated, with prayers 
similar to those offered by those dedicating the other houses. 

The Ko'^vemshi are seated Ijy the master of the house, who places 
his hands on the shoulders of ea<'h god, motioning him to the six 
regions before seating him. The Ko'\'emshi sit in line on the w(>st side 
of the room, and ten men of the Pi'chikwe (Dogwood) and Ta'kiakwe 
(Frog) clans, the master of the house being of the former clan, his 
wife belonging to the latter, sit opposite the Ko'yemshi, as shown in 
the followiuH' diagram: 

Man of the house 
Ta'kiakwe (Frog clan) 
Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
Tii'kiakwe (Frog clan) 
Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
Pi'chikwe (Dogwood clan) 
Tii'kiakwe (Frog clan) 
Ta'kiakwe (Frog clan) 

Ten sticks for holding live coals are made from the center stalks of 
giant yucca by a man of Pi'chikwe clan, each stick being the length 
of the bended elbow on the inner side to the tip of the middle finger. 
After the men and gods are seated vis-a-vis, a coal of fire is placed 
between the split ends of each of the fire sticks by the man who made 
them and passed to the ten men, each man lighting a reed cigarette 
filled with native tobacco. These cigarettes are prepared l)y the male 
head of the house. Each one takes six whifi's from his cigarette and 
waves it to the six regions, and whirling it in a circle he passes it to 
his vis-a-vis, who repeats the smoking and waving. The masks of the 
Ko'yemshi are now put back so as to expose the face. 

The Oreat Father consimies two hours reciting a litany. The others, 
including those opposite, respond: '■'■A'thlu" (amen). This prayer is 
much the same as those repeated in the other houses, diff'ei'ing only 
according to the different versions of the Sa'j'atitsha, the yha'liiko, and 
Ko'yemshi concerning the migrations of the A'shiwi from Ko'thlu- 
wala'wa. The Ko'yemshi also say: "■! leave my children with you 
for five days; they will dance in your houses; they will then go to the 
home of the gods in the east and leave te'likinawe which you shall 
give them, and they will return to Ko'thhiwala'wa. Give us food 
that we may eat, and next year we will biing you all kinds of seeds." 



A'wan ta"chu 





























256 . THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ans. 23 

A feast is served after the long prayer, and a smoke with commercial 
tobacco is enjoyed. The Ko'j'einshi, on finishinij their .smoke, begin 
dancing. Each one hold.s two te'likiiunve, as long as from the inner 
side of the bend of the elbow to the tip of the middle finger, wrapped 
together at the end, one stick being colored bkie for the Sun Father, 
the other yellow for the Moon Mother. After dancing some time in 
a promiscuous group to the song of the Little Fire fraternity, all but 
the (ireat Father, his pe'kwin, and Pi"'l;ishiwanni visit the houses of 
the Sha'liiko and dance. During their al)sence the members of the 
fraternity, who have their nude bodies elaborately decorated in white 
with kaolin, continue dancing. The dancing begins in earnest after 
midnight, each man seeming to throw his whole soul into it. 

Morning Ceremonies of the Sha'lako in 18!»1. 

Morning brings an additional intlu.xof visitors. Everv house of any 
pretensions has guests, welcome or otherwise; nearly- eveiy pueblo is 
rej)resented, and large numbers of Navahos are here to enjoy the la\ish 
hospitality of the Zunis. The house tops on the south side of the 
village are crowded with men, women, and children, while the sti"eets 
are tilled with pedestrians and equestrians, manv being Navahos of 
both sexes. 

It would be ditticult to find a more revolting picture than the one 
presented during the day and night. The scene of debauchery in the 
morning is shocking, but as theda\" wanes it becomes disgusting in the 
extreme. The mad desire for drink among many of the Zufiis is too 
great for tiiem tt) remain sober enough to observe the ceremonial of 
their gods, to which they have looked forward for many days. Many 
of these staggering Indians are not over l-t or 15 years of age. Num- 
bers of Navahos are tighting with one another or with the Pueblos, 
drawing knives and pistols. The wonder is that some of the disturb- 
ers of the peace are not trampled to death, for manj' fall from their 
saddles during their quarrels; others lie motionless in the streets, too 
drunk to move away from approaching hoofs. Native police are kept 
busv in their etforts to quell disturbances and to clear the streets for 
the ]irocessions. 

Before midday the first Sha'lako with his retinue comes forth from 
the house where he spent the night. The participants in this proces- 
sion are, first, the members of the order of Pa'yatamu (god of music), 
ten in number; next of the Little Fire fraternity. Each man 
plays upon his sho'konna (flute) which is as long as the muzzle of a 
gun. The noise from these instruments is deafening. This group is 
followed by an officer of the fi-aternity carrying his mi'li," and meal 
basket, from which he sprinkles meal. He leaves his position now and 
then to sprinkle meal on the Sha'lako of his part}'. The alternate of 

oSeep. 416. 


the Shiv'liiko follows next, carrying- a quantity of te'likinawe; and after 
him conies the Sha'liiko. Thiit_y or more members of the ki'wi'sine to 
which the personator of the Sha'liiko belongs follow later, singing, the 
four yha'liiko wor'we (managers) being foremost in the group. As the 
Sha'liiko passes through the village those on tlie house tops throw meal 
upon the effigy, while both sol)er and intoxicated men crowd forward 
to sprinkle the gods with meal. The procession crosses the river to 
the south bank. 

After the first Sha'liiko crosses the river wnth his retinue, another 
follows, attended in like manner by the order of Pa'yatilmu belonging 
to the Pe'shii'silo'kwe (Cimex) fraternity. The other Sha'liiko are 

A B^ C J3 e F 

•••••*; •..*:• ••.•*/ '.'.■• :•*• ••."• 

a, ««"«",". S d d ct d e e e e ee I 

/ ,-■ / o o o o ••••••• 

/ / / 


n. ////// 

/» U3--'' f /■ — ■/■ /--f - n */ 

■■■■ ' ■•■■' •■•■ •'' t 

f o US '^ ■■/-■ ■/-—■/—/-— — - - - D »/ 

/ o D7 ^-■■- / — .^..-^ — a »/ 

/ a n» ■^^^-—J—J- -- D »/■ 

/ .■■' 12 

/ » Dn — .::::-:--.T- O »/ 


/» ni5">-^- ~ a »/ 

Fig. 8—0. ptTsunators of Sha'iiiko with elligies; 6, alternates of the Sha'liiko; .1, B, C, Z>, E, F, groups 
from tlK' ki'wi'siwe; (/, Ko'mosona, Ko^pekwln, and two Ko'pi''Ut.shiwanni; e, first body of A'shi- 
wanni;/. Sha'liiko managers; 1, 2, square excavations in which tlie Council of the Gods deposit 
te'likinawe; 3, I, 5. 0, 7, 8, 9, 10, l^, VI, 13, 14, square excavations in which the Sha'liiko deposit 
te'likinawe. The ki'wi'siweo are paired as elder and youngei brother, and the excavations are 
visited in the following order: A. People of the He'iwa ki'wi'sini^; B, people of the Mu'he'wa 
ki'wi^sin^; C, people of the Chu'pawa ki'witsini^; D, people of the O'he'wa ki'wi'sinC; E, people 
of the Up"sannawa ki'witsinO; F. people of the He'kiapawa ki'wi'sini?; 3, 4, excavation for the 
Sha'liiko of He'iwa ki'wi'sinO (elder); 9, 10. excavation for the Sha'liiko of O'he'wa ki'wi'sine 
(younger); 5, (i, excavation for the Sha'liiko of Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sinO (elder); 13, 14. excavation for 
the Sha'liiko of He'kiapawa ki'wi'sine (younger); 7, 8, excavation for the Sha'liiko of Chu'pawa 
ki'wi'sine (elder); 11, 12. excavation for the Sha'liiko of Up''sanna\va ki'wi'sine (younger). 

attended in the .same way except that they have no order of Pa'ya- 
tamu to furnish music. The Sha'liiko parties follow each other in 
close succession. Plate lxi shows a Sha'liiko on his way to the cere- 
monial field/ Upon reaching the ceremonial ground above referred 
to, the bearers of the eifigies stoop on blanket rugs and face the vil- 
lage, six blankets having been spread for the purpose in line from east 

aThe ki'wi*siwe are relegated to the six regions, as follows: He'iwa (North), Mu'he'wa (West), 
Chu'pawa (South), O'he'wa (East), Up''sannawa (Zenith), He'kiapawa (Nadir). 

h Formerly, temporary bridges of stones and earth were constructed, but in 1896 the bridge built for 
the use of the writer became the way of crossing the river, not only for the people at large but for the 
personators of the gods until carried away by a freshet. 

23 ETH— 04 17 

258 THE ZUNI INDIANS (eth. ann.23 

to west, their fellows standing back, of them, and behind each fellow 
the group from the ki'wi'sine to which the Sha'lako belongs. In 
addition to these groups two of the Sha'lako have the flutists of the 
order of Pa'yatilmu behind them. The Ko'mosona, the Ko'pekwin, 
and the two Ko'pi'4iishiwanni stand in line immediately west of the 
Sha'lako, and the first body of A'shiwanni, not including the Shi'wa- 
no"kia, and first associate to the Kia'kwemosi are in line west of these. 
The accompanying diagram (figure S, page 257) shows the positions of 
the Sha'lako and other participants on the ceremonial ground. 

The excavations, which are each 12 inches square, are made after 
the Sha'liiko take positions on the rugs. Of these, 12 are made by 
the Sha'lako wor'we, who remain back of the excavations, ready to 
rearrange the paraphernalia of the Sha'liiko when necessary. The 
two excavations at the south end of the ground are made by a wor'li 
from the ki'wi'sine to which the personator of the Sa'yatiisha belongs. 
The Sha'lako are in position before the Ko'mosona with his associates 
and the first bodj- of A'shiwanni take their places. The Council of 
the Gods, Shu'laawi'si going in advance, follow after the Sha'liiko. 
(Plate LXii shows Shu'laawi'si preceded by his ceremonial father." 
Plate Lxiii shows other memliers of the Council of the Gods.) The 
personator of Shu'laawi'si passes up the east line of exacavations and 
deposits te'likinawe to Shu'laawi'si in excavation 1 and, passing before 
the line of Sha'liiko, he deposits similar ott'erings in excavation 2. Pass- 
ing down the west line of excavations and up the east line, he sprinkles 
meal over the te'likinawe in excavation 1; again crossing to the west, 
ho sprinkles meal over the ofl^erings in excavation 2, and, passing \)y the 
A'shiwanni, he retires from the ceremonial ground. Sa'yatiisha and his 
Yii'nuihakto and Hu'tutu with his Yii'nnihakto proceed up the east line 
of the excavations. Sa'j-atiisha with his Yii'nuihakto cross before the 
Sha'liiko to excavation 2, where they deposit te'likinawe to these gods. 
Hu'tutu with his Yii'nuihakto deposit te'likinawe at the same time in 
excavation 1. Sa'yatiisha and his Yii'muhakto continue down the west 
line, and, crossing the ground, they pass up the east line and deposit 
te'likinawe in excavation 1. Hu'tutu with his Yii'muhakto deposit 
te'likinawe in excavation 2 and then pass down the west line and up the 
east. \\'hile Sa'j-atiisha and his associate cross over to excavation 2 
and sprinkle the offerings with meal, Hu'tutu and his associate spiunkle 
the oflerings in excavation 1. The two couples exchange places by 
crossing directlj' before the Sha'liiko. Sa'yatiisha and his Yii'muhakto 
sprinkle meal into excavation 1 while Hu'tutu and his Yii'muhakto 
sprinkle it into excavation 2. The two couples now meet midway in 
the line of Sha'liiko and face the village, Yii'muhakto to the east, Sa'ya- 
tiisha next, Hu'tutu next, and the other Yii'muhakto at the west 
end of the line. Sa'yatiisha cries "Hu , hu , hu , 

a"Ko'thluwala'wa" on the plate is an error. For "deputy" see p. 33. 

























1 ■" / 





1 , 






hu , hu " The couples cross, Sa'yattisha and his alternate 

going to excavation 2, while the others go to excavation 1. They l>end 
and motion over the excavations, and again they meet midwaj- in the 
line of Shaliiko and face the village. Sa'yatasha is now west of Hu'tutu 

and beside him. Hu'tutu exclaims: " Hu'tutu , Hu'tutu , 

Hu'tutu , Hu'tutu " The four now pass in tile down the 

east line to the north side of the ground, where they are joined by two 
Sal'imobiya, who run liack and forth over the north end of the ground 
during the ceremony of the Council of the Gods. The Council of the 
Gods return up the east line of excavations, followed by the two Sal'i- 
mobiya, and pass by the Sha'lako and on by the Ko'mosona, Ko'pe- 
kwin, the two Ko'pi'']ashiwanni and the A'sbiwanni. Each shi'wanni 
holds a basket of prayer meal, from which he sprinkles the gods as 
they pass. The Ko'mosona. with his associates, and the A'shivvanni 
leave the held in company with the Council of the Gods. The two 
Sal'imobiya soon return to their former place and repeat the running 
T)ack and forth. The Ko'mosona, with his associates, and the A'sbi- 
wanni return to the village after accompanying the gods a short dis- 
tance. The Council of the Gods deposit te'likinawe in a cornfield a 
south of the village, and near b^-, in an excavation about -4 feet in 
diameter. The depth of the hole is the distance from the feet to the 
waist of the wor'li who made it. Thev proceed to the cabin previously 
referred to, where they remove their masks and paraphernalia. 

The personators of the Sha'lako rise with the ethgies, each as his 
turn comes. The one from He'iwa ki'wi'sine runs to excavation 3, 
and, drawing a te'likinane from his lielt, thrusts his hand through 
the opening in the blanket and deposits it to the Sha'lako of the North; 
then, rapidly crossing to excavation 4, he plants a second te'liki- 
nane to Sha'lako of the North" and returns to his position in the line 
of Sha'lako, when the group from his ki'wi'sine sprinkle the ethgy 
with meal. He then slips from under the efiigy, his alternate taking 
his place, while the personator of the Sha'lako occupies the former 
position of his fellow. This proceeding is followed by each Sha'liiko. 
As soon as the Sha'lako from He'iwa ki'wi'sine starts for excavation 4, 
the one from O'he'wa runs to excavation 9 and deposits a te'likinane 
to the Sha'lako of the East, and, crossing the ground, he deposits 
another in excavation 10. He is no sooner oti' for excavation 10 than 
the one from Mu'he'wa ki'wi'sine runs to excavation .5; and, after 
depositing a te'likinane to the Sha'lako of the West, he runs to excava- 
tion 6 and deposits another te'likinane. The Sha'lako from He'kiapawa 
ki'wi'sine closely follows the one preceding him and deposits a te'liki- 
nane in excavation 13, and, crossing to excavation l-l, lie plants another. 
The Sha'lako from Chu'pawa ki'wi'sine follows next. He runs to 

"Much .skill is required by the bearer in manipulating the beak that is attached to the mask 
which he keeps in a constant chatter while he runs rapidly with the effigy. 

260 THE ZUNI INDIANS (eth. ann. 23 

excavation 7, whei'e he deposits a te'likinane and crosses to excava- 
tion 8, wliere he plants another. He is no sooner started for exca- 
vation 8 than the Sha'liiko from Up"sannawa runs to excavation 11, 
where he plants his offerino-, and, running to lixcavation 12, he deposits 
another. Before he is fairly on his way for excavation Iti the alter- 
nate of the Sha'lako from He'iwa ki'wi^sine proceeds to excavation 3, 
where a te'likinane is deposited, and he runs to excavation -l to 
deposit another. The changing of places by the Sha'lako and their 
alternates to and from the effigies is most dexterously managed. 
The planting of the te'likjnawe is repeated by each alternate in the 
I'egular order mentioned above. When the fellow from Up"sannawa 
starts for excavation 14, the personator of the Sha'lako of He'iwa 
ki'wi'sine, having taken charge of his effigy, runs to excavation 3 and 
sprinkles the te'likinawe with meal, which he also carries in his belt, 
and, crossing, he sprinkles the te'likinawe in excavation 4. The spi-iik- 
ling of the plume offerings with meal is conducted in the same manner 
in which the plumes are deposited. All the Sha'lako now appear on 
the field at once (see plate lxiv), running as rapidlj' as possible, 
after which they leave the field in single file to return to their 
dressing room above referred to. Each Sha'lako is accompanied by 
his wor'li and alternate. The groups from the ki'wi'^siwe and the 
flutists return to the village. The Sha'liiko are followed by a number 
of gaily dressed young men, and when these gods are a distance from 
the village they run as rapidly as possible and are pursued by the 
young men. When a Sha'lako is caught, the bearer of the effigy 
throws it upon the ground amid great excitement. The one who 
catches the effigy exclaims: "I have killed the deer." He sprinkles 
it with meal, pra\'ing that he may be successful in the hunt. The 
catching of the effigy is indicative of success in the coming hunt, and 
great efforts are made to get ahead of one another to capture the 
so-called deer. 

Each })crsonator of a Sha'lako and his alternate deposit te'likinawe 
in the same excavation in which the Council of the Gods planted ofl'er- 
ings. This opening is filled in by the Sha'liiko wor'we, who proceed 
to the cabin a little farther off' where tlie effigies are taken apart and 
the masks and paraphernalia are brought to the village by them under 
a covering of blankets. 

