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BOSTON

PUBLIC

LIBRARY

TWENTY-Si:VENTII ANXUAL IIEPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOdY

SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

1905 -lUUO

WASHINGTOX
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

LETTHR OF TRANSMITTAL

'^r^o^^^L

Smithsonian Institution,
^ Bureau of American Ethnology,

\' . ■ Washington, D. C, August 10, 1907.

Sir: I ha^'e the honor to submit herewith the Twenty-
seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology.

The preliminary portion comprises an account of the
operations of the Bureau during the fiscal year ending
June 30, 1906, and this is followed by a monograph on " The
Omaha tribe," by AUce C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche
(a member of the Omaha tribe) .

Permit me to express my appreciation of your aid in the
woi'k under my charge.

Very respectfully, vours,

W. H. Holmes, Chie;f.
^Ir. Richard Rathbun,

Acting Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

CONTENTS

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

Page

Research work 7

Permits granted for exploration.s on public lands 11

Collections 12

Study of Indian delegations 12

Editorial work 12

Illustrations 12

Publications 13

Library 13

Clerical work 13

Property 14

Accompanying paper 14

ACCOiMPAXYINU PAPEli

The Omaha Tribe, by Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche (,a mem-
ber of the Omaha tribe); plates 1-65, (igures 1-132 15

Index 1)55

T26N

"TITLE

T 25 N

Sa-L»K1S1F1

mVATIOM

T24 N

R lO E

•

■ *

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

TWENTY- SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

W. H. Holmes, Chief

RESEARCH WORK

Researches among the Indian tribes were conducted in
accordance with the plan of operations approA'ed iDy the
Secretary June 5, 1905; these inchide investigations among
the aborigines of Oregon, Colorado, New Mexico, Indian Ter-
ritory, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Florida, and, more
especially, researches in the office of the Bureau and in
various musevmis and libraries throughout the country. The
scientific staff of the Bureau remains the same as during the
previous year with the single exception that Mr. F. W.
Hodge was transferred from the Secretary's office of the
Smithsonian Institution to the Bureau, with the title of
Ethnologist — a step which permits him to devote his entu*e
time to the completion of the Handbook of the Indians.

Aside from his administrative duties, the chief was occu-
pied with the completion and revision of papers for the
Handbook of the Indians and in the preparation of a mono-
graphic work on the technology and art of the tribes. He
also continued his duties as Honorary Curator of the Divi-
sion of Prehistoric Archeology in the National Museum.

Mrs. M. C. Stevenson remained in the office during the
early months of the yeai', reading the final proofs of her
monograph on the Zuni Indians, which issued from the
press in December. In January she again entered the field,
having selected the pueblo of Taos, New Mexico, as a suit-
alile place for the continuation of her researches. In initi-
ating her work in this pueblo IMrs. Stevenson encoimtered

8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

many difficulties, and her progress at first was slow; but
later, owing largely to the very coiu^teous cooperation of the
Commissioner of Indian Affaii's, her study of the history,
language, and customs of the tribe was facilitated, and was
progressing favorably at the close of the year.

During the early part of the year Mr. James Mooney was
chiefly occupied, in collaboration with other members of
the Bureau, with the Handbook of the Indians, which work
was continued at intervals after he took the field. On
September 19, 1905, he left Washington for western Okla-
homa to continue researches among the Kiowa, Southern
Cheyenne, and allied tribes, partly in fulfillment of the joint
arrangement between the Bureau and the Field Museum of
Natural History. His stay while with the Kiowa was chiefly
at the agency at Anadarko, Oklahoma. Among the Chey-
enne he made headquarters at Cantonment, Oklahoma, the
central settlement of the most conservati\'e element of the
tribe. Mr. Mooney returned to Washington aljout the end
of April, and resumed work on his report, giving much
attention also to the Handbook of the Indians.

Dr. J. Walter Fewkes completed during the year his report
on the aborigines of Porto Rico and neighboring i.slands. He
prepared also an account of his field work in eastern Mexico,
conducted under the joint auspices of the Smithsonian Insti-
tution and this Bureau during the winter of 1905-6. These
papers were assigned to the Twenty-fifth Annual Report and
were in type at the close of the year. Doctor Fewkes also
made considerable progress in the preparation of a bulletin
on the antiquities of the Little Colorado A'alley, Arizona.

During the year Dr. John R. Swanton completed and pre-
pared for the press all of the Tlingit material, ethnological
and mythological, collected by him during previous years;
all of the ethnological and a portion of the mythological ma-
terial has been accepted for introduction into the Twenty-
sixth Annual Report. Doctor Swanton interested himself
particularly also in the study of the linguistic stocks of Louisi-
ana and southern Texas, many of which are either on the
verge of extinction or are ah'eady extinct; and a grammar

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 9

and dictionary of the Tunica language is well advanced, while
a dictionary of the Natchez is in course of preparation.

^Ir. J. N. B. Hewitt was engaged almost entirely in investi-
gating and reporting on etymologies of terms and names and
in elaborating and preparing important articles for the Hand-
book of the Indians, and also in reading proof of that impor-
tant work conjointly with the other collaborators of the
Office.

During the year Dr. Cyrus Thomas was engaged almost
continuously on the Handbook of the Indians, assisting in
final revision of the manuscript and in reading proof. Dur-
ing the first two or three months he assisted also in reading
and correcting proofs of Bulletin 28, which treats of Mexican
antiquities — a work for which his extensive researches regard-
ing the glyphic wi'iting of middle America, especially fitted
him.

The manuscript of the body of the Handbook of the In-
dians was transmitted to the Public Printer early in July.
In view of the fact that munerous tribal and general articles
were prepared l^y specialists not connected directl}- with the
Bureau, it was deemed advisable to submit complete galley
proofs of the Handbook to each as received. While this in-
volved consideraJDle delay in the proof reading, the correc-
tions and suggestions received showed the wisdom of the plan.
B)^ the close of the }-ear all the material was in type through
the letter "N," and of this, 544 pages, to the article "Her-
aldry," have been finally printed.

The work on the Handbook of Languages, in charge of Dr.
Franz Boas, honorary philologist of the Bureau, was contin-
ued during the year. The several sketches of American lan-
guages— sixteen in number — which are to form the body of
this work are now practically complete, with the exception of
those on the Eskimo and the Iroquois. Field work was con-
ducted during the year Ij}' Edwai'd Sapir among the Yakima
of Oregon and by Frank J. Speck among the Yuchi in Indian
Territory.

^Ir. Stewart Culin, curator of ethnology in the Brooklyn
Institute of Arts and Sciences, whose monograph on Indian
Games forms the bulk of the Twenty-fourth Annual Report,

10 BTTREATI OF AMKKICAiN EIH N()l,( l(i V

was engaged during the year in reading the proofs of that
work; but owing to his absence in the field for a protracted
period the work was not completed at the close of the year.

The movement for the enactment by Congress of a law
for the preservation of American antiquities, which was inaug-
urated dm'ing previous years, was continued by various
individuals and institutions during the last year, and the
perfected measure l^ecame a law in June. With the view of
assisting the departments of the Government having charge
of the public domain in the initiation of practical measures
for the preservation of the antiquities of the Southwest, the
Bureau has actively continued the compilation of a card
catalogue of the archeological sites, especially the ruined
pueblos and cliff-dwellings, and during the year has made
much progress in the preparation of a series of l:)ulletins to
be devoted to the fuller presentation of all that is known
regarding these antiquities. In promoting this work Mr.
E. L. Hewett was commissioned to proceed to New Mexico
for the purpose of making a surA-ey of the ancient remains
of the Jemez Plateau region, a large part of which is now in-
cluded in the Jemez Forest Keserve. A preliminary report
on this work was submitted immediately on Mr. Hewett's
return to Washington, and later a papei- was prepared in the
form of an illustrated descriptiAe catalogue of the antiqui-
ties, to be pul)lished as Bulletin 32 of the Bureau series. In
March ]\Ir. Hewett was called on to represent the Bureau as
a member of the Interior Departm-ent SurA-ey of certain
boundary lines in southern Colorado, the principal object
being to determine the relation of the more important ruins
of the Alesa A'erde region to the boundaries of the proposed
Mesa Verde park, a measiu"e for the establishment of which
was pending in Congress. Shorth' after the receipt of Mr.
Hewett's report this measure l)ecame a law. A leading
object kept in view by Mr. Hewett on this expedition was
the collection of data for the compilation of a bulletin on
the antiquities of the Mesa Verde region, for the Bureau's
bulletin series.

In February Dr. Ales HrdliC'ka, of the National ^fuseum,
was commissioned to proceetl to Osprey, on Sarasota bay.

ADMIXISTRATTVK RKPORT 11

Florida, for the purpose of examining several localities where
fossil human bones, apparently indicating great age, have
been discovered. The evidence obtained is adverse to the
theory of the great antiquity of the remains, but the
observations made by Doctor Hrdlicka and Dr. T. Wayland
Vaughan, who accompanied him as a representative of the
Geological Survey, on the unusual activit}^ of fossilizing
agencies in the locality, are of extreme interest.

Dr. Walter Hough, of the National Museum, who has taken
a prominent part in the investigation of the antiquities of
the Southwest, has in preparation for the Bureau series a
bulletin on the antiquities of the Upper Gila valle}'.

PERMITS GRANTED FOR EXPLORATIONS ON
PUBLIC LANDS

During the year applications for permits to conduct explo-
rations on the public lands and reservations of the South-
west were acted on as follows:

(1) In September, 1905, the Southwest Society of the
Archaeological Institute of America applied for permission to
conduct archeological explorations on Indian reservations
and forest reserves in the Southwest, the work to begin in the
spring of 1906. Later, permission to make a preliminar}-
reconnaissance during the latter part of 1905 was asked.
Recommended by the Bureau; granted by the Office of
Indian Affairs and the Forest Service.

(2) In January, 1906, the request of the Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology for authority to prosecute ethnological
researches in New Mexico, particularly at Taos, was favor-
ably acted on by the Office of Indian Affairs.

(3) In April, 1906, the American Museum of Natural
History, through Dr. Clark Wissler, Curator of Anthropology
in that institution, requested permission to conduct explora-
tions on Indian reservations in southern CaUfornia. Recom-
mended by the Biu-eau; granted by the Indian Office.

One application for a permit was denied, one was with-
draAvn, and one was pending at the close of the year.

12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

COLLECTIONS

The collections of archeolosical and ethnological specimens
made during the year are more limited than heretofore,
owing to the reduced amount of field work undertaken. The
most important accession is the product of Mr. E. L. Hewett's
explorations among the ancient ruins of the Jemez plateau.
Other collections worthy of note are those made by Mr.
Mooney in Oklahoma and by Doctor Hrdli^.ka in Florida.
All collections were transferred to the National Museum in
accordance with established custom.

STUDY OF INDIAN DELEGATIONS

The study of the Indian delegations visiting Washington
diu'ing the year was continued, as heretofore. One hundred
and fort3"-two portrait negatives were made and measure-
ments and casts were olitained in a nvmiber of cases.

EDITORIAL WORK

Mr. John P. Sanborn, jr., who was probationally appointed
on April 6, 1905, E^ditor and Compiler, was permanently
appointed October 6; but on October 19 he was, at his
own request, indefinitely furloughed. On February 16, 1906,
Mr. Joseph G. Gurley was probationally appointed Editor
through certification by the Civil Service Commission. The
Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Annual Reports and Bulletins
31 and 32 were read and prepared for the press, and proof
reading of the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Reports and
of Bulletins 30, 31, and 32 further occupied the attention of
the Editor, although Mr. Hodge and the various collabora-
tors on Bulletin 30 (the IIandl)Ook of the Indians) assumed
the main burden of the reading of that work.

ILLUSTRATIONS

The illustratioi: work, including photography, conthmed in
charge of Mr. De L;,ncey Gill, who was assisted, as heretofore,
by Mr. Henry Walthei . The number of illustrations prepared
for the reports was 8o- and the whole number transmitted
to the printer was 1,023.

ADMINISTRATIVE KEPOKT 13

PUBLICATIONS

During the year the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth Annual
Reports were submitted to the Secretary and the Twenty-
fifth was transmitted to the Pubhc Printer, the Twenty-sixth
being retained in the Bureau pending the completion of the
two next preceding volumes. Bulletin 30 (part 1), submitted
at the close of the preceding year, is in press, Bulletin 32 is
in the l)indery, and Bulletin 31 was transmitted to the printer
toward the close of the year. The distribution of publica-
tions was continued as in former years. Bulletin 28 was
published in October and Bulletin 29 and the Twenty-third
Annual Report followed in December.

LIBRARY

The library remained in charge of Miss Ella Leary, who
completed the work of accessioning and cataloguing the
books, pamphlets, and periodicals up to date. Owing to the
crowded condition of the library, about 600 publications,
chiefly periodicals, received b)^ gift or through exchange, but
not pertaining to the work of the Bm-eau, were transferred to
the library of the National Museum. During the year there
were received and recorded 306 volumes, 900 pamphlets, and
the current issues of upward of 500 periodicals. One hun-
dred and fifty volumes were boimd at the Government Print-
ing Office. The library now contains 12,858 bound volumes,
9,000 pamphlets, and a large number of periodicals which
relate to anthropology and kindred topics.

CLERICAL WORK

The clerical force of the Bureau consists of five regular em-
ployees: Mr. J. B. Clayton, head clerk; Miss Emilie R. Smedes
and Miss May S. Clark, stenographers; Miss Ella Leary, clerk
and acting librarian; and Mrs. Frances S. Nichols, t^'pewriter.
During the year Mr. William P. Bartel, messenger, was pro-
moted to a clerkship and subsequently transferred to the
Interstate Commerce Commission.

14 BUKEAU OF AMERICAK ETHNULOLiY

propp:rty

The property of the Bureau is comprised in seven classes:
Office furniture and appUances; field outfits; linguistic and
ethnological manuscripts, and other documents; photo-
graphs, drawings, paintings, and engravings; a working
library; collections held temporarily by collaborators for
use in research ; and the undistributed residue of the editions
of Bureau publications.

The additions to the property of the Bureau for the year
include a typewriter and a few necessary articles of furniture.

ACCOMPANYING PAPER

With this report appears a comprehensive monograph
on the Omaha tribe, which, it is believed, constitutes au
important contribution to North American ethnology,
especially to our knowledge of the great Siouan group.
This monograph is peculiarly fortunate in its authorship.
For thirty years Miss Fletcher has been a close student of
the Omaha, enjoying a measure of their friendship and
confidence rarely accorded one of alien race, while Mr.
La Flesche, a member of the tribe and the son of a former
])rincipal chief, has brought to the work a thorough grasp
of the subject combined with an earnest desire to aid in
the preservation and diffusion of information relating to
his people.

The purpose and plan of the authors are thus succinctly
stated :

Thi.s joint work enibodics tlio results of iiiuhsual opportunities to got
close to the thoughts that underlie the ceremonies and customs of the
Omaha tribe, and to give a fairly truthful picture of the people as
they were during the early part of the last century, when most of the
men on whose information this work is based were active participants
in the life here described. In the account here offered nothing has
been borrowed from other observ(!rs; only original material gathered
directly from the native people has been used.

The paper is rounded out hj the inclusion of a final
section dealing with the relations between the Omaha
and the whites, in which are traced in outline from the
beginning the ever-increasing encroachments of civiliza-
tion and. the gradual but inevitable molding of the weaker
race to conform to the conditions imposed by the new
order of things.

ACCOMPANYING PAPER

THE OMAHA TRIBE

ALICE C. FLETCHER

Holder of the Thaw Fellowship, Peabody Museum, Harvard University

AND

FRANCIS LA FLESCHE
A Member of the Omaha Tribe

83993°— 27 eth— 11 2 17

CONTENTS

Fdrewnn! 29

Location; linguistic rflationi^hips 3;?

Tribal concept; the name Omaha 85

The five cognate tribes — evidence of former unity S7

The Ponca tribe 41

Rites and customs of the gentes 4-2

Legendary accounts 47

Recent history; personal names 51

The Osage, or AVazha'zlu', tribe 57

Recent history; organization 57

..--^Kinship groups 58

Adoption ceremony _ 61

Legendary accounts 62

Personal names tl-l

The Kansa tribe 66

Gentes 66

The Quapaw tribe 67

Gentes 68

Environment; resultant influences 70

Omaha Sacred Legend 70

Early habitat ami conditions 70

Western movements 72

Contact with the Arikara 75

Separation of Poni'a from Omaha; finding of horses 78

Meeting with the white men XI

Influence of traders 82

The Omaha country 85

Villages on the Missouri 85

Streams known to the Omaha 89

The village 95

Site 95

Dwellings 95

Historic villages and places 99

Tribes known to the Omaha 101

Fauna and flora km iwn to the ( hnaba 103

Animals 103

Birds 104

Insects 106

Fish 106

Trees 106

20 CONTENTS

Environment; resultant influences — Continued Page

Tlie liuman liody as known to tlie Omalia 107

Miscellaneous terms used by the (_)maha 110

Natural objects and jihenomena 110

Taste 110

Colors Ill

Points of the compass Ill

Divisions of time Ill

Weather signs 11:3

Summary 112

III

Kites pertaining to the individual 115

Intriiiluction of the Omaha child to the Cosmos 115

Introduction of the child into the tribe 117

Ceremony of turning the child 117

Consecration of the boy to Thunder 122

Ceremonial introduction to individual life and to the supernatural. . . 128

^ Tribal organization 134

i Basic princ pies 134

The hu'lhnga — the Omaha tribal form 141

Gentes of the Omaha tribe 142

Ho^'gashenu division 142

We'zhi^shte gens 142

I^ke'f abe gens 146

Ho^'ga gens 153

Tha'tada gens 159

Ko°'ve gens 169

I°shta'5'U°da division 171

Mo'"thi"kagaxe gens 171

Teyi^'de gens 175

Tapa' gens 177

Pgthe'zhide gens is:;

I°shta''5u''da gens 1S5

The Omaha gens not a political organization 195

Interrelation of the two grand divisions 196

Tribal government 199

Development of political unity 199

Chieftainship 202

C»rders of chiefs 202

The Council of Seven Chiefs 206

Emoluments of chiefs and keepers 212

Offenses and punishments 213

The Sacred Pole 217

Origin 217

Mark of hnnor 219

The Sacred Tents 221

Legend and description of tlie Sacred Pole 223

Sacred Packs and contents 226

CONTENTS 21

The Sacred Pole — Continued Page

Anointinfr the Sacred Pole 230

Ritual songs 233

Ceremonies of the Sacred Pole 243

The He'dewachi 251

VII

The quest of food 261

The ritual of the maize 261

Cultivation of maize 269

Names of parts and of preparations of maize 269

Hunting 270

Rules observed in butchering 271

Te'une, or annual buffalo hunt 275

The watho-' 276

The White Buffalo Hide 283

The ritual of the White Buffalo Hide 286

The Ponca feast of the soldiers 309

Ritual - 310

Fishing 312

VIII

Social life 313

. Stn?liip terms 313

Courtship and marriage 318

Care and training of children 327

Ktiquette 334

Avocations of men 338

Avocations of women 339

Cooking and foods 340

Dressing and tanning skins 342

(Juill work 345

Weaving 347 •

Personal adornment 349

Clothing 354

The wai"' or robe. 356

Personal significance 356

Social significance* 358

Language of the robe 360

\ Property 362

Amusements 363

Music 371

Instruments 371

Songs, singing, and rhythm 373

The Wa'wa" ceremons- 376

The ceremony among the Ponca 400

Warfare 402

Influence on tribal development 402

Wai^'waxube 404

Authorization of a war party 405

Organization of a war j)arty 408

Dress of warriors 409

22 CONTENTS

Warfare — ("ontinned

Inlluence on trilml developiiient — Continued Page

SacTed War Pack and content-; 411

Departure ceremonies i if an aggressive war party 415

The we'to" waa" 4l'1

Sending out .scouts _ 42;i

Departui'e of a defensive war jiarty 4L'(i

Return of a war party 4.il

The Wate'gictu 4:i4

Graded war honors 437

War honor decorations 438

Tlie Ponca ceremony of conferring war honors _ 430

' ' The Crow " 441

The feather war bonnet 446

Weapons 448

Contents of the Tent of ^\'ar 452

The Sacred Shell 454

The Cedar Pole 457

Societies 459

Social societies 459

The Hethu'shka _ 459

The Pu'gthn" 481

The Ki'kunethe 485

TheT'e ga'xe 486

The Mo"wa'dathi'' and the Toka'lo 486

Secret societies 480

The Mo"chu' ithaethe 486

TheTe' ithaethe - 487

The Wano"'xe ithaethe 489

The I°gtlui"' ithaethe 490

The Ho°'hewachi 493

The one hundred \vathi"'ethe 495

The Watha'wa (Feast of the Cuunti 497

The Feast of the Ho"'hewachi 500

The tattooing 503

The Washis'ka athin ( Shell society ) 509

Origin ; 509

Organization 516

Regular meetings 520

Ceremonies on the death of a mendier 553

^fagic ceremony for punishing offenders 554

The r"kugthi athi° (Pebble society ) 565

Opening ritual 568

Ritual for sweat lodge, Xo. 1 571

Ritual for sweat lodge, No. 2 574

Ritual for sweat lodge, No. M 575

XII

Disease and its trcalmcnt .582

Some curative ] plants .■),'<4

XIII

Death and burial customs 588

CONTENTS 23

XIV

I'age

Keli^inii and ethics f^^S

The keeper 595

AVe'warpe S*'

Wako"'da 597

Interrelation of men anil animals 599

Veneration for the Ancients fiOl

Position of chiefs - - 601

Totems - - 602

Magic 602

Warfare and ethics - 602

Terms for good traits and conduct 603

Terms tor bad traits and conduct 604

Proverbs 604

Language 605

XVI

Conclusions 608

Appendix: Recent history of the Omaha tribe 611

Contact with the white race 611

Early traders 612

Introduction of metal implements 613

Decline of old avocations and the effect on tlie ppojile 614

Changes in ornaments and decoration-. 615

Introduction of cloth. 616

Introduction of guns 617

Introduction of money; pelt values 617

Introduction of intoxicants 618

Drunkenness and its punishment 618

Government control of traders 619

Introduction of new foods, games, and diseases 620

Introduction of new words 620

Treaties with the United States 622

Work of missionaries 625

The Mission 627

Xew reservation and agency 629

Agency buildings 630

Pressure of traders on tribal affairs 630

Joseph La Flesche 631

" The village of the ' make-believe ' wliite men " 633

Survey of the reservation 634

Extermination of the buffalo 634

Establishment of " the Council " 635

The Ponca tragedy '135

Appeal for land patents 636

Present condition 641

Original owners of allotments on Omaha reservation.. 643

ILLUSTRATIONS

Pago

Plate 1. Francis La Flesche 30

2. Standing Buffalo 49

3. White Eagle (Xitha'(;ka} 49

4. We'ga(;api 50

5. Standing Bear 51

6. Smoke-maker (Shu'degaxe) 52

7. Gahi'ge. 52

8. Black Crow (Kaxe'^abe) 54

9. Big Goose 55

10. Buffalo Chip 55

11. BigSnake 56

12. Osage chief 57

13. Osage Chief 57

14. Washi°'ha (Osage) __ 58

15. Black Dog and other Osage chiefs. 62

16. Kansa chief. 66

17. Tipis 71

18. Bark houses 74

19. Earth lodge. 75

20. Blackbird hilLs, Nebraska 83

21. Country known to the Omaha (map)_ 88

22. Earth .lodge — framework and structure _ 97

23. Pait of Omaha village (about 1860). 99

24. Nuga'xti 145

25. l°shta'thabi, the last ualho"'. 147

26. Mi'gthito''i'» and grandchild 153

27. Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo Hide 155

28. Hu'petha 103

29. Wa'thishnade ( Waje'pa) 168

30. ^Mu'xano^zhi" 170

31. Gahi'zhi"ga (Little Chief). 17(1

32. Sho-^geryka (White Horse) 173

33. To-^'wo^gaxczhi^ga ( Little Village Jilaker) 173

34. AVaho^'tlii-ge 1 76

35. Uho^'geno'V-hi" 184

36. An old Oniuha chief L'04

37. Gthedo"'nn"zhi" (Standing Hawk) and wife L'U4

37a. Tattooed Osage- 219

38. The Sacred Pole 224

39. I'shibazhi 280

40. Arrow release 282

41. The Wliite Buffalo Hide 284

42. An elderly beau. 325

43. Pe'degahi and wife 337

44. Domestic scene 340

45. Costume and adornment of woman 347

ILLUSTRATIONS 25

Page

Plate 46. Costume and adornment of man 347

47. Bead necklaces 348

48. Crupper for horse used by woman 353

49. Costume and adornment of man . . 354

50. Costume and adornment of man 354

51 . Moccasins worn by men and women 356

52. The language of the robe 360

53. The language of the robe 361

54. Wolfskin war robe worn by Zlii"ga'gahige 409

55. War honor decorations 441

56. Ponca chief 442

57. Ponca chief 446

58. The Sacred Shell 4.56

59. "The Four children," Shell society 516

60. Members of the Shell .society 519

61. Members of the Shell society 519

62. Members of the Shell society 519

63. Members of the Shell society 519

64. Memljers of the Shell society 519

65. Title map, Omaha reservation, Thurston county, Nebraska 643

Figure 1. Skin boat or "bull-boat" 37

2. Diagram of Ponca Im'lhuijd 42

3. Cut of hair, Waca'be gens (Ponca) 42

4. Cut of hair, Tlii'xida gens ( Ponca) 43

5. Cut of hair, Ni'kapashna gens ( Ponca) 44

6. Cut of hair, Poi^caxti gens (Ponca) 45

7. Cut of hair, Washa'be gens ( Ponca ) 45

8. Cut of hair, Wazha'zhe gens (Ponca) 46

9. Diagram of Osage hu'thuga — usual order 58

10. Diagram of Osage ha'thurja — hunting order 58

11. Diagram of Osage ha'thurja — sacred order 58

12. Kansa chief 66

13. Quapaw man 67

14. Quapaw woman . 68

15. Big Elk 83

16. Tipi 96

17. Common form of cache 98

18. Logan Fontenelle 101

19. Family group 139

20. Diagram of C):uaha Iia'thni/ii. (tribal circle) 141

21. Wand used in ceremony when first thunder was heard in the

spring 143

22. Mo'^hi"thi''ge, last keeper of the Tent of War, and his daughter. . 1 44

23. (^at of hair, We'zhinshte gens 144

24. Cut of hair, Nini'bato" subgens 148

25. Cut of hair, Ho^ga gens 149

26. Du'bamo-thi" 151

27. AVasha'be 155

28. Cut of hair, Ho°'ga gens 155

29. Mo°xe'wathe 15S

30. Cut of hair, Wa(;a'be subgens 160

31. Cut of hair, Wazhi"'ga ita/.hi subgens 161

32. Cut of hair, Ke'i° suljgens 161

33. Cut of hair, Te'pa itazhi subgens 162

2G ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

Fkh'kk :!4. ('ha'oathi°<.'e 167

35. Cut of hair, Ko"'(;c trons Kig

36. Cut of hair, Mo"'tlii"kat;axe gen.s 17l'

37. Cut of hair, Te5i°'ile freni^ 17.)

38. Cut of hair, Tapa' gens 1 78

39. (,'i"'dexo".\o'' ( Mike'nitha) 1 SO

40. Hetlii'lvuwi''xe (,son of ShC'set/abe ) ] ,S2

41. Cut of hair, Pgthe'zhiile gens ]S4

42. Cut of hair, I".<3hta'(,'u"cia gens ]8S

43. Teu'ko"ha ],S9

44. \Vano°'lvUge I'.VJ

45. Diagram of ball game 197

46. Kase'no"ba, who freijuently served as a " soldier "' I'lO

47. Rattlesnake heads and fangs 214

4S. Tattooed design, ' ' mark i if honor ' ' (O.^sage ) 220

49. Joseph La Flesehe 222

■>•);

:i.i

50. Mo°chu''nn''be ( Shu'<ienai,'i )

51. A section of the Sacred Pole showing incrustatinn from ancient

anointings 225

52. Pack 1 lelonging to Sacred Pole 226

53. Pipe belonging to Sacred Pole 227

54. Pipe-cleaner 227

55. Divining arrows 228

56. Brush used in painting Sacred Pole 228

57. Ancient Cedar Pole 229

58. Communal ceremonial structure ( native drawing) 232

59. I'zhi^'eti 234

60. Wako^'mo-thi" 250

61. Wako°'mo°thi"'s house 2.")0

62. Ile'dewachi pole (native drawing) 2.54

63. Painting on warrior's face 256

64. Pipe belonging to White Buffalo Hide 285

65. Playing on the flute 318

66. Omaha mother and child 328

67. Sitting posture of women 330

68. Bowl made from walnut Imrr 339

69. Burden strap 340

70. Implements for dressing skins .343

71. Sera) ling a skin 344

72. Hairbrushes 348

73. Costumes of young men 349

74. Man's nei-klace :!.i0

75. Man's garters .'i51

76. Mounted warriors 352

77. Painting a tent cover 353

78. Paint brush 353

79. ( )rnamentation of chiefs' leggings 354

80. Shirt 355

81. Woman's costume 356

82. Language of the robe— .\nger 361

83. (iroup of ( )maha lioy s 365

84. Implements used in game of fia'qi«:}iii)ir ,')(i7

85. Flute or flageolet 372

ILLUSTHATIONS 27

Page

FiiiiKE 86. Deer-hiicif rattle (native drawing) 372

87. Objects used in Wa'wa" ceremony 377

88. Pipe bearers and pipes in Wa'wa" ceremony 385

89. Hu°'ga painting ' 397

90. Sacred War Pack (unopened ) 411

91. Sacred War Pack (opened to show contents) 412

92. Flag found in Sacred War Pack 412

93. Objects from Sacred War I'ack 4! 3

94. Swallowtail kite from Sacred War Pack_ 413

95. Wolf skin and other objects from Sacred War Pack 414

9(3. Eagle feather in bone socket, from Sacred War Pack 414

97. Pipes from Sacred War Pack 415

98. Deer-tail headdress.. 438

99. War club (native ilrawing) 449

100. Quiver 450

101. Mo"'hi"thi''ge - 453

102. Bag containing Sacreil Shell 454

103. Bag opened to show Sacred Shell 455

104. Sacred Shell and contents 45G

105. Tattooed design — "mark of honor" 505

106. Design tattooed on hand of Ponca girl (native drawing) 507

107. Mythic animal in legend of Shell society (native drawing) 515

108. Diagram illustrating meeting of Shell society 517

109. Moccasin design belonging to " I'ldest son's" regalia, Shell society

(native drawing) 519

110. Otter-skin bag, Shell society 520

111. Diagram showing positions of oflicers and of ceremonial articles

at meeting of Shell society. 521

112. Diagram showing arrangement and four ceremonial movements

of officers at meeting of Shell society 526

113. Pack belonging to a lodge of the Shell snciety 554

114. Largest bag in pack ( lig. 113) 555

115. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 556

116. Bag found in pack (tig. 113) .556

117. Objects found in bag (lig. 116). 557

lis. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 558

119. Contents of bags (flgs. 118, 120) 559

120. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 560

121. Bag found in pack (fig. 113) 560

122. Tobacco bag and figure found in jiack (fig. 113) 561

123. Diagram illustrating arrangement of Shell society at secret meet-

ing for j)unishnieiit of an offender .562

124. Diagram illustrating final ceremony of secret meeting of Shell

society 563

125. Waki'dezhi-ga ^ 567

126. Graded school at Walthill, Nebraska 625

127. The old "Mission," now fallen to decay 627

128. An Omaha girl, a "Mission" scholar 628

129. The Omaha church 629

130. A modern Indian home, not far from the aite of the old

' ' Mission " 639

131. An Omaha farmer's home 640

132. A well-to-do Omaha farmer and his family 641

PHONETIC GUIDE

All vowels have the continental values.

Superior n (") gives a nasal modification to the vowel immediately
preceding.

X represents the rough sound of h in the German hocli.

ih has the sound of th in the.

p has the sound of th in thin.

Every syllable ends in a vowel or in nasal n (").

FOREWORD

The following account of the Omaha tribe embodies the results
of personal studies made wliile living among the peojjle and i-e vised
from information gained through more or less constant intercourse
throughout the last twenty-nine years. During this period the
writer has received help and encouragement from the judicious criti-
cisms of Prof. Frederic Ward Putnam, liead of the Department of
Anthropology of Harvard l^niversity, and the completion of the task
undertaken has been made possible by means of the Thaw Fellow-
ship. Objects once held in reverence by the Omaha tribe have been
secured and deposited in the Peabody Museum for safc-keej^ing.
Professor Putnam, curator of that institution, has j^ermittetl the free
use of the Omaha material collected under its aus]>ices and preserved
there, for reproduction m the present volume.

At the time the writer went to live among the Omaha, to study
their life and thought, the tribe had recently been forced to abandon
hunting, o\ving to the sudden extmction of the buffalo herds. The
old life, however, was almost as of yesterday, and remauied a com-
mon memory among all the men and women. Many of the ancient
customs were practised and much of the al)original life still Imgered.

Contact with the wliite race was increasing daily and beguming to
press on the people. The environ.ment was changing rajndly, and the
changes brought confusion of mind to the old people as well as to
many in mature life. The beliefs of the fathers no longer apj^hed to
the conditions wliich confronted the people. All that they formerly
had relied on as stable had been swept away. The buifalo, which they
had beeii taught was given them as an mexhaustible food supply,
had been destroyed by agencies new and strange. Even the wild
grasses that had covered the prairies were changuig. By the force
of a power he could not understand, the Omaha found liimseLf re-
stricted in all his native pursuits. Great unrest and anxiety had
come to the people through the Government's dealmgs with their
kurdred, the Ponca tribe, and fear haunted every Omaha fireside lest
they, too, be driven from their homes and the graves of their fathers.
The future was a dread to old and young. How ])itiful was the
trouble of imnd everj'where manifest m the tribe can hardly be pic-
tured, nor can the relief that came to the people when, in 1882,
their lands were assured to them by act of Congress.

30 FOREWORD

Tlio story ol' tlioir relations with tiie Cioveriiineiit, of coiitiict witli
tiie wliito race, of tiu" o\'crtlii-ow of their ancient institutions, and of
tiio Una! socnrin<j of tJicir lionics in indivithnil lioklin<;8 on tlieir tril)al
h-uuls, is briefly told in an appendix to this volume. To-day, towns
with electric lights dot the ])rairies where the writer used to camp
amid a sea of waving grass and flowers. Railroads cross and recross
the gullied paths left by the departed game, and the plow has oblit-
erated the broad westward trail along the ridge over wliich tlie tribe
moved when starting out on the aiuuial IjufTalo hunt. The past is
overlaid by a thriving present. The old Omaha men and women
sleep peacefully on the Iiills while their grandchildren farm beside
their white neighbors, send their children to school, speak English,
and keep bank accoimts.

When these studies were begun nothing laid been i)ul)lisiied (ui the
Omaha tribe except short accounts by passing travelers or the com-
ments of government officials. None of these writers had sought to
penetrate below the external aspects of Indian life in searcli of the
ideals or beliefs wliich animated the acts of the natives. In the
account here offered notJiing has been borrowed from other observers;
only original material gathered tlirectly from the native jx'ople has
been used, and the writer has striven to make so far as i)ossible the
Omaha las own interpreter.

The following presentation of the customs, ceremonies, and beliefs
of the Omaha is a joint work. For more than twenty-live years tJic
writer luis had as collaborator Mr. Francis La Flesche (})1. ] ), the son
of Joseph La Flesche, former piinci|)al chief of tlie tribe. In his boy-
hood Mr. La Flesche enjoyed the o|)])ortunity of witnessing some of
the ceremonies iierein described. Later tliese were exphiined to him
by his father and by the old men who were the keepers of these ancient
rites and rituals. Po.sse.ssed of a good memory ami having had
awakened in his nimd the desire to preserve in written form the his-
tory of his people as it was known to them, their music, the poetry of
their rituals, and the meaning of their social anil religious ceremonies.
Mr. La Flesche early in his career determined to perfect himself in
English and to gather the rapidly vanishing lore of the tribe, in
order to carry out his cherished ])urpose.

This joint work embodies the results of unusual o))port unities to get
close to the thoughts that underlie the ceremonies and customs of the
Omaha tribe, and to give a fauly truthful picture of the people as they
were during the early ])art of the last century, when most of the men
on whose information this work is based were active participants in
the life here described — a life that has passed away, as have those
who shared in it and made its history possible.

Mr. Eilwin S. Tracy has given valuable assistance in transcribing
some of the songs, ])articularly those of the Shell society. Se\eral of

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 1

FRANCIS LA FLESCHE

FOKEWOKD 31

tlie Hionfjs presented were transcrihed and arrannjed for translation on
tlie ])iuno l)y tlie late Prof, .lolm Comfort Fillmore, who for several
years had carefully studied the music of the Omaha.

To enumerate all the Onialia men and women who have contributed
of their knowledy;e and memory toward the making of tlus volume
would be to catalogue the best part of the tribe. Unfortunately, but
very few are now living to see the outcome of the assistance tliev ren-
dered duruig the gathering of the material herein preserved for their
descendants. A. C. F.

THE OMAHA TRIBE

By Alice C. Fletcher and Francis La Flesche

LOCATION; LINGUISTIC KELATIONSHIPS

The people of the Omaha tribe live in the State of Nebraska, in
Burt, Cuniinsi, and Thurston counties, about 80 miles north of the
city which bears their name.

The Omaha tribe has never been at war with the United States and
is the only trilie now livmg in the State of Nebraska that was there
when the white settlers entered the countrj'.

In 1SS2 Congress passed an act under which every Omaha man,
woman, and child received a certam number of acres of the land
which the tribe selected as their reservation in 1854, when they ceded
to the United States their extensive huntmg grounds. The Omaha
are dependent for their hvelihood on their own exertions as farmers,
mechanics, merchants, etc. : by the act of 1882, they were placed under
the laws, civil and crimmal, of the State of Nebraska. Their ancient
tribal organization has ceased to exist, o^\'ing to changed cnvu'on-
ment, the extinction of the buffalo, and the immediate ]jresence of the
white man's civilization. Nothing remains intact of the ancient cus-
toms except the practice of exogamy between the kinship groups
and the people still give their children names that belong to the
gentes into which the children are born. A few of the societies exist
but their influence is on the wane, although they are enjoyed because
of their social character and the pleasure derived from their songs
and dramatic dances, which revive the memory of the days when the
Omaha were a distinct and independent people.

In June, 1884, the Omaha tribe numbered 1,179. In that month
the allotment of lands to members of the tribe was completed. The
people were divided as follows:

Males. Females.

Adults 305 338

Under 18 years 259 277

Total 564 615

Excess of females over males, 51. Of these, 33 were adults and 18
were minors.

Number of families, 246.

Families having no children, 41.
83993°— 27 eth— 11— 3 33

THE OMAHA TKIBE [eto. ANN. 27

Owing to the unwillingness of the people to speak of the dead, it
was impracticable to attempt to get the' exact number of children
that had been born.

Tlie following summary shows the proport ion of the sexes at differ-
ent stages of life:

Males. Females,

Under 3 years 87 82

Between 3 and 7 years 69 82

Between 7 and 17 years 103 113

Between 17 and 40 years 192 232

Between 40 and 55 years 72 55

Over 55 years 41 51

The marked disproportion between the sexes of ages between 1,7
and 40 years may be due to the fact that during this stage of life all
the men were exposed to the hazards of hunting and of war. As
these avocations of the men did not cease until 1S76, eight years before
this census was taken, the influence of these duties on the length of
life of the men is probablj^ showni in the above table.

Formally centuries before they became knowTi to the wliite race
through early travelers, traders, and colonists, the aboriginal peoples
of North America north of ^lexico had been passing and repassing one
another from east to west or west to east, and from north to south or
from south to north." Many traces of these ancient movements had
been overlaid by movements the outcome of which is shown by the
map, and it is the task of the archeologist to disclose them and read
their history. That the sj'stem of inland waterways ami the exten-
sive coast lines on two oceans have favored the spread of the culture
of one region to another seems not improbable, viewed in the light of
recent researches, whOe the accumulating evidence showing attrition
between the various stocks indicated on the map in time will permit
of generalizations touching the cultural development of the native
peoples of this continent.

The Omaha tribe belongs to the Siouan linguistic stock. The map
referred to represents the majority of this stock as having already
moved westward beyond the Mississippi while some branches had
advanced nearly to the eastern foothills of the Rocky mountains and
north to the fiftj^-third parallel. There were also a few outlying Siouan
communities — those wlio may have laggetl behind — for example, the
group dwelling on the eastern slope of the Appalachian mountams
and spreading down toward the coastal plains of the Atlantic, and a
group on the northern coast of the Gulf of ilexico that seem to have
been cut off from that portion of their kindred who had pressed to the
southwest. The story told by the map both explains anil is explained

a Consult the Map of the Linguistic Fiimilics of American Indians north of Mexico (in the Seccuth An-
nunl Report and in Bulletin SO, part 1, of the Hurouu of American Ethnolo.cy^ which sliows ajiproxi-
mately the territories occupied by tha several linguistic stocks whca they became known to the whites.

FLETCiiER-i.A Fi.K.s.iiB] T.OCATTON ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 35

by the traditions of many of the tribes belonginj^ to this hnguistic
stock. Ail of tliese traditions speak of a movement from the east to
the west, covering a lonii; period of time. The primordial habitat of
this stock lies hidden in the mystery that still enshrouds the beginnings
of the ancient American race; it seems to have been situated, liow-
ever, among the Appalachian mountains, and all their legends indi-
cate that the people had knowledge of a large body of water in the
vicinity of their early home. This water may have been the Atlantic
ocean, for, as shown on the map, remnants of Siouan tribes survived
near the mountains in the regions of Virginia, North Carolina, and
South Carolina until after the coming of the white race.

In the extended westward migration of the Siouan stock groups
seem to have broken off, some earlier than others, and to have made
their way into localities where certain habits incident to their environ-
ment appear to have become fixed on them, and contact with other
stocks during the migration to have influenced their culture. A
group which kept together until within the last few hundred years
seems to have been composed of the five closely cognate tribes now
known as the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw. Their
languages as yet have hardly differentiated into distinct dialects.
There are other groups of the Siouan stock which, from the evidence
of their language, were probably similarly associated tribes. Some
of these groups seem to have developed individual j)eculiarities of
language which prevented them from coalescing with their kindred
when in the course of wanderings they met. An instance in point is
the meeting and journeying together of the Iowa and the Omaha
without establisliing tribal imion. Although they belonged to the
same linguistic stock, the Iowa tongue was practically unintelligible
to the Omaha. The final parting of these tribes took place within
the last two centuries.

The five cognate tribes, of which the Omaha is one, bear a strong
resemblance to one another, not only in language but in tribal
organization and religious rites. This account of the Omaha tribe
with incorporated notes taken among their close cognates is pre-
sented in order to facilitate a comparative study not only of these
tribes but of others of the Siouan stock, in the hope of thereby
helj)ing to solve some of the pi'oblems presented by this extensive
Unguistic group.

Tribal Concept; the Name Omaha

TJhi'te, the word for tribe, has a double import: As a verb, it means
"to fight;" as a noun, it signifies "tribe." It seems probable that
the noun has been derived from the verb; at least it throws light
on the Omaha concept of what was an essential to the formation of
a tribe. The verbal form signifies "to fight" against external foes.

36 THE OMAHA TRTBE [eth. ANN. 27

to take part in conflicts in wliich honor and fame can bo won.
Those who thus fought had to stand as one body against their assail-
ants. The terra uki'te is never apphed to quari'els among members
of the tribe in which fists and missiles are used; the words niu'^' ,
nage' , Tci'na are used to designate such contentions, from which the
winner receives no renown. Uli'te alone in the Omaha tongue means
"to fight" as men against men. The wamors of a tribe were the
only bulwark against outside attacks; they had to be ever ready
"to fight" (jiki'te), to defend with their lives and safeguard by their
valor those dependent on them. The word nki'te, as " tribe," explains
the common obligation felt by the Omaha to defend, as a unit, the
community, tlie tribe.

The descriptive name Omaha (um.o^'Jio'", "against the current"
or "upstream") had been fixed on the people prior to 1541. In
that year De Soto's party met the Quapaw tribe; quapaw, or
uga'xpa, means "with the current" or "downstream," and is the
complement of umo^'ho^, or OmaJia. Both names are said by the
tribes to refer to their parting company, the one going up and the
other going down the river.

There are two versions of how this parting came about. One
account says that —

The people were moving down the Uha'i ke river. " TOien they came to a wide
river they made skin boats (see fig. 1) in which to cross the river. As they were cross-
ing, a storm came up. The Omaha and Iowa got safely across, but the Quapaw drifted
down the stream and were never seen again until within the last century. AMien the
Iowa made their landing they camped in a sandy place. The strong wind blew
the sand over the people and gave them a grayish a[3pearance. From this circum-
stance they called themselves Pa'.iurff, "gray head," and the Omaha have known
them by that name ever since. The Iowa accompanied the Omaha up the Mis-
sissippi to a stream spoken of as " Raccoon river" — probably the Des Moines, and
the people followed this river to its headwaters, which brought them into the region
of the Pipestone quarry.

The other version of the parting between the Omaha and the
Quapaw is that —

When the wide river was reached the people made a rope of grape vines. They
fastened one end on the eastern bank and the other end was taken by strong swim-
mers and carried across the river and fastened to the western bank. The people
crossed the river by clinging to the grapevine. When about half their number were
across, including the Iowa and Omaha, the rope broke, leaving the rest of the people
behind. Those who were left were the Quapaw. This crossing was made on a foggy
morning, and those left behind, believing that their companions who had crossed
had followed the river downward on the western side, themselves turned down-
stream on the eastern side, and so the two groups lost sight of eachiother.

If an Omaha were accosted by a stranger and asked to what tribe
he belonged, or were the same question to be asked him in the dark,
when recognition was impossible, he would reply, Uixo^'ho" bthi" ha,
"I am an Omaha." Should he be asked "Who are you? " he would say:

a Uha'i ke, " the river down which they came;" the uame is still applied by the Omaha to the Ohio

FLETCHER-LA FLEsrHU] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

''I am [giving his name] the son or the nephew of So-and-so," men-
tioning the name.

If a group of Omaha should be asked to what tribe they belonged,
they would reply, "We are Omaha." If they were asked, "Who
are you?" the one making answer would say, "I am the son or
nephew of So-and-so, and these are the sons of So-and-so."

If yoimg men were jilaying a game in which there were two parties
or sides, as in ball, and one of the players should be asked, "To which
side do you belong?" he would say, The'giha hthi^hn, "1 belong to this

Fig. 1. Skin boat or " buH-hoat."

side or party." The'giha means "on this side," and the word can
be used only as a designation of a side or party in a game. It has
no tribal significance whatever, nor has it ever been used to indicate
the Omaha people or their place of abode.

The Five Cognate Tribes — Evidence of Former Unity

Traditions common to the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and
Quapaw tribes state that thej- were once one people. Their lan-
guage bears witness to the truth of this tradition and the similarity

38 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

of tlu'ir tribal ort^janization ofTers equally strong testimony. It would
seem that the parent organization had so impressed itself upon the
mode of life and thought of the people that when groups branched
off and organized themselves as distinct tribes they preserved the
familiar characteristic features; for all of these cognate tribes
have certain features in common. All are divided into kinship
groups which practise exogamy and trace descent through the father
only. Each group or gens has its own name and a set of personal
names, one of which is bestowed on each child born within the gens.
These personal names refer either to the symbol which belongs to
and marks the kinship group or to the rites allied to the symbol,
which were the especial charge of the gens.

According to traditions preserved among the Omaha, Ponca,
Osage, Kansa, and Qiiapaw tribes, their severance from the parent
organization of which they once formed a part, as well as their
later partings from one another, did not occur through any concerted
action; they were the result of accident, as in the case already cited
of the Omaha and the Quapaw, or of strifes fomented by ambitious
chiefs, or of circumstances incident to following the game. A tradi-
tion of the Wazha'zhe or Osage tells that they broke away from the
Ponca because of a quarrel over game. The Wazha'zhe gens
of the Ponca have a like story, which says "The partmg was due
to a quarrel about game. Those who left us became lost but we
hear of them now as a large tribe bearing our name, Wazha'zhe."

Tradition indicates also that when, for some reason or other, a
group broke off, not all of the members belonged to one gens but
to several gentes of the parent organization, and when this group
organized as a distinct tribe, those of gentile kmdred retained their
identity in name and the practice of a common rite, ami formed
a gens in the new tribe. These traditions are corroborated by con-
ditions which obtain in all of these cognate tribes.

For instance, among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw a
turtle group is found as a subgens in each tribe, and in each instance
its members are the kcepere of the turtle rites of the tribe.

Agam, among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw the Kansa,
or Wind people, form a gens in each tribe, and m each of the tribes
are the keepers of rites pertaining to tlie wind.

Among the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, ami Quapaw tribes tliere is in
each a gens similar to the Mo°'thi''kagaxe ("earth makers").

A Nu'xe, or Ice gens, is found in the Ponca tribe, and the name
is borne also by a subgens in each the Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw
tribes.

There is a tradition that the Ponca were once a gens in the Omaha
tribe and broke awav in a bodv, and that when thev became a tribe

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 39

the subdivisions of the Ponca gens became the gentes of the Ponca
tribe. This may possibly be true. It would seem, however, that
in earlier days some, at least, of the Ponca had accompanied the
Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw groups when they separated from the
parent organization, and when these groups became distinct tribes
the Ponca kindred appear to have combmed to form a Ponca gens,
for we find a gens of that name in each of the cognate tribes just
mentioned.

Another class of evidence which has relation to the former union of
these tribes is found in personal names, some of which refer to cere-
monies no longer observed m the tiibe in whicli the names exist but
still practised in some of the cognate tribes — a fact which indicates
apparent^ that the rite was once known and observed by the tribe
in which the personal name is now found. For instance, in the
Washe'to° subgens of the I^shta'^u^da gens of the Omaha tribe is
the name Ushu'demo°thi°, meaning "he who walks in the mist" or
"ill the dust raised by the wind." This name has no significance
taken merely as an Omaha name, but its meaning becomes apparent
when we turn to the cognate Osage. In that tribe there is a gens
called Mo°so'tsemo°i°, meaning "they who walk concealed by the
mist or dust." The word refers to a rite in the keeping of this gens,
a rite that pertained to war. When a war party was about to make
an attack or was forced to retreat, it was the office of tliis gens to
perform the rite, which had the effect of causing a mist to rise or a
strong wind to blow up a cloud of dust in wliich the warriors could
walk concealed from their enemies. Again, the Omaha personal
name Uzu'gaxe, meanmg"to clear the pathway," finds its explana-
tion in the office of the Osage gens of the same name, whose duty it
was to find a way across or around any natural obstacle that lay
in the path of a war party, as a safe place to ford a dangerous river
or a pathway over or around a clifl^.

Instances similar to those oited above could be multiplied, all
going to show that rites and customs lost in one tribg have frequently
been preserved in another of these cognates. It is probable that
were all the rites and customs of these tribes brought together and a
comparative studj^ made of them, much of the ancestral organiza-
tion from which these cognates took their rise might be discovered
and light throwai on the question, Wliy certain forms, rehgious and
secular, were lost and others retained and developed; also, as to
which of these were original with the people, which were adopted,
and of the latter from what culture they were taken.

In all the traditions that touch on the common source from which
these cognates have come no reference to the name of the parent
or common organization is to be foimd. Ponca, Kansa, Wazha'zhe

40 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. Ann. 27

(Osage) are old terms the jiieiuiiiigs of which are lost; these occur
as names of gentes in the cognate tribes, and tlu'ee of the five cog-
nates bear them as tribal names. It is to be noted that the descrip-
tive nar es Omaha and Quapaw do not appear in any of these
tribes as terms denoting kinship groups. Among the names used
to denominate kinsliip groups we find one occurring frequently and
always used to designate a group that holds important offices in
the tribe. The same term also appears in the designation of tribal
divisions which are more comprehensive than the gens. This name is
Ilo^'ga, meaning "leader." In the Kahsa tribe there are gentes called
the Great Ho^'ga, the Small Ho°'ga, and the Separate Ilo^'ga. In
the Quapaw are two gentes having this name, the Great antl the Small
Ho°'ga. In the Omaha the term is applied to one of the two grand
divisions of the tribe, the Ho°'gashenu,IIo°'ga people, and one of the
gentes in this division bears the name Ho^'ga. In the Osage, one of
the five divisions of the tribe is called Ho°'ga. Witliin this division
there is also a Ho°'ga gens. Another of the divisions of the Osage is
called Ho^'ga iitanatsi, Separate Ho°'ga. The followmg Osage tra-
dition tells who the IIo°'ga utanatsi were and how they came to be a
part of the Osage organization:

The Osago in their wanderings on the hunt came across a tribe whose language was
the same as their own. This strange people called themselves Ilo^'ga. The Osage
made peace with them and invited them to join and become a part of the Osage tribe.
The Ilo^'ga tribe consented, and it is their descendants who are known to-day as the
Ho"'ga utanatsi.

The term IIo°'ga utanatsi may be rouglily translated as " the
Separate Ho^'ga," but the words utaim tsi imply something more than
merely "separate;" they explain why this group had to be so desig-
nated. The strange IIo°'ga whom the Osage met and invited to become
a part of their tribe would not give up their own name Ho^'ga, and as
the Osage were themselves called Ho^'ga people, explanatory" words
had to be added to tlie name Ho"'ga in order to identify and at the
same time to distinguish the newcomers from the rest of the tribe.
These explanatory words were utana Ui, by itself ("separate "). Hence
the group in the Osage tribe called Ilo^'ga utanatsi.

The name of the Ho'^'ga utanatsi gens of the Kansa tribe has the
same meaning, and indicates that the Kansa people, as did the Osage,
claimed Ilo^'ga as their common name.

There is a tradition preserved among the Ponca that in the past
they and the other cognate tribes knew the Omaha by the name
Ho°'ga. An incident is relateil that explains the meaning of a name
given to a small stream in northern Nebraska, Ho°'ga she'no°watha-
i ke (or IIo°'gawa'xthi i ko), "where the IIo"'ga were slaughtered."
On this creek a battle is said to have taken place in which the Omaha

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 41

met with a disastrous defeat from an unknown enemy, which deci-
mated the tribe. The tradition conceriaing the name of this stream
is known to both Omaha and Ponca, and in both tribes the tradition
is that the name Ho°'ga, as here used, referred to the Omaha. The
Omaha name for the month of January was Ho°'ga umu'bthi, mean-
ing " the driftuig of the snow into the lodges of the Ho°'ga," that is,
of the tribe.

From these traditions and the use of the term Ho^'ga as appHed
to divisions and gentes in the Omaha, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw
tribes, together with the fact that these tribes either claimed for them-
selves tills name or were known to one another by it, it seems not
improbable that Ho"'ga may have been the name by which the
people called themselves when they were living together as one com-
munity or tribe. The general meaning of Ho"'ga ("leader") is not
unlike that belonging to names by wliich other Indian tribes designate
themselves, i. e., "the men," "the people," etc. The term Ho°'ga is
sometiines combined with another word to form the title of an officer,
as Nudo° Ho"'ga, "war leader" or "captain."

The following data concerning the gentes, personal names, and other
features of the Omaha cognate tribes are taken from original notes
made by the writers.

THE PONCA TRIBE"

Po^'ca is an old word, tlie meaning of wliich is lost. It occurs as
the name of a gens or subtUvision of a gens in the Osage, Kansa, and
Quapaw tribes, but not in the Omaha, a fact wliich may have sig-
nificance because of the tracUtion that the Ponca constituted a gens
of the Omaha before the separation of the tribes. As the Omaha
retained at the parting possession of the sacred tribal objects, their
rituals and ceremonies, the Ponca were everward after spoken of as
"Orphans."

There are seven gentes in the Ponca tribe, namely: Waca'be,
Thi'xida, Ni'kapashna, Po"'caxti,Waslia'be,Wazha'zhe, Nu'xe. These
camped in the order indicated in the diagram (fig. 2) , beginning on the
southern side of the eastern entrance of the tribal circle, to wliich

a The Ponca tribe is now divided. One part is living in northern Olilahoina on lands purchased by the
Government from the Cherokee in 1SS3, which were allotted in severalty to the tribe some ten years later.
The other part lives in northern Nebraslcaon the Niobrara river. Their land was given them in ISSl, and
some years later was allotted to them under the Severalty act. Already these two parts are spoken of by
different designations. Those in Oklalioma are "the hot-country Ponca;" those in Nebraska, "the cold-
country Ponca " ' Relations between the Ponca and the United States were olhcially opened by a treaty
made in 1817 "to reestablish peace and friendship as before the w-ar of 1812." In 182.5 another treaty was
made by which only American citizens were to be allowed to reside among the trilie as traders, and the
tribe agreed to delegate the punishment of offenders to the United States Government. In 1S58 the
Ponca ceded their hunting groimds to the United States, reserving, however, a certain tract for their
own use. In 18G5 the Government, by treaty, reconfirmed this tract. In 1877 the tribe was forcibly
removed to the then Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). See note, p. 51.

THE OMAHA TRIBE

(BTH. ANN. 27

the Poiica give the name Jm'ihuya, the word used by the Omaha
also to designate their tribal circle.

Rites and Custom.s of the Gentes

1. WAfA'BE GENH

To the Hi'^ada subgens of the Wa-
9a'be gens belonged the keeping of the
ritual songs sung at the ceremony held
when the first thimder was heard in
the spring. This subgens, whose tabu
was birds, was spoken of as the Eagle
group of the gens, and the people were
supposed to be connected with thun-
der. At death they went to the thun-
der villages, and their voices would be
heard in the thunder-storms. They
were forbidden to chmb trees, as by so
doing they would be going upward, thus
'xida; tabu, blood. (6) i"gtho°'(;i»?n(^ anticipating their deaths and therefore

reti (i^gthoT'tjinQnedc , puma; weti, to , . ,i • i- t ji i i

el! in): tabu, blue (or green) paint. 3. sliortenmg their lives. In the legend

(see p. 4S) the people of this gens were
said to wear wTeaths of cedar ; in all the
cognate tribes cedar was associated
with thunder rites (note the Ni'ka
wako^dagi of the Osage (p. 60) ; the
Cedar Pole of the Omaha (p. 229) ; the
association of the bear and the eagle in
the Tha' tada gens of the Omaha (p. 1 59) ;
also the connection of thunder with war
and of the eagle with war and thun-
der. The position of the Wa^a'be gens
in the Ponca tribal
circle was similar to
that of the We'zlu°shte gens in the Omaha tribal
circle, which was also associated with thunder.

It was a custom in the Ponca tribe for each gens
to have its peculiar manner of marking arrows, so
there should be no dispute in hunting as to the gens
to which a fatal arrow belonged. Tliis mark, how-
ever, did not exclude or interfere with a man's pri-
vate mark. The arrow of the Wa^a'be had the
shaft red about one-half the length of the feathers.

The symbolic cut of the children's hair consisted in closely crop-
ping one side of the head and leaving the other side untouched to the
neck (fig. 3.)

Fig. 2. Diagram of Ponca hu'lhuga.

1. Waqa'be. Blacli bear. Subgentes: (a)
Wa^a'be; tabu, fat of the black hear, (fi)
Ili'^ada (stretched, referring to the stretch
of the legs ia running); tabu, birds. 2.
Tm'xiDA. Meaning lost. Subgentes: (a)
Thi'
deweti
dwell

Ni'kapashna. a man's skull. Subgentes:
(a) Taha'ton itazhi (fa, deer; fta,skin;/on,
possess: iVas/if, do not touch): tabu, deer.
(6) Te<?iii'de itazhi (te, buffalo; (^i<t'dc,
tail; itazhi, do not touch): tabu, buffalo
tail. 4. Po°'CAXTi. Real or original Ponca.
Subgentes: (a) Po^'caxti; (6) Mo^ko"'
(mystery or medicine): one tabu, buffalo
head. 5. Washa'be. A dark object, as seen
against the horizon: tabu, skin of buf-
falo calf. 6. Wazha'zhe. An old term.
Subgentes: (a) Wazha'zhe (real Wa-
zha'zhe): name said to refer to the snake
afler shedding old skin and again in full
power. {h) Wazha'zhexude (gray Wa-
zha'zhe): refers to the grayish appearance of
the snake's cast-off skin: one tabu, snakes.
7. Nu'XE. Ice: tabu, male buffalo.

rio.3. Cut of hair,Wa-
Ca'be gens (Ponca).

FLETOiiBR-LA klesche] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

2. THI'XIDA GENS

It is said that the Pawnee call all the Ponca by tlie name Thi'xida.
To this o'cns belonged a pack used in testing the truth of warriors
when they were accorded war honors. Formerly there were two of
these packs, but one was buried some twenty years ago with its
keeper, To°'deamo"tlii". The other, near the close of the last cen-
turj^ was kept b}' Shu'degaxe. The ceremony of conferring honors
was similar to the Omaha Wate'gi(,'tu (p. 434). To this gens belonged
the right to preside at the election of chiefs.

The members of the subgens I°gtho°'ci"(;'nedeweti painteil the
peace pipe (that used in the Wa'wa" ceremony, p. 376) on one side
of their tents anil the puma on the other. The tabu, green or
blue paint, was used on these pipes. 7?!/ was tlie word for green;
du fobe, blue; fuhe means black; the words indicate that the two colors
were regarded as the same, one l>eing merely a tlarker shade than
the other. The skin of the puma was used to cover or wrap up these
pipes. The name of the sub-
division (meaning "to dwell
with the puma") refers to the
covering of the peace pipes;
these and the puma were rep-
resented in the tent decora-
tion and helped to interpret
the name of the subgens — ,
" those who dwell with the
covered pipes that give
peace." The arrow shafts of tliis gens were painted black where the
feathers were fastened, and the sinew was painted red to represent
the tabu of the gens, blood.

The symbohc cut of the child's hair consisted in leaving only a
roach running from the forehead to the nape of the neck. This
roach was trimmed by notching it like a saw. A small tuft of hair
was left on each side of the roach (fig. 4). This notched roach is
similar to the cut of hair of a buffalo gens in the Oto tribe (also of
the Siouan stock), and but for the notcliing is like that of a buffalo
gens of the Omaha. These resemblances suggest that the tabu of
the gens may refer to the blood of the slain buffalo.

The people of this gens were said to have the power to cure pain
in the head, in the following manner: The sufferer brought a bow
and arrow to the Thi'xida, who wet the arrow with saUva, set it
on the bow string, pointed it at the sick man's head four times,
then rubbed the head with the arrow, and so effected a cure of the
pain.

Fig. 4. Cut of hair, Thi'xida gens (Ponca).

44 THE OMAHA TRIBE [bth. axn. 27

3. ni'kapashna r.EKs

T\u\ name Ni'kapashna (''skull ") is said to refer to the exposure of
the bone bv the process of scalping. This gens had charge of the
war pipes and directed the council of war. To them belonged also
the supervision of all hunting of the deer.

When a member of the subdivision Taha'to" itazlii cUed, moccasins
made from the skin of the deer (wliich was tabu to the living) were
put on liis feet that he might not "lose his way," but go on safely
ami "be recognized by Ids own people" in the spirit world.

The symbohc cut of the child's hair consisted
in removing all the hair except a fringe around
the head, as shown in figure 5.

4. PO^'CAXTI GENS

The Po°'caxti {xti, "original," or "real")
camped in the rear part of the tribal circle, fac-
ing the opening. This gens and its subdivision,
Fig.:, { iitofhair.xi'ka- the Mo°ko°', had charge of the principal pipes,

poshnagensCPoma). ^^^^ ^j ^j^^j^ ^^^^ ^j^^ ^^^^,^ pjp^ ^^^^^ ^^.^^ ^^^^^j

for conjuring. In this gens was preserved the tradition of the
finding of the Omaha Sacred Pole ; it was a man of the Mo°ko°' sub-
gens who in the race was the first to reach the Pole (p. 218).

There were only two ceremonies during which the Ponca tribe was
required to camp in the order shown on the diagram, when, as it was
said, "the people must make the hu'tkuga complete." These cere-
monies were the Feast of Soldiers, which generally took place wliile
the tribe was on the buffalo hunt, and Turning the Cliild. At the
latter ceremony the lock was cut from the boy's head and a name
which belonged to its gens was given to the cliild. The Mo^ko"' subdi-
vision had the direction of both of these ceremonies. The ceremony
connected with the cliild took place in the spring. A tent was pitched
in front of the ^fo^ko"' subdivision and set toward the center of the
tribal circle, "made complete" for tliis ceremony. The tent was
dedicated — "made holy" — a stone placed in the center near the fire
and sweet grass laid on it. It was tlie duty of the mothers to bring
their children to the old man to whom belongetl the hereditary right
to perform the ceremony of Turning the Child. After the child had
entered tlie tent lie took it by the hand, led it to the center of the
tent, and stood it on the stone, facing the east ; then he hfted the child
by the shoulders, turned it to the south, and let its feet rest on the stone.
In the same manner he again hfted the child, turned it to the west,
and then rested its feet on the stone. Once more he Hf teil it, as before,
causing it to face the north, and set its feet on the stone; finally he
hfted it back, with its face to the east. " The Turning of the Child,"
the old informant said, "brought the cliild face to face with the life-

Fi.ETCHEB-LA flesche] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

I'iG. 11. t'lit of hLiir, I'o"'-
caxli gens (ronca).

giving winds of the four directions," wliile "the stone represented long
hfe." The child's babj^ name was then "tlirown away," and a name
from the gens to which its father belonged was publicly announced
and bestowed upon it. All children were "turned " but only boj's had
the lock of hair severed from the crown of the
head, the lock being laid away in a pack kept by
the old man who performed the rite. The boy
was then taken home and the father cut his hair
in the symbolic manner of his gens. (See Omaha
rite of Turning the Cliild, p. 117.)

(For an account of the Feast of the Soldier
and its ritual, see pp. 309-311.)

Tliis gens had duties also in connection with
the buffalo hunt.

The people of the lIo°ko°' subdivision painted their tents with
black and yellow bands.

The symbolic cut of the cliild's hair consisted in leaving onl}^ a
tuft on the forehead, one at the nape of the neck, and one on each
side of the head (fig. 6) .

5. \v.\sh.\'be gens

The name of this gens, Washa'be, was the same as the name of the
ceremonial staff used by the Omaha leader of the annual tribal buffalo
hunt, and also of that subdivision of the Omaha
Ho°'ga gens wliich had charge of the tent contain-
ing the White Buffalo Hide, of its ritual, and of that
of the maize (see p. 261). The Ponca gens, like the
Omaha Washa'be subdi'\'ision, had duties connected
with the tribal buffalo hunt, and was associated
with the Mo°ko"' subdivision of the Po^'caxti gens
in regulating the people at that time and appointing
officers to maintain order on the hunt. There were
no ceremonies in the Ponca tribe relative to the
planting or the care of maize. The Ponca are said
to have depended for food principally on hunting, and to have
obtained their maize more bj' barter than by cultivation.

The symbolic cut of the child's hair consisted in leaving only a
tuft on the forehead and one at the nape of the neck (fig. 7).

6. wazha'zhe gen.s

The name Osage is a corruption of the native term v:azha'zhe.
Whether or not in the tabu and customs of this gens the Ponca have
conserved sometliing of the early rites of the Wazha'zhe, or Osage,
people (rites connected with the snake) can be determined only by
more careful research than it has been possible for the writers to
make.

Fig. 7. Cut ni hjir. w
sha'be gens ( I'onca) .

THE OMAfrA TRIBE

[EXIT. VNN. 27

A nieinlior of this ^jcns must nut tducli or kill a snake, and care had
to bo exercised always to enter the tent by the door, otherwise snakes
would go in and do harm. Mothers in this gens were very particular
to impress on their children the importance of entering the tent by
the door anil little children were watched lest one should creep under
the tent cover and so bring harm to itself or the inmates.

A man harboring a grudge against a person could bring about the
punishment of that individual by droj)ping inside the offender's tent
a figure of a snake cut out of rawlude. Shortly afterward the man
would be bitten by a snake. A drawing made of the snake to be cut
out showed it to be a rattlesnake.

When any one in the tribe chanced to be bitten by a snake, he sent
at once for a member of the Wazha'zhe gens, who on arriving at the
tent fjuickljr dug a hole beside the fire with a stick, and then sucked
tiie wound so as to draw out the blood and prevent any serious trouble
from the injury. The purpose in digging the hole
could not be learned from the writer's informant.
When on the tribal hunt, the women gathered
the bones of the buffalo and boiled them to ex-
tract the marrow for future use. If a person
wished to tease a woman so employed, he would
catch up with a stick and throw away some of the
scum from the pot. This act would prevent any
more marrow from leaving the bones, and the only
way to imdo the mischief was to send for a Wa-
zha'zhe, who on arriving removed by means of a stick some of the fat
from the boiling bones. The marrow would then come out freely at
once and the woman would be able to secure an ample supply of
tallow. "That is the mystery of my people," said the okl informant,
with a sly smile, in response to inquiries on the subject.

It is said that the Wazha'zhe were a warlike and quarrelsome peo-
ple, and that at the organization of the tribe a peace pipe was given
into their keeping. By accepting this trust they committed them-
selves to more peaceful and orderly conduct in the tribe. It is still
a matter of dispute witliin the gens as to wliich of the two subdi-
visions the custody of the peace pipe originally belonged, whether
to the "real" or to the "gray" Wazha'zhe.
The office of tribal herald was in this gens.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in leaving a lock on the
forehead, one at the back of the head, and one over each ear (fig. 8).

Fig. S. Cut of hair, Wa-
zha'zhe gens (Fonca).

7. NU'XE OENS

The name of this gens, Nu'xe ("ice "), found also in the Osage tribe,
refers to the hail. The Osage gens of tliis name is closely associated
with the Buffalo-bull people, and in this connection it is to be noted

FLfiTciiEU-i.A IXESOHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 47

that the tabu of the Ponca Nu'xe gens is the male bufTalo. The
Osage have a tradition that the Ponca were once a part of their
tribe, but that very long ago the people became separated on the
bufl'alo hunt, and the Ponca never came back. It will be noted that
the Osage have a Ponca gens and the Ponca a Wazha'zhe gens, that
there is a Wapa'be gens in each tribe, also a Ili'pada gens, wliich in
each tribe had rites referring to thunder; all of these resemblances
are probably the result of movements which took place long before
the Ponca and the Omaha were as closely associated as at a later
period, prior to finally becoming distinct tribes.

Legendary Accounts"
the peace pipes

The people came across a great water on rafts — logs tied together — and pitched
their tents on the shore. While there they thought to make themselves n'shhon,
limits or bounds within which to move, and regulations by which their actions were
to be governed. They cleared a space of grass and weeds so that they could see one
another's faces, and sat down, and there was no obstruction between them.

\\'hile they were deliberating they heard the hooting of an owl in the timber near by,
and the leader, who had called the people together, said, "That bird is to take part in
our action; he calls to us, offering his aid." Immediately afterward they heard the
cry of the woodpecker and his knocking against the trees, and the leader said, "That
bird calls and offers his aid; he will take part in our action."

The leader then addressed the man he had appointed to act as servant, and said, "Go
to the woods and get an ash sapling." The servant went out and returned with a
sapling having a rough bark. "This is not what we want," said the leader. "Go
again, and get a sapling that has a smooth bark, bluish in color at the joint " (where a
branch comes). The servant went out, and returned with a sapling of the kind
described.

AMien the leader took up the ash sapling, an eagle came and soared above where the
council sat. He dropped a downy feather; it fell, and balanced itself in the center of
the cleared space. This was the white eagle. The leader said, "This is not what we
want;" so the white eagle passed on.

Then the bald eagle came swooping down as though making an attack upon its prey,
balanced itself on its wings directly over the cleared space, uttering fierce cries, and
dropped one of its downy feathers, which stood on the ground as the other eagle's
feather had done. The leader said, "This is not what we want;" and the bald eagle
passed on.

Then came the spotted eagle and soared over the council and dropped its feather,
which stood as the others had done. The leader said, "This is not what we want;"
and the spotted eagle passed on.

The eagle with the fantail (imperial eagle, Aquila heliaca ^&v\gay) then came, and
soared over the people. It dropped a downy feather which stood upright in the center
of the cleared space. The leader said, "This is what we want." The feathers of this
eagle were those used in making the peace pipes, together with the other birds (the
owl and the woodpecker) and the animals, making in all nine kinds of articles. These
pipes were to be used in establishing friendly relations with other tribes. 6

o Obtained from chiefs and other prominent Ponca.

ti This account of the Ponca introduction to the Wa'wa" pipes should be compared with the Omaha
account of receiving these pipes from the Arikara (p. 74) and the Omaha ceremony (p. 376). The nine
articles are as follows: Owl feathers, eagle feathers, woodpecker, rabbit, deer, ash tree, paint, cat-tail, and
sinew.

48 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

THE ORGANIZATION Ol'' THE TRIBE

WTien the peace pipes were made (those for "establishing friendly relations with
other tribes"), seven other pipes were made for the keeping of peace within the tribe.
These pipes were also for use to prevent bloodshed. It one man should kill another,
in such a case the chiefs were to take a pipe to the aggrieved relatives and offer it to
them. If they refused, the pipe was to be again offered them; if the pipe was offered
and refused four successive times, then the chiefs said to them, "You must now take
the consequences; we will do nothing, and ycu can not ask to see the pipes," meaning
that if trouble should come to any of them because of their acts taken in revenge they
could not appeal for help or mercy.

^Tien these seven pipes were finished they were taken to be distributed among the
different bands of the tribe.

The first band to which the pipe bearers came was the Waga'be. They were found
to be engaged in a ceremony that did not pertain to peace, but rather to the taking of
life. The Hi'fada sat in a tent with red-hot stones, and had on their heads wreaths of
cedar branches. The pipe bearers passed them by, and even to this day they are
reminded of this occurrence by the other bands saying, "You are no people; you have
no peace pipe! "

The next band the pipe bearers came to was the Thi'xida. To them a pipe was
given, and they were to have charge of the counc-l which elected chiefs.

Next they came to the Ni'kapashna, and to them a pipe was given, and they were to
have the management of the council of war and also the direction of the people when
they went to hunt the deer, so that order might be preserved in the pursuit of that
game.

The Po^'caxti and the Mo^ko"' were reached next, and a pipe was given them.

The Washa'be were next, and a pipe was given them. This band, together with the
Mo^ko"', were given charge of the tribal buffalo hunt — the direction of the journey,
the making of the camps, and the preservation of order. From these two bands the
two principal chiefs must come.

\^Tien the pipe bearers reached the Wazha'zhe the latter were divided, and there were
trouble and murder between the factions. So,. instead of giving them a flat-stemmed
pipe, they gave them one with a round stem, ornamented. Because of the feud there
was carelessness, and to this day there is a dispute as to the division to which the pipe
for the maintenance of peace was presented.

When the pipe bearers reached theNu'xe, they gave them a ]iipe and an otfi<e in the
buffalo hunt.

Each band had its pipe, but there was one pipe which was to lielong to the chiefs.
This could be filled only by the leading chiefs, and was to be used to punish people
who made trouble in the tribe. It was placed in charge of the Mo"ko"' band.

When a man was to be punished, all the chiefs gathered together and this pipe was
filled by the leader and smoked by all the chiefs present. Then each chief put his
mind on the offender as the leader took the pipe to clean it. He poured some of the
tobacco ashes on the ground, and said, "This shall rankle in the calves of the man's
legs." Then he twirled the cleaning stick in the pipe and took out a little more ashes,
and, putting them on the earth, said, "This shall be for the ba.se of the sinews, and he
shall start with pain" (in the back). A third time he twirled the cleaning stick, put
more ashes on the earth, and said, "This is for the spine, at the base of the head." A
fourth time he twirled the cleaning stick in the pipe, poured out the ashes, put them
on the ground, and said, " This is for the crown of his head." This act finished the
man, who died soon after.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2

STANDING BUFFALO

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 3

WHITE EAGLE iXITHA'CKA)

FI.ETCHER-LA FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 49

THE WAZHa'zHE GENS

Standing Buffalo (pi. 2), of the Wazha'zhe gens, told the follow-
ing story some ten years ago :

When I was a boy I of ton asked my mother where my people eame from, but she
would not tell me, until one day she saiil, " I will give you the story as it has been
handed d.;wn from generation to generation.

"In the real beginning Wako"'da made the Wazha'zhe— men, women, and
children. After they were made he said 'Go!' So the people took all they had,
carried their children, and started toward the setting sun. They traveled until
they came ta a great water. Seeing they could go no farther, they halted. Again
Wako"'da said ' Go! ' And once more they started, and wondered what would happen
to them. As they were about to step into the water there appeared from under the
. water rocks. These projected just above the surface, and there were others barely
covered with water. Upon these stones the people walked, stepping from stone to
stone until they came to land. When they stood on dry land the wind blew, the
water became violent and threw the rocks upon the land, and they became great
cliffs. Therefore when men enter the sweat lodge they thank the stones for pre-
serving their lives and ask for a continuation of their help that their lives may be
prolonged. Here on the shore the people dwelt; but again Wako^'da said 'Go!'
And again they started and traveled on until they came to a people whose appearance
was like their own; but not knowing whether they were friends or foes, the people
rushed at each other fur combat. In the midst of the confusion Wako"'da said,
'Stand still!' The people obeyed. They questioned each other, found they sjjoke
the same language, and became friends.

" Wako^'da gave the people a bow, a dog, and a grain of corn. The people made
other bows like the one given them and learned to use them for killing wild animals
for food and to make clothing out of their skins. The dogs gave increase and were
used as burden bearers and f vr hunting. The corn thev planted, and when it grew
they found it good to eat, and they continued to plant it.

"The people traveled on and came to a lake. There the Omaha found a Sacred
Tree and took it with them. The people (Ponca) went on and came to a river now
called Nishu'de (the Missouri). They traveled along its banks until they came to
a place where they could step over the water. From there they went across the land
and came to a river now called Nibtha'cka (the Platte). This river they followed,
and it led them back to the Missouri.

"Again they went up this river until they came to a river now called Niobrara,
where we live to-day."

The latter part of this legend, which deals with the Ponca move-
ments after the Omaha found the Sacred Tree, has been obtained
from a number of old men. All follow the general outline given
by Standing Buffalo, while some preserve details omitted by him,
as the meetmg witli the Padouca (Comanche), the obtaining of
horses, etc., which are given elsewhere. (See p. 78.)

HOW WHITE EAGLE BECAME A CHIEF

The following account of how White Eagle (pi. 3) came to be a
chief was given by him ten years or more ago and was introductory
to the information he then imparted to the writers. lie regarded
83993'=— 27 eth— 11 i

50 THE OMAHA TRTBE [ei n. a.nn. 27

the story as important, I'or it served to make clear his tribal status
and therefore, he thought, to give weight to his statements concern-
ing the Ponoa tribe. The story is repeated here as throwing light
on Ponea customs during the eighteenth century:

A chief by the name of Zhi^ga'gahige (Little Chief), of the Washa'be band, had
a son who went on the warpath. The father sat in his tent weeping because he had
heard that his son was killed, for the young man did not return. As he wept he
thought nf various persons in the tribe whom he might call on to avenge the death
of his son. As he cast about, he recalled a young man who belonged to a poor family
and had no notable relations. The young man's name was Waca'bezhi"ga (Little
Bear). The chief remembered that this young man dressed and painted himself
in a peculiar manner, and thought that he did so that he might act in accordance
with a dream, and therefore it was probable that he possessed more than ordinary
power and courage. So the chief said to himself, " I will call on him and see what
he can do."

Then the chief called together all the other chiefs of the tribe, and when they were
assembled he sent for Little Bear. On the arrival of the young man the chief
addressed him, saying, "My son went on the warpath and has ne^'er returned . I do not
know where his bones lie. I have only heard he has been killed. I wish you to go and
find the land where he was killed. If you return successful four times, then I shall
resign my place in your favor."

Little Bear accepted the offer. He had a sacred headdress that had on it a ball of
human hair; he obtained the hair in this manner: AMienever men and women of his
acquaintance combed their hair and any of the hair fell out, Little Bear asked to have
the combings given to him. By and by he accumulated enough hair to make his
peculiar headdress. This was a close-fitting skull cap of skin; on the front part was
fastened the ball of human hair; on the back part were tied a downy eagle feather and
one of the sharp-pointed feathers from the wing of that bird. He had another sacred
article, a buffalo horn, which he fastened at his belt.

Little Bear called a few warriors together and asked them to go with him, and they
consented. Putting on his headdress and buffalo horn, he and his companions started.
They met a party of Sioux, hunting. One of the Sioux made a charge at Little Bear,
who fell over a bluff. The Sioux stood above him and shot arrows at him ; one struck
the headdress and the other the buffalo horn. After he had shot these two arrows the
Sioux turned and fled. Little Bear, who was uninjured, climbed up the bluff, and,
seeing the Sioux, drew his bow and shot the man through the head. Besides this scalp
Little Bear and his party captured some ponies. On the return of the pai-ty Little
Bear gave his share of the booty to the chief who had lost his son.

Little Bear went on three other expeditions and always returned successful, and each
time he gave his share of the spoils to the chief. When Little Bear came back the
fourth time the chief kept his word and resigned his ofTice in favor of the young man.

Little Bear was my grandfather. \Mien he died he was succeeded by his eldest son,
Two Bulls. At his death his brother, We'ga^api (pi. 4), "who was my father, became
chief, and I succeeded him.

o An old Ponca, speaking of Wc'gaQapi, said: " He was a .succe.s<!ful man, and had a pafk wliioh had
descended to him. He always carried it in war. Both he and the original owner of the pack are .said to
have had dreams of wolves." We'gagapi had the honor of having some of Ills brave deeds pre.servcd
in song by the Hethu'shka society, and the song is known to members of the society in both the Ponca
and C»maha tribes.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 4

WE'GACAPI

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 5

STANDING BEAR

Fi.ETCHER~i.A FLESCHE] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 51

Recent History; Personal Names

The following list of Ponca names was taken in November, 1874,
wliile the entire tribe was living on the Niobrara river."

The total population of the tribe at that time was 733, divided as
follows : ''

Full bloods. Mixed bloods. Full bloods. Mixed bloods.

Men 172 32 , Girls 129 45

Women 164 21 , Families 185 32

Boys 135 35 |

The people dwelt in three villages. The village at the Ignited
States agency contamed 89 families and 377 persons. The village
called Hubtho"' ("those who smell of fish") had 46 families and 144
persons. "Point" village had 82 families and 248 persons.

There were eight chiefs, each of whom had his "band." These
bands were probably composed of persons from the gens or subgens
to which the chief belonged.

Families. Persons.

■^Tiite Eagle's band (Wa^a^be, Hi'fada subgens) 26 89

Big Soldier's band (Waga'be, Hi'<;ada subgens) 31 97

Traveling Buffalo's band (Thi'xida) 23 72

Black Crow's band (Ni'kapashna) 28 90

Over the Land's band (Ptf"caxti and Mo"ko'") 21 73

Woodpecker's band (Washa'be) 27 75

Standing Bear's band (Wazha'zhe) 20 82

Big-hoofed Buffalo's band (Nu'xe) 9 22

0 In ISoS the Ponca ceded their hunting grounds to the United States, and reserved for their home the
land about their old village sites on the Niobrara river They -were never at war with the Government or
the white race. Their reservation was reconflrmed to them by the Government in 1865. In 1S68 a large
reservation was granted to the Sioux, in which the Ponca reservation on the Niobrara was included-
The Ponca tribe was ignorant of this official transfer of its land. In 1S77 the Ponca, without any warning,
were informed they must move to the Indian Territory, and the eight chiefs were conducted there
by an official and told to select a new reservation The reason for leaving their old home was not explained
to the protesting chiefs or to the people. The chiels who went with the official refused to select a home in
" the strange land." They begged to be allowed to go back Being refused, they left the official, and, in
the winter, with but a few dollars and a blanket each, started home, walking 500 miles in forty days. When
they reached the Niobrara the United States Indian agent summoned the military and on the 1st of May
the entire tribe was forcibly removed to the Indian Territory. The change from a cool climate to a warm
and humid one caused suffering. Within a year one-thu-d of the people were dead and nearly all the sur-
vivors were sick or disabled. A son of Chief Standing Bear (pi. 5) died The father could notburj-him
away from his ancestors, so taking the bones, he and his immediate following turned from "the hot
country," and in January, 1S79, started to walk back They reached the Omaha reservation in May,
destitute, and asked the loan of land and seed, which was granted. As they were about to put in a crop,
soldiers appeared with orders to arrest Standing Bear and his party and take them back. They were
obliged to obey. On their way south they camped near Omaha city. Their storj- was made known, the
citizens became interested, lawyers offered help, and a writ of habeas corpus was secured. The United
States denied the prisoners' right to sue out a writ, because " an Indian was not a personwithin themean-
ingof the law." The case came before Judge Dundy, who decided that "An Indian is a person within the
meaning of the law," and that there w'as no authority under the laws of the UnitL-d States forcibly to
remove the prisoners to the Indian Territory, and ordered their release. In the winter Standing Beai vis-
ited the principal cities of the East, repeating the story of his people. The United States Senate ordered
an investigation of the Ponca removal, when all the facts wore brought out. Those Ponca who chose to
remain in Oklahoma w^ere given good lands. Their old homo on the Niobrara was restored to Standing
Bear and his followers and lost property was paid for In September, 1908, Standing Bear died and
was buried with his fathers. By his sirfiEerings and courage he was instrumental in putting an end to
enforced Indian removals.

6 Data ftnnished by Office of Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

Personal Names "

WA^A BE (lENS, HI (;ADA SUBGENS

White Eagle's baiul
Male.

ri'ha— Soles (O.: Te'pa. Tha'tada.Tapa').
(.'ithe'dezhi"ga— Little heel (O., I»shta'-

9u"da).
De'mo"thi"— Talks walking.
Gahi'ge zhi"ga— Little chief (O.: Pke'-

(;abe, Ko"'(;e).
Gaku'wi"xe — Whirled by the wind.
Gamo'^'xpi — Wind strikes the clouds (O.:

Wazhi^'ga, Tha'tada).
Gashta'gabi — Beaten into siibmi.ssion.
Ha'nugahi — Nettle weed.
Ke'to°ga— Big turtle (O.: Wazhi°'ga,

Tha'tada).
Mi'xazhi"ga — Duck.
MCchu'nita — Grizzly bear's ears.
Mo°chu''wathihi — Stampedes the grizzly

bear.
Mo"chu'zhi''ga — Little grizzly bear.
Mo"'e'gahi — Aitow chief (O., I"ke'(;abe).
Mo^'sho^zhide — Red feather.
Mo^'tega — New arrow.
Ni'i.'tumo^thi"— Walking backward (O.:

Xu'ka, Tha'tada).
Ni.-hu'dezho" — Missouri River timber.
Niwa'i — Gives water.
No^pabi — One who is feared (O.: \\'a-

Ca'be, Tha'tada).
Nudo^'hCga— Leader (O.. Ilo^'ga).
Nudo"'mo°thi° — Warrior walking.
0"'po"i;abe— Black Elk.
Pe'degahi — Fire chief (O.: Wazhi^'ga,

Tha'tada).
Sho"to"ga — Gray wolf.
Shu'dcgaxe — Smoke maker (pi. 6).
Shui'na — Meaninguncertain(0.:Wava'be,

Tha'tada).
Shuka'rao"thi° — Walking in groups (O.,

Ho"'ga).
Tefo"'— White buffalo (().: Wazhi°'ga,

Tha'tada).
Tenu'gacabe — Black bull.
Thi'o"bagigthe — Lightning passing (O.,

I"shta'(;u°da).
Thi'o"batigthe— Sudden lightning (O.,

Pshta'cu'-da).
Tide'gigthe — Passes by with a roar.