This elaborate ceremonial is to bring rains to fructify the earth. 
The rapid ruiming from one excavation to another is a dramatiza- 
tion of the services performed bj' the Sha'lako, the couriers of the 
A'shiwanni u'wannami (priest rain-makers) of the six regions, who, 
when wishing to communicate with one another, employ couriers for 
the piirpose. The A'shiwanni u'wannami of the North, wishing to 
send rains upon some particular land, communicate with their 3'ounger 


brothers, tho A'shiwiinni n'waniiaini of the East; and the A'sliiwamii 
ii'waiinami of tlie West send their eourier to their ^oungei- brothers, 
the A'shiwanni u'wannami of the Nadir; and so also the A'shiwanni 
u'waiiiuuni of the South dispatches their eourier to the A'shiwanni 
u'wannami of the Zenith. Any one of these eouriers may also be sent 
to any other or all of the regions when it is desired that the rain-makers 
of all the regions should lend their aid in watering the earth. The 
prayers of the personators of the Council of the Gods and Sha'lilko at 
this season are for rains from all quarters, that the rivers may be great 
and come dashing through the canyons; that the streams ma}' swell like 
rivers, flooding the water courses; and that the lakes ma}' grow lai-ge 
and the wells be filled to overflowing, so that the earth may give to 
them the fullness of her being. These prayers are accentuated by the 
di-ama on the ceremonial ground. 

The last participants in the ritual have no sooner left the field than 
it is filled with those who may not come when the gods are here. Num- 
bers of Navahos, wrapped in their Ijest blankets, their horses resplen- 
dent in silver bridles and silver-mounted saddles, make a brilliant 
picture as they dash across the stream to the recently forbidden 
c'round, now free to all. But far more exciting is the race of 20(1 or 
more Navahos, mounted on their fleetest ponies. After their return 
the afternoon is consumed in equestrian and foot racing with the 
Zuiiis, the latter winning in almost every instance, leaving tlie field 
with ponies, fine blankets, and silver and coral beads. Though the 
streets are filled with men too drunk to move, others are sober enough 
to participate in the pastime which delights the heart of aboriginal 
man as well as his more civilized brothers. 

This is indeed a gala time for the Zuiiis. After the last of the 
Sha'lilko have disappeared over the hills the ten personators of the 
Ko'yemshi appear in daylight for the first time since their appointment 
to office, except when they leave their retreat for wood. Their absence 
during the ceremonial of the Sha'lilko is noticeable, as the Ko'yemshi 
appear on most occasions of the coming of the gods, acting as their 
attendants, arranging anj' portion of their dress which may have 
become disarranged, and playing the clown or fool during the inter- 
vals of the dance. After emerging from their ceremonial chamber 
the Ko'yemshi visit every house top in the village, sprinkling meal, 
singing, dancing, and acting, in primitive comedy. They are sup- 
ported in these plays by women inside the houses, whose voices can 
be heard through the hatchway in the roof. 

Ceremonies Following the Sha'lako Festival of 18^1. 

An elaborate display is supposed to be made for five con.secutvie 
nights, by order of the gods, by representatives from all of the 
ki'wi'siwe. There is little or no difl'erence from year to year in the 

262 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann, 23 

main features of these ceremonies. Each o'taikia mo'sona (dance 
director) makes every effort to have his dance excel the others. 
The number of dances vai-ies from time to time. Jugolerj' differs as 
it is performed by the dilfoivnt fraternities, depending on the one 
to which th(> Great Father Ko'yemshi is associated at the time of the 
festival. There is but little done the first night following the dis- 
appearance of the Sha'liiko. the men being too much engrossed in 
de])aachery to attend to obligations to their gods. Liquor is the only 
thing that prevents these Indians from performing their religious 

The dances described occurred in 1891 on the fifth night following the 
arrival of the Sha'lako in the house of Roman Luna, a hardj' old Indian, 
as brave as a lion, yet as gentle as a child. Masks of the 'Cha'kwena 
(certain anthropic gods) hang against the west w'all of the large room 
toward the north end. They are covered with a strip of calico, the tips 
only of the long beards showing beneath the covering. At an early 
hour the ledge around the room, which extends north and south, is 
well filled with spectators. One group of young men not familiar with 
the songs of the 'Cha'kwena, which are in the Laguna tongue, are 
receiving instructions from a Laguna Lidian but recently returned 
from Carlisle, for this song is a prayer to the gods of his people. He 
seems as fully absorbed in his native worship as though he had not 
been instructed for years at the expense of the Government. The 
song is very low at first, but it gradually swells into louder and louder 
bass tones, which are very pleasing. 

The large openings in the wall which divide the front and back 
rooms, through which the Sha'lako ceremony was observed, aie left 
for the convenience and pleasure of the Zuiii aristocracy. prim'ipalU' 
the younger members of this set, who wish to observe apart from the 
mass of people who crowd the room. During the dances manj' of the 
older women and children and the more .sober maidens of the elite 
occupy seats with the more common people on the east side of the 
large room, but the privileged ones adjourn to the back room during 
the intermissions. Two Acoma Indians in this room, teaching three 
Zuiiis song prayers in their tongue, draw about them a few listeners. 
The writer observes that several elderlj- women are the most interested, 
except those receiving instruction. The scene through the openings 
in the wall is most pleasing. Lights and shadows, according to the 
freaks of the fire in the back room, play about the faces of the dusky 
maidens and youths, who are seated on chairs and boxes. Occasionallv 
merrj' laughter is heard when the young men say pleasing or amusing 
words to the girls. 

« Since Mr Douglas D. Graham has had the Zuui Indians in charge there is much less dissipation 
among them. It is certain that he will see that the law is e.^ecuted if it be within his power, and 
that liquor is kept from them. 



A suiiill side iipartinent is used as the greenrooni for the persoiiators 
of the 'Cha'kweua to adorn themselves for the dance, the elder son of 
this house being dance director of this body. It is in this room that 
heads of the dancers are washed after their dance, and the dancers 
wash off the paint from their bodies. The inerrymakino- becomes 
general here and in the back room; and while the hair washino- is 
going on even the women who perform this service, which is a part 
of their ritual, enjoy the jokes of the others. This apartment serves 
another purpose. It is the barn.)om, where are served Isleta wine, and 
also whisky obtained from the whites. Some intoxicated men are made 
to leave the house early in the evening at the demand of the women 
in the back room. These men becoming too practical in their jokes 
with them, the elder son of the house is called to the rescue from the 
front room. AVith but few words he ([uickly dispatches the otienders, 
who are all Zunis of quality. As they pass through the front room in 
file each one endeavors to saj' in his most polite manner. "So'anni 
kets'anishi to'o iin'tiwatu (Good-by; all good come to 3'ou)." 

About 9 o'clock the group learning the Laguna song separate and 
take seats in line on the west side of the room at the north end. 
In a short time the approaching rattle and drum are heard, and 
twenty-one men personating the He'mishiikwe enter the room in 
single file, led by a man carrying his mi'li and meal Imsket. 

In all religious dances the plaza or chamber is entered in file, led by a man or 
woman who will be termed the leader of the dancers. The woman leader wears 
conventional dress, always her newest and best, and, if necessary, articles are l)nr- 
rowed from her family or members of her clan for the occasion. Special attention 
is given to the moccasins and leggings, which are of the whitest dressed deerskins, 
with glossy black soles, an entire skin being used for the purpose. The larger the 
skin the more desirable, for the ambition of a Zuni woman is to have her legs so 
wrapped from the ankle to the knee that the feet, naturally small and Ijeautiful in 
form, shall appear as diminutive as possible. The white blanket bordered in red 
and blue is worn over the back. Sometimes, but rarely, another blanket is worn in 
its place. A fluffy eagle plume is tied to the forelock of the female leader, and she 
carries her mi'li and meal basket. While silver beads of native manufacture are the 
only necklaces used as the daily adornment of the women, the ko'hakwa, turquoise, 
and coral beads — the necklaces of the men — are added to the silver ornaments when 
the women appear in ceremonials, as many as can be secured from members of the 
family or intimate friends, until the breast is covered with the precious beads. Bor- 
rowing of finery is not confined to the women, the men being equally as anxious to 
adorn their persons; yet it is always done in the most secret manner. 

The man is less conventional in his dress, so there is greater margin for variety in 
costume. He frequently wears velvet knee breeches lined on the outer sides with sil- 
ver buttons, a native woven black wool shirt, elaborately trimmed with red and green 
ribbons, over one of white cotton, the sleeves of the other being open so as to expose 
the undersleeve of the white shirt. Sometimes a silver belt is worn; at other times 
a red silk scarf is tied around the waist. Onlinary moccasins, always the best ones, 
are worn with leather leggings ornamented with silver buttons and tied on with red 
garters. While this is the usual dress of the male leader, any apparel which suits his 
taste, and is not directly associated with the dress of the anthrophic gods, may be worn. 

204 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

In colli weather the leader frequently has a blanket in addition to his other dress, 
worn with the grace with wliich only an Indian can wear the blanket. A line of 
micaceous hematite crosses his face below the eyes, denoting office, and a fluffy eagle 
plume is tied to the forelock. He carries his mi'li and meal Ijasket. 

It will be understood that in all ceremonials where men and women act in the 
capacity of leaders of dancers or serve to secure dancers for the festivals, the dress is 
similar to that described above. Any exceptions will be noted. The leader is never 
included in the number of dancers. 

The He'mishiikwo. arc met at the entrance by tlie of the house, 
■who carries a meal ba.sket and throws out a line of meal before him 
as he leads the dancers down the room. Each Ilc'mi.shiikwe has 
his body and limbs colored purple with dye from the berry of Ber- 
beris fremontii. He weai's a white embroidered kilt held on by a 
white fringed sash and a woman's red belt tied in loops at the right 
side, a fox skin pendent at the back of the waist, and a tortoise-shell 
rattle attached to the calf of the right leg. Bunches of blue 3'arn 
with sleigh bells attached are tied in tassels below the knees, and 
dance moccasins are worn. No masks are worn on this occasion b}^ 
those dancing in line, though a few maskers appear with each part}' of 
dancers. Ea<'h He'mishiikwe carries a spruce twig in the left hand 
and a gourd rattle, colored pink, in the right. The drum, rectangular 
in form and wrapped with rope, is made of undressed hide, the hair 
on the inner side. The dancers enter in single tile and proceed 
down the room raising the right foot high and balancing on the 
left, the heel only of the left foot being raised from the floor. This 
is a connnon step in all dances where the anthropic gods are person- 
ated. On reaching the north end of the room on the west side they 
remain in file, and, facing north, the left arm of each dancer is slightly 
bentand heldat the side; the right arm is also slightly bent, but less than 
the left. The movementis with the right foot, the left one being used to 
balance. Fou r boys, who are masked, accompany the He'mishiikwe and 
take seats on the west ledge by the dancers, two of them playing on 
notched sticks during certain portions of the dance, the lower sticks 
resting on boxes. After shaking the rattle the He'mishiikwe wave l)oth 
hands to the left, then to the right, and repeat the motion, the rattle 
being kept in constant action. The body is now bent forward to the left, 
the left hand being held to the side and the right hand hanging, as a 
long, rapid, even musical shake of the rattle is given. All now turn 
and face the east and give a long, stead}' shake of the rattle. The tirst 
movement is repeated, the right foot is raised high, and they stamp 
four times very ((uickly while the rattle is held low and shaken. But 
this time the sound is altogether ditierent; it is loud, while the other 
is like the shaking of many seeds. After the stamping the hands are 
waved to the left and then to the right five times; then the body is 
bent still lower and the stamping i-epeated eight times, liaising the 
body, the first movement is repeated as the}' all turn, facing the north, 


and in a moment the\' continue around toward tlie loft until they a^-ain 
face the east, the rattles held above their heads. Turning- entirely 
around, they face the north and bending low, first to the right, then 
to the left, shake the rattle. The tirst two figures are again repeated, 
and when all are facing north they stoop and with a quick step, bending 
the knees and leaning toward the right, pass around toward the left, 
the song changing from a major to a minor key, with considerable 
variety of tone. The motions in the dance are rhj'thmic. 

The next dancers to appear after the He'mishiikwe depart are seven- 
teen Mu'luktakia (tall thin gods). They carry in their left hands long 
slender stati's ornamented at the top and middle with plumes, and in 
their right gourd rattles. The dance and songs of the Mu'luktakia, 
though pleasing, are far inferior to those of the He'mishiikwe. The 
dress of both parties is similar. A boy, 10 years of age, wearing a 
bearskin wrapped about his bod}' and falling to his knees, accompanies 
the Mu'hiktiikia. Skins of bears' legs with the claws are drawn over 
his feet. He carries a stone hatchet in his right hand and giant yucca 
in his left. He gesticulates and growls, animal-like, as he dances back 
and forth east of the line of dancers. 

Having made their toilets in the side I'oom, the 'Cha'kwena gods are 
the next to appear, the returned Carlisle student being one of the num- 
ber. The leader of these dancers is a boy not more than twelve years 
of age. He carries his mi'li and meal basket in the left hand and 
sprinkles meal with the right. The limbs of the dancers are painted 
white and their bodies are zigzagged in white, symbolic of lightning. 
Thej' wear white dressed deerskins as kilts, which fall below the knees, 
held on by white fringed sashes and red belts tied to the right side, and 
a fox skin pendent from the back of the waist. The bodies and upper 
arms are colored black, a yoke is designed in j'ellow paint, and the 
lower arms and hands are yellow. In one case the yoke is pink instead 
of yellow, and the hands and lower arms are w'hite. A scalp knot is 
painted on each scapula and each breast. Some of these are in yellow 
and some in white. Dressed deerskins worn as skirts, held in place 
by an embroidered sash and a red belt fastened at the right side, fall 
nearly to the ground; a fox skin is pendent at the back. They wear 
dressed deerskin leggings, fringed at the outer sides, and dance mocca- 
sins with anklets embroidered with porcupine ciuills. Leather armlets 
colored blue-green, each having three points to which pendent-banded 
turkey plumes are attached by buckskin throngs, encircle the upper 
arms. Spruce twigs stand around the upper side of the armlets, and 
gourd rattles, painted blue-green, are carried in the right hand; bows 
and arrows are in the left. A quiver containing arrows hangs over the 
back. Each carries giant yucca in the left hand. The hair is done up 
in a knot at the back, and a fluffy white eagle feather is attached to the 

266 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

forelock. A yucca i'n)hoii is tied around tlic licad. Oiio of the num- 
ber wears a black skull cap covcrofl with the skin of a duck so well 
mounted as to appear as if a duck liad just perched there. A l)lack 
wool cap is used when tiie masks are not worn. Two others wearing 
masks accompany these dancers. One hideous mask has padded eyes; 
another has a long white beard. Tlie 'C'ha'kwena form in line north 
and south, and the other two dance violently east of the line, which 
f aces west ((uite as frequently as east during the dance. Before this part \' 
complete their song and dance, the 'Cha'kwena of another ki'wi'sine 
arrive, the dancers making room for them. The newcomers also form 
in line on the west side of the room. Their dress and masks are simi- 
lar to those worn ))y the 'Cha'kwena who precede them. The 'Cha'- 
kwena, like most of the Zuiiis, are beautiful in form, and the sight 
of their bodies swaying from side to side in rythmical motion, while 
they gracefully manipulate the rattle in accompaniment to the song, 
gives real delight. 

A boy of live or six years and a man representing a bear, the latter 
wearing a mask, dance in front of the line. The child wears a black 
woven breechcloth, buckskin leggings, and a tortoise-shell rattle tied 
to the calf of his right leg; a yucca ribbon is tied around his head, 
and his breast is covered with necklaces. He carries in his right hand 
a gourd rattle which is as large as himself, and in his left a bunch 
of giant yucca. The child seems as much interested in the dance as 
his elders. The man representing the bear has his lower legs painted 
black and spotted white. He wears armlets of uncolored leather. A 
bearskin covers the body and a portion of the lower limbs and skins 
of bear.s' legs with the claws are drawn over his feet. A tortoise-shell 
rattle is attached to the calf of his right leg. He carries a wooden 
hatchet, with goat's wool, signiticant of a scalp lock, in his right hand 
and yucca in his left; yucca is also tied around his legs below the knees. 
These two remain a short time after the 'Cha'kwena leave, running 
about the room like animals." 

Next to appear are seventeen Wa'tem'la (all herds), seven of the 
number being bo_vs. They are led b_v a man carrying his mi'li and im al 
basket. Their bodies are nude, marked thus )( in yellow on each 
scapula and breast. The legs are painted white, and they wear various 
styles of kilts and wrappings about the loins and legs. Each carries 
a o-ourd rattle in his right hand, with a bunch of giant yucca in his 
left. Forming in line on the west side of the room and facing east, 
they stamp three times with the right foot and begin the dance, which 
is like the former, though the song is quite different. 

After these dancers leave, a Hopi dance is introduced, led by Nan'- 

o At this point in the ceremony four spectators-are severely whipped across the aniiles and arms for 
speaking a word or two of Spanish, for a word in this language must not be uttered in the presence of 
the personators of the anthropic gods. 


nahi'. ii Hopi Indian niai'ried to a Zufu woman. The feature of this 
dance is the enthusiasm exhibited by Nan'nahe. who, beino- conscious 
that his associates are but partly drilled in the song, makes every 
effort to prevent failure. Their costume is a Hopi kilt, a silk scarf 
passing- over the right shoulder and tied on the left side, dance moc- 
casins, and anldets embroidered with porcupine quills. There are 
two others outside of the line of dancers, and they wear improvised 
Hopi masks. 

After these dancers leave, the Ko'yemshi arrive, wearing masks and 
having blankets around them tied at tlie waist. Goatskins with the 
wool inside cover their feet. A fawn skin hangs over the shoulder, 
the head peeping up from under the blanket, and a quantity of te'liki- 
nawe are held in the blanket, two are longer than the others, one stick 
being coloi'ed blue for the sun and the other yellow for the moon. Each 
carries a gourd rattle in the right hand. The masks are so covered 
with meal from the sprinkling tiiey have received at other houses that 
they appear as though they had been in a heavy snowstorm. They 
are preceded by sixteen male members of the Ant fraternity led by 
the female head of the house dedicated by the Ko'yemshi. She wears 
ordinary dress, with a white blanket striped blue and red and many 
silver beads. The members of the fraternity wear black native breech- 
cloths. Their bodies are painted white to represent stars and animals. 
The hair hangs down the back, a wreath of yucca is worn, and a salmon- 
colored fluffy eagle plume is attached to the forelock. They are led 
down the room, as usual, by the host of the house. The woman, fol- 
lowing next, carries her mi'li and meal basket in her left hand and 
sprinkles meal with the right. The pe'kwin (deputy director) of the 
fraternity, carrying an eagle plume in each hand, is next to her. The 
director comes next, he being a member of the Su)i clan. He wears 
over his left hand the skin of a Ix^ar's leg with the claws attached. 
He carries an eagle plume in each hand and holds with both hands a 
basket containing six disks of wood about 2i inches in diameter, painted 
blue-green and edged with bla<k and wliite blocks, symliolic of the house 
of the clouds and four fluffy white eagle plumes are attached to the 
peripher}'. Three black lines on the disk indicate the mouth and eyes. 
All the others, with one exception, carry two eagle plumes in the left 
hand and a rattle in the right. The third man following the director 
has a bear's leg skin over his left arm, and the quill ends of his eagle 
plumes are stuck into it on the top of the arm. The male head of the- 
house dedicated bj- the Ko'yemsiii follows at the end of the line of the 
fraternity, also carrying his mi'li and meal basket. They all pass down 
the west side of the room and around to the east, forming an ellipse 
which is left open Ijy a gap of 3 or -t feet. These circles nuist never 
be closed, the opening being symbolic of the road of life, of rain, and 
of the sun— evervthing suggestive of life. After dancing around once, 


268 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ans. 23 

everyone waving his plumes or whatever he has in his hands up and 
down, the director, first handing- iiis hasitet containing- tlic disl<s to 
his pe'kwin, takes meal from the basket of the host of the house. 
He drops six pinches of meal on the floor north of the center of the 
ellipse, indicating- the six regions; over this he forms a disk about 6 
inches in diameter and extends a line of meal, 9 feet in length, south 
from the disk and taking the mi'li from the woman who leads the 
part}' dances about with it, waving it to the six regions. Then rais- 
ing it up and down six times to the music of the rattle and drum, he 
places it on the meal disk, and taking his basket from the pe'kwin, 
removes one of the disks and returns the basket. Then, after many ges- 
ticulations and incantations, throwing his body at times almost prostrate 
upon the floor in his animal-like gestures, he lays the disk on the meal 
south of the mi'li. The host of the house, removing his moccasins, 
enters the circle and standing to the left of the director, leans his 
head toward him while the director whispers to him. The dance is 
suspended during this performance. The picture is striking. The 
director sa3's: "Take this yil'tokia 'san'na (small sun) [handing him the 
disk] and place it next to the heart of the warrior," referring to the 
warrior of the Ant fraternitj-, who now leaves the circle and stands 
at the end of the meal line. The latter waves his plumes, held in 
each hand, up and down, moving his beautifully formed body most 
gracefully. The director says to the host of the house: ''When you 
place the disk over the warrior's heart, and it remains there, then your 
heart and your wife's are good and 3'ou will have much corn and other 
things in the coming year. Should it fall, then the heart of the wife 
desires another than her husliand." After receiving the disk, the host 
manipulates it before the mi'li for a time, and then, passing down the 
meal line, puts the disk to the warrior's heart, who does not cease 
his dancing- and gesticulation at this time. The disk is no sooner 
placed than it drops to the floor. The director hastens to pick it up, 
and the host leaves the circle with the belief that his wife is unfaithful 
to him, at least in her heart. 

As a Ko'3emshi is led into the circle by the director, he hands his 
rattle to the companion at his side. The Ko'yemshi makes the effort 
with the disk, manipulating it before the mi'li, and puts it to the 
heart of the warrior, with the same result as that which befell the 
host of the house. The Ko'yemshi exclaims: "My wife has been with 
another, and I think I will rim ott' to-night." This causes general 
amusement, especially among his fellows, who are passing their jokes, 
paying little or no attention to what is going on before them. 

The director now selects a member of his fraternity and iiands him 
a disk. He acts wildly, cowering and leaping about with 1 tended 
knees, and in this posture jumping up and down the meal line, all the 
while keeping his eyes flxed on the mi'li. Finally he rises suddenly 


and places the disk to the heart of the warrior, and the warrior dances 
more violenth- than ever, the disk reniainini;- in place. Tiie man who 
places the disk returns to the circle, and in a moment or two the 
director removes the disk from the breast of the warrior, but after an 
instant i-eplaees it. In a short time, however, he returns it to the 
basket and raising the mi'li, repeats a long prayer over it; then, facing 
south, he waves it to the six regions, and returning it to its owner, 
takes his position with the dancers. The warrior also joins the circle 
and they all dance around twice and leave the house in file. 

One of the cleverest tricks was observed in 1879 in the liouse dedicated by the 
Ko'yemshi that year. \t the time the writer was not sufficiently familiar with 
this Zufii ceremonial to know that it was the fraternity furnishing the altar and 
songs for the Ko'yemshi that performed the trick. She was invited by a member 
of the Galaxy fraternity to visit the house dedicated by the Ko'yemshi. The 
Ko'yemshi and the members of the fraternity were in the midst of their prepara- 
tions for the coming ceremonial. The members were painting each other from a 
large bowl of kaolin, while the Ko'yemshi rubbed their bodies over with a paint of 
pinkish clay. Two hours were consumed in perfecting the toilets, consisting only of 
the paint which covered their bodies and the breechcloth. The hair was parted in 
the middle and done up in the usual knot in the back, with a single riljbou of yucca, 
scarcely an inch wide, tied around the forehead at the edge of the hair and fastened 
on the side iu a Ijowknot. Feathers were attached to the forelock of the members 
of the fraternity. The altar, as usual, stood at the west end of the room, and the 
masks of the Ko'yemshi lay on dressed deerskins behind the altar. The inner 
rooms were covered with sheepskins and blankets, which were occupied by those 
privileged to be present. iMauy of the women had their infants with them. All 
chatted merrily while they awaited the opening of the ceremony. The bowl of medi- 
cine water was in its usual place in front of the altar; also a basket tray containing 
grains of corn, and another containing white fluffy eagle plumes. Tlie Ko'yemshi, 
having completed their toilets, except the masks, sat in line along the south ledge of 
the room. 

The writer tied a silk head-kerchief around the head of a youth sitting by her, and 
the next moment one of the Ko'yemshi approached her and gracefully bent on 
one knee and bowed his head to receive a similar gift. Having a second head-ker- 
chief she tied it around his head. He arose and bowed in acknowledgment of the 
gift. When the hour arrived for him to don his mask, he looked toward the giver 
and expressed with his eyes that which could not lie said by the lips — his regrets 
that the head-kerchief must be removed. 

The evening festivities opened with fourteen dancers from one of the ki'witsine, led 
as usual by a man carrying his mi'li and basket of meal. They danced to the accom- 
paniment of the rattle and drum for thirty minutes, the variations in the dance con- 
sisting in the motions of the body and not in the step. As all the dances which 
occuired in this house have been previously described, the writer will not repeat the 
de,scription.s, but will depict the scene after the last group of visiting dancers 

When the Ko'yemshi donned their masks beliind the altar they were immediately 
metamorphosed from attractive-looking men into hideous, unnatural objects. The 
members of the Galaxy fraternity formed into an ellipse before the altar, and the 
Ko'yemshi stood in line south of them. A curious old pottery lamp was produced by 
a woman of the house and placed on the mantel. The fire, which burned brightly 
during the early evening, had been allowed to die out, leaving a heap of bright coals. 

Of the Ko'yemshi four were very old, and there were sixteen aged men of tlie 

270 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

fraternity. The writer lias never seen as large a number of men so advanced in years 
actively associated with any of the other fraternities. One or two appeared to Ije 
at least 8.5. It was most interesting to see these men imbued with all the vigor and 
vitality of youth, their shapely limbs as nimble a.s those of the younger men who 
dan<'ed before them. 

The director of the fraternity left the ellipse and advanced to the center. After a 
time the A'kwamosi (maker of medicine water) , who retained his seat by the side of 
the altar up to this time, carried the basket containing the eagle feathers, tied in 
twos, to the director, who took one bunch, singing all the while, and, holding it up, 
danced about in the most fantastic manner, the plume in his own white hair bending 
witli the breeze. After a time he handed the feathers to one of the Ko'yemshi, who 
danced in the center of the ellipse with him, and, running to the lamp, which had 
been lighted, he passed the featliers through the flame, Ijringing out two charred bits. 
Returning to the circle he danced and sang, pressing the crispy atoms to his breast, 
making desperate efforts to accomplish something, the writer could not imagine 
what. Failing in his efforts, he returned what remained of the feathers to the director, 
who continued to dance. After a while a member of the fraternity left the ellipse and 
drew near to the director, who handed him the charred bits; he immediately ran to 
the lamp and passed them through the flame with curious antics and returning to 
the ellipse, pressed them to his nude body. After dancing and singing a short time, 
all the while pressing the atoms to his breast, two beautiful white plumes appeared. 

A similar triclt was performed in 1896 by the Little Fire fraternity' in 
the house dedieated b_y the Ko'j-emshi. All altars have been removed 
from the houses except the one dedicated by the Ko'yemshi. Here the 
altar remains intact with the mi'wachi. Two bowls of medicine water 
and two large flat baskets of grains of corn of all colors are by the 
altar, and the small flute of the fraternity is innnediately before it. 
The Ko'yemshi sit in line on the west side of the room wrapped in 
their blankets; they wear their moccasins. At half past 8 in the evening 
twenty-four members of the fraternity retire to an adjoining room to 
prepare for the dance. When the}' reappear, their bodies are elabo- 
rately decorated in white kaolin to represent the heavens, pre}' animals, 
and lightning; the only ones privileged to use the lightning symbol 
being such mendjers as belong also to the A'pi^'liishiwanni (Bow priest- 
hood) and the order of the Arrow in the Great Fire fraternity. Each 
wears a native black breechcloth embroidered at the ends in dark blue. 
Each member of the Bow priesthood wears his war pouch, and his wand 
which is usually attached to the bandoleer near the shoulder. Yucca 
ribbons are worn around the head, and their breasts are covered with a 
profusion of necklaces. The director is the first to enter the room. 
He takes his seat before the altar on the east side, facing south, and the 
others, who closeh' follow, group themselves near him and, after a 
prayer, indulge in a smoke. The Ko'yemshi now remove their mocca- 
sins, put on their masks, and throwing ofi' their blankets the 
ragged black kilt. The members of the fraternitj' form in a file, led by 
a woman of the fraternity. Her necklaces are numerous and rare, and 
her moccasins are of the finest quality. She carries a meal basket in 
the left hand and her mi'li in the right. The last man in the line is 


also a member of Shu'maakwe, of which fraternity he is pe'kwin 
(deputy) to the director. He carries his mi'li of Litth^ Fire fraternity 
in his right hand and a meal basket in the left. An eagle plume thrust 
through the septum of his nose, the quill end protruding through the 
left side, is a badge of his high office in the Shu'maakwe. Nai'uchi. 
the elder brother Bow priest, who is warrior guardian of the Little 
Fire fraternity, carries a small basket tray, on which is a hemispherical 
gourd, the concave side down. This gourd is painted white and capped 
with a tuft of raw cotton, colored red, in the center of which are a 
number of white fluffy eagle plumes; he also carries his two eagle-wing 
plumes. All the men, including the Ko'yemshi, have gourd rattles in 
the right hand. After passing once around the room, the Ko'j'emshi 
following after the fraternity, they form an ellipse and dance for 
a short time, after which they visit the six houses blessed by the 
Sha'lako. In the first house visited is observed the following trick: 

The drummer precedes the dancers, who, to the music of the rattle 
and drum, pass down the room, the host of the house leading. The 
female leader and the member at the rear end sprinkle meal in the 
usual manner as they proceed. An ellipse is formed, and after danc- 
ing around once thej' halt, and the Great Father Ko'j'emshi secures a 
blanket from one of the spectators and spreads it iu the center of the 
ellipse. Nai'uchi now makes a small disk of meal in the center of the 
blanket and forms a cross by extending four lines outward from it and 
places the basket tray on the disk. One of the Ko'yemshi performs 
about the basket tray with his two eagle plumes. Returning to his 
place, Nai'uchi and another member of the fraternitj', the pe'kwin of 
Shu'maakwe, stand side by side liy the basket. After the pe'kwin 
whispers in the ear of the Nai'uchi he moves about in the ellipse 
like an animal, stooping and growling, while the others cry out 
as though they were giving warning of the presence of some wild 
beast. Finally he plucks the plumes from the gourd and dashing to 
the fireplace, passes them through the flames. Returning with the 
charred bits, he dances wildly about, part of the time in a cowering 
posture, making great efforts apparentlj' to draw something from his 
breast, all the while holding the charred bits between his fingers. 
Finally the plumes iea]3pear. 

The director of the fraternity and the Great Father Ko'yemshi stand 
side by side before the basket, facing east, and pray. At the close of 
the prayer Nai'uchi takes the liasket. and the Great Father, after shak- 
ing the blanket slightly to remove the meal, returns it to its owner. All 
dance around once and leave this house to visit another. In the second 
house the gourd is turned concave side upward in the basket. After 
several futile attempts of the Ko'yemshi to raise the gourd with their 
eagle-wing plumes, a member of the fraternity, touching the gourd 
with the quill ends of his plumes, gi'acef uUy holding them at the feather 

272 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann.23 

ends, raises it some distance above the basket. This feat calls forth 
the wildest encores from the spectators. Though the writer is near 
and closely observinu-, she fails to discover the trick. 

The Little Fire fraternity give such delight during the evening that 
they are requested to appear in the te'wita (plaza) the following day. 
All are decorated as they were the previous night, excepting two 
members, they being the dii'ector of the Shu'maakwc fraternity and 
his pe'kwin, who are also members of the Little Fire fraternity. 
Each has two eagle plumes passed through the septum of the 
nose, the plumes being about 8 inches long, and the quill ends put 
in from opposite sides. The Ko'yemshi follow the fraternity in file, 
each one having a rattle. As on the previous night, the members 
of the fraternity are led by a woman carrying the mi'li and meal 
basket. After passing once aroinid the Si'aa' te'wita the party form 
in a broken circle, and a KoS'emshi procures a Idanket from one of 
the spectators and places it upon the ground. The wind is blowing so 
hard that the blanket must be secured with heav}' stones. Nai'uchi, 
warrior of the fraternity, proceeds to make a small cross of meal upon 
the blanket, and placing the mi'li upon it and securing the fetish to 
its position with small stones, lays a large gourd rattle, painted white, 
by its side. The Ko'yemshi who procured the blanket selects two 
men from the crowd of spectators, who appi'oach, first removing 
their own blankets. Nai'uchi hands the mi'li to one of the men, 
whispers something to him, hands his rattle to the second man, 
whispers to him, and returns to his place with the dancers, who 
proceed to shake their rattles and dance. The second man, holding 
the white rattle close to the blanket, shakes it in time with the others. 
The other man, holding the mi'li with the tip pointing to the ground 
(see plate lxv), taps it with two eagle plumes. He continues this for 
some minutes and returns the mi'li to the warrior, who also takes the 
rattle. The mi'li and rattle are placed on the blanket, a Ko'yemshi 
brings two other men, and the performance is repeated. Nai'uchi 
now calls a member of the fraternity and hands him the mi'li, and a 
Ko'yemshi takes the rattle. AU dance and sing to the accompaniment 
of the rattles. As soon as the man with the mi'li begins tapping it 
. with his eagle plumes, grains of wheat pour out from the plumes until 
fully a quart is deposited on the blanket, much to the delight of a large 
number of spectators. This trick, which the writer has observed on 
several occasions, is a clever one. After dancing a short time the 
fraternity, followed by the Ko'yemshi, leave the ]ilaza. 

Personators of the gods from different ki'wi'siwe appear in the Si'aa' 
te'wita five consecutive days in full ceremonial attire, including masks. 
Although at times the wind blows like a hui-ricane, carrying so much 
dust that one not accustomed to these storms finds it almost impossible 
to exist, the dances go on. The thermometer is never too low or the 


■winds too j^iercing for dev'otees to take part in tlie outdoor 
ceremonial. Such windstorms are not considered favorable, and for 
this reason the dance is all the more vio-orously performed and the 
songs the more fervently sung, the singers hoping in this way to appease 
the wrath of the gods. A rain priest gave the following as a reason 
for the contiiuied windstorms in 1891: "The Kok'ko A'wan (Council 
of the Gods) are angry, and send the winds because the Ko'yemshi are 
personated this year by the Ne'wekwe (Galaxy) fraternity, who do not 
speak the old languasre. Some years ago, when the Ne'wekwe repre- 
sented the Ko'yemshi, similar hard winds came, and the Kia'kwemosi, 
who has since died, declared that the Ko'yemshi must never again be 
personated by this fraternity; but his successor, being a member of the 
Ne'wekwe, this fraternitj' continues to take its turn in representing 
the Ko'yemshi, and therefore the gods are very angry. Other person- 
ators of the Ko'yemshi bring rain and good crops, for thej' speak their 
prayers in the old tongue." 