Ti'uthio"ba — Lightning llaalics in the tent

(O.^oshta'^'U-da).
Wahu'to-the— Gun.
Wai'''gabtha — Spreads robe.
Wazhi'dathi" — Has red medicine.
Xitha'fka— White eagle (O., Tapa').

Fema'e

Mi'gasho^thi"— Traveling sun (O.,

I"ke'fabe).
Mi'texi — Sacred moon (O., Mo"'tlii"ka-

gaxe).

Big Soldier's band

Male

Agi'chidato°ga — Big soldier.
A'hi^^ka— 'VMiite wings (0.: Tc'pa, Tha'-
tada).
A'shkano"ge — Short runner.
A'xewo" — Covered with frost.
Gahi'ge— Chief (0.: Pkc'fabe, Te'pa,

Tha'tada), plate 7.
He'xude— Gray horns (O., Tevi"'de).
I'kuhabi — He who causes fear
I"shta'duba — Four eyes (O.: Waca'be,

Tha'tada).
Ki'shtawagu — Said to be a Pawnee name

(0.,Mo^thi"kagaxe).
Mo"'hi°gahi— Knife chief.
Mo^'thumo^fe — Metal or iron chief.
Nini'ba— Pipe (O., Te'pa, Tha'tada).
Ncyba'mo"thi"— Two walking (O.: Wa-

zhi'-'ga, Tha'tada).
No^'gemo^thi" — Tra vels running (,()., Mo"'-

thi"kagaxe).
Nudo"'axa — Cries for war.
Paho^'gamo^thi" — Walking first (O., I"ke'-

<,"abe).
Shage'duba — Four hoofs (O., Tapa').
Shu'kabi — Bunch of clouds.
Tato°'gapa— Bull head.
Tenu'gafka — White bull.
Te'thiti— Buffalo ril. (().: Wa^a'be,

Tha'tada).
Thi'tiaxa — Cries for rib.
U'ho"zhi"'ga — Little cook (O., I"shta'-

fuMa).
Uzho°'ge— Road.
Wac,a'bezhi''ga— Little black bear (O.:

Waga'be, Tha'tadaV

" This list is necessarily incomplete. Names found in tribes other than the Ponca are followed by
the names of the respective tribes, accompanied by tiiose of the gentes where known, in parentheses.
(0.= Omaha.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 6

SMOKE-MAKER (SHU'DEGAXE)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 7

GAHI'GE

FLETCiiER-i.A flesche] LOCATION ; LTNCUnSTTC RELATIONSHIPS

Wako"'dagi — Monster.

Wazhi"'ga— Bird (O.: Wazhi-'ga, Tha'-

tada).
Wazhi""gai-ab<^Blackbird (O., Ro"'!)!!"-

kagaxe).
Wazhi"'gagahi — Bird chief (().:Wazhi'''ga,

Tha'tada).
We'Ehno^wathe — He who eauses fog.
Zha'bcfka — White beaver.
Zhi°'gapezhi — Bad little one.
Zho°'xude — Grav wood.

A'o"wi" — Meaning uncertain (O. , Hc'ga).
Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Ho^'ga).
Mi'wa?o" — WTiite moon (0., Ho^'ga).
No°9e'i°?e-— Meaning uncertain (0.,We'-

zhi°shte).
Tefo-'dabe— WTiite buffalo (0., Htf"ga).
Tefo^'wi" — WTiite buffalo woman (O.,

Ho^'ga).
To^'i^gthihe — Sudden appearing of new

moon (O., Pke'fabe).
Zho^i'wathe — To carry wood (O., We'-

zhi^shte).

THI'XID.I GENS

Traveling Buffalo's band
Male

Gaku'wi^xe — Soaring eagle (O.: Te'pa,

Tha'tada).
Ha'shimo''thi" — Walking last in a tile (O.,

I''.shta'fu"da).
Ile'shathage — Branching horns lO., I"-

5hta'cu"daV
Hewo"'zhi°tha — Cue horn ( Dakota).
Hezha'ta — Forked horns (O., Tapa').
IIezhi"'ga — Little horn.
Ka'xeno^ba — Two crows (O., Ilo^'ga).
Keba'ha — Turtle showing himself (O.,

Tapa').
Ma'azhi^ga — Little cottonwood (O.: Wa-

zhi"'ga, Tha'tada).
Mixa'cka — AMiite swan (O., Mo'''thi''ka-

gaxe).
Mtf'a'zhi''ga— Little bank (O., I"g(he'-

zhide).
Mo^chu'^ka — \Miite bear.
Mo°shi'ahamo''thi'' — Moving above (O.,

I°shta'9u"da).
No''bc'thiku — Cramped hand.
O^'po-trf^a— Big Elk (O., We'zhi°.«hte).

Pa'thi"no°pazhi" — Fears not Pawnee (O.:

Waca'be, Tha'tada).
Sha'gecka— White claws (O., Tha'tada).
Sha'geshuga — Thick claws.
Sha'nugahi — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Pgthe'zhide).
Shathu' — Gurgle (water).
Tato^'ga — Great male deer (old name)

(0., Tapa').
Tato'"'gano'>zhi''— Standing bull.
Tenu'gano^ba — Two buffalo bulls (O.,

Tapa').
Tenu'gazhi"ga— Lit tie bull (0.,Te<;i°'de).
U'do" — Good.
Uga'sho^to" — The traveler or wanderer

(O.. Tegi-'de).
Waba'hizhi°ga — The little grazer (O.,

Ko°'fe).
Wafa'beto"ge — Big black bear (O., Mo"'-

thi^kagaxe).
Wada'thi"ge— Refers to chief (O., Pke'-

fabe).
Wami'— Blood (O., Ko^'ce).
Wano">'xe— Ghost.

Washi'chufabe — Black man (Sioux).
Washi^'nuka — Wet fat, or fresh fat.
Washi'shka— Shell (0., Mtf"thi"'kagaxe).
Washu'she — Brave (0., Pke'fabe).
Wazhi°'?ka— Wisdom (O., I"shta'?u"da).
Wazhi"'gaci — Yellow bird.
Wazhi"wathe — He who provokes anger.
Xitha'i;ka— \A'hite eagle (O., Tapa').

Mi'gasho"thi° — Traveling moon (O-.I^ke'-

9abe) .
Mi'gthedo^wi" — Moon hawk woman (O.,

Pke'fabe).
Mi'gthito"i° — Return cf new moon (O.,

I"shta'9U"da).
Mi'o"bathi° — Moon moving by day (O.,

I^shta'fuMa).
Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Ho'''ga).
Nazhe'gito" — Meaning imcertain (O.,

Ho"'ga).
No^fe'l^^e — Meaning uncertain (O.,

We'zhi"shte).
To^'ithi" — New moon moving (O.,

HC'ga).
Wate'wi" — May refer to the stream Wate

(0., Tha'tada).
We'to"na — Meaning uncertain (O., I"-

shta'tu^da) .

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[eTK. ANN. '2~

NIKAPASHNA GENS

Black Crow's hand

Male

A'kidagahigi — Clhiet who watchea (O.,

Tapa').
Qiko^xega — Brown ankles (O., Pke'^abe) .
Gahi'gewaahushe — Brave chief.
Gahi'gezhi"ga— Little chief (O.. Ko°'ve).
Gthodo^'no^zhi" — Standing hawk (O.:

Wazhi"'ga, Tha'tada).
Gthedo"'xude— Gray hawk (O.: Wa-

zhi'-'ga, Tha'tada).
ne'i;ithi°ke — New yellow horn (O., We'-

zhi"shte).
Hethi'shizhe — Crooked horn.
Hi^'xega — Brown hair (Omaha).
Hu'to°tigthe — Cries out in the distance.
I'baho^bi — He is known (O., Pshta'-

^uMa).
I^chu^'ga^ka— White weasel (O., Tapa').
Kaxe'^abe — Black crow (0., Tapa'),

plate 8.
Ke'zhi°ga— Little turtle (0.: Ke'i", Tha'-
tada).
Mika' — Raccoon .

Mixabaku — Bent goose (O.: Ke'i°, Tha'-
tada).
Mo"chu'dathi" — ^^Crazy bear.
Mo"'geuti" — Strikes the breast.
Mo''hi'"thi''ge — No knife (O., We'zhi"-

shte).
Mo°no'"uto° — Paws the earth.
Mo^'shkaaxa — Cries for crawfi.sh (O.:

Waga'be, Tha'tada).
Mo°sho°'9ka— White feather (O., I"gthe'-

zhido).
No^ba'ato" — Treads on two.
No"'getithe — Passes by running.
No"ka'tu— Blue-back (O., I"gthe'zhide).
Nudo"'gina — Returns from war.
Sho°'gehi"9abe — Black horse.
Tato^'gamo^thi" — Big deer walking (O.,

Tapa').
Ta'xtifka— TVTiite deer.
Wa^e'zhide — Red paint.
Wano°'pazhi — Without fear (O.. I"gthe'-

zhidc).
Zhi"ga'u''5a — Little runner.

Female

Gthedo°'shtewi" — Ilawk woman (O.,
Tapa').

Mi'gthedo"'wi'' — Moon hawk woman (().

I"ke'tabe).
Mo°'shadethi" — One moving on high (().,

I''shta'tu''da).
To"'i°gina — New moon coming (0., I°-

shta'5u"da).

pqN'caxti gens
Over the Land's hand
Male
gi-^defka— \^Tiite tail (Omaha),
gio'dedo'-ka— Blunt tail (a.,We'zhi"shte).
f ithi"'ge— No feet.
Ezhno'''no"zhi'' — Stands alone.
Gthedo"' texi — Sacred hawk.
Ho^'gazhi^ga — Little IIo""ga (0., Ho^'ga).
Pke'to^ga— Big shoulder (O., fshta'-

tu^da).
I"shta'pede — Fire eyes (O., I"ke'fabe).
Keo°'hazhi— Turtle that flees not (O.:

Wa^a'be, Tha'tada").
Kigtha'zho°zho'' — Shakes himself (O.,

Teyi^'de).
Mika'xage — Crying raccoon (O., Tapa'),
Mo°ka'ta — On the land (old name, now

used among the Dakota).
Mo"ko"'to"ga — Big medicine.
Mo"zho"'ibaho" — Knows the land.
No"'gethia — Not able to run (O.,

Tev-i-'de).
Nuga' — Male (O., Pke'gabet.
Nuga'xte — Original male (O., We'-

zhi^shte).
0°'po"zhi"ga— Littleelk(0.,We'zhi''shte).
Sheno^'zhi" — Stands there.
Te'mo°thi°— Buffalo walking (O.,

Pgthc'zhide").
Tenu'gawakega — Sick bull.
Thae'gethabi — One who is loyed (O.,

Tapa').
The'baxo" — Broken jaw.
The'dewathe — Looks back.
Thihie'no" — Frightens the game.
Une'gtho"xe — Seeks poison.
Waba'hizi — Yellow grazer (O., Mo^'thi"^

kagaxe).
Wagi'o"— Thunder bird (Dakota).
Washko'^zhi"ga — Little strength.
Wa'xano^zhi" — Standing in advance (O.,

Tapa').
Xitha'gahige— Eagle chief (O., Tapa').
Xitha'gaxe — Eagle maker (O., Tapa').
Zhi°ga'nudo° — Little warrior.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 8

BLACK CROW (KAXE'CABE)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 9

^^^1

v!?^^r

|HBSr?? ^H

fe >#■

I'j

BIG GOOSE

I
o

o
_l
<

FLETCHEU-LA FLKSOHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

Female

A^e'to^ga — Moanins uncertain (O.,

Gthedon'wi°texe — Sacred hawk woman

(0., Tapa').
Mi'ako°da — Sacred moon (O., Tefi'^de).
Mi'bthiwi" — Moaning uncertain (O.,

Tha'tada).-
Mi'mo"shiliathi" — Moon moving on high

(0., Tha'tada).
Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Ho^ga).
Mi'wafo" — ^"hite moon (O., Ho^ga).
Ponca'fo" — ■^'hite Ponca (O., Mo^'thi"-

kagaxe).
Zho°'i°wathe — To carry wood (O., A^'e'-

zhi°shte).

washa'be gens

Woodpecker' s band
Male

A'gahamo°thi'' — Walks outside (O.:

Xu'ka, Tha'tada).
Qi^'defabe— Black tail.
E'tho^tho^be — To appear repeatedly (O.,

Ho^'ga).
Hexa'gajabe — Black elk.
Hexa'gamo^thi" — Standing elk (O., Mo"'-

thi^kagaxe).
Hi"fi'zhi°ga — Little yellow hair (O.,

Tefi-'de).
Hu'hazhi — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Tapa').
Pshta'fabe— Black eyes (O., Tefi-^de).
Pshta'dathi"— Crazy eyes.
I^shta'duba — Four eyes (O., Waga'be,

Tha'tada).
Ko'''(;eto"ga — Big Kansa.
Ma'fito" — Lone cedar tree.
Mi'kayixthaha — ^Lean coyote.
Mi'xato''ga — Big goose (pi. 9).
Mo°'fedo° — Meaning uncertain (O., I"-

gthe'zhide).
Mo''chu'fi°dethi''ge — Bob-tailed bear.
Mo^ga'azhi — Not afraid of arrows (O.,

Mo^'thi^kagaxe).
Mo^'gazhi'iga — Little skunk.
No^(;o"dazhi — Does not dodge (O.,

Tapa').
No'^kagka— White back.
No^zhi'^mtf'thi" — Rain travels (0.,

Mo^thi^kagaxe) .

Nudo^'ho^ga — Leader (O., Ho^'ga).

Pafi'duba — Four buffaloes — very old
name (O., Ko^'fe; Osage).

Sha'ge — Hoofs.

Sho°'gefabe — Black horse (O., Tapa').

Te'tehi^fabe — Black hair on belly of buf-
falo (0., Tapa').

Te'nuga— Buffalo bull (O., Ho"'ga).

Tezhe'bate— Buffalo chip (pi. 10).

Te'zhi"ga— Little buffalo (O., Pglhe'-
zhide).

Thigthi'^emo^thi" — Zigzag lightning walk-
ing (0., I"shta'fu''da).

Tishi'muxa — Spreading tent poles (O.,
l"gthe'zhide).

Uga'sho''zhi"ga— Little traveler (O., Mo°'-
thi^kagaxe).

Ugtha'atigthe — He who shouts (victory
name).

Ilio^'no^ba — Two cooks (O.: 'Wazhi^'ga,
Tha'tada).

ITio^'zhi'iga— Little cook (O., I"shta'-
fuMa).

Wahaxi — Yellow skin (O., I"shta'5U°da).

Waho-^thi-ge— Orphan (O. Tefi-'de).

Wa'ino^zhi" — Standing over them (O.,
Pgthe'zhide).

Wajja'de — One who cuts the carcass
(O., Tapa').

^^'ashko='mo°thi'' — Walking strength (O.:
Wazhi-'ga, Tha'tada).

Zhi°ga'gahige— Little chief (O., Tapa')

Zhi"ga'washushe — Little brave.

Female

Gthedo"'wi°texi — Sacred hawk woman

(0., I-ke'vabe).
Mi'gthedo^wi'' — Moon hawk woman (O.,

I-^ke'^abe).
Migthi'to"!" — New moon. (O., I°ke'-

fabe).
Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Ho^'ga).
Mi'wagon — ^Tiite moon (O., Ho^'ga).
Mo^sha'dethi" — Moving on high (O., I"-

shta'f u^da) .
Po'^caeo'" — Pale Ponca. (O., Mo^'thi^ka-

gaxe).
Po"'cawi° — Ponca woman (O., Mo^'thi"-

kagaxe).
Wihe'to^ga— Big little sister (O., We'zhi"-

shte).

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 21

wazha'zhe gens

Standing Bear's band

Male

A'gahawashushe — Distinguished for brav-
ery (O.: Waga'be, Tha'tada).
A'lhiude— Abandoned (O., I°shta'-

(juMa).
Bachi'zhithe — To rush tlirough obstacles

(0., Tapa').
Cigthe'no''pabi — One whose footprints are

feared (0., Mo^'thi^iiagaxe).
Da'do"thi°ge — Has nothing (0., Ko^'fe).
Gafu'be — Meaning uncertain (O.,

Ho°'ga).
Gahi'gezhi''ga— Little chief (0., -,I°ke'-

gabe).
Gakuwi^xe — Eagle soaring (O.: Te'pa,

Tha'tada).
Eexa'ga — Rough horns (0., Tapa').
Ho°'gashenu — Ho^'ga man (O., l"shta'-

?uMa).
I°de'xaga — Rough face.
Ki'mo^ho" — Facing the wind (O., I^shta'-

5u°da).
Ko"'teho"ga— Kansa leader (O., Mo'"thi°-

kagaxe) .
Maci'kide — Shooting cedar (O., I°shta'-

fu^da).
Mo"chu'duba — Four bears, grizzly.
Mo"chu'kino"pabi — The bear who is

feared.
Mo°chu'no''zhi'' — Standing bear.
Mo"chu'to''ga — Big bear.
Mo"shti"'c;ka— ^^■hite rabbit (O. ; Wazhi""-

ga, Tha'tada).
Ni'juba — Little water.
No^'kahega — Brown back (O., Tapa').
No°o'"bi — One who is heard (O., Te-

ti"'de).
No^pe'wathe — One who is feared (O.:

\Vazhi"'ga, Tha'tadaV
No"xi'dethi"ge — The incorrigible.
Nushia'hagino" — Returns bending low.
Pcthi'shage — Curly brows.
Sho°'gehi"i;i — Yellow horse.
Tade'umo^thi" — Walking wind (O.,

Ktf"?e).
Tai'hi'^to'^ga — Big mane.
Tato°'gano''zhi°zhi°ga — Little standing

bull.
Tato"'gashkade — Buffalo playing (O., Te-

fi^'de).

Tenu'gazhi°ga— Little buffalo bull (().,

Teti°'de).
The'9e<;abe— Black tongue (O., I"ke'-

9abe) .
IT(;u'gaxe — To make paths (0., I°shta'-

juMa).
LTzha'ta — Confluence.
Waa-'— To sing (O., l-'gthe'zhide).
Waba'ate— He puts to flight (0., I"shta'-

tu°da).
Wabahi' zhi^ga — Little nibbles (O.,

Ktf"fe).
Wagi'asha — Meaning lost (O., I°shta'-

fu'^da).
Wako^'da— Power (O., Mo^'thi^kagaxe).
Wano^'shezhi^ga— Little soldier (O., I°-

shta'^u^da).
Washko^'hi— Strong (O., I°shta'i,-u"da).
Washu'she— Brave (O., I"ke'(,-abe).
Wa'thidaxe — Sound of clavs-s tearing

(0.: WazW'ga, Tha'tada).
Wathi'xekashi — He who pursues long.
Waxpe'sha — Old name, meaning lost

(0., Tapa').
Wazhe'thi°ge — Without graticule (0.,

I^shta'fu^da).
\Ve'?'a— Snake {O., I"shta'i,-u"da).
We'f'ahtf'ga— Snake leader (O., Tapa').
We't'ato^ga — Big snake (pi. 11).
We'f'azhi^ga— Little snake (O., Inshta'-

fu^da).
Xitha'nika — Eagle person (O., Tapa').
Xitha'zhi-ga— Little eagle (O.: Te'pa,

Tha'tada).

Fe male

Afe'xube — Sacred paint (O., We'zhi"-

ehte).
Mi'tena — Meaning uncertain (O., Ilo^'ga).
No°(;e'i°9e — Meaning uncertain (O., We'-

zhi°shte).
No^zhe'gito" — Meaning uncertain (().,

Mo'''thi''kagaxe).
Ta'v'abewi" — Black deer woman (O., \\c'-

zhi''shte).
Te'fO^wi"— White buffalo woman ^O.,

Tefi-'de).
To°'i"gthihe — New moon soaring (0.,

Pke'fabe).
I'mo'^ho''wau — Omaha woman.
Wihe'to"ga— Big little sister (O., We'-

zhi^shte).

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 11

BIG SNAKE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 12

OSAGE CHIEF

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 13

OSAGE CHIEF

rLEiciiER-LA i-LESciiEl LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

NU XE GENS

Big-hoofed hu(falo's band
Male

Btho^'ii — Scent borne by wind (O., We'-

zhi^shte).
Ci'-'dethiho"— Lifting the tail (O., Te-

fi^'de).
Du'bamo^thi" — Four walking (O., I"ke'-

?abe) .
I°sha'gemo"thi° — Old man walking (<).,

l"shta'i;u''da).
l"shta'ba?ude — Shedding hair about the

eyes (O., Ho^'ga).
No°'gethia — Not able to run (O., Te(;i"Me).
Nu'xezhi°ga — Little ice.
Pahe'agthi" — Sits on hill.
Pude'lha — Meaning unknown (O., I°ke'-

9abe).
Sha'beno"zhi"— Stands dark (0., Ho"'ga)-
Sho^ge'fka— ^^^lite horse (O., Mo°'thi"-

kagaxe").
Tenu'gagahi — Male buffalo chief (0.:

Wazhi-'ga, Tha'tada).

Tenu'gashageto"ga — Big-hoofed bull.

Thae'go"— Pitiful.

Uho"'gemo"thi° — "Walking at end of file

(O., I°gthe'zhide).
TJho°'geno°zhi" — Standing at end of file

(0., Pgthe'zhide).
Uki'pato"— Rolling himself (O., I°gtho'

zhide).
U'shkadazhi— Undaunted (O., Mo'-'thi"-

kagaxe).
Uthi'xide — Looking about (O., I"ke'-

fabe).
Uzhna'gaxe — To make clear (refers to

buffalo wallows) (0., Tefi-'de).
Wa^a'apa — Meaning uncertain (O.: Wa-

ca'be, Tha'tada).
Wara'bezhi"ga — Little black bear (O.:

Waca'be, Tha'tada).

Mi'mite — Meanin;:; uncertain (O., I"ke'-

(j-abe).
We'to^na — Meaning uncertain (O., I^ke'-

(;abe).

THE OSAGE, OR W.^ZIIa'zIIE, TRIBE"

Recent History; Org.\niz.\tton

The Osage tribe is composed of five kin.sliip groups, eacli of whicli
is made up of a miml)er of suligroups. Of these latter many have a
group attached that acts as sJw'lri — servant or attendant at a given
ceremony. Of the five kinsliip groups two always camp on the north-
ern side of the eastern opening of the tribal circle. The other three
remain on the opposite side of the circle, but change their relative
positions. The tribe, therefore, has two grand divisions, that on the
northern side being composed of two kinship groups and that on the
southern side of three kinship groups.

a The Osage now live in the northern part of Oklahoma, on the Arkansas river. This locality was not
their home when they were first i^t by the white race. They were then d well injj on the western side of the
Mississippi, both north and south of the Missouri, ineludtig the Ozark Mountain region, the name Ozark
being a corruption of the native term Wazha'zhe. The territory occupied by the Osage, lying, as it did,
adjacent to the Mississippi river, was very soon needed by the wliite people who were pressing westward.
The Osage made anumber of cessions to the t'nited Stat.'s, theearliestin 1S08, when they parted with ter-
ritory on the Mississippi. In 1S18 they gave up their claim to land on the Arkansas and Verdigris rivers.
In IG-.J tliey ceded all their lands in Missouri and Arkansas. Further cessions were made in 1S39 and 1S65.
Finally, in ir.71 and 1S72 lands were purchased from the Cherokee in the then Indian Territory, and on
these lands the Osage are living to-day. The payments for lands ceded by them In Missouri and Kansas
were placed in the L'nited States Treasury at interest, 3'ielding the Osage a considerable sum per capita
and relieving the people from urgent necessity to labor in order to obtain food and clothing— a condition
not altogether favorable to the Ijcst development of a naturally strong and promising tribe. ( Pictures o,
Osage chiefs are shown in pis. 12, 13, 15.)

THE OMAHA TRIBE

tETH. ANN. 27

Owing to thp shifting of the positions of the three groups forming
the southern side, there were tliree arrangements of the tribal circle

(see figs. 9-11), which was called tsi'-
uthuga. This is the same as the Omaha
Jiu'ihuga, with the dialectic difference
in pronmiciation. Moreover, the Osage
circle was s_ymbolically oriented, as was
the case with the Omaha, the actual
opening being in the direction the
tribe was moving. The marked simi-
larity in the form of camping and in
the f imdamental ideas representing the
tribal organization seems to show that
the two tribes are organized on the
same plan. (See p. 138.)

F:g. 9. Diagram of Osage hu'lhuga~»SM3\ order. 1. hqN'ga utanatsi (pp. 5S-59). 2. Wazha'zhe
(p. 69). Subgroups: (a) Wazha'zhe?ka; (ft) Ke'k'i- (c) Mike'estetse; (d) Wa'tsetsi; (e) Uzu'ga.xe- (/)
Tathi'hi; (?) Hu zhoigara. 3. no--<'GA (p. 60). Subgroups: (a) Waga'beto"; (ft) I=gro»'ga zhoigara-
(c) Op.™n; (d) Mo"'i-kaga.xa; (r) Pon'ca washtage; (/jXi'tha; (3) I'batsetatse. 4. t.si'zhu (p. 60)'
Subgroups: (a) Tsi'zhu wano»; (6) Si«'lsagre; (c) Pe'tono«ga zhoigara; (d) Tseto'ga i«tse- (e)
Mi'k'i» wano«; (/) no» zhoigara; (j) Tsi'zhu uthuhage. 5. ni'ka wakqI'daqi or gron'iN (p 60-
61). Subgroups: (0) Xo"'tsewatse; (6) Nu'.te.

Fig. 10. Diagram of Osage A »//i>tt,TO-hunting order. 2. w.«ha'zhe. 3. noN'o^. 1. ho^'ga utanatsi
4. TSI'ZHU. 6. Ni'KA wakqNdagi Or geon'iN. The dots represent, the same order of subgroups as
given in figure 9

Fig. 11. Diagram of Osage A«'(Au(7o-sacred order. 3. hoN'ga. 1. ho^'ga utanat.si. 2. wazha'zhe
4. tsi'zhu. 5. Ni'KA wakoNdagi or GRON'iN The dots represent the onlnr of the subgroups, which
IS the same as in figure 9.

Ki.N.«Hip Groups a
Ho°'ga utanatsi

Wazha'zhe
Ho°'ga

• Comprising southern half of Jiu'thuga.

Ni'ka wako^dagi or Groni" ) _,
T=,-',u„ } Compris

Tsi'zhu

sing northern half.

aThe information here gi\-en relative to tlie names, duties, and positions of tlie kinship groups was fur-
nished by the followingmen,membersof the tribe: Sho^'tot^gabe, Wazha'zhewadainga, \Vaslu"'ha (pl. 14),
and Big Heart.

BUREAU OF AMERIC4N ETHNOLOGV

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 14

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WASHI-^'HA (OSAGE)

FLETCHER-LA FLEscnB] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC KELATIONSHIPS 59

1. Ho""GA utanat.si,(the s'kparate ho'^'ga) group

The meaning and aignificance of tliis name have been ab-eady
expkmed. (Soo p. 40.) The Ho"'ga iitanatsi are spoken of as
" Instructor of rites."

Subdh-isior) : Mo^'hi^fi ("stone laiife")." This i^i'oup was sho'lca,
or servant, to the Ho"'^a utanatsi. This office was an honorable one,
being that of intermediary between the officials in charge of a cere-
mony and the people who took part in it.

2. WAZHa'zHK GROUl'

This is un old and untranslatable term. The group was divided
into seven sul)groups, each with its distinctive name and attendant
sJio'Jca group, l)ut all having a right to the general name Wazha'zhe.

•'^ubgroii ps

(a) Wazha'zhe fka ("the white" or "jnire Wazha'zhe"); f^a is
the Osage equivalent of the Omaha .r^;, meaning "original," "un-
mixed." This group is the keeper of the seven pipes for making
peace within the tribe. I"gr()"'ga ni mo"tse ("puma in the water")
is the name of the Sho'ka subdivision.

(b) Ke'k'i° ("great turtle").

Pak'a zhoigara {pak'a, mystery; shoigara, those who are with, i. e.,
the group whose rites pertain to), Sho'ka subdivision.

(d) Wa'tsetsi. It is said that a comet fell from the morning star
and came to join the council of this subgroup. Xutha'papo" zhoigara
{xuiha' pa^V^, the bald eagle), Sho'ka subdivision.

(e) Uzu'gaxe* {uzu' , straight; gaxe, to make — they who make the
path straight). It was the duty of this subgroup to make clear the
way of a war party ; to find a safe way around any obstruction. The
scouts of the war parties were taken from this group.

Mo°so'tsemo°i° (mo", l&mX; so'tse, smoke; mo"i", to walk — they
who walk in smoke, fog, or dust), the Sho'ka subdivision, was called
on to cause a fog, or a wind to raise the dust in order to conceal the
movements of a war party.

(/) Tathi'hi, wliite-tail deer.

Watsi'tsazhi°ga zhoigara {■watsi'tsazhi^ga, small animals), subdi-
vision.

"•Articles of utility In the past, although they may have passed out of daily use among the people, are
frequently conserved m sacred rites. For example, the stone knile was the only kind of knife that could
be used ceremonially and its name appears as a personal name among the Omaha families that had
hereditary duties connected with rites that belonged to the I".shta?unda and \Ve'zlii"shte gentes.

b The name of this subdivision appears as a personal name in the Omaha tribe.

60 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. axn. 27

(g) IIu zlioigara Qiu, fish). Eno°!mi°tse to" (e/io", they alone;
miHse, bow; <o", to liave or possess — they alone possess the bow),
Sho'ka subdivision. These were known as the bow makers.

3. ho^'ga (leader) group

This kinship group was divided into seven subgroups, as follows:

(a) Wafa'be to" {waf-a'be, bear; to", to possess).

Wacj-.a'be ?ka ("white" or "original bear"), Sho'ka subdivision.

(b) I"gro"'ga zhoigara {i^gro^'ga, puma).

Hi°wa'xaga zhoigara {hi"xva'xaga, porcupine), Sho'ka subdivision.

(d) Mo"'i°kagaxe {mo^i^Tca, earth; gaxe, to make — earth-makers).
{e) Po°'ca washtage (washtage, peace). Tliis subgroup had the

office of peacemakers.

(/) Xitha ("white eagle").

{g) Ho^'gashi^ga (" httle Ho°'ga"). I 'batsetatse (i&afsr, coming
together; tatse, the wind — associated by rites pertaining to the wind),
Sho'ka subdivision. The office of herald was in this group.

4. TSI'ZHU (household) GROUP

Tliis kinship group also had seven subgroups:

(o) Tsi'zhu wano" {wano", the oldest; age implies wisdom), or
Wako'"da no°pabi {wako'^'da, gods; no^pabi, afraid of).

Waba'xi, Sho'ka subdivision.

(b) Si"'tsagre ('wearing the wolf's tail on the scalp lock").

Sho°'ke zhoigara {sho^'lce, wolf), Sho'ka subdivision.

(f) Pe'to" to°ga zhoigara (pc'to^, crane; to^ga, big).

{(]) Tseto'ga i"tse (fsdo'ga, buffalo bull; i"tst', face). It is said
that Waba'xi went in search of game. He found a buffalo, pointed
his finger at its face, and killed it; Wako°'da reproveil him for the
act. Because of this deetl his people were called Buffalo-face people.

Tsea'ko", Sho'ka subdivision.

(e) Mi'k'i" wano" {mi, sun; t'i", to carry; irano^, the oldest).
Tsi'zhu washtag? (ivasJitage, peaceful), division. This division made
peace. Red-eagle people.

(/) Ho° zhoigara (/(o", night).

'Ta'pa zhoigara {ta'pa, the name of the Pleiades), .'^iKi'ka subdi-
vision.

ig) Tsi'zhu uthuhage {utliuhage, the last). The last household
refers to the end of the line of the group.

5. NI'KA WAKo'^DAGI or GRONI" GROUP

This kinship group had three subgroups. (Derivation of name:
Ni'lca, people; walioHlagi refers to the thunder — ^the Thumler people).

(a) Xo"'tsewatse {xo"tse, cedar; watse, to touch, as the striking
of an enemy). The name refers to the cedar tree upon which the
thunder rested as it descended.

FLETCHER-LA pleschb] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 61

This subgroup acts as slio'ka in the rites oi the Thunder people.

(&) Nu'xe, ice. This is the name of a people from the upper
world. When one came down he was asked, "Wliat are you?"
He answered, "I am Nu'xe," ice or hail.

Sub-Shoka group, Tseto'ga zhoigara {tseto'ga, buffalo bull).

The two divisions of the Osage tribe were called the Tsi'zhu and
the Ho"'ga. The Tsi'zhu was composed of two kinsliip groups
and occupied the northern side of the tribal circle viewed as having
the opening at the east. The position of the Osage Thunder group
was similar to that occupied b}^ the Omaha Pshta'fu^da, whose
name and rites referred to thunder, and the Tsi'zhu division seems
in a measure to correspond to the ideas symbolized by the northern
half of the Omaha tribal circle. (See p. 138.)

The Ho^'ga division was composed of three kinship groups. Those
given in the diagram on page 58 show that their positions with rela-
tion to one another changed during tribal rites and ceremonies, but
remained stable in comparison with the Tsi'zhu division. The simi-
larity between the position and the duties devolving on this southern
half of the oriented Osage tribal circle and those of the correspond-
ing division of the Omaha suggests a strong probability that both
organizations had a common pattern or origin.

'VYliile the Ponca tribe does not present, the picture of a closely

organized body, the similarity in the position of the Xu'xe gens of

the Ponca as compared with thr.t of the Nu'xe group of the Osage

seems to indicate the perpetuation of some idea or belief common

to the two tribes.

Adoption Ceremony

The ceremony of adoption into the Osage tribe throws light on
the functions and symbolism of the Osage groups. It was described
by old chiefs as follows:

\\'hen a war party took a captive, anyone who had lost a child or who was without
children could adopt the captive to fill the vacant place. After the ceremony the
person became an Osage in all respects as one bom in the tribe and was subject to
the duties and requirements of the family into which he entered by a kind of new
birth.

^^'heu a captive was held for the purpose of adoption, the captor sent an invitation
to the leading men of the Tsi'zhu washtage, who were peacemakers, and also to the
chiefs of the l°gro"'ga, who had charge of war rites. Food was prepared and set before
these leaders, when the host, in a solemn speech, set forth his desire to adopt the cap-
tive. Thereupon these leaders sent for the leading men who were versed in the rituals
of the groups which were to take part in the ceremony. These were the Nu'xe, ice;
the O'pxo", elk; the I'batse, wind; the Wa'tsetsi, water; and the Ho^'ga, who were
the leaders of the tribal hunt. When all were assembled the captive was brought and
placed in the back part of the lodge opposite the entrance, the seat of the stranger.
Then the ritual used at the initiation and naming of a child born in the tribe was given.
This ritual recounts the creation and history of the tribe and the four stages of man's
life. At the close the captive was led to the chief of the Tsi'zhu washtage, who

62 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

passed him on to the I"gro'''ga, whose place was on the south side of the tribal circle.
By this act the captive symbolically traversed the tribal circle, passing from those on
the north, who made peace, to those on the south, who had charge of war — the act indi-
cating that he was to share in all that concerned the tribe.

Then the chief of the I "gro"'ga took a sharp-pointed flint knife and made a quick
stroke on the end of the captive's nose, causing the blood to flow. The chief of the
T.si'zhu wa.«htage wiped away the blood . Then the chief of the Wa'tsetsi brought water,
and the chief of the IIo"'ga food (corn or meat), and these were administered to the
captive by the chief of the Tsi'zhu washtage, who then took the sacred pipe, filled it,
and placed on it fronds of cedar brought by the I'batse. The pipe was lit and cere-
monially smoked by the captive. Then the chief of the Nu'xe brought buffalo fat and
anointed the body of the captive, after which the chief of the O'pxo" painted two
black stripes across the face from the left eyebrow to the lower part of the right cheet.
This done, the chief of the Tsi'zhu washtage announced the name, Ni'wathe ("made
to live "), and the captive became the child of the man who adopted him.

The letting of blood symbolized that the captive lost the blood and kinship of the
tribe into which he had been born. All trace of his former birth was removed by the
washing away of the blood by the Wa'tsetsi. He was then given food by those who led
the tribe in the hunt when the food supply was obtained. The new blood made by
the Osage food was thus made Osage blood.

This symbolic act was confirmed and sanctified by the smoking of the pipe, the
aromatic cedar being provided by the I'batse. Finally, the anointing of the body by
the Nu'xe (who, together with the Buffalo people, controlled the planting of the corn)
brought the captive entirely within the rites and avocations of the tribe. The black
stripes put on by the O'pxo" were in recognition of the Thunder as the god of war and
the captive's future duties as a warrior of the tribe. The giving of the name Ni'wathe
explained and closed the ceremony.

It was further explained that the drama "means to represent the
death of the captive not only to the people of his birth but to his past
life, and his rebirth into the family of the Osage who saved him and
"made" him " to live" by adopting him."

At the close of the ceremony all the chiefs who had taken part in
the rites partook of the feast which the man who adopted the captive
had provided for the occasion. Not long after, the name Ni'wathe
was dropped and the adopted child without further ceremony was
given a name belonging to the father's group.

Legendary Accounts

the present tr1b.\i, organization

(Given liy Blai-k Dog. pi. 15.)

The Wazha'zho kinship group had seven pipes. These were used to make peace
within the tribe. If a quarrel occurred, one of these pipes was sent by the hand of
the sho'ka, and the difficulty was settled peaceably.

^\^len the Wazha'zhe met the Ho"'ga, they were united by mean.-* of one of these
peace pipes. After they were united they met the IIo"'ga utanatsi, who had a pipe
of their own; but peace was made, and the no"'ga utanat.fi united with the Wazha'zhe
and the IIo"'ga. Later these three met and united with the Tsi'zhu.

According to Big Heart and others, each of the five groups had
its own traditions, and one diil not interfere with another.

FLETCHBR-i-A FLESCHE] LOCATION; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 63

wazha'zhe group

Way beyond (an expression similar to "once upon a time") a part of the Wazha'zhe
lived in the sky. They desired to Icnow their origin, the source from which they
came into existence. They went to the sun. He told them that they were his chil-
dren. Then they wandered still farther and came to the moon. She told them
that she gave birth to them, and that the sun was their father. She told them that
the)' must leave their present abode and go down to the earth and dwell there. They
came to the earth, but found it covered with water. They could not return to the
place they had left, so they wept, but no answer came to them from anywhere. They
floated about in the air, seeking in every direction for help from some god; but they
found none. The animals were with thera, and of all these the elk was the finest
and most stately, and inspired all the creatures with confidence; so they appealed
to the elk for help. He dropped into the water and began to sink. Then he called
to the winds and the winds came from all quarters and blew until the waters went
upward as in a mist. Before that time the winds traveled only in two directions,
from north to south and then back from south to north; but when the elk called they
came from the east, the north, the west, and the south, and met at a central point,"
and carried the water upward.

At first rocks only were exposed, and the people traveled on the rocky places that
produced no plants, and there was nothing to eat. Then the waters began to go down
until the soft earth was exposed. WTien this happened the elk in his joy rolled over
and over on the soft earth, and all his loose hairs clung to the soil. The hairs grew,
and from them sprang beans, corn, potatoes, and wild turnips, and then all the grassea
and trees.

The people went over the land, and in their wanderings came across human foot-
prints, and followed them. They came upon people who called themselves Wazha'-
zhe. The Ho"'ga and the Elkb affiliated with them, and together they traveled
in search of food. In these wanderings they came across the Ho"'ga utanatsi. The
Wazha'zhe had a pipe. This they filled and presented to the Ho^'ga, who accepted
it, and thus the Ho"'ga utanatsi were incorporated with the three affiliated bands.
Then they came upon the Tsi'zhu, and they were taken in, with their seven bands.

ho'-'ga group

The Ho^'ga came down from above, and found the earth covered with water.
They flew in every direction seeking for gods to call upon who would render them
help and drive away the water; but they found none. Then the elk came and with
his loud voice shouted to the four quarters. The four winds came in response to
his call, and they blew upon the water and it ascended, leaving rocks vi.sible. The
rocks gave but a limited space for the people to stand on. The muskrat was sent
down into the water and was drowned. Then the loon was sent, but he also was
drowned. Next the beaver was sent down, and was drowned. Then the crawfish
dived into the waters, and when he came up there was some mud adhering to his
claws, but he was so exhausted that he died. From this mud the land was formed.

wa'tsetsi group

The stars are believed to be the children of the sun and moon. The people of the
Wa'tsetsi c are said to have been stars that came down to the earth like meteors and
became people.

a Note the name I'batsetatse (" winds coming togetlier" ) of the Sho'ka subdivision of (g) of the Ho'^'ga
group (p. (iO).

6 The O'p.xoo, or Elk, is (c) of the Ho°'ga group. Note tlie use of the terra IIo"'ga in tMs legend as the
name of a peoiile, in connection with what has already been pointed out on pp. 40-41.

c The Wa'tsetsi subgroup (d) of the Wazha'zhe group, p. 59.

64 fi. THE OMAITA TRIBE [etii. ann. 27

THE WATER I'KOPLK

There are people who came from under the water. They lived in the water weeda
that hang down, are ^reen in color, and have leaves on the stem. The i)eo])Ie who
lived in water dwelt in shells which protected them from the water, keeping the
water out and serving as houses.

There were creatures who lived under the earth, as the cougar, the bear, the buf-
falo, and the elk. These creatures came up out of the ground. The land creatures
and those that lived in shells came to the earth, and the star people came down ; all
three came together, intermarried, and from these unions sprang the people of to-day.

The men of the Ho°'ga division cut the hair so that there should
be five bunches in rows running from front to back.

The men of the Tsi'zhu tlivision wore the hair in three bunches —
one just above the forehead, one at the top of tlie head, and one
at the nape of the neck.

Person.\l N.\Mes

The following Osage names were obtained iit 1896:

tsi'zhu washtaoe (peacem.\kers" household)

Male
A'huzhi°e — Little wings.
Blo'gahike — All the chiefs.

Bpabaxo" — Cut head. Refers to war. Cutting off the head.
Dho^'tsewahi— Bone heart (()., Tapa').
Dto'''wo"gaxe — Village maker (O., Mo"'thi"kagaxe).

Dto"'wo"ihi — Refers to war. The warriors cause the villagers to stampede.
Gahi'geste— Tall chief (O.. I"ke'fabe).

Gahi'gkewadai"ga — Chief's power to control the people (O., Mo"'thi"kagaxe).
Gka'washi''ka — Little horse.

Gko'"sano"bawahri — Kills two Kansa. War name.
Gko'''sawatai"ga — Gko"'s(i, Kansa; uatai'^ga, eccentric (old word).
Gredo"'shi"ka— Little hawk (O.. Tha'tada).
Grezhe'ruse — War name. Captures spotted horses.
Haxu'mizhe — Woman's name. Ropes.

Howa'saope — War name. Goes on the warpath after mourning.
Hua'shutse — Red eagle.

I"shta' mo"ze — Iishta', eye; mo":e, protruding like lireasts (O.. \\'e'zhi"shte).
Mo"'hogri° mo"kasabpe — Sitting by the bank. Refers to a Ullage site.
Mo"'kasabe — Black breast. Refers to the elk.
Mo"'zeno"opi" — Iron necklace.
Mo^'zhakita — (Moizha, land; kila, watches — watches over the land). Refers to the

wind (O.. Ko"\-e).
Mo'''zhakuta — (Kuta, shoots; guards or shoots over the land). Refers to the wind

(O., Kansa).
Ni'wathe — Made to live. (See Adoption ceremony, j). 61 )
No"be'ze — Yellow claws. Refers to the eagle.
Opxo"shibpe — Elk entrails.

Ota 'no" — Space between two objects. Refers to warriors passing between the tents.
Othu'hawae — Envious.

Pahu'fka— ^^'hite hair. Refers to white buffalo (O., Ho"'ga and Tapa').
Pasu' — Hail.

Po"ho°'gregahre — War name. (.)ne who strikes the enemy first.
Sa'pekie — Paints himself black.

iLETcnEE-LA fleschb] LOCATION ; LINGULSTIC RELATIONSHIPS 65

To"wo"!;axe — Village-maker (O., Mo"'tlii''kagaxe).

Tsesi'"euo"pe — Buffalo-tail necklace.

Tsi'zhuho"ka (2) — Ho"'ga household. Leader name.

Tsi'zhuni"kashi"ka— Little Ho^'ga household.

Tsi 'zhushi °ka — Little household .

Tsi'zhutsage — Old man of the Tsi'zhu gens.

Tso'he — Puckery taste. Nickname.

I'ki'sa — Deserted (as an empty \'illage or house) (O., I"shta'9u"da).

Wako"'daokie — Talks to Wako"'da (an old Omaha name — Moo'thinkagaxe).

Wathigro"ringe (2) — No mind (0., Mo'''thi°kagaxe) .

'V\'atsa'no"zhi" — War name. One who graepe the enemy.

Wazhi^'bpizhi — Anger.

Wazhi"'gasabpe — Blackbird (O., Mo"'thi"kagaxe).

Wazhi^liotse — Gray bird. Refers to hawk (O., Tapa').

Wazhi'i'sabpe — Cautious mind.

Female
Mi'tai"ga — Coming, or new moon (O.).
Mi'tai"gashi"ka — Little new moon.

si^'tsagre

ifale

Ba'zo^tsie — War name. Going into the midst; attacking a village.

Bpa'htato"!" — Big head. Refers to buffalo head.

Bpa'ri°wawexta — War name. Attacking the Pawnee.

Do"he'mo°i° — Good walker.

Gahi'gashi — Not a chief.

Gka'wasabpeagthi" — One who rides a black horse.

Gko^'segaxri — War name. One who kills a Kansa. ,

Gko^'sekibpa — War name. Meeting the Kansa.

Gredo"'mo"i" — Walking hawk (0., I°ke'5abe).

Ho'moni " — Howler.

Hone'go" — War name. Refers to the success of the warrior. Success comes as though

seeking the man.
Hutha'watoni°te — War name. The light of the eagle soaring on high.
I^'dokawadai^ga — War name. Refers to taking trophies.
Mo'^zeuno"zhi° — Iron shirt (Ponca).

Ni'gka'sabegaxri — War name. One who kills a black man.
Ni'kano"tsewa — War name. One who kills the enemy.
Ni'koibro" — Smelling a human being (O., Tha'tada).
Otha'hamo''i° — War name. Follower; one who follows the leader.
Sho"'gkeihi — War name. Refers to the barking of dogs when the warriors approach.
Tha'bthi^waxri — Kills three.
Tsewa'hu — Buffalo bone.

Wa'bisu"tse — War name. A warrior presses an enemy to the ground.
Wa'dashtae — War name. Refers to setting fire to the grass to scare out the enemy.
Wadoh'kie — War name. Refers to taking the scalp.
\^'aho'''gashi — Mischievous. Nickname.
Wa'i"no"zhi'' — War name. Holding the captive.
Waki'ashke — Refers to hunting and packing the buffalo meat.
Watse'wahe — War name.
Waxri' — Stingy. Nickname.

Wazha'kibpa — War name. Refers to meeting a Wazha'zhe.
We'i''gaxe — Refers to hunting. Making a pack strap.
83993°— 27 eth— 11 5

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

MI K l'' WANO'*

Male

Be'ga'xazhi (\t\. 12) — War name. One who can not be nutslrippecl. Refers to run-
ninfj.
Bpahi'thagthi"— Good hair.
Ilo'thasthi" — Good voice.
Mis;k'i'"wadai"ga — Eccentric sun carrier.

Mi'hifo — Yellow hair.

Refers to buffalo calf.
Mio'tamo''i'' — S traight

sun or moon.
Shi^niva — Refers to in-
tercepting the game.
We'to^mo^i" — War
name. Refers to the
women singing iceto'^
songs.

THE K.\NS.\ TRIBE"

The name Kansa
is an old term. As
the rites pertaining
to the winds belong
to the Kansa gens in
the several cognate
tribes, it may be
that the word had
some reference to
the wind.

Gentes

The following list
of gentes is not com-
plete, nor has it been
possible to obtain
satisfactory' infor-
mation as to the lo-
cation of each gens
in the tribal circle,
owing to the disintegration of the tribe apd the breaking up of their
ancient customs and ceremonies. The information obtained goes to

a Of the Ivansa tribe tewer than 300 are now living: these are in northern Oklahoma. Their lands adjoin
those of the Osage. They, too. have been jmslied from the plaee where they were dwellingwhen thewhito
people first came into their vieinity. They wcto then northwest of the Osage, in the region along the river
which bears their naiiie. They began ceding land to the Inited States in 1.S25. Further relinquishments
were made in 1S4G. and again in lSo9 and 1802. In 1S72 their present reservation \va5 purchased from the
Osage. While the Kansa have not been so reduced as the Quapaw, they have failed to maintain fully their
old tribal organization; though much has lapsed from the memory of the people owing to disuse of former
customs and rites, considerable knowledge of the ancient tribal life still might possibly be recovered. ( Por-
traits of Kansa chiefs are shown in pi. 16 and flg. 12.)

Fig. 12. Kansa chief.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 16

KANSA CHIEF

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] LOCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

show that their former organization was simihxr to that of the other
cognates, that the tribe was composed of two great divisions, and
that the names of Kansa gentes are to be found in the Osage, Ponca,
Omaha, antl Qiuipaw tribes. Tlie names obtained and verified are:

1. Mo^i^'ka ("earth"). This name corresponds to Mo°'i''kagaxe of the Osage tribe,
and to Mo"'thi°kagaxe of the Omaha tribe, both of which mean " earth makers."

2. Wazha'zhe. This name occurs as the name of the Osage tribe and of one of the
large kinship groups in that tribe; also as the name of a gens in the Punca tribe.

3. Ponca. This name occurs as the name of a gens in the Osage and Ponca tribes.

4. Kansa. There is a Kansa gens in
the Omaha tribe.

6. Wazhi"'ga inikashikithe (uazhi^'-
ga, bird; inikashikithe corresponds to
the Omaha i'nikashiga, and means that
\vith which they make themselves a
people — that is, by observing a com-
mon rite they make themselves one
people). (See Wazhi^'ga subgens of
the Tha'tada, p. 160.) Birds figure in
the rites of all the cognates, and are
tabu in those gentes practising rites
which pertain to certain birds.

6. Te inikashikithe {te, buffalo),
Buffalo rites occur in all the five cog-
nates,

7. O'pxo" inikashikithe {o'pxo"^,
elk). Gentes bearing the name of the
elk occur in the Osage and Quapaw
tribes, and in the Omaha the elk is
tabu to the We'zhi"shte gens.

8. Ho" (night). This name occurs in
the Osage tribe as the name of a group.

9. Ho°'gashi"ga ("little Iio'"ga").
This name occurs in the Osage and
Quapaw tribes, and the name Ho-'ga p,„ ,3 Q,,^p,^, „,^„
in the (Jmaha and Osage tribes.

10. Ho"'gato°ga ("big Ho^'ga"). This name is found also in the Quapaw.

11. Tsedu'ga ("buffalo bull "). This occurs also in the Osage tribe.

12. Tsi'zhu washtage (imshlage, docile, peaceable). Tsi'zhu is the name of a large
group of the Osage, and Tsi'zhu washtage of the peacemakers of that grouj).

THE QUAPAW TRIBE"

The origin of the word quapaw has already been explained
(see p. 36).

o The remnant of the Quapaw tribe (hardly a hundred in number) are living in the northern part of
Oklahoma. (See figs. 13, U.) When first met by the white people they were living south of the Osage.
The Quapaw came into contact with the French and Spanish traders of the sixteenth centurj-, being in the
line of march of these early traders from the South. With the stimulus given to immigration and settle-
ment after the Louisiana I'urchase, their lands were soon wanted. In 1818 they ceded to the t^nited States
their country lying between the Arliansas, Canadian, and Red rivers, receiving a tract for themselves
south of the ^Vrkansas and Washita rivers. This reservation they relinquished in 1824, retiring to a
smaller tract in the vicinity of their present home. Their vicissitudes have been such as to shatter their
tribal life, so that it is now difhcult to oI)tain accurate information concerning their ancient organiza-
tion. Only fragments can lie gathered here and there, to he pieced together by knowledge gained from
those cognates who have been more fortunate in preserving their old triltal form and rites.

THE OMAHA TRTBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Gentes

It has been difficult to obtain definite information concerning the
gentes of the tribe. The people have become so disintegrated that
questions are usually met with a weary shake of the head as the
answer comes, "All is gone; gone long ago!" A fragmentary list of
gentes has been secured. Some of the following may be subgentes.
There were two divisions in the tribe, but how the following groups
were divided between these it has been thus far impossible to learn.

1. Ho'''gato"ga— Big Ho^'ga.

2. Ho'"gazhi"ga— Little Ho"'ga.

3. Wazhi^'ga inikashiha (wazM^ga, bird; inikashiha, meaning with which they

make themselves a people, i. e., by the
rite of which the bird is the symbol).

4. Te'nikashiha (te, buffalo).

5. 0"'po" inikashiha {on'pon, elk).

6. Hu'inikashiha (hu, fish).

7. Ke'nikashiha {he, turtle).

8. Na^'pa^ta— deer.

9. Wa'sa inikashiha {icasa, black
bear).

10. Mo"chu'
grizzly bear).

11. Miha'ke
star).

12. Pe'to" inikashiha (pf/o", crane).

13. Mi'inikashiha (mi', sun).

14. Wako°'ta inikashiha— Thunder.

inikashiha {mo^chu,
nikashiha (miha'ke.

Fig. 14. Qiiapaw woman.

The foregoing brief account
of the four tribes that are close
cognates of the Omaha has been
given for the following reasons:
First, to indicate some of the
peculiarities of tribal organiza-
tion which, while common to
all, are remarkably developed
among the Omaha, as will be apparent from the following detailed
account of that tribe.

Second, to suggest the importance of careful stuily of such a cognate
group as likely to throw light on the manner in which tribes have
come to be built up into separate organizations and to bear on the
reason why each shows different phases of development.

In the Omaha and the four cognates there appear to be certain
stable characteristics which indicate a common ideal of organization,
as the two divisions of the tribal circle and the functions pertaining
to each; the ceremonies connected with warfare and the awarding of
war honors. There seems to be also a ciunmon type of religious

FLETCHER-i-A FLESCHE] I,OCATION ; LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS 69

ceremonial for the recognition of those cosmic forces which were
believed to affect directly the life of man, as the rites attending the
naming of children and the class of names given, and the customs
relating to birth and to death. These resemblances between the
tribes will become clearer as the story of the Omaha tribe is told and
discussion is had of customs among the cognates which seem to be
similar in purpose even when they differ in detaUs, the differences
being as suggestive as the similarities."

a Since the foregoing brief account of the Osage tribe was written an ethnological study of that tribe
has been undertaicen by Mr. Francis La Fiesche for the Bureau of American Ethnologj'. It is expected
that, as a result of this investigation, additional light will be thrown on the relationship between the
ribes of the cognate group to which the Osage and the Omaha belong.

ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES

Omaha Sacred Legend

early habitat and coxditioxs

The Omaha do not claim to have been bom in the region they
now occupy. On the contrary, their traditions, like those of their
cognates, place their early home in the East, "near a great body
of water." This account of their ancient environment had become
blended %vith the idea of a phj-sical birth, as was explained by Shu'-
denafi when he repeated the fragmentary Legend, at the time the
Sacred Pole was turned over to the writers to be deposited for safe-
keeping in the Peabod}' «Museum of Harvard Universit}-. This
Legend was in the custody of those who had charge of that cere-
monial object and was considered sacred.

The Legend says:

In the beginning the people were in water. They opened their eyes but they
could see nothing. From that we get the child name in the Ho^'ga gens, Nia'di
i^shtagablha , " eyes open in the water." As the people came out of the water they
beheld the day, so we have the child name Ke'tha gaxe, '"to make (or behold) the
clear sky." As they came forth from the water they were naked and without shame.
But after many days passed they desired covering. They took the fiber of weeds
af!d grass and wove it about their loins for covering.

It is noteworthy, when taken in connection with the traditions
anil usages already mentioned as associated with the name Ho^'ga,
(p. 40) that the personal names which refer to the birth of the people
are preserved in the Ilo'^'ga gens.

The Legend continues:

The people dwelt near a large body of water, in a wooded country where there wa.«
game. The men hunted the deer with clubs; they did not know the u.<e of the bow.
The people wandered about the shores of the great water and were poor and cold.
And the people thought, \Miat shall we do to help ourselves? They began chipping
stones; they found a bluish stone that was easily flaked and chipped and they made
knives and arrowheads [sic] out of it. They had now knives and arrows [sic], but
they suffered from the cold and the people thought, What shall we do? A man
found an elm root that was very dry and dug a hole in it and put a stick in and rubbed
it. Then smoke came. He smelled it. Then the people smelled it and came near;
others helped him to rub. At last a spark came; they blew this into a flame and so fire
came to warm the people and to cook their food. After this the people built grass
houses; they cut the grass with the shoulder blade of a deer. Xow the people had
70

ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES

Omaha Sacred Legend

early }1ab1tat and conditions

The Omaha do not claim to have been bom in the region they
now occup3'. On the contrary, their traditions, Hke those of their
cognates, place their early home in the East, "near a great body
of water." This account of their ancient environment had become
blended with the idea of a physical birth, as was explained by Shu'-
denafi when he repeated the fragmentary Legend, at the time the
Sacred Pole was turned over to the writers to be deposited for safe-
keeping in the Peabody "Museum of Harvard University. This
Legend was in the custody of those who had charge of that cere-
monial object and was considered sacred.

The Legend says:

In the beginning the people were in water. They opened their eyes but they
could see nothing. From that we get the child name in the Ho"'ga gens, Nia'di
{'"■shlagabtha, " eyes open in the water." As the people came out of the water they
beheld the day, so we have the child name Ke'tha gaxe, "to make (or behold) the
clear sky." As they came forth from the water they were naked and without shame.
But after many days passed they desired covering. They took the fiber of weeds
afld grass and wove it about their loins for covering.

It is noteworthy, when taken in connection with the traditions
and usages already mentioned as associated with the name Ho°'ga,
(p. 40) that the personal names which refer to the birth of the people
are preserved in the Ho'^'ga gens.

The Legend continues:

The peojile dwelt near a large body of water, in a wooded country where there was
game. The men hunted the deer with clubs; they did not know the u.'ie of the bow.
The people wandered about the shores of the great water and were poor and cold.
And the people thought, What shall we do to help ourselves? They began chipping
stones; they found a bluish stone that was easily flaked and chipped and they made
knives and arrowheads [sic] out of it. They had now knives and arrows [sic], but
they suffered from the cold and the people thought, A\'hat shall we do? A man
found an elm root that was very dry and dug a hole in it and put a stick in and ruljbed
it. Then smoke came. He smelled it. Then the people smelled it and came near;
others helped him to rub. At last a spark came; they blew this into a flame and .so fire
came to warm the people and to cook their food. After this the people built grass
houses; they cut the grass with the shoulder blade of a deer. Now the people had
70

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 17

TIPIS

PLETCHBE-LA FLBSCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 71

fire and ate their meat roasted; but they tired of roast meat, and the people thought,
How shall we have our meat cooked differently? A man found a bunch of clay that
stuck well together; then he brought sand to mix with it; then he molded it as a vessel.
Then he gathered grass and made a heap ; he put the clay vessel into the midst of the
grass, set it on fire, and made the clay vessel hard. Then, after a time, he put water
into the vessel and it held water. This was good. So he put water into the vessel
and then meat into it and put the vessel over the fire and the people had boiled meat
to eat.

Their grass coverings would fuzz and drop off. It was difficult to gather and keep
these coverings. The people were dissatisfied and again the people thought. What
can we do to have something different to wear? Heretofore they had been throwing
away the hides they had taken from the game. So they took their stone knives to
scrape down the hides and make them thin; they rubbed the hides with grass and with
their hands to make them soft and then used the hides for clothing. Now they had
clothing and were comfortable.

The women had to break the dry wood to keep up the fires; the men had some con-
sideration for the women and sought plans for their relief. So they made the stone
ax with a groove, and put a handle on the ax and fastened it with rawhide. This
was used. But they wanted something better for breaking the wood. So they made
wedges of stone. [These were of the same shape as the iron wedges used for splitting
logs, explained the old narrator.]

The grass shelter became unsatisfactory and the people thought, How shall we bet-
ter ourselves? So they substituted bark for grass as a covering for their dwellings.

The comfort derived from their skin clotliing seems to have sug-
gested the idea of trying the experiment of covering their dwelhngs
with skins, for the Legend says:

The people determined to put skins on the poles of their dwellings. They tried the
deerskins, but they were too small. They tried the elk, but both deer and elk skins
became hard and unmanageable under the influence of the sun and rain. So they
abandoned the use of the skins and returned to bark as a covering for their houses.

There is no mention made in tliis Legend, or in any known tradi-
tion, as to when or where the people met the buffalo ; but there is an
indirect reference to the animal in this Legend from wliich it would
seem that the meeting with the buffalo must have taken place after
they had left the wooded region where they could obtain elm bark
for the covering of their houses, and that the need of a portable
shelter started the idea among the people of experimenting again
with a skin covering for their tents, for the Legend says:

Until they had the buffalo the people could not have good tents. They took one
of the leg bones of the deer, splintered it, and made it sliarp for an awl and with sinew
sewed the buffalo skin and made comfortable tent covers. (PI. 17.)

From this Legend and other traditions both the buffalo and the
maize seem to have come into the life of the people while they were
still in their eastern habitat. The stor}^ of finding the maize is told
as follows in this Legend:

Then a man in wandering about found some kernels, blue, red, and white. He
thought he had secured something of great value, so he concealed them in a mound.
One day he thought he would go to see if they were safe, ^^'hen he came to the mound

72 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth, ann. 27

he found it covered with staUcs havin"; ears bearing kernels of these colors. He took
an ear of each kind and gave the rest to the people to experiment with. They tried
it for food, found it good, and have ever since called it their life. As soon as the people
found the com good, they thought to make mounds like that in which the kernels had
been hid. So they took the shoulder blade of the elk and built mounds like the first
and buried the corn in them. So the com grew and the people had abundant food.

In their wanderings the people reached the forests where the birch trees grow and
where there were great lakes. Here they made birch-bark canoes and traveled in
them about the shores of the lakes. A man in his wanderings discovered two young
animals and carried them home. He fed them and they grew large and were docile.
He discovered that these animals would carry burdens, so a harness was fixed on
them to which poles were fastened and they became the burden bearers. Before
this every burden had to be carried on the back. The people bred the dogs and they
were a help to the people.

WESTERN MOVEMENTS

The western movement of the people is not definitely traced in
any of their traditions, nor is there any accoimt of the separations
of kindred which from time to time must have taken place. By
inference, there must have been considerable warfare, as the making
of peace with enemies is referred to. The tribe seem to have lin-
gered long in the northern territory now covered by the States of
Minnesota, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Iowa, and between the
Mississippi and Missouri rivers; their claims to portions of this
territory were acknowledged in the last centur}^ when they joined in
the treaty made at Prairie du Chien in 1S30, at which time they
relinquished all their rights to this land to the United States. Six
years later they made a like relinquishment of their claims east of
the Missouri river in the States of Missouri and Iowa. Tradition is
silent as to their movements from the Lake region south to the Ohio
river, where it is said they parted from the Quapaw, as already told.

A period of considerably more than three hundred years must have
elapsed between the time of parting from the Quapaw on the banks
of the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Ohio, and the date of the
Omaha's first cession to the United States, mentioned above. After
the separation from the Quapaw it is not probable that the Omaha
were ever again as far south as the Ohio river or as far east as Lake
Micliigan.

Tradition says that the Omaha after parting from the Quapaw
followed the Mika'to" ke river (the Des Moines) to its headwaters, and
wandered northeast. One day about tliirty years ago the old men
were talking of tltese early movements of the tribe when Shu'denafi
said, "I think that we could trace the sites of the okl Omaha villages
of the time the tribe went up the Mi'kato" ke". The question, How
could the sites be identified? elicited the reply: "By the circles of
stoneswhich were left when the people abandoned a village." It wjis
the custom to place stones around the bottom of the tent cover to
hold it firmly on the ground; when the tent was taken down the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHEJ EN VIRONMENT ;. KESULTANT INFLUENCES 73

stones were left where they had been used. Some of the old men said
that they had seen such traces of deserted village sites east of the
Missouri in the region where the tribe is said once to have lived.
Dakota tradition tells of their meeting the Omaha near the
Blue Earth and ilinnesota rivers. That the Omaha dwelt
for a considerable time in the forest region seems to be borne out
by both legends and rites, which show the influence of the woods.
The Sacred Pole was cut while the people were dwelling in the
wooded country, as all the traditions of the cutting seem to indicate.
When that occurred the Ponca were still with the Omaha, and their
legends are similar to those of the latter touching the finding and
cuttmg of the Pole. The tree from which it was cut is said to have
stood near a lake, and the suggestion has been made that the place
was Lake Andes, in Choteau county, South Dakota; but this iden-
tification has not been accepted by the best tribal authorities and
traditions do not favor placing the act in the vicinity of this lake.

It was prior to the cutting of the Sacred Pole that the Omaha organ-
ized themselves into their present order. The inauguration of the
rites connected with the Sacred Pole seems to have been for the
purpose of conserving that order; and it was after these rites had
been instituted that the Omaha reached the vicinity of the Big Sioux,
where on the banks of a small stream that flows in from the north-
east they built a village. It was while they were hving here that a
disastrous battle took place (tradition does not say with whom), and
as a residt this village seems to have been abandoned, after the dead
had been gathered and buried in a great mound, around which a stone
wall was built. In the middle of the last century this wall was still to
be seen. Tradition says, "In this battle the Sacred Pole came near
being captured." •

It was while the Omaha were in the vicinity of the upper Mississippi
that they came into contact with the Cheyenne. The Legend says,
"We made peace with the Cheyenne. At that time the Ponca were
with us, and the Iowa and Oto joined in the peace." The old narrator
added: "The Osage say they were with us, too; but it is not so told by
our people." This oveiture of peace may have been made in conse-
cjuence of the Omaha having invaded the Cheyenne territory in the
northern movement. According to Dakota traditions the Cheyenne
were in possession of the upper Mississippi countr\' when the Dakota
arrived there. It may be difficult to determine whether or not at this
time the Dakota as distinct tribes had come into contact with the
Omaha and the Ponca.

^Vliile in this region experiences disruptive in chai'acter must have
visited the people — possibly the defection of the Ponca — which
finally resulted in their complete separation. At any rate, something

74 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. anx. L'T

happened which caused the Omaha to take steps toward a closer
organization of the people. The Legend says:

At this place [where peace with the Cheyenne had been made] we formed a govern-
ment. The people said, " Let us appoint men who shall preserve order." Accordingly
they selected men, the wisest, the most thoughtful, generous, and kind, and they con-
sulted together and agreed upon a council of seven who should govern the people.

Then follows the account of the organization of the tribe in its pres-
ent order and the story of finding and cutting the Sacred Pole. Both
of these narratives will be given later on.

After the great battle on the Big Sioux the Omaha seem to have
turned slightly southward, but to have remained in the main on the
east side of the Missouri, although war parties apparenth' reached
the river and even crossed to the farther side, where they met and
fought the Ankara, who were dwelling where the Omaha live to-day.
Traditions are definite in stating that "the Arikara were first encoun-
tered on the west side of the Missouri."

About the time of these events the Omaha seem to have returned to
the Big Sioux and to have built a village where the river makes a loop,
at a point where a small stream enters from a canyon which, the
Omaha story says, has "two chfTs, like pinnacles, standing at its
entrance, through wliicli the wind rushes with such violence as to
disturb the water." When they built this village, according to the
Legend, the Omaha were living in bark houses (pi. 18). They had
met and fought the Arikara, but had not yet adopted the earth
lodge. The continued forays of the Omaha made the Arikara seek
peace and it was in this village at the mouth of the canyon that
peace was made among the Arikara, the Cheyenne, the Omaha, the
Ponca, the Iowa, and the Oto, and sought to be confirmed through
the ceremony now known among the Omaha as the Wa'wa" (see
p. 376) — the same ceremony as the Pawnee Hako."

In view of the part this ceremony has played in the life of the
Omaha and its cognate tribes, it is fitting to call attention to the
extent of territory throughout which it was observed before and dur-
ing the seventeenth century. The early French travelers found it
among the Caddo group in the country now known as Texas, Loui-
siana, and Arkansas, while Marquette met with it among the tribes
living on the Mississippi when he entered that stream from the Wis-
consin river. The Omaha Legend shows that it was known to the
Arikara on the Missouri river and was probably introduced bv them
to the Omaha, Ponca, Iowa, Oto, and Cheyenne at the village on the
Big Sioux river. The Cheyenne seem to have lost the rite in the
course of their western movement, but it has ever since been prac-
tised by the other tribes wlio took part in this peacemaking. A rite
which was both recognized and revered throughout so extensive a

"See Hako, in Ihe Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameriran Ethnology, pt. ii.

UJ
CO

D
O

Q
O

LiJ

FLETCHER-LA flbschb] ENVIRONMENT ; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 75

territory, occupied by so many tribes, must have been instrumental
in modifying the customs of the peoples practising it, in extending
the use of certain symbols, and in bringing about some measure of
unity in the forms of religious beliefs.

CONTACT WITH THE ARIKARA

Traditions are more explicit concerning contact with the Arikara
than with any other tribe. Both Omaha and Ponca legends give evi-
dence of the influence exerted on the people by this tribe. When the
Missouri river was reached by the Omaha, they found the Arikara
there, cultivating the maize and livmg in villages composed of
earth lodges — evidently a peaceful, sedentary folk. Omaha war
parties from the east side of the river harassed the Arikara, who
were living on the west side. The Arikara sought to obtain peace
through the influence of the Wa'wa° ceremony, as already, related,
but Omaha war parties seem finally to have driven them from their
homes and to have forced them northward up the Mssouri river.
The tradition that the Arikara were driven away from the land the
Omaha now own is confirmed by a Ponca story that refers to the
sale of the Omaha lands to the United States Government in the
middle of the last century; at that time an Arikara said to a Ponca:
"Had my people knowTi that these lands were valuable, they would
have contested the right of the Omaha to make the sale, for the
Arikara were the first to occupy the land, a proof of which is to be
seen in the remains of our earth lodges and village sites on the bluffs
of the Missouri." These earth circles have often been seen by the
writers on the Omaha reservation, and the traditions of the Omaha
declare them to be the remains of the earth lodges occupied by the
Arikara when they dwelt in this region. Both Omaha and Ponca
traditions say that the tribes were together when they met and drove
the Arikara northward. It was from the Arikara that the Omaha
and Ponca learned to make and use earth lodges. According to the
Omaha Legend: "It was the women who saved the life of the people.
They built the sod houses; they made them by their labor. The
work was divided, ifen cut the poles and fixed the frame and tied
the opening for the smoke hole; the women brought the willows and
sod and finished the building."

In this connection it is interesting to note that while the Omaha
adopted the earth lodge (pi. 19) they did so from a purely practical
point of view, as affording them a better permanent dwellmg than
tents, and were probably ignorant of the sj'inbolic character of the
structure. With the tribe from which it was taken this lodge repre-
sented certain .religious ideas. Rituals attended the cutting of the
trees for its structure and the planting of the four posts that inclosed
the space about the central fire. The Omaha did not observe any of

76 THE OMAHA TRIBE tBTH. ann. 27

these ceremonies nor did they use the prescribed number of posts.
They set up about the fireplace six, seven, or eight posts as suited
their convenience, for the sole purpose of supporting the roof, these
posts possessing no ceremonial importance or other significance. The
Omaha built the earth lodge only for village use; the tipi, or tent,
was still the habitation when on the buffalo hunt. There is a tra-
dition that the tribe received the maize from the Ai-ikara but it is
questionable if this was the first knowledge the Omaha had of the
plant. It may be that in their northward migrations the people
passed out of the corn belt into environments not favorable to its
cultivation, so that its general use was partially discontinued; but
nothing definite is known, although there are indications favorable to
this conjecture. If there was any hiatus in the cultivation of the
maize among the Omaha, as the following story might suggest, there
is nothing to indicate that the tribe has not constantly cultivated it
since the time the Missouri was reached. This story, preserved among
the Omaha but credited to the Arikara, tells how the latter found the
maize and how the former received it from them :

The Arikara were the first to find the maize. A young man went out hunting. He
came to a high hill, and, looking down upon a valley, he saw a buffalo bull standing
in the middle of a bottom land lying between two rivers where they conjoined. As
the young man surveyed the country to find a safe way of approaching the buffalo
he was impressed with the beauty of the landscape. The banks of the two rivers
were low and well timbered. He observed that the buffalo stood facing the north;
he saw that he could not approach the animal from any side within bow shot. He
thought that the only way to get a chance to shoot the buffalo would be to wait until
the animal moved close to the banks of one of the rivers, or to the hills where there
were ravines and shrubs. So the young man waited. The sun went down before
the buffalo moved; the young man went home disappointed. Nearly all night the
hunter lay awake brooding over his disappointment, for food had become scarce and
the buffalo would have given a good supply. Before dawn the young man arose
and hurried to the scene of the buffalo to see if he could find the animal somewhere
near the place, if it had moved. Just as he reached the summit of the hill, where
he was the day before, the sun arose, and he saw that the buffalo was still in the same
spot. But he noticed that it was now facing the east. Again the young man waited
for the animal to move, but again the sun went down and the buffalo remained stand-
ing in the same spot. The hunter went home and passed another night of unrest.
He started out again before dawn and came to the top of the hill ju.'st as the sun arose,
and saw the buffalo still standing in the same place, but it had turned around to face
the south. The young man waited until dark for the buffalo to move, and had to go
again to his home disappointed, where he passed another sleepless night. The hun-
ter's desire to secure the game was not unmixed with some curiosity to know why
the buffalo should so persistently remain in that one spot without eating or drinking
or lying down to rest. With this curiosity working in his mind, he arose for the fourth
time before dawn, and hastened to the hill to see if the buffalo was still standing in
the same place. It was again daylight when he came to the hill, and there stood the
buffalo exactly in the same plate, but it had turned around to face the west. Being
now determined to know what the animal would do, the young man settled down to
watch as he had done the three days before. He thought that the animal was a<ting
in this manner under the influence of an unseen power for some mysterious purpose,

FLETCHER-LA FLESC-HE] ENVTEONMENT ; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 77

and that he, as well as the buffalo, was controlled by the same influence. Darkness
came upon him again with the animal still standing in the same position. The hunter
returned to his home and lay awake all night, wondering what would come of this
strange experience. He arose before, dawn and again hurried to the mysterious
scene. As he reached the summit of the hill the light of day spread over the land.
The buffalo had gone. But in the spot where it had been standing there stood some-
thing like a small bush. The young man approached the place with a feeling of
curiosity and disappointment. He came to the object that from the distance appeared
like a small bush and saw that it was a strange plant. He looked upon the ground
and saw the tracks of the buffalo, and followed them as they had turned from the
north to the east and to the south and to the west, and in the center there was but
one buffalo track, and out of that had sprung this strange plant. He examined the
ground near this plant to find where the buffalo had left the place, but there were
no other footprints besides those near the plant. The hunter hurried home and told
of his strange experience to the chiefs and the prominent men of his people. The
men, led by the hunter, proceeded to the place of the buffalo and examined the
ground, and found that what he had told them was true. They saw the tracks of
the buffalo where he had turned and stood, but could find no tracks of his coming
to the place or leaving it. While all of these men believed that this plant was
given to the people in this mysterious manner by Wako^'da, they were not sure
how it was to be used. The people knew of other plants that were used for food, and
the season for their ripening, and, believing that the fruit of this strange plant
would ripen at its own proper time, they arranged to guard and protect it carefully,
awaiting the time of its ripening.

The plant blossomed, but from their knowledge of other plants they knew that
the blossom of the plant was but the flower and not the fruit. UTieu they were
watching the blossom to develop into fruit, as they expected it would, a new growth
appeared from the joints of the plant. Their attention was now diverted from the
blossom to this growth. It grew larger and larger, until there appeared at the top
something that looked like hair. This, in the course of time, turned from pale green
to a dark brown, and after much discussion the people believed that this gro^vth
was the fruit of the plant and that it had ripened. Up to this time no one had dared
to approach within touch of the plant. Although the people were anxious to know
the use to which the plant could be put or for which it was intended, no one dared
to touch it. As the people were assembled around the plant undetermined as to
the manner of examining it, a youth stepped forward and spoke:

"Everyone knows how my life from my childhood has been worse than worth-
less, that my life among you has been more for evil than for good. Since no one
would regret, should any evil befall me, let me be the first to touch this plant and
taste of its fruit so that you may know of its qualities whether they be good or
bad." The people having given their assent, the youth stepped boldly forward and
placed his right hand on the blossoms of the plant, and brought his hand with a down-
ward motion to the root of the plant as though blessing it. He then grasped the
fruit and, turning to the people, said: "It is solid, it is ripe." He then parted the
husks at the top very gently and, again turning to the people, he said; "The fruit
is red." He took a few of the grains, showed them to the people, then ate of them,
and replaced the husks. The youth suffered no ill effects, and the people became
convinced that this plant was given them for food. In the fall, when the prairie
grass had turned brown, the stalk and the leaves of this plant turned brown also.
The fruit was plucked and put carefully away. In the following spring the kernels
were divided among the people, four to each family. The people removed to the
spot where the strange apparition had taken place, and there they built their bark
huts along the banks of the two rivers. As the hills began to take on a green tinge

78 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

from the new prairie grass, the people planted the kernels of this strange plant, hav-
ing first built little mounds like the one out of which the first stalk grew. To the
great joy of the people the kernels sprouted and grew into strong and healthy plants.
Through the summer they grew, and developed, and the fruit ripened as did that of
the first stock. The fruit was gathered and eaten, and was found to be good. In
gathering the fruit the people discovered that there were various colors — some ears
were white and others were blue and some were yellow.

The next season the people reaped a rich harvest of this new plant. In the fall
of the year these people, the Arikara, sent invitations to a number of different tribes
to come and spend the winter with them. Six tribes came, and among them were
the Omaha. The Arikara were very generous in the distribution of the fruit of
this new plant among their guests, and in this manner a knowledge of the plant
spread to the Omaha.

The compo.sition of this story presents points of interest. The
importance and the mysterious power of the great game, the bufTalo,
reflect the thought of the hunting tribe ; with it is blended the equally
mysterious gift of the maize, so sacred to the tiller of the ground,
for the buffalo and the maize represented the principal food supply
of the people. The scene of the marvelous occurrence is placed in a
hilh' country where flowed rivers and A'et the prairie seems to have
been near at hand, for the story tells of the observation of the people
that "in the fall, when the prairie turned brown, the stalk and leaves
of this plant turned brown also," and that they timed the planting of
the kernels the following spring b}' the upspringing of ' ' the new prairie
grass." Then we are told that "when the peopJe removed to the spot,
where the strange occurrence had taken place, they built their
'bark huts' along the banks of the two rivers."

The bark hut (see pi. 18) is a type of dwelling belonging to a forest
people. The Omaha used to live in such houses, as is told in the
ancient Legend here so often quoted, and in other Omaha traditions.
The people seem well aware that they once lived in bark houses
like those in use among the Winnebago at the present day. The
Arikara were not a forest people, and did not use the bark hut. The
presence of these details illustrates how a story takes on coloring
and becomes modified in passing from a people of one culture
to a people of another. That the cultivation of the maize was long
known and practised by the Arikara is e\adent from their rites, tra-
ditions, and customs when they were first known historically; but
that the Omaha gained their first knowledge of the plant from them
is very doubtful.

SEPARATION OF PONCA FROM OMAHA J FINDING OF HORSES

The Ponca were the last of the cognates to form a tribe by them-
selves. They were with the Omaha at the peace ceremony with the
Arikara and other tribes, but their departure seems to have taken
place not far from that time and on or near the Missouri river.

FLETCHEH-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 79

According to Ponca traditions already given, the people followed
this stream northward to a place where "thej- could step over the
water," and thence they seem to have turned southward. As they
were going "across the land," they hunted buffalo far toward the
Rocky mountains, and on one of their hunts the}- encountered the
Padouca (Comanche). Tlic following tradition tells of tliis meeting
and its results:

At that time the Ponca had no animals but dogs to help them to carry burdens.
Where\'er they went they had to go on foot, but the people were strong and fleet;
they could run a great distance and not be weary. While they were off hunting buffalo
they first met the Padouca, and afterward had many battles with them. The Padouca
were mounted on strange animals. At first the Ponca thought the men and animals
were one creature, but they learned better after a while. The Padouca had bows
made from elk horn. They were not very long, nor were they strong. To make
these bows the horn was lioiled until it was soft . While in this condition it was scraped
down, then spUced and bound together with sinew and glue. Their arrows were tipped
with bone. But the weapon the Padouca depended on in fighting was a stone
battle-ax. Its long handle was a sapling bound with rawhide to which a grooved stone
ax head, pointed at both ends, was bound by bands of rawhide. This weapon made
them terrible fighters at close quarters. The weakness of their bows and arrows
reduced the value of their horses in battle save as a means to bring them rapidly up to
their enemies, where they could bring their battle-axes into play. If their foes were
armed with strong bows and arrows, the Padouca would suffer before they came to
close range. To protect their horses from arrows they made a covering for the horses'
breasts and sides, to prevent an arrow taking effect at ordinary range. This covering
(armor) was made of thick rawhide cut in round pieces and made to overlap like the
scales of a fish. Over the surface was sand held on by glue. This covering made the
Ponca arrows glance off and do no damage. The Padouca protected their own bodies
by long shields of rawhide. Some of them had breastplates made like those on their
horses. When the Ponca found out that the terrible creature they fii'st encountered
was a man on the back of an animal, they called the animal kawa, a name in use by
the Osage to-day to designate the horse. The Ponca noticed the smell of the horse,
and the odor would apprise them of the approach of the Padouca. AMien a man
perceived the smell, he would run and tell the herald, who would at once go about
the camp, and cry: "The wind tells us the kawa are coming!" So the Ponca would
make ready to defend themselves. The Ponca had many battles with the Padouca.
The Ponca did not know the use of the horses, so they killed them as well as the
men. Nor could they find out where were the Padouca villages, for when the two
tribes met, the Padouca always moved in an opposite direction from the location of
their dwellings. So the Ponca could not discover where the Padouca lived.

One day the two tribes had a great battle. The people fought all day long. Some-
times the Ponca were driven, sometimes the Padouca, until at last a Ponca shot a
Padouca in the eye, and he dropped from his horse. Then the battle ceased. After
the death of this man one of the Padouca came toward the Ponca and motioned that
one of the Ponca should come toward him. Then the Padouca said in plain Ponca:
"WTio are you? 'WTiat do you call yourselves?" The Ponca replied: "We call our-
selves Ponca; but you speak our language well; are you of our tribe?" The Padouca
said: "No; we are Padouca. I speak your language as a gift from a Ponca spirit. As
I lay one day on a Ponca grave after one of our battles with you a man rose from the
grave and spoke to me, so I know your language."

Then it was agreed to make peace. Visits were exchanged, the Ponca bartered
their bows and arrows for horses, and found out the whereabouts of the Padouca village.

80 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. axn. 27

The Padoura taught the Ponca how to riiie and to put burdens on the horses. A\'hen
the Ponca had learned how to use horses they renewed war with the Padoura and
attacked them in their village. The Padouca met the Ponca outside their village
but, licing driven, jumped into thestockade which surrounded the village and fought
from behind the barricade. The Ponca made such continual war on the Padouca and
stole so many of their horses that the Padouca abandoned their village and departed
we know not where. After that the Ponca followed the Platte river east and returned
to the Missouri, bringing the hor-ses back with them.

That is how the Ponca first had horses, and we have had them ever since.

There is no definite tradition among the Omaha as to the tribe
from wliich they first obtained horses. The Legend already quoted
says :

It happened that a man in his wanderings discovered two animals. At first he
thought they were elk, but they did not look like elk. Then he thought they were
deer, but they were larger than deer. He did not know what they were, although he
saw many. \\'hen the man showed himself the animals did not run away, but circled
around him. He was troubled, and, fearing them, he tried to get away, but the
animals kept about him; he edged off and finally reached the vdllage. The people
were curious; they saw that the animals were gentle and could be led. Some of
the men tried to mount them, but fell off, for they did not know how to ride.
The people found the animals could bear burdens and be led by a string. There
were two, male and female; they multiplied; and thus horses came among the Omaha.
The people loved the horses, and when they died the people wailed. So dogs wete
no longer the sole bearers of the people's burdens.

There are traditions wliieh sa}^ that "horses came from the
Southwest."

Traditions concerning the movements of the Omaha when in the
vicinity of the Missouri river are somewhat more definite but they
are still vague.

In 1695 Le Sueur places the Omaha near the Missouri river, where
the Iowa had joined them." As he was about to establish his
trading post on the Blue Earth, Le Sueur sent runners to recall the
Iowa that they might build a village near the fort, as these Indians
were "industrious and accustomed to cultivate the earth." The
trader hoped thus to procure provisions for liis post as well as workers
for the mines.* De I'lsle's map (1703) places the Omaha near the
mouth of the Big Sioux. About 1737 a trading post was established
near the southern end of Lake Winnipeg, where the Omaha are said
to have traded;'^ they have a tradition that "long ago they visited
a great lake to the far north and traded there with wliite men." This
post may have been Fort La Reine. It appears on Jeft'ery's map of
1762.'^ Carver, who traveled in 1766, says that "to tliis place the
Mahahs, who inhabit a country 250 miles southwest, come also to
trade with them; and bring great quantities of Indian corn, to ex-

» Minnesota Historical Collections, i, 328, 3.12.

l> Nelll's The History of Minnesota, etc., 104, PhiladeljAia, lSo8.

c Ibid., 186.

d Ibid., 300.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 81

change for knives, tomahawks, and other articles."" The Omaha
knowledge of tliis northern country would seem to have been tradi-
tional, and may have been connected with their earlier sojourn in the
wooded region of the north.

MEETING WITH THE WHITE MEN ^

From the Sacred Legend already quoted, in which epochal events
of the tribe are mentioned, it appears that the first meeting with the
white race was in the northern region near the lakes, where the
Omaha used birch-bark canoes. The Legend says:

One day the people discovered white objects on the water?, and they knew not
what to make of them. The white objects floated toward the shores. The people
were frightened. They abandoned their canoes, ran to the woods, climbed the trees,
and watched. The white objects reached the shore, and men were seen getting out
of them. The Indians watched the strange men, but did not speak or go near them.
For several days they watched; then the strangers entered into the white objects
and floated off. They left, however, a man — a leader, the Indians thought. He
was in a starving condition. Seeing this, the Indians approached him, extending
toward him a stalk of maize having ears on it, and bade him eat and live. He did
eat, and expressed his gratitude by signs. The Indians kept this man, treating him
kindly, until his companions returned. Thus the white people became acquainted
with the Omaha by means of one whom the latter had befriended. In return the
white people gave the Indians implements of iron. It was in this way that we gained
iron among us.

From the story of this encounter and the fact that the Omaha are
known liistorically to have traded at a fort near Lake Winnipeg, it
is probable that the incident cited in the legend refers to some
reconnoitering party of white adventurers, possibly of the Hudson
Bay Company, one of whose number remained behind, and was later
picked up or joined by the rest of the party.

The Omaha had come into contact with the French prior to 1724.
At that time, in order to prevent the eastward spread of Spanish
influence, a trading post was estabhshed on the Mssouri river. The
French then counted on the friendship of the Omaha, Osage, Iowa,
Oto, and Pawnee, and were instrumental in bringing about peace
between these tribes and the Padouca at a council called by M. de
Bourgmont, commandant of Fort Orleans, which was held on one of
the western tributaries of the Kansas river.