Retirement of the Ko'yemshi and Accompanying Ceremonies 

The day following the ceremonies described the first bod}' of A'shi- 
wanni gather in the ceremonial chamber of the Kia'kwemosi in the 
early morning and prepare te'likinawe. The Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin, 
and two Ko'pi"lashiwanni assemiile in the He'iwa (North) ki'wi'sine, 
where they remain throughout the day, except at such times as they 
appear in the plaza. Each prepares te'likinawe. After the A'shi- 
wanni complete their te'likinawe, the offerings are grouped into a 
kia'etchine, and the Kia'kwemosi cai-ries it in a flat basket to the 
Ilc'iwa ki'wi'sine, where it is placed on tiie floor on the cloud syml)ol 
of meal made by the pe'kwin. The te'likinawe prepared by the 
Ko'mosona and his associates are also made into a kia'etchine and 
deposited on the meal painting. 

Baskets of all sizes containing meal are carried by the women and 
children of the paternal clans of the Ko'yemshi to the house where 
their masks are kept, and where they ai'e to be entertained at a feast. 
These offerings are to furnish bread for the occasion. Some are 
diminutive, coming, as they do, from children three or four years of 
age. These little tots carry their baskets on their heads as their 
mothers do. The meal is stacked high, as smoothly as possible, every 
care being taken in the arrsuigement of it; yet it hardly comes into 
the house before it is emptied from the vessel in which it is l)rought 
into one belonging to the woman of the house. Before the transfer- 
ring of the meal, the one who brings it takes a pinch from the apex 
and reserves it to sprinkle upon the Ko'yemshi. 

At 9 o'clock in the morning fourteen members of the Little Fire 
fraternity wearing ordinary dress and moccasins, each having his 
23 ETH— 04 18 

274 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

mi'li and two eagle-wing plumes, precede the Ko'yemshi in file to 
the Si'aa' te'wita, led by a woman of the fraternity carrying her mi'li 
and meal basket. The Ko'yeinshi are wrapped in heavy blankets, 
and wear moccasins. Each has a large roll of canvas on his back and 
carries te'likinawe, including those given to the male head of each 
house dedicated at the coming of the Sha'lako, except the tc'likinane 
of the male head of the house visited by the Council of the Gods. 
This one was carried by the personator of Sa'yatasha to his home 
and is afterward planted ]>y him. Each has also a fawn skin filled 
with seeds, to be distributed to those in the ki'wi'sine. They pass 
four times around in a circle, when the Kia'kwemosi, who awaits 
them in the plaza, forms a cross of meal (symbolic of the four regions) 
on the ground at the west side of the plaza, and the Great Father 
Ko'yemshi standing east of the cross the Kia'kwemosi places a hand 
on each shoulder, motions him to the four regions, and then seats him 
on the cross. The forming of the cross is repeated as many times as 
there are Ko'yemshi to be seated. The other Ko'yemshi are in line 
on the north side of the plaza; all of them except the Great Father 
are to be seen in the illustration (plate Lxvi). 

The members of the Little Fire fraternity stand in an irregular line 
during the seating of the Ko'yemshi. The Kia'kwemosi, returning to 
the Great Father Ko'yemshi, draws a line of meal upward over the 
mask and prays, repeating the same with each Ko'yemshi; and the 
members of the fraternity, with a praj^er, sprinkle each mask with 
meal, and leave the plaza. The Ko'yemshi now rise, leaving their 
rolls of canvas in place on the ground, and group themselves by the 
man who is at this time completing an excavation in the ledge in front 
of the ki'wi'sine. When he retires, each Ko'yemshi stands his te'lik- 
inawe in the opening. They remove them late in the night, and still 
later plant them in an excavation west of the village. This excavation 
is as deep as from the breast to the feet of the man who makes it. 

The Kia'kwemosi conies from his ceremonial chamber and, sprinkling 
meal upon the Ko'yemshi, throws a line of meal up the ladder and 
leads the Great Father and the other Ko'yemshi into the chamber. The 
canvas packs are left in the plaza (see plate lxvii). Men and women 
soon begin to crowd the plaza, bearing offerings to the retiring 
Ko'3"emshi (see plate lxviii). The first donations are made by women, 
who bring baskets of corn and wheat fiour and light bread. White 
chalk lines across the blanket wraps show that they are fresh from the 
weavers" hands. A Zuiii woman is as eager to exhibit the line on her 
blanket as a civilized woman is to display the marking on her India 
shawl. Later men come to the plaza with dressed sheep, watermelons, 
and other food. 

At half past 11 the Ko'yemshi descend to the Si'aa' te'wita and, 
unrolling their canvases, deposit bread which they have received 





upon the cloth. The first diincers to appear in the plaza are the 
Wa'teni'la (all herds; see plate i.xix), who come from the newly 
dedicated house which faces the east. 

Among the gods in this group are the u'wannami (rain-makers; see 
plate Lxx)," Na'tiishku'' (see plate lxxi a), and Na'wisho (possessor of 
many deer; see plate Lxxib,c), also called O'lolowishkia. This god is 
supposed to sweeten l)read by micturating upon the meal ("His urine 
is sweet like honey"). The penis is represented by a gourd with 
white flufly eagle plumes attached pendent. During the dance of the 
Wa'tem^a the Ko'mosona approaches the O'lolowishkia and most rcv- 
erentlj' prays while he sprinkles the mask and artificial penis with 
sacred meal. 

The Mu'luktakia are among the most attractive of the gods who 
appear. They wear white embroidered kilts held on b^' sashes tied at 
the right side, fox skins are pendent at the back, sleigh bells are fast- 
ened to the blue yarn which is wrapped around the legs below the 
knees, strings of black and white corn hang over the right shoulder, 
and they wear elaborate necklaces of ko'hakwa, turquoise, and coral, 
each necklace having an abalone shell pendent at the back. Each car- 
ries in the left hand a slender stall' ornamented with plumes and .spruce 
twigs, and in the right a gourd rattle (see plate lxxii). Plate lxxiii 
shows mask of Mu'luktakia. The He'mishiikwe follow the Mu'luktakia 
to the plaza. Their dress is similar, but their masks are altogether 
different. All the He'mishiikwe masks are alike, but the tablets which 
surmount them are different, not so elaborate usually as one shown in 
plate LXXiv. The disk on the front of the tablet denotes the sun; the 
small figures on each side symbolize scjuash blossoms. The varicol- 
ored geometrical figures represent corn of different colors. The rain- 
bow is represented on the back of the tablet. Plate lxxv shows masks 
of a god and goddesses accompanying the He'mishiikwe. 

The plaza is constantly changing in aspect. It is a kaleidoscope for 
hours, the lines of dancers varying from one to six, and when the full 
number are present in their picturesque costumes and the house tops 
are crowded with gaily attired spectators the scene is most l)rilliant. 
Each party of dancers brings ears of corn to the plaza, which are 
collected by the A'shiwanni, who are present at times in the plaza, and 
carried into the ki'wi'sine. The Kia'kwemosi, his associate, and the 

nThe bear's claws on the mask symbolize the footprints of the bear in the soft earth, indieating 
the desire of the A'shiwi (Zuiiis) for the earth to be well watered that the feet of all animals may sink 
into it— another expression to indicate the desire of these people tor the fructification of the earth. 
The zigzag each side of the face of the mask denotes the lightning shooting from the house of the 
clouds of the north, yellow symbolizing the north and the black and white blocks the house of the 
clouds. The blue-green shown each side of tlie back of the mask indicates the house of the clouds 
of the west, this color symbolizing the west. Eagle down on the top of the mask represents clouds. 
The dragon flies on the back are suggestive of rain. 

tNa'tiishku. the Zunis assert, was adopted from the Hopi Indians, and a sketch secured by Dr J. W. 
Fewkes shows that the Hopi have the identical mask. 


Shi'waniii of the West sprinkle the Wa'teiii'Ia with meal and pray 
before returning to the ki'wi'.sine. 

Large ([uantities of corn are collected from the dancers during the 
day and carried into the ki'wi'sine. The pe'kwin, the younger 
brother Bow priest, and the Ko'pekwin receive .several ears of corn 
from the dancers, and each repeats a long prayer to the donoi-. The 
Ko'pekwin receives corn also fi'om the O'iolowishkia. Tiiey, too, 
return to the ki'wi'sine after they have prayed and sprinkled the gods 
with meal. 

The jx'rforniances of four men and three hoys of the Galaxy fra- 
ternity add to the anuisement in tiie plaza. All hut one wear trousers; 
those woi'ii by the men a/"e from cast-off uniforms of the Army. 
Their l)0(lies and faces are painted ash-coloi'. The entire body of 
the nude man is painted ash-color. All wear the ash-colored sknllcaji, 
with bunches of ribboned corn husks on each side. The drum used on 
the pres(>nt occasion is of hide, folded with the hair inside, and wrap- 
ped ai'ound with rope. The on(^ who leads the others in mimicry of 
the dancers cai'ries a piece of goat's hide as a mi'li (.see page 410). 
After pa.ssing around the plaza they all join in a Navaho dance 
and aft^'rward ))urlesque the personators of the Zufii gods. The 
dance breaks up in a regular mCdee between the Ko'yemshi and the 
members of the Galaxy fraternity. The youthfid members of the 
fraternity deem it wise to keep sonu'what aloof at this time. The 
Ko'yemshi snatch the skullcaps from the men of the fraternity, throw 
them down, and rol) them of their ti'ousers. At one time during the 
excitement one of the boys runs to the scene and kicks the hidi' drum 
against a Ko'yemshi. who falls down, and a meml)er of the fraternitj' 
calls upon members of the 'Ko'shi'kwe (Cactus) fraternity, who are 
spectators, for aid. Finally one of the 'Ko'shi'kwe leaves the plaza 
and I'cturns with a })unch of long willows and. removing his clothing 
to the l>reechcloth. divides the willows w ith tlie one svho called for aid, 
and there is a general switching. A woman throws another bunch of 
willows from a top to the plaza for the use of the Ne'wekwe, and 
the scene becomes exciting. The Ko'yemshi apparently have the best 
of it for a time. During this excitement the drum never ceas'es. 
Some of the Ko'yemshi take seats on the ledge, but they are not 
allowed to retain their seats for any length of time, the switches 
being used to bring them to their feet. Finally the elder brother 
Bow priest gatli,ers all the willows in his right hand, waves them to 
the six regions, and carries them f I'om the plaza through the eastern 
covered way. 

The Ko'yemshi now examine the man who was foremost in 
the tight and say: "Oh! ho! 1 see nothing is the matter.'" The 
man replies: "No, I was not hurt." Much merriment is shown 

































■^^ ^2225^- 



— -iB^v 


Ip "W * 



FPOUT l\:'.~: '■■?■■ ■■■' .■" 










over the wool-bag game played by the Ko'yemshi and Ne'wekwe 
during the absence of the dancers, who retire from the plaza after 
each dance. "When the dancers return . for the last time to the plaza 
they are laden with cooked sweet coi-n, I'abbits, and sliced wuternieion, 
the ears of corn tied together with yucca string ])raided in fancy shape 
and hung over their shoulders. 


About half an hour after noon, while the plaza is alive with 
dancers, Bi"'si'si comes alone from the eastern covered way. He 
wears a gray-and-white-striped Ijlanket and has a strip of ral)bit skin 
tied around his throat and hanging in front. A line of white paint 
runs across his nose and under his eyes. Another line crosses the 
lower part of his face, passing over his lips. These lines, about three- 
fourths of an inch wide, extend entirel}' across his face. His arms 
have several l)ands of white above the wrist and one around the upper 
arm. White Huffy eagle plumes are attached at the bands l)y means of 
a thread around the arm. His hair is done up in a long knot extend- 
ing out beyond the forehead, to which corn-husk ribbons are attached. 
Bunches of the same are on both sides of the head. He wears ordinary 
moccasins and carries two eagle-wing feathers. His Ne'wekwe baton 
is stuck in his belt at the back, the large blanket he wears being belted 
in. With great dignity he crosses the plaza with even strides. His 
presence does not interrupt the dancing in the plaza. He ascends 
the ladder and enters the ki'wi'sine to announce the arrival of the 
mo'lawe'' at Ku'shilowa (red earth). The first body of A'shiwanni. 
the Ko'mosona, Ko'pekwin, tsvo Ko'pi''iashiwaiuii, the ceremonial 
father of Bi"'si'si, and others, are gathered in the ki'wi'sine to 
receive him. Live coals are on the fire altar, and a cloud symbol of 
meal is on the floor in the west end of the room. A nuni))er of 
mi'wachi (plural of mi'li) extend along the west side of the meal 
painting. A bowl of medicine water stands by the painting. The 
medicine water has been consecrated by the Ko'mosona, who deposits 
six a'thlashi concretion fetishes sacred to the fields, in the l>owl and 
forms a cross and circle on the water with a powder made from a root 
ground by his wife. A line of meal extends from the cloud s3anbol 
to the ladder. 

■ oBi"^si'si was the original director of the Ne'weliwe (Galaxy) fraternity (see p. 408). 

^Sce Rediscovery of the Corn maidens and recreation of corn. 

t^To spare the women the long exposure to the cold, the mo'lawe are, on the occasion described, 
personated by men from the six ki'wi'siwe, who are supposed to be young, althougli such, is not 
always the case, the chief worli of each ki'wi'sine making the selection. Each worli is supposed 
to supply four mo'lawe, but on the occasion described there are but fifteen; on another occasion 
observed by the writer there were twenty-three. An equal number of w omen are chosen by a man 
of the Ai'yaho'kwe (a plant) elan, whoso office is for life. At his deatli the clan gather together 
and the parent, or elder, of the clan selects a successor. The present representative is an albino. 



[ETH. ANN. 23 

After Bi"'.si'si goes to tlic ki'wi'sine the Ko'mosonci and tlie Ko'- 
pckwiii leave the plaza, where they have received corn from the 
Mu'Iuktilkia gods, and return to the ki'wi'sine. The plaza, kaleklo- 
scopic with the various dancers until half past 3 o'clock, forms a 
striking picture, especially' when several lines are dancing simulta- 
neously in their brilliant dress, their bodies swaying in rhythmic 
motion. Each time they come thev bring corn, which is received by 
some of the officiating priests and carried to the ki'wi'sine. When 
the dancers leave the plaza for the last time, they are supposed to 
go to Chi pia," in the east, to visit the anthropic gods who live, there 
and tlicn return to Ko'thluwala'wa l>y a northern route. In fact, 

Fig. 9 — Depositing prayer plumes at Ku's^hilowa. 

they visit Ku'shilowa, just beyond the eastern side of the town, 
where they deposit their te'likinawe. All the members of the Ko'ti- 
kili (mythologic fraternity) visit Ku'shilowa sometime during the 
afternoon, each carrying his Kor'kokshi mask and eight te'likinawe, 
of which four are planted to Kok'ko A'wa (all the gods) and four to 
Ko'yemshi (see figure 9). Those who are absent from Zuni or are 
unable to go must have their masks and offerings carried by others. 

^Yhile the personators of the mo'lawe gather at Ku'shilowa, the 
chosen women (see note c, p. 277) congregate at the southeast point in 
the village, each carrying on her back, held on by a blanket around her 
waist, an offering of a watermelon and seeds to be made by a mo'lawa 
(singular of mo'lawe), each donation having been supplied from the 

aSeep. 407. 





house of tlic woman who carries it. When all is iti readiness, the man 
of the Ai'yaho'kwe chui who has chosen them throws out a line of 
meal toward Ku'shilowa and commands the women to run. Oti' they 
go as rapidly as possible, each one trying to outrun the other. On 
reaching' Ku'shilowa the woukmi deposit the baskets containing the 
offerings in line on the ground, just where the Corn maidens are 
supposed to have taken their jjlaces (see page 52). 

B'"si'si, coming from the lie'iwa ki'wi'sine, descends the ladder, 
face forward, with the ease and grace of a Roman (see plate lxxvi), 
and disappears through the eastern covered way, followed by the 
pe'kwin (sun priest). The two return at sunset, accompanied by 
Pau'tiwa (director-general of the gods), elaborately dressed in white 
eml)roidered blankets, wearing the mask, and carr3'ing a gourd jug of 
water, the neck of the jug being tilled with grass, and by the fifteen 
mo'lawe, each carrying a basket on his head containing a watermelon 
and seeds. These wear white embroidered kilts, sashes, and dance 
moccasins, and the hair, which had been tightly l)raided to make it 
wavy, hangs loosely over the shoulders. A bunch of yellow parrot 
plumes is attached to the fore part of the head. Each carries te'liki- 
nawe in the right hand and a mi'li in the left. The}' are met at the 
enti-ance of the eastern covered wa}' by the Great Father Ko'yemshi, 
and the procession advances in file across the plaza. It presents one 
of the most attractive pictures to be seen in Zufii. 

The pe'kwin retires immediately to the ki'wi'sine, sprinkling meal as 
he proceeds. Bi"'si'si follows him to the roof, where "he remains until 
Pau'tiwa ascends. While the latter prays at the hatchway Bi""si'si 
stands behind him and pats him on each side with his eagle-wing 
feathers, which are unusually long and sharp at the ends. Bi'"si'si 
remains standing at the hatchway for a short time and then follows 
Pau'tiwa into the ki'wi'sine. When Bi"'si'si enters, he stands, with his 
arms cro.ssed, north of the meal line near the ladder and points to the 
east. The pe'kwin now takes a cigarette, proceeds to the tire altar, 
and igniting a roll of cedar fiber at the coals lights the cigarette; 
then, stooping before Pau'tiwa, he takes six whiffs from the cigarette, 
blowing the .smoke over Pau'tiwa's mask; next, passing to the jug of 
water, he blows smoke over it six times, and after depositing the 
remains of the cigarette upon the grass he returns to his seat by the 
side of the Ko'pi''lashiwanni, and all present sprinkle meal over Pau'- 
tiwa's mask (see plate xxviii). Each one now sprinkles meal over the 
jug of water, and Pau'tiwa, passing south of the meal painting, 
ascends the ladder from the west side; descending into the plaza, he 
leaves it by the western way. All present sprinkle his mask with 
meal as he crosses the plaza. After Pau'tiwa's exit from the 
ki'wi'sine, Bi"'si'si, passing north of the meal line and stepping 
over the heaps of corn, stands before the place vacated by Pau'tiwa. 

280 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

Tlie pe'kwin places his hands upon Bi"'si'si's shoulders, turns him to 
the six regions, seats him. and makes a prayer over him. At this time 
the Shi'wanni of the Nadir, who is also elder brother Bow priest, 
leaves the ki'wi'sine. followed l>y u man of his clan (Eagle) whom he 
calls younger brother, who carries the jug brought by Pau'tiwa. and l)}- 
the younger brother Bow priest, who carries a lighted brand of cedar 
fiber about 1^ inches in diameter and several feet long. The Shi'wanni 
of the Nadir whirls the rhombus as they proceed to He'patina, where 
the water is emptied from the jug into one of the rain vases on the 
upper floor of the shrine (see page 201). Each one also deposits te'lik- 
inawe in the inclosure on the north side of the shrine, after which the 
party returns to the ki'wi'sine. 

As soon as Pau'tiwa disappears from the plaza, the Great Father 
Ko'yemshi leads the fourteen mo'lawe around in a circle, stopping 
four times as he proceeds. They afterward form an arc of a circle, 
which vanishes as they leave one by one for the ki'wi'sine. As 
Pau'tiwa crosses the court the Great Father Ko'yem- 
shi sprinkles the ladder with meal and the first of 
tlie mo'lawe ascends and passes to the northeast cor- 
ner of the roof of the ki'wi'sine, and still holding 
his basket on his head stands on a cross of meal 
facing north, the Great Father Ko'yemshi having 
made a cross in each of the four corners of the 
roof. Bi"'si'si, having come from the ki'wi'sine, 
■ stands at the back of the mo'lawa and blows a tiny 
FIG. lo-whistie used thistle," which is .secreted in his mouth (fig. 10 

by Bi"'si'si. ' _ ^ » 

shows whistle of Bi"'si'si). He taps the mo'lawa 
with his eagle-wing plumes on each side, at the same time blowing 
his whistle, and the latter turns completely around from right to left 
and then on until he faces west. Bi"'si'si does not change his position 
until the mo'lawa throws out a line of meal toward the west and passes 
to the northwest corner of the roof, when Bi'"si'si follows. The cere- 
mony is repeated at each of the four corners, the southeast corner 
being the last one. The mo'lawa faces west at the second corner, 
south at the third, and east at the fourth. After he has turned on the 
fourth cross the Kia'kwemosi comes from the ki'wi'sine and, approach- 
ing the mo'lawa, sprinkles the plumes he carries with meal, receives 
from him the basket, which he hands to his associate, who awaits 
on the inner ladder, and, throwing meal upon this ladder, descends 
to the ki'wi'sine. The mo'lawa, retaining the te'likinawe in the right 
hand and the mi'li in the left, leans forward with bended knees and 
catches hold of each side of the ladder that leads into the ki'wi'sine, just 
below the roof, and jumps upon it while he is whipped on both sides 

(I A whistle used by Bi"'si»si was secured and deposited in the United States National Museum. 
Fig. 10 gives top, side, and end views of the whistle, which is of vegetable matter and less than 
an inch in length. 


Bl"'^Sl''SI WITH THE Mo'lAWE 281 

with the feathers by Bi"'si'si, who at the same time blows his whistle. 
Bi"'si'si afterward stands west of the hatchway, facing cast, and otfer- 
ino- a short prayer follows the mo'lawa into the ki'wi'sine. The Kia'- 
kwemosi, and his associate holdinji- the basket of fruit and seeds, stand 
east of the ladder at the end of the meal line. The pe'kwin. advanc- 
ing, sprinkles meal on the gift and passes up the meal line, sprink- 
linp- meal as he ffoes. The associate shi'waniii, following him and 
also sprinkling meal, deposits the basket contaitiing the watermelons 
and seeds on the meal line near the mi'li of the Kja'kwemosi. The 
Kia'kwemosi follows, sprinkling a line of meal, and upon reaching 
the l)asket throws meal over the otlcrings. The Kia'kwemosi and his 
associate then return to their places back of the cloud symbol; the 
pe'kwin retiu-ns to his scat on the north side of the room. The 
mo'lawa passes from the east side of the ladder around noith of the 
meal line and takes his seat to the left of the pe'kwin. Bi"'si'si 
follows, passing up north of the line, and, stepping over the heap 
of corn, takes his former place inunediately back of the meal paint- 
ing. He does not speak on this occasion, but expresses much as 
with folded arms he looks upon all those present. If anyone should 
sleep or doze while Bi""si'si is in the ki'wi'sine he must remain seated 
until the sleeper awakens. Such a delinquent usually receives a shake 
from some one. No one in the ki'wi'sine speaks during this cere- 
monial, when heart speaks to heart. When a cigarette is to be 
lighted, the younger brother Bow priest ignites the cedar fiber at the 
fire altar and hands it to the one wishing to smoke. 

When all the mo'lawe have entered the ki'wi'sine," Bi"'si'si, passing 
south of the meal line, joins his ceremonial father at the east end of 
the room and stands with crossed arms; his father rises from his seat, 
and Bi"'si'si deposits his whistle from his mouth into the palm of the 
right hand of his father, who on this occasion is director of the Ne'wekwe 
fraternity. The father prays for rain and the fruits of the earth, waves 
his hand in a circle symbolic of all the world, and draws in conmion 
with the others present the sacred breath of A'wonawil'ona (see page 22). 
Then Bi"'si'si, speaking for the first time, utters the greeting given 
after sunset: " Ko'naton sun'liakianapkia." The others reply: " Kcts'- 
anishi (All good come to you, or be with you)." After Bi"'si'si takes 
his seat by his ceremonial father the general silence is broken. The 
mo'lawe now rise and remain standing while the pe'kwin removes each 
ofi'ering from the basket, returning it to the owner. After the return 
of the basket the Ko'mosona, administers the consecrated water, dip- 
ping it with a shell to each mo'lawa, beginning with the one at the 
west end of the line. As soon as the draft is swallowed the recipient 
says: "Ta"chumo" (Father). The Ko'mosona replies: "Tal'lemo" 

o The scenes in the ki'wi'sine at this time are a dramatization of the rediscovery of the Corn maidens 
and re-crearion of corn (see p. 54). 

282 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

(Younger brother) or younger one. After the mo'lawe are helped, 
the Ko'mosona administers the water to tlie otiiers in the following 
order: First, Bi"'si'si; second, his ceremonial father; third, the 
younger brother Bow priest; fourth, the elder brother Bow priest; 
fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, the A'shiwunni in order; 
then the Ko'pekwin, and Hnally the two Ko'pi''lashiwanni. The 
Ko'mosona makes a difl'erent reply to the Bow priests from the one 
that he gives to the others. They say, like the others, "Ta'ehumo." 
The Ko'mosona replies, "Na'namo" (Grandfather). When all have 
lieen supplied with the consecrated water, the Ko mosona takes a 
mouthful and throws it out through his teeth over those present and 
then takes a draft himself. Bi'"si'si now advances to the west end of 
the room, passing north of the meal line, and stands west of the meal 
painting while he offers a prayer, after which he leads the mo'lawe 
from the ki'wi' sine and through the eastern covered way to Ku'shi- 
lowa to deposit te'likinawe. Those of Bi'"si'si are offered to A'towa 
e'washtokii (Corn maidens), each stick being colored for one of the 
six regions. These offerings, which are tied in a group, are separated 
before planting. The mo'lawe offer te'likinawe to all the ancestral 

Bi"'si'si and the mo'lawe no sooner disappear froni the plaza than 
the work begins of removing the offerings to the Ko'yemshi, which 
would fill several large wagons. These donations are carried away in 
blankets or canvas on the backs of members of the clans of the paternal 
parents of the Ko'3^emshi, each Ko'3'emshi assisting with liis own 
gifts. This work continues until far into the night, and though much 
labor is involved in tilling large sacks with flour or meal from the 
baskets in which it is brought and assorting numbers of dressed sheep, 
melons, corn, etc., still all seem to be having a good time generally, 
and the air resounds with merr}' voices. 

After the te'likinawe are planted, the mo'lawe separate and go to 
their homes, where their heads are washed in yucca suds b\' women 
of their clans. Bi*"si'si returns to the ki'wi'sine, taking his seat b}^ 
his ceremonial father. The pe'kwin now distributes the offerings of 
the mo'lawe. He presents the group nearest the meal painting to 
the Kla'kwemosi and the next one to the first associate Kia'kwemosi. 
The third one is given to the Shi'wanni of the West, the fourth to the 
Shi'wanni of the South, and the fifth to the Shi'wanni of the East; 
the sixth he takes for himself; the seventh is given to the elder 
brother Bow priest, who is also Shi'wanni of the Nadir; the eighth to 
the younger brother Bow priest; the ninth to the Ko'mosona; the 
tenth to the Ko'pekwin; the eleventh to the Ko'pi''lashiwainii of the 
Ko'mosona; the twelfth to the Ko'pi"lashiwanni of tiie Ko'pekwin; 
the thirteenth to Bi"'si'si; the fourteenth to the ceremonial father of 
Bi"'si'si." The corn collected from the personators of the gods 

o The fifteenth was given to a party unknown to the writer. 


during- the dancing in the plaza is next distributed in the same order. 
The ceremonial father now takes down Bi'".si'si's hair, removing the 
husks. The hair is left hanging. 

The mi'wachi are collected and given to their owners, and after the 
other objects are removed from the meal painting the Ko'mosona 
brushes the meal of the painting together with his hands and deposits 
it in the small circular opening in the floor of the kiVi'sine, symbolic 
of the opening through which the A'shiwi came to this world from 
interior worlds. The A'shi.wanni and others carry their gifts to their 
homes, and then they may indulge in a repast, no food having been 
taken since the previous day by any in the ki'wi'sine except Bi"'si'si 
and Pau'tiwa, who were not obliged to observe the fast. 


Chronologic Summary of Historical Events Connected with Zuni 


ZuRi history, as recorded by the Sjjanish invaders and others, has 
been so fully exploited that little space need be devoted tu it in the 
present paper. Mr F. W. Hodge, of the Smithsonian Institution, to 
whom the writer is much indebted, has furnished the following synop- 
sis of historical events: 

15S9, May. Fray Marcos of Niza visited Cibola in this month and viewed Hawikuh, 
one of the Seven Cities, from a neighboring height. This pueblo was the 
scene of the death of his negro companion Estevan at the hands of the Zunis 
about May 20. Niza here took possession of the province in the name of the 
King of Spain. 

1540, July 7. Francisco Vasquez Coronado, after a conflict in which he was wounded, 
captured Hawikuh and applied to it the name Granada. It had 200 war- 
riors. On July 11 the Indians retired to Toaiyalone (To'wa yiil'liinnc). 
This is the first reference in history to the use of this mesa as a place of 
refuge, although it may have been used as such in prehistoric times. 

1540, July 15. Coronado sent Pedro de Tovar from Cibola to the proxince of Tusa- 
yan (the Hopi country). 

1540, July 19. Coronado journeyed from Granada to Toaiyalone and returned the 
same day. 

1540, Augii.ll 3. Coronado wrote his celebrated letter to the Viceroy Mendoza, dated 
" from the province of Cevola, and this city of Granada." 

1540, August 36 (?). Coronado sent Lopez de Cardenas from Cibola on a journey 
which resulted in the discovery of the Grand Canyon of the Colorado river. 

1540, August 29. Hernando de Alvarado was sent eastward from Cibola to the buffalo 

1540, Seplnmber. The army of Coronado reached Cibola with sheep and cattle. This 
doubtless marked the beginning of the sheep and cattle industry and of the 
use of horses among the Southwestern tribes. Twenty days later the army 
started for Tiguex, on the Rio Grande, where it established winter quarters. 

154^, spring. Coronado and his army passed through Cibola on their way back to 
Mexico, leaving some natives of Mexico among the Zunis. 

1581, summer. Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, with a small force, visited the prov- 
ince of Zuiii (misprinted Cami in the records), which comprised six pueblos; 
one village having been abandoned subsequent to Coronado's visit. 

284 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth.ann.23 

15S3, — . Antonio (le Espejo, witli Fray Bernardino Beltran and an escort of four- 
teen men, visited a group of nix pueblos; one of them named Aquico (Hawi- 
kuh), " whicli they call Zuni, and by another name Cibola." Here crosi^s 
were found erected near the jiueblos and three Christian Mexican Indians 
who had Ijeen left Ijv Coronado forty-one years previous. Fray Bernardino 
reniaine<l at Ilawikuh for several weeks, while Espejo made a tour to the 

1598, Sejttemher 9. The province of Zuni became a parochial district un<ler the new 
governorship of Juan de Ofiate, the colonizer of New Mexico, and Fray 
Andres Corchado was assigned to it, but he never was an active missionary 
there. In the records Fray Juan Claros is also assigned to this parish, 
through misunderstanding. 

1598, Xoremher. Juan de Ofiate visited Zuni, and on November 9 the natives made 
their vows of obedience and vassalage. Ofiate mentions the six villages l)y 
name: Aguicol)i, or Aguscobi (Hawikuh); Canabi (Kj'anawe?); Coaqueria 
(ICyakima); Halonagu (Halona); Macaqui (Matsaki); and Aquinsa (Apin- 
awa?). Crosses were found and also children of the Mexican Indians left 
behind by Coronado. Here Ofiate spent only a couple of days. 

1598, December 10 (?). Ofiate passed through Zuni on his way back to the Rio 
(4rande from the Hopi country. 

1G04, October. Onate again visited Zuni, or Cibola, on his way from the capital of 
New Mexico, San Gabriel, on the Rio tjrande, U> the Gulf of California. 
The province consisted of six villages containing about :W0 houses. Hawi- 
kuh was the most important village at this time, its houses numliering 110. 
In Coronado's time it was said to have more than 200 houses or 500 families. 
From thence Onate proceeded to the Hopi country, the province of Tusayan. 

1605, April. Ofiate [irobatdy passed through Zuni on his way from the mouth of the 
Colorado to the Rio Grande, as he carved an inscription April 16 on El Morro, 
or Inscription Rock, 35 miles east of Zuni. 

16?9, June 23. A band of missionaries under Fray Estevan de Perea, accompanied 
by the governor, Don Francisco Manuel de Silva Nieto, started westward 
from Santa Fe for the purpose of planting missicjns among the Acomas, Zunis, 
and Hopis. They eviilently reacheil Zufii late in July, as Nieto's first inscrip- 
tion on El Morro is dated July 29. Fray Roque de Figueredo, Fray Agustin 
de Cuellar, and Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios, together with three 
soldiers, one of whom was Juan Gonzales, remained at Zuni. A house was 
bought for religious purposes at Hawikuh, which became the first mission 
established in the Zuni country. Possibly the Hawikuh church, the walls 
of which are still traceable, was built by these missionaries, and they may 
also have erected the church the ruins of which still stand at Ketehipauan, 
on a southeast of Ojo Caliente, as well as the one which formerly 
existed at Halona. These three missionaries disappear from Zuni history 
before 16.32. They were succeeded by Fray Francisco Letrado, who arrived 
in New Mexico in 1629 and was first assigned to the Jumanos east of the 
Rio Grande. 

10.32, Febrluiri/ 22. The Zunis killed Fray Francisco Letrado at Hawikuli and tied 
to Toaiyalone, where they remained about three years. 

16S2, February 27. Some Zunis, having followed Fray Martin de Arvide, murdered 
him and his escort of two soldiers on their way from the Zuni villages to a 
tribe called Cipias, or Zipias, who lived toward the west. 

1632, Jfarch 23. The maestro de campo, Tomas de Albizu, was at El Morro on his 
way to Zuni with some priests and a small detachment, to reduce the Zuni 
stronghold. They were admitted to the summit of the mesa, and the Zuilis 
promised to be peaceful thenceforth. 


16S5. Some of the Zuiiis left the mesa ami began the resettlement of their villages 
in the valley. 

less. No missionaries at Zuiii because the governor at Santa Fe refused an escort. 
There appears on El Morro the inscription: "We pass by here, the lieutenant- 
colonel and the captain Juan de Archuleta, and the lieutenant Diego jMartin 
Barba, and the ensign Augustin de Ynojos, in the year of 1636." 

164S. Missionaries were probaljly again estal.ilished at Zufu aljout this time. 

1670, October 7. The Apaches (or Navahos) raided Ilawikuh, killing the Zufii mis- 
sionary. Fray Pedro de Avila y Ayala, liy Ijeating out his brains with a bell 
while he was clinging to a cross. The priest at Halona, Fray Juan Galdo, 
recovered Fray Pedro's remains and interred them at Halona. The mission 
of La Concepcion de Hawikuh was henceforth aliandoned, l)ut the ]iuel)lo 
was occupied by the Indians for a few years. 

1680, Augud 10. A general revolt of the Pueblos against Spanish authority took 
place. The Zuiiis murdered their missionary, Fray Juan de Bal, of the 
mission pueblo of La Purificacion de la Virgen de Alona (Halona), burned 
the church, and fled to Toaiyalone, where they remained for more than 
twelve years. At the time of thi.s rebellion the '^unis, who numbered 2,.TO0, 
occupied, in addition to Halona, the villages of Kiakima, Matsaki, and 
Hawikuh. Two villages (Canabi and Aquinsa) had therefore been aban- 
doned between Onate's time (1598) and the Pueblo revolt (1680). 

1692, Xofeniher 11. The Zufiis were found on the mesa liy Diego de Vargas Zapata 
Lujan Ponce de Leon, to whom they submitted, and about .300 children 
were baptized. 