The following tradition may refer to an occurrence not long prior
to this council:

"The Omaha were camped in the timber, and one day a man
heard pounding in the woods. He went to see what caused the
strange noise and returned to the camp in great fright. He said he

a Carver's Three Years' Travel Through the Interior Parts of North-America, etc. . 09. Philadelphia, 1796.
6 The Appendix to this volume deals with the more recent history of the Omaha in their relations
with the whites.

83993°— 27 eth— 11 6

82 THE OMAHA TKIBE [bth. ann. 27

had seen some sort of a beast, his face covered with hair and his skin
the color of the inner layer of the corn husk." This inner husk is
called wa'xo'^ha, and the Omaha name for white man, wa'xe, is prob-
ably a corruption of this term.

The tradition continues as follows: " This was not the first meet-
ing of the Omaha with the white race, but the earlier encounter had
been forgotten by the people." Tliis statement probablj- refers to
the meeting described in the Sacred Legend, as already quoted. The
"wa'xe built houses out of logs, and traded with the people." The
old men of the tribe used to declare that these early traders were
French.

Influence of Traders

Contact with the traders had a disturbing influence on the politics
of the tribe. The traders lent aid to those chiefs and leading men
who favored schemes for barter, and these Indians used the favors
shown them to enhance their own importance in the tribe. The fol-
lowing narrative, compiled from stories told by old men of the tribe,
illustrates this state of affairs:

The great-grandfather of a chief who was living twenty-five years
ago visited the trading post at St. Louis, and on his return assumed
an air of importance, saynng that he had been made a great chief by
the white men. He began to appoint "soldiers" and ambitious men
sought liis favor. He made Blackbird a "soldier" and took him to
St. Louis. [This was the Blackbird the apocryphal story of whose
burial on horseback on the bluffs of the Missouri is told by Lewis
and Clark.] Blackbird was a handsome man and the white people
made much of him, showing him more attention than they did his
companion. When Blackbird returned to the tribe he declared he
had been made a chief by the white people. Blackbird was an
ambitious man, who loved power and was unscrupulous as to how
he obtained it. The traders foimd him a pliant tool. They fostered
his ambitions, supplied him with goods and reaped a harvest in trade.
From them he learnetl the use of poisons, particularly arsenic. If
an Indian opposed him or stood in the way of liis designs, sickness
and death overtook the man and Blackbird would claim that he had
lost his life through supernatural agencies as a punishment for
attempting to thwart his chief. Because of these occurrences Black-
bird was feared. He exercised considerable power and adopted the
airs of a despot. Before he died, however, the secret of his poison-
ings became known and the fact led to the loss of much of his power.
The romantic picture of his interment on horseback must be credited
to grateful traders, as must also be the bestowal of his name on tlie
hills and creek where later the Omaha built a \-illage when they

CQ
UJ

_l
_J

cc
m

o
<

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT I RESULTANT INFLUENCES

moved to their present reservation. It is a fact that horses were
frequently strangled at funerals and their bodies left near the burial
movuid, which was always on a hill or at some elevation, but they
were never buried alive or interred witli the body. It is one of the
humors of Indian history that a relic hunter should have picked up

Fig. 15. Big Elk.

a horse's skull on one of the Blackbird hills and preserved it in a
museum in memory of this fanciful entombment.

The "Blackbu-d hills" (pi. 20) are not known to the Omaha by that
name, but as O"'po"to"gaxaitho" (" where Big Elk is buried"). Big
Elk (fig. 15) died in 1853. He was the third of his name, a member of
the We'zhi"shte gens, and a leading chief of the tribe. According to
tradition, all three, named Big Elk, were men of ability, brave and

84 THE OMAHA TETBE tnTH. ann. 27

prudent chiefs. The hist of the name was a man of considerable
foresight and what may be termed an advanced thinker. lie took
part in some of the early treaties of his tribe and visited Washuigton
before his death. On his return from this visit he called the tribe
together and made the following address, which is here given as it
was told more than twenty-five j'ears ago:

My chiefs, braves, and young men, I have just returned from a \isit to a far-off
country toward the rising sun, and have seen many strange things. I bring to you
news which it saddens my heart to think of. There is a coming flood which will soon
reach us, and I advise you to prepare for it. Soon the animals which '\Vako"'da has
given us for sustenance will disappear beneath this flood to return no more, and it
will be very hard for you. Look at me; you see I am advanced in age; I am near
the grave. I can no longer think for you and lead you as in my younger days. You
must think for yourselves what will be best for your welfare. I tell you this that
you may be prepared for the coming change. You may not know my meaning.
Many of you are old, as I am, and by the time the change comes we may be lying
peacefully in our graves; but these young men will remain to suffer. Speak kindly
to one another; do what you can to help each other, even in the troubles with the
coming tide. Now, my people, this is all I have to say. Bear these words in mind,
and when the time comes think of what I have said.

One day, in 1883, during the allotment of the land in severalty to
the Omaha tribe, as a large group of the Indians were gathered about
the allotting agent watching the surveyor and talking of the loca-
tion of allotments, there stood on a hill near by an old Indian. In
a loud voice he recited this speech of Big Elk. At its close he
paused, then shouted: "Friends, the flood has come!" and disap-
peared.

To the best of his understanding Big Elk tried to face his people
toward civilization. At the same time he was politic and kept the
tribe well in hand. Instances of his eloquent and courtly speech
have been preserved in official proceedings with the Government
and these betray a dignity and heartiness that accord with the fol-
lowing incident: The son who Big Elk hoped would succeed him
died in the prime of young manhood and the father grieved sadly
for his child. The death occurred while the tribe was on the Elk-
horn river. The body was wrapped in skins, and, accompanied by
near relatives, was carried across the prairies more than a hundred
miles, to be laid on the hills near the village of his ancestors. A
year afterward, when the tribe was on its annual hunt. Big Elk was
riding with the people when his eyes rested on a spirited horse — the
best one he owned. Suddenly the memory of his son came to him;
he seemed to see the youth, and murmured: "He would have had
that horse and all of the best I had — but he needs no gift of mine!"
Just then he saw an old man whose fortune had always been hard
and who had never owned a horse. Big Elk beckoned him to come
near, and said: "Friend, the horse my son wpuld have ridden shall

FLETCHEK-LA FLDSCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 85

be 3'ours; take him and mount." As the old man raised his arms
in thanks the chief turned and rode off alone.

The interference of the traders, and later of Government ofHcials,
in tribal affairs, caused two classes of chiefs to be recognized —
those whose office was due to white influence and those who were
chiefs according to tribal right and custom. The first Avere desig-
nated "paper chiefs," because they usually had some written docu-
ment setting forth their claim to the office; the second class were
known simply as "chiefs." This conflict in authority as to the
making of chiefs was a potent factor in the disintegration of the
ancient tribal life.

The Omaha Country

villages on the missouri

Traditions are somewhat vague as to Omaha villages on the Mis-
souri river. While in this region the people seem to have suffered
from wars and also from lack of food. Near the mouth of the White
river, South Dakota, the tribe once found a flock of snowbirds,
which brought so much relief to the hungry people that the village
they erected at that place was known as "Where the snowbirds
came." They seem to have stayed in this village for a considerable
time, but were finally driven away by wars. There is no mention
of any village being built on their southward movements until after
they had passed the Niobrara river. On Bow creek, Nebraska,
near where the present to\\Ti of St. James stands, a village of earth
lodges was erected, and here the people remained until a tragedy
occurred which caused a separation in the tribe and an abandon-
ment of this village by all the people. The site was known and
pointed out in the last century as the place where stood the
To°'wo°pezhi, "Bad Village."

The following is the story of how this village came" to be aban-
doned and received the name of "Bad Village." It is a story that
used frequently to be told and is probably historical and suggests
how separations may have come about in the more remote past.

In the Tef i"'de gens lived a man and his wife with their three sons and one daughter.
Although the man was not a chief, he was respected and honored by the people because
of his bravery and hospitality. His daughter was sought in marriage by many
men in the tribe. There was one whom she preferred, and to whom she gave her
word to be his wife. This fact was not known to her parents, who promised her to a
warrior long past his youth. Against her will she was taken to the warrior's dwelling
with the usual ceremonies in such marriages. The girl determined in her own mind
never to be his wife. She did not cry or struggle when they took her, but acted well
her part at the wedding feast, and none knew her purpose. ^\Tien the feast was over
and the sun had set, she slipped away in the dark and was gone. At once a search
was started, which was kept up by the disajjpointed old warrior and his relatives for
several days, but without success. The girl's mother grieved over the loss of her

86 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

daii<,'hter, but the father was silent. It wu.s iiotifcd that a certain young man was
also missing, and it was thought that the two were probably together. After the girl
had boon gone some time, a boy rushed to the father's house one morning, as the
family were eating their meal, and said: "Your daughter is found! The old man
has stripped her of her clothing and is flogging her to death. Hurry, if you would see
her alive!" The father turned to his sons and said: "Go, see if there is truth in
this." The eldest refused, the second son bowed his head and sat still. The young-
est arose, seized his bow, put on his quiver, and went out. The village had gathered
to the scene. As the brother approached, he heard his sister's cries of anguish.
Pushing his way through the crowd he shouted words of indignation to those who had
not tried to rescue the girl, and, drawing his bow, shot the angry old man. The
relatives of the dead man and those who sympathized with his exercise of marital
rights ran for their bows and fought those who sided with the young rescuer. A
battle ensued; fathers fought sons and brothers contended with brothers. All day the
two sides contested and many were slain before night put an end to the conflict.
The next day those who had fought with the brother left the village with him and
traveled eastward, while their opponents picked up their belongings, turned their
back on their homes and moved toward the south. There was no wailing nor any
outward sign of mourning. Silently the li\'ing separated, and the village was left
with the unburied dead. * * *

"A new generation had grown up," this strange story continues,
"when a war party traveling east beyond the Missouri river encoun-
tered a village where the people spoke the Omaha language. Aban-
doning their warlike intents, the Omaha warriors entered the village
peaceably, persuaded their new-found relatives to return with them,
and so the Omaha people were once more united." The vUIage
where the reunion took place was near one then occupied by the
Iowa, not far from the site of the present town of Ponca City.

The attacks of the Dakota tribes forced the Iowa to leave that
part of the country and they moved southward as far as the river
Platte and never again built a towoi near the Omaha tribe. The
Omaha were driven by the Dakota from their village at the same
time as the Iowa and finally settled on a stream that flows in a north-
erly direction into the Missouri, which they named Tcj^'wo^ni, or
Village creek, from the village thej" built on its wooded banks. This
village was erected near a rock containing a hole or depression in
which the fork-tailed kites used to nest, and the site was known as
I"'be zhu^ka mo°sho°de te, " the fork-tailed kites' hole." The village
itself, built in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, was called
To°'wo°to''ga, "large village." The stream on which it was situated
is now called Omaha creek. It was here that the smallpox and
cholera reached the people and nearly destroyed them.

The traditions concerning the effects of the scourge of smallpox
vividly portray the terror and desperation of the people. It is said
that when the enfeebled survivors saw the disfigured appearance of
their cliildren and companions they resolved to put an end to their
existence, since both comeliness and vigor were gone. They did not

rLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; BESULTANT INFLUENCES 87

know that new-born children woiihl not inlierit their parents' dis-
figuration, and that in time the tribe would again be as they were of
old, strong and well-looking. Being determined to die, they proposed
to die fighting their enemies, therefore the tribe — men, women, and
children — moved out as a great tribal war party to fimd their foes
and meet a vahant death. The Cheyenne had been harrying the
people, so the strange war party started for the Che3'enne country.
The story of this war party runs as follows :

On their way they encountered the Ponca tribe returning from a successful buffalo
hunt, well supplied with meat and pelts. The Omaha chiefs sent messengers to the
Ponca, explaining that their people were going against the Cheyenne, but they were
in need and asked for food. The Ponca drove the Omaha messengers away and shot
at them. This angered the Omaha and they prepared to fight the Ponca. In the
battle that followed it was observed that one of the fiercest warriors on the Ponca
side was an Omaha, who was known to have married a Ponca woman. This warrior
was the nephew of a prominent man of the Omaha tribe, and therefore his capture,
rather than his death, was sought. At last he was taken and word was sent to his
uncle, who was fighting in another part of the field, that his nephew was captured,
and he was asked, " \Miat shall be done?" ■' Hold him until I come," was the reply.
When the uncle arrived at the place of capture hs saw his nephew standing with an
Omaha warrior on each side holding his arms. The uncle raised his spear and plunged
it through the body of the man who had fought against his kindred.

The Ponca were driven from their camp and lost possession of their meat and
camp equipage. Then the Ponca sought to make peace, and dispatched a man to the
Omaha with the tribal pipe. As he approached, the Omaha chief called out, " Who
is he?" ^^'hen he was told, he replied: "The man is a man of blood." So the
pipe was refused and the man driven back, but not killed. A second man was sent.
He came toward the Omaha with the pipe extended in his left hand and his right
hand raised in supplication. Again the chief asked; " Who is he?" ^\^len told, he
replied: "He is a man of peace." The pipe was received and the fighting ceased.
The food of the Ponca was divided between the two tribes, and the Omaha moved on.

The story goes on to recount the desperate fighting with the
Cheyenne, the Pawnee, and the Oto. At last those that remained
of the Omaha returned to their village on Omaha creek. Here
Lewis and Clark met the people at the beginning of the nineteenth
century, and it was from the bluffs near tliis site in 1836 that the
tribe saw the little steamboat Antelope puff its way up the Missouri.
As the boat seemed to move of itself, they called it moMe'waxube,
"mystery boat" — a term that has lost its early significance, and
has become the common Omaha name for all steamboats.

Forays of the Dakota grew to be more and more frequent, and later
the Ponca joined them in these attacks. The Omaha lost many of
their horses, and Hfe became so unsafe that the people abandoned this
village and moved southwest in the first quarter of the last century.
At tliis period the Omaha were harassed on the north by the Dakota
and Ponca and on the south and west by the Oto and Pawnee.
Peace was made from time to time, and as frequently broken; con-
sequently the village on Omaha creek was never again steadily

88 THE OMAHA TRIBE [bth. ann. 27

occupied, although the people frequently brougnt their dead from
their camps to the southward and westward to be buried where their
fatliers had dwelt.

The country through which the tribe was accustomed to hunt cov-
ered a range of several huntlred miles north and south and east and
west. Its topography was well known to the Omaha, not only the
general direction of the livers and their numerous branches-, but the
turns and twists of the streams and the valleys, also the number of
days or camps required to go from one point to another; short cuts
were known by which time could be saved, an important considera-
tion in a journey for which food and shelter had to be transported.
It was not unusual for directions as to a certain route to be supple-
mented by a rude map of the country to be traversed, traced on the
ground with a finger or a stick, on which were indicated the trails,
streams, and fords, and perhaps other details, as the locations of
trees, springs, or creeks, affording suitable places to make camps, and
of stretches where water or wood would have to be carried. These
maps were always oriented, so that one could follow the course laid
down, by the sun during the day or at night by the north star. All
the lai'ge rivers known to the Omaha flow in a southerly direction;
their tributaries running northward were said to "flow backward."

The accompanying map (pi. 21) shows the country known to the
Omaha tribe; the Omaha and Ponca names of the streams wliich
flow tlirough territory once claimed by the Omaha as their hunting
grounds are given below. Much of this region was disputetl by other
tribes, who coveted the "sand hills " to the westward, where game was
plentiful. The Omaha villages lay near the Missouri, not farther west
than the Elkhorn; but the hunting grounds claimed by the tribe
extendetl on the east from the Missouri to the Kaccoon or Des Moines
river, and on the west to the country of the Padouca, whose most
easterly village, in the forks of the Dismal river, was known to the
Omaha. The Pawnee in their northeastern migration encroached
on the country watered by the Loup. They moved down the Platte
to that river and built their \'illages there. In the battles wliich
ensued the Pawnee villages were destroyed, but only to be rebuilt.
Peace was made between the two tribes, and soon broken. Wars
were followed by alliances against other enemies." ^leanwlule the
Pawnee continued to encroach and finally obtained a foothold, but
the ancient hunting right of the Omaha on the land was recognized
by the Pawnee, for when the two tribes hunted together north of
the Platte, as they frequently did in the first half of the last century,
the Omaha led, and Omaha oflicers controlled all persons taking part

a The map indicates the places where well-known battles took place during contentions for control oi'
this Icrritory. Minor battle fields are not marked; only those are indicated in which the number siain on
both sides left a deep impression on the memory of the people.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 21

A Omaha villages

# Priocipal ladian battlefields

COUNTRY KNOWN TO THE OMAHA

Explanation.— The extensive shaded area represents the country known to the
Omaha: the included urea of darker shading (cross hatched), the countryoecu-
pied by the Omaha; and the small rectangle bounded on the east by tue Mis-
souri River, the Omab& reservation

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 89

in the hunt. When, however, the two tribes huntetl together south
of the Phitte, the Pawnee led, and the Omaha hunters accepted the
control of the Pawnee directors of the hunt.

The territory lying west of Shell creek and northward to the mouth
of the A'iobrara continued to be a tlisputed hunting ground among
the Cheyenne, Dakota, Pawnee, Omaha, and Ponca until nearly
1857, when the region was finally ceded to the United States. In
the treaty of cession the Pawnee claim was recognized and payments
for the land were made to that tribe.

The country east of the Missouri was practically abandoned by
the Omaha in the eighteenth century; their villages were then west
of that river and the tribal hunts were conducted to the westward,
but small parties sought elk and deer east of the Missouri up to the
middle of the last century. The Omaha rights to the land east of
that river were recognized in the treaties made in 1830, 1836, and
1854, when that territory was ceded to the United States.

STREAMS KNOWN TO THE OMAHA"

The Elkhorn and Its tributaries

Wate' Meaning unknown Elkhorn river.

Umo"'ho" waa i te ^\1lero the Omaha planted . Bell creek.

Logan hi te WTiere Logan came (to trade) . Hyde creek.

Ti'ha xa i ke AVhere the tent skins were Maple creek.

cached (at a time when the

Omaha went to fight the

Pawnee).

To'^wo°zh°iga The little village Clark creek.

Tacpo^'hi bate ke Thorn-apple creek Lower Logan, including

Middle creek.
LTki'pato" tenuga t'ethe te Where Uki'pato" killed a Pebble creek.

buffalo bull,
or
Pa'tithihu izhi"ge xa i te UTiere the son of Pa'tithihu

is buried.
Niu'thite te The ford (buffalo hunting Camings creek.

trail crossed here).

Zha'uzhi ke Weed creek Plum creek.

Mo"ko'"'ninida ke Sweet-flag creek Rock creek.

Mo"thi'"xudetibe te Prairie-dog creek Humbug creek.

Mo"xu' de anatushi kitha Wliere there was an explo- No name on maps; prob-
i te. sion of gunpowder. ably dry run.

Ni'shkube te Deep water Taylor creek.

Ilhe'^aa i te Noisy -ford creek (so called LTnion creek, branch of

because the dangerous con- Taylor.

dition of the ford caused

excitement in crossing).

<• To the Omaha ear euphony demands that in composite terms but one accent be used, that given in
the first word.

90 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth an>-. 27

0"'po'' mo"thi°ka thata i le. Elk lick I)ry run, first branch of

Taylor.

Mi'xa ufaa i te The lake that resounds with Lake west of Taylor creek,

the cackling of geese. south of Elkhorn.

E'zho" wi"ax'chi te- One elm tree Dry run near town of Stan-
ton, north of Elkhorn.

Umo^'efabe wae te Where Umo°'e(,'abe planted . Dry run near Bursting

Powder creek.

Utha'dawo" te Old name. Echo creek North fork of Elkhorn.

Mo''ho'"ho° te Miry creek Willow creek, branch of

north fork of Elkhorn.

Hubthu'ga wafi i te WTierethey fished for trout. . Battle creek.

Mo°ko'''ninida ke Sweet-flag lake Lake near town of Warren,

above Battle creek.

Hide'thi°ge te No-outlet creek Creek east of town of Oak-
dale, north of Elkhorn.

Ni'shkube te Deep water Creek near Oakdale, south

of Elkhorn.

Te'thishka i te Where the pack of the Sa- Upper Logan creek,

cred Buffalo Hide was un- branch of Logan,
tied or opened.

The Platte and its tributaries

Ni btha'fka ke Flat river Platte river.

Tashno^'ge uzhi ke Ash creek Shell creek.

Keto'^ke Turtle creek Silver creek.

Po°'xe to"" ke Artichoke creek Wood river.

Nifki'the k^ Salt creek Salt creek.

Mo'^'shewakude uzho° ke. Where Mo^'shewakude lies Wa boo creek.

(was buried).
Mo°'feguhe uzho" ke WTiere Mo°'feguhe lies (was Rock creek.

buried).
Pa'thi"' tiuthixthigetho".. The Old Pawnee village

(Pitahawirat). This was

the village attacked by

Wa'bafka. (See story,

p. 406.)

The Loup and its tributaries

Nuto"^ ke Plenty potato river Loup river.

Uki'tha9o''de ke Hugging closely (to the Looking-glass creek.

Loup).

Zha'beto" ke Plenty beaver creek Beaver creek.

Mo°ga'shude te Dust creek Council creek.

Nibtha'tkazhi^ga ke Little Nibtha'vka Cedar creek.

Mo°ga'nade ke Miry creek Timber creek.

Pa'thi°to°wo°zhi°ga Little Pawnee village Horse creek.

Pa'thi''mo''ho''to''wo"' Skidi village Cottonwood creek.

Ni'shkube te Deep water Spring creek.

Ma'vi uthuthaha te Cedar river North Loup.

Ni^ni'te Cold water Calamus river.

Pehi°'xewathe wathigtho" Where P e h i "' x e w a t he Oak creek.
te. prophesied.

i-LETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESTJLTANT INFLUENCES 91

Zha'betilie te The beaver village No name on maps.

Shko'^shko"tithe uzho"ke. . In which Shko^'shkoi'tithi- Middle Loup.

lies (is buried).

No°'ebubatigtha i te Where a hand was hung up.. Mud creek.

Te ni u'baafai ke Where a herd of buffalo Clear creek.

were driven into the wa-
ter.

Pa'do°kano°fa gaxa i ke. . Where the Padouca built Dismal river.

breastworks.

Ka^'fezhi^ga ano"zhi'' te.. Where Kan'fezhi"ga stood North Loup, west of Cala-

on a hill. mus river.

Omaha Creek and its tributaries

To"^wo''ni ke Village creek (a village was Omaha creek.

built on this creek by the
Omaha).

Wa?e'?o° te \Miite-clay creek First branch of Omaha

creek, near town of Ho-
mer (no name on maps) .

Ki'bano" githa i te Where they raced Second branch of Omaha

creek (no name on
maps).

Nithato"' ite Where they drink water Third branch of Omaha

(there is a spring at the creek (no name on
head where the people maps),
stop to drink).

Blackbird Creeks

Xa'tha the the te Running backward South Blackbird (flows

into the Missouri).

Wako"'dagi pezhi te The bad Wako'''dagi North Blackbird (flows into

the Missouri).

The Missouri and its tributaries

Nishu'de ke Turbid water Missouri.

Umo^'ho" waa i ke ^^^lere the Omaha farmed . . . Big Papilion.

Shao'''petho°ba waxthi i te. Where they (Omaha and Branch of the Papilion.

Oto) killed 7 Sioux.

Uhe'ato" te The bridge creek Creek between Homer and

Jackson, Nebraska (no
name on maps).

Ta'gehite The walnut creek Elk creek.

WaCe'fo" te Wtite-clay creek Branch of Elk (no name on

maps).

Ma'xude waa i te Where the Iowa farmed Ayoway creek.

Sho'''to"ga wabaafa i te . - . \\'here the people were Branchof Ayoway creek.

frightened by gray wolves.

Thi'xeshpo" ugthe te Soft-willow creek Nameless creek having no

outlet south of Floyds
river, flows into small
lake, Iowa.

Wako'''daxuti te Meaning uncertain Floyds river.

Xe Buried Big Sioux, Iowa.

92 THE OMAHA TBIBE [bth. ann. 27

To"'wo''nike Village creek Bow creek, Nebraska.

Ni'ugashude te Turbid river ^Miite river.

Wate' Meaning unknown Little Sioux, Iowa.

Ni'xebe te Shallow water Bayer creek, Iowa.

Di'xe ut'a 1 te Where many died of the Creek running by Council

smallpox. . Bluffs, Iowa (no name on

maps).

Wafe'fo" thifa i te \Miere they take white clay. Vermilion creek. South

Dakota.

The Ponca and its tributaries

Ni'uthit'e te Death river [called so be- Ponca river.

cause many Ponca died

there.]

Ho^'ga waxthi i ke Where the Ho"'ga people First creek to the north

were massacred. (no name on maps).

Pija'bahehe ugthe te (Creek) running through Second creek to the north

the sand hills. (no name on maps)-.

Pahe'zho" we^'a thaxta i te. Where Pahe'zho" was bitten First creek to the south (no

by a snake. name on maps).

Mo^thi^'ka shno" te Bare earth (so called because Second creek to the south

of the bare hill near the (no name on maps).

creek.)

Po°'ka sheno"watha i thu- Creek running straight on, North fork of Ponca (no

to" thethe te. where Ponca were massa- name on maps).

cred.

E'zho" to^ga niuthutha- Large elm trees with stream South fork of Ponca (no

C'l^te. running among them. name on maps).

Keyabaha and its tributaries

Xe'i" azhi ke Cedar Ridge creek (so called Keyabaha.

from a ridge covered with
cedar.)

Mo°'gauti te Skunk creek Spring creek.

Ko'''de uzhiha te The plum-bag creek Burton creek.

I°'e uzhi wachishka te Rock creek Creek next to Burton, west

(no name on maps).

Tax'ti wachishka te Deer creek Creek next to Rock creek,

west (no name on maps).
The }'irdigris and its trihiiturie?

Wacje'tupezhi te Th^ bad green-clay creek. . . Verdigris.

Wage'tupezhi hide uzhi"- The little Wage tupezhi. First branch of Verdigris
ga te. branch of Big Verdigris from the mouth on east

near its mouth. (no name on maps).

Ma'fi uzhi to Cedar creek Creek down which railroad

runs (no name on maps) ;
second branch of ^'erdi-
gris on the east.
Mo"chu'to"ga t'etha i te. . . \Vhere Big Grizzly Bear was First branch of Verdigris

killed. (A man by this on west side (no name on
name tried to take a horse maps),
from some men and was
killed by them on this
creek.)

FLETCHER-r.A flesche] ENVIRONMENT ; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 93

Pa'thi" nadathi" te Where a Pawnee was crazed Third branch of Verdigris

by heat. (A Ponca in- on east (no name on

vited a Pawnee to a sweat maps).

lodge when the Ponca

were camped on this creek.

The Pawnee, not being

able to endure the heat,

fled without his clothes and

was not heard of again.)

Hethi'shizhe gahi uho^te. WTiere Hethi'shizhe made a Second branch of Verdi-
feast to the chiefs. gris on west side (no

name on maps).

Zha'be uti i te Where there is a beaver \il- Third branch of Verdigris

lage, or dam. on west side (no name on

maps).

Wani'tawaxa hi te AMiere Wani'tawaxa came. Fourth branch of Verdigris

(An Omaha by this name on east side (no name on

visited the Ponca at this maps).

place.)

The Niobrara and branches Jrom the Verdigris on south side

Ni'ubthatha ke Wide river Niobrara river.

Wa'bakihe t'e te \\'here Wa'bakihe died. First creek from Vcrdigria

(no name on maps).
Tenu'gagabe wae te Where Black Buffalo Bull Second creek from Verdi-
planted, gris (no name on maps).
Mi'zhi''ga shi°nuda ikinai \\'hcre a girl was bitten to Third creek from Verdigris

te. death by a dog. (no name on maps).

Ubi'fka izhu°ge t'e te ^\'here Ubi'fka's daughter Fourth creek from Verdi-
died, gris (no name on maps).

She'hi to° te Thorn-apple creek Fifth creek from Verdigris

(no name on maps).

Wau'waxthi i te ^^'here some women were Sixth creek from Verdigris

killed by a war party. (no name on maps).

Shao^'pa awachi i te Where a dance was held Seventh creek from Verdi-
over the head of a Sioux, gris (no name on maps).

Ma'ah wi''tho°tho'' te Creek of the scattering cot- Eighth creek from Verdi-

tonwood trees. gris (no name on maps).

U"^zhi''ga hi te Hazelnut creek Ninth creek from Verdigris

(no name on map,s) .

Mo"^' ithiti " tho° The crooked-cliff creek Tenth creek from Verdigris

(no name on maps).
Pir'a' 5ka te WTiite-sand creek Eleventh creek from Ver-
digris (no name on maps) .
Gube'hi te Hackberry creek Twelfth creek from Verdi-
gris, first w. of Keyabaha.

Uhe'ato" te The bridge creek. (At this Ash creek. (?)

creek a bridge would be
built of tent poles and
skins, the creek not being
fordable.)

Tenu'ga t'e tha i te \\'here Buffalo Bull was Long Pine. (?)

killed.

Wathi'shka (;nede tc.

THE OMAHA TRIBE

Ietu. iNN. 27

Mu°ohu' uti te.

(,'i°'de kino"fni''da i to.

Ni'xue te

Ni' biye te

Ci(;i'ka wabahi i te.

I^'e ikiti" i te.

Pahe'nude te

WatC'lhata i ke
Niwa'xube ke. . .

Paheshu'de ke ..
Uha'i ke

Mika'to"

The long creek. (So called Plum Creek. (?)

because of its length. At

the head is a small lake

and an old Padouca (Co-
manche) village site.

Here also was found a

meteorite (?) which gave

the name In'e thiho

i tho°, "place where

they lifted a stone."

The young men lifted

the stone to test their

strength.)
Bear creek. (There used to Fairfield creek. (?)

be many grizzlies at this

place. There were cedar

trees along this creek.)
Horse-tail creek. (The ap- Small creek (no name on

preaches to the ford were maps) .

so steep that in going

down the horses trod on

one another's tails.)

The roaring waters Schlegels creek. (?)

(There was a fort here.)
The dry creek. (The peo- Gordons creek.

pie had to dig wells when

they camped here.)
WTiere they gathered tur- Snake river.

keys. (Many turkeys

were found here, starved

to death, and men gath-
ered them to pluck the

feathers to feather their

arrows.)
WTiere they fought with peb- Small creek on north side

bles. (WTien camped at of Niobrara, a short dis-

this creek the boys fought tance above Fairfield.

one another, using pebbles

as missiles.)
\\'here there is a ridge with a t'reek on north side of Xio-

hole through it . brara, nearly opposite

Horse-tail creek.
The Republican river

\Miere they ate squash Republican river.

Holy river Solomon river, Kansas.

Smoky hill Smoky Hill river.

The river down which they Ohio river.

came.
Plenty of raccoons Des Moines river.

FLi;rcHER-LA FLESCHEl ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 95

THE VILLAGE

Site

The site for a village was always chosen near a running stream
convenient to timber and generally not far from hills, from which an
outlook over the country could be obtained. A watch was commonly
stationed on these hills to detect the stealthy approach of enemies
and to keep an eve on the horses pastured near by, although these
were usually herded by boys during the day and brought into the
village at night, where each family had a corral built near its lodge
for safety. The bottom lands were the planting places; each
family selected its plot, and as long as the land was cultivated its
occupancy was respected. Corn, beans, squash, and melons were
raised in considerable quantities, and wliile these products were
sometimes traded, they were usually stored for winter use.

Occasionally a man would take a fancy to some locality and deter-
mine to live there. He would be joined by his kindred, who would
erect their lodges near his and cultivate gardens. Such outlj-ing
little settlements were a temptation to marauding war parties, and
if an attack was made by a large party of enemies, capture and death
were sure to follow; any degree of safety was secured only through
untiring vigilance.

Dwellings

The earth lodge and the tipi (tent) were the only types of dwelhng
used by the Omaha during the last few centuries.

The tipi (pi. 17 and fig. 16) was a conical tent. Formerly the cover
was made of 9 to 12 buffalo sldns tanned on both sides. To cut and
sew tliis cover so that it woukl fit well and be shapely when stretched
over the circular framework of poles required skilful workmanship,
the result of training and of accurate measurements. The cover was
cut semicircular. To the straight edges, which were to form the front
of the tent, were added at the top triangular flaps. These were to be
adjusted by poles according to the direction from wliich the wind blew,
so as to guide the smoke from the central fire out of the tent. These
smoke-flaps were called ti'liugahthlHha (from ti, "tent or house;"
hugabthiHha, "to twist")- At intervals from about .3 feet above the
bottom up to the smoke-flaps holes were made and worked in the
straight edges. Through these holes pins (sticks) about S inches long,
well shaped and often ornamented, were thrust to fasten the tent
together, when the two edges lapped in front or were laced together
with a thong. Tliis front lap of the tent was called ti' ntoHhuhe
(from ti, "tent"; moHhuhe, "breast"). The term refers to the
part of the liide forming the lap. The tent poles were 14 to 16 feet
long. Straight young cedar poles were preferred. The bark was

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

removed and the poles were rubbed smooth. The setting up of a
tent was always a woman's task. She first took four poles, laid them
together on the ground, and then tied them firmly with a tiiong
about 3 feet from one end. She then raised the poles and spread
their free ends apart and thrust them firmly into the ground. These
four tied poles formed the true framework of the tent. Other poles —
10 to 20 in number, according to tlie size of the tent — were arranged
in a circle, one end pressed well into the ground, the other end laid in
the forks made l)y the tied ends of the four poles. There was a defi-
nite order in setting up the poles so that they would lock one another,
and when they were all in place they constituted an elastic but firm

Fig, 10. Tipi.

frame, wliicli could resist a fairly heavy winil. There was no name
for the fundamental four poles, nor for any other pole except the
one at the back, to which the tent cover was tied. This pole was called
te(i^''d('ugasM-fi, "the one to which the bufl'alo tail was tied." The
name tells that the back part of the tent cover was a whole hide,
the tail indicating the center line. When tlie poles were all set.
this back pole was laid on the ground and the tent cover brought.
This had been folded so as to be ready to be tied and opened. The
front edges had been rolled or folded over and over back to the line
indicating the middle of the cover; on this line thongs had been sewed
at the top and bottom of the cover; the cover was laid on the ground

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 22

JJg

ism^m^:...

■^ T

Lir-i — ..■

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'':^imumgMi

1 1

IPIIH

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^^H^l

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'■-'^^^^^^H

I^^Krf^,.'

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I^Hb^K.

^>'- _.'

'A- ■■-^^j:*mSB^^

EARTH LODGE-FRAMEWORK AND STRUCTURE

FLBTCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 97

in such manner that this back hne was parallel to the pole, wliich
was then securely tied to the cover by the thongs. When tliis was
done, the pole and the folded tent cover were grasped firmly together,
lifted, and set in place. Then, if there were two women doing the
work, one took one fold of the cover and the other the other fold,
and each walked with her side around tlie framework of poles. The
two straight edges were then lapped over each other and the wooden
pins were put in or the thong was threaded. Each of the lower ends
of the straight edges had a loop sewed to it, and tlu-ough both loops a
stake was thrust into the ground. The oval opening formed the door,
wliich was called tizhe'he. Over tliis opening a skin was hung. A
stick fastened across from one foreleg to the other, and another stick
ruiming from one hindleg to the other, held this covering taut, so
that it could be easily tipped to one side when a person stooped to
enter the oval door opening. It was always an interesting sig'ht
to watch the rapid and precise movements of the women and their
deftness in setting up a tent. On a journey, no matter how dark the
evening might be when the tent was pitched the opening was gener-
ally so arranged as to face the east. In the village, or in a camping
place likely to Ije used for some time, a band of willow withes was
bound around the frame of poles about midway their height to give
additional stabihty.

The earth lodge (pis. 10, 22) was a circular dwelling, having walls
about 8 feet high and a dome-shaped roof, with a central opening for
the escape of smoke and the admission of light. The task of building
an earth lodge was shared by men and women. The marking out of
the site and the cutting of the h«avy logs were done by the men.
When the location was chosen, a stick was thrust in the spot where the
fireplace was to be, one end of a rawhide rope was fastened to the
stick and a circle 20 to 60 feet in diameter was drawn on tlie earth
to mark where the wall was to be erected. The sod within the circle
was removed, the ground excavated about a foot in depth, and the
earth thrown around the circle like an embankment. Small crotched
posts about 10 feet high were set 8 or 10 feet apart and li feet withm
the circle, and on these were laid beams. Outside this frame spht
posts were set close togetlier, having one end braced against the bot-
tom of the bank and the other end leaning against the beams, thus
forming a wall of timber. The ojiening generally, though not always,
faced the east. Midway between the central fireplace and the wall
were planted 4 to 8 large crotched posts about 10 feet in height, on
wliich heavy beams rested, these serving to support the roof. This
was made of long, slender, tapering trees stripped of their bark. These
were tied at their large ends with cords (made from the inner bark
of the linden) to the beams at the top of the stockade and at the mid-
dle to those resting in, the crotches of the large posts forming the
83993°— 27 eth— 11 7

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

inner circle about the fireplace. The slender ends were cut so as
to form the circular opening for the smoke, the edges being woven
together with elm twine, so as to be firm. Outside the woodwork of
the walls and roof, branches of willow were laid crosswise and bound
tight to each slab and pole. Over the willows a heavy thatch of
coarse grass was arranged so as to shed water. On the grass was
placed a thick coating of sod. The sods were cut to lap and be laid
like shingles. Finally they were tamped with earth and made
impervious to rain. The entrance way, 6 to 10 feet long, projected
from the door and was built in the same manner as the lodge and
formed a part of it. A curtain of skin hung at the inner and one at
the outer door of this entrance way. Much labor was expended on
the floor of the lodge. The loose earth was carefully removed and the
ground then tamped. It was next flooded with water, after which
dried grass was spread over it and set on fire. Then the ground was
tamped once again. This wetting and heating was repeated two or
three times, iintil the floor became hard and level and could be easily
swept and kept clean. Brooms were made of brush or twigs tied
together. Couches were arranged around the waU in the spaces
between the posts of the framework. These were provided with
skins and pillows and served as seats by day and as beds by night.
In the building of an earth lodge the cutting and putting on of the

sods was always done by women, and as this
part of the task had to be accomplished
rapidly to prevent the drymg out of the
sods, which must hold well together, kindred
helped one another. The erection of this
class of dwelling I'equired considerable labor,
hence only the industrious and tlnift}' pos-
sessed these lodges.

Near each dwelling, generally to the left
of the entrance, the cache (fig. 17) was built.
This consisted of a hole in the ground about
8 feet deep, rounded at the bottom and
sides, provided with a neck just large enough to admit the bod}- of a
person. The whole was lined with split posts, to which was tied
an inner lining of bunches of dried grass. The opening was pro-
tected by grass, over which sod was placed. In these caches the
winter supply of food was stored; the shelled corn was put into skin
bags, long strings of corn on the cob were made by braiding the
outer husks, while the jerked meat was packed in parfleche cases.
Pelts, regalia, and extra clothing were generally kept in the cache;
but these were laid in ornamented parfleche cases, never used but
for this purpose.

Fig. 17. Common form of cache.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30

MU'XANO'ZHh

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 31

GAHI'ZHI"GA (LITTLE CHIEF)

FLETrnER-r.A FLESCHF.] ENVIRONMENT ; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 99

AVlien the j)eoi)le left the village for the summer bufl'alo hunt, all
cumbersome household articles — as the mortars and pestles, extra
hides, etc. — were placed in the caches and the openings carefulh^
concealed. The cases containing gala clothing and regalia were taken
along, as these garments were needed at the great tribal ceremonies
which took place during that period.

In a village in which the entire tribe lived the lodges and tents were
not arranged about a central open space nor were they set so the
people could live in the order of their gentes, an order obsei-ved when
they were on the hunt and during their tribal ceremonies. Yet each
family knew to what gens it belonged, observed its rites, and obeyed
strictly the rule of exogamy. To the outward appearance a village
presented a motley group of tribesmen. The dwellings and their
adjacent corrals were huddled together; the passageways between the
lodges were narrow and tortuous. There was little of the picturescjue.
The grass and weeds that grew over the earth lodges while the people
were off on their summer buffalo hunt were all cut away when the
tribe returned. So, except for the decorations on the skin tents,
there was nothing to relieve the dun-colored aspect. (PI. 23.)

The village was never wholly deserted, even when most of the tribe
left for the annual buffalo hunt; for the sick, the infirm, and the
very poor were forced to remain behiml. This class of stay-at-homes
were called Tie'hegtlii^, ' ' those who sit half-way. ' ' Usually a sprinkling
of able-bodied men remained with their old or sick relatives, and
these served as a guard, to defend the village in case of an attack.
Occasionally a young man or two woukl remain in the village in order
to be near a sweetheart who had to stay at home antl help care for
the sick in her famih*.

HISTORIC VILLAGES AND PLACES

To^'wo^pezJii, Bad Village. , This name, bestowed on an old village
built by the Omaha in their migration do^vn the Missouri river, •
owes its origin to a tragedy which for a number of years caused a
division in the tribe. (See p. 85.) This village was located on East
Bow creek, in the northeast part of township 32, range 2 east of
the sixth principal meridian, Cedar county, Nebraska.

To^'iDoHo^'gatho"-, Large Village. This town was on Omaha creek
in Dakota county, Nebraska, about half a mile north of the present
town of Homer; it was built in the eighteenth century, and the
people were found here by Lewis and Clark in 1805.

Tenu'gano^pewatTie slikoHliaitho^, "The place where the camp of
Tenu'gano^pewathe (father of Kaxe'no°ba) was attacked " in 1840
by an unknown tribe and a number were killed on both sides. The
fight took place on Cedar creek, Albion county, Nebraska, in town-
ship 19, range 8 west of the sixth principal meridian.

100 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii ann. 27

Ezhno'^' zhuwa0he slikoHliaitho^' , "The place where Ezhiio"'zhiiwa-
gthe was attacked." This battle between a part of the Omaha and
one of the Sioux tribes was fought in the same year (1840) on Beaver
creek, in the southeastern part of township 21, range 7 west of the
sixth principal meridian, Boone county, Nebraska.

To'^'wo"zld"(ja, The Little Village. This was the name of the
village built by the Omaha on Elkhom river, near Clark creek, in
Dodge county, Nebraska, in the spring of 1841, the tribe having
moved there from the Missouri river on account of attacks by the
Sioux. There were few earth lodges, as the village was occuj^ied for
only two years, after which the people went back to their old village
on Omaha creek, Dakota county, Nebraska.

Pahu'ihoMaiho^, "The hill rising in the center of a plain." This
village on Papilion creek, about 8 miles west of the present town
of Bellevue, was built in 1847. The tribe lived there until they
sold their lands to the United States Government in 1854; two
years later they moved to their present reservation some SO miles
northward.

To'^'wo^gaxe shl-oHhaitho", "The place where To°'wo°gaxe was
attacked." The assault on the Omaha camp here referred to was
made by the Yankton and Santee on December 12, 1846. At the
time of the attack the camp, composed mostly of old men, women,
and children, was on the Missouri river near the northeast corner
of township 21, range 11 east of the sixth principal meridian, Burt
county, Nebraska. To^'wo^gaxe, or Village Maker, was the only
chief present at the time of the attack. From this fact the place
took its name. All the other chiefs were on a buffalo hunt, with
most of the men of the tribe, who knew nothing of the attack
until they returned. More than SO persons were slain.

U'hoHo^ga t'ethaitho", "Where U'lio^to^ga was killed," in town-
ship 24, range 17 west of the sixth principal meridian, Loup county,
Nebraska. U'ho°to°ga, or Big Cook, a prominent Omaha. Mas one
of the warriors killed in a battle fought at this place with the Oglala
and other Sioux tribes in 1852.

Thugina gaxthiitho^, "The place where Thugina (Logan Fonte-
nelle) was slain." Logan Fontenelle (fig. IS), a promment half
breed of the Omaha tribe, while hunting alone was killed by the Oglala
Sioux in the summer of 1855. Tlio Sioux made a charge on the
Omaha camp when the Omaha were moving. Some of the Sioux war-
riors came on Logan in a ravine where he had dismounted to pick
gooseberries. \Mien he discovered the vSioux he sprang on his horse
and made for the ford to rejoin his tribe, who were on the opposite side
of the stream, but he was overtaken and killed before he reached the
ford. This account of his death was given by Kaxe'no"ba, or Two
Crows, who went in search of Logan immediately after the fight, and

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES

101

traced the course of his flight from the gooseberry bush to the spot
where the body was found. This fight took place on Beaver creek,
in the northern part of township 21. range 7 west of the sixth prin-
cipal meridian, Boone county,
Nebraska.

Wano^'lcuge shlcoHha i thn'^ (for
portrait of Wano°'kuge, see fig.
44), " Where Wano°'kuge was at-
tacked." This battle, between a
part of the Omaha and the Oglala
Sioux, took place in August, 1859.
A number of lives were lost m
the battle, the attacking party of
Sioux suffering greater loss than
the Omaha. Two Omaha, a
woman and a child, were taken
captive. The child was returned,
and the woman, after many ad-

„ . c 11 1, " 1 i Fig. is. Logan Fontenelle.

ventures, tounil lier way back to

her people. This fight was on Beaver creek, in township 20, range 6

west of the sixth principal meridian, Boone county, Nebraska.

The following names were given by the Omaha to the cities and
towns named below:
Pahi' zhide toHoo'^, St. Louis.

Hair red town (Referring to the color
of Governor Clark's hair.)

We'f'a (obe thitha i tho", Leavenworth.

Snake black they take the (place)

Umo"'hon to"'wo'^, Omaha City.

Omaha town

STiao'"' to'^ioo'', Sioux City.

Sioux town

Zho^ mupa'i tho", Fremont.

Pole they planted the place

Vzha'ta tho^, Columbus.

Forks the (of the Platte and the Loup)

Ni flcithe, Lincoln (Salt town, because situated near the stream
to which the people went to gather salt).

Tribes Known to the Omaha

The following are the Omaha names for the tribes that are known
to them.

Of their own linguistic stock they know the following:

Ponca, Po°''ca.

Quapaw, Uga'xpa. The name means "downstream."

Osage, Wazha'zhe.

Kaw or Kansa, Ko'''5e.

102 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Iowa, Ma'xude. Ma'xude is a cDiruption of Ta'xude, meaning "gray head," the
name by which the Iowa call themselves.

Oto, Wathu'tada. This is not the name by which the Oto speak of themselves.
Missouri, Niu'tachi. The name means "those who came floating down dead.''
Winnebago, Hu'tu"ga.
Mandan, Mawa'dani.

Crows, Ka'xe niashiga (from ka'xe, "crow;" ni'ashiga, "people").
Yankton, Iho°'to"wi"." An Omaha version of the Yanktons' own name.
Santee, I"9o"'ati.'! The name means "those who dwell on the white rocks."
Oglala, Ubtha'tha."

Of tribes belonging to other linguistic stocks the Omaha have
names for the following:

Pawnee, Pa'thi".

Arikara, Pa'thi^pi^a. The name means "sand Pawnee."

Caddo, Pa'thi^wa^abe. This name means "black Pawnee."

Wichita are known as Wichita.

Cheyenne, Shahi'etha.

Blackfeet, (jJi'gabe. The Omaha name means " blackfeet."

Sauk, Ca'ge.

'. iMaxpi'ato ("blue clouds").

Kiowa I

Comanche, Pa'du"ka (Padouca).

Kickapoo, Hi'gabu.

Potawatomie, Wahi'uthaxa. This name is a corruption of the Oto name for this
tribe, Woraxa.

Bannock, Ba'niki. The Omaha name is probably a modification of Bannock.

Nez Perces, Pega9U"de. This tribe was known through the Ponca. The name
given them means "braids on the forehead."

That the Omaha have a name for the Arikara and one which indi-
cates a knowledge of their relationship to the Pa\\-nee, and yet have
none for the northern Sioux tribes who belong to their own linguistic
stock, is an interesting pomt, particularly when taken in connection
with the influence exercised on the tribe by the Aiikara, mentioned
on p. 75. There is no name for the Chippewa group, yet it is not
improbable that the tribes long ago came more or less into contact.
The similarity between the "Shell society" of the Omaha and the
"Grand Medicine" of the Chippewa suggests some communication,
direct or mdirect, though all knowledge of how the Shell society was
introduced has been lost. Nor do the Omaha seem to know anything of
the tribes of the Muskhogean or Iroquoian stock to the south and east ;
nor of those belonging to the Shoshonean and Athapa.scan stocks to
the west and southwest. They knew of the Rocky Mountams, which
they called Pahe'mo°shi, meaning " high hills" or " mountains." Yet
they seem never to have come into contact with the tribes living so far
to the west. The Black Hills of South Dakota were familiar to them,
and were known as Pahc'cj'abe, the word meaning literally "black
hills."

aThis is one of the three disUhClive names by which the bands of the Dakota are known. There is a
general name for all persons speaking that language, Shau"' -possibly a eorruption of Sioux.

FLETCHEU-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 103

The Ponca names for the above tribes were similar to the Omaha
names, with few exceptions. The Crows were called by two names,
Hu'patitha and Ko°xe' wichasha". The names given by Ponca to
the Yankton and the Santee were identical with those used by the
Omaha, but they had distinct names for the following bands of Sioux:

Lower Brule, Ku'dawichasha. Lower people.
Rosebud Brule, Sha'u"ixti. Real or Pure Sioux.
Oglala, Pine Ridge Sioux, Sicho"'xu. Burnt leg.

The Ponca have names for the following tribes for which the
Omaha have none:

Cherokee, Che'thuki. Probably a corruption of Cherokee.
Ni'kathate, Tonkawa.

It is probable that the Ponca gained knowledge of these two tribes
while in the Indian Territory, and that their posession of distinctive
names for the bands of the Sioux is to be accounted for by their
living near the people and fighting both for and against them during
the last century.

Fauna and Flora Known to the Omaha

ANIMALS

Animals (general term), Wani'ta
[The asterisk (*) indicates those used for food]

* Antelope, Tachu'ge.

* Badger, Xu'ga.
Bat, Dido'shi,
*Bear, black, Wai^a'be.

* Bear, grizzly, Mo"chu'.

* Beaver, Zha'be.

* Buffalo, Te.

Cat, domestic, I^gthu^'ga.
*Cat, wild, I^gthu^'ga.

* Cattle, domestic, Te'fka.

* Chipmunk, Tashni'ga.

Cougar, I "gthu"? i^'fnede (long-tailed cat).

Coyote, Mi'kafi.

*Deer, Ta'xti.

*Dog, Shii'nuda.

Donkey (see Mule), Nita'to''ga nushiaha (big ears low).

Elephant, Tiba'xia tha (push over a house — refers to its strength).

*Elk, 0"'po"'.

Ermine, I°chu"'ga9ka (white mouse).

Fox, a small variety, Mo^thi'^'kasheha.

Fox, gray, Ma'zho"ha.

Fox, red, Ti'ko^xude.

Frog, Te'bia.

Goat, He'<;akiba.

Gopher, Mo^thi^'ga.

*Hog, Ku'kufi.

104 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth. ann. 27

Horse, Sho^'ge.

Lion, Wani'ta waxa (greater animal).

Lizard, Wagthishka heduba (four-legged bug).

Lynx, I^gthu^'ga hi" shkube (furry wild cat).

Mice, I"chu'''ga.

Mice that live in dry bones, Tepauti {tepa, buffalo skull; utc, to live in).

Mice that store food, I^chu^'ga waxema (mice that cache).

Mink, Tushi^'ge.

Mole, No^be'xawi" (hands turned backward).

Monkey, Ishti'''thi"ke (a mythical, mischievous, capricious being, representing the
wind. Because of its acts in the myths its name was transferred to the monkey when
the Omaha first saw that animal.)

Mule (see Donkey), Nita to"'ga (big ears).

*Musk rat, (^i^'nedewagithe.

* Opossum, I^shti^'pa.
Otter, Nuzhno°'.
Porcupine, Ba'hi".
Prairie dog, Monthi°'xude.

* Rabbit, Mo^shti^'ge.

* Rabbit, jack, Mo''shti'"fka (white rabbit).

* Raccoon, Mika',

* Rat, I"cho'''to''ga (bigmouse).

* Sheep, domestic, Tax'tiyka.

* Sheep, Rocky Mountain, Pashto°'ga.

* Skunk, Mo^'ga.
Snail, Niha'.
Snake, We'g'a.

Snake, black, We'f'a fabe (black snake).
Snake, bull, Nitha'xupa (water sucker).
Snake, garter, We'f 'anideka.
Snake, moccasin, She'ki.
Snake, rattle, fathu'.

* Squirrel, ground, He'xthi".

* Squirrel, tree, Ci'^ga.

Toad, Iko°'git'e (his grandmother is dead).

Tortoise, Ke'gthe^e (striped turtle).

*Turtle, Ke.

♦Turtle, diamond-back (terrapin), Keha'mo°zhide (red-breast turtle.)

* Turtle, snapping, Ke' to"ga (big turtle).

* Turtle, soft -shell, Ke ha'be bedo° (flexible-shell turtle).
Weasel, I'"chu°gafi (yellow mouse).

Wolf, gray, Sho°'to°ga.

BIRDS

, Bird (general term), Wazhi'"ga

[The asterisk (*) indicates tiiose used for food]

American bittern, Mo°'xata wado°be (looks up at the sky).

* Bee martin, or king bird, Wati'duka.
Belted kingfisher, No°xi'de shkuni".

* Blackbird, Mo°gthi'xta.
Blue-bird, Wazhio'tu (blue bird).

Blue jay, I^cho^g^agiudu" (,fond of mice).

* Crane, Pe'to".

FLETCHBR-LA FLEscHEl ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 105

Crow, Ka'xe.

* Curlew, Ki'ko°fi.

* Curlew, long-billed (Numenius longirostris), Ki'kato°ga (big curlew).

* Dove, Thi'ta.

*Dove, Carolina or common, Thitato"ga (big dove).

*Duck, Mi'xazhi"ga (little goose).

Duck, blue- winged teal (Querquediila discors), A'hi" hide tu, (,blue wing); also
Mi'xa wagtho"xe, ' ' betrayer duck, " so called because it betrayed the water monster in
the myth of Ha'xegi.

*Duck, mallard, green head (Anas boschas), Pa'hitu (green neck).

* Duck, wood, summer duck, bridal duck (Aix spousa), Mi'xa zhi^ga xage egu" ("the
crjdng duck).

Eagle, Xitha'.

Eagle, bald, Pafu"' (whitish head).

Eagle, golden (-45!/i;7ac/irvsac;jis), Xitha' fka (white eagle).

Eagle, gray sea, Xitha' gthezhe (spotted eagle).

Flicker, Tho^'figa.

* Goose, Mi'xa.

* Goose, American white-footed, Canadian goose, Mi'.xa to"ga (big goose).

* Goose, lesser snow (Chen hyperborea), Kicynu"'.
Gull, Ne'tha.

Hawk, American sparrow, Gthedo"'.

Hawk, night, Te'ubixo" (the buffalo inflator).

Hawk, red shoulder, Gtho"shka'.

Hawk, red tail, I"'be(;iga (yellow tail).

Hawk, swallow-tailed or fork-tailed kite, I "'be zho^ka (forked tail).

Hawk, white tail, Gtho°shka' xithaego° (hawk like an eagle).

Humming bird, Wati'ninika wazhi"ga (butterfly bird).

* Lark, pallid horned, Ma'yi fka.

Magpie, American, Wazhi"'be ^nede (long-tail bird).

* Meadow lark, Ta'tithi^ge.
Owl, Pa'nuhu.

Owl, barred, Wapu'gahahada.

Owl, horned, Pa'nuhu heto" ego° (owl having horns).

Owl, screech, Ne' thazhibe.

Owl, snowy, I'^chu^fu" (now white).

Pelican, American white, Bthe'xe.

* Prairie hen or chicken lesser, Shu.

* Quail (bobwhite), U'shiwathe (one who fools (people)).

* Robin, Pa'thi" wazhi'^ga (Pawnee bird).

* Snipe, To°'i".
Swallow, Nishku'shku.

*Swan, American white, Mi'xaco" (white goose).
Thrush, Tavka'fka.

* Turkey, fifi'ka.
Turkey vulture, He'ga.
Whippoorwill, Ha'kugthi.

* Woodcock, American (Philohela minor), Pa'xthega (freckled head).
Woodpecker, hairy, Zho"'panini.

Woodpecker, pileated, ivory bill, Wazhi°'gapa (.bird head)."
Woodpecker, red-headed, Tu'cka or Mu'xpa.
Wren, Kixaxaja (laughing bird).

o The head of this bird Is used on the tribal and the Wa'wan pipes.

106 THE OMAHA TKIBE [bth. ann. 27

INSECTS

Insects, bugs, etc. (general term), Wagthi'shka

Anta, Zho"'gthishka (wooc! liugs — no varieties distinguished).
Bee, Kigtho^'xe.

Beetle, Wagthi'shka (the general name for bugs).
Butterfly, Wati'nini ka.

Caterpillar, Wagthi'shka (general term for bugs).
Fly, nc't'ega.

Grasshopper, Xtho"xtho"'shka.
Lightning-bug, Wana'xo"xo".
Locust, Watha'fae (noisy bug).
Mosquito, Naho"ga.

Spider, Uki'gthifke (weaving itself — no name for varieties).

Worm, angle, Mo^thi^'ka shibe (ground intestine). No general term for worms; all
are called Wagthi'shka, the name applied also to beetles and bugs.

FISH

Fish (general term\ Huhu

[The asterisk (*) indicates those used for tood]

* Buffalo fish, Hui'buta (round mouth).
Catfish, Tu'(,-e.

Crawfish and lobster, Mo"'shka.

Eels, no name; they are not eaten.

*Garflsh, Hupa'ficnede (long-nose fish).

Leech, Kicna'.

Mussels, clams, oysters, Ti'haba.

* Pickerel, Hugthe'zhe (spotted fish I .

* Trout, Hubthu'ga (round fishi.

TREES

Tree, or bush (general term), Xtha'be; wood, felled trees (general term), Zho". The
names below are given according to their customary use. The terminal syllable hi
means "stalk," as the stalk of the corn, the trunk of the tree, tile vine of the potato.

Apple tree, She' hi.

Ash, Tazhiio"'ge.

Box elder, Zha'beta zho" (beaver wood).

Buffalo berry tree, Wazhi'de hi.

Cedar, red, Ma'fi.

Cherry tree, No"'pa hi.

Coffee-bean tree, No"'lila hi.

Cottonwood, Mah'ah.

Elm, E'zho".

Ilackberry tree, Gube' hi.

Hazel, O^'zhi^ga hi.

Hickory, No"'9i.

Iron wood, He'tazho''ta.

Linden, Hi"'de hi.

Maple, We'nashaliethe hi (black dye tree).

Mulberry, Zho"9i, (yellow wood). *

Oak, red, Bu'de hi, and No" bo" naxthi", "flame" (favorite firewood).

rLETCHBB-LA FLESCHB] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 107

Oak, white, Tosh'kahi,

Osage orange, Zho"vi (yellow wood).

Plum tree, Ko"'de hi.

Red haw, thorn apple tree, Ta?po"' hi.

Spruce, Ma'fi.

Walnut, black, Ta'ge hi.

Willow, Thi'xe.

Willow, diamond, Thi'xe kibtho"btho''xe (gnarled willow).

Willow, hard, Thi'xe fagi (hard willow).

Willow, soft, Thi'xe uehpo" (soft willow).

The Human Body as Known to thj: Omaha

Head (not including face), No°shki'.

Head (including face). Pa.

Brain, We'thisthi.

Side of head from ear up, No^tha'de.

Ear, Nita'.

Helix, Nitabaxu'ke (baxu'ke, ridge).

Lobe, Nitaushto°'ga (us}ito''>^(/a, soft).

Ear (inner part or organ of hearing), No°xi'de.

Top of head, Taxpi'.

Back of head, Tai'.

Face, I"de'.

Forehead, Pe.

Temples, No"tha'deho''ho° {honhon, to throb).

Center of forehead, Peuta'no" {utano^, between).

Eyebrow, I°shta'no°xixe.

Depression lietween eyebrows, Pau'(,'ki(la.

Eye, I"shta.

White of the eye, Inshta'u^ka the".

Pupil, Pshta' usha betho".

Socket, I''shta'ugtho'> (agtho^, to put into a hollow place).

Eyelid, Pshta'ha {ha, skin).

Upper lid, I°shta'ha igabizhe {Igabizhe, to wink with).

Eyelashes, I'-shta'thehi".

Hair of head (human), No^zhi'ha or Palii'.

Hair on forehead, Pehi"'.

Hair on body (human or animal), Hi°.

Nose, Pa.

Bridge of nose, Paxi'xe.

Tip of nose, Pashi'zhe.

Nostril-J, Pa'xthuge (xtliuge, hole).

Wing of nose, Pauga'dazhe (urja'dazhe, base).

Septum, Paushto^'ga {shto'n^ga, soft).

Cheek, The'xoMe.

Cheekbone, I^de'no^hi".

Mouth, I.

Lips, I'ha.

Corners of mouth, I'thede.

Jaw, The'ba.

Joint of jaw, The'baugthe.

108 THE OMAHA TBIBE [bth. ann. 27

Teeth, Hi.

Molars, Hiu'to^ga.

Gums, Hizhu'.

Tongue, The'(;e.

Tip of tongue, Thege'pavi (pacj', tip).

Base of tongue, There'hide (}iide, base).

Ridge above teeth and roof of mouth, Ko"btha'de.

Chin, I'lii.

Double chin, The'bazhu.

Neck, Pa'hi.

Chords at side of neck, Nu'deko".

Hollow at base of neck in front, The'shkaxthuah.

Two clionls at the back of neck, Tai'ko".

Hollow at nape of neck, Taiu'gthe.

Throat, Nu'de.

Adam's apple, Nu'de tashe {tashe, lump).

Windpipe, Nu'dexixibe.

Pharynx, VVe'no°bthe.

Body, Zhu'ga.

Breast, Mo^'ge.

Mamma, Mo^ge'.

Nipples, Mo°5e'pa.

Collar bone, Mtf^ge wahi {manage, breast; icahl, bone). ,

Sternum, Temo^hin.

Ribs, Thi'ti.

Short ribs, Thi'tiusha'gthe.

Epigastric region, Mo^hi°'be.

Lumbar region, Thie.

Hypogastric region, Tapu' or Washna'.

Umbilical region, Ni'xa.

Navel, The'tasho".

Waist, Te'ge.

Spine, No'^xahi.

Coccyx, ^i'^de ita (ri'^'de, tail; ita, end).

Back, Noo'ka.

Muscles on side of spine, lower end, Taki^^de.

Sinew beneath these muscles, Teno'^kako".

Fleshy bunch on back below neck, A'baku.

Shoulder, Pke'de.

Shoulder blade, Waba'fo".

Arm, A.

Upper arm, Auto^ga {uto^'ga, large part).

Lower arm, Au'gni.

Muscles on front of upper arm, A'ko"ta.

Muscles on back upper arm, A'zhuhi.

Armpit, Nugi'.

Elbow, A(;tu'hi.

Wri.Mt, No''be'usho''sho'' (unlio^sho'^, pliable).

Hand, No"be'.

Palm of hand, No^be'ttthoMa (iithoi^da, center).

Fingers, No''be'hi or U(;a'be. ■

Thumb, No^be'hi uto°ga {uto^ga, big).

Index finger, No°be'hi weabagu (weabai;u, to point with).

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] ENVIRONMENT; EESULTANT INFLUENCES 109

Middle finger, No''be'hiuthii,'0" {nllieron, middle).

Finger next to little one, No^be'lii uzhi°ga iithuato" {utlaiatoT^, next to one).

Little finger, No"be'hi uzhi''ga (uzhi^ga, little).

Tip of finger, No^be'hi itaxe.

Nails, Sha'ge. The same word is applied to claws and hoofs.

Knuckles, Xo''be'usho°sho"'.

Contents of body, the internal organs, U'gaxectha.

Heart, No^de.

Lungs, Tha'xi.

Liver, Pi.

Gall, Pizi'.

Kidney, Tea'(,'o°ta9i.

Bladder, Ise'xe.

Intestines, Shi'be.

Small intestine, Shi'be uzhi"ga.

Large intestine, Shi'be uto^ga.

Layer of fat covering stomach and internal organs, Hu'xthabe.

Groin, Iti'washko".

Hips, (,'iMe'hi.

Hij) joint, Zhega'ugthe; also U'gaho", where the cut is made in Imtchering.

Body between hip joint and ril^s, "ticklish place," Shtashta'de.

Legs, Zhi'be or Hi.

tipper leg, thigh, Zhega'uto"ga.

Inner, flat part of thigh, Ke'go".

Upper part of thigh, (,'ii;u'-

Flat part of thigh near buttock, Zhega' ubthacka.

Buttock, Ni'de.

Knee, whole of knee, Shino""de.

Kneejoint, Hiu'kite.

Kneecap, Shino^'dewashko".

End of fibula, Hia'xte.

Shin, No^'xpehi.

Calf of leg, Hiuga'gi.

Ankles, (.'iko"'.

Ankle bones, (^'ita'xe.

Feet, gi.

Soles, Qiha'to".

Instep, top, Qiu'no^xixe.

Instep, hollow below, (^'iu'no^fkida.

Tendon achilles, Hi'ko".

Heel, githe'de.

Toes, Qipa'hi.

Great toe, (^'ipa'hi uto^ga.

Next (second) toe, (^'ipa'hi uto^ga uthuato" (wiAito/o", next to).

Middle toe, fipa'hi uthifo" (iilhiro'", middle).

Next toe, gipa'hi uazhi°ga uthuato".

Little toe, (Jipa'hi uzhi'^a (uzhi''ga, little).

Bones, Wahi'.

Skin, Ha or Xi°ha'.

Marrow, Wazhi'be.

Veins, Ko".

Skull devoid of flesh, Ni'kapa.

110 THE OMAHA TRIBE Ikth. axx. 27

Miscellaneous Terms Used hy the Omaha

NATURAL 0B.TEI;TS AND PHENOMENA

Sky, Mo^'xe.

Sun, Mi.

Moon, Nio^'ba.

Stars, Mika'e.

North Star, Mika'emo''thi°azhi (inikae, star; moHhiT>, walk or move; a:li!, not).

Pleiades. This constellation bore the ancient name of Tapa' (deer's head), but
this term, which had a religious significance, was not commonly used, the popular
name being Mixa9i'zhi''ga (little duck's foot).

Oreat Bear, Wa'baha, the litter.

The Morning or Evening Star, Mika'eto°ga (big star). •

Meteor, Mika'e uxpathe (stars fall) .

Clouds, Mo"xpi'.

Rain, No-zhi"".

Mist, Shu'de mo"ho" (smoke on the earth).

Hail, Ma'yi.

Snow, Ma.

Thunder, I''gthu°'huto" {hntut, to cry; >'''gthun implies the idea of a c-reatnre simi-
lar to a bird).

Lightning, Thio^'ba.

Rainbow, Tushni'ge.

Light, Ugo'-'ba.

Darkness, LTga'ho''no"pa(;e.

Night, Ho".

Day, O'^'ba.

Dawn, O^'ba go^tihe (day lies pale).

Morning, Ho''e'go''che.

Noon, Mi'thumo'^shi (sun high).

Dusk, I°de'ho°no''pa(;e (face hidden in darkness).

Evening, Pa'(;e.

Water, Ni.

Ice, Nu'xe.

AVind, Tade'.

Fire, Pe'de.

Smoke, Shu'de.

Charcoal, No°xthe'.

A.shes, Mo"xu'de (gray earth).

Heat, Na'kade.

Cold, U'cni.

Earth, To-^'de.

Land, Mo^zho".

Lake, Ne'uthesho".

River, Ni.

Creek, W'achi'shka.

TASTE

Sweet, (.'ki'the.

Salt, 1

Sour, } (;'a'the.

Acid,)

Stringent, T'u'xe.

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INFLUENCES 111

Bitter, Pa.

Taste of nuts, I

Taste of fat, | ' ° ''®-

Salt, the article, Ni(,-ki'the (sweet water).

COLORS

White, gka.

Pale, go".

Black, ga'be.

Green, Tu.

Blue, Tu ^a'be.

Yellow, (,'i-

Red, Zhi'de.

Gray or Browc, Xu'de.

POINTS OF THE COMPASS

North, Ugni'atathisho" (ugni, cold; (da, there; thisho't, toward) — toward the cold.

East, Miuia'tathisho" {mi, sun; ui, it comes; ata, there; thkhon, toward) — toward
the comino; of the sun.

South, JIo"shtea'tathisho° {mo'^shtf, heat; ala, there; Ihishon, toward) — toward
the heat.

West, Mi'itheatathisho" (mi, sun; ithe, gone; atu, there; ihisho^, toward) — toward
where the sun has gone.

Up (as when the pipes are pointed upward), Mo'^xata (mo'^xa, sky; ta, ata, there).

Down (as when the pipes are pointed downward), To^'deata {la^de, earth; ata,
there).

DIVISIONS OF TIME

January, Ho^'ga unuibthi ike: When the .snow drifts into the tents of the Ho^'ga.

February, Mi'xa agthi ike: The moon when geese come home (come back).

March, Pe'ni.shka mieta ike: The little frog moon.

April, Miu'o"thi°ge ke: The moon in which nothing hai)pens.

May, Mi waa' ike: The moon in which they (the tribe) plant.

June, Tenu'gamigauna ike: The buffalo bulls hunt the cows.

July, Tehu'ta" ibe: When the buffalo bellow.

August, U°'po"huta"' ike: When the elk bellow.

September, Ta'xte n)a''no''xa ike: When the deer paw the earth.

October, Ta'xti kitliixa ike: When the deer rut.

November, Ta'xte hebaxo"' ike: When the deer shed the antlers.

December, Wara'be zhi"ga i'da ike: When the little black bears are born.

The Oto and Iowa tribes use the same names for the months except for January,
which is called "the raccoon month."

The general name for month was " a moon."

The night, or sleeping time, marked the division of days, so a journey might be
spoken of as having taken so many " sleeps." In like manner the year was spoken
of as "a winter." The sun indicated the time of day: Sunrise, mi'etho"be {mi, sun;
etho^he, to come out); sunset, mi'ethe (mi, sun; ithe, gone). A motion toward the
zenith meant noon (mi'tho" mo°shi — /"), sun; tlion, round; monshi, on high); mid-
way between the zenith and the west, afternoon; and midway toward the east,
forenoon. There were no smaller divisions of time among the Omaha.

112 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

WEATHER SIGNS

The storm which usually precedes the coming of the new moon was called
Mia'no°xthe, "the hiding of the moon " (the act of the storm)-

Early in the month of February there is usually a severe storm, often a blizzard.
This storm was called Mi'xa ikino"xthe agthi ike, "the geese come home hidden
by the storm."- It is said that soon after this storm a few geese are seen, which are
shortly followed by the flocks.

A ring around the moon is a sign of rain.

When the horns of the moon are turned upward, it i.s a sign that cold weather is
coming.

When tlie fireflies swarm it will rain during the night.

When birds sing in the early morning the day will be clear.

A mist in the morning portends a hot day.

After a long rain, when the horses prick up their ears and play, it is known that
the rain is over.

White spots on the nails betoken the approach of spring. If they come in sum-
mer it is because summer is here; if in winter, they indicate that spring will surely
come, no matter how long or cold the season.

To break a moccasin string is a sign that summer is coming.

Summary '

From the evidence afforded by the native names of animals and
trees it would seem that the physical environment of the Omaha has
not greatlj' varied in the course of the last few centuries; during
that period the tribe does not appear to have experienced conditions
that prevail in the extreme north or far to the southward, or that
are peculiar to the region west of the Rock}' Mountams. Tliis seem-
ingly persistent character of the Omaha surroundings made possible
the development of the tribe along lines that led to substantial rather
than to striking results.

During this period both the peaceful and the warlike relations of
the Omaha were for the most part with tribes to which they were
more or less closely related linguistically, tribes which presumably
had many ideas and customs in common. There was, therefore, little
in this contact likely to deflect the Omaha from their natural course
of development. To this, however, their relations with the Ai'ikara
constituted an exception. This tribe belongs to the Caddoan, a
southwestern stock, different from the Omaha in mental character-
istics and in culture. From the Aiikara the Omaha adopted the
use of the earth lodge ; it may be that contact with this tribe stimu-
lated a general revival of the cultivation of the maize; and the
knowledge of the Wawa° ceremony was probably derived from the
same source. While the Arikara exercised on the Omaha a somewhat
stimulating influence, the contact does not seem to have had any
vital effect on the development of tlie latter's tribal organization and
government.

FLETCiiER-LA FLESCHE] ENVIRONMENT; RESULTANT INB'LUENCES 113

The character of the environmental conditions noted above seems
reflected in the Sacred Legend, which preserves m fragmentary form
the stor}' of the people. The value of this Legend is psychic rather
than historic, for little is told in it that is definite as to movements or
localities; it is singularly free from the mythic element; it contains
no marvels, but reveals the mental atmosphere through which the
people beheld their past achievements, and constitutes a narrative
remarkably true to what seems to be the Omaha character, religious,
thoughtful, and practical rather than imaginative and emotional.

The Omaha depended on their powers of observation and thought
as the means by which they could better the conditions of their daily
life and, as will be seen later, they utilized their observation of nature
in forming their ethical code. The character of the people is indi-
cated m their names for living forms and for natural phenomena ;
these show how the Omaha looked on their environment and differ-
entiated what they saw ami experienced. The influence of hunting is
detected in the familiarity displayed with the anatomy of the larger
animals, a knowledge which, as has been seen, the Omaha applied to
the human form. Some of the terms, as those designating parts of
the human face, the corners of the mouth, the depression on the fore-
head, indicate close observation. In color perception the Omaha
seem to be of somewhat limited capacit}', as is true also of the sensa-
tion of taste, but there is a noteworthy appreciation of the gradation
of light ill the coming and the going of the day- The names of the
months and of the pomts of the compass are not fanciful or sym-
bolic but express the results of practical observations or experiences.
All the names bear out the sober-minded, self-contained character
indicated in the Sacred Legend and add to its value in helping
toward an understanding of the tribe.

The map of the Omaha country fpl. 21) presents the region with
which the people have been familiar from the sixteenth century to
the present, and such historic data have been given as may throw
light on the movements of the tribe during that period. The steady
westward advance of the white settlements from their begumings on
the Atlantic coast, together with the consequent contentions with
the tribes native to that region, pressed the eastern tribes back on
their western neighbors, creating disturbances whose effects traveled
westward and were felt by all the people dwelling on and beyond the
Lakes and the Mississippi, forcing many tribes through influences
they did not understand or recognize to move westward. The
Omaha could not escape the effect of this general disturbance,
although they did not become embroiled in wars between the Indians
and the white people dwelling to the eastward of them.

83993°— 27 eth— 11 8

114 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

The Omalia did not come into contact with the white people as
early as did some of their cognates. They do not seem to have felt
the influence of the Spanish from the southwest, altliough late indi-
rect effects were transmitted through the Comanche and the Pawnee.
French influence did not reach the Omaha from the south, but came
from the north through Canadian traders. The French were the
first white men to l>ecome personally known to the Omaha, but they
did not reach the tribe until well into the eighteenth century. The
Enghsh followed the French and exerted a more powerful and dis-
turbing influence on the social life of the people. Fmally the Ameri-
can came and remained.

A general view of the Omaha environment during recent centuries
makes apparent certain limitations, and it can hardly be questioned
that these limitations must have exercised an influence not only on
the direction but also on the manner in which the people evolved
their social and religious life. Indeed the Omaha seem to have been
exempt to a remarkable degree from strong foreign control and to
have developed their tribal organization in comparative isolation.
Consecpiently they were able to preserve their type, a circumstance
which adds to the value and interest of the tribe as a study.

Ill

RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL
Introduction of the Omaha Child to the Cosmos

When a child was born it was not regardetl as a member of its gens
or of the tribe but simply as a living being coming forth into the
universe, whose advent must be ceremonially announced in order to
assure it an accepted place among the already existing forms. This
ceremonial announcement took the form of an expression of the
Omaha belief in the oneness of the universe through the bond of a
common life-power that pervaded all things in nature animate and
inanimate.

Although in the Te(;'i°'de and l"shta'9u°da gentes the custom sur-
vived of placing on the child, the fourth day after birth, certain sym-
bols pertaining to the peculiar rites of those gentes, these acts did not
serve the purpose of introducing the child into the teeming life of the
universe. This ceremony of introduction took place on the eighth day
after birth. Unfortunately the full details of the ceremony have been
lost through the death of the priests who had charge of it. The
hereditary right to perform the ceremony belonged in the Washe'to"
subgens of the I^shta'^u^da gens. (See meaning of the term Washe'-
to'^, p. 186.)

On the appointed day the priest was sent for. When he arrived
he took his place at the door of the tent in which the child lay and
raising his right hand to the sky, palm outward, he intoned the
following in a loud, ringing voice:

Ho! Ye Sun, Moon, Stars, all ye that move in the heavens,

I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life.

Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the first hill!

Ho! Ye Winds, ("louds. Rain, Mist, all ye that move in the air,

I bid you hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life.

Consent ye, I inii)lore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the second hill!

Ho! Ye Hills, Valleys, Rivers, Lakes, Trees, Grasses, all ye of the earth,
I bid you hear me!

115

116 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

lulu your midst has conii' u new lift-.

Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the third hill!
Ho! Ye Birds, great and small, that fly in the air,
Ho! Ye Animals, great and small, that dwell in the forest.
Ho! Ye insects that creej) among the grasses and burrow in Ihe ground —

I bid )'ou hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life.

Consent ye, I implore!
Make its path smooth, that it may reach the brow of the fourth hill!

Ho! All ye of the heavens, all ye of the air, all ye of the earth:

I bid you all to hear me!
Into your midst has come a new life. '

Consent ye, consent ye all, I implore!
Make its path smooth— then shall it travel beyond the four hills!

This ritual was a supplication to the powers of the lieavens, the
air, and the earth for the safety of the child from birth to old age.
In it the life of the infant is pictured as about to travel a rugged
road stretching over four hills, marking the stages of infancy, youth,
manhood, and oUl age.

The ceremony wliich finds oral expression in this ritual voices in
no uncertain manner the Omaha belief in man's relation to the
visible powers of the heavens and in the interdependence of all
forms of life. The appeal bears evidence of its anticjuity, breathing
of a time antedating established rites and ceremonies. It expresses
the emotions of the human soul, touched with the love of offspring,
alone with the might of nature, and companioned only by the living
creatures whose friendliness must be sought if life is to be secure on
its journey.

The cognate tribes" had ceremonies similar in purport although
differing in details. Among the Omaha no further ceremony took
place in reference to the child in its relation to the cosmos, to its
gens, or to the tribe, imtil it was able to walk. When the period
arrived at which the child could walk steadily by itself, the time
was at hand when it must be introtluced into the tribe. This was
done ceremonially.

oAmong the Osage, on the birth of a child "a man who had talked with the gnds" was sent for. On
his arrival he recited to the infant the story of the Creation and of the animals that move on Ihe earth.
Then, after placing the tip of his finger on the mother's nipple, he pressed that finger on the lips of the
child, after which he passed his hands over the boily of the child. ■*l'hen the infant was allowed to take
nourishment. Later, when the child desired to drink water the same or a like man was sent for. .\gain
the ritual of the Creation was recited, and the beginning of water was told. The man then dipped Ihe
tip of his finger into water and laid it on the lips of the child and passed his hands over its body from
head to foot, .\fter this ceremony the child could be given water to drink. \\'hen the child reached
the age when it needed or desired solid food . the same man or one of his class was again sent for. Once
more the Creation story was recited and the gift of corn and other food was recounted. .\t the close the
man placed the tip of his finger upon the food prepared for the child and then laid this finger on the lips
of the child, after which he passed his hands over its botiy. This ceremony prepared Ihe child to receive
solid food. Fees were given to the man who perfornied these rites.

fletcher-la fleschel rites pertaining to the individual 117

Introduction of the Child into the Tribe
ceremony of turning the child

The name of this ceremony was Thiku'wi^xe {fM, a prefix inch-
eating action by the hand; Icu'ioi^xe, "to turn"). Akhough the child
is not mentioned, it is understoed as being referred to. The trans-
lation of the term, therefore, would be "turning the child."

All children, both boys and girls, passed through this ceremony,
which is a survival of that class of ceremonies belonging to the
lowest, or oldest, stratum of tribal rites; it is directly related to the
cosmic forces — the wind, the eartli, and the fire. Through this cere-
mony all the children who had reached the period when they could
move about unaided, could direct their own steps, were symbolically
"sent into the midst of the winds" — that element essential to life
and health; their feet were set upon the stone — emblem of long life
upon the earth and of the wisdom derived from age; while the
"flames," typical of the life-giving power, were invoked to give their
aid toward insuring the capacity for a long, fruitful, and successful
life within the tribe. Througli this ceremony the child passed out of
that stage in its life wherein it was hardly distinguished from all
other living forms into its place as distinctively a human being,
a member of its birth gens, and through this to a recognized place in
the tribe. As it went forth its baby name was thrown away, its feet
were clad in new moccasins made after the manner of the tribe, and
its ni'l-ie name (see p. 136) was proclaimed to all nature and to the
assembled people.

The significance of the new moccasins put on the child will appear
more clearly by the light of the following custom, still observed in
families in wliich all the old traditions of the tribe are conserved:
When moccasins are made for a little baby, a small hole is cut in
the sole of one. This is done in order that "if a messenger from the
spirit world should come and say to the child, 'I have come for you,'
the child could answer, 'I can not go on a journey — my moccasins
are worn out!'" A similar custom obtains in the Oto tribe. A
little hole is cut in the first pair of moccasins matie for a child. When
the relatives come to see the little one they examine the moccasins,
and, seeing the hole, they say: "Why, he (or she) has worn out his
moccasins; he has traveled over the earth!" This is an indirect
prayer that the child may live long. The new (whole) moccasins put
on the child at the close of the ceremony of introducing it into the
tribe constitute an assurance that it is prepared for the journey of
life and that the journey will be a long one.

The ceremony of Turning the Child took place in the spring-
time, after the first thunders had been heard. When the grass was

118 THE OMAHA TKIBE [eth. ann. 1:7

well up ami the birds were singui";, "'particularly the meadow lark,"
the tribal herald proclaimed that the time for these ceremonies had
come. A tent was set up for the purpose, made xuhe, or sacred,
and the keeper of these rites, who belonged to the Washe'to" subgens
of the I°shta'vu°da gens, made himself ready and entered the tent.
Meanwhile the jjarents whose children had arrived at the proper
age, that is, could walk steadily una.ssisted, took their little ones
and proceeded to the Sacred Tent. The only requisite for the child
was a pair of new moccasins, but large fees were given to the priest
for his services.

Onh' ])arts of the ritual belonging to this ceremony have been
obtained. Those whose prerogative it was to conduct the rites are all
dead, and with them knowledge of much of the ceremony passed
away. The j^reservation of the fragments here given came about thus :
An old and trusted friend of Joseph La Flesche, a former principal
chief of the tribe, was greatly interested when a boy, in the tribal
rites. One of his near kixismen was a priest of this rite. When the
Sacred Tent was set up this boy more than once succeeded in secreting
himself behind packs within and from his hiding jilace was able
to observe what took place. Having a retentive memory and a
quick ear for song, he was able to learn and remember the six songs
here given. Subsecjuent inquiries have added somewhat to the
knowledge secured from this informant, although, so far as the
WTiters have been able to ascertain, no "one seems ever to have
obtained cjuite so close an inside view of the entire ceremony as this
inquisitive bo\-. Of course no one who had passed through the cere-
mony could accurateh' remember it, as the child was generally only
3 or 4 years of age at the time it had a part in the rite.

The tent was always a large one, set facing the east, and open at the
entrance, so that the bj-standers, who kept at a respectful distance,
could see something of what was going on within. As the ceremony
was one of tribal interest , man}' flocked to the Sacred Tent to watch the
proceedings. In the center was a fke. On the east of the fire was
placed a stone. There was also a ball of grass, placed at the west of
the fire-place near its edge. It was the mother who led the child to the
tent. At the door she paused, and addressed the priest within, saying:
"Venerable man! I desire my child to wear moccasins." Then she
dropped the hand of the child, and the little one, carrying his new moc-
casins, entered the tent alone. Hewasmet by the priest, who advanced
to the door to receive the gifts brought by the mother as fees. Here
she again addressed him, saying: " I desire my child to walk long upon
the earth; I desire him to be content with the light of many days.
We seek your protection; we hold to 3'ou for strength." The priest
replied, addressing the child: "You shall reach the fourth hill sighmg;
you shall be bowed over; you shall have wrinkles: your staft" siuvU

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL

119

bend under your weight. I speak to j'ou that you may be strong."
La^ying his hand on the shoulder of the child, he added: "What you
have brought me shall not be lost to you; you shall live long and en-
joy many possessions; your eyes shall be satisfied with many good
things." Then, moving with the child toward the fireplace in the
center of the lodge, and speaking in the capacity of the Thunder,
whose priest he was, he uttered these words: " I am a powerful being;
I breathe from my lips over you." Then he began to sing the
Invocation addressed to the Winds:

*=^

* * »^=

--j= 1-; f

■#• ••■■•• ■••

Du - ba ha

no° - zbi° ga

She - uo" - zhi°

ga..

She no"- zhi° ga.

Duba ha ti no"zhi" ga she iio^zhi" go
Duba ha ti no^zhi" ga
She no^zhi" ga! She no"zhi"' ga
I- I"

Literal translation: Duba, iour; /m signifies that the number four
refers to groups; ti, from ati, come ye; no'^zhi^, stand; a, from iga,
word of command given to a number; she, from shetlvu, a definite
place near b}-; ga, a command, and end of the sentence; /", the rollmg
thunder. The "four" refers to the four winds, to which the invoca-
tion is addressed by the Thunder priest.

Fri'e translation

Ye four, come hither and stand, near shall ye stand

In four groups shall ye stand

Here shall ye stand, in this place stand

(The Thunder rolls)

The music of this invocation is in the five-toned scale. The voice
dwells on the words <i, "come," and she, "nearin this place." The roll
of the Thunder is given in the relative minor.

At the close of this ritual song the priest faces the child to the
east, lifting it by the shoulders; its feet are allowed to' rest upon
the stone. lie then turns the child completely aroimd, from left to
right. If by any chance the child shoiild struggle or move so as to

120

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

turn from right to left the onlookers set up a ciy of alann. It was
considered very disastrous to turn ever so little in the wrong way, so
the priest was most careful to prevent any accident. When the child
had been turned, its feet rested on the stone as it faced the south.
The priest then lifted it by the arms, turned it, and set its feet on the
stone as it faced the west; then he again lifted the child, turned it,
and set its feet on the stone as it faced the north. Lastly the child
was lifted to its feet and placed on the stone as it again faced the east.
During this action the following ritual song was sung:

She ga ku - wi°

ki-the tha

She ga-ku - wi"

^m^^—-^T

— • — 0~ — • — •— ' — • — 0-^

1 » »• ' K 1

— 1 1 b — 1

— w— ^ b_J 1

xe a - ki - the tha

Ea- xu du

bu ha

ta-de du.

-t 0-^ — t •-

3::

ba ha te

Ta-de ba - 50° the a - ki-the tha

-•-=--

Ta - de

du.

ba ha

• She gakuwi"xe akithe tha
She gakuwi"xe akithe tha
Baxu duba ha te tade duba ha te
Tade bai/o" the akithe tha
Tade duba ha te
I"I°

Literal translation : She, from shethi", going yonder, implies a person
speaking ; ga, to strike by the wind ; huwi^xe, to whirl ; tJia, oratorical
end of the sentence; haxit, ridge or hill; <?«&«, four; ha, groups;
te, descriptive suffix indicating standing; hafo'^, in the miilst; the,
goes (third person); akithe, I cause him; tha, end of sentence; tade,
winds; duha, four; ha, groups; te, standing; /", rolling of the

Thunder.

Free translation

Turned by the winds goes the one I send yonder;
Yonder he goes who is whirled by the winds;
Goes, where the four hills of life and the four winds are standing;
There, in the midst of the winds do I send him,
Into the midst of the winds, standing there.
(The Thunder rolls)

The winds invoked by the priest stand in four groups, and receive
the child, which is whirled by them, and by them enabled "to

FLETCHER-LA flesche] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 121

face in every direction." This action symbolizes that the winds
will come and strengthen him as hereafter he shall traverse the earth
and meet the vicissitudes he must encounter as he passes over the
four hills and completes the circuit of a long life. It was believed
that this ceremony exercised a marked influence on the child, and
enabled it to grow in strength and in the ability to practise self-
control.

The priest now put the new moccasins on the feet of the child, as
the following ritual song was sung. Toward its close the child was
lifted, set on its feet, and made to take four steps typical of its entrance
into a long life.

M If (Sling in octaves) ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^

She thu te tlio° i e wi°- tha ke She-thii te tho° i - e wi"- tha ke

SPS^ESEES

He de wi°-tha ke no°-zlii°-ga I ■ e te wi°-tha-ke

'^— » — P P •-

-^— /•— #-

She- thu te tho" j - e wi°-tha-ke He- de wi°-tha ke no°-zhi°-ga 1° 1°

Shethu te tho° ie wi"thake
Shethu te tho" ie wi"thake
Hede wi^thake no°zhi° ga
Ie te wi°thake
Shethu te tho" ie wi°thake
Hede wi"thake no°zhi''ga
1° I"

Literal translation : Shethu, a place near, also a time; te refers to
action or occurrence, in this instance to the ceremony; tho^, round
place, refers both to the lodge and to the hu'thuga; ie, words, declara-
tion; wiHhake, truth (to you) (wi^ke, truth; th.a, to you); hede, in
consequence of, therefore, because (old term); no^zhi", arise, stand;
ga, the sign of command; i", the rolling of thunder.

Free translation

Here unto you has been spoken the truth ;
Because of this truth you shall stand.
Here, declared is the truth.

Here in this place has been shown you the truth.
Therefore, arise! go forth in its strength!
(The thunder roILs)

The ni'l'ie name of the child was now announced, after which the
priest cried aloud: "Ye hills, ye grass, ye trees, ye creeping things
both great and small, I bid you hear! This child has thrown away
its baby name. Ho ! " ( a call to take notice) .

122 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

The priest next instructed the child as to the tabu it must observe,
and what woidd be the penalty for disobedience. If the child was a
girl, .she now passed out of the tent and rejoined her mother.

Up to this point the ceremony of introducing the child into the
tribe was the same for male and female; but in the case of boys there
was a supplemental rite which pertained to them as future warriors.

CONSECRATION OK THE BOY TO THUNDER

This ceremony was called We'baslma, meaning "to cut the hair."
According to traditions, this specialized ceremony belonged to the
period in the growth of the political development of the tribe when
efforts were being made to hold the tribe more firmly together by
checking the independence of the warriors and placing them under
control — efforts that finally resulted in the placing of the rites of
war in charge of the We'zhi°shte gens.

In the ceremony of cutting the hair the priest in charge gathered
a tuft from the crown of the boy's head, tied it, then cut it off and
laid it away in a parfleche case, which was kept as a sacred reposi-
tory, singing as he cut the lock a ritual song explanatory of the
action. The severing of the lock was an act that implied the conse-
cration of the life of the boy to Thunder, the s^nnbol of the power
that controlled the life and death of the warrior — for every man
had to be a warrior in order to defend the home and the tribe. The
ritual song which followed the cutting of the lock indicated the
acceptance of the offering made; that is, the life of the warrior hence-
forth was under the control of the Thunder to prolong or to cut short
at will.

The Washe'to" subgens, which had charge of this rite of the conse-
cration of the boy to the Thunder as the god of war, camped at
the end of the I°shta'fu°da division, and formed the northern side
of the entrance into the hu'thuga when the opening faced the east;
while the We'zhi°shte gens, which had charge of the rites pertaining
to war, including the bestowal of honors, formed the southern side
of the entrance. Thus the "door," through which all must pass
who would enter the Jni'tJaiga (see p. 13S), was guarded on each side
by gentes having charge of rites pertaining to Thunder, as the god
of war, the power that could not only hold in check enemies from
without, but which met each man child at his entrance into the tribe
and controlled him even to the hour of his death.

In a commimity beginning to crystallize into organized social
relations the sphere of the warrior would naturally rise above that of
the mere fighter; and when the belief of the people concerning nature
is taken into consideration it is not surprising that the movement
toward social organization should tend to place the warriors — the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL

123

men of power — in close relation to those natural manifestations of
power seen in the fury of the storm and heard in the rolling of the
thunder. Moreover, in the efforts toward political unification such
rites as those which were connected with the Thunder would conduce
to the welding of the people by the inculcation of a common depend-
ence upon a powerful god and the sign of consecration to him would
be put upon the head of every male member of the tribe.

The priest took the boy to the space west of the fire : there, facing
the east, he cut a lock of hair from the crown of the boy's head, as
he sang the following ritual song:

£=^^

Ti - go" - lia iiio'* - shi

#— = — t • '-

ta ha !

Slia- l)e

-* » ^-

no° - zhi - a

ha!

Slia - be ti - the no" - zhi

* #

She - thu

ti - ine

l=f=

Ti-go" - ha mo" - shi - a ta ha !

-0-^-i — 0 — ,_j — ^ 1-3: — 0 — 0-r — 0 -, 0 n

a - ha.

^=?I

-# 0t-

Ti-go" - ha

slii

ta lia ! Sha-be ti- the

no° - zhi - a

iS53e?ee?eee;=

g|gis^gp

Ti - go" - lia nio° - shi - a ta lia !

Sha-be

ti - the

-^ — 0-

-|-

no"- zhi - a lia

she- thu

-^0Z

Ti- go" - ha mo"

shi

ha! Sha - be

ti - the

no" - zhi

ha!

Tigo"ha 1110 ".-ihia ta ha

Shabe tithe no"zhia ha

Tigo"ha mo"shia ta ha

Shabe tithe no"zhia shethu aha

Tigo^ha mo"shia ta ha

Shabe tithe no"zhia

Tigo"ha nui"shia ta ha

Shabe tithe no"zhia ha s^hethu aha

Tigo"ha mo"shia ta ha

Shabe tithe no"zhia ha

124 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Literal translation : Tigo^ha, grandfather — a f oi-m of respect used
when addressing the person of power; mo'^shia, far above, on high;
ta, from shiata, there, used to express an indefinite place; Jia, end of
sentence; shabe, dark, like a shadow; tithe, passing before one;
no^zhia, human hair; shethu, there in your direction, as toward the
one addressed; aha, in the midst of.

Free translation

Grandfather! far above on high,

The hair like a shadow passes before you.

Grandfather! far above on high,

Dark like a shadow the hair sweeps before you into the midst of your realm.

Grandfather! there above, on high,

Dark like a shadow the hair parses before you.

Grandfather! dwelling afar on high,

Like a dark shadow the hair sweeps before you into the midst of your realm.

Grandfather! far above on high,

The hair like a shadow passes before you.

From this ritual song we learn that the lock laid away m the
sacred case in care of the Thunder priest symbolically was sent to
the Thunder god dwelling "far above on high," who was ceremonially
addressed as "Grandfather" — the term of highest respect in the lan-
guage. The hair of a person was popularly believed to have a vital
connection with the life of the body, so that anyone becoming pos-
sessed of a lock of hair might work his will on the individual from
whom it came. In ceremonial expressions of grief the throwing of
locks of hair upon the dead was indicative of the vital loss sustained.
In the light of customs that obtained among the people the hair,
under certain conditions, might be said to typify life. Because of
the belief in the continuity of life a part could stand for the whole,
so in this rite by the cutting off of a lock of the boy's hair and giving
it to the Thunder the life of the child was given into the keeping of
the god. It is to be noted that later, when the hair was suffered to
grow on the boy's head, a lock on the crown of the head was parted
in a circle from the rest of the hair and kept constantly distinct and
neatly braided. Upon this lock the war honors of the warrior were
worn, and it was this lock that was cut from the head of a slain
enemy and formed the central object in the triumph ceremonies, for
the reason that it preeminently represented the life of the man who
had been slain in battle.

FLETCHER-LA flesche] EITES PERTAINING TO THE IXDIVIDUAL

125

In the next ritual song the Thunder god speaks and proclaims his
acceptance of the consecration of the life through the lock of hair
and also declares his control over the life of the warrior.

(Sung in octaves)

r-9--ti^-^r=i — -c^ r^—

-*— ^-

She-thu pi-tho° - ili lie

Ni- ka wi" go° - ke a

the

-• •-=•

She- thu pi- tho° - di

ke a-the

-1=

-L — \-

P — 0 •-= 0 0-

Slie-thu pi-tho" - di he

0— 0— 0 • 0 '- '

Ni-ka-n'i° sha-be ke a- the he

—~ \— 'A l-Jt — -I — J ^

■^r.

She tliu pi- tho" di

:=P^^i3^=sELl

ke a - till

:|:

She-thu pi-tlio° - di he

Ni- ka- wi" zhi-de ke a-the he

— ^— I r—^ i L4._z^^TL_q — s*

She- thu pi - tho" - di Ni - ka - wi" go°

■^m

ke a- the

Shethu pi tho"di he

Nika wi" go"ke athe

Shethu pi tho"di /

Nika wi" go^ke athe

Shethu pi tho"di he

Nika wi" shaVje ke athe he

Shethu pi tho"di

Nika wi" go"ke athe

Shethu pi tho"di he

Nika wi" zhide ke athe he

Shethu pi tho"di

Nika wi" go"ke athe

Literal translation : 5^e^Aw, there; j)t, I have been; <Ao"<Zi, when ; he,
end of the sentence and vowel prolongation; nil-a, man; wi", a or
one; goalee, a peculiar exclamatory expression indicating the action
of coming suddenly on a fearful or startling object: athe, I cause,
used only in reference to inanimate things and intended here to con-
vey the idea that man has no power to act independently of the

126 THE OMAHA TRIBE Teth. axn. 27

gods; shahe, dai'k, like a shadow; he indicates that the object is long
and is lying down; zMde, red.

Free translation

What time I will, then only then,
A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.
What time I will, then suddenly
A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.
What time I will, then, only then,
Like a shadow dark the man shall lie.
What time I will, then suddenly
A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.
What time I will, then, only then.
Reddened and stark a man lies dead.
What time I will, then suddenly
A man lies dead, a gruesome thing.

The word shahe, dark like a shadow, is used in the preceding song
to describe the lock of hair that was cut from the child's head as a
symbol that his life was offered to the god; in this song the same
word, sJiale, is applied to the man who, "like a shadow dark,"
"shall lie" when his life has been taken by the god. The use of this
word bears out the meaning of the rite that accompanied the pre-
ceding song, that by the giving of the lock of hair the life of the per-
son was given to the god. This song shows that the god intends
to do as he wills with that life. There are other songs used in the
tribe which iterate this belief that a man dies only when the gods
decree.

The music is in the five-tone scale, and the phrase which carries
the assertion of the god rises and dwells on the tonic, a movement
rare in Omaha songs, the general trend being from higher to lower
tones.

The imperfect account of this ritual makes it impossible to state
whether or not the six songs here given were all that belonged to
this ceremony. It is also imcertain whether or not the invocation
to the wmds was simg before the turning of every child; it may
have been simg only once, at the opening of the general ceremony,
there being indications that such was the case. It is probable that
the song given below was also simg but once, at the close of the general
ceremony, but it has been impossible to obtain accurate information
on this point. Only one point is certain — that the following was
the fimd song of the ceremony:

FLETCHEK-LA flesche] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL

127

(Sung in octaves)

^tHiga^S

53!

Ku-the go° di i°-gi-be he nax thi° ba nax thi° ba ha

-•— jt3— tzizztzt

Pe- de zhi-de na-ka

- de....

— • — 1

nax

thl° ba

nax thi" ba

m- ^-

-t=

•

f f •

— 1= 7

-0 —

Ku - the go" - di i°

gi be

nax thi" ba

thi°

ha!

Pe - de

zlii

de.

-K ^. 1 1 1

nax thi" ha nax thi° ba ha! Ku-the go°-di i° - gibe he

Kuthe go" di i"gi be he
Naxthi" ba naxthi" ba ha
Pede zhide nakade
Naxthi" ba nax thi" ba ha
Kuthe go" di i"gi be he
Naxthi" ba-naxthi" ba ha
Pede zhide nakade
Naxthi" ba naxthi" ba ha
Kuthe go" di i"gi be he

Literal translation: Kuthe, hasten; go^, suddenly; di, here, hither;
i^gfi, to ask help, assistance; Je, sign of the plural; ?iax/^i", flame; ba,
sign of the plural; ha, the end of the sentence; pede, fire; zhide, red;

nakade, hot.

Free translation

Come hither, haste to help me,

Ye flames, ye flames, O come!

O red-hot fire, hasten!

O haste, ye flames, to come.

Come speedily to help me.

Ye flames, ye flames, O come!

O red-hot fire, hasten!

O haste, ye flames, to come!

Come hither, haste, to help me!

As this song was sung the ball of grass to wliich reference has
abeady been made was held aloft and then hurled to the ground,
where it mysteriously burst into flames, which were regarded as sym-
bolizing the lightning.

128 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. Ann. 27

In tliis closiiig sonj; there is a retuni to the t'(«mic forces which
were appealed to and represented in the ceremony of Turning the
Child. In early times before this ceremony had been arranged so
as to include the rite of consecrating the boy to the Thimder god,
the song which appears on the preceding page was sung probably
soon after, if not immediately at the conclusion of, the third song
given in this account.

At the conclusion of this tribal ceremony, when the child reached
its home the father cut the hair of his son after the symbolic manner
of his gens;" the hair was thus worn until the second dentition.
Then the hair was allowed to grow, and the scalp lock, the sign of the
warrior to which reference has already been made was parted off and
kept carefully braided, no matter how frowzy and tangled the rest
of the hair might be.

CEREMONIAL INTRODUCTION TO INDIVIDUAL LIFE AND TO THE

SUPERNATURAL

The next stage in the life of the Omaha youth was marked by the
rite known by the name of No"'zhi"zho°. The hteral meaning of the
word is "to stand sleeping;" it here imphes that during the rite the
person stands as if oblivious of the outward world and conscious
only of what transpires within himself, his own mind. This rite
took place at puberty, when the mmd of the child had "become
white." This characterization was drawn from the passing of night
into day. It should be remembered that in native symbolism night
is the mother of da}'; so the mmd of the new-born child is dark,
like the night of its birth; gradually it begins to discern and remem-
ber things as objects seen in the early da\\"n; finally it is able to
remember and observe discriminatingly; then its mind is stvid to be
"white," as with the clear light of day. At the period when the
youth is at the verge of his conscious individual life, is " old
enough to know sorrow," it was considered time that through the
rite No^'zhi^zho" he should enter into personal relations with the
mysterious power that permeates and controls all nature as well as
his own existence.

In the Sacred Legend, which recounts briefly the history of the
people and from which quotations have been made, the origin of this
rite is thus given:

The people felt themselves weak and poor. Then the old men gathered together
and said: "Let us make our children cry to Wako^'da that he may give us strength."
So all the parents took their children who were old enough to pray in earnest, put
soft clay on their faces, and sent them forth to lonely places. The old men said to
the youths: "You shall go forth to cry to Wako^'da. When on the hills you shall
not ask for any particular thing. The answer may not come to you as you expect;

a The various styles of cutting the child's hair to symbolize the tabu of his gens are shown with the
account given of the gentes (pp. U4-18«).

PLETCHEK-LA flesche] BITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDITAL, 129

whatever is good, that may Wako"'da give." Four days upon the hills shall the
youths pray, crying. When they stop, they shall wipe their tears with the palms of
their hands and lift their wet hands to the sky, then lay them to the earth. This was
the people's first appeal to Wako'^da.

The closing statement as to "the first appeal'' should not be taken
literally, for the rite thus said to have been introduced is too com-
plex, and embodies beliefs that must have required a long time for
formulation into the dramatic forms observed in tliis rite.

The old men, when explaining the rite, said " It must be observed
by all youths. After the first time, the j^outh could repeat the rite
xmtil he was old enough to marry and had children; by that time
his life was fixed, and he prayed no more unless he was a priest, then
he would continue to fast and pray." "In the No°'zhi°zho"," it was
further explained, "the appeal was to Wako" da, the great power.
There were other powers — the sim, the stars, the moon, the earth —
but these were lesser; the praj^er was not to them." The old men
added: "The appeal was for help throughout life. As the 3'outh
goes forth to fast he thinks of a happy life, good health, success in
hunting; in war he desires to secure spoils and escape the enemy;
if he should l)e attacked that the weapons of his adversaries might
fail to injure him. Such were the thoughts and hopes of the youth
when he entered upon this fast, although he was forbidden to ask for
any special favor." The rite Xo"'zhi"zlio° was observed in the
spring ; never in the summer or winter. The meaning of putting clay
on the head has been explained in different ways. Some haA^e said
it sj'mbolized humilit}'; others that it referred to the soft clay or
mud brought ujd by the diving animals, out of which the earth was
created. In the opinion of the writers the latter seems the more
probable explanation.

In preparation the youth was taught the following prayer, which
was to be sung during the ordeal of the fast. It was known to every
youth in the tribe, no matter what his gens." This prayer must be
accepted, therefore, as voicing a fundamental belief of the entire
Omaha tribe. The music is in keeping with the words, being un-
mistakably an earnest invocation.

o Every male was obliged to pass through the rite of No" 'zhi'zho" when he reached the proper age;
whether he should continue to practise the rite was Ictt to his personal choice. The No^'zhinzhon
was not obligatory on girls or women but they sometimes went through the fast, for the rite was open
to them

83993°— 27 eth— 11 9

130

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

P-

OMAHA PRAYER"

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

=t:

isn

Wa - ko° - da

the

/TV

thu

wah - pa - thi"

to"

121

E|-=

BiEE

Wa - ko" - da

the

thu wah - pa - thi"

to"

sr
he

E£

:t^

r r

Wako"da thethu wahpathi" ato"he
Wako"da thethu wahpathi" ato°ho

Literal translation : Wa]co"da, the permeating life of nature and of
man, the great mysterious power; thethu, here; wahpathi*', poor, needy;
ato'^he, he stands, and I am he — a form of expression used to indicate
humility. iralo"t7«.' here, needy, he stands, and I am he.

This prayer was called WaTco^'da giJco^ {gigiko", "to weep from
loss," as that of kindred, the prefix gi indicating possession; gilco^,
therefore, is to weep from the want of something not possessed, from
conscious insufficiency and the desire for something that coidd bring
happiness or prosperity) . This jirayer and the aspect of the suppliant,
standing alone in the solitary place, with clay on his head, tears fall-
ing from his eyes, and his hands lifted in supplication, were based on
anthropomorphic ideas concerning "VVako"'da. The Omaha con-
ceived that the appeal from one so young and untried, who showed
poverty and the need of hel}), could not fail to move the power thus
appealetl to, even as a man so importuned woidd render the aid that
was asked. The words of the ])rayer set forth the belijef that Wa-
ko"'(hi was able to imderstand and to respond to the one who thus
voiced his consciousness of dc-pendenco and his craving for help from
a power higher than himself.

o The upper line gives the aria as sung; the two Um)s below translate the aria; so that when played
on an instrument like the piano the meaning and feeling of the song become intelligible to us. This trans-
lation has the approval of the Indians.

PLBTCHER-LA flesche] KITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 131

Four days and nights the youth was to fast and pray provided he
was physically able to bear so long a strain. No matter how hungry
he became, he was forbidden to use the bow and arrows put into his
hands by his father when he left his home for this solitary test of
endurance. When he fell into a sleep or a trance, if he saw or heard
anything, that thing was to become a special medium through which
the youth could receive supernatural aid. Generally with the sight
of the thing came an accompanying cadence. This cadence was
the song or call by which the man might summon aid in his time of
need. The form, animate or inanimate, which appeared to the man
was drawn toward him, it was believed, by the feeling of pity. The
term used to express this impelling of the form to the man was
i' thaethe, jnean'mg "to have compassion on." If the youth at this
time saw a buffalo, it would be said: Te i' thaethe, " the buffalo had
compassion on him;" if he heard the thunder: I^gthu^' ifhaethe, "the
thimder had compassion." The vision, with its sacred call or song,
was the one thbig that the Omaha held as his own, incapable of loss
so long as life and memory lasted. It was his personal connection
with the vast imiverse, by which he could strengthen his spirit and
his physical powers. He never gave the details of his vision to any-
one, nor was it even casually spoken of; it was too sacred for ordinary
speech.

When gomg forth to fast, the youth went silently and unobserved.
No one accosted him or gave him coimsel or direction. He passed
through his experience alone, and alone he returned to his father's
lodge. No one asked him of his absence, or even mentioned the fact
that he had been away. For four days he must rest, eat little, and
speak little. After that period he might go to an old and worthy
man who was known to have had a similar vision. After eating and
smoking with the old man, when they were quite alone it was per-
mitted the youth to mention that he had had a vision like that of his
host, of beast, or bird, or whatever it might have been. Should he
speak of his vision before the expiration of the four days, it would
be the same as lost to him. After the youth had spoken to the old
man it became his duty to travel until he should meet the animal or
bird seen in his vision, when he had to slay it, and preserve either the
whole or a part of its body. This trophy became the visible sign of
his vision and the most sacred of his possessions. He might wear it
on his scalp lock or elsewhere on his person during sacred festivals,
when going to war, or on some other important occasions. This
article has been spoken of by some writers as the man's "personal
totem." When the vision came in the form of a cloud or the sound
of the thunder, these were symbolized by certain objects or were
t3"pified in designs painted on the man or on his belongings.

Some visions were regarded as "lucky," as giving special and help-
ful advantages to the man. Hawks were "lucky" — they helped to
success and prowess in war. Bears, being slow and clumsy, were

132 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

"not SO good/' although possessing great recuperative power. The
elk was fleet. Snakes were "not good," etc. To dream of the moon
might bring a great calamity. It is said that the moon would appear
to a man having in one hand a burden strap, in the other a bow and
arrows, and the man would be bidden to make a choice. When he
reached for the bow, the moon would cross its hands and try to force
the strap on the man. If he awaked before he took the strap, or
if he succeeded in capturing the bow, he escaped the penalty of the
dream. If, on the other hand, he failed and the strap came into
his hand, he was doomed to forfeit his manliood and become like a
woman. He must speak as a woman, pursue her avocations, adopt'
her dress, and sometimes become subject to gross actions. It is said
that there have been those who, having dreamed of the moon and
having had the burden straji forced on them, have tried to conceal
their ill luck for a time, but that few have succeeded. Instances are
known in which the unfortunate dreamer, even with the help of his
parents, could not ward off the evil influence of the dream, and
resorted to suicide as the only means of escape.

The following stories of Osage men who through dreams became
as women were given bj^ Black Dog in 1898:

Men who become as women are called Miru'ga {mi, "moon"; xu'ga, "to in-
struct"— "instructed by the moon"). The young men who go to fast sometimes
remain out many days. This is done to secure dreams or visions which will support
them in manly enterprises, in war or in hunting — that is, give them strength. But
sometimes it hajipens that a young man has dreams or sees visions which make him
imagine that he is a woman. From that time he takes upon himself the dress and
occupations of a woman. He lets his hair gi'ow, parts it in the middle, and wears
braids. From days beyond the memory of man the Osage men sha\ed the head,
leaving a roach on the top. Only the women wore the hair long and parted it in the
middle. Now many of the Osage men wear the hair long and parted in the middle,
in imitation of the Ponca, who, I think, took the fashion from the Siou.x.

Once a young man went to fast, and was gone many days. He started home, not
ha\'ing had any dreams or visions, and on his way home he met a matronly woman
who addressed him as " daughter. " She said to the young man: " You are my daugh-
ter, and you shall be as I am. I give to you this hoe. With it you shall cultivate the
ground, raise corn, beans, and squash, and you shall be skillful in braiding buffalo
hair and in embroidering moccasins, leggings, and robes. " In speaking to the woman
the young man discovered that he had lieen unconsciously using the feminine ter-
minals of speech. He tried to recover himself and use the speech of man, but he
failed. On his return to his people he dressed himself as a woman, and took upon
himself the avocations of a woman.

A young man went to fast, and was gone many days. On his way home he came
to an earth lodge and entered. There were four men in the lodge, who greeted him
very cordially and assigned to him the usual place of a guest. The young man looked
about the lodge and saw hung upon the posts bows and arrows, shields and spears.
Food was prepared for him, and he ate with the strangers. ^\"hen he had finished
his visit he thanked these people and started to go out. As he was about to pass
the doorway he was halted and his attention was directed to two objects which hung
one on each side of the door. One was a spear and the other a battle-ax. The young
man was told to take his choice. He was long in choosing. The battle-ax is consid-
ered the manliest of weapons. This the young man remembered, and he finally

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RITES PERTAINING TO THE INDIVIDUAL 133

chose that weapon, took it down, and dei)arted. On his way to hi.s village he planned
in his mind war excursions, and thought how he would conduct himself in battles.
When he was nearing the village he desired to look once more at his battle-ax. He
did so, and, behold, it had turned into a hoe! A\'hen he arrived home he became as
a woman.

There was a young man who had been out to fast many times. He had dreams
which he thought were the kind that would make of him a man of valor. He went
on the warpath and took with him a number of followers. They found the enemy,
defeated them, and returned with many trophies. On the way home he got up a
dance one night in honor of his victory. As he was dancing, brandishing his weapons
and praising himself, an owl hooted near-by in the woods, and after each hooting the
owl would say: ''The leader is a mixu'gaJ" The people listened in amazement, and
at last the leader cried: " I have done that which a mixu'ga could never do! " How-
ever, on reaching his home the young leader dressed as a woman and spoke as a woman.
He married and had children. He was successful as a warrior, but when about to
go to war he discarded his woman's clothing and dressed himself as a man.

Among the Omaha, as well as their cognates, there were societies
whose membersliip was made up of men who had had visions of the
same object. It has already been mentioned that the object seen in
the vision was said to have had compassion on the man when it
appeared to lum. It was also thought that because the same form
could come to certain men and be seen by them there was something
in common in the nature of these men — that a sort of brotherhood
existed among them. Out of this belief societies grew up based on
the members having had similar visions, and the ceremonies of these
societies, quasi religious in character, dealt with the special gifts
vouchsafed by Wako°'da through the particular form or the animal.
The article which was the sj^mbol of a man's dream, as a feather
from a bird, a tuft of hair from an animal, or a black stone or trans-
lucent pebble representing the thunder or the water, was never an
object of worsliip. It was a memento of the vision, a sort of cre-
dential that served to connect its possessor with the potentiality of
the species or class represented by the form seen in the vision, through
which the man's strength or faculties could be reenforced by virtue of
the continuity of hfe throughout the universe because of the ever-
present power of Wako"'da.

In the sequence of rites just detailed, wliich began at birth with
the announcement to all created tilings that a new life had come
into their midst, and later, when the cliild had acc[uired ability to
move about of its own voUtion, its feet were set in the path of life,
and it entered into membersliip in the tribe, are represented pro-
gressive steps in the life of the individual from a mere living form to
a being vkith a recognized place. The entrance into manhood re-
quired a voluntary effort by which, through the rite of fasting and
prayer, the man came into direct and personal relations with the
supernatural and reaUzed witliin himself the forceful power of the
union of the seen with the unseen.

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

Basic Principles

The tribal organization of the Omaha was based on certain funda-
mental religious ideas, cosmic in significance; these had reference to
conceptions as to how the visible universe came into being and how
it is maintained.

An invisible and continuous life was believed to permeate all things,
seen and unseen. Tliis life manifests itself in two ways: First, by
causing to move — all motion, all actions of mind or body are because
of this in^^sible life; second, by causing permanency of structure and
foma, as in the rock, the physical features of the landscape, moimtains,
plains, streams, rivers, lakes, the animals and man. This invisible
Hfe was also conceived of as being similar to the will power of which
man is conscious witMn liimself — a power by which things are brought
to pass. Through this mysterious life and power all tilings are
related to one another and to man, the seen to the imseen, the
dead to the living, a fragment of anytliing to its entirety. This
invisible life and power was called Wako°'ila (see p. 597). Wliile it
was a vague entity, yet there was an anthropomorphic coloring to the
conception, as is shown in the prayers offered and the manner in
which appeals for compassion and help were made, also in the ethical
quality attributed to certain natural phenomena — the regidarity of
night following day, of summer winter (these were recognized as
emphasizing truthfulness as a dependable qviality and set forth for
man's guidance) — and in the approval by Wako"'da of certain etliical
actions on the part of manldnd.

Human conditions were projected upon nature, and male and female
forces recognized. The Above was regarded as masculine, the Below
feminine; so the sky was father, the earth, mother. The heavenly
bodies were conceived of as having sex; the sun was masculine, the
moon feminine, consequently day was male and night female. The
union of these two forces was regarded as necessary to the perpetuation
of all living forms, and to man's life by maintaining his food supply.
This order or method for the contmuation of life was believed to have
been arranged by Wako"'da and had to be obeyed if the race was to
continue to exist. In order to keep this belief alive in the minds of
the people, it was symbolized in religious rites and in social usages and
134

FLETCHBB-LA FLESCHB] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 135

organization. Consonant with this manner of enforcing these cosmic
and rehgious ideas, the tribe was composed of two grand divisions,
one representing the Sky people, or the I°shta'pu°da; the other, the
Earth people, or the Ho°'gashenu. Within each of these divisions
there were five gentes. While each gens had its designation, its rites,
its place, its tabu and its personal names, all these distinctive marks
were subordinate to the two grand divisions and membership in the
gens became merged in membership in one of these divisions, the
I°shta'fu°da or the Ho°'gashenu.

These divisions were not phratries, as they were not based on ties
of blood but on mythic ideas as to how creation came about and how
life must be continued on the earth. Mytlis relate that human
beings were born of a union between the Sky people and the Earth
people ; and, in accordance with this belief, the imion of the Sky peo-
ple and the Earth people was conceived to be necessary to the existence
of the tribe. There was a teacliing preserved among the old men that
the division of the tribe into I^shta'pu^da and Ho^'gashenu was for
marital purposes — a teacliing which bears out the mythic symbolism
of these two divisions. It is possible that this symbolic arrangement
throws light on the force which made possible the artificial practice of
exogamy. In this connection it is interesting to note that of the mar-
riages in existence among the Omaha twenty-five years ago, a good
majority represented the union between members of gentes belonging
to the two rather than to one of these grand divisions. And it is also
important that, amid the wreckage of the ancient tribal organization
at the present time, the practice of exogamy is still observed. In
short, all the conditions seem to show that the custom is based on
fmidamental religious ideas.

The duality in the tribal organization was further represented by
two principal chiefs, one standing for the I°slita'5U°da and the other
for the Ho°'gashenu. There were also two tribal pipes, which were
always kept together and were never separated in any ceremonial
use. Both hatl flat stems; one was ornamented with porcupine-quill
work, and had fastened on it the head of a pileated woodpecker, with
the upper mandible turned back over the crest of the bird. The
stem of the other pipe was plain, but had bound in a row along its
length seven woodpeckers' heads, the mandibles turned back as just
described. It is not improbable that these pipes pertained to the
fundamental ideas on which the two grand divisions of the tribe
were based; but which pipe belonged to the Sky people and was
masculine, and which to the Earth people and was feminine, the
writers have been unable to learn.

The gens ° was called in the Omaha tongue, to"'wo^gtJio^, "village."
The same term was applied to the village in which all the tribe dwelt.

a Ti.is term is used to indicate that the kinship group traced descent in the paternal rather than the
maternal line.

136 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

When the Omaha visited the towus and cities of the white people,
they apphcd to these settlements the same designation. St. Louis
and Wasliington wore spoken of as fo'"'wo'"gtho^. To distinguish the
village signifying the gens, from the village in which the tribe dwelt
the name of the stream on which the latter was situated was men-
tioned. When the gens was spoken of, to the term to^'wo^gtho^'- was
added uba'no^, which means a group of a kind in a given place.
While the idea of relationship is not directly stated, the word uha'no^
added to the term for "village" is understood to indicate a village of
people who are Idndred, of one kind, between whom marriage is
prohibited.

The question "To what gens do you belong?" put into Omaha and
literally translated, would be, "In which of the various (many)
villag' 5 (of the tribe) are you there (have you a place)?" If the
questioner belonged to the Omaha or the Ponca tribe, he would know
the names of the gentes, so the reply would be: "Tapa', there I am; "
that is, "I belong to the Tapa' gens." But if the question were asked
by a stranger, a member of a different tribe, to whom the names
of the Omaha gentes were unknown, then the reply would indicate
the symbol of the religious rite (the tabu) of the gens of the person
questioned, and he might say: "I am a buffalo person" or an "elk
person." The reply would not be understood to mean that the
man thought of himself as a bufl'alo or an elk, or as descended from
one, but as belonging to a group which had charge of rites in which
that animal was used as a symbol. The rites thus spoken of were
designated as Ni'kie," and in them all the people had a claim, although
those who officiated at a rite were confined to the particular gens
which had charge of the rite.

It was the duty of a gens having charge of a Ni'kie rite to take
care of the synibols and paraphernaha of the rite, and act as its priests,
so to speak; but the claim to take part in the ceremony was not
confined to the gens having charge of the rite, for the people of the
tribe had a voice in it and a share in its benefits.

Each gens had its distinctive name. Some of the names, as has
been ah'eady pointed out, occur in more than one of the tribes that
are close cognates of the Omaha. These duphcated names may have
been names of gentes in the parent organization, and Avhen the
Omaha and their cognates organizetl as tlistinct tribes the remnants
of the former gens may have clung together and kept their old rites
and name. An Omaha gens, however, was not a simple but a com-

rtJVi7;i'c is compounded from ni'k (troni ni'kasliiga, "people"; ie. "words or speech"). From ni'ka-
Shiga is also derived ni'kagalii, "chief" {ga'he, "thrown upon")— literally, "those upon whom the
people are thrown" or "who carry the people." Xi'kie signifies a declaration by the people or their
chiefs of consent to a certain proposition.

FLETCHEm-LA fleschb] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 137

posite group, made up of subgentes or subdivisions which were some-
times called to'^'wo^gtho^ zhi"ga, "little villages," or to"'wo'''gth.o^ uga'(m£,
ttgra'cne meaning "that which issplit," and implying that thesubdivision
had been split off, although it still kept with the main body. Each of
the subgentes had its name, its rite, wliich was of the Ni'kie class,
its set of personal names, its tabu, and its place when the gens camped
with the tribe in ceremonial order. A subdivision differed from a sub-
gens in not having a distinctive rite, although it had a particular office
in the rite belonging to the gens. A subdivision might have its tabu,
wliich would refer to its duties in the rite, and its set of personal
names, but it was bound to the gens by a common rite and observed
the tabu of the gens. The number of subgentes or subdivisions in a
gens does not seem to have been uniform. The common bond be-
tween the subgentes of a gens was that of kinship, traced solely
through the father. Marriage between the members of the subgentes
or subdivisions of a gens was forbidden. When a person was asked
where he belonged, he did not give the name of the subgens into
which he was born, but the name of the gens of wliich his birth group
was a part. If more definite information was desired, then he would
give the name of his subgens or subdivision. The gens was regarded
as paramount to the subgentes or to the subdivisions, as it contained
them all, even as the tribe embraced all the gentes and stood as one
body.

There were ten gentes in the tribe. The meaning of the Omaha
word for tribe, vJci'tc, has already been discussed (p. 35). Tlris word
is distinct in meaning from hu'thuga, the term used to designate the
form or order in which the tribal organization ceremonially camped,
in which each one of the villages, or gens, had its definite place.
Hu'thuga is an old term and carries the idea of a dwelling. The
order of camping expi'essed by hu'thuga was used when the tribe
was away from its village on the annual bufl'alo hunt. Tliis hunt
was a serious occasion, when all the people united in a common effort
to secure a supply of meat and pelts, food and clothing, for them-
selves and for their children; therefore it was initiated and conducted
with religious ceremonies. The people were placed under the con-
trol of men who through elaborate and sacred rites were appointed
for the direction of tlie hunt, and to these appointed men all persons,
inckuhng the chiefs, had to render obedience. It was while on this
hunt that the great tribal ceremonies took place, at which time the
people camped according to their gentes in the form known as
hu'thuga.

This form was circular, with an opening to the east, which
represented the door of a dwelling. "Through it," the old men
said, "the people we'nt forth in quest of the game, and through it

138 THE OMAHA TRIBE (eth. ann. 27

they returned with their supply of food, as one enters the door of
one's home. The warriors passed hence to defend the tribe from its
foes, and here they were welcomed when they came back." The
entrance was therefore the door through wliich one entered into
the dwelling place of the tribe, in which each gens had its place as had
each member of the family within the lodge. There are indications
that the hu'tliuga embodies the idea of the union of the forces rep-
resented in the fundamental concept upon which the two grand divi-
sions of the tribe were based. The opening or door of the hu'thuga
was always symbolically to the east, and the five gentes wliich
composed the I°shta'9u°da division (Sky people) alwaj's, theoret-
ically, formed the northern half, while the five gentes that formed
the Ilo^'gashenu division (Earth people) in theory made the south-
ern half. The literal fact is that the opening was actually toward
the east only when the tribal ceremonies took place; at all other
times it faced the direction toward which the tribe happened
to be traveling, but the order of the gentes was always as it would
have been had opening faced the east. This was effected by turn-
ing the tribal circle as on a hinge placed opposite the eastern opening,
so that no matter in which direction the opening actually was, the
I°shta'vu°da and IIo°'gashenu divisions were always as they would
have been had opening faced the east. This interesting fact, of the
carrying out of a symbolism in the manner of pitching the tents
of the tribe on the wide imbroken prairie, indicates how deeply
rooted in the minds of the people was the importance of the fimda-
mental ideas represented in the hu'thuga — the two grand divisions
and the orientation of the dwelling. In view of these and kindred
ideas connected with the hu'thuga, it seems probable that m this
form we are dealing with a symbol rather than with an arrange-
ment for convenience and safety, as has been stated by some writers.
That the idea of safety was involved in the form of the hu'thuga is
probably true, but the dependence for safetj' was placed in the help
to be derived through the recognition of cosmic forces and religious
observances rather than in an advantageous arrangement of tents
made in order to protect ponies and camp equipage.

When an orator addressed the people of the tribe he did not say:
Ho! Omaha! but IIo! Pshta'(uMa, Ho'^'gashenu t'l agtho^'lyalw"! Ti
agtho'''kaho" means " both sides of the house." This was the only
form of speech by which the people of the tribe could be addressed
collectively. It bears out the meaning of the hu'thuga as given by
the old men.

The hu'thuga regarded as the dwelling of the entire tribe presented
the type that was to be reproduced in the dwelling of each member
of the tribe, wherein were to bo united the niasculine and feminine
forces drawn from two distinct groups or regions, a union symbolized

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

139

in the Tiu'ihuga by the union of the Earth people and the Sky people.
The rending of the natural family by exogamy seems to have been
demanded in order to typify what was believed to be a cosmic regula-
tion. In this way it became possible to interweave the split parts so

Fig. 19. Family group. The parents represent both siJe.s of the liu Ihuga.

as to bind together by the natural tie of kuiship the different gentes
composing the tribe. This tie came through the mothers in. the tribe.
Descent in the gens was traced solely through the father. The
fathers held the gens together and distinct from eveiy other gens.

140 THE OMAHA TRIBE Ieth. ann. 2T

Through the father tlie child inherited his name, his place, and his
share m the rites of his gens; but it was through his mother that
his kinship relations were extended beyond his birth gens and that he
thus became conscious of being a part of a great kinship community.
(Fig. 19.)

The Ponca tribe docs not present a clear picture of those ideas
which seem to have been fundamental to the tribal organization of
their kindred, the Omaha; and yet these ideas appear to have been
present in the mind of the ])eople when they organized as a distinct
tribe. This imperfect form may have given rise to the custom of
the Omaha of designating the Ponca as "orphans."

The Ponca camped in a circle with the opening to the east when
the gentes were in ceremonial order, and gave to this form the same
name as that used by the Omaha, hu'thuga (see p. 42). Each gens
of the Ponca had its ni'liie rites and its wi'tie names; the latter were
bestowed during ceremonies similar to those observed among the
Omaha.

In the Ponca tribal circle the gentes seem to be grouped according to
their duties: Those to thesouth, or left, of the eastern opening, were
charged with the care of rites connected with the Thunder and with
warfare. The next group to the left administered the rites and
ceremonies which pertained to the government of the people and to
the securing of fooil and clothing Ity means of the annual hunt. The
group to the north, or right of the entrance, controlled the rites
relating to ice or hail (both of which are symbolically connected
with the upper world) and to the serpent, generally sjmibolic of the
lightning. In this order, as in a shattered mirror, one can discern
the outlines of. the symbolic picture which the Omaha organization
also so distinctly presents. From the Ponca tribe taken by itself
it would be difhcidt to discern the presence of those ideas which we
have seen definitely exprcsseil in the Omaha tribe; but turning from
the contemplation of the Omaha to that of the Ponca, one is able to
recognize these ideas in the fragmentary order which obtained among
the latter.

The Ponca as well as the Omaha regarded all life and the preser-
vation of all forms as the result of the union of the skj- and the earth
forces, and believed the combining of these twt) opposite andtlKl'eren-
tiated cosmic powers symbolically set forth to man a law he nuist
obey, a course he must follow, if he would secure the continiuition of
Tiis own life and the perpetiuition of his tribe — a law which made
exogamy a practical expression of this belief.

In the Osage tribe, which seems to be an agglomeration, we fuul
the same ideas fundamental to the tribal organization, but certain
conditions have tended to modify their expression.

The Osage were divided into two great divisions. One of these
was composed of three kinship groups which shifted their relative
positions in accordance with the rite or duties to be performed. The

FI.ETI1IER-LA FLEScnE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 141

other division was made up of two kinship groups which never
changed their positions with respect to each other or to the other
division of the tribal circle (see p. 5S). These two unchangeable
groups camped on the north, or to the right of the eastern entrance.
They represented the ideas which were symbolized in the Omaha
I°shta'('u°da half, the Sky people; while the other three, which
camped to the left of the eastern entrance, in both position and
duties resembled the Ho°'gashenu division of the Omaha tribe, and
were the Earth people, on whom devolved the care of the material
welfare of the tribe. Here, again, we find the tribal order standing
for the union of sky and earth, the masculine and feminine forces
from whose union all living things arise.

The Kansa and Quapaw tribes also were divided into two parts
each, and from the fragmentary information obtainable they seem
to have emboilied the same ideas as those found among their kin-
dred ti'ibes; so that it would appear to be fairly well established
that the ideas and beliefs which a study of the Omaha tribe shows
were fundamental to the organization of that tribe were basic also
in their close cognates, the Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw; and
further research may show that these ideas were a common and
formative power in other tribes of the Siouan linguistic stock.

The Hu'thuga — the Omaha tribal form

5J'

/•cl

b Crf

c*)

V/V/ _-.

r.fe
5\*a

""'M,

(,d

a, ,

\.c.

13 12

•)

\^'^a

4^^

Fig. 2(1. Diagram of Omaha hu'thuga (tribal circle).

A. I*'shta'5u''da Division. B. Ho'^'gashenu Division. 1. We'zhiNshte. Subgens: None.
2. I%E'5ABE. Subgentes: (a) Nini-bato"; (6) Wathi'gizhe. 3. Ho'^'ga. Subgentes: (o) Wax-
the'xeto"; (6) Washaljeto"". 4. Tha'tada. Subdivisions: (o') Xuta; (o) Waga'be itazhi; (,h) Wa-
zlii»'ga itazhi; (c) Ke'i«; (d) Te'pa itazhi. 5. Ko^'^e. Stibgentes: (o) Tade'tada; (6) NiniTjatO".

6. Mo'^'Tm^'KAGAXE. Subdivisions: (a) Xu'be; (6) lliliaci; (o) Mi'xa^O"; (d) NiniTjato".

7. Te^iN'de. Subdivisions: (a) Tegi-'de; (6) NiniTjaton. S. Tapa'. Subdivisions: (a) Tapa'xte;
(6) Thunder rites: (c) Star rites; (d) Nini'bato". 9. INgthe'ziilde. No subdivisions. 10. I^shta'-
<;ij%A. Subgens: (a) Lost gens; (6) Nini'batc; (c) Washe'to". 11. Sacred Tent of War. 12. Tent
of Sacred Pole. 13. Tent of Sacred W^ite Buffalo Hide.

142 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

Gentes of the Omaha Tribe

HON^GASHENU DIVISION (A)o
We'zhi^shte Gens (1)"

The We'zhi°shte gens camped on the left of the entrance into the
hu'tlmga. The name is descriptive, being composed of we, "by
whom," and zhi^shfe, an abbreviation of wazhi^'sJite, "to become
angr3^" Tlie meaning of the term We'zlii"shte may be defined as
those through whom the tribe made known its displeasure or anger,
because of some injurious act by another tribe. The Sacred Tent of
War (1 1) was set in front of the line of tents belonging to the We'zhi°shte
gens and was in the keeping of this gens, together with the parapher-
nalia of the rites pertaining to war and to Thunder. When any ques-
tion arose as to the policy to be pursued in dealing with another tribe
the members of which had committed acts of hostility, such as killing
Omaha or stealing their horses or carrying away by force women of
the tribe, it was the duty of the keeper of the Tent of War to call the
Seven Chiefs and the leading men of the gens to a council. At this
council the We'zlu°shte presided. The Sacred Pipe of the Tent of War
was fdled by the keeper of the Tent and when, after due deliberation
on the action to be taken, a decision was reached, the Seven Chiefs
smoked this Pipe. This was a religious act and through it the
decision became sanctified. Then the herald of the We'zhi"shte pro-
claimed to the tribe the decision of the chiefs. If war was deter-
mined upon, the organization of volunteer war parties generally
followed this authorization.

The keeper of the Tent of War and the leaders of this gens officiated
at the ceremony of Wate'giftu, when certain prescribed honors were
pubhcly bestowed on successful warriors for acts performed in
authorized offensive warfare or in battles fought in defense of the
camp or permanent village. It was also the duty of this gens when
the tribe was on its annual buffalo hunt, to organize in response to an
order from the Seven Chiefs a corps of scouts to spy the country on
the discovery of signs of danger.

Rites pertaining to Thunder were also in charge of this gens.
These were obsei-ved when the first thuniler was heard in the spring.
This thunder-peal was regarded as a signal of the awakening of
certain life-giving forces after the sleep of the winter. In former da3^s
a ceremony took place at this time with song and ritual in which the
Wa^a'be itazhi (black bear) subgens of the Tha'tada gens joined
with the We'zhi"shte gens. It has been impossible to obtain a trust-
worthy account of this ancient ceremony, owing to the death of the

a This and similar rcfcrcncps throughout this section are to be read in connection with figure 20.

-FLETCHER-r.A FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 143

men who knew the rites. During severe thunder storms, when life
and property were in tUinger from Hghtning, sometimes a song said
to have been connected with this lost ceremony was sung by one
who had a right to tlo so.

The following, act of the keeper of the Tent of War (see fig. 22) may
have been a part of this lost ceremonj": ^Vhen the first thunder
sounded, he at once took a small pipe and ascended a hill near by,
where he offered smoke to Wako°'da. He then planted a small wand
(fig. 21) on the hill so as to point toward the east.' To this wand
w'ere bound with human hair four small bunches of tobacco inclosed
in bits of bladder. The combination of tobacco, bladder, and human

Fig. 21. Wand used in ceromony when first thunder was h^urd in ttie spring. (Native drawing.)

hair on the wand seems to indicate that this act and lost ceremony
probablj^ related to Thunder as the arbiter of life and death, as is
shown in the ceremony of cutting the lock of hair from the head of the
boy. (Seep. 122.)

The tabu of the We'zhi"shte was the male elk, and the gens was
sometimes spoken of as the Elk gens ; this form of speech with refer-
ence to the tabu of a gens has already been explained (see p. 136).
Concerning the connection of the male elk with the rites of the gens
the following story is handed down:

^\^len the pipes and the other articles belonging to the rites pertaining to war were
made, the people sought for some skin to be used as a covering in which to keep and
protect these things which were regarded as wamibe, or sacred; but none could be
found save that of the male elk. The fact that at that particular time only the skin
of the male elk was obtainable was regarded as an indication that the male elk came
to their aid by direction of Wako^'da. Therefore, in memory of this act of the male
elk, this animal became tabu to the gens.

144

THE OMAHA TEIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

No member of the We'zhi°shte gens would eat the flesh of the
mah^ elk or wear moccasins made of its skin, such acts being con-
sidered sacrilegious on account of the service believed to have
been rendered the people by that animal. At death moccasins made
of the skin of the male elk were put on the feet -of the departed
We'zhi°.shte, that he might be recognized b}' his gentile relatives in
the other world. The boy name Nuga'xti, ''the real male," refers
directly to the tabu of the gens.

^■7

ilC

'^r'

M^^M

^^^^^Kt

^^^^^EC' ' '' ^Bl

- ^"

^B^^^^-v^

»**<

ij*-2^

^^irhm

15-

' ---^ _-

-._

Fig. 22. Mo"lu"thi''ge, last keeper of the Tent of War. utui liis liaughter.

Any violation of the tabu of a gens was regarded by the people as
a sacrilegious act, the punishment of which took' the form of the
appearance of sores or white spots on the body of the offender or of
the hair turning white.

There were no subdivisions in this gens.

The following are the names belonging to the We'zhi"shte gens.
They are classifled as ni'l-ie, "dream," ''fanciful," and "borrowed"
names, and nicknames. The word ni'lcie has been already translated
and explained (see p. 136); as stated, a ni'l-ie name alwa3's referred
to the rites and tabu of the gens. These names were bestowed on
the child at the time the rite of initiation into the tribe was per-
formed. (See p. 121.) The najue then given generally clung more or
less closely to a man, although later in his career he might take
another name, either a ni'lcie name or one commemorative of a
dream, a deed, or an event, or he might have a nickname bestowed

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NUGAXTI

FLETCHER-LA flescheI TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 145

on him. All female names were of the ni'Jcie class and were never
dropped or changed, nor did a woman ever have more than one name.
After the performance of the initiatory rite and
bestowal of theni'lcie name, the father cut his child's
hair in. the maimer which symbolized the tabu of
his gens. This cutting of the hair was repeated
every year until the child was about 7 years old,
when it was abandoned, never to be resumed.

In the We'zhi''shte gens, the symbolic cut of the

child's hair was as follows : All the hair on the boy's

Fig. 23. Cut of hair, We'- head was cut close or shaved except a bunch or

.hi..htegens. ^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ forehead and a long, thick lock left at

the nape of the neck (fig. 23). The tuft represented the head of the

elk; the lock, its tail.

personal names in the we'zhi''shte gens (1)

Xi'kic names

A''e'go°tha A"e'. success; gon'iha, desire.

Bi "^e'tigthe Bi^ge', sound of the elk's voice; tigthe, heard at a distance.

Btho°ti' Blhon, smell, scent; ti, comes. Scent borne by wind, dis-
covering game. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

fe'fo^fnede Te'co", from (;e'<;afa, trot; gnede, long. Refers to elk.

C!i°'dedo''pa Qi^de, tail; do^pa, blunt, short. (In J/o"fon' subdivision,

Po^'caxti, Ponca.) Refers to the elk.

He'cithfke fle'fs, yellow horn or antler; tAjnfe, sitting. Refers to the

yellowish color of the. velvety skin of the new growth of
the antlers of the elk. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

He''9o''to'' He, antler; fo", white; to^, standing. Refers to the tower-
ing antlers of an elk.

He'shabe He, antler; shabe, dark.

He'shto^ga He, horn, or antlers; shtonga, soft. Two of this name.

Refers to the new growth of the antlers of the elk.

I'''gthu°ho"gasha I'l^'glhu'"-, thunder; Ao", night; agasha, to travel. Refers to

Sacred Pipe of War.

I'''gthu°tha In'gthu", thunder; tha, bom the, to go. Refers to Sacred Pipe

of War.

Ki'baxthagthitho" Ki'baxtha, to face; glhi, return; thon, suddenly; to turn and

face suddenly (elk). The elk suddenly brought to bay
by the hunter.

Ku'kuwi''xe Turning round and round. Refers to a bewildered elk when

surprised.

Ku'wi^xaxa Turning round in bewilderment (elk).

Mo^'geshabe Mo^'ge, breast; shabe, dark. Refers to the dark coloring of

the breast of the animal.

Mo'"hi°thi''ge (fig. 22 1. . Mo^'hi'^, stone knife; thinge, none.

No°mo'"mo°tha No^, action with the feet; mo^alha, walking with the head

thrown back. The repetition of mo" signifies that the
action is repeated. Refers to the peculiar manner in
which the elk holds its head in walking.

Nuga'xti (pi. 24) Nuga', male; xti, real, virile. (In Po^'caxti, Ponca.)

©■"po" Elk.

83993°— 27 eth— 11 10

146 THE OMAHA TRIBE fETn. ann. 27

0"'po"rka Oipo", elk; (;^i/, white. The Ponca have O"' po^^abe .

{Ili'qada gens.)

O"'po"no"zhi" O't'po", elk; no'^zhi'", .'jtanding. The Ponra u.-ie the Dakota

form .

O"'po"to"ga O^'po^', elk; tofga, big. Appears in Omaha treaties of 1815,

1826, 1830, 1836. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

O"'po"zhi"ga Young elk. (In Po^'caxti, Ponca.)

Shi'beko" Shi'he, intestines; Ico""-, a string. Refers (o the iute.stine of

the wolf used as a string in the Honor Pack, Tent of War.

Tahe'zho"ka Ta refers to deer; ^e, horn; zho'^ka, forked.

Wako"'dagi A mythical being; a monster.

Xaga^mo^thi" Xaga', rough; monthi^, walking. Refers to the jagged out-
line of a herd of elk, their antlers rising like tree branches.
Borro'ved names

Hexa'gato''ga Big male elk. Archaic with Omaha; used by Dakota.

Hi'daha Meaning unknown.

Fanciful names

I°shta'mo°fe Metal eye.

Wa'badoMo" Meaning uncertain.

We'btho"aji Not satisfied although he has many things.

Valor name
We'zhi "^htewashtishe . . Brave We'zh i "shte .

Female names

Age'xube Ace', paint; mibe, sacred. Three of this name. Refers to

thepaintusedatsacred ceremonies. (InWazha'zhe, Ponca.)

f i^'dewi" pi^de, tail; wi'", feminine term. Three of this name.

Ma'zho''wi° Ma'zho^, fox; v-i^, feminine term.

Mi'dasho"thi" The moon moving.

Mi'gashoHhi" The moon moving. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Ni'dawi" Ni'da, mysterious animal ; feminine term, i/i". Three of

this name.
No''5e'i"9e Meaning uncertain. (In Wazha'zhe, Tki'xidit, and n!'<;ada,

Ponca.)

O^'po^miga Female elk.

Pahi'fi PahV, hair on the head (elk); ji', yellow.

Ta^a'bewi" Ta, deer; fabe, black; ui", feminine term. Five of this

name. (In Wa'zhazhe, Ponca.)
Wihe'to^ga Jr/Af, younger sister; to^^o, big. (In Washa'be and Wazha'-

zhc, Ponca.)
Zho'''i"wathe ZAoni", carry wood; jcaM*, to cause. Two of this name. (In

Ui'gada and Po^'^axti, Ponca.)

I'^ke'cabe Gens (2)

The I^ke'^abe camped next to the We'zhi"shte on the left. I^Tce'-
pabe i.s an archaic word of doubtful meaninji. It may refer to the
black shoulder of the buffalo (i"]ce, an abbreviation of i'^lce'de,
"shoulder;" fahe, "black"). From the myths ami traditions it would
seem that the leadership accorded to this gens during certain move-
ments of the peo])le when engaged in the actual ]iursuit of the buffalo
on the annual tribal lumt began at an early period wlien tlie people
took up the custom of following the buffalo. The particular authority

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

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FLBTCHEK-LA klesche] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 147

and leadership vested in this gens were regarded not only as sacred
but as absolutely necessary, so much so that it was said: "If the last
I^ke'fabe was an infant in its mother's arms it would be carried to
lead the people in the wano'^'pe" (the surround of the herd). This
ancient and hereditary office came to an end at the last buffalo hunt
in the winter of 1875-76, with I^shta'thabi, "He who is eyes" (for
the people). At that time he served as director or leader of the sur-
round, and was the last watho^' of the wano^'pe. (PI. 2.5.)

The following legend is said to have given rise to a series of names
m this gens:

The buffalo were underground. A young bull browsing about found his way to the
surface of the earth. [This is a figurative expression referring to the birth of the
species buffalo from mother earth.] The herd followed him. As they went they came
to a river. The water looked shallow, but it was deep. As the buffalo jumped in,
the water splashed and looked gray in the air. The herd swam on and over the stream,
where on the other side they found good pasture and remained on the earth.

The name Niga'xude refers to this experience of the new-born
buffalo; the word is compounded of m, "water;" ga, "to strike;" xude,
"gray." Niga'xude was the name given to the first born son. The
second son could be called either Heba'zhu, "knob horns," referring
to the protuberances on the head of the calf, or Gthadi"'gthitho°,
" the hungry calf running crosswise in front of its mother and stop-
ping her progress." The third son could be named fiko°'xega,
"brown ankles," the color of the ankles of the buffalo calf. When
these boys became adults, the eldest could take the name Pe'tho°ba,
" seven;" the second could have Mo"'geto"ga, "big chest;" the third,
No°zhi'hato''ga, "big hair." When these men became old, they
could take the following names: The eldest, He'ubagtho°de, "worn
horns of the old buffalo bull;" the next, Mo°e'gahi, "arrow chief;"
and the youngest, Mo°zlio°'wakithe, "land of the buffalo."

The I^ke'^abe had two subgentes, Nini'bato° and Wathi'gizhe.

(a) Nini'bato" {nini'ha, "pipe;" to", "to possessor keep"). The
followmg fragmentary legend is connected with this subgens anil its
tabu, the red ear of corn :

The I°ke'5abe were the first of the Omaha to exist. There were one man and one
woman. They lived together and children were born to them. The woman went
out one day and found little mounds on the ground. In a few days she went again,
and saw that out of the mounds plants were growing not known to her. From time to
time she went to look at these plants. They grew tall, and by and by ears grew on
them. These she gathered and took to her husband and children. They roasted the
ears by the fire and ate them. These were the people to whom the corn was sacred;
so to this day they do not eat the red ear of corn.

It was the duty of this subgens to provide the ears of red corn,
which were considered the sacred corn, and to give them to the
Ho^'gaxti division of the Washa'beto" subgens of the Ho°'ga.
When the time for planting arrived, the ceremonial distribution of this
sacred corn took place. The Ho°'gaxti sang the ritual of the maize

148 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

and then p;ave the sacred kernels to this subgens, who acted as servers
and distributed four of the kernels to each family in the tribe.

To a family within this subgens was given the hereditary charge of
the Sacred Tribal Pipes. In this connection it is noteworthy that the
custodianship of these Sacred Pipes was bestowed on those to whom
belonged rites in connection with the cultivation of the maize, whose
tabu was the sacred corn. This indicates that the group who con-
trolled the rites of the maize were regarded as the proper persons to
have the care of the symbol of tribal authority because of their con-
nection with ancient sacred rites which secured food for the people.
The symbolic cut of the hair of the children of this subgens was
peculiar. All hair was cut off the head except two small bunches,
one on each side of the crown (fig. 24). This style was observed in all
the Xini'bato" subdivisions of the other gentes of the tribe. These
two little tufts of hair may refer to the little mounds, spoken of in
the legend, from which the corn grew.

There were two subdivisions of the Nini'bato" subgens, the No°xthe'-
bitube and the I'ekithe. To the first was given the hereditary right
to prepare the paint for the decoration of the pole
used in the ITe'dewachi ceremony. The name No°-
xthe'bitube was descriptive of their duty {no'^xthe,
"charred box elder wood;" hitu'he, "to pulverize
by rubbing"). This group not only observed the
tabu of their subgens, the red ear of corn, but had
an additional tabu, the charcoal, which referred to
their office of painting the Pole and preparing the
FiG.24. cutothair.Nini'- paint for the ceremony. As the painting on the
Pole was symbolic, it was religious in character.
I'ekithe signifies "he who speaks or proclaims." The hereditary
office of tribal herald belonged to this subdivision. The herald had to
have a strong, clear voice, as his duty was to proclaim the decisions
of the chiefs and to give out orders to the people when the tribe was
on its annual hunt. If by any chance the official herald was inca-
pacitated, his substitute had to be chosen from the same subdivision.
The I'ekithe observed the tabu of the subgens to which they belonged,
the red ear of corn.

(6) Wathi'gizhe. The name of this subgens was also the name of the
hoop used in a ceremonial game which, it is said, was formerly played
by the chiefs alone, and was connected with the following story, which
belongs to the class designated Jii'go", a word meaning "the story
is not literally true:"

The people were without food, and no game could be found to keep the people from
starving. Outside the village lived an orphan boy with his grandmother, and these
two consulted together as to how they could help the people to procure food. At
last they agreed upon a plan, and the boy set to work and made a hoop. After it was
made he gave it to his grandmother, and according -to their plan she took it to the top

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 149

of a hill near by while the boy stationed himself halfway up the hill. When all was
ready, the grandmother started the hoop down the hill. As it began to roll she
called out: "There goes a young bull \vith straight horns! " The hoop rolled on and
when it reached the place where the boy stood it suddenly turned into a buffalo,
which the boy shot and killed. He butchered the animal and gave the flesh to the
people to eat. A second time the grandmother took the hoop to the top of the hill and
rolled it down and called out to her grandson what kind of buffalo was coming. He
was at his station halfway down the hill, and there the hoop turned into a buffalo,
which he shot and gave to the people for food. A third and a fourth time the grand-
mother and the orphan played this game, and after the fourth time great herds of
buffalo came and the people had plenty of food. As a mark of their gratitude they
made the orphan a Chief.

The office of watho'^', director of the wano^'fe, the surround of the
herd, was hereditary in a family of this subgens. The custody of
the songs belonging to the Ile'dewaclii ceremony and the singers
in this tribal ceremony were taken from this subgens. The bearers of
the Sacred Tribal Pipes used on that occasion were of the Nini'bato"
subgens.

The tabu of the Watlii'gizhe was the tongue and head of the buffalo.

The Wathi'gizhe cut off all the hair from the
child's head except a tuft over the forehead, one
on each side of the crown, and a short lock at the
nape of the neck, to represent respectively the
head, horns, and tail of the buffalo (fig. 25).

In the hu'thuga, the Nini'bato" subgens camped
next to the We'zhi°shte. The left part of the line
of the Nini'bato" was occupied by the subdivi-
sion of the No°xthe'bitube families. On their fig.25. cutofiuih, wli-
left camped the Wathi'gizhe subgens, and left of thi'gizhe subgens.
these and next the Ho°'ga the subdivision of I'ekithe pitched their
tents.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE I'^KE'fABE GENS (2)

Nini'bato^ subgens (a)

Ni'kie names

Athu^hagemo^thi" Athu'hage, last; moMhi^, walking. Refers to buffalo.

Cho°'nimba Cho'"^, said to be toHhi^no^ba and to refer to the pipe-
bearer at the He'dewachi ceremony; niniba, pipe.

Qihi'duba ^'ihi', feet; duba, four.

Edia'ino^zhi" £di, there; at an act; the name given the last ceremonial

pause when approaching a herd; no'^zhi^, standing.

Kdi'to" From that place; referring to the place of the pipes.

Gahi'ge Chief. (In Wa^a'be, Ui'^ada subdivision, Ponca.)

Gahi'ge9nede Tall chief.

Gahi'gexti Real chief.

Gahi'gezhi "ga Young chief. {In Wazha'zhe, Foncsu.)

Gaxa'tano^zhi" Oaxa'ta, apart from (the herd) ; no"zhi^, stands.

Gino'^xthe Gi, again; no^xlhc, black, like charcoal. Refers to the new

hair of the buffalo after shedding.

Gio^'cethi'^e Gio^'^e, to teach; thi^ge, none. None to teach him.

150 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Gthacli"'gthitho" Gthadi^', cross; glhi, returns; tho«, suddenly. The hungry

calf runs in front of its mother and stops her progress.

He'akathi"ge Meaning uncertain.

Heba'zhu lie, horns; ba'zku, little knobs.

He'benika Ife'be, a portion; ru'ia, a person.

He'ubagthoMe The worn horns of an old buffalo.

Pshta'pede I^'shla', eyes; pede, fire. (Also in I'ehithe subdivision.)

I"uhe /, from i«, speech; 'uhe, obey. Refers to the performance

by the people of the commands of the chiefs, or the sub-
mission to their authority.

Ki'ko"to°ga Curlew. [Numenius longiroslris. Hudsonian.j

Mo°e'gahi Mo^e, arrow; gahi, from gahi'ge, chief. (In Wa^a'be, Hi'qada

subdivision, Ponca.)

Mo'"geto''ga Mo'n'ge, breast; to'^ga, big.

Mo"zho'^'gabtho'' ilo'^zho'"-' , land ; gabtho", scent remains.

Mo°zho'''wakithe Land of the buffalo.

Na'gu Meaning uncertain.

Ni'ashiga A person. Refers to those who were chiefs in the organiza-
tion of the tribal government.

Niga'xude Ni, water; ga, to strike; xude, gray. Refers to animals stirring

up the water.

Niu'bathide Ni, water; u'balhide, overrun, swarm. Refers to masses of

buffalo swimming.

No^ba't'ewathe No^ba', two; t'e, dead; u-athe, to cause.

No^i'ga Swaying motion, as made by buffalo walking.

No^'kaetho^be Non'ca, back; etho^be, appears.

No°zhi'hato°ga No^zhi'ha, hair; to^ga, great.

Paho"'gamo°thi'' Pahon'ga, first; vwnhi", walking. (In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

Pe'tho"ba Seven. Refers to the seven original chiefs.

Sha'geno''ba Sha'ge, hoofs; no^bu, two: cloven hoofs.

She'thugthito" Shi'thu, theTe;gthi, returns; to", stands.

Ta'hesha Meaning lost.

Te(;o'"ho"ga Ttxon', white buffalo; honga, leader; used al.'^o in the Dakota.

Te9o'"mo"thi'' Te(;o^', white buffalo; moHhi'", walking.

Tenua'xano^zhi" Te, buffalo; nu, from nuga, bull; axa, from giua'ta, a.'j^axt

from; no^zhi", stand.

Ti'zhebegtho" Door flap. In Omaha treaty of 1825.

To°'thi°no°ba The two who run.

XJga'e Spread out. (The herd as it runs spreads out.)

TJgthi'to" Refers to handling the pipes when making them ready for use.

U'nizhabi Meaning uncertain.

Utha'xado°gthe Meaning uncertain.

Uthi'sho^mo^thi" Walking around.

Wada'thi"ga Refers to the peaceful ollice of the chief. (In Tki'rida,

Ponca).

AVaki'de Wet, action; ki'de, to shoot. One who shoots.

\Vazhi°'texi Wazhit', will, disposition; tm, difficult. Refers to office of

the chiefs. Anger is made difficult because of the Seven
Chiefs, who must enforce peace in the tribe.

Xitha'wahi Xi7Ao', eagle; imhi, bone. Refers to pipe. Not liked, as

children of this name are apt to die.

Borrowed namrs

Tsh'kadabi Borrowed from the Kansa gens in the eighteenth century.

Pude'tha Meaning unknown. (In A'u'ic, Ponca.)

FLETCHER-LA flesche] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

Fanciful names

Taxie'wathezhi"ga Taxi, knocking sound; wathc, to cause; zhi^ga, little.

U'ki(;a Empty lodge, or country.

Uko"a'dig(hc)" UJcona'rli, separate, alone; gtho", from gthin, sits.

Female namts

Mi'to°i" New moon.

Po^'cafo" Pale Ponca.

Tewa'u Te, buffalo; iva'u, woman.

To°'i°gi New moon coming.

151

Du'banio"Ihi"

NoJtxlhe'bitubc subdivision

Male names

Ci9i'kazhi''ga Little turkey.

Gashka'wo''gthe Meaning uncertain.

Tahe'zlii°ga Little buffalo horns.

Wathi'gizhe subgcns (6)

Ni'kie uame.-i

Bago^'no^ge Bagon', in the midst of bushes or people; no'^ge, to run.

Qiko'"xega fiio", ankles; xega, yellowish brown. Refers to the buffalo

calf. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca). Two of this name.
Du'taamonhi" (fig. 2fi). Du'ba, four; vioHhi^, walking. (In Nu'xe, Ponca)
Gino°'zhi"wathe Oi, again; no^zhin, to rise, to stand; vathe, causes them. He

causes them to rise or stand.
Gthedo'"mo°thi'' Glhcdo^', hawk; moHhin, walking.

152 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Ili"gi'zhi"ga J/i", hair; <;i, yellow; zki^ga, little (child's name).

IIi'"xega Hin, hair; xega, yellowish brown. Refers to the buffalo.

Pde'ubthi" Inde', face; uhthi"; twisted.

I''8hta'thabi /"s/ita', eye; Z/w, cause; 6i, he is. Appointed eyes. Refers

to the appointed leader of the chase. This name belonged

to one who was hereditary leader of the chase.
Mo"no"'kuge Mo", from nw^thi^ka, ground; no^, action of the foot; huge;

hollow sound, like a drum. This name refers to the

rumbling sound made by the herds of buffalo with their

hoofs when fleeing from the hunters.
Mo''shti'''o"(;'a Mnisldi"', irom monshtin'ge, rabbit; o'^ga, swift. Refers to

the use of rabbit hair on the pipes.

Nio^'bathi" Ni, water; o"6a, day; thin, from moMhi^, walk, or travel.

No"ke'na JVo™ implies action with the foot; kena, an old word signifying

good.

No^shki'gthe Tracks of buffalo calf (child's name).

No''zhi°'thia No'i'^zhi'", to rise; ihia, to fail. Unable to rise.

Nuga' Male, bull. (In Po^'caxti, Mo"ko^' subdivision, Ponca.)

Pa'xehashuga Thick skin of buffalo neck.

Tade'ta Modified from tonthiMo"; refers to the running of the pipe

bearers in the He'dewachi ceremony. Two of this name.

Tewa'ko"no"zhi'' Sacred buffalo. (Dakota also.)

The'i;e9abe The'^e, tongue; qahe, black. Refers to the tip of the buffalo's

tongue. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Ti'zhebegtho" Tent door flap. In Omaha treaty, 1826.

Uthi'sho"mo"thi" To walk around.

U'thixide To look around. Probably refers to the runners. Two of

this name. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)
Wano^'gewa'.he TFa, action with purpose; no^gc, to run; ivathe, one who causes.

Causes them to run, or to stampede.

Wa.shu'she Brave. (In Tr«c/j«'cftf, Ponca.)

Wate'xi Wa, action with purpose; texe, diflBcult

Wi'thugtho" Meaning uncertain.

Borrowed names

Tewa'ko"no"zhi'' Te, buffalo; icako", the Dakota waka", mysterious; no«zhi^,

standing. Said to be borrowed from the Dakota; equiva-
lent therein to " medicine cow."

Dream names

Ho°'mo"thi''zhi"ga Little night walk.

Fanciful names

Giu'ka Meaning unknown.

Mo''the'gahi Refers to arrow.

Mo"'thihi Refers to arrow.

yicknames

Wa'xupagtho" Wa'xe, white man; pa, head; uglho^, to put in.

FimaU names

Ha'wate Refers to the child, Ho^'ga, in Wa'wa" ceremony.

I'nikashabi Refers to tribal pipes— objects by which the tribe is identi-
fied as a people.

Mi'gthedo°wi° Moon hawk, feminine. (In Ni'kapashna, Washa'be, and

Thi'xida, Ponca.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 26

MrGTHITO"!- AND GRANDCHILD

FLETCHER-LA KLESCHE] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 153

Mi'gthito"i" (pi. 2(i) . . . Moon returning.

Mi'hufa Loud voice moon. Two of this name.

Mi'mite Meaning uncertain.

Mi'mo^shihathi" Moon moving on high.

Mi'texi Sacred moon.

Te'mitexi JVmi, buffalo cow; <m, sacred. Two of this name.

To^'i^gthihe Sudden apparition of the new moon. (In Wazha'zhe; also in

Wa(;a^be, Ili'cada subgens, Ponca.)
We'to^na Meaning uncertain. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

I'ekithe subdivision
Ni'kie names

riko°'xega ^'iko"', ankles; xega, bmwn. Three of this name. (In

Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

^'i"'demuxa (^'i^'de, tail; muxn, cluster.

Gthadi°'gthitho'' Gthadin', cross; glhi, return; thon, suddenly. A wounded

buffalo turns sideways on his hunter. Child's name. Re-
fers to a hungry calf crossing its mother's path to nurse.

Heba'zhu He, horns; bazhu, a little lump or knob. Three of this name.

(Also in NinVbato" subgens.)

Hi''to'^'zhi''ga //('», hair; to", possess; zhi^ga, little.

I^shta'pede Inshla, eyes; pede, fire. (Also in Nini'bato'" subgens.)

To"^wa''zhi°ga To"' it'O", village; zhi^ga, smaU.

Wa'baku'^ga TTn, action; ba, push; kunga, jostling. Buffaloes crowding

and pushing each other.

Wazhi"'ho''gii First of birds. Refers to the eagle down put on the head of

Ho^'ga in Wa'wan ceremony.

Xitha'pahi Xitha', eagle; pahi, neck.

Dream names

Xu'ga Badger.

Xicknames
Ta'thafapa Wood tick.

Female names

Age'xube ylfc, paint; zm6c, sacred.

Mi'gasho"thi'' Travelingormovingmoon. (In Warn'bea.nd Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Mi'gina Moon returning.

Mi'gthito"i" Return of the new moon.

Mi'o^bathi'' The moon that travels b)' day.

Te'mitexi Te'mi, buffalo cow; texi, sacred.

IIo^''GA Gens (3)

The Ho°'ga gens camped next to the I"ke'9abe on the left. IIo°'ga
means "leader," or "first," and implies the idea of ancient, or first,
people; those who led. The probability of Ho°'ga being the ancient
designation of the tribe has been discussed. (See p. 40.) This
probability suggests a possible reason for the position of this gens and
the duties devolving upon it. The gens occupied the center of the
southern half (Ho°'gashenu division) of the hu'thuga. The place of
the Ho°'ga corresponded to that set apart for the father of the family
within the tent and the Ho°'ga filled a directive position toward the
gentes within the hu'thuga, or dwelling of the tribe, somewhat similar
to that of the father toward the members of the family under his care.

154 THE OMAHA TBIBE [eth. ann. 27

Upon the Ho°'ga devolved tlie leadership in the governing power of
the tribe (see p. 201) and in the rites connected with the quest for food.

There were two subgentes, the Waxthe'xeto" and the Washa'beto".
These had charge of the two Sacred Tents, their contents, and the
ceremonies pertaining to the objects kept in them. The tents were
pitched in front of the place where the two subgentes came together,
and were set about 30 feet in front of the line, toward the center of
the Tiu'thuga, about 25 feet apart.

The two tents represented "both sides of the house," the hu'ihuga.
From the rites connected with the White Buffalo Hide, lodged in the
tent (13) set in front of the Washa'beto" subgens, it is probable that
this tent represented the Ho"'gashenu division, to which were commit-
ted the physical welfare of the people, the rites pertaining to the quest
of food, and the control of warfare. The tent (12) pitched in front of
the Waxthe'xeto" subgens contained the Sacred Pole, which was allied
to Thunder and the supernatunU Powers, and symbolized the authority
of the chiefs — an authority believed to be derived from Wako°'da.
This tent probably represented the Sky people, the I°shta'9u°da
division, which had charge of the rites pertaining to the people's rela-
tion to the supernatural.

Waxthe' xcto'n subgens (a)

Waxthe'xe (waxtJie'xe, "mottled, as by shadows," "a mottled
object" — the name of the Sacred Pole (see pi. 38); to^, "to possess
or have charge of") implied that the object thus described had the
power to confer distinction, as the xtJie'xe, " the mark of honor." The
tabu of this subgens was a double one, the tezhu' and the crane. The
tezhu' was a particular cut of meat from the side of the buffalo (see
p. 273) , that was brought as an offering to the Sacred Pole at the great
tribal ceremony when the Pole was anointed. The feathers of the
crane were used on the divining arrows that had a part in this same
ceremony.

A group of families belonging to the Waxthe'xeto" subgens was set
apart as servers; these were called umthi'to'^ {hom.thito'^' , "to work"),
"workers". Their duties were connected witli ceremonies pertaining
to the Sacred Pole. They prepared and distributed the meat brought
as offerings by the people at the anointing rites. The tabu of this
group was the same as that of the subgens of which they were a
part — the tezhu' and the crane. This group camped next to the
I'ekithe of the I"ke'(;'abe gens, and at their left camped the remainder
of the W^axthe'xeto" subgens.

Washa'beto^ sttbgens (ft)

The Washa'beto" {washa'he, ''a dark object," the word "dark"
referring not to color, but to the general appearance of an object at
a distance — the name of a peculiar staff (fig. 27) belonging to the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 27

SACRED TENT OF THE WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

FI.KTCIIEK-r.A Kl,ESf'IIE]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

155

leader of the people when on the annual tribal hunt; fo^, to
"possess") had the ofhrial duty of makino; and decorating this staflf,
though it did not belong to this subgens to provide the materials
required for the staff. The Washa'beto" had charge of the Te(?o"'ha
(te, ''buffalo;" fo"', " pale" or "white;"
Jul, "skin" or "hide") — White Buffalo
Hide, and its tent. (PI. 27.) The tabu was
the buffalo tongues wiiiih were brought to
the sacred feast. A subdivision of this
subgens, called Ho°'gaxti {xti, "original,"
as a parent stock) had charge of the
ceremonies connected with the maize.
They preserved the sacred corn, chanted
its ritual, and fixed the time for planting.
Their tabu was the hdtu' (the word hafii'
is from ha, "skin," and tu, "green,"
referring to the outer husk of the ear of
corn). In this connection the decora-
tion painted on the Sacred Tent in charge
of the Washa'be subgens, which was the
fidl grown stalk of corn, becomes signifi-
cant. It is probable that the Ho"'gaxti
was the original subgens, but when the
people came into the bidfalo country,
the rites relating to hunting the buffalo
overshadowed those pertaining to the
maize; hence the subdivision that had
charge of tiie hunt became the more
important body, tlie group who pos-
sessed the rites of tiie corn the subor-
dinate. This probability bears out a
tradition of tiie tribe that tiie people in fig. 27. washaiip.

the course of their migrations west and northwest became more strictly
a hunting people and that the cultivation .of the maize fell into
abeyance or was temporarily abandoned.

The Washa'beto" subgens camped to the left
f of the Waxthe'xeto" subgens.

I The symbolic cut of the luiir of children belong-

y ing to the Ho"'ga gens consisted in cutting ofl' all

tiie hair close to the head except a ridge which
stood up from the forehead to the nape of the
neck (fig. 28). This is said to represent the line
of the buffalo's back as seen against the sky, but
it is equally applicable to the appearance of grow-

Kic. 28. Cut of hair,

ing corn viewed in the same way.

156 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETn. ANN. 27.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE HO^'CA GENS (3)

Waxthe'xeto^ suhgens (a)
Xi'kie names

A^'geda From every direction. (See Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide,

p. 294.) Two of this name.

Bishu'deki Refers to the dust made by the herds as they move.

Edi'to" Edi', there; to", stands. Refers to Sacred Pole.

E'tho°tho"be To appear repeatedly. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Gai^'bazhi Ineffectual striking.

Kaxe'giu" Kaxe, crow; giu^, to fly. Flying crow. Two of this name.

The crow is used as one of the symbols in making the
ivasha'he. (See Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide, p. 300.)

Kaxe'no^ba Kaxe, crows; nonba, two. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.) (See

Ritual of Sacred Buffalo Hide.)

Mixa'to" Mi'xa, swan; to", standing. Refers to the down on the

Sacred Pole.

Mo"chu'ha Grizzly-bearskin. In Omaha treaty, 1836.

Aro°chu'no''tide Mo^chu, grizzly bear; fio", action with the feet; tide, rum-
bling sound.

Mo"chu'pa Mo^chu, grizzly bear; pa, head.

Mo°'pezhi Mo^, arrow; pezhi, bad. Refers to the divining arrows used

in the ceremony of the Sacred Pole. (See Ritual of
Sacred Pole, p. 242.)

Mo°'umizhe On Omaha treaty of 1826.

Neka'hano'^ge Neka'ha, edge of a lake; no't'ge, running.

Nia'dishtagabi Ni, water; adi, there; shta, from iJ>shta, eye; gabtha, to open.

(See Legend of Sacred Pole, p. 70), where the name
appears without elision.

Ni'k'umizhe Ni'k'umizhe, resting on a human being. Probably refers to

the resting of the Sacred Pole on a scalp.

No^'gazhi No^'ga, to run ; zhi, abbreviated form, not. Not able to run.

No"'kaetho°be No''^'ka, back; elho^be, to appear.

Nudo"'ho''ga Leader, principal. ( In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Sha^beno^zhi" Shabe, dark, as an object; nonzhin, to stand. Refers to the

Sacred Pole; (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

Sho°'ge Horse. Old name for wolf .

Shu'dena9i- Shu'de, smoke; na, action by fire; fi', yellow. Refers to the

smoke stain of the Sacred Pole.

Shu'kamo''thi° .9/i!i';[;a, groups; mon^/jt", to walk. Walking in groups. Ref-
erence uncertain. (In Washa'be, Hi'qada subdivision,
Ponca.)

Teba'gizhe Tf, buffalo; ftojiVAc, crooked, uneven. Refers to the uneven

line of a herd of buffalo as seen against the horizon.

Teho^'moHhi" Te, buffalo; hot, night; mo^thi". walking.

Te'huto''bi Te, buffalo; hutonbi, bellowing. Two of this name. (See

ritual, p. 298.)

Tehu'xthabe Te, buffalo; hu'.rthabc, the leaf fat.

Tenu'ga Buffalo bull. (In IPasfta'Sf, Ponca.)

Tenu'gano''pewathe Tenu'ga, buffalo bull; no"pewathe, fear inspiring. Fear-
inspiring buffalo bull.

Tenu'gawazhi "pezhi. .. Tenu'ga, buffalo bull; iiazW", powerful in will, angry; pezhi,
bad.

FLETCHER-r.A flesche] TRIBAL OEGANIZATION 157

Tezhe'btho" Tcz/j*', buffalo dung; 6<Ao», smell.

Thi(;po"'bi To feel of. Refers to com. (See ritual, p. 266.)

Thigi'ge The sound made by corn husks when pulled apart. (See

ritual, p. 266.)

Ushko^'bitega Ushko^, wallow; hitega, making anew or afresh.

Uthu'shino"zhi" Uthu'sM, at the front; no"zhi", tostand. Refers to the Sacred

Pole.

Wano"'shekithabi One who is made soldier.

Washi^'une Refers to the selection of fat for the anointing of the Pole.

Wathi'i"ge Braided ears of corn.

We'kushto" We' hi, to give feasts; s/ito", frequent. Appears in Omaha

treaty of 1830.

Xtha'gaxe To blossom. Refers to com. (See ritual, p. 266).

Zho^co"'. .- White wood.

FaTiciful names

Mo''chu'no°ba Two grizzly bears.

Shaa°' Name by which Dakota are designated.

Female names

I°8hta'mo°fewi'' I^shta, eye; mo"ge, metal, iron; ici", female term. Two of

this name.

Mi'gasho"thi'' The traveling moon. Four of this name.

Mi'gthito"i" Return of the new moon.

Mi'mite Meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Mi'mo"shihathi" Moon moving on high.

Mi'wafo" The white moon. Three of this name. (In Pon'caxti, Hi' gada

subdivision, Ponca.)
No"zhe'gito° Meaning uncertain. Two of this name. (In TM'xida and

in Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)
To'"i''thi° New moon moving. Three of this name. (In Tki'xida,

Ponca.)
We'to^bethi" One who gives hope. {From vtonbethe, to hope or to wish for.)

(In JVipa' gens also.)

Wathi'tnn (hereditary servers) subdivision
Ni'kie names

<5a(;u'be Appearance of buffalo running against wind. (In Wazha'zhe,

Ponca.)

Ha'xigi Name of the first man, mythical.

Ho°'gaxti A"(i, real. Real or original Ho°'ga.

I°shta'pa Meaning uncertain.

Kage'zhi°ga Kage', younger brother; zhinga, little. Child's name.

Ni'kadathi" Ni'ka, man; dathi^, CTa.zy.

No°shto"'azhi No"shto'', to stop; azhi, not. He does not stop.

Sho°'geho°ga Horse leader. Old meaning, Wolf leader.

Uthu'8hino°zhi° Ulhushi, in front; no'nzhi''', stands. Refers to the Sacred

Pole.

Fanciful names

I°cho'^gatha Meaning uncertain.

158 ■ THE OMAHA TRIBE rETii. ann. 27

Ftmah nanus _

Mi'ako"da Mi, moon ; aho'Hh, part 'of Wn^nndn,

Jli'mo'Vhihathi" Moon moving on high. Three of this name.

No^zhe'^ito" Two of this name. (In Wazha'zhe a.nA Thi'xida, Foncn.)

We'vo^kithe. To come together in an order, as a society or brotherhood.

Fig. 29. Mo'i.xc'walhe.

M'dxha'bctd" aidii/ens (b)
Ni'kie rtanu's

I"sh'a'gewahitha Ingh'a'gc, old man, venerable; uahitha', lame. Refers to the

herald, who leans on a staff as he shouts his message.

I^shta'bai/ude Inshta, eyes; b(it;ude, to shed. Refers to the shedding of

the hair about the eyes of the Duffalo. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

Mo"shti"'ge Rabbit.

O^'geda From every direction. (See ritual, p. 294.)

flktchi:r-!..\ flesche] tribal ORGANIZATION 159

Pahi'fka Pa, head; hi, hair; (;ka., white. Refers to the appearance

of the shoulder of the buffalo when the hair is shed.

Tenu'gac;ka T^njj'ja, buffalo bull; fia, white.

We'no"xilha Meaning uncertain.

Borrowed names

Tenu'gagthi"thi"ke Sitting buffalo bull. Said to be Dakota na-ne.

Wako^mo^thi" Mysterious walking. Said to be Dakota name.

Female names

A'o^wi" Meaning uncertain. (In Wa(;a'be, Ponca.)

Mi'mite Meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Mi'tena Meaning uncertain. (In Wazha'zhe, and Poi'caxti, Hi'gada

subdivision, Ponca.)
Tci;o"'dabe ^\'hite buffalo. (In TFofa'fte, Ponca.) Refers to the Sacred

WTiite Buffalo Hide.
Tevo"'wi" Te, buffalo; go", white; wi", feminine term. Two of this

name. (In Waga'be, Ponca.) Refers to the Sacred ^\'hite

Buffalo Hide.
Wihe'zhi"ga Wihe', younger sister; zhi^ga, little.

Honga'xti subdivision

Ho^ga'xti Original Ho°'ga.

Mo^xe'vyathe (fig. 29) . . Victorious.