1695, April 15. Vargas consulted with a Zuni chief at San Felipe with a view to 

transferring the pueblo of Zufii t(i the Rio Grande, Inn Ud definite action 
was taken. 

1696, June '20. An expedition was sent by the Spaniards against the Jemez and their 

allies from the Navaho, Zufii, and Acoma tribes. The Indians were defeated, 
and the Zufiis returned home frightened. 

1699, July 12. The pueblo of La Purisima de Zufii (evidently the present Zufii vil- 

lage, which meanwhile had been liuilt on the ruins of Halona) was visited 
by the governor, Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, to whom the inhabitants renewed 
their allegiance. 

1700, June. Padre Jjian Garaicochea was priest at Zufu. 

1702. In the spring the Hopis tried to incite the Zufiis and others to revolt. Captain 
Juan de Uribarri was sent to investigate and left Captain Medina at Zuni 
with a force of 19 men as a garrison. This force was later reduceil, those 
who were left treating the natives harshly. 

170.i. Padre Garaicochea, who was still missionary at Zufii, complained to the gov- 
ernor at Santa Fe, and the Indians, receiving no redress, on March 4 killed 
three Spaniards who were exiles from Santa Fe and who had been living 
publicly with native women. Some of the Zunis thereupon fled to the 
Hopis, others took refuge on Toaiyalone. Captain Roque JNIadrid was sent 
to Zuni to bring away the friar, leaving Zufii without a missionary. 

170S, Noreinher (?). Padre Garaicochea urged the reestablishment of the Zufii uns- 
sion, but no action was taken. 

1705, 3Iarch-April. Padre Garaicochea returned to Zuni as missionary early in the 
year; he induced the Indians to come down from Toaiyalone, where they 
had been since 1703, and again settle on the plains. On April 6 they renewed 
their allegiance to Captain Roque Madrid. 

7705, September. The Spaniards found a knotted cord, probably a (juipu (calendar 
string), which reminded them of the days of 1680, when a similar device 
was employed to notify the revolutionists and to fix the day of the rebellion. 

286 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

1706, April-Mai/. The Hopis had been raiding the Zunia, who were now baptized 

Christians; therefore Captain Gutierrez was sent with eight men for their 
protection. The Zuiiis made an expedition against the Hopis in May, kill- 
ing two and recovering seventy animals. Later the Zufiis aroused suspicion 
by asking that the garrison be removed from their pueblo. Fray Antonio 
Miranda, now resident missionary at Acoma, occasionally ministered to the 

1707. Governor Jos6 Chacon Medina Salazar y Villaseiior, Marquis de la Penuela, 

sent an embassy of Zuiiis to the Hopis to exhort them to peace and sub- 
mission, but refugee Tanos and Tewas, who lived among the Hoy>is, 
responded by making a raid on Zufii. At this time Fray Francisco de Iraz- 
abal was missionary at "Alona," indicating that the old name was still some- 
times applied to the new pueblo. 
1709, June 5. The following inscription occurs on El Morro: "On the oth day of the 
month of .June of this year of 1709 passed by here, bound for Zuiii, Ramon 
Paez Hurtado." He was lieutenant-general of the province and acting gov- 
ernor in 1704-5. The expedition here noted wa.s probably sent against the 
Navahos, who were hostile this year. 

1715, Maij. Padre Irazdbal reported that a Zufii Indian attempted to instigate the 

Acomas and Lagunas to kill their missionary, Fray Carlos Delgado. 
1713, December. Two Zufiis were granted jierniission to visit the Hopis, who 
expressed eagerness for peace and alliance with the Zuiiis, but not with 
the Spaniards. 

1716, August 36. The governor, Don Feliz Martinez, carved his inscription on El 

Morro on his way to conquer the Hopis, by way of Zuiii. The custodian, 
Fray Antonio Camargo, and the alcalde of Santa Fe accompanied him. 
Native commissioners were sent forward from Zufii, which was still called 

1726, February. The ensign, Don Jos^ de Payba Basconzelos visited Zufii, leaving 
his inscription on El Morro dated February 18 of this year. 

1736-1738. General Juan Paez Hurtado (son of Ramon), official inspector, visited the 
pueblo in 17.36; Bishop Elizaecochea of Durango visited the pueblo in 
September 17.S7; and Governor Enriijue de Olavide y ^lichelena in 1738. 

1744-17 AS. Zuiii is reported by one authority as having a jiopulation of 150 families, 
and by another 2,000 souls. It had two priests, ona of whom was Padre 
(Juan Jose?) Toledo. 

1760. Bishop Taraaron reported the population of Zuiii to be 664, but this number 
is smaller by nearly 1,000 than that reported by Ilzarbe in 1788. 

1774-1778. Fray Silvestre Velez Escalant,' was missionary at Zuiii. 

1779-1780. Fray Andres Garcia was missionary at Zuiii. 

1788. Fray Rafael Benavides was missionary at Zufii, also Fray ilanuel Vega. 
Ilzarbe reports the population to be 1,617. 

1793. Fray Daniel Martinez was missionary at Zufii before this date. 

779,?. Revilla Gigedo reports the population at 1,935. 

1798-99. The population of Zuni is reported at 2,716. (In 1820-21 it had appar- 
ently dwindled to 1,597.) 

Native Accounts of the Revolt of 1680 

Accounts of the revolt of the Zuiiis against Spanish rule in 1680 were 
obtained by the writer from a shi'wanni (rain priest) and from Tu'maka, 
a theurgist of one of the esoteric fraternities. The shi'wanni's account 
is as follows: When (in 1680) the Pueblo Indians as a body planned 


the revolt, the Zunis went to the mesa called by them To'wa j-al'lanne 
(Corn mountain) and prepared for defense. On their way they poi- 
soned a number of the springs. The}' also deposited stones neai- the 
brink of the mesa, for use as missiles. The Spanish priest who was 
with them at the time accompanied them to the mesa. When the 
Spaniards came to avenge the supposed death of this priest, who had 
long since adopted the dress of the Zuiiis, having none other to wear, 
they were met with missiles hurled from the mesa and with small 
shells lilled with magic medicine, that could not fail in its purpose, 
ejected from the mouths of the keeper of the 'su"hhin'na (great shell) 
and his deputy. Finally the rain priests scraped a buckskin and 
requested the foreign priest to write upon it telling the Spaniards 
that he was safe and beloved by the Zuiiis. This he did, and a large 
stone was fastened to the rolled skin and thrown down into the val- 
ley. Learning of the safety of the priest, the Spaniards retired. 

A more detailed account of the revolt was given by the theurgist 
Tu'maka, as follows: "After the old church was built in I'tiwanna, a 
Spanish priest resided permanently at the village. After a time the 
Zuiiis came to believe that they were to be destroyed by the Spaniards, 
and the}' planned a revolt. They told all their women and children to 
refrain from attending services on a certain day, and the men, pro- 
viding themselves with bows and arrows, which they hid under their 
blankets, started for the church. The leader of tiiis revolt was the 
keeper of the great shell, who said that he was not afraid, as he had 
plenty of medicine to destroy the enemy. The Indians found only a 
few Spaniards in the church. They locked the doors and killed all 
but the priest and one other who escaped through the roof. The 
priest was stripped of his vestments and made to wear Zuiii dress. 
The keeper of the great shell declared that it would be best to return 
to To'wa yiirianne to protect themselves better from the enemy. 

While on To'wa yill'lilnne they noticed one night a lire in the dis- 
tance, and several men, perhaps six, were sent to find out what it 
meant. A party of Laguna Indians had made the fire, and they told 
the Zuiiis that in a short time many Spaniards and many Indians 
would attack them. The Zuiiis returned with the news and were again 
dispatched to the Lagunas, who joined the party of Zuiiis. The Lagu- 
nas said that they had been compelled to accompany the Spaniards in 
the march against the Zufiis, but had escaped. They were instructed 
by the Zuiiis to fill hides with water and not to touch water fi'om 
any spring in the Zuiii country, as they would all be poisoned, and 
also to take a bit of cedar twig into their mouths to protect them from 
the poisoned shells which would be shot by the keeper of the shell. 
When the enemy was discovered approaching the kee])er of the 
great shell and his deputy were in their house. Three times they were 
called upon to come out and help the people, but they did not appear. 

288 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

When they were called the fourth time and came forward, the enemy 
was well up the mesa. The keeper and his deputy were nude except a 
breechcloth, their bodies and limbs were painted red, and they had anklet 
and wristlet wreaths of yucca. The face of each was painted ))hick, 
the forehead and chin covered with eagle down, and a red, tiutl'y eagle 
plume was tied to the scalp lock. They had been preparing medicine, 
which had to })e o})tained on the mesa, and therefore could not appear 
sooner. Ea<'h theurgist tilled a tiny shell with the medicine, put the 
shell into his mouth, and approached the edge of the mesa unarmed. 
The people wei'e alarmed and cried to them not to advance. The 
theurgists said: ' \\'e are not afraid." They lilew the shells contain- 
ing the medicine toward the enemy, who were immediately affected 
b}^ it. The (Miemy at tirst appeared to l)e intoxicated. One would 
tr}' to catch the other as he fell, and then both would stagger and 
.soon fall. Nearly the whole army was destroyed. The survivors 
retreated. All the Rio Gi-andc pu<'l)los except the Lagunas fought 
the Zufiis. Those of the Lagunas who accompanied the Spaniards did 
not shoot an arrow. About six months after this attack the Lagu- 
nas again appeared and made a tire, and information was given to 
the Zufiis that another attack was expected. The keeper of the 
shell prepared his medicine, but the Spanish priest, who was still with 
thein. being anxious to prevent further destruction of the Spaniards, 
looked about for something on which to send a message. He tinallj' 
wrote with charcoal on a piece of deerskin, salving that he was safe 
and that he loved the Zufiis and wished to reiuain with them, and threw 
it down the mesa side, calling to the Spaniards to receive it. After 
the message was read and the Spaniards learned of the safety of their 
priest, they made no attack, but sent clothing and other things to him. 
An associate of the keeper of the great shell fell sick about a year 
after the Spaniards came the second time, while the Zufiis were still 
living on the mesa. A sorcerer went one night to this man's house 
and, ascending to the roof, put his medii'ine all around it: but when 
he attempted to descend through the hatchway into the house, he found 
that his strength was gone and that he could not move. At daylight 
the father of the sick man, discovering the sorcerer on the roof, said: 
'You had l)etter come into the house. If anyone should see you here 
you would get into troul)le.'' He helped the man into the house. 
The sick man asked: 'What were you doing on my roof?' 'I put 
medicine there because I wished you to die.' "You must not try 
that again. I can easily find you out and destroy you." The sister of 
the sick uian said to her brother: 'I shall put away your medicine. 
You find out too many bad men and kill them." She placed the medi- 
cine, including all the tiny shells, in a water vase, dug a hole about 
2 feet deep on a knoll at the base of the mesa, and buried the vase. 
And so those little shells are all gone; only the great shell is left for 


the Navahos. This shell would be used with the medicine if an attack 
were made upon the Zufiis, l)ut at the ceremonials it is only blown, 
for if the medicine were used it would kill all the people." 

After dwelling- a long- time onTo'wa yiil'lanne (Corn mountain), the 
Zunis again descended and scattered over the valley, but raids of the 
Navahos and Apaches forced them to build the present village upon 
the remains of old I'ti wanna, which stood on a knoll containing 15 
acres, considerablj' elevated above the north l)ank of the Hio Zuiii. 
This village has a population of about 1,600. It consists principally 
of groups of houses, compactly l)uilt, one upon another, the highest 
portion being live stories. The roof of the lower houses furnish the 
front yards for the houses above. Generallj' the interior is so 
arranged that the inhabitants can readily communicate with one 
another. These remarkable structures served as fortifications, the 
ladders for ascending to the roofs being drawn up in case of attack. 
A church was built in Shi'wona, the name of this new village, and 
after a time the Zuiiis became interested in the Catholic I'itual, espe- 
cially as they wei'e allowed to make use of their own symbols in deco- 
rating the churches. So far as the writer has been able to discover, 
the religious and social institutions of the Zunis have been but slightly 
alfected by the teachings of the Spanish priesthood, and their mode 
of thought is practically what it was l)efore the arrival of Coronado 
more than 350 years ago. 


The government of Zuni is hierarchical, four fundamental religious 
groups, the A'shiwanni (Rain priesthood), the Ko'tikilli," the A'pi"la- 
shiwanni (Bow priesthood), and the other esoteric fraternities being con- 
cerned. The dominant authority, however, is what the writer terms 
the first body of A'shiwanni, composed of eight men and one woman.'' 
A governor with four assistants and a lieutenant-governor with his four 
deputies constitute the civic branch. These men are all nominated 
by the first body of rain priests, though nuicli influence is brought 
to l)ear for or against the various men supposed to be in fa\or with 
this bod}'. The public notification to the governor of his appoint- 
ment takes place in the te'wita 'hlanna (large plaza), when the gov- 
ernor's cane, a gift from President Lincoln (formerly a native statt' 
was in use), is handed to the new appointee. Though the governor is 
elected for one year, he may be reelected one or more times. He 
may, for proper cause, lose his office at any time, and this is also true 

"Organization directly associated with antliropic worsliip. 

6Tlie rain priests are designated by terms whicii indicate freedom from secular work, the six 
A'shiwanni directly associated with the six regions, the Shi'\vano"kl}i (Priestess of fecundity), and 
the elder and younger Bow priests, the two latter being A'shiwanni ex officio, as they are the earthly 
representatives of the Divine Ones, constitute the first body of ,\'shiwanni. 

23 ETH— 04 19 

290 THE Zl'NI INDIANS (eth.axn.23 

of any member of hi.s staif. The governor and his staff attend to 
such secuhir affairs as do not require the judgment of the first body 
of rain priests or of the Bow priests. Capital punishment comes 
within the jurisdiction of the latter body. 

A case came to the notice of the writer in l.s'.ll, when a conference 
was held between the Kia'kwe'mosi (rain priest of the North) and 
an associate rain priest, who was, however, not connected with the 
first body of rain priests. It was interesting to note the determination 
of the young as.sociate in his attempt to convince the rain priest 
of the North that the governor was luiworthy to till the position, and 
he succeeded so far as to receive directions to inform the other mein- 
bers of the first body of rain prie.sts that a meeting to discuss the situ- 
ation would be held on the following night in the house of the Priestess 
of fecundity. Seven days after this meeting a hundred or more men, 
most of them past middle life, gathered in the large plaza. 1'he elder 
brother Bow sat upon a ledge extending a house on the 
north side of the plaza, with the governor's assistants on either side, 
the governor sitting opposite the elder brother Bow priest. A Mexi- 
can who had been captured by the Zunis when a child and afterwaid 
adopted into the tribe accused the governor of having stolen Zufii 
horses and traded them to Mexicans for sheep. The governor with 
great dignity resented the charge and made a rather lengthy speech, 
in which he exhibited independence and determination. The elder 
brother Bow jjriest spoke next. His voice was low, but every word 
was distinct, and he was listened to with profound interest as he set 
forth the reason why the governor should be dismis.sed. During his 
speech one of the younger men \"entured to address a word to a neigh- 
bor, upon which the elder brother Bow priest stopped and without 
uttering a word stared at the offender. The fellow ceased suddenly, 
as though struck dumb, and the elder brother Bow priest continued 
his speech without further interruption. Both sides were earnest in 
their arguments for and against the governor, but the whole affair was 
conducted with great dignity, and when the judges, the first body of 
I'ain priests, announced that tlie governor was deposed, he, with his 
friends, left the plaza without spcakiiig a woi-d. the others following 
in silence. 


^ The Zunis are an agricultural and pastoral people. The fields are 
not owiumI l)y clans, and the Zunis claim that they never were so 
owned. A man may cidtivate any strip of land, provided it has not 
already l)een appropriated, and once in his ))ossession. he has the right 
to transfer it to whomsoever he pleases within the tril)e. Land is 
obtained from the owner by trade, and houses are disposed of in the 
same manner. The sale of a house came under the observation of the 



writer in l>!!Hi. An old wonum ownint;' two houses, one immediatelj'^ 
in front of the other, sold the one in front, to the j^reat annoyance of 
her female children, who feared that a story would be added to the 
house, thus cutting of!' the view of thi> street from their upper floor. 

]\[uch generosity is exhibited l)y these people regarding ])ropert}' 
left to them. According to the law tlie landed property of a married 
man or woman goes after death to the daughters. The sons are sup- 
pt)sed to be able to aciiuire their own fields, but if there ai'e no girls 
the sons are the next heii's. In case a man has sisters or brothers, 
especially sisters who are poor, iiis children are apt to give them part 
of their property or permit them to enjoy some of the benefits received 
therefrom. Disputes arising over the distribution of property are 
usually settled by the civil authorities, although occasionally they are 
carried to the first body of A'shiwanni. who have the higher control 
of civil affairs. 