Tha'tada Gens (4)

The Tha'tada presents points of difference from all other gentes in
the tribe. It has no common rite or symbol. The rites of three of
its subgentes were connected with the growth and care of the maize;
the Wapa'be shared in rites observed at the awakening of spring ; the
Wazlii°'ga assisted in the protection of crops from devastation by
birds; the Ke'i° rites were connected with rain. While there was
this general association in the purpose of the respective rites of
these subgentes, their symbols or tabus and their ni'l-ie names were
different. The Te'j^a was the Niiii'bato" subgens of the Tha'tada;
this subgens seems to indicate the change that had taken place in the
principal food supply of the tribe, in a manner somewhat similar to
that notetl in the case of the Washa'beto" subgens of the Ho"'ga, but
reversed. The tabu and the name of the Te'pa subgens refer to the
head of the buffalo, but the symbolic cut of the hair and the ni'Jcie
names refer to the eagle, which was probablj^ prominent in rites
that were superseded by the buffalo when the people became estab-
hshed in the buffalo country. The choice of this subgens for the
Nini'bato° division and the duty assigned it in connection with the
ceremonial use of the Sacred Tribal Pipes seem to indicate that this
subgens held an important place in the tribe and its ceremonies
prior to the present arrangement of gentes, and that this impor'
tance was recognized by the "two old men" of the Sacred Legend.

160 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii. a.s.x. 27

The Tha'tada gens camped on the left of the Ho^'ga. The word
Tha'tada is probably a contraction of the phrase tha'ta tatMsho"-
tho'^lca (tha'ta, "left hand;" tathisho^, "toward;'' tho'^ka, " those
sittfng ")^that is, "those whose place in the hu'thugaw&s to the left
of the Ho°'ga." The name is not an ancient one, probably having
been given when the tribe was organized in its present form.

There were four subgentes in the Tha'tada: Wa^a'be itazhi,
Wazlii°'ga itazhi, Ke'i", and Te'pa itazhi.

Wai;a'bc itazhi subgens (a)

(Wafa'he, "black bear;" itazhi, "do not touch.") The rites con-
nected with the black bear, which were formerly observed in this
subgens, have been lost. Only the memory remains that this sub-
gens used to join with the We'zhi°shte gens in rites observed when
the first thunder was heard in the spring.

Xu'ka subdivision (a')

Xu'ka means teacher or instructor in mystic rites. The name was
given to a group of families who were designated to act as hereditary
prompters to the Ho"'ga gens during the singing of the rituals per-
taining to the Wliite Buffalo Hide and to the Sacred Pole, to insure

against mistakes when the sacred ritual songs

were given.

In the hu'thuga the Xu'ka subdivision camped

next to the Ho°'ga on the left, and on the left

of the Xu'ka camped the remainder of the

Wa^a'be subgens.

The tabu of the Wa^a'be subgens was the
black l)ear. Its flesh could not be eaten nor its
Fig. 30. Cut of hair, gkin touched.

The symbolic cut of the hair of the children
of this subgens consisted in the removal of all except a broad lock
over the forehead, to represent the head of the bear (fig. 30).

Wazhi''>''ga itazhi subgens (b)

The name of this subgens is derived from wazhi'^'ga, "bird;" itazhi,
"do not touch." The rites that once were practised by the subgens
pertained to the protection of the crops from the depredation of
the birds. These rites have long been disused and are traditional
only. It was said that one of the acts was to scatter partially mas-
ticated corn over the fields — a symbolic a]i])eal to Wako"'da to
prevent the small l)irds from attacking the corn and thus depriving
the people of food. The rites of tliis subgens evidentl}* referred to

FLETCHEK-LA FLESCHEj

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

161

the period when the people depended more on the cultivation of the
maize than they did after they entered the buffalo country.

The tabu was all small birds. Even the boys of this subgens, in
their games, while they would shoot their arrows or strike with sticks
at the birds would never touch one with their hands.

The symbolic cut of the cliild's hair consi.sted in the shaving of
the head, leaving a fringe of hair around the base of the skull, a
short lock in front, and a broad lock behind (fig.
31). The fringe represented the feathered outline
of the bird's body, the front lock its head, and
the broad lock behind, its tail.

The Wazhi^'ga itazhi camped next on the left of
the Wa^a'be itazhi.

AVi" subgens I'e)
The name Ke'i° is compounded of Ice, "turtle;''

Fig. 31. Cut of hair,
Wazhio'gj itazhi
subgens.

■I", "to carry" — "tlie turtle carriers or bearers."
The rites that were once in the keeping of this
subgens have long since fallen into disuse and are known only by
tradition. It is said that tlie form of the turtle was outlined on
the ground and the sod cut out so as to make an intaglio of the
animal, and that ceremonies were connected with this figure which
pertained to the securing of rain and also to the
dispelling of storms. The rites of the Turtle-bear-
ers may have been associated with those that be-
longed to their neighboring subgens, the Wazhi°'ga
itazhi, and became obsolete for the same reason,
the superseding of agriculture by hunting.

The tabu was the flesh of the turtle, which could
not be eaten.

The .symbolic cut of the hair consisted in shav-
ing oil' all but a short fringe around the head, one
small tuft over the forehead, two on each side, and a small lock at
the nape of the neck (fig. 32). The short fringe outlined the shell of
the turtle, the tuft over the forehead represented its head, the two on
eacli side its feet, and the lock at the nape its tail.
Tlie Ke'i° camped on the left of the 'Wazhi'"ga itazhi.

Te'pa itazhi subgens (d)

The derivation of the name of tliis subgens is: te, "buffalo;" pa,
"head;" itazhi, "do not touch." The rites pertaining to the buffalo
head, which once belonged to this subgens, have been lost and
there remains no trustworthy tradition concerning them. A pipe
was given to this subgens to insure to it, as representative of its gens,

83998°— 27 eth— 11 U

Fig. 32. Cut of hair,
Ke'i" suhgens.

KiG. iS. Cut of hair,
Te'pa itazhi subgtsns.

1^2 THE OMAHA I'mBK fETH. axn. JT

a place in the tribal Council of Seven Chiefs, when that liody was
instituted. The names in this sul)<i;cns whicli refer to the cai;Ie refer
also to this ceremonial pipe. The head of the suh^ens had an ofliciai
position as one of the bearers of the Sacred Tribal Pijies when they
were ceremonially smoked.

The tabu was the head of the bufl'alo. Xo member of this sub<rens
would touch a spoon made from the horn of the bufl'alo.

Tlie symbolic cut of the hair of children of this
subgens did not refer to the tabu of the f^ens, but
to the eagle, which was connected with the pipe.
The hair was cut close to the head except a square
tuft over the forehead, a similar one at the nape
of the neck, and a broad lock over each ear (fig.
."^•3). The head, tail, and two wings of the eagle
were thus represented.

The pipes used in tlie.Wa'wa" ceremony could
be ])ainted on the tents of members of this gens,
one on each side of the entrance and one at the back of the tent.
This subgens camped ne.xt on the left of the Ke'i".

I'EKSONAI. NAMES IN THE THA'TADA fiENS (4)

WaQo'hr i/u:lii sub(/iiis uii

Qida'mo^thi" Meaning uncertain.

Gada'ka Meaning uncertain,

Giha'zhi Probable meaning: Unkempt. •

Gi'thiko"bi lie to whom a place is yielded.

I"shta'duba Ifshln, eyes; duba, four. (In Wa(;u'be, Ponca.)

Kaxe'katithe Kaxc', crow; ka, sound made by the crow; lith(. iiassiug.

Ku'wi"xegthitho" Wliirling around.

Mo"'shkaaxa Mo^'shka, crawti.-^h; (i.ki. lo cry fcir. (lii .Xi'tii/iiixliini.

Ponca.)

Mo'Hhi'uke The digger of the groiuul. (Real name of Xa'clcliann".1

No"'kaxude No"l:ii, back; rude, gray.

No°'pabi One who is feared. (In Hi'aida, Ponca.)

Pi'(;ithi''ge ^'I'f', gall; thi'^gc, without, none. Appears in Omaha

treaties of 1815, 1836.

Shui'na Meaning uncertain. (In II'Hni'fti, Ponca.)

Tepa'uthixaga Meaning uncertain.

Te'thiti Kuft'alo ribs. In Omaha treaties of 18:;{>, \Mh.

To"ga'gaxe Pretentions to greatne.^is, self-imjiorlance.

U'xthelego" Meaning uncertain.

Wa^a'apa Meaning uncertain, fin Xu'.n , Ponca. )

Wa^a'bc Black bear.

Wa5a'bezhi°,ga Black bear; zhi'i'i/d. young, lillle. i In U(ii;u'bi, Poniia.)

Wawe'xa To laugh at. He who laughs.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 28

HUPETHA

klet(1ii;k-la kleschk) TRIBAL ORGANlZATKtN 163

Dream tiaiiit.^

Ni'daho"... Vi'ijii, mythical bfiiii; nr animal (>-x'P note un rhi« nami',

)i. T94l; hn". iiifjht.

Frnicifiil miiin\

llu'petha (pi. 2S) Meaning uncerlain.

Niu'gashudc -Vi', water; u'gashude, in make lurbid. Refers In Keara

pawins in the water.

Valor nanus

A's;ahawash\i<he A'r/dha, apart from, as outside a crowd; ivoshushi , \ir-Avc.

Distinguished for bravery. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.j

Pa'lhi"no"pazhi I'n'thi", PawTiee; no" pet, fear; zhi, noi . Fears not Pawnee.

(In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Nicknames i

Xa'debano" llunrh grass.

Ft /naif names

Do^'abi Meaning tmcertain. Twn nf this name.

Do"'ama Meaning tmcertain.

Ma'zho"wi" Ma'zho", mazho"liei. fnx: ;m", feminine lerm. Twn of this

name.
Mi'bthiwi" Meaning uncertain. (In J'o"'feuti, -)/()"<-o"' siib(li\ isicm,

Ponca.)

Mi'hupegthi" Meaning uncertain.

Mi'no"dabi The only sun.

Mi'o"bathi" Moon that travels by day.

Mi'to"i°gi New moon returning.

Ni'dawi" Ni'ela, mythical being: c/". feminine term.

No"5e'i''(,-e Meaning uncertain.

To'"i"gina Refers to the new moon. Three of this name.

Wate'wi" Victory woman.

We'to^na Meaning uncertain.

Xu'kii (hereditary prei^njitrrx) siiligeiis (a')
Ni'kie names

A'gahamo"lhi" A'geiha, apart from, uin.-ide a cnnvd; uiijnihi". moving,

traveling, walking.

Qi'xude <^i, feet ; xude;, gray.

I"^tho"'xepa Wild cat undersized.

Ka'xepa Ka'xe, crow; pa, head.

Keo^'hazhi A'e, turtle; o^'ha, to flee; zhi, not. (In Pnn'carli. Ponia.)

Ke'to"gai°shage Keto^ga, great ttirtle; inshage, venerable, also old man.

Mo^'gezhide Mo^'ge, breast; zhide. red. Refers to the breast of the

turtle.
Mo''xpi'axaga Mu'^xpi, clouds; xugu, rough.

164 THE OMAHA TKIBE - rETii. ANN. 27

Ni'(,'tiimo''tlii° Ni\tu, backwards; moHhi^, walking. (In Wa(;a'he,

Ponca.)

Pahe'tape Seeking the hill.s.

Sha'gcfkii Sha'ge, qXav/s; ffca, white.

Watha'wajigthe Watha'^m, count; ji, then; glhe, sits. Refers to the office

of prompter, holding the counting sticks of the songs.

Dream names

Tenu'ga zho^thi^'ke Sleeping buffalo bull.

Female names

Mi^gthito^i" Return of the new moon.

Mi'hupagthi"^ Meaning uncertain.

Mi'to^i^ge Returning new moon.

Tha'tadawi" Tha'tada, name of gens; wi", feminine termination.

To^'i^thi" New moon moving.

Wazhi^'ga itazhi siibgeyis (b)

Ni'kie names

A'bthuzhide A'blhu, wing, an old word; zhidc, red. Refers to the red-
winged blackbird.

A'hi"xega A'hin, wings; xega, brown. Two of this name.

A'hfzhide A'hi", wings; zhide, red — red-winged blackbird.

Axi'abaha Meaning uncertain.

f i'mikafi p', feet; mikaii, wolf, coyote.

fi'xude Qi, feet; xude, gray.

Gamo"'xpi Ga, to strike; mo^'vpi, clouds. The wind strikes the

clouds until it rains. (In Waga'be, Ponca.)
Gio^'habi Gi, from him; on'ha, to flee; hi, wlm is. One who is fled

from.
Gthed()'''no''zhi'' (J(A«rfo", hawk; )!o"2/ii'n, standing. (In Xi'hapashnn, Pcm-

ca.) In Omaha treaty, 18-54, 1865.

Gthed(i"'xude Glhedo", hawk; xn/ie, gray. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Gthedo"'zhi"ga Little hawk.

I^shta'gka Inshta', eyes; fia, white. Refers to blackbirds.

Ke'to°ga Ke, turtle; to^ga, big. (In Xu'ka; also in W(i(;a'he,

Hi'fada subdivision, Ponca.)
Ma''azhi"ga Ma'a, Cottonwood; zhinga, little, young. (In Xu'ka; also

in Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Mi°ke'shage Minke may be mika, raccoon; shage, claw.

Mo'"shti'''9ka Rabbit; (ka, white. (In Wazhn'zhe, Ponca.)

Ni'kuthibtho" Smelling human l)eing.

No^b^'mo^thi" No'^ba', two; oionMi", walking. (In Trafa'6c, Ponca.) In

Omaha treaty, 1830.

No^be'duba No^be, hands; duba, four. Refers to the bear (?).

No'"noMe A'c", mature; rjonr^c, heart.

No^'pewathe One who is feared. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

No"zhi"'mo''thi'' No^zhi", rain; moHhin, walking. Refers to the sand

martins which do not retreat licfore the rain.

Pi'daega Meaning unknown. Old name.

Shu'zhi°ga Little prairie chicken.

FLETCIIER-LA flesche] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 165

Ta\va'i".!;e Meaning uncertain.

Te^o"" Te, buffalo; po", white. In Omaha treaties of 1830,

1836, 1865. (In Hi'qada, Ponca.)
U'ho''no"ba Uho^, cook, one who prepares a ceremonial repast;

no^ba, two. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)
U'wethate U'we, field; thate, eats. Refers to eating of the corn by

blackbirds.

Wa'ba(,'kaha Meaning uncertain.

Washko"'mi)"thi" Washko", strength; vioHhi^, walking. In Omaha treaties

of 1815, 1826, 1836, 1865. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)
Wa'thidaxe Sound as of tearing with claws, as when a bear claws a

hollow tree to get at honey. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Wato^'i Conspicuous, plainly visible.

Wazhi"'ga Bird. (In Waga'be, Hi'Qada subdivision, Ponca.)

Zhi'do^hathi" He who moves in the dew.

Dream names

Ho"a'kipa //o", night; aii/^a, to meet.

Tenu'gagahi Tcnw^o, male buffalo; gahi, chiei. (In A'u'ar, Ponca.)

Tenu'gawazhi" Angry buffalo — male.

Uha'hi Meaning uncertain.

Wazhi°'agahige Bird chief. (In WiK^a'be gens, Ponca.)

Fanciful names

Pe'degahi Fire chief. (In Waga'br, Ponca.) In Omaha treaty of

1865.
Umo"''ho"to''wo''gtho''. . . . Omaha village.

Nicknames

Iti'go"no°pi" Medals worn on the neck.

Wabthu'ga Hominy.

Female names

Gixpe'axa Meaning uncertain.

Mi'ako""da Moon power.

Mi'dasho"thi" Refers to the moon.

Mi'o^bathi" Moon travels by day. Four of this name.

Mi'tena Refers to the sun.

Mo^'shihathi" Moving on high. Six of this name.

Ni'dawi" : Nvln, a mysterious or fabulous being; lo'", feminine ter-
mination.

Tha'tadawi" Tha'tada; wi", feminine termination.

Tha'tawego" \\'hite Tha'tada woman.

To°'i°gthihe Sudden return of new moon.

We'to^na Meaning uncertain.

Wihe'tCga Big younger sister.

Ke'in suhgens ( c)

Ni'kie names

Ezhno"'zhuwagthe Ezhno", alone; zhugthe, with; wa, them.

He'ga Buzzard .

Hega'di Meaning uncertain.

16r» THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

He'katho" Ilf, horns; hitho", rattle, clatter, as the horns strike the

brush. (In Wazhin'ga subdivision.)

I "kii'shitre Meanino; uncertain.

Kc'iliu" Ki\ turtle; chui, plenty. Two of this name. (Doubtful it

iii'kii.)
Ke'gaxe Ki , turtle; g<i.vc, to make. Refers to the drawini; of the

figure of a turtle on the ground in the ceremony pertaining

to the turtle.
Kegthp'rpi".shtazhide . . Ke, turtle; gtheqe, spotted; inshta,e.ye; zhide, red. The sand-
hill turtle.

Ke'lio"ga Ke, turtle; ho"ga, leader, or ancient.

lCe''i"zhi"ga Little Ke''i".

Kethi'hi A>, turtle; thihi, to scare animals. Two of this name.

Kezlii "'ga Ke, turtle; zhin'ga, little. (In Ni'hapashna, Ponca.)

Mi'xabaku Mi'xa, goose; huku, bent, crooked. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca).

Mo"'5edo'' Meaning uncertain.

Na'etho°be Na, by heat; etkotbe, appear. Refers to the hot days when

the turtles rise to the top of the water.
Nia'kibano" Ni, water; a, for; hibano^, to run, as in a race. Refers to the

flight of the turtle to the water.

Nia'tagigthe Ni, water; a, for; t/i, towards; gigthe, goes home.

Nitha'shtage NI, water; tha, action with mouth; shtagr. tepid.

No"'no"de AVj", mature; iwde, heart.

No"'pewathe No^'pe, afraid; loa, on; the, to be. One who is feared. (In

Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Shko^shko^'tithe Shkonshko" , to move with the body; titlie, smMcnly.

Shu'zhi''ga Prairie chicken.

Tenix'gawazhi" Tenu'gu, buffalo bull; wazhi", means hero, anger.

Uga'hatithe Ugahi, to float ; tithe, by.

U'namo"thi'' U'na, to borrow; itio"thii', walking.

Wano"'9abe The scratcher. This refers to the scratches inflicted by the

turtle in his struggles to escape when caught .
Xae'ino"thi" Xae, rustling sound; moHhi"^, moving, walking. Refers to

sounds made by birds.
Dream names

Wailii'shualiglhi" Wnlhi'xlinti, plain to the sight; tigthe. suddenly.

I'a/f/r itaine.^

Ka'xebaha Ka'ce, crow; baha, to exhibit. Refers to the badge of

bravery.
Wa'lo"nu"7.hi" Wii'to", upon; no'tzhi", to stand.

yicknanu.\

Ili'go"nii "pi" Iti'go", grandfather; no^fii", 1" wear around the neck.

Refers to wearing medals.

Ffmah names

Do'''ama Meaning uncertain. Five of this name.

Mi'ako''da Moon [tower.

X^'gasho^thi" The moou that travels. Four of this name. (In W(uha'be

and Thi'-ririn, Ponca.)
XIi'gthedo''wi'' Mi, moon; gthedo", hawk; wi», feminine. Two of this name

(In Wdshd'he and Thi'xidii, Ponra.)
Mi'mo^shihathi" Moou moving on high. Two of this name. (In Po^'carti,

Mo^kon' subdivision, Ponca.)

i.-l,BTr-iiK[t-i.A i-i.Ksc HE] 'nUBAT, (IKC A NIZ ATTON 167

Mi'U'iia Refers to the moon. Seven of this name. (In W(is)ui'b(^

Jf}\acla subdivision, and Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Ni'dawi" Mi'da, imps, mysteriou.s little beings; «?''>, feminine. Seven

of (his name. (See footnote, p. 194.)

No"(;e'i"(;e Meaning uncertain. Eight of this name. (In \]'<i:li(i':lii\

Thi'xida, and Washa'hc, Hi'c/ida subdivision, Ponca.)

To°'i"gihihe Sudden apparition of the new moon.

Wafe'wi" Writr, viotory. Three of this name. ( In Thi' ridn. Ponoa.')

Fill M. Clui catlii");e
Te' j)(t itazhi subyeics C/i

Nl'kit namef

Agthi"'duba Fourteen.

A'hi'\-ka 'I'Ai", wings; <;kn, while. In Omaha treaty of IsiiO. iln

Washa'he, Ponoa.)

A'hi"(;nede A'hi'"-, wings; qnede, long. Refers to the eagle.

A'zhido'Ho" i'zhido", bedewed; io", stands. Refers to the eagle U])on

which the dew has fallen.

Cha'i,'athi"ge (tig. S4) . . Cha'r^u, unkempi, ruffled; thi"gc, nol. Refers (o an un-
usual appearance of the tidy eagle.

Ci'ci Yellow feet.

(.'i'ha Soles.

(,'i'tQ-ga Big feet.

Ezhno'''ho''ga EzhnoT, only; li'i"r/o, leader.

168 THE OMAHA TRIBE (etii. ann. 27

Gaha'gthi" Refers to eagle sitting on tree. Appears in t)niaha treaty of

1815.

Gahi'ge Chief. (In Wa(;a'be, Ili'fada subdivision, Ponca.)

Gaku'wi".\o Ga, action by striking; ku'wi^xe, to turn. Refers to the

soaring of the eagle. (See ritual of hair cutting.) (In

Wazha'zhe and Thi'.rida. Ponca. )

Gap'o"'ditho" Eagles jar the branch when alighting.

Hi"'.\peagai,'nede Hinxpc, downy feather; ayd. drooping; (nedc, long. Refers

to the downy feather taken from the eagle and used as a

symbol in the pipe ceremony.
I'gachizhe /, with ; gachizhr, to fall with a crash on dry leaves or limbs.

Refers to the lighting of the eagle.

I''gtho"'ga Wild cat. (Also in Xu'ka.)

Mo"'5eguhe Meaning uncertain.

Mo"ge'9i Mo^ge', breast; 51, yellow.

Mo-gthi'xta Blackbird.

Nini'ba Pipe. (In Wa(;a'he, Ponca. )

Nini'bai"sh'age Nini'ba, pipe; {"sh'age, old, venerable.

No'"no''de No", mature ; no"de, heart.

No''zhi"'mo''thi" No"zhi", rain; moHhi", walking.

Pago"' Pa, head; po", white or whitish. J5ald-headed eagle.

Pa90'''no"zhi" Fafon', bald-headed eagle; no^zhi", standing.

Pe'hi"xte Tuft on the head of the eagle.

Pi'daega Meaning uncertain.

Sho"'to''?abe Black wolf.

Tia'gito" Ti. house; a'gi, his own; to", stands. Refers to eagle stand-
ing on his nest.

Waga'apa Meaning uncertain.

Waje'pa Old name for the tribal herald.

Wa'thishnade (pi. 29) .. One who grasps. Refers to the eagle.

Xitha'i"sh'age Xitha' , eagle; {"sh'age, old, aged.

Xitha'wahi Xitha', eagle; wahi, bone. Probably refers to the eagle-bone

whistle used in ceremonies with the pipes.

Xitha'xega Xitha', eagle ; xega, the color of dried grass, yellowish brown.

Xitha'xti Xitha', eagle; xti, real. Two of this name.

Xitha' zhi^ga Xitha', eagle; zhi^ga, little, young. (In Wazha'zhc. Ponca.)

Dream tiames

Gaki'emo"thi" (laki'c, scattered; mo^thi", traveling. Refers to flocks of

birds.

Fimalc names

Gixpe'axa Meaning uncertain. Eight of this name.

Mipi' Meaning uncertain; probably ?)u, moon; pj, good.

Mo°'shihathi" Moving on high. Refers to the eagle. Nine of this name.

Ni'dawi" Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.

No°ge'i"the Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.

Tha'tadawi" Tha'tada; iri", feminine termination.

Tha'tawifo" Tha'ta, tha'tada; wi, wi^, feminine termination ; j-o", white or

pale.

To^i°gthihe Sudden apparition of the new moon. Seven of this name.

We'to"na Meaning uncertain. Eight of this name.

■Wihe'to"ga Wihc', younger sister; to"ga, big.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 29

WA'THISHNADE 'WAJ"E'PAj

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TBIBAXi ORGANIZATION 169

KoN'f E Gens (5)

The name of this gens is an ancient and untranslatable word.
It belongs to one of the tribes (Kansa) of the cogriate group of wliich
the Omaha is a member. From this tribe the State of Kansas takes
its name.

In the Jiu'thuga the Ko^'^e gens camped on the left of the Tha'tada.

There were two subdivisions in the gens: (a) Tade'ata (totZe,
"wind;" ata, "in the direction of" — "in the direction of the wind");
the name is said to refer to the clouds. Rites connected with the
wind were formerly in charge of this subgens, but they have been
lost. In memory of the connection of these people with the wind
was the following jesting action: when the mosquitoes were thick, a
Ko°'pe man was beaten witli robes; this would call up a breeze to
drive away the pests. (6) Nini'bato".

The tabu of the entire gens, as well as of its subgentes, v/as ver-
digris, which the people were forbidden to touch.

The symbolic cut of the cliildren's hair represents a design which
it is said used to be cut upon the earth after the sod had been
removed when the ancient rites relating to the wind were practised.
All the hair was cut off except a tuft over the forehead, one
at the nape of the neck, and one on each side over
the ear. From each of these four tufts, represent-
ing the four points of the compass, a narrow line
of hair extended upward, terminating in a round
tuft on the top of the head (fig. 35).

When the Hethu'shka society formerly was led
around the tribal circle by the Ko^'fe the act may
have been in recognition of the power of the wind
to befriend the warriors, as certain customs prac- fig. 3.->. cm or uair,
tised during warfare suggest. (See p. 39.) The Ko»vogcns.

Ko°'ce also had the office of starting the ball game which was played
by the two grand divisions of the Jiu'thuga. (See p. 197.)

The Tade'ata subgens camped on the left of the Te'pa itazhi of the
Tha'tada, and on the left of the Tade'ata was the Nini'bato"
subdivision.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE KO^'lE (JENS (6)

Tade'ata subgens (a)
Ni'kie names

Da'do''thi''ge Da'do^, possessions; thingc, not, nothing. He has nothing.

Refers to the invisible nature of the air or wind. (In

Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Ko'»'5edathi" dathi^, crazy — Crazy Ko°'ce.

Kuge' The sound made by a drum.

170 TIIK DMAIIA TRIBE [eth. ann. :i7

Ma''axude Ma"a, cottonwood; xtidc, gray.

Mu'xano"zhi" (pi. 30) . . . Refers to the clouds.

Ni'ka^'ahi Chief.

No"xtha'demo"thi". . . . The creeping sensation of a bug crawling.

Tagi'ha Old name, meaning uncertain.

Tade'umo"tlii" Tade',vnni; u, in; moHhin, walking. (See ritual of hair

cutting.) (In Wazha'zhe&nd Ni'kapashtw, Ponca.)
Thi.Kthi'gazhi Thixthiga, old; zhi, not (abbreviated) never old. Two of

this name.
Wa'(,i(;i"de Flapping with a quivering motion, as when the wind blows

the tent flaps.

linrrotrrd names

Cho°'cho"xepa Dakota.

Mi'chaxpe Omaha .

Dream namt.i

\Vaba'hizhi"ga Waba'lii, to graze; zhi'ii/n. little — little nibblcr. (In Wiizlia'zlic.

Ponca.)
Zho''gi'mo"de Zho^, wood; fi', yellow: inonde, bow.

Female names

A5e'to"ga Meaning uncertain. (In Pnn'mxti. ytnnl-on' subdivision,

Ponca.)

Mi'akoMa Mi, moon; ako'"-da, power. '

Mi'mo"shihathi'' Moon mo\-ing on high.

Mi'texi Sacred moon. '

Mi'to"i"ge New moon returning.

Mi'xube Mi, moon ; xuhe, sacred .

Mo^'shathi "ke Mon'sha, on high; thinke, sitting (moon).

Tade'wi" Tade, wind; c'l", feminine term.

To'"i"thi " New moon moving.

Xu'degi Xu'de, gray; gi. returning. Refers to the mist blown b-y the

wind.

Nini'biilo" siihilii isioa (b)
Ni kit names

Ezhno"'githabi Ezhnnn', only; yithabi, who is favored — f/i, posse.s,sive sign;

</ia, favored ; fci, who is. The favored soni? i
Gahi'zhi''ga (pi. 31 ]. . . . Gahi', gahi'gi, chief; zhi'tga, little. (In Ki'kapWihna, Ponca.)

Micha'xpezhi"ga Little star — old name.

Mo"'shewakude Meaning uncertain; probably, old man who shoots an arrow.

Mo"zho"'hathi" Mo'izho"', the earth; hit, over; thin, from mnnthi". to walk or

travel. Travels over the earth. Refers to the wind. The

bearer of this name was a herald.
Mo"'zh()"kide Watches over the land. Refers to wind. (In O.sage.)

Appears in treaties of 1815 and 1826.

Pavi'duha Four buffaloes. (In Wcisha'be, Ponca.)

Wami"' Blood. (In TAi'nV/r/. Ponca.)

Zha'bezhi"ga Zlia'be,\>ea\eT; zhingti. little.

Ft mute natiiis

Ko"(.ewi" Ko'>(^; "i", feminine termination. Five of tbis name.

I.LKT(HKR-I.A I'LESCHK] TRIBAL OKGAXIZATION 171

Nami's iDtctasnfied as to snhgentes

Ni'kie name.''

Heba'dizho" Ucba'tli, half: zAo", sleep. Sleeps halfway.

Ko"(;egahige A'Cft, Kansa chief.

Ko"'9ezhi°ga Little io»'?f .

No"'dethi"ge jVonrfc. heart; thinge, not -dny.

Pahi'thagthi" Good hair.

Pa'nuhu Owl.

Tade'ta To the wind. Al.'io in I"k<''c,(i}ie ritual nf hair cutting.

Tade'u^va Tade', wind ; u'^c^a, swift.

Waba'.shetho" Meaning uncertain.

Wate'wahi Meaning uncertain.

Xage'wathe One who causes weeping.

Zhega'no"ba Zhegn, legs; no't'ha, two.

Female names

Tade'wahaae Meaning uncertain.

I'*SHTA'(;U^DA DIVISION. RKPRKSENTIN(i THE SKY l*EoPl,E (A)
Mo^'thi^kagaxe Gens ((ii

The significance of this name (jnoHhi^Jca, "earth;" gaxe, " to make")
is somewliat obscure, but the rites committed to this gens seem to
have been connected with the rock or stone and with the gray wolf.
^That these rites were is not now known. They have long since fallen
into disuse and become lost. In myths that deal with the creation of
the earth, with the contention of man against strange monsters that con-
trolled the animals, with the interdependence of various forms of life,
and with the persistent mystery of death we find the idea of perma-
nence, of length of days, of wisdom accjuired by age, to be symbolized
by the rock or stone; wliile man's restlessness, liis questionings of fate,
his destructiveness, are frecjuently sj'mbolized by the wolf. These
two, the rock or stone and the gray wolf, are in myths represented as
brothers and in the ancient rites belonging to this gens they were
symbolically imited, in some way now unknown, a fact that makes it
not unlikely that the name of the gens, "earth makers," preserves the
puq)ose of the rites once committed to these people — rites that not
only dramatized the myth of Creation, but were believed to insure
the continuance of tliat wliich had been created.

Accordmg to tradition there were formerly in the keeping of this
gens four sacred stones, which were painted, respectively, white,
black, red, and green or blue. These stones were ceremonially placed
in a circular hole made in the ground, and over them was spread the
down of t he swan ( Cygnusamencanus) . As late as the last century one
of these stones was in existence, in charge of To"'wo°gaxe. It is
said that at the meetings of the Pebble society he would "place it on
the ground and make it walk." There is a tradition that m the

172 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ax.n. 27

ancient rites pertaining to the stones water or rain was represented.
This tradition is borne out l>y the iise of tiie down of the swan, a water
bird, to cover ceremonially the stones. The connection with water
rites is probably also indicated by the statement that the old keeper
of the stones coidd take them to the Pebble society, whose rites per-
tained to the element water. All four stones are now lost. The last
one was probably buried with To^'wo^gaxe. The connection of the
stones with the water adds to the probability that the lost rites of
this gens dealt with the Creation.

There are no subgentes in this gens. Within the last century the
groups of families to whom were formerly assigned certain duties
connected with the ancient rites have taken names referring: to
their ancient hereditary office, and as a result these groups have
been mistaken for subgentes. The Xu'be (sacred) group had direct
charge of the sacred stones. Another group, whose office pertained
to that part of the rites which related to the wolf, called themselves
the Mi'kafi (wolf). Still another, to whom belonged the duties
relating to the water and the swan, called themselves Mi'xafo"
(swan) .

All of the above-mentioned groups had the same tabus as the gens,
namely: The swan, the clay used for making the colors with which to
paint the stones, and the soot from the kettle em-
ployed in preparing the black paint used on the
stones.

The cut of the hair of the children of these groups
was peculiar. The hair on the right side of the
head was shaved off, while that on the left side was
allowed to grow (lig. 36). It has been impossible
to oI)tain a general explanation of this symbolic
FiG.:it. Cut of hair, Mo-'- style of Cutting the hair. Some have said it rep-
1" -agaxe gens. resented the bare rock and the falling rain.

At the organization of the tribe in its present form a group of
famOies was set apart in the gens as Nini'bato", keepers of the pipes,
and a chief from this group was given a place in the Ct»uncil of Seven
Chiefs. In this group occurs a name found nowhere else in the tribe:
Nini'ushi, filler of the pipes; this may refer in some way to the
rites which once l)e]onged to this gens, and whicli, as they probably
pertained to the Creation, may have had a significance in the Council
of Seven Chiefs, that ruled the tribe.

The cut of the hair of the children belonging to (lie Nini'bato"
group was the same as that used by the other Niiii'bato" sulidivisions
in the gentes of the tribe.

In camping, tiie Xu'be (a) pitched their tents immediately on the
left of the Ko"'(,"e ; then came the Mi'ka9i (h) ; next, the Mi'xago" (c) ;
and on their left the Nini'bato" subdivision (d).

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 32

SHO-'GECKA iWHITE HORSE)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33

TO>''WO''GAXEZHr'GA (LITTLE VILLAGE MAKER)

FLETCHER-LA flesche] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 173

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE MO^'tHI^KAGAXE GENS (6)

Xu'be subdivision (a)

Ni'kie names

A'xabazhi A'xa, to cry for; ba, they ; zhi, not. One who is not cried for.

Gachi'zhitho" Gachi'zhi, to fall with a crash; tho'"', contraction of ithon,

suddenly. Refers to the noise made by the eagle when

alighting.

I'gasho" Wanderers; refers to wolf. Two of this name.

Mo^'glhitho-' Standing up suddenly. Refers to a little animal that

suddenly rises to an upright position.
No°'gemo"thi" No'^'ge, to run; moHhi^, walks or travels. Travels running.

(In Waqa'be, Ponca.)

No"zhi"'mo"thi" iVonzAi"', rain; ??io»<Ai™, travels. (In PTosAa'fce, Ponca.)

Sho^'gefka (pi. 32) Sho^'ge, horse (old name for wolf); (ka, white. Appears

in treaties of 1826, 1830, 1836, 1854. (See Sho^ge'^abe,

Tapa' gens.) (In Nu'xe, Ponca and Osage.)

Uga'sho°zhi°ga Uga'sho^, traveler; zlii^ga, little. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Waba'hii-i Waba'hi, to graze; fi, yellow. Yellow object grazing; refers

to yellow wolf. (In Po^'caxti, Monho'n' subdivision,

Ponca.)
Wahu'thabi One of whom permission is asked. Appears in treaty of 181.5.

Dream names

figthe'rio"pabi Qigihe, footprints; no'npabi, to fear. One whose footprints,

even, are feared. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Wafa'beto"ga Wafa'be, black bear; to^ga, big. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Wa'dupa Old dream name. Two of this name.

Wahe'he Easy to break, tender to the touch.

Wako'^da Power. Refers to sacred stones. {In Wazha'zhe, Voncai.)

Wako'-'daukie Talks to AVako^'da.

Washi'shka Shell. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Borrowed names

Hexa'gano"zhi" Hexa'ga, elk (Dakota); nonzhi'n, to Ftand. (In Washn'be,

Ponca.)
Ko°'5eho''ga JEbn'fe, name of gens and tribe, Kausa; honga, leader. (In

Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Mixa'fka White swan.

Wazhi'i'gafabe.: Wazhin'ga, bird; qabe, black. (In Wa(;a'bc, Ponca.)

Fanciful names

To^'wo'igaxe T'o^'idO", village; ^axe, maker.

To'^wo°gaxezhi''ga (pi. Zhi^ga, little. Little village maker.
33.)

We'thishku We, to do something for another; thishku, from thishluda, to

dig with the fingers.

Valor names

Mo''ga'azhi Mo'"-, arrow; ga'azhi, not afraid. (In Wai;a'be, Ponca.)

Wafe'athi" WaQe', paint; athi", have. Refer? to war parties.

Washi'bino''hi'' Washi'bi, to ask one to work; no^hi^ from ino'^hi^, willing.

Willing to serve.

174 THE OMAHA TKIBE rETH. Axx. 27

Female nanus

Mi'mitega The new moon. Four of this name.

Mi'mo"shihathi" Moon moving on high.

Mi'texi Mi, moon; to/, sacred. Two of Ihin name.

Mi'to^i" New moon. Two of this name.

No^zhe'gito" Meaning uncertain. (In Wazhu'zhc, Ponca.) Two of tliie

name.
Po^'cago" White Ponka. (In Fo'^caxti, Mo'>ko'>' subdivi-sion, Ponca.)

Three of this name.

Po°'cawi° Po'nca feminine. (In Wa(;a'he, Ponca.)

To°'i°gina New moon returning. Three of this name.

We'tewi" Meaning uncertain. Five of this name.

Nini'buton subdivision id)

Uncla.sjiifitd names

Ce'cethinke The trotter; indicating the characteristic gait of the wolf.

(^i^'dezhfga Little tail.

Gahi'gewadathi"ga Refers to the peaceful office of the chiefs. This name

appears among the Osage, and is sometimes misleadingly

translated as Saucy Chief or Crazy Chief.

Gthedo^'no^pabi Hawk who is feared.

Gthedo'^wi" Gthedo", hawk, ut", feminine termination. Two of this name.

Gu'dahi There-he-goes! An exclamation of hunters who scare up a

coyote.

Huti'gthe Voice heard at a distance. Refers to wolves.

I ""go" White rock. Refers to the sacred stones.

I^ke'gaxe Refers to pipes.

I^zhi'de Red rock. Refers to the sacred stones.

Mi'gthedo"wi" Mi, moon; gthtdo", hawk; ui", feminine termination.

Mixa'gka J/i'.ra, swan; fi-a, white. (In TAfrtrfa, Ponca.) Two of this

name.
Mo^'gthitho" Mongthe, to stand; ithon, suddenly. The last vowel in m<>"-

gthi is dropped. Refers to sudden action of graj' wolf.

Two of this name.
Ni'ka(;tuwathe The gatherer. Refers to the Sacred Tribal Pipes and iheir

unification of the people into one social body.

Nini'ushi Nini', pipe; ushi, to present. Refers to ceremony of jiipes.

Sho^'to'igagka The white gray wolf.

Sho""to''gamo°shiadi . . . The tall gray wolf.

Sho^'to^gatu The blue gray wolf.

Sho°'to°gawathihu(;a . . . The mad gray wolf.

Sho"'to''zhi''ga 5/io«to«, gray wolf; zhinga, little or young.

Thata'xitigthe Crunching of bones. Refers to wolf.

The'dewathatha Refers to the frequent cautious looking backward of the

wolf as he trots along.

Ugaf'i''no'' The peeper. Refers to the coyote.

Uga''sho°no°zhi" The wanderer. The restless habit of the coyote.

tTga'sho"to'' The wanderer. The restlessness of (he wolf.

U'shkadazhi Dauntless, rushing into battle without hesitation. (In

Nu'xe, Ponca.)
Utha'gabi Refers to wolf.

FLKTCUiiU-LA flesche] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 175

Wa'gawi"xe The soarer. Refers tu the eagle.

Walhi'glho"thi°ge No mind.

Borrowed nanus

Ki'shtawagu Said to tie Pawnee. (In TFaya'fee gens, Ponca )

Waxua'tai^ge Said to be Oto.

Dream names

Ho^'hemonhj" Night walker.

Mo^chu'wakoMa Bear god.

Valor names '

l^ke'washushe Brave soldier.

^ Nicknames

I''shti'thi"ke Name of a mythical mischievous being.

Female names

Aye'xube. Afe', from inii-e, paint ; xube, sacred.

Gixpe'axa Meaning lost. Old name. Two of this name.

Mi'ashteshto" Meaning uncertain. Three of this name.

Te^-i'"de Gens (,7)

The name of this gens has reference to the huffalo {te, "huffalo;"
pi"de, "tail"). There are no subgentes.

The rites anciently committed to the people of this gens have been
lost. Nothing but a tradition remains, which states that the ceremony
pertained to the crow. In certain mytlis that speak of the Creation
it is said that human beings were at first without bodies; they dwelt
in the upper world, in the air, and the crow was instrumental in
helj)ing the people to secure bodies so that thej' could live on the
earth and become as men and women.

The tabu of the gens favors the tradition that the rites under its
charge referred to the birth of the people in bodily form. They were
forbidden to touch the unborn young of an animal.
In later days the tabu applied especially to the
buffalo 3'oung, and also to the lowest rib adher-
ing to the backbone, as the head of the fetus was
said to rest against this part of the animal; con-
sequently the meat from this rib could not be
eaten.

The symbolic cut of the hair referred to the
young of the buffalo. All the hair was cut off fig. 37. cut of hair,
except two small tufts on the side of the crown, ''^' ''^™°'

indicating the coming horns, and a lock at the nape of tlie neck
representing the tail of the calf (fig. 37).

When the tribe was organized in its present form, a Xini'bato"
group of families was chosen in this gens and the leader of the group
was given a place in tlie tribal Council of Seven Chiefs.

176 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

The tabu of this subdivision was the same as that of the gens itself.
Tlie symbolic cut of the hair was like that of all the children belonging
to Xini'bato" subdivisions.

The Tei'i'"ile («) camped on the left of the Mo^'thi-'kagaxe, the
Nini'bato" sul)division (h) being at the extreme left of the gens.

PERSONAL NAMES IN THE TEfl^'DE GENS (7)

Te^in'de subdivision (a)

Ni'kie names

Heba'zhu He, horns; bazhu, knobby.

He'xude lie, horns; .rude, gray.

Hi"i;i'zihi"ga Hi", hair, of an animal; ci, yellow; zhi^ga, little. Refers to

the young buffalo. (In Washa'be, Ponca; also in Inke'rfibe.)
I'shibazhi The name of an old hero whose deeds are preserved in song

and story.

Ka'xenumpi" Crow necklace.

Kigtha'zho'Vho" Kigtha, himself; zho^zho^, to shake — shakes himself. Refers to

a buffalo. {In Pon^caxti, J/o"i'o»' subdivision, Ponca. I
Tamo'^'xaga Ta, a corruption of te, buffalo; mo«, arrows; xaga, bristling.

Two o'f this name.

Uma'abi Cut into pieces and spread (scattered?).

Waho'^thi''ge (pi. 34). TTa, a prefix by which a condition is generalized and expressed

as a noun; ho^, from eAo", mother (general term); thi^ge,

none. Hence, wahon'thi'^ge, orphan. The loss of the mother

makes an orphan, according to the Omaha idea. (In Tl'a-

sha'be, Ponca.)

Female names

Mi'ako''da Mi, vaooa;al:o''da, irako^da. Fourof this name. (In Pon'caxli,

Mo'^ko"' subdivision, Ponca.)
Mi'gthito''i" J/i, moon; jrrti", return; (C^i", new. The new moon returns. (In

Inshla'i;unda gens.)

Mi'xube Mi, moon; xube, sacred.

Te(,'o°'wi'' AMiite buffalo, feminine term. Three of this name.

To°'i"gi To'^'i^, new moon, gi, coming. (In Inshta'<;unda gens.)

Umo^'agthi" Meaning uncertain.

Uthe'amo"thi" Three of this name.

Uzho'''geagthi'' Uzho^'ge, trail; agthi", to sit on. Refers to buffalo sitting in

the buffalo path.
Wihe'gthedo" Wihe', younger sister; glhedo", hawk. Two of this name.

Nini'bato'"' subdivision (6)
Ki'kie names

f i"'dethiho" Qin'de, tail; thihoit, to lift. The father (now dead) bore same

name. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

I "shta'shabe I'^shta', eye; shabe, black. Two of this name. (In Wara'be,

Ponca.)

Mo"a''xaga Mo", arrow; a'xaga, bristling — bristling with arrows.

Mo'"sho''ho°ga Refers to feathers on the pipe leaders.

No"'dewahi Bone heart .

No'''gethia No^'ge, to run; thi'a, not able. Probably refers to the new-
born Calf. (In Nu'xe, Ponca.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 34

WAHC'THI-'GE

FLETCHBB-LA FLBSCHE]

TEIBAL ORGANIZATION 177

No"o"'bi No^o", to hear; bi, who is. One who is heard. (In Wazha'zhe,

Ponca.)

Pe'zhexuta Wild sage (artemisia).

Shu'degina Shu'dc, smoke; gina, coming. Refers to the smoke-like

appearance of the cloud of dust raised by the herds of buffalo

as they approach.

Ta'mo°ha Ta, deer; /no", mo^ge, breast; ha, skin.

Tato^'gashkade Tato^'ga, lata^ha, Dakota for buffalo; shhade, to play — Dakota,

sha'ta. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Tenu'gazhi''ga Tenvfga, buffalo bull; zhi^ga, little. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Texe'uno"zhi'' Texe, marsh; u, in; no'nzhi^, to stand. Standing in buffalo

wallow.
Thixa'bazhi Thi.ra', to chase; 6a, they ; zhi, not. Two of this name. Refers

to the calf that no one chases.
Uzhna'gaxe Pi/fvm', clear space; ^a/jc, to make. Refers to the wallow. (In

Nii'xe, Ponca.)
Waba'xe The many layers. Refers to the fat about the stomach of the

buffalo. Two of this name.
Zhu'gthethi''ge Zhugthe, companion; thi^ge, none.

Female names

Mi'febe, Mi, moon; f«6c, dark or shadowy. May refer to the shadowy

part of the moon seen when the moon is new. Two of this

name.
Mi'gthito"!" Mi, moon; gthi, return; (o")'", new, applied to the new moon.

Three of this name.

Mo'"i,'epewi'' Ax; wi", feminine termination.

Tefo"'wi" White buffalo, loi", feminine termination. (In Tngihe'zhide.)

Six of this name. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)
Uthe'amo"thi" Uthe, a route usually taken; a, over; inoHhin, walking. May

refer to the migrations of the buffalo. Six of this name.

Unclassified names

Heba'chage He, horns; ba'chage, crumpled.

No''he'gazhi Running hard.

No"'kapai No^'ka, back; pai, sharp.

Shu'kagthi" Shu'ka, a group; j^Ai", agthin, to eit.

Nicknames

Wau'xtawathe Admirer of women.

Fanciful names
Mo"'5epeto''ga_ Mo^'^^pe, ax; to"ga, big.

Tapa' Gens (8)

Tapa', "head of the deer," is the name given to the Pleiades.
The rites formerly in charge of this gens are lost, but the'-e are tradi-
tions that point to the strong probabihty that they related to the
stars and the night skies. These rites seem to have been connected
with myths dealing with the Creation. In them the wild-cat skin and
the fawn skin were used, their spotted appearance having a symbolic
reference to the heavens at night. The thunder and zigzag lightning
83993°— 27 etu— 11 12

178 rilK OMAHA IKIliK [eth. ann. 27

were also typified, and were connected witli the ceremonies ])ertaining
to the cuttinfi; of tiie ciiild'shair, ceremonies in which this <^ens formerly
took part, and represented the father, the sky. Of the ancient rites
<inly a few vestifjes now remain, such as the painting of spots on the
child along the sides of its spine, when a few days after birth the child
received its baby name. This was done by an old man of the gens,
who dipped three fingers into the paint and with them made the
symbolic spots on tlie child. These spots had the double significance
of the fawn — the young or newborn of the deer — and the constella-
tion known by the name of "the deer's head.'' Names in the gens
refer to the lightning, antl it is said that red lines were sometimes
painted on the child's arms, typical of it.

There were no subgentes in the Tapa' gens, but formerly there were
groups in charge of certain duties connected with the ancient rites.
These groups continued to cling together, although their duties became
obsolete with tlie loss of the rites. They still exist and are known as
the group under ilike'nitha or f i"'dexo''xo°. The members of this
group sometimes speak of themselves as Tapa'xti ("the real or original
Tapa'") ; the group under Pa'thi"gahige seems to have had charge of
that part of the ancient ceremonies which referred to the thunder;
to the group under Zlii°ga'gahige seems to have been committed
the symbolic fawn skin. Pa'tlii"gahige and Zhi°ga'gahige were not
chiefs but leading men. These groups have sometimes been mistaken
for subgentes.

Tabu: charcoal and verdigris could not be touched by this gens.
The verdigris by its color was said to symbohze the sky, and the
a.ssociation of charcoal with the verdigris would in-
dicate that the dark, or night, sky was symbolized
in the tabu.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in shaving
the head, leaving only a tuft over the forehead and
a thin lock at the nape of the neck. The signifi-
cance of this style is uncertain (fig. 38).

At the organization of the tribe in its present
Fig. 3S. Cut of hair, fomi a group of families became the Nini'bato"
Tapa' gens subdivision, and its leader had a seat in the tribal

Council of Seven Chiefs. The Nini'bato" observetl the tabu of the
gens, but the hair of the children was cut in the style of all the
Nini'bato" subdivisions in the tribe.

This gens affords anotlier instance of the change that takes place
in the general significance of tlie name of a gens when the rites
intrusted to it have become obsolete and lost. The star cult rites of
the gens being no longer practised, the deer's head ceased to be
regarded merely as symbolic and took on a literal interpretation.

Ki.KTcHKK-i.A Ki.EsruEl TRIBAT, ORGANIZATION 179

This is evidenced in the personal names wliere the stellar significance
has been hirgely lost sifjht of.

In the Jiv'tJiuga the group under f4'"dexo"xo" (a), or Mike'nitha,
camped on the left of the Tefi^'de people; next was the group under
Pa'thi"gahige (h) ; on their left the group under Zhi"ga'gahige (c) ;
and at the left end of the Tapa' was the Xini'bato" subdivision (rf).

PERSONAL NAMES IK THE TAI'A'cKNS (8)

Grouji uiu/ir ri'i'deritnjo" i Mite' nil ha) (a)
Ni'kif namex

Barhi'zhithe... 5m-/i('2/)i', to rut<h iu iu .xpite of obstacles; the, to go — as the deer

rushing into the hushes. (In Wazha'zhe, Punra.")

(,'igthti'no"ge (^'igthu, trail in; iioige, running.

(.'^i'l'devka Ci"de, tail; qka, white. (In Po^'ca^xti, iUfha"' subdivi.4on,

Ponca.)
(,'i"'dei,o"tigthe (^''y'de, tail; fo", pale; tigthe, sudden. Refers to the sudden

flash of the white tail of the deer as the animal leaps into

the cover. Four of this name.
Qi'^degabizhe ._.... (^'{"'de, tail; gabizhe, wagging. Two of this name.
(^i""dexo"xo'' (fig. 39)- i^'?"'*, tail; zon.rr)", glittering.
Hethi'axe iJf, horn; Mio.rc, rattling. Refers to the rattling .lound of the

antlers against the bushes as the deer plunges iuln a thicket.

Hexa'gazhi"ga Jfe, horn; xa'ga, rough; zhi^ga. little.

Hezha'ta He, horn; zhata, forked. Two of this name, (lu Thi'iida,

Ponca.)

I'l^gabi rirtga, rejected; hi, who is.

Keba'ha Ke, turtle; 6o^fl, to show — tiutle showing himself. (In Thi'-

xida, Ponca.)
Mika'xage i/('ia, , raccoon ; xage, to cry — crying raccoon. (In J'n'i'm.rt!,

Mo'iko"' subdivision, Ponca.)

Mike'nitha Old name; meaning uncertain. Four of this name.

Mo^no^'xaxa jl/o", earth; oo", action by the feet; x«,Ta, to scrape, to tear up.

Refers to the rutting of the deer.
No"'(70"dazhi iVb"'fo"(/«, to dodge; zhi, from o'^'iazhi, not. (In M^iixha'be,

Ponca.)

No"'kahega Ni}"hi, back; liega, brown. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

C'hazhi O^'ha, to flee; zM, from (i"'k.azhi, not. Makes no allcmiit to

escape.

Pahi'fka Pa, head; hi, hair; <;hi, white.

Shage'duba Shage', hoofs; duha, four. (In Wa<;a'he, Ponca.)

Sha'gezhi°ga Sha'ge, hoofs; zhinga, little. Two of this name.

Shko"'.shko"tithe. . . . Shho", to move; shko^shko^, continually moving; lil/ir, sud-
denly. Two of this name.
Tato"'gamo"thi" Ta, deer; to^ga, big; moMhi^, walking. (In .Xi'l-n/Hisliiiii,

Ponca.)

Ta'xtiduija Ta'xti, original deer; dubu, four.

Te'hego" Te, buffalo: he, horn ; got. like. Refers to the .•'tage of growth

when the antler re,sembles the horn of the buffalo. Two of

this n;nne.
Thiti'bitho" Bounding up.

ISO THE OMAHA TKIBE [etii. ANN. 27

Ti(lc'ino"lhi" Tide, noise, rumblin;;;; 7no'"lhi'', walking, moving.

Uwo"'i;itithc l'w(P>'(;i, to jump up; l.ilhe, suddenly.

\Va'xano"7.hi" Wa'xa. in advance; no'izhi^, standinc;. (In I'on'caxti, Mo^'hyn'

subdivision, Ponca.)
iVaxpe'sha Old name, meaning lost. {\i\ Wnzha'zhe,'P<iv.ca..) Appears in

treaty of 1830.
Xitha'nika Xitha', eagle; w'i'n, from nikashlga, person. (In Wazha'zhe,

Ponca.)
Zhideto"' Zhide. red : tc". stands.

Flli. ;tll l,'i"'ilrX0".\ii" i.Mikf llillMi

Ftmalt names

Gthedo"'shte\vi" Meaning uncertain. Nine of this name.

Hi"'xude\vi" //i«, hair; xiidc, brown; win, feminine termination.

Mi'gthedo"wi" l/(, moon; (//Aft/o", hawk; wi", feminine termination. Seven

of this name.

Mi'mo"shihathi" Mi, moon; moving on high.

Mo^'gepewi" Mon'cepe, axe; wi", feminine termination. Three of this name.

FLniTHEK-LA flusche] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 181

No"ve'i"9e Meaning uncertain. Four of thi.« name.

Po"'cago" Pale or white Ponra. Nine of this name.

Po"rawi " Ponra woman.

Te90"'wi" TV, buffalo; fo", white; wi^, feminine. Belongs also to

Ingthe' zhide gens.

Group under I'a'thingahigeib)

He'9o"thi"ke He, horn; ro", white; thi^ke, to sit. Refers to the deer when

sitting in the grass so that only his white horns are visible.

Hezho"'ka Ik, horn; zho^ka, forked.

Ilu'hazhi Meaning uncertain. (In PJas/jn'tf, Ponca.)

Pchu'iVa^ka I^chu^'ga, weasel; fA-a, white. (In Ni'knpashiiii, Ponca.)

I°shta'basho"sho" I^shta', eyes; basho''sho'', zigzag.

Kaxe'yabe Kaxe, crow; ^abe, black. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

No"'kagthezhe Noika, back; gthezhe, spotted. Refers to the fawn. Two of

this name.

Ta'shkahiagtho" Refers to the oak struck by lightning.

Wapa'de One who cuts up the carcass. (In Washo'be, Ponca.)

Wefo^githe Old name, an organizer. Name of Pa'thi"gahige.

Borrowed nunus

A'.shkamo"thi" yl's/iX-a, near; )?!o"?/iin, walking. Dakota name.

Pa'thi"gahige Pa^^i'", Pawnee; gahige. chiei. {In ]V(i:ha'zhe, Ponca.)

Fcmah namcti

Ezhno"'mo"hc Ezhno"^, lone, solitary; mo''he, one who is dwelling in another's

house. Five of this name.

Gthedo"'shtewi" Refers to hawk difficult to handle. Three of this name.

Gthedo"'wi"texi GMcrfo", hawk; uA", feminine term; le.ri, sacred. Four of this

name.

Mi'huc;a Meaning uncertain. (In Inshta'(;unda gens.)

Po"'ca(,-o" Pale Ponca. Six of this name.

We'to'ibethi" Two of this name.

Group U7ider Zhinga'gahige (c)

Ni'kie names

riha' Ci, feet; ha, skin. Soles. (In Wa^a'be, Ponca.)

Te'vehi"<,-abe Te^e, belly; hi.r', hair; fohc, black. (In iras/io'if, Ponca. )

Tenu'gano"ba TV, buffalo; nuga, bull; nonba, two. Two of this name. (In

Thi'xida, Ponca.)
Thae'githabi Thae, from thaethe, liked or beloved; gi, passive; h!, who is.

Refers to a calf that is caressed by its mother. (In Po'n'caxti,

Ponca.)

Female names

He'wegaga lie, horn' ue, with; gaqa, cut.

Mi'giu"the Mi, moon; giuri, to fly; the, to go.

Po"'ca(,'o" Pale or white Ponca. Three of this name.

To"'i"gthihe Meaning uncertain.

Umo^'agthi" Meaning uncertain.

182

THE ( I.MAI f A TlilHK

1 BTII. A.NiN. 1'7

A'ki(liif;;iliif;('

Nini'lialo" suhdiinaiiin (d)

Ni'kir vnmtn

-I'/'/V/if, to uulcii ()v<'i-: (in)iiiic. v\\'h4. f'hipf whn watfhi's, (In
A'i'l-d /iifsliici. I'niira. I

1 ly. *) llciUi kin\i"\c v>u'i ^i sho" goi.aln.'j.

H.>ilirkii\vi"xe^tiy.40). /Ye, horn; M/'i-UfCj'wjc, turning around. Helei-s luthelwisliatr

of the anllei-s before shedding.
Hexa'ga He. horn; .raya, rough. Refers to the rough antlers of the deer.

Two of this name. (In Wazha'zhf, Ponra.)

ri.Kiini-;K-i.A I't.j':.'

iiKl TRIBAL OKUANIZATION 183

ShaKi''iliil>;i''.hi"ga-- ■ ■ Shayc', hoofs; dubu, foiu-; zhlngu, little. (It is said that zhinga
has been recently added to distinguish this name.)

Sho"'geval)e (sh« fi^'. Sho^ge, horse; rfibe, black. (It is said that this name was
40). originally Shage(,'abe ("black hoofs ") and that it has been

changed since the introduction of horses.) (In War,a'be,
Pcmca.)

Tato"'ga Great Male Deer; old name. (In Thi'xidu, Ponca.)

\Vazhi"'kide Wazhin^ will power, anger; Tcidc, to .ihoot. Refers to a chal-
lenging male animal.

Xitha'i,ka A'irta', eagle; fi«, white. (In 77(i'.iiV/(/, I'nni-a. )

Xitha'gahige Xitha', eagle; gahige, chief. Two of this name. ( In I'on'rd.iti,

Mo^ko'"' subdivision, Ponca. )

Xitha'gaxi- A" !7/(a', eagle; jraj'e, maker. Three of this name. (In /'di'm.rti,

Mo^ko^' subdivision, Ponca. l

BiirriiiiHd nnmrx

Xithiv'giu" Xitha', eagle; gin", to fly. Flying eagle. Dakota name.

FtmiiU nanif-s

Gthedo"'wi"te.\i Olhedo", hawk; »(", feminine termination; teri, sacred. Five

of this name. (In ll'ofo'fce and in I'on'mxli, Mo^ko'^' sub-
division, Ponca.)

Mo"'vepewi" Mo'n(;epe, axe; wt'n, feminine term. Seven of this name.

Po"cai,-o" i'o", pale. Pale or white Ponca. Twelve of this name.

\Ve'to"bevi" (In I{on'g<i gens. ) Six of this name.

Fniicy iHlmtK

Wani'tawaxa Lion. (This name was given by a government otticial in

Washington City when the bearer and other Indians were on

a visit.)

L'Ticla.^siped name.'!

Gthedo"'thihi Glhedon' , hawk; ikihi, to scare by approaching, the bird.

Hexa'ga(;ka Hexaga, hexaka, Dakota for elk; gka, white.

Hezho"'kato"ga //<>, horns; zho'^ka, forked; tonga, big.

I'kuhabi I,i^', iw/ie, fear of the unknown; 6?,whois. One who is feared.

Ki'dabazhi Ki'da, to shoot; bazhi, they not. They do not .shoot him.

Mo"'i,'ebaha Mo^'e^e, metal; baha, to show.

Mo"'ge(,'ka Mo^'ge, breast; qka, white. Refers to the deer.

No"zhi"'tithe No^zhi^, to rise; tithe, suddenly.

Pa'thi^waya Meaning uncertain.

Tano"'zhi" Ta, deer; no^'^'zhin, to stand.

Wa'bagthazhi Wa'bagtha, bashful, timid; :hi. imt. from o'thizlii.

Wadu'kishke Meaning uncertain.

Wathi'hi To startle game.

Xu')jego"tha Xi('be, holy, sacred; go"lhii, want, desire.

Dnv/n naiinx

Tai;hu'gei,'ka Taqhu'ge, antelope; qka, white.

Ta'xtidathi" Ta'xti, deer; dathi", crazy.

I'-'GTHE'zHinE GkNS (9)

The name of this gens refers to the reddish excrement of the newly
born calf. The rites committetl to the keeping of the gens have been
lost. Traditions speak of these having been connected with the
procreation of the race to insure its continuance through the medium
of the sky powers.

184 THE OMAHA TRIBE [bth. ann. 27

Tlie name I°gthe'zhiclo has given rise to considerable speculation
by white observers, and stories are told to account for it," but these
stories and explanations are not corroborated by the old and trusty
men of the tribe, nor do they accord with what is known of the
functions of the gentes of the tribe and the fundamental ideas of the
tribal organization.

Tabu: The fetus of an animal must not be touched. As the buffalo
was most commonly met with, the tabu came to
be confined to the unborn young of the buffalo.

The symbolic cut of the hair consisted in shaving
the head, all except a small lock in front, one behind,
and one on each side of the head, to represent the
head and the tail of the young animal, and the
knobs where the horns would grow (fig. 41).

There were no subgentes and no subdivisions or
Fig. 41. tut of hair, groups, uor was there a representative from this

logthe'zhide gens. -iin -ifo ni- c

gens in the Councu or Seven Cmefs.
The I°gthe'zhide camped on the left of the Nini'bato " subdivision
of the Tapa'.

PEESONAL NAMES IN THE I'^'GTHE'zHIDE GENS (9)

Ni'kie names

A'hi''weti"' j4'^!>, wings; wc^!", to strike.

5i'"de<;i^'nu Ci'>de, tail; <;ii;nu, to drag.

Qi^'wano^zhi" Meaning uncertain.

^ni'titho" t'/ii, cold; <!'(/ion, to come.

Iho°'ugine Iho^', mother (spoken of); ugine, seeks for his. Refers to buf-
falo calf after the slaughter of its mother.

Kaxe'axube Kaxe'a, crow; xube, sacred. Refers to the symbolic use of the

bird.

Ko"'(;epa A''o''f<', nameof one of theOmahagentes; pa, head. Old name.

Mika'czhi^sa Mika'e, star; zhinga, little.

Sha'nugahi Meaning uncertain. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Te'monhi" TV;, buffalo; ?no'»«/ii>, walking, traveling. {l\\Pon'(axti,Monho^

subdivision, Ponca.)

Te'pezhi Te, buffalo; pezhi, from piazhi, bad.

Tezhi^'ga Te. buffalo; zhin'ga, little. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)

Ti'shimuxa Tishi, tent poles; jnujM, to spread out. (In IFasAa'fcf, Ponca.)

Uho°'gemo''thi'' Uho'''ge, at the end of a single file; mo^fAi", walking. (In

Nu'xe, Ponca.)

Uho'''geno''zhi''(pl.35) JJ/foWf/e, at theendof asinglefile; no^zAin, standing. (\n Nu'xe,
Ponca.)

Uki'pato" Rolling himself. Two of this name. (In Pon'nixti, Mo^ko"^

subdivision, Ponca.)

Wa'backaha Meaning uncertain. Two of this name.

a As in Long, Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, i, 327, Fhiladelphia, 1823.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35

UHO''GENOZHI-

FLBTCHER-i,A flesche] TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 185

VVa'iiio''zhi° IFa'i, over them; nonj/ii", standing. Probably refers to the last

halt of the hunters as they ceremonially approach the herd of
buffalo. Two of this name. (In IFasAa'fte, Ponca.)

Wako'^'ha Meaning uncertain. Two of this name.

Wano"'pazhi Wano^'pa, fear; zhi, from o'^kazhi, not. Having no fear. Two

of this name. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Wati'thakuge Meaning uncertain.

VVazhi'^gthedo". . . . Wazhin' , will power; gthedon, hawk. Sometimes translated as
Angry Hawk.

Dream names

Mo''a'zhi''ga .J/b^a', bank; 2/iing'a, little. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Mo"'(;edo" jl/o«fe, metal; rfo^, to possess. Two of this name. {InWasha'be,

Ponca.)

Mo'''sho''9ka Mon'shon, feather; gka, white. (In Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Noi^katu No^ka, back ; tu, blue. Refers to the sparrow hawk. (In Ni'-
kapashna, Ponca.)
Waa"' K'aa™', to sing. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Female names

Gi'do^abe Meaning uncertain.

Mi'gthedo°wi" Mi, moon; glhcdo", hawk; in«, feminine. Six of this name.

Mi'gthito''i'' i/j, moon; 9MJ, to return; (onr", new. Return of the new moon,

or the moon returns new.

Mi'hewi" Mi, moon; hewi^, the new moon liea horizontal, like a canoe.

Mi'hezhi"ga Little moon. Two of this name.

Mo'''shihathi° Moving on high. Refers to the eagle.

No^'gtheve No"-, action by the foot; gthege, impressions on the ground in

lines. Refers to the tracks of buffalo calves. Two of this

name.
Te^'o'^wi" Te, buffalo; 50"', pale or white; toin, feminine. Refers to the

Sacred WTaite Buffalo Hide.
Ugi^nemo^thi" Ugi'ne, seeks for his; mo'>thi"-, walking. Wanders seeking for

his mother. The feminine counterpart of Iho^ugine.

INsHTA'tu^DA Gens (10)

The name of this gens is an ancient term that may be translated
as follows: i^shta' , "eyes;" (-u^da, "flashing." The word refers to
the lightning, and the rites committed to this gens were connected
with the thunder and lightning as manifestations of the sky forces
which represented the power of Wako^'da in controlling man's
life and death. The name of this gens was applied to one-half of the
hu'thuga — the half that represented the Sky people who, in union
with the Earth people, gave birth to the human race. (See p. 135.)

At present there are in this gens but one subgens and the Nini'bato"
subdivision. Formerly there was another subgens, but the cere-
monies of which it had charge have long since been lost and the
subgens disintegrated. An example of how such disintegration can
come about may be seen to-day in the Nini'bato" subdivision. During
the last century the Nini'bato" became reduced to one family; of this

186 THK OMAHA TRIBE [eth. a.nn. 27

I'amily there is at the present time but one survivor, wlio has an only
son; if this son should be childless, on his death the subdivision would
be extinct. In the past when a subgens lost its distinctive rites and
became depleted through death the survivors seem to have joined the
nearest related group within the gens. That such a change has taken
place in the I"shta'9u"da gens is evidenced by the names. Formerly
there seems to have been a clear line of demarcation between the
subgentes as well as the gentes of the tribe, and each had its set of
names that referred directly to the rites belonging to the gens or
subgens. Laxity in the use of subgentes' names, owing probably to
disintegration, had already set in by 1883, when the names as here
given were collected, although each gens still clung with tenacity to
its distinctive ni'lcie names.

Of the two subgentes formerly existing in the I''shta'(;'ii°da gens
one referred to the earth and the other to the sky. At first glance
these two rites appear unrelated, but in fact they were allied and
formed an epitome of the basal idea expressed in the tribal organiza-
tion. The rites wliich pertained to the earth subgens as well as its
name have been lost, and the people who composetl this subgens have
mingled with the siu-viving subgens. From the meaning of the name
of the latter antl the significance of its rites it is possible to identify
not only those names which originally belonged to it but also those
names whicli were formerly associated with the rites of the lost earth
subgens. In this connection it is interesting to note that the present
tabu of the entire gens (worms, insects, etc.) relates to the lost rites of
the lost subgens rather than to the rites of the sur\'iving subgens, a
fact that throws light on the relation which existed between the rites
of the two subgentes. The subgens which survives and the rites which
it controls pertain to the sky, to the power which descends to fructify
the earth. This power is typifietl by the rain which falls from the
storm clouds, with their thunder and lightning, and causes the earth
to bring forth. The response of the earth is typified by the abound-
ing life as seen in the worms, insects, and small burrowing creatures
liAang in the earth. These were the sign, or symbol, of the result of
the fructifying power from above. Tradition says that one of the
symbols used in the rites of the lost subgens was a mole, paintetl red
(the life color) .

The surviving subgens is called Washe'to". The prefix wa denotes
action with a purpose; sAf is from shie, a generic term for diildren (as,
shie' athi^hithe, "to beget children," and shie' githe, "to adopt chil-
dren") ; to" means "to possess" or "become possessed of." The word
washe'to" therefore means "the act of possessing chiklren." Through
the rites pertaining to this subgens the child's life was consecrated to
the life-giving power symbolized by the thunder and lightning, and

VLETCHKR-[.A fi.esche] TRIBAL ORGANIZATinN 187

passed out of the simple relation it bore to its parents and was reborn,
so to speak, as a member of the tribe. A detailed account of this cere-
mom' in connection with the consecration of the child and its entrance
into the tribe has been given (p. 117).

On the fourth day after the birth of a child a baby name was given
to it, and if it was a bo}^, a belt ornamented with the claws of the
wild-cat was put about its body. The significance and use of the skin
of the wUd-cat and the skin of the fawn in reference to the stars and
the newly born were mentionetl in connection with the lost stellar
rites of the Tapa' gens which referred to the sky, the masculine
(father) element. If the child was a girl, a girdle of mussel shells
strung on a string was put around her. Here, again, is to be noted
the connection of the shell with water and of water as the medium
for transmitting power from the Above to the mother earth. The
placing of these s3'mbolic emblems on the infant constituted a prayer
for the preservation of the tribe and for the continuation of life
through children.

There is a curious tradition concerning the formation of the Xini'-
bato" subdivision in this gens. At the time of the organization of
tlie tribe in its present form, when this group of families was selected
and the pipe was offered them, they refused, their chief saying: "I
am not worthy to keep this pipe that represents all that is good. I
am a wanderer, a bloody man. I might stain this sacred article with
blood. Take it back.'' Three times was the pipe offered and rejected;
the fourth time the pipe was left with them and the old men who
brought it turned away; but the families returned the pipe, accom-
panied with many gifts, because they feared to accept the responsi-
bility put upon them by the reception of the pipe. But again they
were remonstrated with, and finally the pipe and the duties connected
with it were fully accepted. These duties consisted in not only fur-
nishing a member of the Council of Seven Chiefs, which governed the
tribe, but in the preservation and recital of a ritual to be used when
the two Sacred Pipes belonging to the tribe were filled for ceremonial
purposes, as at the inauguration of chiefs or some other equally impor-
tant tribal event. The recitation of this ritual was essential when
the tobacco was placed in the pipes to make them ready for smoking.
This ritual is now irrevocably lost. Its last keeper was Mo°'hi°9i.
He died about 1850 without imparting the knowledge of the ritual
to anyone."

a It is said that lie withheld it from his son because of the latter's nervous, energetic temperament.
He thought that, with added years, the youn{.' man would be able to become the quiet, sedate person
to whom so important an office might be safely trusted: but death overtook the old man before he was
satisfied that he ought to put his sacred charge into the keeping of his son. Since his death the Sacred
Tribal Pipes have never been ceremonially filled. The son developed into a fine, trustworthy man,
with a remarkably well-poised mind but with a great fiuid of hiunor.

188 TlIK (IMAIIA THlliK. Iktii. axx. 27

It hiis been inii)ossihle to leiiin the exact nature of this ritual, hut
from the Httle information that could be gleaned it would seem to
have been a histor\' of the development of the Sacred Pipes and
their ceremonies. The old chiefs who had heard it rpin;arded it as
too sacred to talk about.

■ The Nini'bato" subdivision bids fair soon to follow the lost ritual,
as only one person survives.

When the growing corn was infested by grassho]ipers or other
destructive insects the owner of the troubled field applied to the
I"shta'fu"da gens for help. A feast was made, to which those were
invited who had the hereditary right to make the ceremonial appeal
for the preservation of the crop. A young man was dispatched to
the threatened field of corn with instructions to catch one of the
grasshoppers or beetles. On his return he handed the captured
insect to the leader, who removed one of its wings and broke off a bit
from the tip, which he dropped into the vessel containing the food
about to be eaten.

The whole ceremony was a dramatic form of prayer. The feast
symbobzed the appeal for a plentiful supply of food; breaking the
wing and putting a piece of its tip into the pot
of footl set forth the wish that the destructive
creatures might lose their power to be active and
thus to destroy the corn. This latter act exem-
])lified the belief in the living connection of a
l)art with its whole ; consequently, the bit of wing
was thouglit to have a vital relation to all the
insects that were feeding on the maize, and its
Fig. 42. Cut of hair, severance and destruction to have a like effect on

I"sh.aVu">la gens. .^jj j^^ j.j,,^|

This ceremony, which is probably the survival of a rite pertaining
to the lost subgens, has been inaccurately reported and misunder-
stood. Only a l)it of the wing was cast into the food for the cere-
monial feast. No other creature, nor any other part of the insect,
was used.

In the hn'tliuf/d, the place of the lost gens (a) was left of the
I"gthe'zhide; next came the Nini'bato" sub(hvisi(m (b); then the
Washe'to° (c) ; this last-named subgens formed the eastern end of
the line of the I"shta'(;>u°da division of the tribe.

Tabu: The entire gens was forbidilen to touch all manner of
creeping insects, bugs, worms,'* and similar creatures.

The symbolic cut of the hair consistetl in removing all hair from the
crown, leaving a number of little locks arounil the base of the skull
(fig. 42), saitl to represent the many legs of insects.

a Lightning is said to feed on the giun weed, monfro'i to«ga ("big raocasin"). and to leave a worm at
the root.

FLETCnEll-Li FLESCHE]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

189

PERSONAL NAMES IN THF. I^'sHTA'f U^DA GENS

Nini'bato^ subdivision (6)

!^'kie names

Gahi'petho''ba Gahi, from gahige, chief; pe'lho'nba, seven. Refers to the

?even orii?;inal chiefs when the Omaha reorganized.

Fig. 43. Teu'konha.

Ho^'gashenu Ilo^'gn, leader; shenu, young man (full brother of Kawa'ha ;

now live-s with the Pawnee tribe). (In Wazha'zhe,

Ponca.)

Kawa'ha Meaning uncertain.

Mo'''hi°(;i Mo'"hi'>, stone knife; gi, yellow.

Uliira De.-serted, as a dwelling.

1<)0 THK OMAHA TRIBE Ibih.ann. 27

liriaiii nfimts

M()"(hu'waxe Mo'icliu', jirizzly bear; waxe, maker.

Teii'kp"ha (tifi. -l:^) Te, l)uftalo; u'ko"ha, alone; refers to the male ImlH'alo in the

wiiilcr season, when its habit was to remain alone.

Harrowed names

Ushka'<lewako" Dakola name.

Densit^e na mes

Wazhe'thi"ge Wazhe', f^mtitude; /hinge, none. (In Wdzhii'zlu. Pnnca.)

Female name,':

Mi'gthito°i" Return of (he new moon.

Mi'mo°shihathi" Moon moving above.

Mi'mo'Mhi" Mi, moon; inn'ilhin, walking, traveling; refers to the mov-
ing of (he moon across the heavens. Two of this name.

Mi'texi(,'i J/i, moon; /f.ri', sacred; fi', yellow. Three of this name.

Mo°'shadithi" One moving on high.

To"'i"gi jTo'H'n, new; gi, coming. Refers to moon. Two of this

name.

\\'e'to"na Meaning uncertain. Two of this name. (In Thl'riih,

Ponca. I

Washe'ti>n (owners of the chilriren) siihgens (c)
Ni'kie nauifs

A'thiude l>eft alone, abandoned.

Athu'hage '. The last, in a file of men or animals. (In Wnzhet'zhe,

Ponca.)
Chu''gthi'shkamo"thi" Chun, meaning uncertain, perhaps wood; iraglhi'shlii. bug;

monthin, walking. Two of this name.

Edi'to" Edi, there; to", stands.

Ga'gigthethi" Ga, at a distance; gigthe, passing toward home; Ihi". \m<\-

ing. Refers to thunder. Two of thi.-^ name.

Gahi'l^shage Gahi, chief; inghage, old.

Ha'shimo"thi" Walking last in a file. Two of this name, iln Thi'xietet,

Ponca.)

Heba"a He, horn; ho'«, worn down.

Heba'eabazhi lie, horn; huqnhe, splinter; zhi, <i"hizhi. not Refers (u a

horn nol yet jagged from age.
Heco^'nida //', horn; <;o". white or pale; niilii. a niylhical animal.

(See note on nield. p. 194.)
He'.shathage Jle, horn; shalhage, branching. Refers lo (he elk. (In

Thi'.rida, Ponca.)
Ho'''do"mo"thi" //o", nigh(; r/o", when or at; iiui"lhi". walking. Refei-s to

thunder.
Hu'lo"to" 1/u'to". noise; to", stands. Roars as he siands ( referring

lo thunder). Two of this name.
I'baho"bi /'6a/(o'', lo know; it, he is. He is known. Refer.- in a

chief's son. (In Ni'kujMshnei, Ponca.)

I'gado"ne Same as preceding.

rgado"lha Probably refers to clouds driven by ihe wind.

I"ke'to"ga I"ke', shoulder; tong'n, big. Two of this name. (In

Po'^'caxti, Mo"kon' subdi\-ision, Ponca.)
I".sha'gemo''thi" Inaha'ge, old man; monthi", walking. Refers to thunder.

(In A'l/'iy gens. Ponca.)

Fi.ETrHER-i.A Ki.EsrHEl TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 191

r'.ihta'xi lishla' , eye; .r/, yellowish. Refers to liKhtniiiK. "the yel-
low eye of the thunder."

Ka'etha Kethu, clear sky, after a storui .

Ki'mo"ho" Against or facing the wind. Two of this name, (In

Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Ku'zhiwate Ku'zhi, afar; -uale, a valorous deed. Victory widespread.

Ma'fikide Ma\i, cedar; hide, to shoot. Refers to the myth of the

thunder striking the cedar tree. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Mo"a'gata Mo", arrow; a' gala, to aim.

Mo"'hi"dulia Mo^'hi", stone knife; duhu, four. One of the names of the

keeper of the ritual used in cutting the hair and conse-
crating the child to the thunder. The bearer of this
name died in 1884.

Mo"shi'ahamo"lhi" Mo^shi'uha, above; moMhi", moving. (In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Mo"xpi' Clouds. Two of this name.

Mo"xpi'nio"thi" Mo^xpi' , clouds; moHhi", walking. Thi.s name appears

in the treaties of 1826 and 1836, signed by Omaha chiefs.

Paga'sho" I'a, head; ga'sho^, to nod. Refers to bugs nodding the

head a,s they walk.

She(la'in()"lhi" Shcda. meaning uncertain; tito'Uhin, walking. Appears in

treaty of 1826.

Shugi'shugi Meaning uncertain.

Te'bi'a Frog.

Thigthi'vemo"thi" Thigthi^e, zigzag lightning; in(>"thi'i. walking. (In

Washa'be, Ponca.)

Thio"'bagigthe Thio"'ba, general term for lightning; gigfhc, goingby, on the

way home. (In Washn'bf, Ili'^ada subdivision, Ponca.)

Thio"'bagina Thio't'ba, lightning; giiia, coming. Two of this name.

Thio"'haliglhe Thion'ba, lightning; tiqthe, sudden. (In Washa'be, Hi'(;ada

subdivision, Ponca.)

Ti'gaxa Ti, tent or ^'illage; gaxa, to approach by stealth. Refers to

the thunder under the gui.se of a warrior approaching the
village by stealth.

Ti'ulhio"l)a Ti, tent; u, in; thio^ba, lightning. Lightning flashes into

the lodge. {\nWa(;a'be, //f'^arfo subdivision. Ponca.)

U'bani" U, in; ba, to push; nin, digging. Digging in the earth.

Said to refer to a small reptile that disappears in the
earth when the thunder comes. Two of this name; one
in I'nshta'(^uiida:cli subdivision.

Uvu'gaxe f'f"', path; gate, to make. Refers to one who leads.

(The name of a subdivi.sion of Wazha' zhe(;ka gens, Osage.
Occurs in Wazha'zhe gens, Ponca.) Appears in Omaha
treaty of 1815. Two of this name.

Uha'mo"thi" Uha', In a hollow; moithi", walking. Refers to the thun-
der storms following the valleys and river courses.

Ushu'dem<i"thi" U, in; shu'de, mist; monthi'", walking.

Wagi'asha Meaning lost. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Waha'xi Wnha, skin; xi, yellowish. (In Washa'be, Ponca.) Two

of this name.

\Va'huto"to" Wa, prefix denoting action wdth a purpose; huto", noise;

ton, stands. (See Hu'tonion.)

\Vano"'kuge (lig. 44) Wa, purpo.se in action; «o", action with the feet; huge,

sound of a drum. Refers to the resounding footsteps of
the thunder. Ajipears in the Omaha treaties of 1854
and 1865.

192

TUK OMAHA TKIBE

lETH. A.N.N. i;7

Washa'ge Claw. Refers to the wild-cat claw, an hereditary jiopses-

sioii, and used in ceremonies conducted by this t;ens.

Washe'to"zhi"i;a Washe'to'^, the name of this subdi%-ision; zlti'igo, little.

Washe'zhi"ga Washe', an abbreviation of vasltc'to^; zhi^ga, little.

Washko"'hi Washko", strength. Refers to the power of thunder. (In

Wnzhn'z!ii', Ponca..l

[''ui. 44. \Vano"'kuKi>.

Wazhi"'tka tVa2/a»', will, niitid; riy/, white. Wisdom. (In Thi'xida,

Ponca.)

Wazhi"'o"ba Wazhi'^', will power, energy; onha, day. Sometimes trans-
lated as '•angry or turbulent day," a day of storms of
thunder and lightning.

FLETCHER-LA PLESCHEl TRIBAL ORGANIZATION 193

We'g'a Snake. (In Wazha'zhe, Tonc&.)

We'g'a.ho"ga We'(;'a, snake; honga, leader. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

We'5'azhi"ga TT'c'f'n, snake; zhi^ga, little. Two of this name. (In

Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)
Wi'ukipae Meaning uncertain

Vnlor names

KuVthe Rushing forward suddenly. This name was bestowed

on the man because he rushed suddenly on a large
party of Sioux, armed only with a hatchet.

Waba'afe Wa, iraa^', a valorous deed ; a successful war party is also

called waa'"-'; baage, to put to flight, to scare. This name
was won by a man who, although partially paralyzed,
killed his adversary in single combat during a fight with
the Dakota. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Wai'^washi Wai", to carry; washi, to ask another to do something for

one.

Wano'^8hezhi''ga Wanon'she, soldier; zhi^ga, little. (In Wazha'zhe, Ponca.)

Two of this name — one in Nini'baton subdivision.

Dnaw names

0'^po"wahi 0^'pon, elk ; icahi, bone.

Sho'^'geo"ta Shoiige, horse; w"?a, from ^i'"^agi, swift.

Wa'shi°nixa The layers of fat about the stomach of an animal — the

buffalo.

Navies taken from incidents or historic experiences

Qithe'dezhi°ga Qithe'de, heel; zhi^ga, little. (In WaQa'be, Ponca.)

Nibtha'cka Ni, water; btha(;ka, flat. The name by which the Omaha

call the Platte river. Nebraska is a corruption of Nibtha-
' gka.

Tahe'gaxe Ta, deer; he, horn; gaxe, branch.

To^'wo^pezhe ro"'»on, village; pezhe,bad. Said to be a nickname given

to a man who had poisoned several persons. It is said

also that the name refers to the Thunder village, whence

the Thunder issues to kill men.
U'ho"zhi°ga U'ho", cook; zhi'nga, little. Two of this name — one in

Nini'bato"' subdi^•ision. Appears in Omaha treaty of

182G. (In Washa'be, Ponca.)
Une'cezhi''ga Vne't;e, fireplace; zhinga, little.

Names borrowed from cognate tribes, modified or unmodified

NCxe'wanida Dakota name.

Thio^'ba^ka Thio^'ba, lightning; fka, white. This is said to be taken

from the Dakota name WaMya'''ska, meaning White

Thunder.

Waxtha'thuto" Oto name.

83993°— 27 eth— 11 13

194 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann.27

Female nftmes

(pigi'kawato Qigi'ka, turkey; wate, victory.

Hii'lo"wi" Hu'to", noise; m™, feminine termination. Refers to

thunder.

I°.-'lita'?o"wi° Tnshla',eye\ fo", white or pale; m»», feminine termination.

Two of this name.

Mi'aaheto" Mi, moon; asheto", the end. The waning moon.

Mi'sthito''i'' Mi, moon; gthi, to return; to»H'«, new. The return of the

new moon. Four of this name — one in Nini'bato'"- sub-
division. (In Washa'be und Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Mj'huga Mi, moon; Awfa, loud voice.

Mi'mCt^hihathi" Mi, moon; mo^shiha, above; thi"", moving. Five of this

name — one in Nini'balon subdivision.

Mi'o''bathi° Mi, moon; onba, day; Ihi", moving. Three of this name.

(In Thi'xida, Ponca.)

Mo"'shadithi"' One moving on high. Refers to thunder. Six of this

name — one in iVini'feato" subdivision. (In Washa'be and
Ni'kapashna, Ponca.)

Ni'dawi" Ni'da, a mythical being; «■)«, feminine. Six of this

name.a

Ni'kano''zhiha Ni'ha, person; no'^zhiha, human hair. Three of thi.'* name-

No"'xti5ewi" Meaning uncertain.

O^'bathagthi" On'ba. day; thagfhi^, fine. Two of this name.

To"'i'»gina To^'i'^, new; gi, coming; rut, who does. Refers to the

moon symbolically. Three of this name. (In Ni'ka-.
pashna, Ponca.)

Tc'l^gthihe To^'in, new; gthihe, to return suddenly. The sudden ap-
parition of the new moon. Three of this name.

To°'i°thi° To^'i", new; thi", moving. Refers to the new moon

moving in the heavens. Three of this name.

After the preceding detailed account of the Omaha gentes it may
be of service to tlie reader to recapitulate briefly the salient features
of the tribal organization.

Five gentes composed the southern half of the hu'ihnga or tribal
circle. These had charge of the physical welfare of the people. The
We'zhi''shte gens had charge of the Sacred Tent of Wtir and its
duties, and also of rites connected with the first thunder of the sjjring.
These rites, which wore fragmentary, probably once formed part of
ancient ceremonies connected with surviving articles no longer cere-
monially used — the Sacred Shell and the Cedar Pole. The elk was
tabu to the We'zhi"shte gens, antl it is to be noted that elk rites
were associated with war in the Osage tribe. (See Ceremony of
Adoption, p. 61.) The other four gentes were charged with duties
and rites connected with the food supply and were under the direc-
tion of the Ho"'ga gens. This gens was leader, as its name implies,
and had the care of the two Sacred Tents; one contained the White

"The Nida was a mythical creature, in one conception a sort of elf that crept in and out of the earth.

The word was apjilied also to the bones of large e.xtinct animals, as the niaytotlon. When the elephant
was llrst seen it was called Nida, and that name is still applied to it by the Omaha, I'onca, and Osage.

FLETriiKR-i,A I'LESCHE] TEIBAL ORGANIZATION 195

Buffalo Hkle. Its keeper conducted the rites attending the planting
of maize and the hunting of the buffalo. The other tent held the
Sacred Pole. Its keepers were the custodians of the rites concerned
with the maintaining of the authority of the chiefs in the govern-
ment of the tribe. Protection from without, the preservation of
peace witiiin the tribe, the obtaining of food and clothing, devolved
upon the rites in charge of the gentes composing the Ho°'gashenu
half of the hu'thuga.

The five gentes on the north half of the tribal circle were custodians
of rites that related to the creation, the stars, the manifestation of
the cosmic forces that pertain to life. Nearly all of these rites have
become obsolete, except those of the last-named class, in charge of
the I°shta'Qu"da gens. These constituted the ritual by which the
child was introduced to the Cosmos (see p. 115), the ceremony through
which the child was inducted into its place and duty in the tribe
(see p. 117), and the ritual required when the two Sacred Tribal
Pipes were filled for use on solemn tribal occasions.

In view of what has been discemetl of the practical character of
the Omaha, it is interesting to note that only those rites directly
concerned with the maintenance of the tribal organization and gov-
ernment were kept active and vital, while other rites, kindred but
not so closely connected with the tribal organization, \\ere suffered
to fall into neglect.

The Omaha Gens not a Political Organization

From the foregoing account of the gentes of the tribe, it is apparent
that the Omaha gens was not a pohtical organization. It differed
from the Latin gens in that the people composing it did not claim to
be descended from a common ancestor from whom the group took
its name and crest. There was, however, one point of resemblance,
and because of this one point of resemblance the name gens is applied
to the Omaha group; namely, the practice of a common rite the
title to share in which descended solely through the father. Beyond
this one point all resemblance ends. The rights and duties of the
Omaha father in no way corresponded to those devolving on the
head of a Roman family. Nor was the Omaha group a clan, for the
bond between the people was not because of a common ancestor
whose name and crest were the clan designation and from whom were
descended the hereditary rulers of the clan. The Omaha gens was a
group of exogamous kindred who jiractised a particular rite, the
child's birthright to which descended solely through the father; and
the symbol characteristic of that rite became the symbol, crest, or
"totem," of the gens. There was no pohtical or governing chief of
an Omaha gens or subgens, but there were persons to whom belonged

196 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. Ann. 27

tlic licreditary right to be keepers, or 'priests," in the ceremonies
that were in charge of the gens. The Omaha gens, the two grand
divi-sions composing the tribe, and the tribe as a whole, were eacli and
all expressive and representative of certain fundamental religious ideas
and behefs that were dramatized in rites.

Later, when the tribe was reorganized into its present form, the
political government of the people was vested in certain chiefs, but
these did not derive their position from their gentes as representatives
of political organizations.

INTERRELATION OF THE TWO GRAND DIVISIONS

• Looking at the hu'fhuga, we observe that the rites and duties
belonging to the gentes composing the Ho°'gashenu division bear out
their designation as "the Earth people." All the rites and all the
duties intrusted to these gentes have a direct relation to the physical
welfare of the people. The ceremonies connected with the warrior
as the protector of the life and property of the tribe were in charge
of the We'zhi"shte gens, whose place was at the eastern end of this
division and at the southern side of the opening, or "door," of the
Jiu'tlmga, viewed as when oriented. The rites pertaining to the
people's food supply — the hunting of the buffalo, the planting of the
maize, the protection of the growing crops from the depredations of
birds, and the fostering help of wind and rain — were in charge of the
other four gentes of tliis division, each gens having its special share in
these ceremonies. Besides these rites which bore directly upon the
food supply, there were other duties which were concerned with the
governing power and the maintenance of peace within the tribe.
When the governing power was vested in a Council of Seven Chiefs,
the right to convene this council became the duty of the Ho'"ga
gens, and the custody of the two Sacred Tribal Pipes was given to the
Pke'^abe gens. The presence and use of these pipes were essential
to any authoritative proceeding but the' preparation of the pipes
for use could not be undertaken by any member of the IIo"'gashenu
division. This preparation belonged solely to the I"shta'9U°da gens.
Therefore the pipes when in use became tribal, and represented both
of the di^^sions of the tribe.

The I"shta'vu°da division, spoken of as "the Sky people," had
charge of those rites by which supernatural aid was sought and
secured. The rites committed to the gentes composing this tlivision
were all connected with the creation and the maintenance on tlie
earth of all living forms. To the I"shta'9U°da gens belonged the
rites which enforced the belief that the life and tiie death of each
person was in the keeping of a supernatural power — a power that
could punish an offender and that alone could give authority to the

FLETCHf;R-LA FLESrUE]

TRIBAL ORGANIZATION

197

I I
00/iL

words and acts of the council of chiefs. Although the rites and duties
of the I°shta'?u°da division pertained distinctively to the super-
natural, to the creative and directive forces as related to man's social
and individual life, j-et they were necessary and essential to the rites
and duties of the Ho°'gashenu division, in whose charge was the
physical well-being of the people. The former gave a supernatural
sanction and authority to the latter, and made them effective not
only over the animals and the fruits of the earth, but exercised an
equally potent control over the governing power and the life of every
member of the tribe. Thus the belief that by union of the Sky people
and the Earth people the human race and all other li%nng forms
were created and perpetuated was not only sym-
bolized in the organization of the tribe, but this
belief was kept vital and continually present to the
minds of the people by the rites, the grouping and
interrelation of the gentes, and the share given
the two great divisions in tribal affairs and
ceremonies. No tribal ceremony, negotiation, or
consultation could take place without both divi-
sions being represented; no council could act
unless there were present one chief from the
Pshta'^u^da division and two from the Ho"'-
gashenu. In this connection, the sa^nng of an
old Omaha man may throw light on how tliis
representation from the two divisions was re-
garded by the people. He said: "The I°shta'-
(ju^da represented the great power, so that one
chief from that side was enough, while two were
necessary from the Ho^'gashenu." This native
estimate of the reason for the unequal represen-
tation of cliiefs is the reverse of what a member
of the white race would naturally conclude — that
the more important di^nsion shoidil be represented
by the two cliiefs.

In former times a ball game used to be ceremonially played between
the young men of the two divisions. At such times it was the duty
of a member of the Tade'ata, or Wind, subgens of the Ko°'9e gens, to
start the ball. A circle with two lines crossing each other at right
angles was drawn on the cleared ground, and the ball placed in the
center (fig. 45). The ball was first rolled toward the north along the
line drawn to the edge of the circle, and then back on the same line to
the center. It was then rolled on the line toward the east to the
edge of the circle and back to the center. Next it was rolled to the
south and returned on the same line to the center. Finally it was
rolled to the west on its line, and back to the center, and then it was

I I

GOAL

Fig. 43.

Diagram of ball
game.

198 THK OMAHA TRIBE rEin. ANN. liT

tosscd into the air and the game ])roper began. Tiie game is said to
have had a cosmic significance and the initial movements of the ball
referred to the winds, the bringers of life. It was played by the two
divisions of the Itu'tluiga as representatives of the earth and the sky.
The demarcation between the two divisions of the Jiu'thuga was
well known to the boys of the tribe, and no boy dared to go alone
across this line. When for any purpose a boy was sent on an errand
from the Ho°'gashenu side to the I"shta'9u''da side, he was obliged
to go attended by his friends from the gentes belonging to his own
side, for a fight was always the result of an attempt to cross the line.
It is an interesting fact that while the old men of the tribe generally
punished boys for fighting together, these juvenile combats over the
line were not objected to by the parents and elders. This custom
seems to have come into practice to serve a purpose similar to that
of the symbolic cutting of the hair. The cutting of the hair was
done, it was said, iii order to impress on the mind of a child, as in an
object lesson, the gentes to wliich his playmates belonged. That it
servetl its purpose has been observed by the writers. Frequenth'
when a man has been asked to what gens a certain person belonged,
he would pause and then say: "I remember, his hair used to be cut

thus and so when we were boys, so he must be ," mentioning

the gens that used this symbolic cut of the hair. The line that
marked the two divisions of the hu'thuga, although invisible, was well
known to the boys as the fighting line, where they could have a scrim-
mage without being interfered with, and each boy knew his own
half of the hu'thuga and the boundaiy, where he was at liberty to
attack and where he must stand on the defensive. This custom of
one tlivision standing by its members in a fight as against outsiders
throws a side light on the word for tribe already referred to.

TRIBAL GOVERNMENT
Development of Political Unity

From an examination by the lio;ht of tribal traditions of the rites,
duties, and interrelations of the gentes, one discerns in the tribal
organization of the Omaha and cognates, as it stood in the. early part
of the nineteenth century, the evidences of past vicissitudes, all of
wliich show that a tendency had existed toward disintegration
because of a lack of close political organization, and that various ex-
pedients for holding the people together had been tried. This weak-
ness seems to have been specially felt when the people were in the
buffalo country; wlule there groups would wander away, following
the game, and become lost. Occasionally they were discovered and
would rejoin the main body, as has been shown m the case of the
Ho^'ga utanatsi of the Osage tribe. The environment of the people
did not foster sedentary habits, such as would have tended toward a
close political union; therefore the nature of the coimtry in which
these cognates dwelt added to rather than lessened the danger of dis-
integration. This danger was further increased by the number of
religious rites among the people, each one of which was more or less
complete in itself and was in the keeping of a group of exogamous
kindred. The fact that the group was exogamous indicates that
some form of organization had long existed among the people, but the
frequent separations that took place emphasized the importance of
maintaining the unity of the tribe, and the problem of devising means
to secure this essential result was a matter of serious concern to the
thinking and constructive minds among the people. The Sacred
Legend, already quoted, says: "And the people thought. How can
we better ourselves ? "

As has been stated, the ideas fimdamental to the tribal organiza-
tion of the Omaha and their cognates related to the creation and
per])etuation of living creatures. The expression of these ideas in
the (h'amatic form of rites seems to have been early achieved and
those which syrabolicalty present the connection of cosmic forces
with the birth and well-being of mankind seem to have persisted in
whole or in part throughout the various experiences of the five cog-
nate tribes, and to have kept an important place m tribal life. These
rites constitute what may be regarded as the lower stratum of reli-
gious ceremonies — for examjde, in the recognition of the vital relation
of the Wind, as shown in the ceremony of Turning the Child, per-

199

200 THE OMAHA TRIBE [bth. ann. 27

formed when it entered on its tiil)!il life (see ]). 117): in tlie names
bestoweil on females, wiiieli generally refer to natural phenomena or
objects rather than to religions observances; in the ceremonies con-
nected with Thunder as the god of war and arbiter of the life and
death of man. There are indications that other rites relating to
cosmic forces have been lost in tiie passage of years. Among the
Omaha certam articles still survive rites long since disused, as the
Cedar Pole and the Sacred Shell, both of which were preserved until
recently in the Sacred Tent of War in charge of the We'zlii°shte gens.
It is probable that the rites connected with the Sacred Shell were the
older and that they once held an important place and exercised a
widespread influence in the tribe, as indicated by the reverence and
fear with which this object was regarded by the people of every
Omaha gens. Other Omaha rites, as has been shown, have ceased
to be observed — those connected with the thunder (p. 142), the stars
(p. 177), and the winds (p. 169). The disappearance of former rites
may indicate physiographic changes experienced by the people, which
affected their food supply, avocations, and other phases of life,
thereby causing certain rites to be superseded bj' others more in
harmony with a changed environment. Thus life in the buiTalo
country naturally resulted in rites which pertained to hunting the
buffalo finally taking precedence over those which pertained to the
cultivation of the maize (see pp. 147, 155).

There are indications that luider these and other disturbing and
disintegrating influences certain ceremonies were instituted to coun-
teract these tendencies by fostering tribal consciousness in order to
help to bind the people together. The Hede'wachi ceremony is of
this character and seems to date far back in the history of the Omalia
tribe. It is impossible to trace as in a sequence the growth of the
idea of the desirability' of })olitical unity, for there were many influ-
ences, religious and secular, at work to bring about modifications of
customs and actual changes in government. The efforts to regulate
warfare and to place it imder greater control and at the same time
to enhance the honor with which the warrior was to be regarded seem
to have been among the first steps taken toward developing a defi-
nite governing power within the tribe. The act of placing the rites
pertaining to war in charge of one gens was probably the result of
combined influences. When this modification of earlier forms was
accomplished a new name seems to have been given to the gens
holding this office, and thus the ])resent term We'zhi"shte (see ]). 142)
came into use. The former name of this kmship group is not known,
but judging from analogy it ])robably had reference to one or the
other of the lost ceremonies connected with the sacred articles left
in its care. Wliile the segregation of the war ])ower may have tended

FLETCHEB-LA FLESCHE] TEIBALl GOVERNMENT 201

to stay some of the disintegrating tendencies it did not have the
positive unifying force that was desired. If other devices were tried
to bring about tliis result nothing is known of them.

Tlie Sacred Legend and other accounts tell the story of the waj^ in
which a central governing body was fuially formed ami all agree that it
was devised for the purpose of "holdmg the people together." One
version speaks of seven old men who, wliile visitors to the tribe, inaugu-
rated the governing council. The Sacred Legend declares that the
council was the outcome of ' ' thought ' ' and ' ' consultation among the
wise old men," their purpose taking form in the plan to establish a
Nini'bato° " subdivision in some of the gentes, each subdivision to
fiu-nish one member to the council, wliich was to be the governing
authority, exercising control over the people, maintaining peace in
the tribe, but having no relation to offensive warfare. According
to the Legend account of the formation of the Nini'bato", "two okl
men," one from the Ho°'ga gens and the otherfrom the I°ke'(;'abe gens,
were commissioned to carry out the plan of the "wise old men." The
term ' ' old ' ' is one of respect and indicates that these men had gained
wisdom from experience, and that their plan was the result of knowl-
edge and thought concerning actual conditions in the past and in the
present, rather than one based on speculative notions. The "two
old men" were entrusted with the two Sacred Tribal Pipes; as they
passed around the hu'ihuga they would stop at a certain gens, desig-
nating a family wliich was to become a Nini'bato" and making this
choice official by the presentation of a pipe. For some unknown
reason intliis circuit of the tribe the "old men" passed by the I°gthe'-
zhide gens and did not give them a pipe. Nor was a pipe given to the
We'zhi°slite gens or to the Ho"'ga gens. It was explained concerrmag
these latter omissions that the We'zlii"shte had already been given
the control of the war rites of the tribe, while the duties of the council
formed from the Nini'bato" subdivisions were to be solely in the
interests of peace, and to the Ho"'ga gens was to belong the duty of
calling together this governing council.

The two Sacred Pipes carried by the "two old men" were their
credentials. The authority of these two pipes must have been of
long standing and undisputed by the people in order to have made
it possible for their bearers to inaugurate such an innovation as setting
apart a certain family within a gens and giving to it a new class of
duties — duties that were to be civil and not connected with the
established rights of the gentes. These new duties did not conflict,

a The word nini'bafon means 'Ho possess a pipe." The origin of the significant use of the pipe lies
m a remote past. Among the Omaha and cognate tribes tlie pipe was regarded as a medium by
which the breath of man ascended to Wako"'da through the fragrant smolce and conveyed the prayer or
aspiration of the person smoking; the act also partook of the nature of an oath, an affirmation to attest
sincerity and responsibility. The pipe was a credential known and respected by all.

202 THE OMAHA TRTBE • fKrii. ann. 27

however, with any of such rites, nor did they deprive tlie Nini'bato"
famihos from participating in them. A new class of obhgations to
Wako°'da and to all persons composing the tribe were laitl upon the
Nini'bato" and tlie new council.

CHIEFTAINSHIP

The earhest tradition among the Omaha as to the establishment of
cliiefs is contained in the story already recounted concerning the
formation of the Nini'bato" and governing council, which was to be
composed of hereditary cliiefs. How long the hereditary character
was maintained and what had pre\'iously constituted leadership in
the tribe are not known, nor is there any knowledge as to how the
change from hereditary to competitive membersliip in the council
came about. It may be that the change was the result of increasing
recogmtion of the importance of strengthening the power of the
governing council b}' making it both the source and the goal of
tribal honors, thus enhancing its authority and at the same time
emi)hasizing the desirabihty of tribal unity. All that the writers
have been able to ascertain concerning the change in the composi-
tion of the council from hereditary to competitive membership has
been that it took place several generations ago, how many could not
be learned.

Orders or Chiefs

The period of the establishment of these orders is lost in the past,
but internal evidence seems to point to tlieir formation after the coun-
cil with its Nini'bato" membership had been fully established and
accepted by the people.

There were two orders of chiefs, the Ni'kagahi xu'de and the
Ni'kagahi sha'be. The name of the first {ni'kagaM, "chief;" xu'de,
"brown") has reference to a uniform color, as of the brown earth,
where all are practically alike, of one hue or rank. The Ni'kaga-
hi xu'de order was unlimited as to membership, but admittance into
it depended upon the consent of the Ni'kagahi sha'be {ni'Tcagalii,
"chief," sha'be, "dark"). The word sha'be does not refer to color,
but to the appearance of an object raised above the uniform level
and seen against the horizon as a ilark object. Men who hail risen
from the Ni'kagahi xu'de into the limited order of the Ni'kagahi
sha'be were regarded as elevated before tlie people.

wathi^'ethe

Entrance into tliis order was possible only when a vacancy
occurred, and then only to a member of the order of Ni'kagahi xu'de
after the performance of certain acts known as wathi'''ethe (from wa,
"thing having power;" thi",irom thi"'ge, "nothing:" the. "to nuike"
or " to cause," the word meaning something done or given for wliich

PLETCHER-LA flesohe] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 203

there is no material return but through which honor is received).
Wathi"'ethe stands for acts and gifts which do not directly add to the
comfort and wealth of the actor or donor, but which have relation
to the welfare of the tribe by promoting internal order and peace,
by providing for the cliiefs and keepers (see p. 212), by assuring
friendly relations with other tribes; they partook therefore of a
public rather than a private character, and while they opened a
man's way to tribal honors and position, they did so by serving
the welfare of all the people. Entrance into the order of Ni'kagahi
xu'de was through the performance of certain wathi^'ethe; in this
instance the gifts of the aspirant were made solelv to the Seven
Chiefs.

The election of members to the order of Ni'kagahi xu'de took
place at a meeting of the Ni'kagahi sha'be called by the leaders
of the Ho°'ga gens for this purpose. After the tribal pipes had been
smoked the name of a candidate was mentioned, and his record and
the number and value of liis gifts were canvassed. The prescribed
articles used in making these gifts were eagles, eagle war bonnets,
quivers (including bows and arrows), catlinite pipes witli orna-
mented stems, tobacco pouches, otter skins, buft'alo robes, orna-
mented shirts, and leggings. In olden times, burden-bearing dogs,
tents, and pottery were given; in recent times these have been
replaced by horses, guns, blankets, blue and red cloth, silver medals,
and copper kettles. It is noteworthy that all the raw materials used
in construction, as well as the unmanufactured articles of the earh-
native type, were such as required of the candidate prowess as a
hunter, care in accumulating, and skilled industry. A man often
had to travel far to acquire some of these articles, and be exposed
to danger from enemies in securing and bringing them home, so
that they represented, besities industry as a hunter, bravery and
skill as a warrior. Moreover, as upon the men devolved the ardu-
ous task of procuring all the meat for food and the pelts usetl to make
clothing, bedding, and tents, and as there was no common medium
of exchange for labor in the tribe, such as money affords, each house-
hold had to provide from the very foundation, so to speak, every
article it used or consumed. It will therefore be seen that persistent
work on the part of a man aspiring to enter the order of cluef was
necessary, as he must not only provitle food and clothing for the
daily use of his family, but accumulate a surplus so as to obtain
leisure for the construction of the articles to be counted as irathi"'eth€.
The men matle the bows and arrows, the war bonnets, and the pipes;
the ornamentation was the woman's task. Her deft fingers prepared
the porcupine quills after her husband or brother had caught the
wary little animals. For the slow task of dyemg the quills and
embroidering with them she needed a house well stocked with food

204 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. anx. 27

and defended from lurkuio; war parties, in order to have time and
security for her work. A hizy fellow or an impulsive, improvident
man could not acquire the ])roperty represented by these gifts. There
was no prescribed number of gifts demanded for entrance into the
Xu'de order but they had to be sufficient to warrant the chiefs in
admittmg him, for the man once in the order could, by persistent
industr}^ and care, rise so as to become a candidate for the order of
Sha'be when a vacancy occurred.

When a favorable decision as to the candidate was reached the
chiefs arose and followed the Sacred Pipes, borne reverently, with the
stems elevated, by the two leading chiefs. Thus led, the company
walked slowly about the camp to the lodge of the man who had been
elected a Xu'de and paused before the door. At this point the man
had the option to refuse or to accept the honor. If he should say: "I
do not wish to become a chief," and wave away the tribal pipes offered
him to smoke, thus refusing permission to the chiefs to enter his lodge,
they would pass on, leaving him as though he had not been elected.
When the man accepted the position he smoked the pipes as they
were offered, whereupon the chiefs entered his lodge, bearing the
pipes before them, and slowl}^ passed around his fireplace. This act
signified to all the tribe that the man was thenceforth a chief, a
member of the order of Ni'kagahi xu'de. He was now eligible to
other honors — all of which, however, depended upon further efforts
on his part. (For portrait of Omaha chiefs, see pis. 36, 37.)

Eligibility to enter the order of Ni'kagahi sha'be depended upon
the performance of certain graded watM'^'ethe. Vacancies occurred
only by death or by the resignation of very old men. A vacancy
was filled by the one in the Xu'de order who could " count " the most
wathi^'ethe given to the chiefs or who had performed the graded
acts of the watJii"'ethe. The order and value of these graded acts
were not generally known to the people, nor even to all the chiefs
of the Xu'de. Those who became possessed of this knowledge were
apt to keep it for the benefit of their aspiring kinsmen. The lack
of this knowledge, it is said, occasionallv cost a man the loss of an
advantage which he would otherwise have had.

There were seven grades of wathi^' cthe the performance of which
made a man eligible to a ])lace in the order of Ni'kagahi sha'be.
They ranked as follows:

First. Washa'be ga'xe (washa'be, "an official staff;" ga'xe, "to
make"). This grade consisted in procuring the materials necessary
to make the washa'be, an ornamented staff carried by the leader of
the annual buffalo hunt. (See p. 155.) These materials were a
di-essed buffalo skin, a cro^\-, two eagles, a shell cUsk, sinew, a pipe
with an ornamented stem, and, in oFden times, a cooking vessel of
potteiy, replaced in modern times by a copper kettle. The money

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 36

GAHI'GE, AN OLD OMAHA CHIEF

FLETCHER-LA FLESrHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 205

value of these articles, rated by ordinary trading terms, was not
less than $100 to $130. The performance of the first grade four
times would constitute the highest act possible for a man. Xo Omaha
has ever accomplished this act so many times.

Second. Bo"'wakithe ("I caused the herald to call"). The
aspirant requested the tribal herald to sunmion the Ni'kagahi slia'be
together with the keeper of the ritual used in fdling the Sacred Pipes,
from the I°shta'9U°da gens, to a feast. Besides providing for the
feast, gifts of leggings, robes, bows and arrows, and tobacco were
required as gifts for the guests. If it chanced that the aspirant for
honors was not on friendly terms with the keeper of the ritual, or if
from any other motive the keeper desired to check the man's ambi-
tion, it lay in his power to thwart it by allowing the pipes to remain
unfilled, in which case the gifts and feast went for nothing.

Third. U'gaslikegtho° ("to tether a horse"). A man would make
a feast for the Ni'kagahi sha'be and tie at the door of his tent a
horse with a new I'obe thrown over it. The horse and the robe were
gifts to his guests. A man once gained renown by "counting" seven
acts of this grade, performing four in one day.

Fourth. Gafi'ge no°shto" wakithe {gafi'ge, "marching abreast;"
no^sMo^, "to halt;" tvaJcitlie, "to make or cause"), "causing the
people to halt." This act was possible only during the annual hunt.
As the people were moving, the Sacred Pole and the governing
chiefs in advance, a man would bring a horse or a new robe and
present it to the Pole. The gift was appropriated by the Waxthe'-
xeto" subgens of the Ho^'ga, who had charge of the Pole. During
this act the entire tribe halted, while the herald proclaimed the name
of the giver. This act should be repeated four times in one day.

Fifth. Te thishke' wakithe {te, "buffalo;" thishke', "to untie;"
wakithe, "to make or cause"), "causing the Sacred White Buffalo
Hide to be opened and shown." During this ceremony of exhibiting
the White Buft'alo Hide a shell disk or some other article of value
was presented to the Hide, the gifts becoming the property of the
Waxthe'beto" subgens of the Ho"'ga, who had charge of this sacred
object. This act had to be repeated four times in one day.

Sixth. Wa't'edo°be (wa, "things having power and pui-pose;" t'e,
"dead;" do'^he, "to see"). This act consisted in taking gifts to the
family of a chief when a death occurred. The costliest donation
remembered to have been made under this class was on the occasion
of the death of the son of old Big Elk, who died of .smallpox in the
early part of the nineteenth centuiy, when a fine horse on which was
spread a bearskin was offered in honor of the dead.

Seventh. Wlien a person had been killed accidentally or in anger
the chiefs took the Sacred Tribal Pipes to the kindred of the man,
accompanied by gifts, in order to prevent any revengeful act. All

206 ' THE OMAHA TRIBE fETH. ANN. 27

those who contriljiited towaid these gifts could "count" them as
belonging to the seventh grade. If the aggrieved partj' smoked
the l^ipe and accepted the gifts, hloodslied was averted and peace
maintained in the tribe.

All of the gifts constituting these seven grades were made to the
chiefs of the governing council in recognition of their authority.
They were for a definite purpose — to enable the giver to secure
entrance into the order of Xi'kagahi sha'be whenever a vacancy
should occur in that botly.

It will be noticed that the act constituting the first grade differed
from the other six in that it was not a direct gift made to the chiefs,
but was connected with the ceremonial stafT of the leader of the
annual buffalo hunt. It was, however, a recognition of authority, an
authority which held the people in order and made it possible for
each family to secure its supply of food and clothing. It was there-
fore,'in its intrinsic character, in harmony with the purpose of the
other six graded watJii^'etlie.

lVa6a.'/iO", designated an act not belonging to the regular wathi^-
ethe, but esteemed as a generous deed that redounded to the credit
of the doer. The term means "to raise or push up," and refere to
placing a deer, bufl'alo, or elk on its breast and putting bits of tobacco
along its back, all of which signified that the hunter had dedicated
the animal as a gift to the chiefs. A chief could not receive such a
gift, however, iniless he had perfoi'med the act of waba'ho^ four
times. If he had not performed the acts and desired to receive the
gift he could call on his near of kin to help him to "count." If he
was thus able to receive the gift, it became his duty to divide the
game with those who had helped him by lending their "count." If
he was able to "count" four waha'ho^ himself, he could then keep
the entire animal for his own use.

In admitting a man to either order of chiefs his personal character
was always taken into consideration. If he was of a disputatious or
f[uarrelsome nature no amount of gifts would seciu'e his election to
the order of Xi'kagahi xu'de or make possible a place for him in the
Ni'kagahi sha'be. The maxim was: "A chief must be a man who can
govern himself."

The Council of Seven Chiefs

The origin of this governing council as given in the Sacred Legend
and elsewhere has been recounted and the change from the early
form of hereditary membership mentioned. The institution of a
small body representing the entire tribe, to have full control of the
people, to settle all contentions, and to subordinate all factions to a
central authority, was an important governmental movement. The
credential of this authority both for the act of its creation and for the
exercise of its functions was the presence and ceremonial use of the

rLETCHEK-LA FLEScHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 207

two Sacred Tribal Pipes. The two stood for the fundamental idea
in the dual organization of the hu'thuga (see p. 137). This was
recognized also in the ceremonial custody and preparation of the
Pipes. The keeping of them belonged to the I"ke'9abe gens of the
southern (earth) side of the hu'thuga; the office of ceremonially hlling
the Pipes, making them ready for use, was vested in the I°shta'9u°da
gens of the northern (upper) realm of the hu'thuga, representative of
the abode of the supernatural forces to which man must appeal for help.
Through the ceremonies and use of the two Sacred Pipes the halves
of the hu'thuga were welded, as it were, the Pipes thus becoming
representative of the tribe as a whole. The prominence given to the
Pipes, as the credential of the "old men," as their authority in the
creation of chiefs and the governing council, seems to indicate that
the institution of the Nini'bato" and the establishment of the ouncil,
although a progressive movement, was a growtli, a development of
earlier forms, rather than an invention or arbitrary arrangement of
the ''old men." The retaining of the two Pipes as the supreme or
confirmatory authority within the council rather than giving that
power to a head chief was consonant with the fundamental idea
embodied in the tribal organization. The number of the council
(seven) probably had its origin in the significance of the number
which represented the whole of man's environment — the four quarters
where were the four paths down which the Above came to the Below,
where stood man. The ancient ideas and beliefs of the people con-
cerning man's relation to the cosmos were thus interwoven with their
latest social achievement, the establishment of a representative
governing body.

Whether the ornamentation of the two Tribal Pipes was authorized
at this time is not known; but it is probable that in this as in every
other arrangement there was the adaptation or modification of some
old and accepted form of expression to meet the needs of newer
conditions. It is said that the seven woodpecker heads on one of
the Tribal Pipes stood for the seven chiefs that composed the govern-
ing council, while the use of but one woodpecker head on the other
pipe represented the unity of authority of the cliiefs. This explana-
tion explams only in part. The reason for the choice of the wood-
pecker as a symbol lies far back in the history of the people, and it
may be that it did not originate in this linguistic group. In myths
found throughout a wide region this bird was connected with tlio sun.
It was used on the calumet pipes, which had a wide range, covering
almost the whole of the Mississippi dramage. It is not improbable
that the woodpecker symbol was accepted at the time the calumet
ceremony became known to the Omaha and adopted as a symbol
of peacefid authority, but a definite statement on the subject at
present is impossible.

208 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

The seven members of the comicil helouged to the order of Ni'kagahi
sha'be, in fact they may be said to have represented tliat order in
wlaich each man held his place until death or voluntary resignation.
Five other persons were entitled to attend the meetings of tiie council,
being of an ex ollicio class: The keeper of the Sacred Pole; the keeper
of the Sacred Buffalo Hide; the keeper of the two Sacred Tribal Pipes;
the keeper of the ritual used when fdling them; and the keeper of the
Sacred Tent of War. None of these five keepers had a voice m the
decisions of the council, the responsibility of deciding devolving solely
on the Seven Chiefs who composetl the council proper.

At council meetings the men sat in a semicircle. The two chiefs
who could count the greatest number of watM^'ethe were called
Ni'kagahi u'zhu {u'zhu "principal"); these chiefs sat side by side
back of the fireplace, facing the east and the entrance of the lodge.
They represented the two halves of the hu'thuga, the one who sat on
the right (toward the south) representing the Ho^'gashenu, the one
who sat on the left (toward the north), the I°shta'(;'u°da. The other
members sat in the order of their "counts" on each side of the
principal chiefs, the highest next to those chiefs and so on to the end
of the line. The position assignetl each member on entrance into the
council remained unchanged until a death or resignation took place.
In the case of a vacancy m the u'zhu, the place was taken by whoever
could comit the most tvathi'^'ethe; he might be an old member of the
council or a new man from the order of Ni'kagahi xu'de. Any
vacancy occurring was likely to cause a change in the places of the
members, accordmg to the "count" of the new member, but the
place and position of u'zhu were affected only by death or resignation.
An u'zhu held his rank against all claimants.

The mamier of deliberatmg and coniuig to a decision in the Council
of Seven is said to have been as follows : A question or plan of operation
was presented by a member; it was then referred to the chief sitting
next, who took it under consideration ami then passed it on to the
next person and so on around the circle until it reached the man who
first jiresented it. The matter would pass again and agam around
the circle luitil all came to agreement. All day was frequently spent
in deliberation. No one person would dare to take the responsibility
of the act. All must accept it and then carry it through as one msin.
This unity of decision was regarded as having a supernatm-al power
and authority. Old men explained to the writers that the members
of the council had been made chiefs ]\v the Sacred Tribal Pipes, whicli
were from Wako"'da; therefore, '"when the cliiefs had deliberated on
a matter and had smoked, the decision was as the word of Wako"'da."

The ceremonial nranner of smoking the Sacreil Pipes was as follows:

After the members of the council were in their places the keeper of
the Sacred Pipes laid them before the two principal chiefs, who called

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 209

on the keeper of the ritual to prepare the Pipes for use. As he
filled them with native tobacco he mtoned in a low voice the ritual
which belonged to that act. He had to be careful not to let either of
the Pipes fall. Should tliis happen, that meeting of the council would
be at an end, and the life of the keeper would be in danger from the
supernatural powers. After the Pipes were filled they were agam
laid before the two principal cliiefs. When the time came to smoke
the Pipes m order to give authority to a decision, the I"ke'9abe
keeper arose, took up one of the Pipes, and held it for the principal
chief sittmg toward the north, to smoke. The assistant from the
Te'pa subgens of the Tha'tada gens (see p. 159) followed, taking up
the other Pipe and lioldmg it for the principal chief sittmg toward
the south, to smoke. The Pipes were then passed around the council,
the I"ke'9abe keeper leading and carefully holding the Pipe for each
member to smoke, the assistant following and servmg the other Pipe
in the same mamier. The prmcipal chief sitting toward the south
was the last to smoke from the Pipe borne by the I"ke'9abe keeper,
who then laid the Pipe m the place from which he had taken it.
When the Te'pa assistant reached the cliief to whom he had first
offered the Pipe he laid it down beside the other. The keeper of
the ritual from the I''shta'(;'u°da gens then arose and cleaned the
Pipes, after which he laid them back before the two chiefs, who then
called the keeper from the I°ke'9abe gens to take them in charge."

"The seven must have but one heart and speak as with one mouth,"
said the old men who explamed these things to the writers, adduag:
"It is because these decisions come from Wako°'da that a chief is
slow to speak. No word can be without meaning and every one
must be uttered in soberness. That is why when a chief speaks the
others listen, for the words of a cliief must be few." When a con-
clusion was reached by the council the herald was summoned, and
he went about the camp cii'cle and proclaimed the decision. No one
dared to dispute, for it was said: "This is the voice of the chiefs."

Among the duties of the Council of Seven besides that of main-
taining peace and order within the tribe were making peace with other
tribes, securing allies, determinmg the time of the annual buffalo
limit, and confirming the man who was to act as leader, on whom
rested the responsibility of that important movement. While on the
hunt the Seven Chiefs were in a sense subordinate to the leader,
their duties beuig advisory rather than governing in character; they
were always regarded, however, as directly responsible to Wako"'da
for the welfare of the tribe. The council appointed officers called

o All the other sacred articles used in tribal ceremonies have been turned over to the writers for safe-
keeping, but no arguments could induce the leading men to part with the two Sacred Pipes. The answer
was always, "They must remain." And they are still with the people.

83993°— 27 eth— 11 14

210

THE OMAHA TRTBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

wano^'she ("soldiers") to cany out tlieir commainls. These officers
were chosen from the order of Ni'kagahi xu'de and were ahvays men
who had won honors, and whose character commanded the respect
of the tribe. (Fig. 46.) Frequently they were appointed for some
special service, as when an unauthorized war party committed dep-
redations on a neighbormg tribe; if the chiefs ordered the stolen

Fig. 46. Kaxe'no"ba, who frequently sen-ed as a " soldier."

property returned, the booty woidd then be sent back under "sol-
diers" selected for the task. "Soldiers" were appointed by the
council to preserve order durmg the amiual hunt, the ollice expiring
with the hunt. Men who had once filled the office of "soldier"
were apt to be called on to assist the council in the preservation of
order withm the tribe.

PLBTCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 211

Should a sudden attack be made on the tribe the Seven Chiefs
would then join in the defense and if need be lead the people against
the enemy. The council cooperated with the keeper of the Tent of
War in sending out scouts during the annual tribal hunt (see p. 279).
The punishment of men who slipped away on unauthorized warfare
devolved on these chiefs (see ]). 404). On one notable occasion the
Council of Seven temporarily resigned, and placed the entire tribe
under the control of one man, Wa'bapka, who led the people
against the Pawnee. This exception to all tribal rule has been pre-
served in both story and song (see p. 406). When a man desired to
perform the Wa'wa" ceremony (see p. 376) and carry the pijies to
another tribe or to a man within the tribe, permission from the chiefs
had first to be obtained. The consent of the Seven Chiefs was also
necessary to the admission of a candidate to the Ho°'hewachi.

There were no other governing chiefs in the tribe besides those of
the council. No gens had a chief possessing authority over it, nor was
there any council of a gens, nor could a gens act by itself. There was
one possible exception; sometimes a gens went on a hunt under the
leadersliip of its chiefs, for there were chiefs in every gens, men who
belonged to the order of Xi'kagahi xu'de or who had entered the
ranks of the Ni'kagahi slia'be; but none of these men could individ-
ually exercise governing power within a gens or in the tribe. The gens,
as has been shown, was not a political organization, but a group of
kindred, imited tln-ough a common rite. The leading men of a gens
were those who had charge of its rites; those who could count many
wathi^' ethe, and those who had been designated to act as "soldiers."
Such men were invited on various occasions to sit with the Council of
Seven, as in the communal tent when the ceremony of anointing the
Sacred Pole took jilace. There was no tribal assembly or tribal
council. All power for both decision and action was lodged in the
Council of Seven.

The old Omaha men, who are the authority for the mterpreta-
tions of tribal rites and customs contained m tliis memoh', have
earnestly sought to impress upon the writers that peace and order
witUn the tribe were of prime importance; without these it was
declared neither the people nor the tribe as an organization could
exist. War was secondary; its true function was protective — to
guard the people from outside enemies. Aggressive warfare was to
be discouraged; any gains made by it were more than offset by the
troubles entailed. It was recognized that it was difficult to restrain
young men; therefore restrictions were thrown about predatory
warfare (see p. 404), that all who went on the warpath should first
secure permission, wliile the special honors accorded to those
whose brave acts were performed in defense of the tribe tended to
make war secondary to peace.

212 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

"Plentiful food and peace," it was said, "are necessary to the
prosperity of the tribe."

In later years, under the influence of traders and of United States
Government officials, the old order of chieftainship lost much of its
power. Men who were pliant were enriched by traders and became
unduly important, and the same was frequently true of the men who
were made "chiefs" by United States Government officials. Some of
these have been men who had no rightful claim according to tribal
usage to that office. Chiefs made by the Governmsnt were called
" paper chiefs. " These men sometimes exercised considerable influ-
ence, as they were supposed by the people to be supported by the
Government, but their influence was that born of expediency rather
than that growing out of the ancient belief that the chief was one who
was favored by Wako^'da and who represented before the people
certain aspects of that mysterious power.

Emoluments of Chiefs and Keepers

Entrance into the order of chieftainship was secured through cer-
tain prescribed acts and gifts called ivathi^'ethe (seep. 202). All of
the gifts, except those belonging to the first and second grades (see
p. 204), were made to the Seven Chiefs. The two exceptions were
contributions to ceremonies connected with the maintenance of order
and the consequent welfare of the tribe. Wliile all the tmthi'^'etlie
were in a sense voluntary, they were obligator}' on the man who
desired to rise to a position of prominence in the tribe. It was
explained that " the gifts made to the chiefs were not only in recogni-
tion of their high office and authority as the governing power of the
tribe but to supply them with the means to meet the demands made
upon them because of their official position." It was further
explained thatr —

Chiefs were expected to entertain all visitors from other tribes, also the leading men
within the tribe and to make adequate gifts to their visitors. Both Chiefs and Keepers
were often deterred from hunting by their official duties and thus were prevented from
securing a large supply of food or of the raw material needed for the manufacture of
articles suitable to present as gifts to visitors. The gifts made by aspirants to tribal
office therefore partook of the nature of payment to the Chiefs and Keepers for the
services they rendered to the people.

Not only did the wathi^'ethe accomplish the purpose as explamed
above, but the custom stimidated industry and enterprise among the
men and women, and thus indirectly served the cause of peace within
the tribe.

Beside their use as stated above, gifts were demanded as entrance
fees to the various societies. Those requisite for admission to the
Ho"'hewachi were particularly costly (see p. 493). Moreover, the
meetings of the societies matle demands on the accumulated wealth,

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 213

so to speak, of the family. Food was required for the "feasts" of the
members, and gifts were expected as a part of some of the ceremonies.
All these had to be drawn from the surplus store, a -store tliat had to
be created by the skill of the man as a hunter and by the industry of
the woman. No one gave feasts or made gifts which left the family
in want of food or of clothing.

At the anointing of the Sacred Pole a supplj^ of meats of the cut
called tezhu' (see p. 273) was expected from every family in the tribe
except from those of the Ho'''ga subgens, that had charge of the Pole
and its ceremonies. Wliile there was no penalty attached to the non-
fulfilhiient of this tribal duty, as it was considered, yet from a series of
coincidences a belief hud grown up that a refusal would be. punished
supernaturally.

These customs in reference to gifts made as xoathi'^'ethe show that
the people had progressed to the recognition that something more
was required of a man than merely to supply his own physical needs;
that he had social and public duties to perform and must give of his
labor to support the chiefs and keepers, officers who served and
promoted the general welfare of the people.

Offenses and Punishments

The authority of the chiefs and social order were safeguarded by
the following punisliment:

Within the Tent Sacred to War was kept a staff of ironwootl, one
end of which was rough, as if broken. On this splinted end poison
was put when the staff was to be used officially for punishment. In
the pack kept in this tent was fountl a bhxdder, witliin which were«four
rattlesnake heads, and with them in a separate bundle the poison
fangs (fig. 47; Peabody Museum nos. 48262-3). These were probably
used to compound tlie poison put on the staff. As men's bodies were
usually naked, it was not difficult when near a person in a crowd
to prod liim with the staff, making a wound and introducing tlie
deadly poison, which is said always to have- resulted in death. This
form of punishment was applied to a man who made light of the
authority of the cliiefs or of the wain'waxube, the packs which could
authorize a war party, such a person being a disturber of the peace and
order of the tribe. The punishment was decided on by the Coun-
cil of Seven Chiefs, wliich designated a trustworthy man to apply the
staff to the offeniler. Sometimes the man was given a chance for
his life by having liis horses struck antl poisoned. If, however, he
did not take this warning, he paid the forfeit of liis life, for he would
be struck by the poisoned staff" end and killed.

Tliievmg (wamo^'tho") was uncommon. Restitution was tlie only
punishment. Assaults were not frequent. Wlien they occurred
they were settled privately between the parties and their relatives.

214

THE OMAHA TRIBE

Feth. ANN. 27

In all offenses the relatives stood as one. Each could be held respon-
sible for the acts of another — a custom that sometimes worked injus-
tice, but on the whole was conducive to social order.

Running off with a man's wife or committing adultery was severely
punished. In this class of offenses the husband or his near relatives
administered punishment. The woman might be whipped, but the
heavy punishment fell on the guilty man. Generally his property
was taken from liim, and if the man offered resistance he was either

Fig. 47. Rattlesnake heads and fangs.

slashed with a knife or beaten with a bludgeon. The revenge taken by
a husband on a man makhig advtmccs to his wife was calle<l miwa'da.
A wife jealous of another woman who was attentive to her hus-
band was apt to attack her witli a knife. An assault of this kind,
called no"''wo''(i, was seldom interfereil with. If a man's wife died
and left cldldren, custom requireil that he marry his wife's sister.
Should he fail to do so, the woman's relatives sometimes took up the
matter and tlireatened the man with punisliment.

FLETCHER-LA flesche] TRIBAL GOVERNMENT 215

The term wano^'lcaihe was used in reference to murder, or to any
act wliich caused personal injury to another, even if it was unpre-
meditated. In the hitter case the act woukl be condoned by gifts
made to the injured party or his relatives. Dehberate murder was
punished by banishment. \Vlien the knowledge of such a deed was
brought to the notice of the cliiefs, banishment was ordered, the
offender was told of the decision and he obeyed. Banishment was
four years, unless the man was sooner forgiven by the relatives of
the murdered man. During this period the man had to camp outside
the village and could hold no communication with anyone except his
nearest kindretl, who were permitted to see him. He was obliged to
wear night and day a close-fitting garment of skin, covering his body
and legs, and was not allowed to remove tliis covering during Iris
punishment. His wife could carry him food but he was obliged to
live apart from his family and to be entirely alone during the period
of his exile.

It was believed that the spirit of a murdered man was inclined to
come back to his village to punish the people. To prevent a mur-
dered man from haunting his village he was turned face downward,
and to impede his steps the soles of his feet were slit lengthwise.
The return of a spirit to haunt people was called ivathi'hide , "dis-
turbance." Such a haunting spirit was supposed to bring famine.
To avert this disaster, when a murdered man was buried, besides the
precautions already mentioned, a piece of fat was put m his right
hand, so that if he should come to the village he would bring plenty
rather than famine, fat being the symbol of plenty. Even the rela-
tives of the murdered man would treat the body of their kinsman in
the manner described.

The sentence being passed on a murderer, the cliiefs at once took
the Tribal Pipes to the family of the murdered man and by gifts
besought them to forego any further punishment upon the family of
the murderer. If they accepted the gifts and smoked the pipe, there
was no further disturbance connected with the crime. (See seventh
grade, p. 205.)

The offense of watM'hi, that of scaring off game while the tribe was
on the buffalo hunt, could take place only by a man slipping away
and hunting for himself. By this act, while he might secure food for
his own use, he imperiled the food supply of the entire tribe by fright-
ening away the herd. Such a deed was punished by flogging. Sol-
diers were appointed by the cliiefs to go to the offender's tent and
administer this punishment. Should the man dare to resist their
authority he was doubly flogged because of his second offense. Such
a flogging sometimes caused death. Besides this flogging, the man's
tent was destroyed, his horses and other property were confiscated,
and his tent poles burned ; in short, he was reduced to beggary.

216 THE OMAHA TRIBE tBTH.ANN.27

The punishment of a disturber of the peace of the tribe, by the
exercise of wazhi^'agthe, the placing of will power on the offender by
the chiefs, was a peculiar form of chastisement by wliich the person
was put out of friendly relations with men and animals. (See p. 497.)
For a similar placing of the mind on an offender, see Ponca custom,
page 48.

Wliite Eagle (Ponca) narrated the following as showing the Ponca
treatment of a murderer, even if the killing was an accident :

A Ponca killed a man. It was not intentional, but nevertheless he was, by the
consent of the people, punished by the father of the man who was killed. The father
cut all the edges of the man's robe, so that nothing about him could flutter should
the wind blow. The spirit of a murdered person will haunt the people, and when the
tribe is on the hunt, will cause the wind to blow in such a direction as to betray the
hunters to the game and cause the herd to scatter, making it impossible for the people
to get food. [The Omaha have the same belief about ghosts scattering the herds by
raising the wind.] After the man's robe was cut it was sewed together in front, but
space was left for his arm to have freedom. He was then bade to say, as he drew
the arrow from the wound and rubbed it over the dead man, "I did nut kill a man,
but an animal." Then his hair was cut short for fear it might blow and cause the
winds to become restless. The covering about the heart of a buffalo was taken and put
over the man's head, and he was banished from the tribe for four years. The man
obeyed strictly all the directions given him, and, further than that, he wept every day
for the man he had slain. This action so moved the relatives of the dead, it is said,
that in one year they pardoned him, gave him his liberty, and he returned to the tribe
and his family.

THE SACRED POLE

Origin.

In the process of governmental development it became expedient to
have something which should symbolize the unity of the tribe and of
its governing power — something which should appeal to the people, an
object they could all behold and around which they could gather to
manifest their loyalty to the idea it represented. The two Tribal
Pipes, which hitherto had been the only representative of the govern-
ing authority, were not only complex in their symbolism, but they
were not easily visible to the entire tribe and did not meet the need
for a central object at great tribal gatherings. The ceremony of the
He'dewachi had familiarized the people with the symbol of the tree
as a type of unity. A similar idea would seem to have been expressed
in the ancient Cedar Pole, which is said to have stood as a cosmic
symbol representative of supernatural authority; its name was
taken and the ceremonies formerly connected with it seem to have
been preserved in part, at least, in those of the Sacred Pole.

Tradition states that the Sacred Pole was cut before the "Ponca
gens broke away [from the Omaha] and became the Ponca tribe. "
Other evidence indicates that the tribes had already become more
or less distinct when the Sacred Pole was cut.

There are two versions of the story of the finding of the Sacred
Pole. Both have points in common. One runs as follows:

A great council was being held to devise some means by which the bands of the tribe
might be kept together and the tribe itself saved from extinction. This council lasted
many days. Meanwhile the son of one of the ruling men was off on a hunt. On his
way home he came to a great forest and in the night lost his way. He walked and
walked until he was exhausted with pushing his way through the underbrush. He
stopped to rest and to find the "motionless star" for his guide when he was suddenly
attracted by a light. Believing that it came from a tent the young hunter went
toward it, but on coming to the place whence the welcome light came he was amazed
to find that it was a tree that sent forth the light. He went up to it and found that
the whole tree, its trunk, branches, and leaves, were alight, yet remained unconsumed.
He touched the tree but no heat came from it. This mystified him and he stood
watching the strange tree, for how long he did not know. At last day approached,
the brightness of the tree began to fade, until with the rising of the sun the tree with
its foliage resumed its natural appearance. The man remained there in order to
watch the tree another night. As twilight came on it began to be luminous and

217

218 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

continued so until the sun again arose. When the young man returned home he told
his father of the wonder. Together they went to see the tree; they saw it all alight
as it was before but the father observed something that had escaped the notice of the
young man; this was that four animal paths led to it. These paths were well beaten
and as the two men examined the paths and the tree it was clear to them that the
animals came to the tree and had rubbed against it and polished its bark by so doing.
This was full of significance to the elder man and on his return he told the leading
men of the mysterious tree. It was agreed by all that the tree was a gift from Wako^'da
and that it would be the thing that would help to keep the people together. With
great ceremony they cut the tree down and hewed it to portable size.

Both Omaha and Ponca legends concerning the Pole say that the
people were living in a village near a lake, and that the tree grew
near a lake at some distance from where the people were dwelling.
The finding of the Pole is said to have occurred while a council was
in progress between the Cheyenne, Arikara, Omaha, Ponca, and Iowa,
to reach an agreement on terms of peace and rules of war and hunt-
ing, and to adopt a peace ceremony." (See p. 74.)

The accoimt in the Omaha Sacred Legend is as follows:

During this time a young man who had been wandering came back to his \-illage.
When he reached his home he said . "Father, I have seen a wonderful t'ee! " And he
described it. The old man listened but he kept silent, for all was not yet settled
between the tribes.

After a little while the young man went again to \-isit the tree. On his return
home he repeated his former tale to his father about the wonderful tree. The old
man kept silent, for the chiefs were still conferring. At last, when everything was
agreed upon between the tribes, the old man sent for the chiefs and said: "My son
has seen a wonderful tree. The Thunder birds come and go upon this tree, making
a trail of fire that leaves four paths on the burnt grass that stretch toward the Four
Winds. \Mien the Thunder birds alight upon the tree it bursts into flame and the
fire mounts to the top. The tree stands burning, but no one can see the fire except
at night."

^^'hen the chiefs heard this tale they sent runners to see what this tree might be.
The nmners came back and told the same storj- — how in the night they saw the tree
standing and burning as it stood. Then all the people held a council as to what this
might mean, and the chiefs said: "We shall ruti for it; put on your ornaments and
prepare as for battle." So the men stripped, painted themselves, put on their orna-
ments, and set out for the tree, which stood near a lake. They ran as in a race to
attack the tree as if it were a warrior enemy. All the men ran. A Ponca was the
first to reach the tree, and he struck it as he would an enemy. [Note the resemblance
to the charge upon the He'dewachi tree; also in the manner of felling and bringing
the tree into camp. (See p. 253.)]

Then they cut the tree down and four men, walking in line, carried it on their
shoulders to the village. The chiefs sang four nights the songs that had been com-
posed for the tree while they held a council and deliberated concerning the tree. A
tent was made for the tree and set up within the circle of lodges. The chiefs worked
upon the tree; they trimmed it and called it a human being. They made a basket'
work receptacle of twigs and feathers and tied it about the middle. Then they said:
"It has no hair! " So they sent out to get a large scalp lock and they put it on the
top of the Pole for hair. Afterward the chiefs bade the herald tell the people that
when all was completed they should see the Pole.

Then they painted the Pole and set it up before the tent, leaning it on a crotched
stick, which they called imongthe (a staff). They summoned the people, and all the

o See the Hako, in the Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of A merican Ethnology, part 2.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37A

TATTOOED OSAGE

FI.ETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 219

people came — men, women, and children. \\Tien they were gathered the chiefs stood
up and said: "You now see before you a mystery. WTienever we meet with troubles
we shall bring all our troubles to him [the Pole]. We shall make offerings and requests.
All our prayers must be accompanied by gifts. This [the Pole] belongs to all the peo-
ple, but it shall be in the keeping of one family (in the Ho^'ga gens), and the leader-
ship shall be with them. If anyone desires to lead (to become a chief) and to take
responsibility in governing the people, he shall make presents to the Keepers [of the
Pole] and they shall give him authority." When all was finished the people said:
"Let us appoint a time when we shall again paint him [the Pole] and act before him
the battles we have fought." The time was fixed; it was to take place in "the moon
when the buffaloes bellow" (July). This was the beginning of the ceremony of
Waxthe'xe xigithe (see p. 230), and it was agreed that this ceremony should be kept up.

Makk of Honor

Waxthe'xe, the name given to the Pole, was the name of the ancient
Cedar Pole preserved in the Tent of War. The word is flifficult to
translate. The prefix wa indicates that the object spoken of had
power, the power of motion, of life; xthexe means "mottled as by
shadows;" the word has also the idea of bringing into prominence
to be seen by all the people as something distmctive. XtJiexe'
was the name of the "mark of honor" put on a girl by her father
or near of kin who had won, through certain acts, entrance mto the
Ho^'hewachi, and so secured the right to have this mark tattooed on
the girl. (See fig. 105.) The name of the Pole, Waxthe'xe, signifies
that the power to give the right to possess this "mark of honor" was
vested in the Pole. The mark placeil on tlie girl was not a mark of her
own achievements, but of her father's, as no girl or woman could by
herself win it. The designs tattooed on the girl were all cosmic sym-
bols. "VVliile the "mark of honor," as its name shows, was directly
connected with the Cedar Pole, which was related to Thunder and
war, the tattooed "mark of honor" among the Omaha was not con-
nected with war, but with achievements that related to hunting and
to the maintenance of peace within the tribe.

It was the custom among the Osage to tattoo the "mark of
honor" on the warrior and on the hereditarj' keeper of the Honor
Packs of War. The description of the Osage practice, which appears
below, may relate to a time antedating tiie separation of the cognate
tribes when the Cedar Pole may have been common property. The
photograph from which the accompanying illustration (pi. 37a) was
made, was taken in 1897. The design tattooed on the neck and chest
(fig. 48) comes to a point about 2 incites above the waist line and i
extends over the shoulders to the back. The central part of the design, '
extending from under the chin downward to the lowest point, repre-
sents the stone knife. Two bands on each side of this central figure
extend up to the hair an inch or two behind the ear, terminat-
ing in a knob solidty tattooed. This figure is called i'hashabe (mean-
ing unknown) ; the name and significance of these bands were not

220

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

given. A pipe is tattooed on each side of the central figure, the
bowl pointing upward. At the root of the neck, on each side of the
stone knife, a triangle is traced ; a line from the hypotenuse extends
to the top of the shoulder. These represent tents. The design
means that "the Sacred Pipe has descended." "All its keepers
must be marked in this way." If a keeper had cut off heads in
battle, skulls would be represented between the pointed ends of the
bands which fall over the shoulders. It was explained that the

Fig. 48. Tattooed design, "mark of honor" (Osage).

pictured skulls would draw to the tattooed man the strength of the
men he had killed, so that las life would be prolonged by virtue
of their unexpended days.

The man here shown was about 17 years okl when he was tattooed.
He said that the tattooing was done " to make bun faithful m keeping
the rites;" that he had tried to have visions by the Pipes, which he
had alwaj's respected and "had never laid on the ground;" and tiuit
he had sought these visions and had been thus carefid of the Pipes
in order that his children might have long life.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACHED POLE 221

A warrior who had won honors in battles was entitled to the privi-
lege of tattooing his body or that of his wife or daughter as a mark
of distinction. The lowest mark of such honors was three narrow
lines beginning at the top of each shoulder and meeting at an angle
at the lower part of the chest. The next higher mark had in addition
to the lines on the chest three narrow lines running down the outer sur-
face of the arms to the wrists. The highest mark had in addition to
the lines on the chest and arms three narrow lines that continued
from the shoulders, where the lines of the first mark began, meeting
at an angle in the middle of the back. The tattooing was done by
a man who was learned in the rituals connected with the ceremony.
The needles used were tipped with the rattles of the rattlesnake.

The Sacred Tents

The tent set apart for the Sacred Pole was pitched in front of the
Waxthe'xeto"" subgens of the Ho°'ga gens, who, as their name im-
plies, were given charge of the Pole. The tent was decorated with
round red spots, which probably referred to the sun. Some have
said they represented the buffalo wallow, but this seems improbable,
judging from other evidence and the character of the Pole. The
three Sacred Tents of the Omaha tribe were all objects of fear to the
people because of the character of their contents. No one unbidden
went near them or touched them; nor could anyone borrow fire from
any of the Sacred Tents; nor could holes be made about the fireplace.
Should any person, animal, or object, as a tent pole, accidentally
come in contact with any of these Sacred Tents, the offending person,
animal, or thing had to be taken to the keeper of the tent that had
been touched and be cleansed ceremonially in order to prevent the
evil believed to follow such sacrilege. A piece of meat that chanced
to drop into the fire while being roasted in one of the Sacred Tents
could not be taken out but was left to be entirely consumed.

The contents of two of the Sacred Tents of the Omaha tribe have
been placed for safe keeping in the Peabody Museum of Harvard
University — those of the Sacred Tent of War in 1 884 and the Sacred
Pole with its belongings, in 1888. (See p. 411.) All these relics are
unique and of ethnologic value. The disposition to be made of these
sacred objects, which for generations had been essential in the tribal
ceremonies and expressive of the authority of the chiefs, was a
serious problem for the leading men of the tribe. To destroj- these
sacred relics was not to be thought of, and it was finally decided that
they should be buried with their keepers.

For many years the writers hail been engaged in a serious study
of the tribe and it seemed a grave misfortune that these venerable

a Waithe'zey the name of the Sacred Pole; to", "to possess*' or "to keep and care for."

222

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

objects shoiikl be buried and the full story of the tribe be forever
lost, for that story was as yet but imperfectly known, anil luitil these
sacred articles, so carefully hidden from inspection, could be exam-
ined it was impossible to £i;ain a i)oint of view whence to study, as
from the center, the ceremonies connected with these articles and
their relation to tlie autonomy of the tribe. The importance of

Fig. 49. Joseph La Flesche.

securinc]; tl\e objects became more and more apparent, and influences
were brought to bear on the chiefs and their keepers to prevent the
carrying out of the plan for burial. After years of labor, for which
great credit must be given to the late Pshta'maza (Joseph T^a
Flesche, fig. 49), former principal chief of the tribe, the sacred articles
were finally secured .

fletcher-la flesche] the sacked pole 223

Legend and Description of the Sacred Pole

Wlieii the Pole was finally in safe keepins; it seemed very important
to secure its legend, which was known only to a chief of the Ho^'ga.
The fear inspired by the Pole was such that it seemed as though it

Fig. 50. Moichu'nonbe (Shu'denagi).

would be impossible to gain tliis information, but the desired result
was fuially brought about, and one summer day in September, 18SS,
old Shu'denafi (Smoked Yellow; refers to the Sacred Tent of the
Ho°'ga gens), figure 50, came to the house of Joseph La Flesche to
tell the legend of his people treasured with the Sacred Pole. Extracts
from this Sacred Legend have already been given.

224 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

It was a memorable day. The harvest was ended, and tall sheafs
of wheat cast their shadows over the stubble fields that were once
covered with buffalo ^rass. The past was irrevocably gone. The
old man had consented to speak but not without misgivings until
his former principal chief said that he would "cheerfully accept for
lumself any penalty that might follow the revealing of these sacred
traditions," an act formerly held to be a profanation and punish-
able by the supernatural. Wliile the old chief talked he continually
tapped the floor with a little stick he held m his hand, markuig with
it the rhythm peculiar to the drumming of a man who is invoking
the unseen powers during the performance of certain rites. His
eyes were cast down, his speech was tleliberate, and liis voice low, as
if speaking to himself alone. The scene in that little room where
sat the four actors in this human drama was solemn, as at the obse-
quies of a past once so full of human activity and hope. The fear
inspired by the Pole was strengthened in its passmg away, for by a
singular coincidence the touch of fatal disease fell upon Joseph
La Flesche almost at the close of this interview, which lasted tliree
days, and in a fortnight he lay dead in the very room in wliich had
been revealed the Sacred Legend connected with the Pole.

The Sacred Pole (pi. 38 and fig. 51) is of cotton wood, 2 J m. in length,
and bears marks of great age. It has been subjected to manipulation;
the bark has been removed, and the pole shaved and shaped at both
ends, the top, or "head," rounded into a cone-shaped knob, and the
lower end trimmed to a dull point. Its circumference near tlie head
is 15 cm. 2 mm. The circumference increases in the middle to 19 cm.
and diminishes toward the foot to 14 cm. 6 mm. To the lower end is
fastened by strips of tanned hide a piece of harder wood, probably
ash, 55 cm. 2^ mm. m length, rounded at the top, with a groove cut
to prevent the straps from slipping, and with the lower end sharpened
so as to be easily driven into the ground. There is a crack in the
Pole extending several centimeters abt)ve this foot piece, wliich has
probably given rise to a modern idea tliat the piece was added to
strengthen or mend the Pole wlien it had become worn with long
usage. But the Pole itself shows no indication of ever having been
in the ground; there is no decay apparent, as is shown on the foot
piece, the flattened top of which proves that it was driven into the
ground. Moreover, the name of tliis piece of wood is zhi'he, " leg; " as
the Pole itself represents a man and aa the name zhi'be is not applied
to a piece of wood spliced on to lengthen a pole, it is probable that
tliis foot or leg was originally attached to the Pole.

Upon this zhi'ie the Pole rested; it was never placed upright but
inclined forward at an angle of about 45°, beuig held in position by
a stick tied to it 1 m. 46 cm. from the "head." The native name of
this support is i'mo^^he, meaning a staff such as old men lean upon.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTV-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 38

THE SACRED POLE

FLETCIIKK-LA FLESCHKl

THE SACRED POLE

225

Upon the top, or "liead," of the Pole was tied a large scalp, ni'lo
no^zhiha. About one end, 14 cm. 5 mm. from the "head" is a piece
of hide bound to the Pole by bands of tannetl skin. This wrapping
covers a basketwork of twigs, now shriveled with age, which is
lightly filled with feathers and the down of the crane. Tlie length
of this bundle of hide is 44 cm. 5 mm., and its circumference about
50 cm. In 1875 the last ceremony was performed and the wrappmg
put on as it remains to-day.

Fig. 31. A section of the Sacred Pole showing incrustation from ancient anointings. (The I'ole
is here represented in its usual position, supported by the Vmongthe, or staff.)

The name of this receptacle, a'xo"depa, is the word used to desig-
nate the leather shield worn on the wrist of an Indian to protect it
from the bowstrmg. Tliis name affords unmistakable evidence that the
Pole was mtended to symbolize a man, as no other creature could wear
the bowstring shield. It mdicates also that the man thus symbolized
was one who was both a provider for ami a protector of his people.

83993°— 27 eth— 11 15

226 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Sacred Packs and Contents

Tlie pack (fig. 52; Peabody Museum no. 47834) accompanying
the Pole contained a number of articles which were used in the cere-
monies of the Sacred Pole. It is an oblong piece of buffalo hide
which, when wrapped around its contents, makes a round bundle
about SO cm. long and 60 cm. in circumference, bound together by
bands of rawhide. The pack was called wathi'xahe, meaning literally
"things flayed," referring to the scalps stored withm the pack.
Nine scalps were found in it when opened at the Museum. Some
show signs of considerable wear; they are all very large and on one
are the remams of a feather, worn away all but the quill.

The pipe belongmg to the Pole and used ui its rites was kept in this
pack (fig. 53; Peabody Museum no. 47838). The stem is round
anil 89 cm. in length. It is probably of ash and shows marks of long
usage. The bowl is of red catlinite, 12 cm. 5 mm. at its greatest

W^^ ^^ ^1*^^

^jF^W

Fig 5J. rack belonging to Sacred Pole.

length, and 7 cm. 2 mm. in height. The bowl proper rises 4 cm. 5
mm. from the base. Upon the sides and bottom of tlie stone certain
figures are incised, which are difficult to identify; they may
represent a conventionalized bird grasping the pipe. The Imes of
the figures are filled with a semilustrous black substance composed
of vegetable matter, which brings the design into full relief; this
substance is also painted on the front and back of the bowl,' leav-
ing a band of red showing at the sides. The effect is that of a black
and red inlaid pipe. Wlien this pipe was smoked the stone end rested
on the grounil; it was not lifted but dragged by the stem as it
passed from man to man while they sat m the Sacred Tent or mclosure.
To prevent the bowl falling off, a mishap which would be disas-
trous, a hole was drilled through a little flange at the end of the
stone pipe where it is fitted to the wooden stem, and through this
hole one end of a sinew cord was passed and fastened, the other end

KLETCHER-I.A KLKSCHE]

THE SACKED POLE

227

being securely tied jihout the pipestem 13 em. above its entiimee into
tlie bowl.

The stiek used to clean this pipe, nimu'thubafki (fig. 54), was kept
in a case or sheath of reed wound round with a fine rope of human haii\

Fig. 53. Pipe belonging to Sacred Pole.

Fig. 54. IMpe-cleaner.

fastened with sinew ; a feather, said to be from the crane, was bound
to the lower end of this .sheath. Only part of the quill remains.

Sweet grass {pe'zJiefo^fta) and cedar (ma'fi), broken up and tied
in bundles, were in the pack. Bits of the grass and cedar were

228

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[f.tii. a XX.

spread on the top of the tobiicco when the pipe was filled, so that
when it was lis;hted these were first consumed, makmg an oft'erinjj of
savory smoke. Sweet grass and cedar were used also in consecrating
the seven arrows for ceremonial use.

Seven arrows, 7)io"'petho'"ba (fig. 55; Peabocty Museum no. 47835)
were in the pack. The shafts are much broken; they were origi-

Kn;. ').") l>i\iiiin^j iiriuu^

nally 45 cm. 6 mm. long, feathered from the crane, with stone heads.
Part of the cjuills of the feathers remain l)ut tlie arrowheads are lost.
A curious l)rush (fig. 56; Peal)ody Musemii no. 47837) made of a
piece of hide, having one edge cut into a coarse fringe and the hide
rolled together and bound with bands, was the rude utensil with

Fui. 50. Bnisli nsi'd ill painting Sacred I'ole.

whicli tiie paint, mixed with buffalo fat, was put on the I'ole. A
bundle of sinew cord, and of reil paait {wafi'zhkle), used in paintuig
the Pole, complete the contents of the pack.

FLETCHEU-LA FLESCHE]

THE SACRED POLE

229

Tlie ancient Cedar Pole (fig. 57 ; Peabody Museum no.
37561) preserved in the Tent of War was tlie prototype
of the Sacred Pole. The two had features in common;
both simidated something more than a pole, and di<l not
typify a tree, as tlid the pole in the He'dewachi ceremony,
but represented a being; both had the zhi'be, or leg; on
the body of one was bound a stick like a club, on the
other a device called a bow sliield. Both poles were
associated with Thunder, and any profanation of either
was supernaturally punislied by deatli. The cedar tree
was a favorite place for the Thunder birds to alight
and according to the Legend attention was called to
the tree from which the Sacred Pole was shapetl by
the Thunder birds coming to it from the four direc-
tions and the mj'sterious burning which followed, all
of which caused the Sacred Pole to stand in the
minds of the people as entlowed with supernatural
power by the ancient Thunder gods. "As a result,"
the Legend saj^s, "the people began to pray to tlie Pole
for courage and for trophies in war and their prayers were
answered."

Associated with the Pole was the White Buffalo Hide.
Its tent stood beside that of the Pole. The ritual and
ceremonies relating to the Hide (given oq p. 286) show
that it was directly connected with hunting the buffalo.
The Pole, on the other hand, was a political symbol rep-
resentative of the authority of the chiefs, and mysteriouslv
associated with Thunder, as cited above; it was related to
defensive warfare as a means of protecting the tribe and
was also connected with the hunt, the means by which
food, clothing, and shelter w^ere secured by the people.

The Pole had its keeper, who was one of the subgens
having its rites in charge. Wlien the tribe moved out on
the annual hunt the Pole was carried on the hack of the
keeper by means of a strap passed over his shoulders, the
ends of which were fastened near the head and foot of the
Pole. As he walked carrying the Pole the keeper had to
wear his robe ceremonially, the hair outside. The food,
tent, and personal belongings of the keeper could be trans-
ported on a horse; the Pole had always to be carried on
the back of the man. The presence of the Pole was
regarded at all times as of vital importance. "It held
the tribe together; without it the people might scat-
ter," was the common expression as to the purpose and
needed presence of the Pole.

Fig. 57. An-
cient Cedar
Pole.

230 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH ann 27

The follownng incident ocfiiriTtl duriiiij: tlie early part of tlie last
century :

The keeper of the Pole had become a very old man, but he still clung to his duties-
Misfortune had come to him, and he had no horse when the time came for the tribe
to move out on the annual hunt. The old man and his aged wife had no one to help
them to carry their tent and provisions, which, added to the Sacred Pole, made a heavy
load tor the old people. The old man struggled on for some days, his strength gradu-
ally failing. At last the time came when he had to choose between caiTying food or
carrying the Pole. The tribe had started on; he hesitated, then self-preservation
decided in favor of the food, so leaving the Pole as it stood the old man slowly walked
away. As he neared the tribal camp a young man saw him and asked what had hap-
pened that he was without the Pole. The old man told his story. The young man
was poor and had only the horse he was riding, but he at once turned back to the
deserted camp to rescue the Pole. The ride was a dangerous one, for there were
enemies near. He risked his life to save the Pole by turning back. He found it
where it had been left by the old man; then mounting his horse with it he made
haste to rejoin the tribe, ^^■hen he came near to where the people were camped he
dismounted, took the Pole on his back, and leading his horse made his way to the old
keeper, delivered to him the Pole, and at the same time presented his horse to the
old man. This was the only time the Pole was ever carried on horseback. The act
of the young man was at once known, and he was publicly.thanked by the Ho^'ga
subgens that had charge of the Pole and its ceremonies. A few days later the Seven
Chiefs were called to a coimcil, and they sent for the young man, bidding him to come
to them and to wear his robe in the ceremonial manner. He hesitated at what seemed
to him must be a mistake in the summons, but he was told he must obey, ^^'hen he
entered the tent where the chiefs were sitting he was motioned to a vacant place
beside one of the principal chiefs. The young man was thus made an honorary chief
because of his generous act toward the Pole; he could sit with the chiefs, but he had
no voice in their deliberations.

Anointing the Sacred Pole

The name of this ceremony was Waxthe'xe xigithe ( Waxthe'xe,
"the Sacred Pole;" xigithe, "to tinge with red''). The ceremony of
Anointmg the Pole was commemorative of the original presentation
of the Pole to the people, and the season set for this ceremony made
it also a ceremony of thanksgiving for the gifts received through
the hunt. The ceremony took place after the fourth tribal chase
and the four ceremonies connected with the buffalo tongues and
hearts had taken place. Then the Waxthe'xeto" subgens of the
Ho°'ga gens, wliich hat! charge of the Pole, called the Seven Cliiefs,
the governing council, to the Sacred Tent to transact the prelimmary
business. They sat there with the tent closed tight, chul in their
buffalo robes, worn ceremonially, the hair outsiile and the head
falling on the left arm; in a crouching attitude, without a knife or
spoon, in imitation of the buffalo's feedmg, they ate the food provided
and took care not to drop any of it. Should a morsel fall on the
grountl, however, it was carefully pushed toward the fire; such a
morsel was said to be desired by the Pole, anti as the Legend says.
"No one must take anything claimed by tlie Pole."

Wlien the council had agreed on the ilay for the ceremony they
smoked the pipe belonging to the Pole, and the herald announced the

FLETCHER-LA flesche) THE SACRED POLE 231

decision to the tribe. Runners were sent out to search for a herd of
buffalo, and if one was found within four days it w^as accounted a
sacred herd, and the chase that took place provided fresh meat for
the commg ceremony. If within four days the runners failed to
discover a herd, dried meat was used.

In this preliminary council the number of men to be called on to
secuie poles for the communal tent was determined; then each chief
took a reed from a bundle kept in the Sacred Tent, which constituted
the tally of the men of the tribe, and mentioned the name of a man of
valorous exploits. \Ylien the names of the number of men agreed
on had been mentioned, the leader of the subgens gave the repre-
sentative reeds to the tribal herald to distribute to these designated
men. On receiving the reed each man proceeded to the Sacred Tent,
and by the act of returning his reed to the leader of the subgens
accepted the distinction that had been conferred on him. It was
now the duty of these men to visit the lodges of the tribe and select
from each tent a pole to be used in the constiiiction of a lodge for
the coming ceremonies. This they did by entering the tent and
striking a chosen pole, while they recounted the valiant deeds of their
past life. These men were followed by other men from the Waxthe'-
xeto° subgens, who, with their wives, withdrew the selected poles and
carried them to the vicinity of the Sacred Tent, where they were set
up and covered so as to form a semicircular lodge (fig. 58)." This
lodge was erected on the site of the Sacred Tents, which were incor-
porated in it. The lodge opened toward the center of the tribal circle;
as the poles used in its construction were taken from the tents of the
tribe the lodge represented all the people and was called icaxu'be,
"holy" or "sacred," because it was erected for a religious ceremony.

Up to this time the tribe may have been moving and camping every
day, but now a halt was called until the close of the ceremony. From
this time to the close of the rites all the horses had to be kept outside
the hu'thuga, and the people were not allowed to loiter about or pass to
and fro across the entrance. To enforce this regulation two men were
stationed as guards at the opening of the tribal circle.

All being in readiness, the leader of the subgens of the no"'ga
having charge of the Pole summonetl the Seven Chiefs and the head-
men of the gentes, who, wearing buflalo robes in the ceremonial
manner, sedately walked to the communal tent and took their seats.

The Xu'ka, a grouj) belonging to the Tha'tada gens, which in the
hu'thuga camped next to the Ho°'ga on tlie left, and whose duty it was
to act as prompters in the ceremonies pei-formed by the Ho°'ga, took
their places toward the end of the great communal tent on the left.
The Xu'ka followed closely the singing of the ritual songs. To aid
them in their dut}' as prompters they used counters — little sticks

a The four figures in front were made of grass : later in the oeremony these represented enemies.

232

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETU. ANN

about t) inches long. As soon as a song was sung, its counter was
laid at one side. If the Ho"'ga had any doubt as to the proper song
in the sequence of the ritual, the}' consulted tlie Xu'ka.

If by any chance a mistake occurred during the ceremonies con-
nected with the Sacred Pole, and one of the songs was sung out of
sef[uence, then the following ceremony became obligatory: All the
Waxthe'xeto" subgens of the IIo"'ga, they who had charge of the
Sacred Pole and its rites, arose, lifted their arms, held their hands
with the palms upward, and, standing thus in the attitude of suppli-
cation, wept. After a few moments one of the official servers came
forward, passed in front of the line of standing singers, and wiped the

Fig. 58. Communal ceremonial structure— grass figures in foregroimd iniilivc drawingi.

tears from each man's face. Then the singers resumed their ])laces,
and the ceremony began again from the beginning as though for the
first time. This ceremony of contrition took jilace only wlu>n by
accident the se<(uence of the songs of the Sacreil Pole was broken.

The Xu'ka also acted as jjiomptcrs when the Washa'bt>to" sub-
gens of the ]Io"'ga sang the ritual of tiie Sacred ^Miite Bull'alo Hide.
If a song of that ritual was sung out of its onh'V tlie entire ritual had to
be begun again, for tliere nuist be no breidv in the parts of the ritual —
its course "must be straight."

On the ceremonial occasion here described the herald wore a band
of matted buffalo wool about his head, with a downy eagle feather
standins: in it.

FLETCI1KT!-I.A Fl.ESCllE]

THE SACRED POLE

233

Tlie Sacred Pole was carried by the wife of the keeper of the Pole to
the edge of the communal lodge, where the keeper arranged it so as to
lean on its " staff " (a crotched stick) toward the center of the hu'thuga.

The pipe belonging to the Sacred Pole was first smoked; then the
bundle of reeds was brought, which served as a count of the men of
the tribe who were able to serve as warriors. Each chief as he drew
a reed mentioned the name of a man. He must lie one who lived in
his own loilge as the head of a family (what we would term a house-
holder), not a man dependent on relatives. As the chief spoke
the name, the herald advanced to the Pole and shouted the name
so as to be heard by the whole tribe. Should the name given be
that of a chief, the herald substituted tiiat of his son. The man
called was expecteil to send by the hand of one of his children his
finest and fattest piece of buffalo meat, of a peculiar cut known as
the tezhu'. (See p. 273.) If the meat was heavj^, one of the parents
helped to carry it to the communal tent. The little ones were full
of dread, fearing particularly the fat wJiich was to be used on the
Pole. So they often stopped to wipe their greasy fingers on tiie grass
so as to escape any blame or possible guilt of sacrilege. Anyone
refusing to make this offering to the Pole would be struck by light-
ning, wounded in battle, or lose a limb by a splinter running into liis
foot. There are well-known instances of such results having followed
refusal.

Ritual Songs

All the ritual songs I'elating to the ceremonies of the Sacretl Pole
were the property of the Waxthe'xeto" subgens of the Ho°'ga gens,
and were sung by them during the performance of the rites.

This song accompanied the placing of the Pole ami the cuttmg of
the svmbolic design on tiie ground in front of it:

First Song

(Sling in octaves)

The a- ma wa sthi - to° - bi

P^^^^^y^^M?^

\Va-gthi-to''-bi Wa-gthi-to''-bi tlioho.

-*-^ — 'e)T-» — '

tho ho gthi-to°.

ba;

s*-

Te-

-h<

Ifg

gthi - to"

ai--

--^-

id=iv:

-3E3.=

:=!:

— ^ — ^ — « — , — • — • — ^ — *-
Wa- gthi-to" - bi Wa-gthi-lo" - bi

xi e-he

L'thi - to"

Thea'nia wagthito°bi tho ho! gthito"ba

Wagthito°bi, wagthito"bi, tho ho

Te'xi ehe gthito°ba

Wagthito°bi, wagthito"bi te'xi che gthito"ba

•^

234 THE OMAHA TEIBE [eth axn. 27

Literal translation: Theanid, liere are they (the people); vof/thi-
t<)'*hi — the prefix wa indicates that the ohject has power, gtliUoHn,
touching what is theirs ("touching" here means the touching that is
necessaiy for a preparation of the objects) ; tho Tio! is an exclamation
here used in the sense of a call to Wako°'da, to arrest attention, to
announce that something is in progress relating to serious matters;
te'xi, that which is of the most precious or sacred nature; eTie, I say.

Free translation

The people cry aloud — tho ho! before thee.

Here they prepare for sacred rites — tho ho!

Their Sacred, Sacred Pole.

With reverent hands, I say, they touch the Sacred Pole before thee.

After the Pole was in place, the one who officiated and repre-
sented the keepers of the Pole, the Waxthe'xeto" subgens of the
Ho°'ga, advanced toward the Pole to untie the skin which concealed
the wickerwork object bound to the middle of the Pole. As this was
being done, the Ho°'ga keepers sang the next stanza:

Wagthishkabi, wagthishkabi tho ho! gthishkaba

Wagthishkabi, wagthishkabi tho ho

Te'xi ehe gthishkaba

Wagthishkabi, wagthishkabi, te'xi ehe gthishkaba

Literal translation: Wagthishliahi — the prefix wa indicates that the
object has power; gtJiisTikahi, undoing, so as to expose to view that
which is covered or encased. The rest of the words have been
translated in the first stanza.

Free translation

We now unloose and bring to view, tho ho! before thee.

We bring to view for sacred rites, tho ho!

This sacred, sacred thing.

These sacred rites, this sacred thing comes to view before thee.

In front of the Pole the symbolic figure, called uzhi^'eti, figure 59
(see p. 241), was then cut on the ground, the sod removed, and the
earth loosened, after which the following song was sung:

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHEJ

THE SACRED POLE

235

Second Song

_^_^^_^__,

the wa

gthi - to° - bi

tha ha

gthi - to" - bi

Ehe the he gthito°bi thaha ha

Gthito''bi
Ehe the he the wagthito°bi tha ha ha

Gthito-'bi
Ehe the he the wagthito°bi tha ha ha

Gthito°bi

Literal translation: Ehe, I say; the, this; he, vowel prolongation of
preceding word; gthito^bi, preparing what is theirs; tha, a punctua-
tion word indicating the end of the sentence, used in oratory and
dignified speech; ha, vowel prolongation of preceding word.

Free trainslation

I here declare our work to be completed,

Done our task!
I here declare that all our work is now completed.

Done our task!
I here declare that all our work is now completed,

Fully completed!

On the following day the culminating rites of the ceremony took
place. In these the wife of the officiating priest had a share. lie
was clothed in his gala shirt and leggings, and red hands were painted
across his cheeks from the mouth to the ear. The woman wore over
her gala costume a buffalo robe girded about her waist, the skin side
out, which was painted red. Across her cheeks and her glossy black
hair red bands were painted and to the heel of each moccasin was
attached a strip of buft'alo hair like a tail.

Early in the morning the following song was sung as the wicker-
work object containmg the down of the crane, which bore the name

236

THE OMAHA TKIBE

lETII. ANN. 'JT

a'xo"(lepa (wrist shield) was fully opened, to be leadv for the core-
monies of the day:

Third Sonc

-t^— t^

-I y — w — s*-

A - .\o''-de - pa ha ha wi" the tho" A - xo°-de - pa ha

A-xo°-de-pa ha ha wi°thetho'' A-xo^-de-pa ha ha wi° the tho"

Axo"depa ha ha! wi" the tho"
Axo"depa ha ha! wi" the tho"
Axo'Hlepa ha ha! wi" the tho"
Axo"depa ha ha! wi" the tho"
Axo"depa ha ha! wi" the tho"

Literal translation : Axo^depa, the wrist shield worn on the left wrist
of a man to prevent it being cut by the bowstring when the latter
rebounds from being drawn; ha ha, exclamation, behold'; wi", one;
the, here this; rto", round, referring to the shape of the wrist shield.

The reiteration of the words makes it difficult to present a trans-
lation of the song literally, for to the Indian mind the repeated
words brought up the varied aspects of the Pole. It represented the
unity of the tribe; the unity of the Council of Seven Chiefs, which
made them "as one heart, as one voice;" the authority of the Thun-
der. It was a being — a man; it was a bow, the weapon of a man
which was used for the defense of life and to secure the game that
gave food, shelter, and clothing. As this song (which referred to the
shield — the article that protected the wrist of the man when he
pulled the bow string) was sung, the wickerwork containing the down
was fully opened, preparatory to the ceremonies in which it had a
part. The full meaning of the lines of the song does not appear from
the literal words, but must be found in the symbolism of the cere-
monial acts connected with this "round object."

The fourth song was sung as the officiating priest arranged on the
ground in front of the Pole, side by side, four of the best tezhu'
pieces of buffalo meat. These represented four buffaloes, also the four
hunts and the four ceremonial offerings of hearts and tongues which
had preceded this ceremony. The other pieces were laid along the
front of the communal tent. Sometimes there were four parallel

FLETiTiKK-i.A Ft.EsrHF.] THE SACRED POLE 237

rows of this meat. From these offerings tlie officiating priest was
later to cut cerenioiiitiily the fat that was to be mixed with the paint
and used to anoint the Pole. As this action was a preparatory one,
it was accompanied by the same song as when the Sacred Pole was
put in place and ])ri'|)ared for the ceremony. The song was repeated
eight times.

Foi RTH Song — S.\me as the First

Wlien the meat was finally arranged, the completion of the task
was announced by again singing the second ritual song.

Fifth Song — Same as the Second

The next song embodied the command of the Ho°'ga in charge of
these ceremonies to the officiating priest, bidding him to advance
toward the meat with his knife and hold the latter aloft preparatory
to the movements which accompanied the ceremonial cutting of the
meat.

Sixth Song

(Sung in octaves) ^^'^^

rvP"" 4 — ^^ — * — *' — *^*~^~'*^^T*~*~'~'*~"3 — — 9—*-'—^—*-i-\

Tlii-shti ba- lia- lia no° zlii" - ga Thi-shti ba- ba- ha no'-zbi" ga-ha
3

r-ft— ^ — ^ • — * S * Jit — »-i- — r

H-

Thi-sliti ba - ha-, ha no° zlii° - ga Thi-shti ba -ha- ha

■i^^^:^^m^/^^^==^^^=^

no°-zlil'' ga-ha a- ha Thi-shti ba - lia- ha no" zlii° - ga

Thi-shti ba -ha - ha no''-zhi°- ga- ha Thi-shti ba - ha - ha no°-zhi° - ga

a a^ » — » m — = m — w- — m — m- ^ — '-t — ; —

„_,_^_^.^^__^,.

Thi-shti ba-ha-ha no°-zhi° ga-ha a- ha Thi-shti ba-ha-ha no°-zhi°-ga

Thishti bahaha n()°zhi"ga

These words were repeated nine times.

Literal translation: Thishti, thou, too — addressed to the officiating
priest : hahnha, to show, meaning that the priest shall grasp the knife
with which he is to cut the fat and hold it up to view; no^zhl", to
stand; ga, word of command. "Do thou show thy knife, standing
there!"

238

THE OMAHA TRIBE
Seventh Song

[ETH. ANN. 27

A - ba - ha ki - the a - ba - ha

ki - the

he - he

'^^m

-f— I-

ba-ha ki-the a- ba- ha - ki-the he - he A-ba-ha ki-the ki-Ihe

-?-- N-

:i=

— _ _ - -a 1 '

* ^ ' - ^ ^

ba - ba ki-the a-ba-ha ki-the he be

he be the

Abaha kitlie, abaha kithe hehe

These words were repeated four times.

Literal translation: Abaha, to hold toward or over; hithe. I make
him (the Ho°'ga, who have charge of the rites speak, authorizing
the action of the priest, who is their representative); liel\e, vocables
used as vowel prolongations. At the conclusion of the fourth repe-
tition of the words the priest lowered the knife preparatory to the
act authorized in the second stanza, and then sang:

Ma'xo" akithe, Ma'xo" akithe, hehe

These words also were repeated four times.

Literal translation: Jfa'jo", to cut; aliihe, I make or autliorize
him.