After a man is married, the products c)f his fields are carried to the 
house of his wife's parents (his home after marriage), and, though it is 
understood that these products ai"e for general household us . there is 
an unwritten law that the property of each man may be remc. .ed from 
its storing place only by his wife and himself. The wife's grain — the 
produce of fields given iier l>y her father or mother — is placed with 
that of the husband. On the death of the owner, horses, cattle, sheep, 
and blankets are divided among the girls and the boys of the family; 
the silver beads and turquoise earrings of the mother go to the daugh- 
ters; the coral, white shell, and turquoise necklaces and earrings of 
the father go to the eldest son. Tiie little gardens about the villages, 
which are tended exclusively by the women, are inherited by the 

List of Clans 

The Zuni tribe is divided into clans (a'notiwe). While descent is 
through the maternal side, the offspring is also doselj' allied to the 
father's clan. The child is always referred to as belonging to the 
mother's clan and as being the *'ciiild" of the father's clan. It should 
l)e l)orne in mind that "child of the clan "throughout this paper refei's 
to its relation to the paternal clan. In the family the child is under 
the control of l)oth parents. The clan plays an important part in cere- 
monials. Many ceremonial offices are filled either by a member of a 
given clan or by a "child" of the clan — that is, either the mother or 
the father must belong to the particular clan. In some cases offices 
are filled annually, in rotation, first by a member of a particular clan 
and secondly by a "child" of the specified clan. Some offices are 
always filled by a particular clan; in other cases the offices must be 
filled only by a "child" of a designated clan. The list of clans here 
presented has been collected with the greatest care. If there were 

292 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

other cluiis at any period of tlic, the knowledge of them is 
to the sages of the present time. 
The existing clans are as follows: 

I'i'chikwe Dogwood olan 

To'wakwe Corn clan 

Ya'tokI(ik\vc Sun clan 

To'nasliikwc Badger clan 

Aifishikwe Bear clan 

Sus'kikw e Coyote clan 

'Ko"loktakwe Sandhill-crane clan 

Kliikliilikwe Eagle clan 

Tii'klakwe " Frog clan 

A'na'kwe Toliacco clan 

Ai'yaho'kwe (a plant) 

Po'yi'kwe Chaparral -cock clan 

To'nakwe Turkey clan 

Sho'hitakwe Deer clan 

Ta'hhipykwe Yellow wood ( Berberis 

freuiontii) clan 
Ma'wikwe '' Antelope clan 

The extinct dans ai'e as follows: 

Ta'wi Wood clan 

A'poyakwe Sky clan 

Ok'shikokwe Cottontail-rabbit clan 

K win'ikwak we '' Black corn clan 

Social Customs 
the household 

Though some Zufii houses have as many as eight rooms, the ordinary 
house has from four to six and a few have only two. Ledges built 
with the house extend around the rooms, forming seats and shelves. 
The lai'gest is the general living room, where the entire household 
works, eats, and sleeps, and where guests are entertained. When the 
room is required for the use of some f rat(>rnity, the faujily adjourns 
to other quarters, moving all its belongings. In this room the famih* 
wardrobe hangs on a pole suspended from the rafters. The niore val- 
uable tilings, especially the ceremonial paraphernalia, are carefully 
wrap))ed and deposited in the storage rooms. As a rule the mills for 
grinding meal are set up in the general living room. They consist of 
three or more slabs of stone, of different degrees of lineness of grain, 
set side by side at an angle of about 45° and separated by upright 
slabs, the whole surrounded by other slabs, making an inclosure for 
each mill. 

Most of the rooms are provided with fireplaces, of which there are 
several varieties. One style is formed by a wall several feet high and 

i> See p. 168, note 6. 

&One man has been the only member o£ this clan for the past ten or twelve yearj;. 

cThis clan became extinct in 1902 by the death of an aged shi'wanni. 







of enual breadth extending at right angles from one of the longer walls 
of the room, the projecting wall being so placed as to protect the fire- 
place from the doorway. A commodious mantel usiiall}' extends over a 
part of the fireplace, and on it' rests the masonry chimney, reaching 
up through the roof, while the exterior chimney is composed of old- 
pottei'y vessels with perforated t)ottoms. Cooking vessels ai-e set on 
stones in the fireplaces; food is also cooked in the coals and ashes. - 
One room of every dwelling of any pretension has a .fireplace of 
peculiar construction. It is from 6 to 12 feet wide and has a projection 
above like a Chinese awning. When the great, ceremonial caldrons 
are used for the feasts, they are balanced on stones in this fireplace. 
He' we (wafer bread) is also baked in this fireplace upon highly polished ' 
stone slabs. The room, however, is not exclusivel}' set apart for this 
cooking. Like most of the rooms, except the general living room and 
the one immediately adjoining, it is used largely as a storage room. 

Candles are never used in a Zufli house nor are lamps used_for ordi- , 
narj' lighting. A lamp made of baked clay and somewhat resembling 
a Roman lamp is employed on the occasion of certain ceremonials. It 
gives very little light. 

The domestic life of the Zuiiis might well serve as an example for ' 
the civilized world. As has been stated, th6 husband lives with his 
wife's parents, and it is common to find several families, under the ' 
same roof. The Zufiis do not have large families, and the members ' 
are deeply attached to one another. The writer found great enjoy- 
ment in her visits to the general living i-oom (see plate lxxvii) in the 
early evening, after the day's labors were over and before the elders 
were called awaj' to their fraternities or elsewhere. The young 
mothers would be seen caring for their infants, or perhaps the fathers 
would be fondling them, for the Zuiii men are ver}' devoted to their • 
children, especially the babies. The grandmother would have one of 
the younger children in her lap, with perhaps the head of another 
resting against her shoulder, while the rest would be sitting near or 
busying themselves about household matters. When a story was told . 
by the grandfather or some younger member of the group, intense 
interest would be depicted on the faces of all old enough to appreciate 
the recital. 

The Zuiii child is rarely disobedient, and the writer has known 
but one parent to strike a child or to use harsh words with it. The 
children play through the livelong day without a quarrel. The young- . 
est children never disturb or touch anything belonging to others. In 
years of experience with the Zunis and other Indians the writer has 
never lost an article thi'ough them, either of food or otherwise. 

The boj's have many childish amusements, which thej- greatly enjoy. 
One of their especial delights at night is to run about with burning 
lirands made of balls of fiber attached to slender poles. The boys and 
girls do not play much together. In fact the girls seem to have little 

294 THE ZITNI INDIANS !eth. ann.23 

time for thincfs which delight othor i-hildrcn. Tiiev carry the younger 
siister or brother on their })ack-s. often tottering f i-oni the weight. They 
seem ever ready to look after the younger ones, and when they are 
free from this care they imitate all that their mothers do. They make 
pottery, weave belts (see plate Lxxviii). make bread, and at times they 
may actually be found playing with d(jll> instead of the living babies. 
The children are as punctilious as their elders in attending to ceremo- 
nial oV)servances. 

(ranics and impr(im[)tu dances are the favorite pastime of the young 
men. Though they never wear their ceremonial masks in.these dances, 
they do wear masks copied after those of the Navahos (see plate 
L.x.xix). The dog dance (])late Lxxx), in which the performer pi<k> 
money and silver buttons fi-om the ground with his moutii. always 
di-aws a large audience and leads to considerable betting, (iirls 
occasionally join in some of the pleasure dances (see plate i.xxxi). 

The older girls d(( not usually go about the village unattended. The 
only place they are free to visit alone is the well (see plate Lxxxii)," 
where the youth may be found lurking in the early evening, waiting 
for an opportunity to speak a word to the pretty girls, and to .some 
special one if he lias settled Ids affections. Those who state that the 
Zuni maiden makes advances to the man are in error. The writer has 
observed many cases of love-making, and they have never differed 
essentially from the experiences of our own youths and maidens. The 
conduct of a girl who shows her preference for a man before he has 
shown his for her is looked upon as indelicate. While parents are 
inclined to look to the marriages of their children, there are many 
love matches in Zufu. 


Previous to the ))irth of a child, if a daughter is desired, the husband 
and wife, sometimes accompanied by a doctress or a female relative, 
visit the ^lother rock.* on the west side of To'wa yiil'lanne (Corn 
mountain). The pregnant woman scrapes a small quantity of the 
rock into a tiny vase made for the purpose and deposits it in one of 
the cavities in the rock (see plate xii a), and they all pray that the 
daughter may grow to be good and beautiful and possess all virtues, and 
that she may weave beautifully and be skilled in the art of making- 
pottery. If a son is desired, the couple visit a shrine higher up the 
side of the mountain, in a fissure in the same rock, and sprinkle meal 
and deposit te'likinawe. with prayers that a son may be boi'n to them 
and that he may be distinguished in war and after death become great 
among ancestral gods. Should the prayers offered at the shrines be 

a This picturesque well will soon become an object of the past. 

SThe base of this rock is covered with symbols of the a'sha (vulva) (see pi. xii b) and is perforaterl 
witli small excavations. The Zunis are not an exception anjong aboriginal peoples in respect ti> 
phallic worship. 





































not answered, it is believed that tlic heart of one or other of tlie 
couple is not good. There is also another slirine most sacred to the 
Zunis to which parents desiring sons resort. This shrine is on the 
summit of a low mound in a narrow valley and consists of a stone sliil> 
about 1 foot square, slightly raised from the ground by loose stones. 
Three stones, two round and one several inches long, symbolizing the 
male generative organs, are placed upon the slal), the long one point- 
ing to the east. 

Another resort for women in this condition is a queer-looking 
inclosure by the side of the trail leading to the peach oi'chards of To'wa 
yal'liinne. It is formed by a stone wall some 2^ feet high at the west 
end. the space within being 2i by (> feet. Two of the largest stones 
of the wall project into the interior. The wall slopes unevenly on 
each side and is only a foot high at the east end. When a daughter 
is desired, one or other of the couple or both visit this place and the 
woman, pa.ssing into the inclosure, breaks off a bit from each of the 
projecting rocks. These bits are afterward powdered and put into 
water and drunk l)v the woman. It is believed that a daughter is sure 
to lie tile result if the heart is good. 

A pregnant woman suffering from a cough and a pain in th(> right 
side of her abdomen was relieved by the writer with simple remedies; 
but the celebrated Nai'uchi, surgeon and doctor, had to be sent for, as 
the family was sure the sufferer had been bewitched. Nai'uchi came 
and appeared to draw from the abdomen two objects which he 
claimed were the mother and child worms. One was about the 
length of the second ffnger of the hand; the other was smaller. Of 
course this showed that the woman had been bewitched and that it 
was well that he was sent for in time, as these worms would have 
eaten the child and caused its death. It was afterward reported that 
when the woman was grinding at Nutria some weeks previous, a 
sister of a witch, who ground bj' her side, touched the pregnant 
woman on the side of the abdomen, and it was then that the worms 
were "cast" in. 

A pregnant woman while at her farm at Ojo Caliente became 
alarmed at the retai'ded action of the fetus, and she and her husband 
i-eturned to Zuni to consult Nai'uchi. On learning that the woman had 
been drinking water from the .sacred spring of the Ko'loowisi (Plumed 
serpent), he declared that she was not carrying a child but a serpent. 
The following day the husband came to the writer in great distress and 
begged her to go to his wife, who was in such a wretched mental state 
that he feared she would die. After examining the abdomen the writer 
declared that Nai'uchi was mistaken; l)ut his woixls had sunk into the 
sufferer's mind, and hours were spent with the distracted woman before 
she was convinced that her doctor was in error. After several days a 
slight color took the place of the death-like pallor of the woman, and she 

296 THE Zimi INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

slowly improved, but it was many days before she was like herself 
again. In less than six weeks from that time a healthy boy was born. 
The writer named the child at the request of the motlier. but the nick- 
name of Little Ko'loowisi will cling to him for many a day. The 
gratitude of the husband to the writer for saving, as he thought, the 
life of his wife and child was very marked and was shown in every 
wa}' possible. Each week the best products of his fields and garden 
were brought to her from his farm, 15 miles away. 

It is believed that if the Sa'ya'hlia or Siirimohiya (certain anthi'opic 
gods) strike a pregnant woman with their 3'ucca switclies parturition 
M'iii immediately result. Therefore all women in this condition are 
careful to keep out of the reach of the yucca \\hon these gods appear 
in the village. A spiral shell is worn in the Itelt of the woman when a 
boy is desired, and another variety of shell when a girl is wished for. 
After childl)irtli a white pebble is taken into the mother's mouth, and the 
teeth are pressed against it in order that the child's teetli may be white 
and strong. It has been reported that Zufii women during childbirth 
are segregated in houses specially set apart for the purpose. Such is 
not the fact. Nai'uchi would not visit his granddaughter for some days 
after her conlinement because of wounds he had received f i-om arrows 
year's ago, as he feared that the wounds would frighten the infant, 
causing it to cry all the time and not sleep. It is declared by all the 
Zufii theurgists, both men and women, that ten months are required 
for the gestation of a male child, but only nine for a female child. 
Twins are not common; triplets are very rare; they are attributed to 
embraces in immediate succession. 

A 3'oung pregnant woman, becoming alarmed, called in the theur- 
gist. He examined the abdomen, and declared that she was carrying 
three children and that should they reach full development she would 
surely die. He produced premature birth; and it was claimed by the 
doctor that the tirst two born breathed a few times and that the third 
was stillborn. Abortion is rarely practiced on married women; but 
it is not imcommon among the fallen women, who are always pointed 
at with the finger of scorn, except when they are on a bed of illness; 
they then receive the same consideration as others. Their infants are 
not discriminated against in any way. 

"Women complain but little previous to parturition, performing 
their duties as usual until the actual presence of labor. The feet and 
hands are frequently swollen to a painful degree, and it is not unusual 
to find the face affected in the same way. This swelling does not often 
exist except during the ten or twelve days immediately previous to 
accouchement, and in most cases observed by the writer the swelling 
disappeared rapidly after confinement. 

Laceration of the perineum is of frequent occurrence. It is a 


natural result of the metliod of childbirth as practiced hy the Zuiiis. 
Ill three labor observed by the writer in lS9r)-97 laceration 
occurred. At such time high fever is apt to be present, though in 
one of the cases referred to the pulse never rose above !«•. Milk leg- 
is very rare, but abscess in the breast is not uncommon. When the 
doctresses fail to bring relief, the surgeon is called in. 

The only case of oiaeration on the breast observed by the writer was performed l)y 
Nai'uchi, who administered a native narcotic (Datura stramonium) before using the 
lancet. After making the incision he squeezed out the pus, and then, without 
having previously washed his hands, inserted his index finger and pulled out the 
remaining pus. A powdered medicine was sprinkled sparingly over the wound, and 
a soiled cloth was afterward bound over it. The patient returned to ironsciousness in 
much the same manner as one gradually arousing from a natural sleep. She after- 
ward told the writer that she knew iKjthing of the operation, Ijut had beautiful 
dreams. The powdered medicine was ap])lied for several days, and in a week the 
breast was entirely healed. 

The writer has never discovered among an}' Indian tribe a of 
blindness after confinement, nor has she ever known a woman to suffer 
from convulsions before or after confinement. The ZiuTi women some- 
times suffer from uterine trouble after bearing children, though such 
troubles are unconnnon. In some instances o})served by the writer 
the uterus had protruded. In such the surgeon is called in to 
replace it. There are but two or three theurgists who tmdertake such, and are men. Nai'uchi is the principal man in such 
troubles, but his charges are so high that some of the poorer women 
are oV)liged to call upon less distinguished practitioners. 

Sore nipples are umisual. The child is placed to the breast within 
ten hours after birth, every effort being made to make it draw the 
milk. Constipation is carefully guarded against, and is therefore 
luicommon. .V hot tea made of toasted juniper twigs and Ijerries 
steepeil in l)oiling water is constantly drunk from the beginning of 
labor for the purpose of relaxing the system, and afterward to induce 
copious lochial discharge. Should this tea be drunk in earlier stages 
of pregnancy, it is ))elieved that the child would be very dark. The 
writer has never known a case where catamenia continued longer than 
four da\'s, and the Zuiii doctors and women declare that it seldom 
continues for a longer period. Though hemorrhage is uncommon, it 
.sometimes occurs, and for this trouble a tea is made by pouring boiling 
water over the fiuigus conmionly known as corn suuit(LT.stilago maidis), 
which has the same effect as ergot of the pharmacopeia. 

The childbirth ceremonies of the Sia tribe, described in the Eleventh 
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, are very nmch more elab- 
orate than those of the Zunis. 

A typical labor case observed by the writer occurred at midnight, October 20, 1896. 
A child wife, not more than 1.5 years old, gave evidence of approaching parturition. 
.She suffered from that time until 6 o'clock in the following evening, when she was 

298 THE ZUNI INDIANS [cth. asx. Xi 

delivered. Owing to tlie absence of her motluT in Ojo C'aliente, a fanning district, 
the girl was confined in her motlier-in-law's liouse. She wore only the caniis, which 
leaves the arms exposed, and was covered with a heavy blanltet. 8he lay most of 
the night on sheepskins spread on the floor near the south end of the room, pressing 
iier feet during the ])ain against the ledge at the south wall of the room, i^he 
changed position from her si<le to her back and often lay face downward. The 
mother-in-hiw, who was a doctress, had no professional part in the treatment of 
her daughter-in-law, but took a seat on the floor beside the girl, offering no 
assistance. The two grandmothers of the girl were present and were much con- 
cerned over her suffering. The father, the father-in-law, and a [taternal uncle were 
in an interior room. Their faces expressed anxiety, and they spoke in whispers. 
The husband of the girl, not expecting the birth of the chil<l for several ilays, was 
absent at his farm in Ojo Caliente. The pains increa.sed, and at 4 o'clocic in the 
afternoon, two having been summoned, the kneading of the abdomen 
began. Each iloctress took her turn, liestowing much strength and energy on the 
mani|iulation. With each pain the girl turned on her right side and caught the 
belt of the doctress before her, while the .second doctress pressed hard upon the 
back, the girl j)ressing her feet against the ledge. The lal)or being prolonged, a doc- 
tress held the no.strils of the patient and blew into her mouth, occasionally releasing 
the pressure upon her nose for an instant. This heroic treatment appears cruel in 
the extreme, but it is supposed to force the child into the world. The girl wept 
continually. The sympathy expres.sed l)y the relatives and doctresses was enough to 
unnerve tlie .-^ufferer.' The juniper tea was frequently drunk and the girl occasionally 
stood over the urinal during the day, but did not leave her bed after 4 o'clock. 
Rupture of the membranes occurred an hour and a half before the birth of the child. 
Half an hour jjrevious to delivery, one of the doctresses ma<ie an examination by 
inserting her hand. Apparently discouraged and alarmed, she notified the mother- 
in-law' of her intention to call upon the officers of the Great Fire fraternity to come 
and sing their songs. This fraternity has four songs addressed to the Beast Gods for 
hastening delayed delivery. Should the child be born after the first song, the singing 
ceases, and so on. Should the child not be born soon after the fourth song, the heart 
of tlie patient is had; the songs are not repeated, and the theurgists leave the house. 
.\ccordingly, the mi:)ther-in-law provided the doctress with a quarter of nnitton and 
many yards of cotton and calico as an advance payment to the theurgists. For a long 
time the doctress was unsuccessful in her efforts to find the men, but she persisted in 
her search and finally returned with them just as the girl was being delivered of a male 
chilli. The four theurgists departed at once with the medicine of the Beast Gods and 
their rattles. As soon as the child's head was exjjosed, the girl was at once turned 
upon her back and most vigorously kneaded. Her drawn knees were held by two 
women an<l a doctress took her seat upon the ledge between the girl's knees and, 
pressing her hands to the sides of the infant's head, assisted the birth by slightly shak- 
ing the child as she pulled it to her.f Another doctress severed the umbilical cord 
with a steel knife, while the doctress holding the child pressed the cord close bj' 
the nmbilii'us until a cotton cord as thick as a lead pencil was procured and wrapped 
around it several times. In the meantime the abdomen of the young mother w^s 
manipulated until the placenta passed. It was held by the umbilical cord and hastily 
taken from under the blanket on the left side, dropped into a bowl, and carried 
from tlie house by the girl's maternal grandmother, who deposited it in the river 
with a prayer that the young mother might be blessed with many children. While 
this was happening the mother bit upon a white pebble, that the child's teeth 
might be strong and white. There seemed to be no evidence of life in the child for 

"Though it is the aim of each present at chiltiljirtli to bring the child into the world in 
order that if it be a boy. he will enter the ki'wi'sini? of her husband, there is no evidence of unfair- 
ness toward one another. 