During the singing of the second stanza the priest cut the fat from
the four tezhu' lying in front of the Pole, and dropped it into a
wooden bowl held by his wife for its reception. The fat cut from
the meat offerings was pounded to a sort of paste and mixed
with red paint. Wliile this was being done the pipe belonging to
the Pole was ceremonially smoked by the chiefs and leading men
gathered in the communal tent. The act of smoking was a prayer
of consecration and the asking of a blessing on the anointing of the
Pole about to take place. When the ceremony of smoking was
completed and the fat and paint were made reaily, the eighth ritual
song was sung.

FLETCHER-r.A FLBSCHB]

THE SACRED POLE
Eighth SoNf;

239

he the

ba - he he the A - ba - he he

Abahe he the abahe he the

Te ehe the
Abahe he the abahe he the

Literal translation: Abahe, to hold toward; he, vowel ])rolongation ;
the, this; te, buffalo; ehe, I say; the, this.

During the singing of this song the priest took the brush (see p. 228)
with which he was to anoint the Pole and made a ceremonial ap-
proach toward the Pole, holding the brush near it, while the woman
at the same time presented the bowl. Fat was the emblem of
abundance; red, the color of life. The mixture therefore symbol-
ized abundant life. The line Te ehe the was explained to mean that
the buffalo was here declared to be a life-giving gift from Wa-
ko°'da, and that the buffalo yielded itself to man for his abundant
food and also to provide him with shelter and clothing. The cere-
mony of anointing was one of recognition of the gift by Wako^'da
of the buffalo and of thanksgiving for it.

The second stanza of this song was now sung. The words are:

Ite he ehe the ite he ehe the

Te ehe the
Ite he ehe the ite he ehe!

Literal translation : 7<p, to touch; Ae, vowel prolongation; e7(r,Isay;
the, this; te, buffalo; ehe, I say; the, this.

The brush, on which was some of the sacred paint, was then brought
close to the Pole and permitted to touch it. As all of the move-
ments related to the care of Wako"'da for man, they were religious
in character and consequently were very deliberate. The brush
ceremonially touched the Pole and four lines were made down its
length. The anointing followed as the next song was sung.

240 THE OMAHA TKIliE [irni anx. 27

Ninth Song
(Sunt; in octaves) Harmonizcfl by John C. Fillmore fur interprclalinii cm the piano
Solemnly Moderalo J = 60

-* — • 0 > — j — *"

-^'^'S

-?-*-

tlia - ha ki - the

^?^

a - tha - ha ki - the he

I , ,

u~tj-Lr^a

Tiem. 4 ■^-

-±i

Con Peel

tha - lia ki - the

tha - hi

ki - the he

m m m w ~ m ^_

I • ■ » I » i m f. —

=I=C=

-? — t-

A -

tha

ki - the ki - the

:qziz=:

-« ? — s-

i«=d!i

^J^

-4— 4— 4— -*— :j— ^-

-«<—

^? ^-^ ^_

FI.BTCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 241

Athaha kithe, athaha kithe he he

These words were repeated four times.

Translation : Athaha, to adhere ; Tcithe, I make or cause ; he he, vowel
prolongation. "I cause [the paint] to adhere."

More than one application of the paint was made. As the Pole
began to assume a ruddy hue the second stanza was sung.

Zhide akithe, zhide akithe he he

These words were repeated four times.

Translation: Zhide, red; akithe, I make or cause it; he he, vowel
prolongation. "I make it to be red."

By the end of the fourth repetition of the second stanza the anoint-
ing was completed. Then the third stanza was sung.

Ko^pi akithe, Ko" akithe he he

Translation : Ko^pi, an abbreviation of uthulco'^pi, comely or hand-
some to look upon ; akithe, I cause or make it ; he he, vowel prolonga-
tion. "I make it beautiful." The word hd^pi, it was explained,
here refers to man, the most comely of all creatures endowed with
life, to whom Wako°'da has given the promise of abundance. The
people, who had gathered from their tents and were watching the
ceremony and listening to these sacred songs, as this stanza was sung
nudged one another and laughed, enjoying the complimentary refer-
ence to themselves and the promise given.

When the anointing was completed that part of the ceremony
began in which the woman officiated.

In this portion of the ceremonial the Pole lost something of its
poHtical significance and became the representative of man as the
protector and provider of the family. The figure cut in the ground
in front of the Pole then had a share in the rites. This figure (see
p. 234) was called uzhi^'eti {uzhi^, the wistfulness of a child, as when it
stands before its parent waiting to share in some good thing ; ti, house) .
The design was said to signify the wistfid attitude of the people, look-
ing for the good that Wako°'da was to send to them in the house,
the dwelling of the family, and in a larger sense, the hu'thuga,
the dwelling of the tribe; it also brought to mind the fathers who
established these ceremonies that opened the way for the recep-
tion of good gifts from Wako°'da. An old man said, "As I stand
before the uzhi^'eti I seem to be listening for the words of the ven-
erable ones who gave us these rites." It was a prayer symbol. In
the center of this symbolic figure, where the fireplace would be in the

83993"— 27 eth— 11 16

242 THE OMAHA TRIBE [bth. ann. 27

lodge, a buffalo chip was placed; when it was kindled, sweet grass used
in ])eaceful ceremonies and sprays of cedar sacred to thunder were
laid on it and through the aromatic smoke arising therefrom the
seven arrows were passed. These represented the Seven Chiefs, who
held the tribe together in peacefid unity, and also the means by
which man secured for his family Wako"'da's gift of the buffalo,
whence came food and clothing. The woman stood for the mother
of the race and her share in the rites was a prayer for its continuance
and prosperity.

As the woman, in her representative capacity, held the arrows over
the consecrating smoke which arose from the burning of fragrant
offerings sacred to war and to peace, the following song was sung:

Tenth Song

Music the same as for the eighth song (p. 239) and the words the
same as those of the first stanza of the song.

After consecrating the arrows by passing them through the smoke,
the woman advanced toward the Pole and stood holding an arrow
aloft while the following song was sung:

Eleventh Song

The same as the sixth song (p. 237). The words of the song were
repeated nine times. A number multiplied by itself, as 3 times 3 or
4 times 4, as not infrequently occurs m ceremonials, indicates com-
pleted action.

Twelfth Song

The music of the twelfth song, which accompanied the shooting
by the woman of the arrows through the basketwork, is the same as
that of the ninth ritual song (p. 240), sung when the Pole was
painted; the words are as follows:

Baxo° akithe, baxo" akithe, he he

Literal translation: Baxo", to thrust; (iJcithe, I cause it.

These words were I'epeated four times to fill out the measure of the
song that was sung seven times, once to each of the arrows.

In this act the Pole became the bow, and the basketwork the wrist
shield on the arm of the man who grasped the bow. The woman
shot the arrow along the bow, simulating the shooting of the buffalo,
to secure the gift of abundance. When the arrow was not checked
by the wickerwork or down, but passed clear through the bimdle with
sufficient force to stand in the ground on the other side, a shout of joy
arose from the people, for this was an auguiy of victory over enemies
and of success in hunting. After this divination ceremony with the
arrows the wickerwork on the Pole was folded together and tied in
its skin covering until the next year, when the ceremony would be
repeated.

tletcher-la fleschb] the sacred pole 243

Ceremony of the Sacred Pole — Conclusion

It will be noted that the ceremony of the Sacred Pole is divided
into two parts and that the significance of the Pole is twofold. In
the first part the Pole stands for the authority that governetl the
tribe, an authority granted and guarded by the supernatural powers;
in the second part the Pole stands for the men of the tribe, the
defenders and the providers of the home. The same songs are used
for both parts, but in the first part the ceremonial acts are per-
formed by a man; in the second part the ceremonial acts are per-
formed by a woman. In this two-part ceremony and its performance
are reflected the fundamental ideas on which the tribal organization
is based, the union of the masculine and the feminine.

All the buffalo meat laid before the Pole was now gathered up and
laid away and four images made of grass and hair were set up before
the Pole. These represented enemies of the tribe. The tribal herald
then went forth and shouted: "Pity me [an expression of courtesy],
my young men, and let me [he speaks for the keepers of the Pole]
complete my ceremonies!" In response to this summons all those
men who had won honors in defensive warfare put on the regalia that
represented those honors and made ready to act their part in the
drama about to be performed; for only men whose honors had been
gained in defensive warfare could have a share in this drama. Mean-
while all the young men of the tribe mounted their horses and rode
off outside the camp. Suddenly some one of them turned, and ciy-
ing, "They have come ! they have come ! " the whole company charged
on the camp. (This was once done in so realistic a manner as to
deceive the people into the belief of an actual onslaught of an enemy,
to the temporary confusion of the whole tribe.) After this charge
the young men dismounted, turned loose their horses, and mingled
with the spectators, who gathered at both ends of the communal
tent as a vantage point whence to view the spectacle. The warriors
acted out their warlike experiences in defending the tribe and
charged on the grass images, while the chiefs and leaders remained
in the "holy" tent, in front of wliich stood the Pole. In later days
guns were shot off, adding to the noise and commotion. Those who
had been wounded in defensive battles rolled about as if struck;
those who had speared or scalped enemies thrust their spears into
an image or scalped it. Four of these charges were made on the
images, which were finally captured and treated as if conquered,
and this ended the scene called "shooting the Pole," an act intended
to do public honor to the defenders of the home and the tribe.

On the day following, preparations for the He'dewachi ceremony
(see p. 251) began, at the close of whicli the ceremonial camp broke
up and each family followed its own inclination, either to i-eturn to

244 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

the village or to continue to hunt. All rules and regulations as to
hunting the buffalo were now at an end for the season.

The visitor to the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, will notice
upon the upper portion of the Pole an encrustation resembling
pieces of thick bark; this is the dried paint that remains from the
numerous anointings of the Pole. (Fig. 51.) The old chief told the
writers in 1S88 that long ago, beyond the memory of the eldest, it
was the custom to anoint the Pole twice a year — after the summer
hunt and after the winter hunt; but within his own memory and that
of his father the anointing had taken place only in the summer.

The rapid destruction of the herds of buffalo in the decade follow-
ing 1.S70 caused the Indian not only sore physical discomfort but also
great mental distress. His religious ceremonies needed the buffalo
for their observance, and its disappearance, which in its suddenness
seemed to him supernatural, had done much to demoralize him mor-
ally as well as socially.

After several unsuccessful buffalo hunts poverty took the place of
former plenty and in distress of mind and of body, seeing no other
way of relief, the people urged on the Ho°'ga the performance of
the ceremony of Anointing the Pole, although misfortune in himting
through the diminution of tlie buffalo made it impossible to perform
this act in its integrity. A plan was suggested by which the cere-
mony could he accomplished and, as they fondty hoped, the blessing
of plenty be restored to tlie people. The tribe had certain moneys
due from the United States in payment for ceded lands, and through
their Agent they asked that such a sum as was needful to purchase
30 head of cattle should be paid them. Little understanding the
trouble of mind among the Indians under his charge or the motive of
their request, the Agent wrote to the Interior Department, at Wash-
ington, that "The Omahas have a tradition that when they do not
'go on the buffalo hunt they should at least once a year take the lives
of some cattle and make a feast." This interpretation of the Indian's
desire to spend his money for the purchase of the means by which
he hoped to perform rites that' might bring back the buffalo and
save him from an unknown and dreaded future is a significant gauge
of the extent to which the Indian's real life had been comprehended
by those appointed to lead him along new lines of living and thinking.
The cattle were bought at a cost of about a thousanil dollars. The
ceremony took place; but, alas! conditions did not change. A second
and third time the tribe spent its money, but to no avail. New
influences and interests grew stronger every year. The old customs
could not be made to bend to the new ways forced on the people.
Opposition to further outlay for cattle to hold the old ceremony
arose from the Government and also from some of the tribe; so years

ELETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 245

passed while the Pole stood untouched in its tent, dreaded as a
thing that was powerful for harm but seeminglj- powerless to bring
back the old-time prosperity to the people.

The following is the boy memory of these ancient ceremonies of
the Sacred Pole, now forever gone, by one of the present writers, the
only living witness who is able to picture in English those far-away
scenes :

One bright summtT afternoon the Omahas were traveling along the valley of one of
the Btreams of western Kansas on their annual buffalo hunt. The mass of moving
people and horses extended for nearly half a mile in width and some 2 miles in length.
There was an old man walking in a space in the midst of this mo\-ing host. The day
was sultry and everybody around me was in the lightest clothing possible; but the
solitary old man wore a heavy buffalo robe wrapped about his body. Around his
shoulders was a leather strap the width of my hand, to the ends of which was attached
a dark object that looked like a long black pole. From one end hung a thing resem-
bling a scalp with long hair. One of my playmates was with me, and we talked in low
tones about the old man and the curious burden on his back. He looked weary, and
the perspiration dropped in profusion from his face, as with measured steps he kept
apace with the cavalcade.

The horses that I was driving stopped to nibble the grass, when, partly from impa-
tience and partly out of mischief, I jerked the lariat I was dragging with all the force
I could muster in the direction of the horses, and the end of it came with a resounding
whack against the sleek side of the gray. Startled at the sound, all of the five horses
broke into a swift gallop through the open space, and the gray and the black, one after
the other, ran against the old man, nearly knocking him over. My friend turned pale;
suddenly he became anxious to leave me, but I finally persuaded him to remain with
me until camp was pitched. He stayed to help me to water the horses and drive them
to pasture and I invited him to dinner, which he seemed to expect.

UTiile we were eating, the boy asked me if he should tell my father of the incident.
I consented, for I thought that would relieve him from any fears of the consequences.
As he was telling of what happened I watched the expression of my father's face with
some trepidation, and felt greatly relieved when he smiled. We finished our dinner,
but as we started to go out my father stopped us and said: "Now, boys, you must go
to the Sacred Tent. Take both horses with you, the gray and the black, and this
piece of scarlet cloth; when you reach the entrance you must say, 'Venerable mant
we have, without any intention of disrespect, touched you and we have come to ask
to be cleansed from the wrong that we have done.' "

We did as we were instructed and appeared before the Sacred Tent in which was
kept the "Venerable Man," as the Sacred Pole was called, and repeated our prayer.
The old man who had been so rudely jostled by our horses came out in response to our
entreaty. He took from me the scarlet cloth, said a few words of thanks, and reentered
the tent; soon he returned carrying in his hand a wooden bowl filled with warm water.
He lifted his right hand to the sky and wept, then sprinkled us and the horses with the
water, using a spray of artemisia. This act washed away the anger of the "Venerable
Man," which we had brought down upon ourselves.

A few weeks later we were moving from the high hills down to the valley of the
Platte river, returning from the hunt, our horses heavily laden with buffalo skins and
dried meat. A beautiful spot was selected for our camp, and the crier gave in a loud
voice the order of the chiefs that the camp be pitched in ceremonial form. This was
done.

246 THE OMAHA TRTBE [eth. ann. 27

III the evening my playmate rame and wo ate fried bread and drank black coffee
together. When we had finished tiie little boy snapped his black eyes at me and said:
"Friend, let us go and play in the Holy (communal) Tent; the boys will be there and
we will have fun." We went, and there was the Holy Tent, 60 or 70 feet in length.
The two Sacred Tents of the Ho"'ga gens had been united and a dozen or more other
skin tents were added to them on either side, making a tent that could easily hold
two or three hundred peojile. No grown peojile were there, so we youngsters had no
end of fun playing hide and seek in the folds of the great tent, while the serious sages
were taking the census of the peo])le elsewhere, using small sticks to count with, pre-
paratory to calling upon each family to contribute to the coming ceremony.

The next night we youngsters had again our fun in the Holy Tent. On the third
night, when we went to play as usual, we found at the Tent two officers with whips, who
told us that boys would not be permitted to play in the Tent that night. Still we lin-
gered around and saw that even older persons were not allowed to come near, but
were told to make a wide detour in passing, so as not to disturb the fresh grass in front
of the Tent. Dogs were fired at with shotguns if they approached too near. The cere-
mony was to begin the next day, so the chiefs and priests, through the crier, requested
the people to conduct themselves in such manner as the dignity of the occasion re-
quired.

Early in the morning I was wakened by my mother and told to sit up and listen. I
did so and soon heard the voice of an old man calling the names of boys. Most of
them I recognized as my playmates. Suddenly I heard my own name distinctly
called. I arose to make answer but was held back by my mother, who put in my
arms a large piece of meat, with no wrapping whatever, regardless of my clean calico
shirt, while she bade me go to where I was called. When I emerged from the tent
with my burden the crier stopped calling my name, and called the boy in the next
tent. As I neared the Holy Tent to which I had been summoned, an old man, wearing
a band of buffalo skin around his head and a buffalo robe about his body, came for-
ward to meet me. He put both his hands on my head and passed them down my
sides; then he took from me the meat and laid it down on the grass in front of a dark
pole standing aslant in the middle of the Holy Tent, a scalp dangling on the end of it.
1 recopiized this pole as the one that was carried by the old man whom my horses ran
against only a few weeks before. The calling of the names still went on: a man
sat immediately back of the pole with two piles of small sticks before him: he would
pick up a stick from one pile and give a name to the crier, who. leaning on a staff,
called it out at the top of his voice: when this was done the stick was placed on the
other pile.

When every family in the tribe excepting those of the Ho"'ga gens had thus been
called upon to make an offering, the priests began to sing the songs pertaining to this
peculiar ceremony. I was now very much interested and watched every mo\-ement
of the men who officiated. Four of the fattest pieces of meat were selected and placed
just at the foot of the Sacred Pole. A song was sung and a man stood ready with a
knife near the meat: when the last note died out the man made a feint at cutting and
then resumed his position. Three times the song was repeated with its accompanying
act, when on the fourth time the man in great haste carved out all of the fat from the
four pieces of choice meat and put it in a wooden bowl. After the fat had been mixed
with burnt red clay and kneaded into a paste, another song was sung, and the same
priest stood ready with bowl and brush in hand beside the Pole. .\t the close of the
song he made a feint at the Pole with the brush and resumed his former position.
Four times this song was sung, each time followed by a feint. Then a new stanza
was sung, at the end of which the priest touched the Pole lightly with his brush
the entire length. This song and act were repeated four times. Then a different
song was sung, the words of which I can remember even to this day: '" I make him

FLETCHER-LA flesche] THE SACRED POLE 247

beautiful! I make him beautiful!" Then the priest with great haste dipped his
brush into the bowl and daubed the Pole with the paste while the singing was going
on. Four times the song was sung, the anointing was finished, and the Pole stood
shining in fresh paint. Then many of the people cried: " Oh! how beautiful he is!"
and then laughed, but the priests never for au instant changed the expression of
their faces. I did not know whether to join in the merriment or to imitate the priests
and maintain a serious countenance; but while I stood thus puzzled the ceremony
went on.

A woman dressed in a peculiar fashion took the place of the priest who had painted
the Pole. She wore on her head a baud of buffalo skin and the down of the eagle,
around her body a buffalo robe with the fur outside and to her ankles were tied
strips of buffalo skin with the hair on. In her left hand she held six arrows and
stood ready with one poised in her right. A song was sung and at the close she made
a feint with the arrow at the bundle of feathers in the middle of the Pole. Four
times this was done; then other songs were sung and at the close of each song, with
a quick movement the woman thrust an arrow through the bundle containmg down
tied to the middle of the Pole with such force that it passed entirely through and
as it dropped stuck in the ground, and the people shouted as with great joy. I
joined in the shouting, although at the time I did not know why the people cheered.
There were seven arrows in all; on this occasion every one of the arrows went suc-
cessfully through the downy bundle. It is said that if an arrow failed to go through
and bounded back, the gens which it represented would meet with misfortune;
some member would be slain by the enemy.

After the singing of the songs and the anointing of the Pole, the meat was distrib-
uted among the families of the Ho"'gagens, the keepers of the Sacred Pole. The
moment that this was done a man was seen coming over the hill running at full speed,
waving his blanket in the air in an excited manner, and shouting the cry of alarm:
"The enemy are upon us!" The horses were familiar with this cry and the moment
they heard it they stampeded into the camp circle, making a noise like thunder.
Men rushed to their tents for their bows and arrows and guns and were soon mounted
on their best horses. Warriors sang the death song, and women sang songs to give
the men courage. The excitement in camp was at its height, but the singing of
the priests in the Holy Tent went on. Instead of going out to meet the enemy,
the warriors gathered at one side of the camp circle opposite the Holy Tent and
at the firing of a gun came charging toward it. It was a grand sight— four or five
hundred warriors rushing on us at full speed. There was no enemy; the man who
gave the alarm was only acting his part of a great drama to be performed before the
Sacred Pole. The warriors fired their guns and shot their arrows at a number of
figures made of bundles of tall grass and arranged before the Holy Tent. Shouts
of defiance went from the tent and were returned by the charging warriors. This
play of battles lasted nearly the whole day.

Years passed, and with them passed many of the brave men who told the tale
of their battles before the Sacred Pole. So also passed the buffalo, the game upon
which the life of this and other tribes depended. During these years I was jjlaced
in school, where I learned to speak the English language and to read and write.

Through a curious chain of circumstances, which I need not here relate, I found
myself employed in the Indian Bureau at Washington. The Omaha had given
up the chase and were putting all their energies into agriculture. They had aban-
doned their villages and were scattered over their reservation upon separate farms,
knowing that their former mode of living was a thing of the past and that hence-
forth their livelihood must come from the tilling of the soil. To secure themselves
in the individual o^Ynership of the farms they had opened, the people petitioned
the Government to survey their reservation and to allot the land to them in sev-

248 THE OMAHA TRIBE [bth. ann, 27

erally. Their petition was granted by an act of Cbngress and the work of appor-
tioning the lands was assigned to a lady who is now kiiown among the scientists of
this and other countries. I was detailed to assist her in this work, and together
we went to the reservation to complete the task.

While driving over the reservation one day we came to a small frame house with
a porch in front. Around this dwelling were patches of corn and other vegetables
and near by was an orchard of apple trees with ripening fruit. In strange contrast
with all this there stood in the back yard an Indian tent, carefully pitched, and
the ground around it scrupulously clean. My companion asked, "What is that?"
"It is the Holy Tent of the Omahas," I replied. "What is inside of it?" "The
Sacred Pole," I answered. "I want to see it." "You can not enter the Tent unless
you get permission from the Keeper." The Keeper was not at home, but his wife
kindly conducted us to the entrance of the Tent, and we entered. There in the
place of honor stood my friend, the "Venerable Man," leaning aslant as I saw him
years before when I carried to him the large offering of choice meat. He had served
a great purpose; although lacking the power of speech, or any of the faculties with
which man is gifted, he had kept closely cemented the Seven Chiefs and the gentes
of the tribe for hundreds of years. He was the object of reverence of young and
old. A\1ien the United States Government became indebted to the tribe for lands
sold, he, too, was accounted as one of the creditors and was paid the same as a man
of flesh and blood. He now stood before us, abandoned by all save his last Keeper,
who was now bowed with age. The Keeper seemed even to be a part of him, bearing
the name "Smoked Yellow," a name referring both to the age and to the accumu-
lation of smoke upon the Pole. Silently we stood gazing upon him, we three, the
white woman in the middle. Almost in a whisper, and with a sigh, the Keeper's
wife said, "I am the only one now who takes care of him. When it rains I come
to close the flaps of the Tent, at all hours of the night. Many were the offerings once
brought to him, but now he is left all alone. The end has come!" [For portrait
of the wife of the keeper of the Pole, see pi. 26.]

A few years later I went to the house of Smoked Yellow and was hospitably enter-
tained by him and his kind wife. After dinner, as we sat smoking in the shade of the
trees, we spoke of the past life of the tribe and from time to time in our conversation
1 pleasantly reminded him of important events within my own knowledge, and of
others of which I had heard, where his knowledge guided the actions of the people.
This seemed to please him very much and he spoke more freely of the peculiar cus-
toms of the Omaha. He was an important man in his younger days and quite an
orator. I have heard him deliver an address on the spur of the moment that would
have done credit to almost any speaker in either branch of our Congress. He was one
of the signers of the treaty entered into between the Omaha and the United States.

As my visit was drawing to a close, without any remarks leading thereto, I suddenly
swooped down upon the old chief with the audacious question: "Why don't you send
the ' Venerable Man ' to some eastern city where he could dwell in a great brick house
instead of a ragged tent?" A smile crept over the face of the chieftain as he softly
whistled a tune and tapped the ground with his pipe stick before he replied, while I
sat breathlessly awaiting the answer, for I greatly desired the jireservation of this
ancient and unique relic. The pipe had cooled and he proceeded to clean it. He
blew through it now and then as he gave me this answer: "My son, I have thought
about this myself but no one whom I could trust has hitherto approached me upon
this subject. I shall think about it, and will give you a definite answer when I see
you again."

The next time I was at his house he conducted me to the Sacred Tent and delivered
to me the Pole and its belongings. [See tig. 50 for portrait of the last keeper of the
Sacred Pole .] This was the first time that it was purposely touched by anyone outside

FLETCHER-LA flesche] THE SACRED POLE 249

of its hereditary Keepers. It had always been regarded with superstitious awe and
anyone touching even its Tent must at once be cleansed by the priest. Even little
children shared in this feeling and left unclaimed a ball or other plaything that
chanced to touch the Tent made sacred by its presence.

Thus it was that the Sacred Pole of the Omaha found its way into the Peabody
Mu.seum in 1888 but leaving its ritual songs behind. During these years I have
searched for men in the Ho"'ga gens who would be likely to know these songs but
without success. The old priest, Tenu'ga, whose office it was to sing them, died
before I came in touch with him.

By the use of the graphophoue I was enabled in 1897 to secure the ritual songs of the
Sacred ^^'hite Buffalo from \Vako"'mo"thi", the last keeper; and when the record was
finished I said to him: "Grandfather, years ago I saw you officiating at the ceremonies
of the Sacred Pole and from this I judge that you are familiar with its songs. May I
ask if you would be willing to sing them for me? " The old priest shook his head and
replied: "Eldest son, I am forced to deny your request. These songs belong to the
opposite side of the house and are not mine to give. You are right as to my knowledge
of them and you did see me officiating at the ceremony you referred to; but I was
acting as a substitute. The man whose place I took was newly inducted into his
office and was not familiar with its various forms; he feared the results of any mi.stakes
he might make, on account of his children, for it meant the loss of one of them by
death should an error occur. You must consult the keepers of the Pole.'"

Knowing that it would be useless even with bribes to attempt to persuade the priest
to become a plagiarist, I refrained from pushing the matter further, trusting that cir-
cumstances in the future might take such a turn as to relieve him from his obligations
to recognize any individual's ownership in the ritual songs.

In the latter part of June, 1898. 1 happened to be on the Omaha reservation, and while
there I drove over to \Vako"'mo"thi"'s house. (Figs. 60, 61.) He was at home and
after the exchange of greetings I addressed him as follows:

"Grandfather, last summer, after you had taught me the songs connected with the
ceremony of the Sacred Buffalo, I asked you to teach me the songs of the Sacred
Pole. You replied that you knew the songs, but could not sing them for me, because
they belonged to the other side of .the house and were not yours to give. I respected
your purpose to keep inviolate your obligations to maintain the respective rights
and offices of the two houses that were so closely allied in the preservation of order
among our people, so I did not press my quest for the knowledge of the songs at that
time, believing that you would soon see that the object for which that Sacred Tree
and its accompanying rites were instituted had vanished, never to return. Our
people no longer flock to these sacred houses as in times pa.st, bringing their children
laden with offerings that they might receive a blessing from hallowed hands; new
conditions have arisen, and from force of circumstances they have had to accede
to them and to abandon the old. I have been here and there among the members
of the opposite side of the house, to which you referred, to find .some one who knew
the songs of the Sacred Pole, so that I might preserve them before they were utterly
lost; but to my inquiries the invariable answer was: 'I do not know them. \\'ako'"-
mo^thi" Is the only man who has a full knowledge of them.' Therefore I have made
bold to come to you again."

After holding the pipe he had been filling during my speech, up to the sky, and
muttering a few words of prayer, the old man lit the pipe and smoked in silence for
a timd, then passed the pipe to me and made his reply, speaking in low tones:

"My eldest son, all the words that you have just spoken are true. Customs that
governed and suited the life of our people have undergone a radical change and
the new generation has entered a new life utterly unlike the old. The men with
whom 1 have associated in the keeping and teaching of the two sacred houses'have

250

THE OMAHA TRIBE

fKTII. ANN.

turiu'il into spirits and have doparlefl, Ipavinp; me to dwell in solitude the rest of
my life. All that gave me comfort in this lonely travel was the possession and care
of the Sar-red Huffalo, one of the consecrated objects that once kept our people firmly

Fii: fi I \\';i\u ' lu )i>.hi"

united; but, as thuuijh to add to my sadness, rude hands have taken from me, by
stealth, this one solace, and I now sit empty handed, awaiting the call of those who
have gone before me. For a while 1 wept for this loss, morning and evening, as
though for the death of a relati\e dear to me, but as time passed by tears ceased to
flow and I can now speak of it with some composure,"

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE SACRED POLE 251

At this point I passed the pipe back to the priest and he smoked, keepinp; his
eyes fixed upon the crround as if in deep meditation. \\Taen he had finished smoking,
he resumed his address, cleaning the pipe as he spoke:

"I have been thinking of the change that has come over our people and their
departure from the time-honored customs, and have abandoned all hope of their
ever returning to the two sacred houses. No one can now with reason take offense
at my giving you the songs of the Sacred Pole, and I am prepared to give them to
you. As I sit speaking with you, my eldest son, it seems as though the spirits of
the old men have returned and are hovering about me. I feel their courage and
strength in me, and the memory of the songs revives. Make ready, and I shall once
more sing the songs of my fathers."

It took but a few moments to adjust the graphophone to record the songs for which
I had waited so long. As I listened to the old priest his voice seemed as full and
resonant as when I heard him years ago, in the days when the singing of these very
Bongs in the Holy Tent meant so much to each gens and to every man, woman, and
child in the tribe. Now, the old man sang with his eyes closed and watching him
there was like watching the last embers of the religious rites of a vanishing people.

The He'dewachi

In speaking of the development of political unity, attention has
been called to the dangers arising from groups parting company
when the people were hunting and the enfeebled separated bands
becoming a prey to active enemies. These dangers were sometimes
fomented by the rivalry of ambitious leaders. To quote from the old
Sacred Legend : ' ' The wise old men thought how they might devise
some plans by which all might live and move together and there be no
danger of quarrels." It seems probable that the He'dewachi cere-
mony may have grown out of such experiences and was one of the
plans of the "wise old men" by which they sought to avert these
dangers and to hold the tribe together. There are indications that
the He'dewachi ceremony is older than the Sacred Pole; it is said to
have been instituted at a time when the people depended on the
maize for their food supply and were not dominated by ideas defi-
nitely connected with hunting the buffalo. It may be significant to
this contention that this ceremony was the on\j rite in which the
two Sacred Tribal Pipes appeared as leader; these pipes were ante-
cedent in authority to the Sacred Pole, and, on the occasion of the
He'dewachi, they led the people in their rhytlunic advance by gentes
toward the central symbohc tree or pole.

The He'dewachi took place in the summer, "when the plum and
cherry trees were full of fruit" and "all creatures were awake and
out." Abundant life and food to sustain that life were typified in
the season. The choice of the tree from which the pole, the central
object of the ceremony, was cut, was significant and allied to the
same thought. It was either the cotton wood or the willow, both
of which are remarkably tenacious of life. It is said that this cere-
mony "grew up with the com." It was under the charge of the

252 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth. ann. 27

subgens of the I"ke'<?abe gens that had as tabu the red ear of com.
This fact and the symboHsm of the ceremony indicate that the
He'dewachi was connected with the cultivation of com and that the
influence of the care of the fields tended to develop an appreciation
of peace and tribal unity. The duties of this I''ke'pabe subgens in
reference to the distribution of the sacred corn to the tribe have already
been mentioned (p. 147). In later days the He'dewachi took place
at the conclusion of the ceremony of Anointing the Sacred Pole but
was distinct from it in every respect except that permission for its
performance had to be obtained from the Ho^'ga gens as a matter
of courtesy.

The He'dewachi was related to the cosmic forces, as revealed
in the succession of night and day and the life and growth of living
things. When the time came for the ceremony, some man, ambitious
to have the honor and to ''count'' it, went to the hereditary keepers
of this rite in the Nini'bato" subgens of the I"ke'9abe, and said:
"Let the people waken themselves by dancing." This form of speech
used when malcing the request for the performance of the ceremony
referred to the passing of night into day. On receiving this formal
request, which was accompanied by a gift, the keepers retumed
their thanks. That night those who had hereditary charge of the
He'dewachi held a council and chose a man of their gens who had
won many war honors to go and select a tree to be cut for the cere-
mony. Early the next morning he went forth, picked out a tall,
straight cottonwood tree and then came back, retuming as would a
victorious warrior. If he represented one who had secured booty,
he dragged a rope, and cairied a long stick with which he ran from
side to side as though he were driving horses; or he carried a
pole having a bunch of grass tied at the top, to picture a return with
the scalp of an enemy. On entering the hu'thuga he went at once
to the lodge in which the hereditarj' keepers sat awaiting him. At
the door he thnist his stick into the ground, and said, "I have
found the enemy." The keepers then arose, put on their robes in
the ceremonial manner — the hair outside — and prepared to make
their ceremonial thanks to the people and to indicate to the tribe
that the ceremony would take place in two days. They were
accompanied by a woman, who had to be of the I^ke'pabe gens and
who bore on her the tattooed "mark of honor." She also wore her
robe with the hair side out, carried an ax and a burden strap, and
followed the men as they passed around the hu'thuga and publicly
proclaimed their thanks for tlie request to have the ceremony take
place.

Meanwhile the warrior who had selected the tree gathered the men
of the gens together to await the return of the hereditary keepers.

FLETCHEH-LA KLESCHEl THE SACRED l^OLE 253

At this time those, women of the gens who hud recently U)st children
or other dear ones wailed, bemg reminded of their loss by the contrast
afforded by this ceremony, which was typical of abounding life.
Other Avomen brought forth gifts, which were to benefit their hus-
bands or brothers by adding to their "count." All gifts made
during this ceremony could be " counted " by a man who was seeking
eligibility to membership in the Ho'^'hewachi. The words of one
of the songs sung at the clance refer to these gifts, which were not
only exchanged between members of the tribe but were bestowed on
the keepers of the ceremony — a custom resulting in a common feeling
of pleasure. Moreover, these acts, being remembered and "counted"
as steps toward a man's attaining tribal honors, tended to foster in
the minds of the people the value of tribal imity. The symbolism
of the ceremony was illustrative of this idea. Four young men were
chosen to cut willow wands, strip them of all leaves except a bunch
at the end, and paint the stem red. These wands were distributed
to the leading men of each gens in the tribe. After the wands had
been received, the men and boys of each gens went out to cut sim-
ilar wands, for at the coming ceremony every man, woman, and
child must carry one of these painted wands, which symbolized the
people of the tribe.

After making the round of the Jiu'thuga the keepers and the
"honor" woman entered their tent, in which was smoked the pipe
belonging to the ceremony. It was passed around four times.
At the close of the smoking they arose as before and, led ])y the
warrior who had selected the tree, went to the place where the tree
stood. Meanwhile young men had been dispatched to simulate
scouts, guarding against the danger of a surprise. "VMien the tree
was in sight the warriors charged on it and struck it as an enemy.
Then the men counted their war honors, standing before the tree,
while the keepers sat in a circle around it and smoked, passing the
pipe four times. Then the woman bearing the "mark of honor,"
taking her ax, made four feints, one on each side of the tree toward
one of the four directions, after which she gave four strokes, one
on each of the four sides of the tree. Then the young men cut it
down. As it was about to fall it was caught and held so that it
would incline and fall toward the east.

In this ceremony in which war was so simulated the recognition
of the authority of Thunder was manifest, for no man could become
a warrior or count his honors except through his consecration to
Thunder and the approval of his acts l)y that god of war. More-
over, it was believed that no man fell in battle through human
agency alone; he fell because Thunder had designated him to fall,
as is shown in the ritual songs of cutting the hair and in the songs

254

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

of the warrior societies. So the tree that had been struck as a war-
rior foe fell because Thunder had so decreed.

The leader now approaciied the fallen tree and said: "I liave
come for you that you may see the people, who are beautiful to
behold!" The youn^; men cut the branches from the trees, leaving
a tuft of twigs and leaves at the top, stripped off the bark, then
tied the tuft at the toj) together with a black covering. Latterly
a black silk handkerchief was used, but formerly a piece of soft

dressed skin, dyed black, was employed.
All the branches, bark, and chips were
made into a pile and deposited at the
stump of the tree.

In early days it was the duty of the
woman to cari'y the pole; but in recent
times she walked, with her burden strap,
beside the young men, who bore it on
their left shoulders, care being taken
to choose men of equal height so that
the pole would be carried in a level
position. Four halts were made on the
way to the hu'thuga. On reaching the
camp, the pole was taken to the tent
of the leader and the butt end was
thi'ust in the door until it reached the
fireplace.

Two men from the No°xtiie'bitube
subdivision now performed their heredi-
tary duty of niixmg the red and black
paint with which they were to tlecorate
the pole. This group had, besides the
red corn, a tabu of charcoal, as this sub-
stance was used in making the black
paint. The painting was done in bands
of red and Idack; one man painted the
black bands, the other the red. (Fig.
6"2.) These bands signified night and day; they also referred to
thunder and death and to the earth and sky, the vivifying and con-
serving powers.

Young men dug the hole for the pole, wliicli had to be in the center
of a level place. Sometimes the hole was made in the center of tlie
hu'thuga; at other times it was outside the camp. The dirt taken
horn the excavation was heaped at the east, and between this heap
and the hole the symbolic figure (_uzhi"'eti; see fig. 59) was incised on
the earth.

Fig. 62.

He'tlewachi pole oialivt.-
drawing).

FLETCHER-LA FLESCIIEl THE SACRED POLE 255

The keepers sat in a circle around the hole and again smoked
the pipe, ])assing it four times. Down of swan, a water bird (the
significance of water as connecting the Above and the Below has
been given), and tobacco, the oflering to Wako'''da, were sprinkled
in the liole, which was tluis made read}' to receive tlie symbolically
decorated pole. The leader said, "It is finished; raise him, that
your grandfather may see him!" Antl the pole was set in the hole
and made steady by tamping tlie earth about it.

These preparatory ceremonies occupied three days. The dance
and public festival took place on the fourth day.

The pole simulated a man; the black covering on the top, his
head. Tlie decorations referred to the cosmic forces which gave and
maintained life. As a tree it symliolized the tribe; the wands of the
peojile were its branches, parts of the whole. Thus was the idea of
unity symbolically set forth.

It was explained that seven kinds of wood were sacred to this
ceremony — the liard and the soft willow, the birch, the box elder,
the ironwood, the ash, and the cottonwood. Of these the cotton-
wood furnished the pole; the elder, the charcoal for the black paint;
the ash, the stem of the pipe; the seeds of the ironwood were used
for the rattles; and the willow for the wands distributed to the
people. The birch seems to have droi)pe(I out, though its former use
survives in a personal name belonging to the subgens having the
rite in cliarge. The significance of this lies in the fact that male
personal names always referred to rites and their paraphernalia.
The omission of the birch may refer to a cliange in environment.
It will be recalled that the Sacred Legend states that the Omaha
once used birch-bark canoes.

On the day of the ceremony the people were astir earh'. The
women put on their gala costume; the men were barefoot and naked
exce])t for the breechcloth. They wore the decoration of their war
honors, an;! depicted their war experiences by the manner of ])ainting
their faces and bodies. The place of a wound was painted red ; if a man
had been struck a hand ^\as painted on his boily or face (fig. 63).
Some ])ainted black liands on their arms and legs, indicating that
they had been in danger of death; others bore white spots scattered
over their bodies, to show that tliey had been where the birds of
prey dropped tlieir excrement on the bodies of the slain enemies.
The man who hatl cut the neck of an enemy drew an inflated bladiler
by a string, to set forth his act. Those warriors who had taken
scalps tied to the wands they carried in the dance bits of buffalo
hide witli the Jiair on.

Meanwhile, tlie keepers of the ceremony selected from their gens
the young men who were to sing. These men received ])ay for tlieir

256

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

services. Four rattles, struck on jiillows, and two drums were used
to accompany the singers, who took their places at the foot of the jiole.
The men who were goin^ to give away horses were the only rjders.
They dashed about among the people, wlio became more and more

Fig. tl3. Painting on warrior's face,

impatient waiting for the signal — four strokes on the drums — to
announce the beginning of the ceremony. After the four drum
beats had been given, the following "call" was sung:"

oTheupper music staff gives simply the aria; the two lower staves translate the same aria for the
piano by hannonization, Riving the tremolo of the drum, the eclioing cadences, the dying away of the
voices of the singers, and their rising again with the call to " Rejoice."

FLETCHEB-LA FLESCHB]

THE SACRED POLE

257

HEOJEWACHI CALL

(Aria as sung) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Zhawa iba iba ha ehe
Zhawa iba iba ha ehe

ig • J s* ' eJ ' eJ-r-

Translation : Zhawa, from uzhawa, to rejoice; iba, to come; lia,
musical prolongation of the vowel; ehe, I bid or command. "I bid
ye come, and rejoice!"

The people of each gens gathered, standing before their tents,
the men and boys in front, each holding his wand; behind them the
women and girls, with their wands. Two men from the Nini'bato"
subdivision" then stepped forth and took their place in front of the
rest of the Pke'^abe gens, and held aloft the Sacred Tribal Pipes
as the singers at the foot of the pole sang the following:
M.M. J =76

a There is a personal name in the Nlni'bato» which refers to the bearers of the two Pipes in this cere-
mony— To^t'thinnonba, " the two who run."

83993°— 27 eth— 11 17

258

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

There are no words to this song — only vocables. The song is a
prayer expressed not by words but in musical phrases. The tribe
presented a spectacle that must have been impressive — the great
circle of people, with their branches, standing like a living grove on
the prairie, as the singers voiced their prayer to Wako"'da.

At the conclusion of the song the warriors who had charged the
tree sounded the war cry, and all the people standing in their j)laces,
gave an answering shout and waved their branches in the air. Then
the two bearers of the Sacred Tribal Pipes moved forward rapidly a
few steps toward the pole and the people by gentes moved forward
in the same way while the song given below was sung. At its con-
clusion a halt was made. Four times there was a forward movement
as the song was sung and a halt made at its close.

=7^^-^

1 — 1 1 —

1 * i» » - « «i

— #— #-^

~f — g~' i» • r r- 1 —

— * 1

— 1

[i^^ *

2 1

btJrr^^-'J ^^

-^-

Ya du- da e - a ha e- lie he!

:k=z

^^— ?-

-»-^-0 !f f 0-

§:-^=

j:^— x^-^^^-*-^

B.C.

-0-^0—^—^—0-^0- ^

-*-•—#

t-^^^

Ya duda ea ha ehe tha ehe he
Shethi" duda a ea ha ehe tha
Ehe he ehe he tha ea ha ehe tha
Ehe he ehe he tha ea ha ehe tha

Literal translation: Ya, come; duda, hither; ea, come; ha, vowel
prolongation; ehe, I bid; shethi", ye walking yonder; duda, hither;
a, vowel prolongation; ea, come; e, vocable; ehe, I bid; he, vocable;
tha, end of sentence.

Free translation

Come hither, I bid you!

Ye who walk yonder, come hither!

I bid you, I bid you to come!

I bid you, I bid you, come hither!

At the conclusion of the fourth repetition the people had moved
up toward the pole, the men being the nearer and the women behind.
There they all halted for the fourth and last time.

As the singers struck up the next song (the fourth) the two pipe
bearers turned to the left, having their right side to the pole, and all
the men of the different gentes turned also; the I^ke'^abe followed
the pipe bearers, next came the We'zhi^shte, then the T'shta'^uMa,

FLETCIlKlt-I>A FLBRCHKl

THE SACRED POLE

259

and so on, around to the Ho"'<;a, who were last, and all hegan to
dance around the pole. The women also turned, but to the right,
their left side being next to the circle of men and the pole, and danced
in the opposite direction from the men. The tribe thus divided
into two concentric circles, revolved in opposite directions about the
pole while the choir at its foot sang the following song:

HE'DEWACHI DANCE

she wie he he w;i-no'

he wa- no° - she

he wa-no° - she

Wie he he wano^she a he
Wano"she a he wano°she
Wie he he wano"she a he
Wano''she a he wano''she

Literal translation: IFif, I; he 7;?, vocables; wano^slie, take from
them. The meaning of this song can not be gathered from a literal
translation of the few words used. It has been explained to mean
that the pole here speaks as embodying the meaning and spirit of the
ceremony and refers to the gifts made, wliich are an important part
of the ceremony. They not only contribute to happiness and good
feeling in the tribe but the}^ redound to the credit of the giver. It
was during this song that the people danced in the two concentric
circles around the pole, everyone carrying his branch, with its leaves.
When at any time a person made a gift the dancers halted while the
gift was proclaimed. At each halt, if anj' of the gentes became mixed
up, the person out of place returned to his proper gens before the
dance was resumed. The song was repeated four times, or four
times four.

Finally, the last song was given. During the singing of this rapid
song the people continued to dance in the two circles. The young
people made merr}^ as they danced and the warrior acted out dra-
matic scenes in his career. It was a hilarious time for all.

^^^"3^
s g—*--'^]

Hie de hie de e e de

hie de hie de hie de e e de

B.C.

260 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etti. ann, 27

There are no words to this song, only vocables. The song was
repeated an indefinite number of times. At the conclusion of this
song everyone threw his branch at the foot of the tree, as though
it were returned to the parent stem from which it had been broken.
The small boy, however, sometimes amused himself by aiming liis
wand at the singers rather than at the tree. These pranks were all
taken in good part. The branches carried by the people were tied
to the pole and left for the sun and wind to dispose of.

The manner in which the tree was cut and also the approach to
the pole by the people in their tribal order, with war cry and charge,
were in recognition of the victories gained by the favor of the war
sod, Thunder. The ceremony was a dramatic teaching of the vital
force in union not only for defense but for the maintenance of internal
peace and order. The He'dewachi" was a festival of joy consonant
with the words of the opening song, "Come and rejoice." The
whole scene vibrated with color and cheer around the Thunder-
selected tree as a symbol of life and tribal unity.

aYears ago the Osage had a somewhat similar ceremony long since abandoned.

VII

THE QUEST OF FOOD

The Ritual of the ^Iaize

The various environments in wliieli the Omaha people lingered as
they moved westward left their impress on the ceremonials of the
tribe. Some of these, as has been shown, were lost and the relation
of others to the welfare of the people suffered change. Among the
latter were the ceremonies connected with the maize.

The facts that the tabu of the subgens of the P'Re'^abe, which had
charge of the two Sacred Tribal Pipes, was the red ear of corn and
that it was the duty of this subgens to provide the sacred corn for
distribution at the time of planting, indicate that the rites of the
maize and those of the Pipes were once closely connected. In the
political development of the tribe the Pipes, through their signifi-
cance, kept an important place; while, owing to the environment of
the people, the maize, as the sustainer of life, became subordinated
to the buffalo, which j-ielded not only footl but also raiment. Never-
theless, it is noteworthy that the maize did not wholly lose prestige
but continued to be treated ceremonially.

The ancient Sacred Legend already cited, besides speaking of the
discovery of maize, adds later on, evidently referring to the ceremony
and ritual observed when distributing the grain for planting:

The maize being one of the greatest of means to give us life, in honor of it we sing.
We sing even of the growth of its roots, of its clinging to the earth, of its shooting forth
from the ground, of its springing from joint to joint, of its sending forth the ear, of its
putting a covering on its head, of its ornamenting its head with a feather, of its invi-
tation to men to come and feel of it, to open and see its fruit, of its invitation to man
to taste of the fruit.

WTien maize was discovered the grain was distributed among the people that they
might plant and eat of the fruit of their labor, and from that time on it has been the
custom to sing the song of the maize and to repeat the distribution of the corn every
year at the time of planting.

The songs [stanzas] are many. They begin with the gathering of the kernels.
The people talk of where they shall plant. Then the men select the land and wher-
ever each man selects he thrusts a pole in the ground to show that now the corn shall
be planted.

The stanzas last referred to have been lost, as well as the ceremony
of selecting the planting plot and the thrusting of the pole into the
ground. It is also impossible to give an accurate account of the
ceremonies attending the distribution of the sacred corn for plant-

261

262

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

ing. The rites have long boon disused, then- abandonment being
largely due to the influence of the Government. It is said that
formerly when spring came the Ho"'ga subgens, whose dut}' it was
to keep the sacred ears of red corn, met with the subgens of the
I"ke'(,'abe, whose right it was to provide them, antl after the prescribed
rites had been i)erformed and the ritual sung, the T'ke'vabe men acted
as servers to the Ho"'ga and distributed four kernels to each family.
The women received the sacred corn and mixed it with their seed
corn, which they preservetl from year to year. It was believed that
the sacred corn was able to vivify the seed and cause it to fructify
and yield a good harvest. Only the red corn was used for this sacred
purpose. Its color was indicative of its office.

Even after the discontinuance of these rites of distributing the
maize its ritual was still sung just before the ritual of the Wliite
BufFalo Hide was given in connection ^^^th the hunting ceremonies.
(See p. 286.)

MAIZE RITUAL SONG

fct:

=32=

^l\r±

Yo ko ho the he he

-tSi * a = a

- ilo°

ga!

^^-^

=t=

Ko"

-t

du - ba ha - iio''-zhi° hi,

do" - ba

ga!

1 Yo ko ho the he lif

2 Wi a^do^ba ga

3 Ko" duba ha no"zhi'' hi

4 Wia"do"baga

Yo ko ho the he he

Wi a'^lo^ba ga

Abe he wii'axchi ha no^zhi" hi

Wi a"do"ba ga

Yo ko ho the he he

Wi a"(lo"ba ga

.\lie he iio"'ba ha iio"zhi° hi

Wi a"do"ba ga

V.i

Yo ko ho the he hi'

Wi a"do"ba ga

If)

Abe he tha'bthi" ha no"zhi" hi

Wi a"do"ba ga

FLETCHblK-LA FLESCHE]

THE QUEST OF FOOD 263

17 Yo ko ho the he he

18 Wi aMo-ba ga

19 Abe he duba ha uo^'zhi'' hi

20 Wi a"do°ba ga

21 Yo ko ho the he he

22 Wi a"do°ba ga

23 Abe he fa'to" ha no"zhi" hi

24 Wia"do°baga

25 Yo ko ho the he he

26 Wi a"do°ba ga

27 Abe he sha'pe ha no"zhi'' hi

28 Wi a''do°ba ga

29 Yo ko ho the he he

30 Wi aMo-ba ga

31 Abe he pe'tho^ba ha no^zhi" hi

32 Wia''do"baga

33 Yo ko ho the he he

34 Wi a°do"ba ga

35 'Kite he wi°axchi ha no^zhi" hi .

36 Wi a"do°ba ga

37 Yo ko ho the he he

38 Wi a"do"ba ga

39 'Kite he no"'ba ha no^zhi" hi

40 Wi a"do"ba ga

41 Yo ko ho the he he

42 Wi a"do"ba ga

43 'Kite he tha'bthi" ha no"zhi" hi

44 Wi a''do"ba ga

45 Yo ko ho the he he

46 Wi a"do"ba ga

47 'Kite he duba ha no"zhi'' hi

48 Wi a"do"ba ga

49 Yo ko ho the he he

50 Wi a"do"ba ga

51 'Kite he ga'to" ha no-'zhi" hi

52 Wia^dCbaga

264 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. axn. 27

53 Yo ko ho the he he

54 Wi a"do"ba ga

55 'Kite he shape ha no"zhi" hi

56 Wi a"do"ba ga

57 Yo ko ho the he he

58 Wi a"do°ba ga

59 'Kite he pe'tho"ba ha no"zhi" hi

60 Wi a"do"ba ga

61 Yo ko ho the he he

62 Wi a'-do'-ba ga

63 Hatha he to° ha no^zhi" hi

64 Wi a''do"ba ga

65 Y'o ko ho the he he

66 Wi a°do"ba ga

67 Pahihi kugthi ha no"zhi'' hi

68 Wi a'>do"ba ga

69 Y^o ko ho the he he

70 Wi aMo^ba ga

71 Pahi hi zi ha no"zhi" hi

72 Wi a"do"ba ga

73 Yo ko ho the he he

74 Wi a"do°ba ga

75 Pahi hi shabe ha no"zhi" hi

76 Wi a"do''ba ga

77 Yo ko ho the he he

78 Wi a°do"ba ga

79 Xtha kugthi ha no"zhi" hi

80 Wi a"do°ba ga

81 Y'o ko ho the he he

82 Wia'-do'-baga

83 Xtha eka ha no"zhi° hi
. 84 W ia"do°ba ga

85 Y''o ko ho the he he

86 Wia"do''baga

87 Xtha ziha no^zhi" hi

88 Wi a°do°ba ga

FLETCHER-LA I'LESCUE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 265

Yo ko ho the he he

Wi a°do"l)a ga

Zhu'to^hano-zWhi

Wi aMo^ba ga

Yo ko ho the he he

Wi a^thi^po" a

Zhu 'to"ha no"zhi° hi

Wi a°thizha

Yo ko ho the he he

Wi a°ba5no° a

Zhu 'to^ha no^zhi" hi

100

Wi a^baf'no" a

101 Yo ko ho the he he

102 Wi ai^thigtha

103 Zhu 'to°ha no^zhi" hi

104 Wi a"thata

Literal translation

First stanza. 1. yo Tco ho the he he is probably a corruption of
ihikuthe , meaning "to hasten." The process of change in singing
the word was from thikuthe to theJcothe, and then on to yolcothe, the
first syllable being dropped to give the free vowel sound of the o in
beginning the song. In view of this probable change the line would
read: 'yoTcohothe he he, yoJcoho representing the vowel sound of the
second syllable of the word theJcuthe, and the syllables he he the
vowel prolongation of the last syllable, the. The line would thus
mean "Hasten!"

2. m, I. In this song it is the Maize that speaks, a'^do^ha,
behold me (a", me; do^ha, see or behold) ; ga, the sign of a command.
3. to", root; duha, four; ha no'^zhi", I stand (the "h" is added to
the a in singing) ; hi, vowel prolongation.

Second stanza. 7. dbe, leaves — a general term; he, vowel con-
tinued; ivi^axchi, one.

Third stanza. 11. no^ha, two.

Fourth stanza. 15. tha'btJii^, three.

Fifth stanza. 19. du'ha, four.

Sixth stanza. S3, fa' to", five.

Seventh stanza. 27. sha'pe, six.

Eighth stanza. 31. pe'tho^ba, seven.

Ninth stanza. 35. 'Icite, u'Mte, the joint of the stalk, the node —
a general term for joint, in an animal or vegetable growth; he, vowel
prolongation.

266 THE OMAHA TRIBE fETH. ann. 27

Sixteenth stanza. 63. hathe, clothing — a general term (the word
here refers to the husk around the ear of the maize) : 'to'", otn'^, I have,
or possess.

Seventeenth stanza. 67. 'paid, hair {'pa, head; hi, iiuir) ; hi, vowel
continued; l-ugthi, light, shining.

Eighteenth sta/iiza. 71. zi, yellow.

Nineteenth stanza. 75. sha'ha, sha'he, dark colored.

Twentieth stanza. 79. xtha, the tassel of the maize.

Twenty-first stanza. 83. fka, white.

Twenty-third stanza. 91. zhu, flesh, as of fruit; to", to possess.

Twenty-fourth stanza. 94. aHhifpo'", feels me (a", me; thifpo", to
feel of); a, ha, the end of the sentence. 96. aHhizha, to pull or push
apart, to pluck, as the ear from the stalk.

Twenty-fifth stanza. 98. a'"bafno'", roasts (a", me; bapno^, to
thrust on a stick and roast before the fire).

Twenty-sixth stanza. 102. aHhigtha, aHhi gtha, to push oti' with a
stick, to shell. 104. aHhata (ihata, to eat; a", me).

Free^translation

O hasten!

Behold,
With four roots I stand.

Behold me!

2
O hasten!

Behold,
With one leaf I stand.

Behold me!

O hasten!

Behold,
With two leaves 1 stand.

Behold me!

O hasten!

Behold,
With three leaves 1 stand.

Behold me!

O hasten!

Behold,
With four leaves I stand.

Behold me!

O hasten!

Behold,
With five leaves I staad.

Behold me!

FLETCHEK-i.A Fi.KSCHEl THE QUEST OF FOOD 267

7
0 hasten!

Behold,
With six leaves I stand.

Behold me!

8
0 hasten!

Behold,
With seven leaves I stand.

Behold me! '

9
O hasten!

Behold,
With one joint I stand.

Behold me!

10
O hasten!

Behold,
With two joint.s I stand.

Behold me!

11
O hasten!

Behold,
With three joints I stand.

Behold me!

1-'
O hasten!

Behold,
With four joints I stand.

Behold me!

18
O hasten!

Behold,
With five joints I stand.

Behold me!

14
O hasten !

Behold,
With six joints I stand.

Behold me!

15
O hasten!

Behold,
With seven joints I stand.

Behold me!

0 hasten!

Behold,
With clothing I stand.

Behold me!

268 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii. ann. 27

17
O hasten!

Heboid,
With light, glossy hair I stand.

Behold me!

18
O hasten !

Behold,
With yellow hair I stand.

Behold me!

19
O hasten!

Behold,
With dark hair I stand.

Behold me!

20
O hasten !

Behold,
With light, glossy tassel I stand.

Behold me!

21
O hasten!

Behold,
With pale tassel I stand.

Behold me!

22
O hasten!

Behold!
With yellow tassel I stand.

Behold me!

23
O hasten!

Behold,
With fruit possessed I stand.

Behold me!

24
O hasten!

Grasp ye.
My fruit as I stand.

Pluck me!

25
O hasten!

Roast by a fire

My fruit as I stand.

Even roast me!

26
O hasten!

Rip from its cob
My fruit as I stand,

And eat me!

Fi.ETCHER-LA flesche] THE QUEST OF FOOD 269

In this ritual the maize is anthropomorphized and is conscious of
its mission. The poetic feeling of the ritual lies in the call of the
maize to man to behold its up-springing life, its increasing growth,
and its fruitage. Its final abnegation is almost hidden under the
rather matter-of-fact directions of the last stanzas. Still, it is there.

Cultivation of Maize

Garden patches were located on the borders of streams. Occu-
pancy constituted ownership and as long as a tract was cultivated
by a family no one molested the crops or intruded on the ground;
but if a garden patch was abandoned for a season then the ground
was considered free for anyone to utilize. Men and women worked
together on the garden plots, which ranged from half an acre to two
or three acres in extent. Occasionally a good worker had even a
larger tract under cultivation. These gardens were mounded in a
pecuUar manner: The earth was heaped into oblong mounds, their
tops flat, about 18 by 24 inches, and so arranged as to slant toward
the south. The height on the north side was about 18 inches; on the
south the plot was level with the surface of the ground. These mounds
were 2 or 3 feet apart on all sides. In one mound seven kernels of
com were scattered; in the next mound squash seeds were placed, and
so on alternately. If the family had under cultivation a large garden
tract the beans were put into mounds by themselves and willow poles
were provided for the vines to chmb upon ; but if ground space was
limited the beans were planted with the corn, the stalk serving the
same purpose as poles. Squash and corn were not planted together,
nor were corn, beans, and squash grown in the same mound. After
the planting the ground was kept free of weeds and when the corn was
well sprouted it was hoed with an implement made from the slioulder
blade of the elk. The second hoeing took place when the, corn was a
foot or more liigh. Up to this time the mounds were carefully weeded
by hand and the earth was kept free and loose. After the second
hoeing the corn was left to grow and ripen without further cultivation.
The mounds containing the squash and those in which the melons
were planted were weeded and cared for until the second hoeing of the
corn, when they, too, were left, as about this time the tribe started
out on the annual buffalo hunt.

Names of Parts and of Preparations of Maize

The following names refer to the maize or corn and the preparations
made of it:

Wato^'zi: com growing in the field; also shelled coru.
Watan'zihi: corn stalk or stalks.
Waha'ba: an ear of corn .
Waha'baki: a corn cob or cobs.

270 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. L'T

Wa'xa^ha: corn husk.

Hatu: the green husk.

Waihi'i^ge: braided corn. The husks were braided, leaving the ear hanging.

Wami'de: seed corn. This word is applied to any seed used for reproduction.
Other seed, such aa apple seeds, are called (i.

Washon'ge: pounded corn. A stick, no^xpe, was thrust into the cob and the corn
roasted before a fire; then it was shelled and the chaff blown off; finally it was pounded
in a mortar (ithe) with a pestle (welie).

Wa'fkc: pounded corn mixed with honey and buffalo marrow.

Wani'de: mush or gruel — pounded corn mixed with water.

Vm'hagthe: com boiled with beans, set over night to cool and harden, then served
cut in slices. Considered a delicacy.

Wana'xe: jiarched corn — used by travelers, and carried in skin bags.

Wabi'shnude: corn boiled wath ashes and hulled — a sort of coarse hominy.

Wahthu'ga: wabi'shnude boiled with meat.

Wato'^zi(;hithe: sweet com roasted in the milk, cut off the cob, and dried.

Hunting

There were various ways of going hunting, each of wliich had its
distinctive name:

Eshnon' moithi", "walking alone," was used to indicate that a single family had
gone hunting or trapping.

A'bae, an old, untranslatable term, meaning that a single man, or a man accompanied
by a few male companions, leaving their families in camp, had started out on foot in
search of game. This word was applied to this form of hunting even after horses had
come into use.

U'zhon, "to sleep with them," referring to the game. This term was applied only
to the hunting of deer by a small party of men, or to a single person going out and
bivouacking among the game.

Shko^'the, "to make to move." The word refers to starting up the game. It was
applied to a party of men going to a given locality to hunt deer. Young brothers
and sons of the hunters formed this kind of hunting party. The hunters scattered
out and advanced abreast, while the lads rushed into the woods, started up the game,
and, if they could, secured a shot on their own account.

Tathie'une-da, a part of taa7i', "deer; " tliie, a peculiar cut of the deer meat; tine, "to
seek"). A man who was not a good hunter frequently joined a sltl-o"'Ote party and
strove to be the first to reach the slain deer and so secure the right to be the first
butcher. For his services he was entitled to the cut called tathie.

The eshno"' moHhi'^, the a'bae, and the shlco'^'tJie hunting partieswent
out only in the fall and winter; these were the only parties that were
not organized and uniler the directirtn of a leader. The buifalo and
the elk moved in herds and were hunted different!}^ from the deer,
antelope, and bear. The latter were sought for by indi^^duals or by
small j)arties, as already described.

Diu-ing the simimer months the annual tribal bufl'alo hmit took
place. At tiiis time the main supply of meat was secured. Tliis
hunt was attended with much ceremony and was participated in by
the entire tribe; it was called te'urie (from te, "buffalo," and une,
■'to seek"). The summer buffalo hunt was more generally spoken
of as wae'gaxtho" {wae, "cultivating the soil;" gaxtho"' , "moving

FLF,TcnEit-i,A FLEscHE) THE QUEST OF FOOD 271

after" — "going on the hunt after the cultivation of the corn is clone ")
or nuge'teune (nuge, "summer;"^ te, "buffalo;" une, "to seek").
Ma'tJieteune was the name of the winter bufi'alo hunt {ma'the,
"winter;" te'une, "buffalo hunt"). The buffalo was hunted in
winter for pelts. When the herd was found, the act of chasing it
was called wano^^'fe, the literal meaning of the word being "to inter-
cept." In surrounding a herd the animals were intercepted by the
hunters at every turn ; tlris was the usual mode of attacking a heni of
any Idntl. If among a party going out to hunt the buffalo in winter
there was a man from the I^ke'pabe gens, the right to be the leader
of the company was his by virtue of his gens, and Ms authority was
obeyed by all the hunters of the party. The leadership accorded to
this gens applied only to chasing the buffalo. The life of the people
depended on this animal, as it afforded the principal suj^ply of meat
and pelts; therefore the buffalo hunt was inaugurated and con-
ducted with religious rites, which not only recognized a dependence
on Wako°'da, but enforced the observance by the people of certain
formalities which secured to each member of the tribe an opportunity
to obtain a share in the game.

As neither the elk nor the deer stood in a similar vital relation to
the people, hunting these animals was attended with less ceremony.
A party gomg to find elk was spoken of as o^'po"' ano^ge (umpo",
"elk;" ano^fe has the same meaning as wano^'ce). In such a party
an I°ke'vabe enjoj^ed no special privileges but was on the same
footing as all the other hunters. There was a leader, however, gen-
erally the man who initiated the hunting party. Winter was the
season for elk hunting. Deer also were hunted m the winter, as
during that season the animals were fat and m good condition.
When a man went alone for still hunting he used a whistle that
simulated the cry of the fawn, and thus attracted the male and female
deer. When a party went out they camped near a place where deer
were plentiful; the hunters then went off and returned to the camp.
On such expeditions boys were sometimes sent into the brush to beat
up the game for the lumters.

While the animals were ahve, and in connection with the hunt,
each had its distinctive name, but when they were butchered their
flesh bore the common name of to. If the meat was fresh it was
spoken of as tanvJca, "wet meat;" when dried it was simply to.

rut.es observed in butchering

The follo\ving customs were observed m cutting up the carcasses
of the deer, antelope, elk, and bufi'alo:

After a chase anyone could help in butchering the game. The first
person to arrive had to set to work at once in order to secure the rights
of the first helper. Every animal was cut up into certain portions.

272 THE OMAHA TRIBE [bth. ANN. 27

Tliose were graded and assigned by custom to the helpers in the order
of their beginning work on the carcass. The man wlio shot the animal
might fmd, on reaching it, men already engaged in cutting it up. In
that case he would go to work on some other man's game. He did not,
however, lose liis rights in the animal he had shot. As every man's
arrows bore the owner's peculiar mark, there could be no dispute as
to who fired the fatal shot and so owned the killer's share.

All animals were made ready for butchering by being rolled on the
back with the head pulled aroimd backward by the beard until the
face lay on the ground; next, the head was pushed under the edge
of the side to serve as a support to the body as it lay on its back with
feet upward. First, the skin was removed in this way: An incision
was made at the lower end of the dewlap and the knife run up to the
middle of the underlip; the knife was then again inserted at the
starting point and a straight cut was made down to the vent; again the
knife was inserted at the starting point and a straight cut made down
the inside of each fore leg to the ankle. A straight cut was made
dowTi the inner side of each hind leg to the ankle. A cut was then
made around the mouth and up the line of the nose to the base of the
horns and around the horns, leaving the hide, when taken from the
deer, antelope, elk, or bulTalo, in one piece. The liide was called
Tia; this belonged to the man who killed the animal. The summer
hide of the bufl'alo was called tesJina'ha, meaning "hide without
hair." From the teshna'Tia clothing, moccasms, and tent covers
were made, as these hides were easily tanned on both sides. The
hides taken in winter were called m.eJia; these were used for robes
and bedding and were tanned on one side only. The hide of an
old bull was preferred for bedding. In flaying the animal for this
purpose the usual incisions were made on the breast ; after this was
flayed it was turned thereon, the hind legs were stretched out back-
ward, the fore legs doubled luider the body, and a straight cut was
made downi the back; then the skin was drawn off on each side.
Skill was required to make straight cuts and was the resu|t of much
practice. One of the most difficult cuts to make was to follow the
dewlap. A tme outline was the pride of the hunter and added to
the value of a skin, as well as to its beauty, particularly when it was
to be used as a robe.

After flaying a bufl"alo, one of the hind legs was disjointed at the hip
and cirt oii". The flesh of the leg was cut lengthwise, following the
natural folds of the muscle, and the bone extracted; this portion
was called tezhe'ga. The next act was to open the body sufficiently
to remove the intestines. The large intestine, the stomach, and the
bladder were removed and laid to one side. The fore leg was then
unjointed and cut ofi' at the shoulder and the bone extracted; this
portion was called tea'. The breast was next cut; this portion

FLETCHER-LA PLESrHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 273

was called temo^'ge. The meat between the ends of ribs and the
breast was called tezhu'. There were two portions of this cut, which
were considered very choice. These were the pieces that were ofYered
at the ceremony of Anointino; the Sacred Pole and were tabu to the
Waxthe'xeto" subgens of the Ho°'ga, who had charge of these rites.
Next, the ribs were severed from the backbone; the ribs from both
sides made one portion, which was called tethi'ti. The tongue was
last to be taken out; this was secured by making an incision hi the
middle of the underjaw, pulling the tongue through the slit and then
cutting it off at the roots. If it was late in the day, or the hunters
were in haste, the tongue was left untouched. When one of the
writera commented on the loss of so dainty a part, she was answered :
"Men do not pay attention to these little delicacies but when their
children ask for them, the men remember."

The following are the portions of the buffalo and their graded
values :

1. Tezhu' — side meat; 2 portions.

2. Tezhe'ga — hind quarters; 2 portions.

3. Tethi'ti — ribs; 2 portions.

4. U'gaxetha — includes the stomach, beef tallow, and intestines; 1 portion.
o. Teno'''xahi — back; includes muscles and sinew; 1 portion.

6. Temo''ge — the breast; 1 portion.

7. Tea' — forequarters; 2 portions.

To the man who killed the animal belonged the hide and one por-
tion of tezhu' and the brains. Whether he had more or not depended on
the number of men who were helping. If there were only three helpers,
their portions were as follows: To the first helper to arrive, one of the
tezhu' and a hind-quarter; to the second comer, the u'gaxetha; to the
third, the ribs. The various portions were adjusted by the owner of
the animal. Each helper received something for his services. It
sometimes happened that eight or ten men helped, in which case all
the cuts were required. If two or more men butchered an animal in
the absence of the hunter, when they finished the work each man took
his proper portions and left those belonging to the man who had killed
the game. When, therefore, the hunter returned to the animal
he had shot, he might fiTid it flayed and cut up and his portions
lying on the hide awaiting him. Prominent men did not do the butch-
ering. This work was performed by the poor or by young men, who
thus secured food or choice bits. Should a chief or the son of a chief
appear on the scene when butchering was in progress, he would be
allowed the choice of any portion of the animal.

The large intestine was disentangled by the men, stripped between

the fingers, and its contents were thrown away. Then it was handed

over to the women to be prepared for cooking. They turned it

inside out, washed it, and turned it back, being careful not to disturb

83993°— 27 eth— 11 18

274 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

the fat that adhered to tlie outside. A narrow strip of tender meat
from the side of the backbone was then cut; one end of the intestine
healing fat on it was turned in and the strip of meat was inserted
at this end. As tlie meat was pushed alono;, the intestine became
reversed — the fatty outside became the insiile. After the meat was in,
both ends of the intestine were securely tied; it was then boiled, or
roasted on coals. This was called ta^^'he and was esteemed a great
delicacy. The meat thus cooked was very tender and all the juice
was preserved within its close covering. The stomach was turned
inside out, carefully washed, and the inner coating removed and
thrown away; the remainder was used for food. The heart and lungs
were usually left in the carcass. The small intestmes of the sucking
calf were braided and roasted over coals; these were regarded as a
delicacy. Meat was generally boiled, the water, or soup, being taken
after the meat had been eaten.

The bones, used for their marrow after roasting, were : wazhi'he, "leg
bones;" teno"'xa7ii. "backbone." The waha'pio", "shoulder blades,"
were valuable as implements, particularly those of the elk, used as
hoes. The other bones were called: te'pa, "skull;" he, "horns;"
u'gaxo^, "hip bone;" wazJii'heuto^'ga, "upper leg bone;" zhi'heupni,
"lower leg bone;" fe sha'ge, "hoofs."

The buffalo meat was brought into camp on ponies. Boys drove
these animals out to the hunting field for the purpose of packing the
meat on them. The running horses used in hunting were not permitted
to cany burdens. Sometimes women went out to help in butchering,
particularly widows or childless women, or they drove the pack ponies.
It was the woman's part to cut the meat into thin sheets and hang it
on the racks for drying. The rib meat was cut into strips, braided,
and dried.

The rules for butchering an elk and dividing the meat among the
helpers were the same as for the buffalo.

After being flayed a deer was cut in half, one side being cut close to
the backbone; this half was called the tathie'. This cut became the
property of the first man to reach the deer and to begin to butcher
the game. Tlie other half of the doer, that to which the backbone
and the neck adhered, was divided tlu-ough the ribs, making two por-
tions. The hind part of this cut belonged to the second person who
arrived on the scene and took part in the butchering. To the man
who shot the deer belonged the skin and the portion to which the neck
was attached. Sometimes a man was alone when he killed a deer.
In that case, after he had flayed the animal he cut all the meat from
tlie bones and left the skeleton. If after he had finished a person
should come up, the hunter would say, Bthe'uthi shnude (hthc. "all;"
uthishnude, "stripped"), that is, "the meat is stripped from the bones."

FLETCHER-LA flesciie] THE QUEST OF FOOD 275

making but one piece witliont divisions. Under such circumstances
no portion woidd be ,e;iven to the newcomer nor would any be
demanded. This manner of taking home the deer saved labor to the
women, as the meat was nearly ready to hang on the wa'mo^^ shiha,
or "rack." for jerking.

The rules for butchering and dividing the flesh of the anteloi:)e and
bear were the same as ol^serveil with the deer.

te'une, or annual buffalo hunt

Wlien the crops were well advanced and the corn, beans, and melons
had been cultivated for the second time, the season was at hand for
the tribe to start on its annual buft'alo hunt. Preparations for this
great event occupied several weeks, as everyone — men, women, and
children — moved out on what was often a journey of several hundred
miles. Only the very old and the sick and the few who stayed to care
for and protect these, remained in the otherwise deserted tillage.
All articles not needetl were cached ami the entrances to these recep-
tacles concealed for fear of marauding enemies. The earth lodges
were left empt}", and tent covers and ])oles were taken along, as during
the hunt these portable dwellingswere used exclusively. Foracentury
ponies have superseded dogs as burden bearers. The tent poles were
fastened to each side of the pony \>j one end; the other trailed on the
ground. The parfleche cases containing clotliing, regalia, the food sup-
plies, and the cooking utensils, were packed on the animal. Travoix
were used, supporting a comfortable nest for the ciiildren, some of
whom, however, often found places among the household goods on
the pony's back. Men and women walked or rode according to the
family suppl}" of horses. Between the trailmg tent poles, which were fast-
ened to a steady old hoi-se, here and there rode a boy mounted on his
own unbroken pony, for the first time given a chance to win liis j)lace
as an independent ritler in the great cavalcade. Many were the droll
experiences recounted by older men to their cliiklren of ath^entures
when breaking in their pony colts as the tribe moved over the
prairies on the hunt. Much bustling activity occupied the house-
hokls in anticipation of the start. Meanwhile a very different kind
of preparation had been going on for months in the thought and
actions of the man who had determined to seek the office of watho"' ,
or director of the hunt. He had been gathering together the mate-
rials to make the washa'he, or staff of that office. These consisted
of an ash sapling, two eagles (one black, one golden), a crow, a swan
skin, a dressed bufl'alo skin, two pieces of sinew, a shell disk, a copper
kettle (formerly a pottery cooking vessel), and a pipestem. These
articles were all more or less tlifficult to obtain, and represented a
determined purpose and labor on the part of the man and liis family.

276 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

The WathoN'

The office of watho"', or director of the hunt, was one of grave
responsibihty and high honor. The man who aspired to fill it needed
to possess courage and abiUty to lead men and command their respect
antl obedience. Dining the term of liis ofhce the entire tribe was
placed under his direction and control; the Council of Seven Chiefs
acted only as his counselors and, together with the people, obeyed
his instructions. He directed the march of the tribe, selected its
camping places, chose and dispatched the runners in search of buffalo
herds, and tlirected the hunt when the game had been found. He
became responsible for all occurrences, from the pursuit of the buffalo
and the health and welfare of the people down to the quarreling of
children and dogs.

Wlien the time drew near for the tribe to go forth on the hunt,
the aspirant to the office of watho"' took or sent the prescribed
articles he had secured for making the wasJia'be, or ceremonial staff
of the director, to the Washa'be subgens of the Ho°'ga gens, to which
belonged the hereditary riglit to make the staff. It was a pole of
ash more than 8 feet high, the end bent like a shepherd's crook.
The buffalo skin furnished by the aspirant was cut and a case made
from it for covering the pole. All the coarse feathers were removed
from the swan skin, leaving only the down; the skin was cut in
strips and wound about the staff, making it a white object. On one
side of the staff was fastened a row of eagle feathers, and a cluster of
golden eagle feathers hung at the entl of the crook. Crow feathers
were arranged at the base about 10 inches from the end of the
pole, which was sharpened. (For picture of the washa'be, see fig. 27.)
To the pipestem which must accompany the wasTia'be was fastened a
shell disk. Tliis stem was probably used when smoking the peculiar
pipe belonging to the White Buffalo Hide.

After the vMsha'be was made, the Ho°'ga subgens in charge of the
White Buffalo Hide called a council composed of the governing
tribal council (p. 208) and the Washa'be subgens, to which was invited
the man who desired to be the watho"' . This action of the Ho°'ga
subgens constituted the appointment of the man to the office of
watho^'. This council had also to determine the direction in
which the people were to go antl the day on which they were to
start. This decision was Considered one of the most important
acts in the welfare of the people; on it depended the food supply
and also safety from enemies while securing it. The food eaten at
this council was either dried buffalo meat or maize, which had
to be cooked before sunrise. At this council the two Sacred Tribal
Pipes were ceremonially filled while their ritual was chanted.
This was done as the sun rose. Everyone present wore the buffalo
robe with the hair outside, the head on the left arm and the tail

FLETCHEn~LA FI.ESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 277

on the right, aiitl sat with liead bowed and arms crossed on the
breast so as to bring the robe around the head hke a hood. No
feathers or ornaments or any articles pertaining to war could be
worn or could be present in the Sacred Tent. The Pipes were smoked
in the formal manner: the I^ke'fabe and Tha'tada servers pa.ssed
them to the members. The smoking was in silence. After the Pipes
had been cleaned by the officers appointed for this duty and returned
to their keeper, one of the principal chiefs opened the proceedings by
mentioning the terms of relationsliip between liimself and the others
present. Each one responded as he was designated. The chief then
spoke of the great importance of the subject before them and called
on those present to express their opinions. If since the last similar
council any chief or member present had given way to violence in
word or act, he must not speak. So long as he took no part in these
official proceedings the evil consecjuences of his words or actions
remained with himself, but should he act officially the consequences
of Ms misdeed would be transferred to the people. After all who
could rightfully take part in the discussion had spoken with due
deliberation, the newly chosen watho"' was called on. He generally
summed up the views that were acceptable to the majority of those
present. If there w'ere differences of opinion, then the men had to
remain in council until they came to an agreement. At this council
the general route the tribe was to take was laid out. In planning
the route two necessary features were always considered — wood and
a plentifid supply of water. It was also important to lead the
people where they could gather the wild turnip in great quantities.
These turnips were peeled, sliced, dried, and sewed up in skin bags
for winter use. Only the general direction was determined at this
council. The daily camps were selected by the watho"' as the people
went along. These were usually from 10 to 15 miles apart, wood and
water again being important factors in the choice of the camping
place. If, owing to the lack of wood or water, the distance between
two camping places was greater than could conveniently be made in
one journey, thewatho^' directed the tribal herald to consult the women,
on whom devolved much of the labor of the camp as well as the care
of the children, and to ascertain their decision in the matter. The
herald then reported the wishes of the majority and the watho"'
issued his order accordingly.

When, at the initial coimcil held by the Washa'be subgens, the
governing tribal council, and the watho^', a decision was reached,
the official herald was sent to proclaim to the people the day fixed
for departure. Meanwliile the council sat in the bowed attitude
and the sacred feast was served in seven wooden bowls. These were
passed four times around the council, each person taking a mouthful
from a black horn spoon. Tliis food could not be touched with the

278 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

fingers or any other utensil. The sun must have set before the chiefs
could lift their heads and the council break up, and the members
return to their homes. The da}' for the start once fixed, no chano;e
could be made, as that would be breaking faith with Wako^'da, in
whose presence the decision had been reached.

No prescribed order was observed in making the start. Those
who were ready moved first, but all kept fairly well together. For
four days prior to the start the man who was to act as watho"'
fasted, and when all were departing he remained behind. After every-
one had gone he took off his moccasins and, carrying no weapons,
followed slowly with bare feet. He reached the camp after the peo-
ple had eaten their supper, went to his own tent, and as he entered
ever^yone withdrew and left him alone. The fast, the barefoot march,
and the lonely vigil were explained to be "a prayer to Wako"'da to
give courage to the man to direct wisely and to lead successfully the
people as they went forth to seek for food and clothing." The old
men went on to state that "during all the time the man is watho"'
he must be abstemious, eat but little, and live apart from his family;
he must continuall}' pray, for on him all the people are depending."
This manner of life by the director was called no^'2hi''zho" — the same
word that was applied to the fast observed by the 3'outh when he went
alone to pray to Wako"'da. (See p. 12S.) The idea expressed in this
word was explained to be that " the man stands oblivious to the nat-
ural world and is in commimication only with the unseen and super-
natural world which environs him and in which he receives power
and direction from Wako°'da, the great unseen power." Every
effort was made by the chiefs and leading men to prevent or to con-
trol petty contentions, for if everyone was to secure a share in the
products of the chase, there had to be harmony, obedience to author-
ity, and good order throughout the tribe. If, however, disturbances
frequently occurred, or if the winds continually blew toward the
game, thus revealing the approach of the people and frightening awaj'
the buffalo, such ill fortinie might necessitate the resignation of the
watho^'. To avoid this necessity on the part of the director, a man
was appointed by the chiefs who took the name watho"' and was to
assume all the blame of quarrels and other mishaps. This official
scapegoat took his office good-naturedly and in this humorous way
served the tribal director.

On the march the contents of the three Sacred Tents were in charge
of tlieir keepers. In late years the Wliite Buftalo Hide was packed
on a pony ; in early days it was carried on the back of its keeper. The
washa'he (fig. 27) was carried by a virgin, and as it belonged to the
White Buffalo Hideshe walked nearthat sacred article. When in camp
this staff of office was kept in the Sacred Tent containing the Iliile.
The vSacred Pole was carried by its keeper. When the camping place

FLETCHER-LA flesche] THE QUEST OF FOOD 279

was reached, each woman knew exactly where to place her tent in the
hu'fhuga, or tribal circle. The Sacred Tents were set up in their
respective j)laces and the sacred articles put at once under cover.
After the camp was made the daily life went on as tisual; the ponies
were tethered or hobbled and put where they could feed; wood and
water were secured, anil soon the smoke betra^-ed that preparations
for the evening meal were going forward.

The beauty of an Indian camp at night deserves a passing word.
It can never be forgotten by one who has seen it and it caji hariUy
be pictured to one who has not. The top of each conical tent,
stained with smoke, was lost in shadow, but the lower part was aglow
from the central fire and on it the moving life inside was pictured in
silhouette, while the sound of rippling waters beside which the camp
stood accentuated the silence of the overhanging stars.

The signal to move in the morning was the dropping of the cover
from the tent of the director. When the poles of his tent were visible
ever}- woman began to unfasten her tent cover, and in a short time
the camp was a memory and the people were once more on the march,
stretched out as a motley colored mass over the green waste.

As the buffalo country was reached — that is, when signs of game
were discerned — then the chiefs, the watho"', and the Washa'be subgens
of theHo°'ga gens met in council and appointed a number of men who
were to act as "soldiers" or marshals. These men were chosen from
among the bravest and most trusty warriors of the tribe, those who
had won the right to wear "the Crow" (see p. 441). They were
summoned to the Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo Hide, where they
were informed of their duty. It is said that these officers were told :
" You are to recognize no relations in performing your duty — neither
fathers, brothers, nor sons." Their services began when the
camp was within hearing distance of the herd selected for the coming
surroimd. The marshals were to prevent noises, as loud calls and
the barking of dogs, and to see that no one slipjjed away privately.
Few, however, ever attempted to act independently, as it meant death
to a man to stampede a herd by going out privately to secure game.
During the surround the marshals heUl the himters back until the
signal was given for the attack on the herd. It was in the exercise
of this duty that the marshals were sometimes put to the test of keep-
ing true to the obligations of their office.

The iratho^'' chose some twenty young men to act as runners to
search for a herd suitable for the tribe to surround. If the region
was one in which there was danger of encountering enemies, the run-
ners went out in groups; otherwise they might scatter and go singly
in search of game. When the runners had been selected the tribal
herald stood in front of the Sacred Tent containing the White Buffalo
Hide, and intoned the following summons. First he called the name

280 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

of a young man and then added: Mo^zho^ iHTiegapo^ga tea ia ihi^ ho!
{mo"zho'^, "land;'' iHhegafo"(/a, "explore for me;" tea, "may;" ia,
"come;" </«", "action;" lio, "calling attention") — "Come! that you
may go and secure knowledge of the land for me."

When the runners {the wado'^' be, "those who look") had found a suit-
able herd, they made a speedy run back to where the tribe was
camped; when they were near they paused on some prominent point
where they could be seen and signaled their report by rimning from
side to side; if there were two young men, both ran, one from right to
left and the other from left to right, thus crossing each other as they
ran. (See picture of I'shibazhi, pi. 39, a runner on the last tribal buf-
falo hunt.) This signal was called waha'ha. As soon as they were
seen, word was taken to the Sacred Tents and to the watho"'. The
Sacred Pole and the pack containing the White Buffalo Hide were
carried to the edge of the camp in the direction of the returning run-
ners, followed by the Seven Chiefs. There a halt was made while the
runners approached to deliver their message. The White Buffalo
Hide was taken out and arranged over a frame so as to resemble some-
what a buffalo lying down. The Sacred Pole was set up, leaning on its
staff, the crotched stick. The chiefs, the keepers, and the herald were
grouped in the rear of these sacred objects. The first runner ap-
proached and in a low tone delivered his message, telling of the where-
abouts and the size of the herd, being careful not to exaggerate its
numliers. He was followed by the second I'unner, who repeated the
same message. The herald was then dispatched b}- the chiefs to notify
the people. He returned to the camp and shouted: "It is reported
that smoke (dust) is rising from the earth as far as the eye can reach ! "

Meanwhile, as soon as signs of the returning runners were seen the
director went to his own tent and remained alone until he heard the
voice of the herald shouting to the people. Then he went at once to
the Sacred Tent of the White Buffalo, where were the Seven Chiefs
and the subgens of the Ho°'ga, who had charge of the tent and its
belongings. The watho^'' now became the leader of the council, and
gave commands to the herald. Two men were selected by him to
lead in the surround, one to carry the washa'he and the other the
pipestem. Two boys were also selected to secure the twenty tongues
and one heart for the sacred feast. Then the herald went out, and
turning to the left passed around the tribal circle, calling as he went
the command in the name of the director:

You are to 2;o upon the chase, bring in your horses.
Braves of the I''shta'(,'U''da, IIo"'gashenu, pity me who belong U> you!
Soldiers of the I "Bhta'(,'U°da, Ho^'gashenu, pity me who belong to you!
Women of the 1 "shta'^u^da, Ho^'gashenu, pity me who belong to you!

The tribe was always addressed by the names of its two divisions,
and the words "Pity me who belong to you " constituted an appeal by

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 39

I'SHIBAZHI

FLETCHER-LA fleschb] THE QUEST OF FOOD 281

the watho"' to the honor and the compassion of the people to avoid
all dissensions and imprudence which might bring about trouble or
misfortune, since any misdeed or mishap would fall heavily on the
director, who was responsible for every action, fortunate or unfortu-
nate, and who must sufl'er for the acts of the tribe, as through his
office he belonged to them, was in a sense a part of them, "as," an
Omaha explained "a man's hand belongs to his body."