SOCIAL ersToMs 299 

an himi- alter liirth, i?till the iloctressi'S ami llic patiTiial i;niiiilnici(lifi- nf the girl 
never ceased their el^'urts to produce res]iiratiiiii liy pressing the nostrils, blowing 
into the mouth, nianiimlating the chest, and moving the arms, held outward an<l 
above the head. Warm clothes were kept around the body and over the head. 
There was great rejoicing when tlie faintest sign of life was discovered, but it was 
fully another hour before respiration was such as to give real hope of life for the 
child. The writer was surprised at the success of these patient efforts, as the case 
seemed to lie a hopele-ss one. When no further anxiety was felt for the little one, 
the doctress called for pinon gum which had been lioiled and, chewing it until if 
was white and pliable, mixed nnitton grease with it, and then the paternal grand- 
mother of the girl rubbed it on the stone floor until she produced a roll one- 
half inch in diameter and about 4 inches long. A blanket was now folded over 
the upturned feet and the extended legs of the doctress, who laid the child upon 
the blanket, its head resting against her feet. Opening the wrappings about the 
child, she raised the umbilical cord, which was about 2J inches long and heavily" 
wrapped with the cotton cord previously referred to, and encircled the umbilicus 
with the roll of pifion gum; then fluffing some carded wool and making an open- 
ing in the center, she drew the wrapped lunbilical cord through, patting the wool 
over the pinon gum. This dressing, which was very clumsy, jirotruded more than 
an inch. The abdomen was covered with a liit of soiled cotton cloth, laid on warm, 
and the child's head was kept covered with a warm cloth. The paternal grand- 
mother of the infant now dropped water upon its scrotum, and the doctress rubbed 
it over the jiarts, manipulating the penis until its form could be seen. The child's 
nose was frequently pinched, and the mouth and eyes were delicately manipulated. 
The latter when closed resembled the eyes of a frog, the lids protruding to a remark- 
able degree. The child's arms were now- placed by its side and it was wrapped in a 
piece of cotton cloth and a tiny blanket, and these were held in place by strings 
of yucca over the shoulders, breast, and lower portion of the legs. The child was 
then laid upon a folded blanket. Meantime the young mother stood unassisted 
over the urinal, wrapped her Ijelt around lier to hold in place a heated stone, and 
took her seat on the ledge. Two women removed the sheepskin on which 
was a pool of the lochial discharge; this the maternal grandmother covered with 
sand, and the sand was then swept into a cloth and carried out. The girl then drank 
a cup of commercial tea without sugar," which .she enjoyed. After the young mother 
had taken this nourishment the father-in-law and mother-in-law brought a quantity 
of damp sand and deposited it upon the floor. One of the doctresses divided the 
sand into two portions, placed a hot stone slab under one portion and another slab 
on top of the sand, and worked the sand about the stones until it was thoroughly 
dry and heated, when she removed the stones and placed them with the other jiart 
of the sand, which was heated in the same manner. The second portion of sand was 
made into a circular mound, in which an elliptic depression was formed and made 
perfectly smooth. A circular depression to fit the child's head was made west of the 
ellipse, and a ridge of sand was raised between the two depressions to support the 
child's neck. Over the sand a heated cloth was laid. At this time much disap- 
pointment was felt that neither of the ears of corn which were brought by the 
mother-in-law was a ya'pota (perfect ear). One ear had three plumules, symboliz- 
ing fecundity; the other was a single ear. The latter '' was held, pointing upward, 
back of the child's head by the mother-in-law, who also held the child. A liasket 
of prayer meal was deposited at the head (if the sand bed by the doctress who 
received the child into the world, and the latter offered a long prayer to A'wona- 

a There is great prejudice against the use of sugsir iit such times. The Zuiii doctors forbid the 
sweetening of tea or coffee. 

*> For a boy the single ear of corn, called the father, is used; a divided one, called the mother, is 
placed by a girl. 

301) THE ZCNl INDIANS [eth. ann. 23 

wil'oiia for long life and health to the child." After the prayer the doctress raised 
the cotton cloth and i-prinkled a line of meal from eas^t to wert over the s^and bed, 
symbolic of the straight path the child mus^t follow in order to receive the blessings 
of A'vvonawil'ona and the Sun Father. The cloth was then returned to its place, the 
child was laid upon the bed, and the single ear of corn was placed at its left side. 
The maternal grandmother covered the child with a small blanket, which was a 
gift from herself. The doctress then struck the sides and ends in turn of a quaint 
little stool against the floor at the head of the bed, and placed it finally on its side 
at the head of the bed, with the seat next to the bed. An Apache basket tray was 
inverted over the child's head, one side resting on the edge of the stool, the other 
on the blanket covering, so as to raise from the face a cottijn cloth which was thrown 
over the head. .V small blanket was jilaced over the cotton covering. An occasional 
faint sound was to be heard from the infant, which caused genuine delight to the 
family and friends. The mother-in-law ne.\t proceeded to prepare the mother's 
lied with the second portion of sand, first heating the sand in the manner described. 
The ear of corn having three plumules was placed to the left of tlie bed, and when 
the young mother took her seat upon her bed, a bowl of mutton stew, a basket of 
mush boiled in corn husks, and a basket tray of wafer bread were deposited on the 
floor beside her. A number joined in the meal, none eating with more relish than 
the young mother, who sat up an hour and a half. During the meal the paternal 
grandfather of the infant came from the inner room. At this moment the child 
gave its first vigorous cry, which delighted all present, especially the grandfather. 
One hour after the Vjirth of the child the mother's pulse was 80. At the first peep 
of the sun on the morning following the birth, the doctress who delivered the 
young mother, having been supplied with a vase of warm water, a gourd, and a 
basket of ashes, proceeded to bathe the infant. Dipping a gourd of water, she 
filled her mouth, and pouring the water from her mouth over the head of the 
child, washed its face and head, rubbing quite vigorously, after which ashes were 
rubbed over the face, a quantity adhering to the skin. '' The infant's paternal 
grandmother now folded a blanket and laid it over the extended legs of the doctress, 
who placed the infant upon the lilanket, its head against her uiiturned feet. The 
doctress sprinkled the breast of the infant with water, using her right hand, with a 
prayer for long life and health of the child; and, dipping her hand into the vase of 
water, she proceeded to bathe the child. After the bath the child's entire body was 
rubbed over with ashes. The cloth which had previously wrapped the infant was 
changed for another, which, however, was neither new nor clean. A blanket that 
had been previously warmed by the fire was afterward placed around the child. 
The young mother observed the bathing and wrapping of her infant with great 
interest. The infant was next laid upon a fresh sanil bed prepared liy the pater- 
nal grandmother, and the young mother walked to her bed and lay down, while 
a doctress bathed the lacerated perineum with warm root tea and afterward sprin- 
kled the affected parts with a powder,'' after which she manipulated the abdomen 
for thirty minutes. The young mother then sat upon the ledge by the tire while 
a fresh sand bed was prepared for her. After a time the child was placed to the 
breast, but it failed to get nourishment, though it made persistent effort. The 
hot juniper tea was drunk constantly after the confinement for the purpose of 

•I The Zufiis believe that the span of life is marked out at birtli. This belief, however, does not 
prevent their incessant prayers to A'wonawil'ona (the supreme power; see p. 22) for health and a 
long life. 

bThe Zunis declare that in four days from the putting on of the ashes exfoliation occurs and a new- 
skin appears. Ashes are used throughout the first year to render the face and other parts of the body 
depilous. With rare exceptions, these people are depilous, e.xcept on the scalp. 

t'ln aggravated cases of laceration certain male theurgists are called in. In the case here men- 
tioned the parts appeared to be entirely healed after the eighth day. The tea and powder were used 
only four days. The powder secured by the writer was not of sufficient quantity to admit an analysis. 


hastening the close of the lochial discharge, ^vhic■h ceased after tlie fonrtli day. 
On the second day, October 22, the pulse of the mother was 78. Though several 
efforts were made through the day to nourish the child from the mother, the milk 
did not appear. On the 23d the pulse was 79. Mother and child were doing well. 
The lacerated perineum was much improved. The same treatment was continued. 
Though the feet and ankles were excessively swollen for days before parturition, 
they rapidly returned to their normal condition after the birth of the chil<l. On 
the 24th the pulse was 79. Though the milk came, it appeared like pus, and the 
child refused it. The infant was so weak from lack of nourishment that the writer 
prepared condensed milk, upon which it was fed for some days, and its improve- 
ment was marked. On the 2.')th the pulse was 90. The infant was i)laced to the 
breast several times, but refused the milk. At the first light of day on the 26th, 
a line of meal, symbolic of the path of life, was sprinkled from the house to the 
point where the child was to observe for the first time tlie Sun Father. The doc- 
tress who had received the child when it came into the world, accompanied by the 
young mother and the paternal grandmother, carried the infant, with the ear of 
corn which had been by its side since its birth helil close to its head. The doctress 
stooped and held the child to face east while she offered a prayer for the health and 
happiness, goodness of heart, and long life of the child. At sunrise the 
dipped up several gourdfuls of water in which juniper had been steeped and emittied 
it into a bowl near the fireplace; then the paternal great-grandmother of the chilil 
pounded yucca root and handed it to the doctress, who made suds of it by beating 
it in the juniper water. As the bowl became filled with snowy froth, she took off 
the suds, putting them into a second bowl, and when this bowl was filled, the suds 
were warmed with hot juniper water. The paternal grandmother held the child 
until the doctress had remo\-ed her moccasins and was seated on a lilanket spread 
on the floor. The physician held the infant, its head to the east, supporting it with 
the left hand. The great-grandmother and the paternal grandmother stood one on 
each side of the bowl. The doctress first dipped a handful of suds, and then the 
others took suds with their right liands. The young mother sat on the ledge near 
by, but took no part. The suds were held while the doctress offered a long prayer 
to A'wonawil'ona, the Sun Father, and the Earth Mother, that all blessings might 
come to the child. At the conclusion of the prayer the doctress placed the suds 
she held on the top of the child's head, and then the other two patted the suds 
on the head; and the head was then held over the b wl and thoroughly washed by 
the doctress. Great care was observed in l)athing the ej'es; they were smoothed over 
and over, and the nose was pinched many times. A blanket was folded and spread 
over the extended legs < f the doctress, in the manner heretofore described, a wad 
being placed before the upturned feet where the child's head was to rest. The 
dressing was removed from the umbilicus, which was found entirely healed. The 
child was then bathed from a bowl containing only warm juniper water. The pater- 
nal grandmother was careful to warm the cloths in which the child was to be 
wrapped. Nothing was used to dry the child aside from the ashes which were 
rubbed over its entire body. The infant, still refusing its mother's milk, was fed 
with condensed milk from a spoon. It smacked its lips with satisfaction, nmch to 
the delight of the paternal grandfather and the others present. The child was 
then held by the grandmother, while the doctress worked up anew the yucca suds. 
The young mother's hair was loosed, and she bent her head over the bowl while the 
doctress, the mother-in-law, and the latter's mother and young niece dipped suds 
with their right hands and held them while the doctress prayed. After the prayer 
the doctress applied to the head the suds she held, and the others did the same, 
after which the doctress thoroughly washed the head and long hair. The young 
mother then took her seat while the doctress removed the remainder of her sand 
bed, which was carried in a blanket to the far end of the room and dejjosited in a 

302 THE ZUNI INDIANS [eth. ax.v. 23 

lieap. The doctress afterwanl placed liy the i^and l,ea]j the Imwl nf juiiiiu-r water, 
in which the yucca suds had heen deposited to bathe tlie infant, and proceeiled to 
Itathe the young mother, w lio was now at the other end of the room. The girl 
kept on her camis, which soon became thoroughly wet. The doctress poured water 
over her by the gourdful. The girl washed her own legs, standing while she did so. 
Twenty minutes were consumed in this bath, though the large room, except near 
the fire, was very cold. No cloth was used to dry the body. A soiled camis was 
slipped on her as she dropjied the other, and, wrapping a heavy l)lanket around 
herself, the young mother walked over the cold stone floor in her bare feet, which 
were still swollen, and took her seat by the fire. Within twenty minutes after the 
bath the mother's jmLse was 82. She seemed jierfectly well and declared that she 
felt so. An excellent meal was served, but the grandfather was too al)sorbed to leave 
his work of attaching buckskin thongs an<l loops to the new cradle, which was a 
present from the paternal uncle Mauretio. <!)n the cradle, just where the head of 
the infant should rest, was a perfectly romid turquoise of excellent color. Inlaid 
below and close to the neck rest were three turquoises. When the cradle was com- 
pleted, the child was strapped to it. In foliling the wraps around the child care was 
observed first to bring around the piece of cotton from the right side of the child so 
as to prevent the arms from coming in contact with the body, the cloth pa.'^sing 
under each arm. The other side of the cloth was then brought over both arms. 
The blanket was folded around and tied in two jilaces. On the 27th the mothers 
pulse was 82. She was sitting up, dressed, and apparently ))erfectly well. The 
infant took the mother's milk for the first time. The pulse was the same on the 
28th and 29th. The mother was up and sewing on the 29th, and the child took 
much notice and appeared brighter and more observing than any civilized child of 
the same age known to the writer. 

Another olistetrical ca.-^e oliserved was that of an unmarried girl of Ki Slie rei'eived 
the same attentions as if the child had been born in wedlock, and the writer did not 
detect any difference in the ceremonies of illegitimate birth. The parents 
of this girl were dead. The relatives with whom she lived were very tender with her, 
though they expressed deep regret at her misconduct. Her brother, who was an 
associate shi'wanni (rain i)riest), acted kindly toward her and was as pleased with the 
infant as if it were his own. This girl was in labor twenty-four hours, but most of 
the pains were slight and she had a comparatively easy delivery. Her jiulse imme- 
diately after the birth was 96. During the day following her confinement she sat 
up for two hours. She had no dropsical symptoms. On the secoml and third days 
after I'onfinement her pulse was 96; after that it was normal. 

The worst of a number of cases of laceration observed was that of a girl about 
18 years of age who lived at a farming district \'i miles from Zuiii. The infant, 
her first chil<l, was strangled by the umbilical cord at its birth, which occurred on 
October 18, 1896, and on the 22d the father of the young mother was notified that 
she could not live. On the 28d he and Ins father, Xai'uchi, went at once for the girl 
and brought lier to Zufii through one of the severest rain storms of the season. They 
traveled in a covered wagon without springs, the \ouiig mother lying on blankets 
spread in the bed of the wagon. They arrived late at night, and in the morning 
Xai'uchi made an examination in the presence of the writer. The patient was very 
low, the pul^e being 125. The perineum was terribl\- lacerated and the labia majora 
were swollen to enormous size, the flesh being almost black, .is the labia majora'; 
were depilous the condition was the more readily ob.^erved. Xai'uchi pulled off the 
sloughs, some 2 inches in length and as thick as the finger. The invalid showed 
no signs of suffering at this time, except to frown as the diseased fiesh was removed. 
The writer had the parts bathed in a solution of carbolic acid, five drops in a cup of 
boiled water, and it was with the greatest difficulty that she induced the doctress 
to use fresh aseptic gauze instead of a filthy cloth for the bathing. Xai'uchi sat 


beside the patient and deposited fetishes and medicine bags in a baslcet tray; 
after his prayers over the fetishes and the medicines he took a pineh of a jiowder 
and, as he prayed, ran his tingers tliat lield tiie powder down the inner side of tlie 
arm, seeming to understan<l that tlie blood and lymph eircniation is more al)nndant 
on the inner side of the arm and tlierefore more easily affected. He afterward held 
a pinch of the powder to each shoulder and to the top of the head, and then sprinkled 
what he held sparingly upon the parts affected." On the 2.5th the pulse was 98, and 
the parts appeared to be slightly improved. Aj>plications of the carbolic acid w'