If the herd was at such a distance that the tribe must move on
and camp again before the chase took place then the Pole and the Hide
remained where the message of the nmners had been received, until
the people were I'eady to go to the new camping place. On that
journey the two sacred objects, with the Seven Chiefs, led the ad-
vance, while the marshals rode on the sides of the great cavalcade
and kept the people in order. Once arrived at the camping place, the
camp was made silently, for fear of any sound frightening the
herd, and strict silence was maintained until the hunters were ready
to start. If, however, the herd was discovered near the camp, then
after the message from the runners had been delivered the two sacred
objects, the Sacred Pole and the White Buffalo Hide, were returned
to their tents and the marshals at once enforced silence, killing any
barking dogs if necessary. All preparations were made as quietly
as possible. Each hunter was attended by one or two mounted boys
who led the fast running horses to be used in the chase : later his own
mount would be used to bring in the meat from the field. Once again
the herald circled the camp. His return to the tent of the White Buf-
falo Hide was the signal for the hunters to move. The two young men
bearing the washa'be and the pipestem were the first to start; these led
the procession of hunters, headed by the watTio^' and the Seven Chiefs.
The advance to the herd was by four stages. At the close of each
stage the chiefs and the director sat and smoked. This slow approach
to the herd was for definite purposes: First, to afford opportunity to
make prayer offerings of smoke to Wako°'da, to secure success; sec-
ond, to check haste and excitement among the hunters; third, to
insure an orderly progress toward the buffalo so that each person
might take part in the chase and obtain his share of the food sujjply.
As the four stops partook of a religious character they could not be
disregarded with imjiunity. The following incident occurred during
a tribal hunt early in the last century: At the third halt a man gal-
loped up to where the watho"' and the chiefs sat smoking and spoke
impatiently of the slow jirogress, declaring that the herd was moving
and might escape because of the delay. The watho'^' said quietly,
"If your way is the better, follow it!" The man dashed off, followed
by the hunters, who nished on the herd; in the confusion several of
the hunters were injured and the man who led the people to disobey
the rites was crippled for hfe by his horse faUing on him. This dis-

282 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. anx. 27

aster was regarded as a supernatural punishment of his irreverent
action in interrui>tiii<: tlie ])reseribe(l order of ])rocedure.

When the designated pkice for the attack was reached tlie two
youths paused while the hunters divided into two parties. One was
to follow the youth with the vasha'be; the other the youth with the
pipestem. At the command of the watho^' the two young men
started and ran at full speed to circle the entire herd, followed by
the horsemen. The marshals wath their whips held the riders back
and in order, for no one was allowed to break into the herd or advance
beyond the washa'he or the pipestem. Whosoever attempted to do so
or who failed to control his horse and keep in line was flogged, the
rawhide thong of the marshal falling on the bare body of the hunter
with all the force of the strong arm of the officer. These officers
were the only men to wear ornaments on the hunts. They were
decorated with the highly prized insignia, " the Crow." All of the
hunters were nude except for moccasins and breechcloths. When
the two youths bearing the washa'he and the pipestem met, the
washa'he was thiiist into the ground and the pipestem tied to it.
This was the signal at which the marshals gave the word of com-
mand to charge on the herd. The hunters responded with shouts
and yells, driving the bewildered buffalo in confused circles toward
the camp. W'hen the two youths started with the emblems of
authority to circle the herd their places were immediately taken by
the two boys who had been selected to secure the tongues and
heart for the sacred feast. As soon as the hunters rushed on
the herd and a buffalo was seen to fall, these boys pushed in, dodg-
ing in and out among the animals and hunters, for they must take
the tongue from a buffalo before it had been touched with a knife.
They carried their bows unstrung and thrust the tongues on them.
Tliey had been instnicted as to the manner in which the tongues
must be taken. An opening was made in the throat of the buffalo
and the tongue pulled through and taken out; then the end of the
tongue was bent over and the fold cut. It was thought that if a knife
was thrust through the tongue to make a hole, it would bring bad
luck. Through the slit thus made the unstrung bow was thrust. Ten
tongues were carried on one bow. When tiie twenty tongues and
the heart w-ere secured, the boys returned with these articles to
the Sacred Tent of the Wliite Buft'alo Hide. Meanwhile the slaughter
of the game went on. The Omaha were expert hunters and many
a man could boast of sentling his arrow clear through a buffalo and
wounding a second one beyond with the same missile. (PI. 40.)
At the conclusion of the hunt the xvasha'he and the pipestem were
brought back and delivered to the ivatho"'. The meat was packed on
the horses and taken to camp, where it was jerked by the women. On
the night of the surround the feast of tongues and heart was hekl in the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40

ARROW RELEASE

PLETCHEii-LA FLEsriiE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 283

Tent of the White Buffalo Hide. The Seven Chiefs, the watho^',
the Washa'be subgens of the Ho°'ga, and sometimes a few of the
leading men, were present. All wore the buffalo robe in ceremonial
fashion. On this occasion, though the subgens prepared the food
they could not partake of it — the buffalo tongue was their tabu.
Their position was that of host; they were acting for the White
Buffalo, of which they were the keepers, and tribal eticjuette de-
manded that at a feast the host should n<it eat any of the food
offered his guests. Those who were permitted to eat at this feast
took their food in the crouching attitude observed at the initial
council when the imfho"' was authorized and the route to be taken
on the hunt determined. Sometimes the boys gathered more than
the twenty tongues required and if the supply was more than suf-
ficient for the feast they received a portion, as did other persons.
The feast being a sacreil one, the consecrated food was prized, as it
was believed to bring health and long life. A share was sometimes
begged and the portion received was divided among a niunber of
people, who ate of it in the hope that they might thereby secure to
themselves the promised benefits. The tongues and heart were
boiled; only the chiefs anil the watlio^' were present during the
cooking.

After the feast the Washa'beto" subgens of the Ho^'ga sang the
ritual of the White Bufi'alo Hide. The Hide was mounted on its
frame and occupied the place of honor in the back of the tent facing
the east, while the chiefs and the wafho^' muffled in their robes sat
with bowed heads antl smoked the peculiarly shaped pipe belonging
to the Hide.

THE WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

The manner in which the ritual of the White Buffalo Hide was
obtained, as well as that of the Sacred Pole, has been recounted (pp.
247-250). When the old man Wako"'mo"thi° (fig. 60) had completed
the rituals, he agreed to deliver the Wliite Buffalo Hide to the writers
the following spring or summer. He desired to have .this sacred
object, which had been so long his care, with him during one more
winter and until "the grass should grow again." He kept the Hide
in a tent set apart for its use that was pitched near his little cabin.
He used to go and sit near it as it hung on a pole tied up as a bundle.
There he would muse on the memory of the days when it presided
over the hunt and its ritual was sung by him and his companions
while the chiefs smoked its sacred pipe and the people feasted on the
product of the chase, enjoying peace and plenty. It was hard for
the old man to adjust himself to the great changes that had taken
place. He realized that his years were tew, that the other sacred
articles belonging to the tribe were in safe keeping, and he said: "It
is right that the Hide should go and be with the Pole, as it alwaj-s used

284 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

to be, and it shall go there when the grass comes again." Pitying
the old man, the writers acceded to his request, although a large sum
of money had been given him for the Hide, and they left it with him.
In February, 189S, came the tidings that whUe the old man was at the
Agency (whither he had been called to transact some business),
thieves had broken into his tent and had stolen the White Buffalo
Hide. The grief of the old keeper was most pathetic. For months
every morning he went out and while yet the morning star hung in
the eastern sky he wailed as for the dead. His sorrow shortened his
days, for he survived only a season or two. He bitterly lamented not
putting the Hide where no irreverent hands could reach it — but it
was too late. After months of search the writers traced the Hide,
which had been sold to a man in Chicago, and learned the name of
the thief. Efforts were made to buy back the stolen relic and place
it where the old keeper had wished it to go, beside the Sacred Pole,
but the purchaser would not accede to any plan looking to that end.
The Hide is now deposited with the Academy of Sciences, Lincoln Park,
Chicago.

It is the skin of a small, whitish" buffalo, with hoofs and horns
intact. A row of shell disks are fastened down the back. (PI. 41.)
The exact measurements the writers have been unable to obtain.
The pipe is peculiar. It is of red catlinite, nearly circular in shape,
and represents the hoof of the bufl'alo. (Fig. 64). The significance of
this pipe is indicated in the last stanza of the first song of Part II
of the ritual belonging to the Hide. (See p. 290.)

According to Mo°xe'wathe, who was hereditarily one of the keepers
of the Tent of the Sacred Hide, there were formerly two Sacred White
Buffalo Hides, one male, the other female. The male hide was buried
with its keeper many years ago, so that it was the female that was in
the charge of Wako°'mo"thi°. The same authority stated that on
the first or second camp, when the tribe was on the annual buffalo
hunt, any man who desired to make a present to the Sacred Tent, so
as to "count" the gifts, could do so in the following manner: He
would send to the keeper and ask him to "untie the buffalo." The
keeper made a sort of frame of withes and spread over it the Hide, so
as to give it the appearance of a live buffalo. The man who wished to
make gifts, took them and with a little girl stood before the tent but
at a distance from it. Then he sent his presents one by one by the
hand of the little girl to the keeper, who received them. When he
had finished, some other ambitious man would advance with presents
and send them by a little girl in the same manner. These presents

a The albino buffalo was sacred among all Ihe closp copnatos of the Omaha and also among the Dakota
tribes, ratlin mentions that the Mandan gave the Blaekfeet the value of eight horses for a white buffalo
sltin, which they placed with great ceremony in thi-ir medicine lodge. Personal names referring to the
white buffalo occur in all the cognates. (For an account of a " White BulTalo Ceremony" among the
Dakota, see Peabody Museiun Reports, m, 260-275, 1880-86, Cambridge, 1887 )

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41

THE WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

I'M.KTrilEU-I.A ri.lOSCIIKl

THE QUEST OF FOOD

285

could all be "counted" toward the one hundred which would entitle
a man to entrance into the Ho'''hewachi and to put the "mark of
honor" on Ids daufjliter. The reason the presents were sent one at a

Upper surface

Under surface
Fi(i. Oi. f'ipu belonging to White BuHiilo Hide.

time was to give the man the ability to say, "I have been to the
Sacred Tent so many times." If he had sent all his presents at once,
they would have counted as only one gift.

286 THE OMAHA TRTBE [etii. ann. 27

When tlio tribe was near the l)iiirah) lierds the jieople moved abreast
and not in a file. As tlic Sacred Tent was then always in atlvance,
w lien tlic Tent stoj^ped and the buffalo was untied all tlie people had
to stop, so the man was then seen by all tlie tribe as he made his
presents to the Sacred Hide.

TiiK KiTiAi. (IF The AVhitk ]!ii"falo Hiiik

Tlie ritual of the White Buffalo Hide is dramatic in character but
hardly a dranui in form. It is composed of nineteen songs, divided
into four groups. The ritual deals with the gift of the buffalo to man
and although it pictures in a realistic way man's efforts to secure this
gift provided for him, yet a supernatural presence more or less per-
vades the ritual from its opening song to the close. The belief in the
supernatural presence was emphasized by the muffled figures of the
chiefs and the watJio^' as they sat with bowed heads and smoked the
peculiar pipe sacred to the Hide while the ritind was sung.

The argument of the ritual is briefl}' as follows:

Pan I.— The Pipe

(two songs)

(1) Tlie ])ipe ''appears." ('2) Man is commanded to take it, that
he may su])]>licate Wako"'da.

, /'(//■( //, — The Supplication

(four songs)

(f) Creation recalled; the species buffalo created. (2) The buf-
falo's growth and its perpetuation are provided for. (3) Thel)uffaloes
converge toward man. (4) They come from every ilirection and
cover the face of the earth.

J'aii HI. — .Lssuranir of Wako^'da
(oNf; song)

(1) The animals aie to grow and perpetuate themselves that they
may benefit man.

J'arf IV.~The Hunt
(TWELVE songs)

(1) The chiefs' song; i-efers to the council when the I'oute for the
hunt was decided upon. (2) The people start "toward the lowing
herds." (.3) The herds retreat but are seen at a distance. (4) Run-
ners go in search of the herds, aided ])y the birds. (.5) Return of the
rinuiers; joyful murmurs among tiie people at the good news, (fi)
The herakl tells of the council's decision to move on the herd and
repeats the director's admonition. (7) The herald proclaims the sig-
nal for the start. (8) Depicts the field of the hunt ; the men seek the
animals they have shot. (9) Refers to the custom of cutting up the
meat. (10) The song of plenty and teaching of economy. (11) Re-

FLETfHEIi-LA FI.KKC-HK]

THE QUEST OF FOOD

287

turn to camp of the hunters, when the boys carry the meat (ov the
sacred feast. (12) The plentifulness of the game causes some hunters
to camp on the fiekl.

Each song was repeated four times. There was a pause after each
part, for all ceremonials had to be performed with deliberation. The
singing of this ritual occupied the greater part of the night. And
the same rule applieil to these songs as to those belonging to the Sacred
Pole. An error made it necessary to begin at the first song again, for
the ritual must go straight through without any break in the order of
the songs.

It is a cpiestion with the writers whether the ritual as here given is
entire. The old keeper-priest gave the songs as a whole and the few
old men who remembered them declared them correct and complete.
Still, there may be unintentional omissions. To sing these songs into
a graphojdione was very different for the old man from giving
them in their order during the ceremonial, when any omission would
have been rectified at once by aid of the xu'lca, or prompters. The
ritual as it here stands is at least fairly complete, and if any songs are
lacking they would seem to be unimportant to the general outline.

Part I.— The Pipe
First Song

(Sung in octaves)

WHITE BUFFALO HIDE

J2. jSZ. .^ ♦

Tlia

ba - ha !

lie

he - he.

^SlZ

^EE

Tha ni-ba-ha e - tho" be tha - ni - ba- ha, Do° - ba?

1. Thani'baha

2. Xu'be hehe

3. ThaniTja ha, e'tho°be

4. Thani'baha. Do-'ba

Literal translation

1. Thani'ba, an old form of nini'ha, pipe. The Osage use this
form in daily speech. Ha, vowel prolongation of preceding syllable.

2. Xu'be, part of waxu'he, an object set apart from ordinary usage
and made holy; some consecrated thing that is used as a medium of
communication with the supernatural, with Wako^'da. Hehe, ehe, I
say; the added h is for euphony in singing.

3. E'tho"he, appears, comes into view, of its own volition, from a
covered place, so as to be seen by all.

288

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

4. Dd^'ha, to see; the word as here used is a part of tlie phrase
do^'ha iga {do'^ba, to see; i, phiral sign, a number addressed; ga,
command). The phrase is equivalent to "Behold ye!"

Free Iranslation

The holy Pipe!

Holy, I say.

Now it appears before you.

The holy Pipe, behold ye!

In this song the pipe is not addressed, but speaks through its keeper-
priest, first by its proper name, then by a term indicative of its func-
tion; it is then asserted that it "appears" not by any agency of man,
but by its own power, and commands men to behold. The use of the
word etho^be gives the key to the meaning of the song — the Pipe
acts, "appears;" it is not acted upon or made to appear. Although
so simple and concrete, this song throws more light on the native
thought and belief in the use of the pipe than any single song the
writers have found. The pipe is here represented as infused with
"movement," that special attribute of life, and "appears" to become
the bearer of man's supplication to Wako°'da. The music fittingly
clothes the thought expressed in the words and makes a majestic

opening to the ritual.

Second Song

M.M. J=54 (Sung in octaves)

Ha e - he

the I

- u - gth

he -

tho° -

tho"- ba

~t-J-~^^

-fr

■

-r^

^ ■*■ -m- . -7^

* ■» .

■»•-*■■»•

UL^

■#■ -

— 1 — .

— 1 1 —

-r ■♦

— i — '

he tliii" be Tha - ni - ni - ba ha

lie- tho°-tho°-ba- ha he tha

Tha - ui - ni - ba

he - tho° - the

he tha

1. Niniba, xuba, he lho"lho"ba ha hetho"be

2. Ha ehe the

3. lugthe, he tho"tho"ba ha he tho^be

4. Thaniuiba ha, he tho"tho"ba ha he tha

5. Ha ehe the

6. lugthe he tho"tho"ba ha, he tho"be

7. Thaniniba ha he'tho"tho''ba ha, he tha

FLETCriER-LA FLBSCHE]

THE QUEST OF FOOD

289

Literal translation

1 . Nini'ha, pipe ; xuba, part of waxu'be, holy object. The change of
the final vowel to a is for euphony in singing; Jietho''tho''ha, the same as
e'tho"he — prefixing of h, doubling of syllable tho", and change of final
vowel to a are for euphony and to bend the word to the music, ami
to convey the sound of the breath; ha, vowel prolongation.

2. Ha, modified form of ho, now, at tliis time; ehe, I say; the, this.

3. lugthe — i, mouth; ugthe, to insert.

4. He, a part of eiie, I say; tha, an oratorical sign at the close of the
sentence, implying something of- a command.

Free translation

Holy Pipe, most holy, appear.'^; it appears before you.

Now I bid ye
Within your lips take this holy Pipe, holy Pipe.
The Pipe, it appears, ajjpears before you, I say.

Now I bid ye
Within your lips take this holy Pipe, hoh' Pipe.
The Pipe it appears, appears before you. I say.

In this song the chiefs, the representatives of the people, are bidden
to accept the holy Pipe, take it within their lips, that the fragrant
smoke may carry upward their supplication. Tliis song precedes the
actual smoking of the Pipe. The music is interesting, as in it the
motive of the first song is echoed, but it is treated in a way to suggest
the movement toward the Pipe, which in the first song stood apart,
clothed with mysterious power. It now comes near and in touch
with the supplicants and lends itself to service. These two songs
complement each other and show both dramatic and musical form.

Part II. — The Supplication

First Song

Recitative

( S a ng in octaves )

ha - do°

e ■ he e - he

[-last phrase

♦ »

tlii -shto° a - do" pa

1. Kino"8hko"' ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto", ado" Pa te shko", ehe a ha

2. Kino"shko° ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", I"de shko", ehe a ha

3. Kino"shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", T'shta shko", ehe a ha

4. Rino"shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado". He te shko", ehe a ha

5. Kino".shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", Nitateshko", ehe a ha

6. Kino°8hkon ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", No"shki shko", ehe a ha

7. Kino"8hkon ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", No"ka shko", ehe a ha

83993°— 27 eth— 11 19

290 THE OMAHA TRIBE [r.Tii. anx. :27

8. Kino°shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado". Tea shko", ehe a ha

9. Kino''shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", Mo"ge shko", ehe a ha

10. Kino"shko" ha, I baluido" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", Thiti shko", ehe a ha

11. Kino"shko" ha, I l)ahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", Zhua;a shko", ehe aha

12. Kino°shko" Iia, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", Nixa shko", ehe a ha

13. Kino"shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", 5i"de shko", ehe a ha

14. Kino"shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", Imbe shko", ehe a ha

15. Kino"shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", Zhi"ga shko", ehe a ha

16. Kino"shko" ha, I bahado" ha, ehe ehe, thishto" ado", ^ite shko", ehe a ha, ^i gthe

Literal translation

I. Ki, himself or itself; no^sM-o", movement, action — it moves
itself; 7ia, end of the sentence; / hahado", conscious, having knowl-
edge; ha, behold; e?ie, I say; thishto", it is done, it is finished, accom-
plished; ado^, hado", because; pa te, nose {te, suffix, standing) ; shTco",
moves; a ha, behold.

2. I"de', face.

3. iHhtu', eyes.

4. He, horns; fe (suffix), standing.

5. iVito', ears; /c, standing.

6. No^shJci', head.

7. No^'l-a, back.

8. Tea', arm (buffalo arm).

9. Mo"'ge, breast.
10. Thi'ti, rihs.

II. Zhu'ga, body.

12. Ni'xa, stomach.

13. g%^'de,iM\.

14. Im'he, liind quarters.

15. Zhi^'ga, httle one, the calf.

16. Qite,ieet; fi ^<?!e, tracks, footprints.

In this song the creation of the buffalo is depicted. ''Movement"
is sjTionymous with life. The living embryo moves of itself. Ac-
cording to native reasoning it moves because it is endowed with
consciousness. As breath is the sign of life, the nose, whence the
breath issues, is the first to "move." Next the face moves, then
the eyes, and so on until all the parts of the body "move" because
of conscious life. Then the little one, the calf, is bom. Finally as
the feet move they leave on the earth a sign of life — "tracks.""

The music is recitative and in a minor key. The emphasis on
the keynote, of the last word, (/igthe, "tracks," indicates the finality
of the creation.

a Oliserve in this connection the peculiar pipe belonging to the Hide (fig. Ii4), in the shape of a track
of a buffalo hoof.

FI.ETCIIER-LA FLESCHE]

THE QUEST OF FOOD

291

(Recitative in octaves )

Second Song

i-thi" lie Nu-ga ha du-di ha i thi° he

1
-Vu'ga ha! du'di ha i thi"! ho he
Nu'ga ha! du'di ha i thi"! he
Xu'sra ha! du'di ha i thi"! he he

•7

Zha'wa ha! du'di ha i thi"! he he
Zha'wa ha! du'di ha i thi"! he
Zha'wa ha! du'di ha i thi"! he he

Mi'ga ha! du'di ha i thi"! he he
Mi'ga ha! du'di ha i thi"! he
Mi'sa ha! du'di ha i thi"! he he

Zhi"'ga ha! du'di ha i thi"! he he
Zhi"'ga ha! du'di ha i thi"! he
ZM"'ga ha! du'di ha i thi"! he he

Texi he du'di ha i thi"! he he
Texi he du'di ha i thi"! he
Texi he du'di ha i thi"! he he

Literal tniitsliition

1. Nu'ga, male, bull. The word is here used in a generic sense.
Ha, sign showing that the male is adilressed; du'di ha, nearer this
way; i, come; thi", sign showing that the object spoken of is moving;
he he, ehe, I say — the h is added for euphony in singing.

2. Zha'wa, large, majestic, imposing; zha'wa ha!, O majestic one!

3. Mi'ga, cow, female. The word is here generic and not sj^ecific.
Mi'ga ha!, O mother one !

4. Zhi"'ga, little. — the word refers to the young of the buffalo;
zhi"'ga ha!, O httle one!

5. Texi, difficult to accomplish; he, ha, the sign of address.

This song is closely related to the preceding. In the first stanza
of this supplicating song the newborn male moving yonder is ad-
dressed and asked to come nearer this way — that is, toward man,
for whose benefit he was created. In the second stanza the male
has grown, has reached maturity, and presents the imposing appear-

292

TllK (IMAIIA TKIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

ance of the bullalo hull. He is asked to come nearer with all his
powers, that man may be helped to live. In the third stanza, the
female, the mother with all her potency, is addressed, and bidden
to come nearer toward waiting mankind to yield him food. The
fourth stanza addresses the calf, with its promise of growth and of
a future supply of food. The calf is bidden, as were its progenitors,
to come nearer and give food to man. In the fifth stanza the word
texi is used as a trope. It refers to the great power of Wako'''da
as shown in the vast herds brought about by the multiplication of
single pairs. These moving herds are asked, supplicated, to come
nearer to man, to yield him food and life.

The music is the five-tone scale of F major. Although divided
into three phases it is recitative in character and the motive is
similar to the preceding song, to which it is related.

(Sung in octaves)

Third Song

J^-j-4Ja-

In-to" a-i

ba do" ha - i bi hi the zho''-s;e he she-no''-ha ge tho°

1. I "to" ai bado" ha ibi'hi the, zho°ge he .sheno"ha ge tho°
•2. I "to" ai bado" ha ibi'hi the, 'to" ai bado" ha ibi'hi the
3, Yo, yo, duda

Literal translation

1. lHo'\ now, at the present time; ai iado", they coming; h<t, end
of sentence; ibi'he, they are coming; the, tha, oratorical close of sen-
tence; z'ho"ge, v.zfw'ge, path or paths; lie, vowel prolongation;
she'no"lia, all; ge, many; tho", the.

2. 'To", i^'iu", now.

3. Yo, come — a form of call; dudo, this way.

In this supplicatory song the "moving henls" s])oken of in the
previous song are now drawing near, converging by many paths
toward num. Such was the motive of their birth, to benefit man,
to respond to his supplications and yield their life when he reverently
calls them: Yo, yo, duda! — "this way, hither come!" The music
is in the five-tone scale of F sharp minor. The call is on the key-
note an octtive and a fifth below the opening of the song, which is
recitative in form, tind follows the motive of the two ])receding songs,
to which it is related.

FLETCIIEU-LA KLKSlUK]

(Sung in octaves)

THE QUEST OF FOOD
Fourth Song

293

^i^i^^lPi

-*v-*— ^

=1=

'-r=^^=^7

Wi-ax-chi ha ha - i lii hi the wi-ax-chi ha ha a - i bi hi the

Wi - ax-r'hi-ha ha - i bi hi the

\vi - ax - chi - ha ha- i bi hi

t-*-

wi-ax-chi ha- ha - i bi - hi the wi - ax - ehi ha

bi hi

Wiaxchi ha, hai bi 'hi the
Wiaxrhi ha, hai bi 'hi the
Wiaxrhi ha, hai bi 'hi the
Wiaxchi ha, hai Iji 'hi the

No°ba ha, hai bi 'hi the
No°ba ha, hai bi 'hi the
No"ba ha, hai bi 'hi the
No"ba ha, hai bi 'hi

Thabthi" ha, hai bi 'hi the
Thabthi" ha, hai bi 'hi the
Thabthi" ha, hai bi 'hi the
Thabthi" ha, hai bi 'hi

Duba ha, hai bi 'hi the
Duba ha, hai bi 'hi the
Duba ha, hai bi 'hi the
Duba ha, hai bi 'hi

5ato" ha, hai bi 'hi the
fato" ha, hai bi 'hi the
^ato" ha, hai bi 'hi the
fato" ha, hai bi 'hi

Shape ha, hai bi 'hi the
Shape ha, hai bi 'hi the
Shape ha, hai bi 'hi the
Shape ha, hai bi 'hi

294 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETII. ANN. 27

Petho"b:i h;i, 'i l)i 'hi the
Petho"lj;i hu, 'i bi 'hi the
Petho"ba h;i, 'i bi 'hi the
Petho"l)a ha, 'i bi 'hi

Pethabthi" ha, 'i bi "hi the
Pethabthi" ha, 'i bi 'hi the
Pethabthi" ha, 'i bi 'hi the
Pethabthi" ha, 'i bi 'hi

Slio"ka ha, hai bi 'hi the
Sho"ka ha, hai bi 'hi the
Sho"ka ha, hai bi 'hi the
Sho°ka ha, hai bi 'hi

Gthebo" ha, hai bi 'hi the
Gthebo" ha, hai bi 'hi the
Gthel)o'' ha, hai bi 'hi the
Gthebo" ha, hai bi 'hi

0"geda ha, 'i bi 'hi the
0°geda ha, 'i bi 'hi the
Cgeda ha, 'i bi 'hi the
0°geda ha, 'i bi 'hi

Litiriil Irnnxlatioii

1. ^Yiaxclli, one; lia uilded to the word makes it to mean "in one
direction;" hai, ai, they are coming — the h is added for euphony in
singing ; bi, are ; 'hi, a part of ehe, I say — the final vowel is changed for
euphony; the, the same as tlui, the oratorical end of the sentence.

2. No"ba ha, two directions.

3. Thabthi^ ha, three directions.

4. Duba ha, four directions.

5. Cato" ha, five directions.

6. Shape ha, six directions.

7. Pethn^ba ha, seven directions; 'i, contraction of ai, they are
coming.

8. Petluibthi" ha, eight directions.

9. Sho^l'a ha, nine directions.

10. (rthf'ho" ha, ten directions.

11. 0"ge(la ha, from every direction.

In this song the "moving herds" are depicted as coming wherever
man can turn; they cover tlie face of the earth; they approach him
from every direction. 0°'geda is one of the ni'hie names in the
Ho°'ga gens and was taken from this ritual. The old priest shook
his head as he sang this stanza and in a broken voice he repeated the

rr.ETCIIKK-LA KLESC'HE]

THE QUEST OF FOOD

295

word o'^'geda, meamng the buffalo are coming from everywhere, and
added • "Not now! not now!" Wako"'da's promises seemed to him
to havelaeen swept away. He could not face what appeared to be
a fact nor could he understand it.

The music follows the five-tone scale of E major; tlie movement
of the phrase is dignified and lends itself well to imison singing.

Part III. — Assurance nf Wahon'da
M (Sung in octaves)

iSz

.Slia-(le he sha-de

—w-
he

-r — '-r-. ^ — I-

tha

N.i

gii

-»-i~.-m—

ha- ne he

tha

Nil

g:'

±Z

4:-

-N-^-

tha

Shade he shade he tha ha
Nuga hane 'he tha lia
Nuga hane 'he tha ha

Shade he shade 'he tha ha
Zhawa hane 'he tha ha
Zhawa hane 'he tha ha

Shade he shade he tha ha
Miga hane 'he tha ha
Miga hane 'he tha ha

Shade he shade he tha ha
Zhi°ga hane 'he tha ha
Zhi"ga hane 'he tha ha

Shade he shade he tha ha
Texi hane 'he tha ha
Texi hane 'he tha ha

Literal translation

1. Shade, it is done — a declaration of something accomplished; Tie,
part of ehe, I say; tha ha, oratorical close of the sentence, calling at-
tention to an important declaration; nuga, male; hane, you have;
'he, ehe, I say.

2. Zhawa, majestic one.

3. Miga, female, mother one.

4. Zhi^ga, little one, calf.

5. Texi, difficult to accomplish.

296

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

In tliis song Wako"'ila gives assurance that man's supplication for
the animals desired for his food has been heard. In it the form of the
second song of Part II is repeated, both as to words, and mifsic, with
the difference that the act supplicated by man in the first song is here
stated authoritatively as accomplished. The change in the motive
of the music after the second he in the fu'st measure is marked and
emphasizes the meaning of the words of the entire song, wliich was
explained to be the emphatic assertion, ehe, "1 say," of Wako^'da
that the provision for the perpetuation of the buffalo and the creation
of the "moving herds" was because of the needs of man, and to give
him food in abundance. The music is in D minor and is recitative
in character.

Part IV.— The Hunt

First Song — The Chiefs and the Council

M. M. 1 = 58 (Snng in octaves)

1110'' zlio" ho" tho e tho - e

-ft — J • < — r * J .—s ^ *-

Wi - e to" thi" hi tha - e

do"

to"- thi" hi

=^^=

te do"

Be to" thi" hi

e te - do"

-« • * 0-

-y-

-* — •-

ino°-zho°-ho" thu - e tho e te do"

Wi - e to°-thi"

=U^

:?=:ff:

-0 — • — •-

^^=^^^

hi tha e te do" a - me to" thi" hi i - e te do"

1. 'Be to"thi" hi ie te do"

2. 'Be 'to''thi" hi ie te do"

3. Mo''zho" ho"' thoe' thoe te do"

4. Wi eto"thi" hithae te do" anie, to"thi" hi te te do"

5. 'Be 'to"thi" hi ie te do"

6. Mo°zho° ho" 'thoe'thoe te do"

7. Wi eto"thi" hithae te do" ame, to"thi° hi ie te do"

FLETCHEK-LA KLESIHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 297

Literal translation

1. Be, ebe, who; 'toHhi^, efoHhi", first; 7ii, the prolongation of the
last vowel sound; ie, speak; te, must; do", a terminal word or syllable
to indicate a question.

3. Mo"zho'\ land or country; ho'^, prolongation of vowel sound;
'tJioe, uihue, to speak of.

4. Wi, I (the cliiefs) ; etoHTii"^, first ; Mthae, I speak — the cliiefs must
speak with one mind and voice; ame, they say (the people).

The above song refers to the preliminary council held by the Seven
Chiefs with the Washa'beto" subgens of the Ho°'ga, wliich had charge
of the hunt, at wliich the route to be taken by the tribe when going
after the buffalo was determined. The responsibility thrown on this
council was regarded as very grave. Tliis responsibility is indi-
cated by the question in the first line: "Wlio must be the first to
speak," speak of the land (the route to be taken)? The fourth line
gives the answer: "I" (the cluefs), "I speak" (the chiefs must
speak as with one mind, as one jjerson) ; ame, they say (i. e. the
people, the words implying the authority placed on the chiefs by
the people; see definition of ni'lcagahi, p. 136). The song not only
refers to the council and its deliberations in reference to the hunt
but it voices the loyalty of the people to their chiefs and also the
recognition by the chiefs of their responsibility for the welfare of
the tribe. While the words refer only to the "land," the route to be
traveled by the tribe, the music fills out the picture of the purpose
of the journey. The motive is similar to that of the second song of
Part II, that deals with the perpetuation of the buffalo and the mov-
ing herds, and also recalls the Song of Assurance in Part III. The
song is divided into seven phrases and is in the five-tone scale of D
major.

298 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH, ANN. 27

Second Sono — The People Move Toward the Lowing Herds
(Sung in octaves)

Hu - to"

tha

Hu- to" ma di

wa - pi e - he

Huto°'ma 'di wapi, ehe tha
Huto^'ma 'di wapi, ehe tha
Huto"'ma 'di wapi, ehe tha
Huto"'ma 'di wapi, ehe tha
Huto"'ma 'di wapi, ehe tha
Huto^'ma 'di wapi, ehe tha
Huto°'ma 'di wapi, ehe tha

Xthazhe ama 'di
Xthazhe ama 'di
Xthazhe ama 'di
Xthazhe ama 'di
Xthazhe ama 'di
Xthazhe ama 'di
Xthazhe ama 'di

waj)!, ehe tha
wapi, ehe tha
wapi, ehe tha
wapi, ehe tha
wapi, ehe tha
wapi, ehe tha
wapi, ehe tha

Literal translation

1. Huto", the noise^of the animals, as the lowing of the herds;
ma, ama, they; 'di, a part of the word edi, tlicre; wapi, to bring (bthe,
I go, is understood, although the word bthe is not present in the
song) — "I go to the lowing herds to bring back the product of the
hunt," is the meaning of the line; ehe, I say; tha, the oratorical close
of the sentence.

2. Xthazhe, the bellowing of the bulls.

FLETrHEP-LA KI.ESCHE)

THE QUEST OF FOOD

299

The music of this song is spirited and suggests movement, not
merely the moving of the lowing herds but the orderly progression of
the people going over the prairies to bring back the spoils of the hunt-
ing field. It is in the five-tone scale of F minor, and is divided into
seven phrases.

Third Soxg — The Herds Retreat

(Sung in octaves)

-tmz a a

4^;

Shu- dea-ki a- ma di bthe na he he the he tha

-•-- 0-

de a - ki

di bthe na lie lie the he tha shu

:r»=

-^ -'—»—» • I *-

-» . ■*•-»•.■»■•*•.■*■ "—

de a- ki a- ma dibtlie na he he the he tha He he he bthe-na

he he the he na shu -de a - ki a - ma di bthe na

d?-

^^^^^==<^^

jT"— •— «-i— «— #-

H^^^

he he the he tha Shu de a - ki a - ma di the tha

Shu'de aki ama 'di bthe na, hehe the he tha
Shu'de aki ama 'di bthe na, hehe the he tha
Shu'de aki ama 'di bthe na, hehe the he tha
Hehe he bthe na, hehe the he na
Shu'de aki ama 'di bthe na, hehe the he tha
Shu'de aki ama 'di bthe na, hehe the he tha

Literal translation

Shu'de, smoke; alt, retreating; ama, they; 'di, a part of edi, there;
hthe, T go; na, a vocable introduced to accommodate the music; hehe,
ehe,l say; the and he, vowel prolongations; tJia, the oratorical termina-
tion of the sentence. "Where yonder retreating herds enveloped as
in smoke, there I go.''

The song recounts the vicissitudes of the hunt; herds sometimes
scent the people and scatter; they are seen in the distance, the dust
raised by their trampling rising and covering them as if enveloped
in smoke.

The music, in B flat major, is rather rapid and partakes of the
recitative character.

300

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Fourth Sono — The Runners Go Forth

(Sung in octaves)

Wu - zbi° - ga sa - be ga- wi" - xa

ne the

Ga - wi°

a - hi°

E^^fe^

hi" u-ne the he Ga-wi" - xa

hi° u-ne the he Ga-wi" - xa

Wazhi^ga ?abe gawi"xa
Ahi° une the he gawi°xa
Ahi" une the he gawi^xa
Ahi" une the he gawi^xa
Ahi" une the he gawi^xa

Literal translation

Wazhi'^'ga, bird ; fahe, black — the word is used as a trope and means
the crow; gawi^xe, soaring; aM", wings; une, to search; the, to go,
or goes; Ae, vowel prolongation.

The crow follows the herds — "He is a buffalo hunter," the old man
explained. "He watches to find his chance for carrion." So, when
the runners go out to search for herds, they scan the sky to catch
sight of the crow and other birds of prey, that they may direct their
steps in the direction of the soaring birds. Wl^en the herds are found,
credit is given to the guiding birds who thus lend their assistance to
man when searching for the game. (Note the ritual in which the
crow promises to help man, p. 311.)

The music, in A major, is recitative in form, but resembles the
motive of the buffalo songs already referred to in Part II.

FLETCHEK-LA flesche] THE QUEST OF FOOD 301

Fifth Song — Return of the Runners
Recitative
( Sung in octaves )

^-m

rt=iz

J:=^===!:=^£J ' '—*^^s=:^i^

-7—

E- thon-be a - ke - da lia lia lia 5a - e ti - the a- wa-the

•--^^

E- thon-be a - ke - da lia ha ha 5a - e ti - the a- wa-the

^ 0 — 0^ — 0 — »_= — 0 — #-=- = — = =- ^ •

E- thon-be a - ke - da ha ha ha 5a - e ti the a-wa-tlie

hk==^-

-^^

E- tlion-be a - ke - da ha ha ha 5a - e ti the a-wa-the

imM^M

E- thon-be a - ke ■ da ha ha ha ja - e ti tLe a-wa-the

Etho''be ake da ha ha ha, fae tithe awa the
Etho^be ake da ha ha ha, fae tithe awa the
Etho^be ake da ha ha ha, gae tithe awa the
Etho^be ake da ha ha ha, fae tithe awa the
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, gae tithe awa the

Etho''be ake da ha ha ha, wezhno" tithe awathe
Etho^be ake da ha ha ha, wezhno" tithe awathe
Etho^be ake da ha ha ha, wezhno" tithe awathe
Etho^be ake da ha ha ha, wezhno° tithe awathe
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, wezhno" tithe awathe

Etho^be ake da ha ha ha, gtho^gtho" tithe awathe
Etho^be ake da ha ha ha, gtho"gtho° tithe awathe
Etho°be ake da ha ha ha, gtho^gtho" tithe awathe
Etho"be ake da ha ha ha, gthoogtho" tithe awathe
Etho°be ake da ha ha ha, gtho''gtho'' tithe awathe

Literal translation

1. Etho'^he, appear; al-e, aki, I return; e, vowel prolonged; da, do'^,
when; Tia, end of sentence; ha ha, vowel prolonged; f«p, noise, as
made by voices; tithe, suddenly; awathe, I make them.

2. Wezhno'^, grateful.

3. Gtho^gtho^, murmur, as many people talking in low tones.

302

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANM. 27

The runnor speaks in the song, telhng tliat when he appears on
the eminence near the camp and signals his tidings, then suddenly
the sound of many voices is heard, the people talking of the good
news he brings. The second stanza speaks of the gratitude voiced
by the jieople over the word he brings to them. The tloird stanza
refers to the restraint that is put on the camp — no loud talking
permitted, nor any noise, for fear of frightening the herd.

The music is in E major and is recitative and subdued in character.
Even the song is repressed in conformity with tiie scene to which it
is related.

Sixth Song — The Herald Tells op the Decree and Admonitions of the Council

Recitative

(Sung in octaves)

te e - a tho°- ka a tlia ha E - tli shue tee-atho°-ka a tha ha

tha ha

Wanita a'no°(;e e ta ania ha, edi shne te ea tho''ka a tha ha edi shne te ea tho''ka a

tha ha
Wato" 'thohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho°ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha lia

wani ta a'n(j"ie e ta ama ha edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

Wanita a'no"(,e e la ama ha, edi shne te ea tho^ka a tha lia, edi shne te ea tho"ka a

tha ha
(,'abe uthohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho''ka a tha ha, edi shne ic ea tho''ka a tha ha

wani'ta a'no°ve e ta ama ha, edi shne t'e ea tho°ka a tha La

FLETCHEI1-L.V FLBSCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 303

AVani'ta a'tio^cye e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a

tha ha
Gthezhe uthohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho^ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho°ka a tha ha

wani'ta a'no^oe e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho^ka a tha ha

Wani'la a'uCi.'e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho^ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho°ka a

tha ha
Gani uthohe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho°ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho''ka a tha ha

wani'ta a'nonfe e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

Wani'ta a'no^fe e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho°ka a

tha ha
Gashpe uthuhe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho°ka a tha ha

wani'ta a'no^fe e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

Wani'ta a no°<;e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a

tha ha
Texi uthohe tlia ha; edi shne te ea tho^ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

wani'ta a 'no"'fe e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

Wani'ta a'no^ye e ta ama lia, edi shne te ea tho°ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho°ka a

tha ha
fani uthuhe tha ha; edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha, edi shne te ea tho°ka a tha ha

wani'ta a'no\e e ta ama ha, edi shne te ea tho"ka a tha ha

Literal translation

1. Wani'ta, animals, game; OTW'^pe, surround, inclose; e, vowel pro-
longation; ta, will, intention; ama, they; ha, the sign of the end of
the sentence; edi, there; shne, you go; te, must; ea tho^Tca, say they,
who are sitting (refers to council in the White Buffalo Tent); a, vowel
prolongation; ha, modification of tha, the oratorical close of a sentence;
wato^\ possessions; 'tliohe, part of uthohe, a collection of sacred articles
(refers particularly to all the materials used in making the washa'he,
the staff or badge of the office of the leader of the hunt).

2. ^ahe, black (used as a trope, meaning the crow, one of the birds
used in making the washa'he).

3. Gthezhe, spotted or brown eagle (used in making the umsha'he).

4. Gani, the golden eagle (the feathers are tied on the washa'he).

5. Gash,pe, broken (a trope, meaning the shell disk fastened on the
pipestem. These disks were presented to the White Buffalo Hide
and fastened in a row down the back).

6. Texi, difficult to perform (the word refers to the labor involved
in securing the materials used in making the washa'he).

7. (,'ani, all — that is, not onl}' the "possessions," but what they
in their collective form stand for officially.

304 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

In lliis song of the herald the people are notified that the council
has orilered the hunters to make ready to surround the herd. They
are to follow the washa'be, and to remember all that it signifies and
the help given by the birds — the crow, the eagle — and the elements,
represented by the shell. All these things, difficult to bring together, are
now united to lead the people toward the herd and to help them in secur-
ing food wherewith to sustain the life of the people, both young and old.

The music, in E flat major, is recitative.

Seventh Song — The Herald Proclaims the Time to Start
(Sung in octaves) ^^

Ti-tlio" ga-wi° ki- hi bthe-e fka lia a ha a - ma he- he the- he tha
=, = ^?S— ^ ,

Ti-tho° ga-wi" ki- hi btlie-e fka ha a ha a-ma he-he the- lie tha

z ^_i — —— — J . r I . — 1^-,- — I — — - -■-•-g — y • - -• ■

■•■■••■•• -* ■•■ .
Ga - thi° de ho ho o lio a-ma lie he the he tha Ti-tho° ga-wi° ki hi

—i P 1 P 1= !-^^^ ^

d » S it-i — ^ — « # I I j^

^ii

-* -•• • ■♦■ -•• " -••

bthe e te e fka a a ha a - ma he he the he tha

Titho" gawi"' ki hi bthe e vka ha a ha ama hehe the he tha
Titho" gawi"' ki hi bthe e rka ha a ha ama hehe the he tha
Gathi" 'deho' ho o ho ama hehe the he tha
Titho" gawi°' ki hi bthe e te e gka a a ha ama hehe the he tha

Literal translation

1. Tithd^, village, camp; gawi^, part of gawi"xe, to circle, as a bird
soars; H, when; M, vowel prolongation; hthe, I go; e, vowel pro-
longation; flea, may; Tiaaha, vowel prolongation; ama, they; hehe,
ehe, I say; e he, vowel prolongation; tha, oratorical close of the
sentence.

3. Gathi^, yonder walking; 'deho, edea, what does he say? (the final
vowel changed); ho o ho, vowel prolongation.

4. Te, must.

In this song the figure of speech, which likens the herakl going
aroinid the camp to the soaring and circling of a bird, recalls the song
of the runner when the birds by their soaring guided to the game.
The herald left the Sacred Tent of the White Bufl'alo Hide and
passed around the tribal circle by the left; the completion of his
round by liis return to the Sacred Tent was the signal that the tribe
had been notifietl and the people were to start. The song refers to the
questioning of the people as he walked giving the order of the leader.

The music, in G minor, is recitative.

FI.ETCHER-I,A FLESCHE]

THE QUEST OF FOOD

305

Eighth Song — The Hunting Field

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Spirited, loith marked rhythm

-^— #-

^-j:

~-^^

-^-

-*— #-

z±=SL

Wi°a-u the thi° ga thu hi-thi° he Wi°a-n the thi" ga thii hi thi°

n J ^^ J -^^ -^^ ,

-^— *

*- * I g> — = — 0 — •-

'K^^ ^-'

-*— *-

i^i

isj-S-^i

-*— *-

-#— #-

-^r---.-;i.-

the- thi" ga thu hi thi" he he wi°a-u the thi" ga thu hi thi° he he

=N=^I

-*— *-

— rN-3 *-

-♦ ' -»■ —Y ^

-»-

-JSZ.

r t T

-zt

r r

Wi" au the thi'' gathu hi thi" he
Wi" au the thi" gathu hi thi" he he
Wi" au the i wami hi thi" he
Wi" au the thi" gathu hi thi" he he
\Vi ° au the thi " gathu hi thi " he

Wi" au the thi" gathu hi thi" he
M^i" au the thi" gathu hi thi" he he
Wi" au the takiki" hi thi" he
Wi" au the thi" gathu hi thi" he
Wi" au the thi" gathu hi thi" he

83993°— 27 eth— 11-

-20

306

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Wi" au the ke gathu hi ke he
Wi" au the ke gathu hi ke he he
Wi" au the xiatha hi ke he
Wi" au the ke gathu hi ke he he
Wi° au the ke gathu hi ke he

Literal translation

1. Wi", one; au, I wounded; the, there; thi'^, moving; gathu, yon-
der, in a definite place; hi, has reached or arrived at; <M", moving;
he, ha, the end of the sentence; i, mouth; wand, blood or bleeding.

2. TahiJci'^, staggering.

3. A>, lying; a;iaiAa, fallen.

In this song, the wounded, bleeding, staggering, and fallen game
is referred to.

The music, in C major, is vigorous, virile, and suggestive of action.

Ninth Soncj — Cutting Up the Game

Recitative
(Sung in octaves)

I" thi" -wo"- tho" ga

gtho" ho° yi i - hi i° thi" wo°-tho° ga ha

i" thi° wo°-tho° ga

l" thi° wo°-tho'' ga in gtho° ho" 51

■ 1

I" thi" wo^tho" ga i"gtho" ho° fiihi i" thi" \vo"tho'' ga ha
I" thi" wo°tho° ga i'lgtho" ho" ^-iihi i" thi" wo^tho" ga ha
1" thi" vvo°tho" ga i°gtho'' ho° fiihi i" thi" \vo"tho" ga ha

1° thi" haho" ga i°gtho" ho" pa tho" ho" i" thi" baho" ga ha
I" thi" baho" ga i"gtho° ho" pa tho" ho" i" thi" baho" ga ha
I" thi" baho" ga i"gtho" ho" pa tho" ho" i" thi" baho" ga ha

I" thi" wo"tho" ga i°gtho" ho" (,'i"de he i" thi" wo"tho" ga ha
I" thi" \vo°tho" ga i"gtho" ho" vi"de he i" thi" wo"tho" ga ha
I" thi" wo°tho" ga i°gtho" ho" t;i"de he i" thi" wo"tho" ga ha

Literal translation

1. 7", mine; thi", you; wo"tho", hold; ga, the sign of command;
i"gtho", eldest son; ^o", prolongation of the vowel sound; (iihi, fihi,
ankle (the middle i is to prolong the vowel).

2. Baho", to push up, to bot)st; jia, head; tho", the roundish shape
of the head ; ho", vowel prolongation.

3. (7i"(^e, tail; Ae, vowel prolongation.

FLET(HEH-I,A FLESCHF-l THE QUEST OF FOOD 307

Tlie customs relating to cutting up the game have been given
(p. 271). The first stanza of this song refers to the hunter direct-
ing his assistants during the butchering, phicing the animal on its
back; the second stanza, putting the head so as to hold the body in
position; the third speaks of the tail, used to lift the carcase in order
that the task may be completed.

The music, in E flat, is recitative rather than melodic in character.

Tenth Sono — Of Plenty and Economy
(Sung in octaves)

-*-

Te - a^i ke tha te - a-a-a Te-a - a-a mi-kehetha thi" he he

Tea miketha, tea a, tea a, mikehetha thi" he
Literal trmulation

Tea, buffalo arm, the fore quarter; a, vowel prolongation; miketha
milcihethe, to put on the hip; thi'^, moving (equivalent in this instance
to walking) ; he, end of sentence.

Teaching economy : The fore quarter, being tough, was the least
desirable part of the animal for food, and was frequently thi-own
away. Wlien the hunter took it, he did not carry it with the rest of
his load, but on his hip, so he could drop it if it became too burden-
some. The meaning of the song could hardly be gathered from the
words. It was explained that the song indicated a plentiful supply
of meat; but the good hunter, unwilling that anytliing should be
lost, took the fore quarter, the most undesirable piece, and, being
heaAaly laden, he had to carry it on liis hip. The song, the old priest
said, was one to instill the teaching that even when there is abun-
dance there shoukl never be wastefulness.

The music, in C niajor, is recitative.

Eleventh Song — Return to the Camp

Recitative

(Sling in octaves)

ki a-nia-hawa - 110° xthi" a - hasrthe a - ma- lia do°

i^^^^^E^^:EEE^;EE:^EE^E^==J^^EE^

gthe a - ma ha She a - ki - a - ma-ha ki - a - uia-hu

She aki ama, haki ama ha Wai" 'ki ama ha, wano"xthi" ahagthe ama ha do", wai°

'gthe ama ha
She aki ama, haki ama ba

308 TIIK UMAllA TKIBK [eth. axx. 27

l.ilrriil Iniiisliitioii

She, yonder: aki, a point on tho return (to camp); ama, one mov-
ing; haM, ahi, returning to camp; ha, vowel prolongation; wai", car-
rying a burden: hi, aki, returning: ir(iiio".r(}ii", hurrying: ahagthe,
agthi, going home; gtlie, agtlu , going home.

The huntei-s ha^sten back to camp, and, as they go, see one hurrying
with a burden. This i.s one of the boy.-^, who is carrying the tongues
and heart for the sacred feast. All are going home.

The music is recitative.

Twelfth Song — Thk Beiated Hixters
(Snug in octaves)

he-e he lii-mi>° ha ha Bi zi e - ba bi - mo» Bi-zi a-ba bi-mo"

1
Texi ehe bimo"' aha, a
Bimo"' aha a e tha
He ehe bimo"' lia lia
Bizi a ha ha bimo"'
Bizi aha ha bimo"'

Texi ehe bimo"' aha, a
Bimo"' aha a e tha
He ehe bimo"' ha ha
Shade eha bimo"'
. Shade eha bimo"'

3
Texi ehe bimo"' aha, a
Bimo"' aha a e tha
He ehe bimo"' ha ha
Zia ha ha bimo"'
Zia ha ha ha naxthi"

Literal translation

1. Texi, ilitticidt: ihe. I say: himo"', rubbing (bi. to press; mo", rub-
bing, as between the hands): aha, ehe, I say (the vowel modified in
singing) ; fl, ha, tha, syllables indicating prolonged effort : ii^i — bi, part
of bimo"', to rub, zi, yellow (the word describes the appearance of the
wood when it begins to glow, anil is used only to imlicate the act of
making fire l)y rubbing).

2. Shmh, smoke.

3. Zia, 3"ellow glow: naxthi". flames

FLETCHER-LA i-lksiiik) THE QUEST OF FOOD 309

This song refers to edi'nethe, building a fire on the hunting Held by
hunters who have killed so much game they can not get througii in
time to carry all the meat back to camp. The words mark the prog-
ress of kindling fire by friction, twirling one stick in another stick
prepared to receive it, by rubbing between the hands — first the glow,
then the smoke, and at last the yellow flames. The rhythm of the
rubbing can be brought out in the singing of the song, as well as the
efforts used in kindling the fire. Wliile this song is realistic, yet
the making of fire by friction was always an act more or less fraught
with religious sentiment and it probably was esteemed a fitting close
to the ritual sacred to the buffalo.

In hunting the buffalo no songs invoking magicid help were sung
or decoy calls usetl or disguises worn, success being believed to come
through the strict observance of the ritual by the leader, the obedience
of the tribe to the presciibed rites, and the skill of the individual hunter.
From the detailed description of the Omaha tribal hunt here given,
as it was told the writers by those who had taken part in it both as
officials and as ordinary himters, it is evident that the Omaha's hunt-
ing was not a sporting adventure but a task undertaken with solemnity
and with a recognition of the control of all life by Wako"'da. The
Indian's attitude of mind when slaying animals for food was foreign
to that of the white race with which he came into contact and perhaps
no one thing has led to greater misunderstandings between the races
than the slaughter of game. The bewilderment of the Indian result-
ing from the destruction of the buffalo will probably never be fully
appreciated. His social and religious customs, the outgrowth of cen-
turies, were destroyed almost as with a single blow. The past may
have witnessed similar tragedies but of them we have no record.

THE PONCA FEAST OF THE SOLDIERS

An old man, a leader among the Ponca, who died some fifteen years
ago, related the following:

WTien I was a young man I used to see a very old man perform this ceremony and
recite the ritual of the Feast of the Soldiers. This feast took place when many buffalo
had Vjeen killed, when food was plenty, and everyone was happy. The hu'thuga was
made complete and a large tent pitched, where were gathered all those who were
entitled to be present. ^Tien the feast was ready, a bowl containing soup and bit-s of
meat was placed near the docjr of the lodge and the leader said, as the bowl was set
down, "It is done I" ^\^len the leader said this the old man went to the bowl and took
it up and held it as he sat and began to recite the ritual. The ritual is in four parts.
There are two names mentioned in the ritual. The name mentioned after the first
part was A'thi^washe. This name belonged to the Wazha'zhe gens. The name men-
tioned after the second part I can not recall; it belonged to the Mako° gens. \Vhen
the first name was mentioned the old man made a depression in the ground near the
edge of the fire with the knuckle of his first finger and into this depression he dropped
four drops from the tip of the little spoon which was in the bowl. The offering was to
the spirit of this man. At the end of the second part, when he mentioned the name
of the second man, he again dropped four drops from the tip of the spoon. At the end

310 THE OMAHA TKIBE [eth. ANN. 27

of the third part, wliich referred to the wdlf, he dropped four more drops and at the
close of the fourth part, in which the crow is spoken of, he dropped four drops, making
four times four — sixteen drops in all.

After this ceremony was completed the servant approached the one who presided
and fed him from the bowl. He took the food deliberately and solemnly. He was
fed all that was in the bowl. When he finished, those present could begin to eat.
Each person who had his l>owl could take only four spoonfuls and must then pass his
bowl to his ne.\t neighbor, who took four spoonfuls and passed the bowl on. In this
manner the bowl was kept mov-ing until the feast was consumed.

The followinc;; is the ritual recited on this occasion. Of line 2 the
old man said: "The teaching implied ui these words is that thus the
chiefs had spoken, and there is never any variation or change in these
words." And of line 9 he said: "It is said that the club as the badge
or mark of the chief or leader was older than the pipe." The red
clubs mentioned in the ritual represented the chiefs, the black clubs
the officers of the hunt. Concerning the dropping of the brotli he
remarked: "The chiefs, although long dead, are still living and still
exercise a care over the people and seek to promote their welfare;
so we make the offering of food, the support of our life, in recognition
of them as still our chiefs and caring for us."

Ritual

1. He! Ni'kagahi efka

2. Esha bi a bado"

3. He! Ni'kagahi evka

4. Ni'to-'ga athite uthishi ke tho"

5. He! ni uwitha ati thagthi" bado"

6. He! Ni'kagahi ecka

7. E no° atho"ka bi abado" e<,'ka

8. He! Ni'kagahi

9. He! weti" duba fa'be tha bado"

10. Duba zhide tha bado"

11. gabe the te tho"

12. Thuda the thL"ge xti abthi" ta athi" he esha l)iabado° ni'kawaca

13. vShi"gazhi"ga wiwita xti thi"ke shti wa"

14. Thuda agitha mo°zhi ta mike esha bi abado" evka

15. He! ugaxe thi°ge xti ni'kawaca

16. Wani'ta to"ga duba utha agthi bado"

17. Edi aino"zhi bado"

18. Ni'kawaca efka

19. Wani'ta .shukato" wi°

20. Ushte' thi"ge xti gaxa bado"

21. U'zhawa xti agtha bado"

22. Wai"'gi uzho"ge ke washi" uno"bubude xti mo^thi" bado'

23. Sho"'to"ga nuga thathi".she tho"

24. gi"de ke gaathiko"

25. Kigthi'ho"ho"xti mo°bthi" ta athi" he edi eshe abado"

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] THE QUEST OF FOOD 311

26. He! ni'lcawa^a efka

27. Ka'xe luiga thathi''she tho"

28. Ugaxe thi"ge xti edi uwehe ta athi^he eshe abado"

29. Xu'ka edi uwehe ta athi"he eshe abado"

30. He! nikashiga aho! ethabi wathe ego" mo°thi"' aho"

31. Baxu wi" thaftube ego° ithe ado"

32. Go"te zhi">ga ego° monhi" ki

33. Baxu ke ibiu xti ethu"be gthi abado"

34. He! nikashiga aho! etha bi wathe ego" ethu"l)e gthia do"

35. Baxu ke the" ethu"be gthi ki

36. Wani'ta shuka to" wi" te wiki the xti ino"iyatha ethi" abado"

37. Xu'ka edi uwihe abado"

38. Ni'kawaga ef ka

Free trnnslation

1. 0! Chiefs, efka [efka, I desire]

2. Thus you have spoken, it is said

3. O! Chiefs, e^ka

4. The great water that lay impossible to cross

5. 0! you crossed, nevertheless, and sat upon the banks

6. 0! Chiefs, e?ka

7. Thus have you ever spoken, it is said, e<,-ka

8. O! Chiefs

9. Four clubs you have blackened

10. Four you have reddened

11. Those that are black

12. Verily, my people, without fear I shall carry, you have said, so it ia said

13. Not even my own child

14. Shall stay my hand, you have said, so it is said, e^ka

15. Without overconfidence, my people

16. Word has been brought back that great animals have been found

17. Near to them they (the people) approached, and stood

18. My people, e^ka

19. A great herd of animals

20. Verily they (the people) shall cause none of them to remain

21. Verily they (the people) shall go toward home rejoicing

22. Along a trail strewn with fat.

23. I, the male gray wolf, shall move

24. With tail blown to one side

25. I shall gallop along the trail, you have said, so it is said

26. O! my people, efka

27. I, the male crow

28. Verily, without overconfidence I shall join (in giving help), you have said, so it

is said

29. As instructor I shall join, you have said, so it is said

30. The people, astonished at your coming, cry 0-ho!

31. Beyond the ridge you disappear as though piercing the hill

32. After a little you return

33. Sweeping closely the hill

34. The people, astonished at your coming, cry 0-ho!

35. As you appear on the ridge

36. Verily, one herd of animals I have killed for you, you have said, so it is said

37. Thus you have instructed, it is said

38. My people, efka

312 THE OMAHA TEIBE [eth. ann. 27

Fishing

The streams and lakes accessible to the Omaha abounded in fish,
which were much liked as food. Men, women, and children engaged
in the pursuit of catching fish; while greatly enjoyed, it could hardly
be called sport, for it was engaged in for a very practical purpose.
The names of fish known to the tribe are given on page 106.

So far as can be learned there were no fishhooks of native manufac-
ture, but small fish were caught by means of a device called tako^'ho"-
tha fm'tZe, made as follows : Three or four strings having bait tied at one
end were fastened by the other end, about 6 inches apart, to a slender
but tough stick; a cord of twisted hair tied to the middle of this stick
was attached to a stout pole. This was thrown into the stream, and
often as many fish as there were lines were caught and landed. This
style of fishing was called huga'fi, a name now applied to fishing with
hook and line. As the name implies, the bait usually consisted of bits
of meat (hu'tazhu).

Fish were sometimes shot or speared. The former method of
taking them was termed huki'de (hu, "fish;" M'de, "to shoot");
spearing fish was termed Jiuzha'he. Another mode of fishing was by
means of a kind of movable weir of willows tied together, taken into
deep water by a company of men or women, some holding the ends
upright and others the center; all would walk up the stream pushing
this fence of willows before them and so drive the fish into shallow
water where they were shot, speared, or caught by the hand. The
willow weir was called hu'bigide, and this manner of fishing, hu'koHha.

VIII
SOCIAL LIFE
Kinship Terms

Kinship terms played an important part in all social intercourse.
They not only designated the actual relationship between persons
but the custom of never addressing anyone — man, woman, or child —
by his personal name or of using a person's name when speaking
of him, if he chanced to be present, made the use of kinship terms
a practical necessity. These terms were also applied to what
may be called potential relationsliips, that is, relationships that
would be established through marriage made in accordance with
tribal custom. If the wife had sisters, these women held a poten-
tial relationship to her husband, as they might become his wives
either during his wife's lifetime or at her death. According to
tribal usage a man had the potential right to marry his wife's sisters
and also her nieces and her aunts. On the other hand, a man
was under obligation to marry his brother's widow. Should he fail
in this respect, he was liable to suffer in person or property, either
by the act of the woman herself or by that of her near of kin, in order
to force him to recognize or make good her rights. Because of these
potential relationships the children of the wife called all those whom
their father might marry "mother" and all their father's brothers
"father." Moreover, all the children of such relationships called
one another "brother" and "sister." There was no cousinship. All
the brothers of the mother were called "uncle" by her children, and
the father's sisters were called "aunt."

The regulation of marriage implied in these potential relationsliips
was explained to be for the purpose of "holding the family intact, for
should the children be bereft of their own mother they would come
under the care of her close kindred and not fall into the hands of a
stranger." This interpretation seems borne out by the approval
still expressed when a woman weds the brother of her late husband
or a man marries the sister of his dead wife or the widow of his brother;
even when there is a marked disparity in the ages of the parties,
it is said, ''The marriage does not make a break in the family
and it shows respect for the dead." The interweaving of actual and
potential relationships greatly extended the family connection and
supplied the proper terms for familiar and ceremonial address. Men-
tion is made of the custom of speaking of the women of the tribe as

313

314 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 2"

"sisters" (p. 474). At meetings of the Council of Seven duty to the
tribe was ceremonially recognized by a formal mention of kinship
terms between the members. The same practice obtained in several
of the societies within the tribe.

In the Omaha language the term for relationship, or the accent on
the word, was varied according to the sex of the speaker and accord-
ing to his or her relation to the person spoken of, as (1) when a father
or mother was spoken to by a son, (2) when addressed by a daughter,
(3) when spoken of by a male relative, (4) when spoken of by a
female relative, and (5) when spoken of by a person not a relative.

The following table sets forth these distinctions:"

« The flrst^born male child was called Ingtho"; the first-born female, Wihi. Both these names are old
and untranslatable terms; they were strictly " baby names" and were "thrown away" at the ceremony
of Turning the Child and bestowal of the ni'kie name (pp. 117, 136). There were no other special " baby
names" in use among the Omaha.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

315

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THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

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FLETCHKR-LA FLESCHE]

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318

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTII. ANN. 27

The proper modes of atUlrcss were difliciilt to master by one not
born to their usage and mistakes were regartled as impolite as they
were embarrassing; therefore children were carefidly trained in these
forms. This custom of address facilitated story telling, for the nar-
rative was not broken by such expressions as "he says" or "she says"
or by explaining the relation "he" or "she" bore to the hero of the
tale, as the form or accent of the terms of relationship used made this
clear.

COXIRTSHIP AND MaRRIAGE

Friendship played an important part in the lives of both men and
women and the intimacies begun in childhood often extended

Fli;. 05. Playing on the Hute.

throughout life. The friendships among the women hail seemingly
fewer dramatic incidents than those between young men, the lives of
the former being less exposed to the stirring inciilcnts of the warpath
and the chase. Nevertheless, instances have come to the writers'
knowledge of enduring friendshijjs between women imder ciriiun-
stances that would be apt to test the strength of affection and kind-
ness. Friends were apt to be confidants and few secrets ap|)ear to
have been withheld from one's intimate companion. A man would
cleave to his friend, follow him in the face of danger, and if necessary
protect him with his life. To be false to a friend in either love or war
marked such an individual as without honor and especially to l)e

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

319

shunned. Young men befriended one another in minor matters as well
as in the graver affairs of life. A young man would be assisted by his
friends to deck himself. Two friends would paint each other's faces,
fasten each other's ornaments, and at the close of the toilet they
were resplendent in their finery. Not only would a friend help to
make his friend look well but he would act as a go-between and
secure an interview for his friend with the chosen girl. Such meet-
ings generally took place at the spring, in the eai'ly morning.
Girls never went alone to get water for the family; two sisters, an
aunt and niece, or else two intimate friends and neighbors started off
together. The young men haunted these places ; they lay hidden in
the grass or among the bushes, so that one could suddenly seize a
favorable opportunity to speak with the girl of his fancy. These
encounters were sometimes accidental but generally the lover made
his presence known to the girl by his love song played on the flute
(fig. 65) . Music was composed especially for this flute, as songs that
were sung were not played on the instrument, its compass being
too limited. The following is a favorite flute song:

LOVE CALL

As custom did not permit young men to visit young women in
their homes, the opportunities for the young people openly to become
acquainted were lunited to gatherings for tribal ceremonies and during
the confusion incident to breaking up or making camp when the tribe
was on the annual hunt. The stream and spring were at all times
the favorite tiysting places. Men sometimes composed their own
love songs and by the song the girl not only identified her lover but
became aware of his nearness. There are pathetic as well as humor-
ous stories told which hinge on these individual love songs. It has
been stated that a true love song, one that had for its purpose the
honorable wooing of a maid, did not exist among peoples living in
the stage of development represented by the native tribes of Amer-
ica. This statement does not hold good for the Omaha and
their close cognates. The following songs belong to the love-song
class. The words are few; soft, breathing vocables float the voice
throughout most of the melody. Where there are words, they gener-
ally refer to the morning but most of ^he songs have only vocables.
These songs are called hige'waa'^. The music expresses the purpose

320

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

of the song. The songs are all major and generally joyous in feeling,
although there are others that express considerable subjective emo-
tion. Sometimes in singing songs of the latter class, of which no. 2
is an example, the hand is waved at a little distance from the mouth
to produce a vibrating effect.

BIf E' WAAN No. I

Light and smoothly joyous

-3^7 '•s

J -^ J — J-

£=

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J^it-

No words — vocables Ha he he ha, etc.

5* '*^- ;; 7 7 7

BigE' WAAN No. 2

Flnwingly, with feeling

V . — — ^-

No words — xocables Ha-hc lie ha he. etc.

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There is another class of songs that have been mistaken by some
writers for love songs. These songs refer to flirtatious and amorous
adventures. They were not sung in the presence of women but by
men when by themselves. The existence of this class of songs was

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL. LIFE

321

withheld from the knowledge of women of the better class. These
songs were called wau'waa", "woman songs." They were composed
by men yet they always represent the woman as speaking, betraying
her fondness for some one and thus violating social etiquette by
speaking of her personal liking for a young man. They sometimes
refer to uncongeniality in the marriage relation; the unhappy wife
begs her lover to fly with her to another tribe. In most of these
songs the act of the man is made to originate with the woman.
The following belongs to the tvau'waa^ class of songs. It reveals
something of social customs and also fairly well portrays the char-
acter of this class of songs, of which few if any are what might be
termed ribald.

WAU' WAAN

Flomingly (Aria as sung)

-j=^

Da - dii" na ' i-hu" bi-a- ke the the Da - da"- iia i - ba-

-/» * ^-, * ^ «* • '^0 — 0^-0 0^^-Z *• *

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Harmoiiizeil by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

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322

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Dadu" na ibahu" biakithe, the

Ho"adi uthagthaa thu" izhazhe wibthade the tha

Dadu" na ibahu" biakithe the; hi

Ebei°te the! abeda" ehe mike the; the

WaguHha ma ehe mike the; the

Izhazhe wibthade the, the hi

Literal translation

Dadu^, an exclamation denoting anticipated trouble from fear of
consequences; na, a part of ena, a woman's exclamation indicating
surprise; ibahu^, known; biakithe, I have made myself; the, vocable;
ho^adi, last night; uthagthaa, you sang; thu"^, a part of teihu^di, when;
izhazhe, name; wibthade, I spoke your; the, feminine ending of a
sentence; the, vocable; ebeiHe, who is it?; abeda^, when they said;
ehe mike, I said, sitting; WaguHhxi, hfer lover's name; ma, a suffix indi-

FLETIIIER-LA FLESCIIE] SOCIAXi LIFE 323

eating that he was moving, passing along. The word the (tlie next
to the last word in each line) is the feminine termination of a sen-
tence; the final the is a vocable which serves as a sort of refrain;
hi, a punctuation word equivalent to a period.

Free translatioti

Dadu° na — I have made myself known, the!

Dadu" na — I have made myself known, the!
Last night when you sang I uttered your name, the!

Dadu" na— I have made myself known, the! hi.
"Who is it that sings?" the! they said, and I sitting there; the!

"Wagu°tha is passing," I said, the!

It was your name I uttered, the! hi.

As with all Indian songs, both as to words and music, there is no
setting or introduction. Nothing is said of the girl or her surround-
ings. The stanza opens with her lament addressed to her lover, who,
having won her affection, has so possessed her thoughts that when
he sang without the tent and the family asked "Who is it that sings? "
the girl unconsciously lets drop his name. All eyes are turned on
her and then she realizes what she has done. When next day she
meets her lover she tells him in distress of her betrayal of their secret.
The young man responds by making this song, in which he betrays
the girl's confidence to his companions and scores his conquest.

The structure of the song reveals a groping after metrical form.
The choice of words and their arrangement are not colloquial and indi-
cate a desire to express the story effectively and not in a common-
place way. The use of the vocable the at the end of each musical
phrase is of interest, and its introduction into the fifth line after eieiHe,
"Who is it that sings?," has the effect of a sigh — it adds to the dramatic
expression and gives a touch of pathos to the narrative.

The opening lines present at once the theme of the song, therein
resembling the chorus of a ballad, which always sets forth the central
thought or feeling around which the circumstances of the story
cluster. In this Omaha ballad there is no elaboration in literary
form and the music is equally simple; but we find here indications
that the Omaha had begun more or less consciously to desire that the
rhythm of emotions should have an answering expression in measured
language. It is not improbable that the nascent poetic form of this
class of songs may account in a measure for their popularity. Wliile
all other songs depended largely on vocables for carrying the voice, the
"woman songs" were well supplied with words that always told a story.

Men and women were socially on a moral equality. Tribal custom
favored chastity and those who practised it stood higher in public
esteem than those who did not. In the case of a woman who in
her youth committed indiscretions and later led a moral life, wJxUe
her former acts were remembered, they were not held against her

324 THE OMAHA TEIBE [eth. ann. 27

or her husband or children. Both men and women were allowed to
to win back by subsequent good conduct their lost position.

When a 3'ouno; man asked the hand of a girl in marriage he observed
a certain conventional form of address. The words were not always
the same but the aspect put on the proposal was practically uniform.
The young man extolled the girl and her relations ; he did not vaunt
himself; he pleaded his constancy and asked, rather than demanded,
that she become his wife, craving it as a boon. There were signals
other than songs or flute calls to let a girl know her lover was near.
A tent pole might fall or some other noise be made which she would
know how to interpret and so be able to meet the young man if a
meeting had been agreed on. Marriage was usually by elopement.
The claims on a girl by men holding a potential right to marry her
almost necessitated her escaping secretly if she would exercise her
free choice in the matter of a husband. Wlien a young couple during
their courtship determined on taking the final step of marriage, they
agreed to meet some evening. The youth generally rode to a place
near the lodge of the girl and gave the proper signal ; she stepped out
and they galloped off to one of his relations. In a day or two the
young man took the girl to his father's lodge, where, if she was re-
ceived as his wife, all claims bj' other men as to marriage were can-
celed by this act, but gifts had to be made to the girl's parents and
shared with her relatives, in order to ratify the marriage. To bring
this about, the father of the young man made a feast anil invited the
relatives of the girl. When this in\'itation was accepted and the
presents received, the marriage was considered as settled beyond
all dispute. In the course of a few months the father of the bride
generally presented his daughter with return gifts about equal in
value to those he had received and the yovmg husband was expected
to work for a year or two for his father-in-law. This latter claim
was freqviently rigitlly exacted and the father-in-law was sometimes
a tyrant over his son-in-law's affairs.

The following story is told of a man who was highly respected,
industrious, anil thrifty. He never married ; why, no one knew, for
he was an attractive man. He had a brother who for some reason
was always unsuccessful in his wooing and as he greatly desired to
marrv a certain girl the bachelor brother was moved to say: "I will
help you to get the girl you want." . To the surprise of everyone, the
girl included, the bachelor was seen at the spring, where he wooed the
girl and planned thoir elopement. At the appointed hour he signaled
her, she came to him, and together they rode to the lodge of one of
his near relatives where the brother was in waiting. The bachelor
explained to the girl that he had been wooing her for his brother, and
the girl, having compromised herself by running away with her sup-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOQY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 42

AN ELDERLY BEAU

PLETCIIER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 325

posed lover, concluded to accept the transfer; the marriage so strangely
entered on turned out pleasantly for both parties.

The marriage ceremony as described above depended for its
completion on the recognition of the girl as the son's wife by the
father of the yoimg man, but should tliis formal consent be denied
by either parent, while tliis act interrupted the festivity, it did not
invalidate the marriage or have any effect on thfe issue of such mar-
riage; it merely made the hves of the young couple difficult and
uncomfortable. There was no tribal usage or tradition wliich made
it possible to deprive a child of its rights to or through its father;
according to tribal custom all a man's cliildren had equal claim on
him and he was responsible for all his progeny.

Cohabitation constituted marriage whether the relation was of
long or short duration, always provided that the woman was not the
wife of another man, in wliich case the relation was a social and
punishable offense. Prostitution, as practised in a white com-
munity, did not exist in the tribe.

It was obhgatorj^ that a man and wife should belong to different
gentes and not be of close blood relation through their mothers. It
was counted an honor to a man to marry a woman who had tattooed
on her the '' mark of honor" (fig. 105). Marriage with a man either on
or about to go on the warpath was not permitted ; such a union was
looked on as a defiance of natural law that would bring disaster on
the people for the reason, it was explained, that "War means the
destruction of life, marriage its perpetuation." The same law was
thought to be operative when a hunter failed to kill game; it would
be said: "His wife may be giving birth to a child."

In the family the father was recognized as having the highest
authority over all the members, although in most matters pertaining
to the welfare of the chiklren the mother exercised almost equal
authority. In the event of the death of the motherand father, pro-
vided the father had no brothers, the uncle (mother's brother) had
full control of the cliildren and no relative of the father could dis-
pute the right of the uncle to the children. During the lifetime of
the parents the uncle was as alert as their father to defend the
children or to avenge a wrong done them. The children always
regarded their uncle as their friend, ever ready to help them.

When a marriage was arranged by a girl's parents, with or without
her consent, it was apt to be with a man in mature hfe and estab-
lished position. The would-be husband made large presents to the
girl's parents and relatives. When the time came for the marriage the
girl was well dressed, mounted on a pony, and accompanied by four
old men she was taken to the lodge of her husband. Young men
derided this kind of marriage, saying, "An old man can not win a
girl; he can win only her parents." (PL 42.)

326 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. Ann. 27

Polygamy existed, although it was not the rule; in the majority
of families there was but one wife. A man rarely had more than
two wives and these were generally sisters or aunt and niece. These
complex families were usually harmonious and sometimes there seemed
to be little difference in the feeling of the children toward the two
women who were wives to their father. No special privileges were
accorded to the first wife over the others. Polygamy was practised
more among the prominent men than among any other class. On
the former devolved the ])ublic duty of entertaining guests from
within and without the tribe. This duty brought a great deal of labor
on the household. There was no serving class to render help to man
or woman, so that the wife could not hire anyone to assist her in any
extra labor or in her daily work or her varied avocations, as in the
dressing and tanning of skins, the making of tent covers and clothing,
not to mention the embroidery put on garments and regalia. It will
be remembered that embroidered garments, robes, pipestems, and
other articles were required for gifts that went toward a man's
"count," which led to his tribal honors. Looking at the duties and
customs of the tribe, it seems that the question of domestic labor
had a good deal to do with the practice of polygamy. "I must take
another wife. My old wife is not strong enough now to do all her
work alone." This remark was made not as if offering an excuse for
takmg another wife but as stating a condition which must be met
and remedied in the only way which custom permitted.

Divorce was not uncommon, although there were many instances
in the tribe in which a man and woman lived together tliroughout a
long life in monogamous marriage. If a man abused his wife, she
left him and her conduct was justified by her relations and by tribal
opinion. As the tent or dwelling always belonged to the woman,
the unkind husband found himself homeless. The yoimg children
generally remained with the mother, although the father's brothers
would be expected to assist the woman in their support. If the
woman was immoral, she was put away and sometimes punished by
her husband. In that case no one interfered to protect her. These
punishments were sometimes very severe. Generally speaking, the
family was fairly stable ; tribal sentiment did not favor the changing
of the marriage relation from mere caprice.

The Omaha woman worked hard. Upon her depended much of tlie
livelihood of the people — the preparation of food, of shelter, of cloth-
ing, and the cidtivation of the garden patches. In return, she was
regarded with esteem, her wishes were respected, and, while she held
no public office, many of the movements and ceremonies of the tribe
depended on her timely assistance. In the family she was gon(>raliy
the center of much afl'ection. There were many happy Indian fami-
lies in which afi'ection bound all hearts closelv together.

FLETCHEU-I.A FLESlHKl SOCIAL LIFE 327

One can sometimes judge of the light by the depth of the shadow
cast. An old Omaha man stood beside a husband whose wife lay
dead. The mourner sat wailing, holding the woman's cold hand and
calling her by the endearhig terms that are not uttered to the living.
"Where shall I go, now you are gone?" he cried. "My grandson,"
said the old man, "It is hard to lose one's mother, to see one's children
die, but the sorest trial that can come to a man is to see his wife lie
dead. My grandson, before she came to you no one was more willing
to bring water for you ; now that she has gone you will miss her care.
If you have ever spoken harshly to her the words will come back to
you and bring you tears. The old men who are gone have taught
us that no one is so near, no one can ever be so dear, as a wife; when
she dies her husband's joy dies with her. I am old; I have felt these
things; I know the truth of what I say."

Care and Training of Children

In the Omaha family the children bore an important part; the}-
were greatly desiretl and loved. Mention has been made of the belief
that women who bore the "mark of honor" would become mothers
of many children who would Uve to grow up. The baby was its
mother's constant companion, although other members of the family
often helped to take care of it. (Fig. 66.) More than one instance
is recalled where the father took considerable care of the little ones
and it was not an uncommon sight to see a father or grandfather
sooth or amuse a fretful child. Soon after birth the baby was
laid in its own little bed. This was a board about 12 or 14 inches
wide and 3 feet long. On this was laid a pillow stuffed with feathers
or the hair of the deer, over which were spread layers of soft skins.
On this bed the baby was fastened by broad bands of soft skin, which
in recent years were replaced by similar bands of calico or flannel.
There was no headboard to the Omaha cradle-board but the skins that
were laid over the pillow were so arranged as to f oiun a shelter and pro-
tection for the top of the baby's head. Wliile the child slept its arms
were bound under the cover but as soon as it awoke they were released.
The cradle-board [u'thuhe) was principally used in carrying the baby
around and it served as a bed when the little one was asleep. A good
portion of the time the baby lay on a soft skin in a safe warm place
where it could kick and crow, while the mother sat by with her sewing
or at some other employment. If the mother's duties took her out of
doors the baby might ])e laced on its cradle and hung up in the shade
of a tree; or, if the mother happened to be going away on horseback
the baby in its cradle was hung at her saddle, where it rode safely
and comfortably. Wlien the child was old enough to cling to its
mother it was thrown over her shoulder, where it hugged her tightly
around the neck while she adjusted her robe or blanket. The robe

328

THE OMAHA TKIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

worn by the women was tied by a girdle around the waist, the upper
part was placed over the clinging child, and the ends were crossed in
front and tucked into the girdle. Then the mother gave a gentle
but decided shrug, when the child loosened its arms and settled itself
into its bag-like bed, from out of which it winked and peered at the
world or fell fast asleep as the mother trudged about her business.

It is a mistake to suppose that Indian babies never cry. They do
cry, most lustily at times, but efforts are always made to soothe a child.
No true hillal)y songs have ever been heard in the tribe by the writers,
but both men and women make a low murmuring that resembles some-
what the sound of the wind in the pines and sleep soon comes to the
listener. There was a belief that certain persons were gifted with an
understanding of the various sounds made by a baby; so when a little

^^^.wmmmm

Fig. 66. Omaha mothi-T iind cliild.

one cried persistently, as if in distress, some one of these knowing people
was sent for to ascertain what troubled the child. Sometimes it was
said that the baby ditl not like the name given it and then the name
would be changed. Sometimes the difficulty was of a more practical
kind, as in the case of a baby whose mother, being jiarticularly desirous
of having her son lie on the softest of beds, had ])ut next to him the
soft skin of a buffalo calf; whenever the child was laid on its bed its
cries kept everyone awake. In her tlistress the mother sent for a
))erson who imderstood the talk of a baliy. This person was evi-
dently a keen observer, for he at once saw wluit the trouble was — the
fur tickletl the chiki! He turned the skin and the bab}' was pacified.
The liirth of twins was considered a sign that the mother was a
kmd woman. It was said, "Twins walk hantl in lumd around the

FLETCHEK-I.A FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 329

liu'ihuga looking for a kind woman; when they find her, she becomes
tlieir mother." "Wlien a woman desired to ascertain the sex of her
coming child, she took a bow and a burden strap to the tent of a
friend who had a child not j^et old enough to speak and offered it the
articles. If the bow was chosen the unborn would be a boy; if the
burden strap, a girl. If a teething child looked at one, at the same
time grinding its teeth, stretching out its arms, and clenching its
hands, it meant to break friendship with that j^erson. A child who
had lost either one or both of its parents was called waho'^'thi^ge
("no mother"), "orjihan."

As soon as a child could walk steadily it passed through the cere-
mony called Turning the Child, and, if a boy, through the supple-
mental ceremony of cutting the lock of hair in consecration of its life
to the Thunder and to the protection of the tribe as a warrior. (See
p. 122.) After this experience home training began in earnest. The
child had now its name, marking its ni'lcie rites, and its gentile
relationship. Careful parents, particularly those who belonged to the
better class, took great pains in the training of their children. They
were taught to treat their elders with respect, to be particular in
the use of the proper terms of relationship, to be peaceable with one
another, and to obey their parents. Whipping was uncommon
and yet there were almost no quarreling and little downright dis-
ol)edience. Much attention was given to inculcating a grammatical
use of the language and the proper pronunciation of the words.
There was no "baby talk." Politeness was early instilled. No child
would think of interrupting an elder who was speaking, of pestering
anyone with questions, of taking anything belonging to an older
person without permission, or of staring at anyone, particularly a
stranger. Yet the children were bright ami had their share of curi-
osity but they were trained not to be aggressive.

Little girls were subject to restraints that were not put upon the
boys. The mother was particular in teaching the girl how to sit and
how to rise from a sitting posture. A woman sat sidewise on the left,
her legs drawn round closely to the right. (Fig. 67.) No other posture
was good form for a woman. Sometimes old women sat with the feet
stretched out in front but that was the privilege of age. All other
attitudes, as kneeling or sqiuitting, were only for temporary purposes.
Concerning this point of eticjuette mothers were rigid in tlie training
of their daughters. To rise well, one should spring up lightly, not
with the help of both hands; one hand might be placed on the ground
for the first movement, to get a purchase. A girl was taught to move
about noiselessly as she passed in and out of the lodge. All her
errands must be done silently. She must keep her hair neatly
braided and her garments in order. At an early age little girls as-
sumed the role of caretaker of the younger children. The boys had

330

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

to help about the ponies l)ut not much training in etiquette fell to the
lot of the boy — he could jump about and sit in any manner he chose,
except after the fashion of a girl. Later he had to learn to sit steadily
on his heels, to rise quickly, and to be firm on his feet.

Wlien quite small the two sexes played together but the restraints
and duties put on girls soon separated them from the boj^s and when
girls were grown there were few recreations shared in common by the

rui. 07. sitting po^ture of wome a.

sexes. In olden times no girl was considered marriageable until she
knew how to dress skins, fashion and sew garments, end)roider, and
cook. Nor was a young man a desirable husband until he had proveil
his slcill as a hunter antl shown himself alert and courageous.

Politeness was observed in tlie family as well as in the presence of
strangers. The etiquette in reference to the fire was always observed
and care was takiMi not to iiitcrnijjt a speaker, anil never to accept

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 331

anything from another without recognition by the use of an expression
the equivalent of "thank you;" this equivalent was the mention of a
term of relationship.

To elucidate further the teachings and training given to children
and j^ouths, the insistence with which industry, good manners, and
consideration for others were impressed upon the young, the follow-
ing notes, taken beside a camp fire one evening m early September
years ago, are here given. An old man, no longer living, was on that
occasion in a reminiscent mood and somewhat inclined to question
the advantage of influences that were creeping in among the people.
As he talked he sat phiymg with a little stick, tracing figures on the
ground, while the firelight shed a ruddy glow on the faces of those
who made the circle. In the distance the tents stood pale and
specterlike, overhead the stars were brilliantly white in the clear dark
sky and no sound but the snapping of the burning wood broke in on
the flow of the old man's words.

The children do not receive the training that we men did from our fathers. Every-
thing is changed. I rememlier some of the sayings that used to be common in my
young days: sayings that were supposed to hold us young people in order and teach
ua to be mindful of our elders and not become self-indulgent. Write them down; I
would like the Omaha to know how children were talked to in the old times — chil-
dren from 10 to 15 years of age.

When a boy used a knife in cutting meat the old men said: "The knife eats more
meat; you should bite it." This saying means, the use of the knife makes one lazy;
a man should rely on his own resources; the one who so trains himself is ready for any
emergency.

In old times kettles were scarce and the same kettle would often serve several
families. It was also customary never to return a borrowed kettle entirely empty but
to leave a little of the last portion that was cooked in it. If a lad should help himself
to that which came home in the kettle the old men would say: "If you eat what is
brought home in the kettle your arrows will twist when you shoot'' [will not go
straight], adding in explanation: "The youth who thinks first of himself and forgets
the old will never prosper, nothing will go straight for him."

There is a part of the intestine of the buffalo, called washna, that is very tender,
so that the old people who have no teeth, or but few, can eat it, chew and digest it.
If the lads want to eat this tender bit the father would say: "You must not eat the
■washna, for if you do, and go with a war party for spoils, the dogs will bark at you."
Why the dogs would bark was left a mystery, which fact would make the young people
afraid to take the washna, and so the old people could enjoy it in peace.

When a young man attempted to drink the broth in the kettle, the old men would
say: "A young man must not drink the broth; if he does, his ankles will rattle and
his joints become loose."

^\"hen the marrowfat was tried out and the lad desired some of it with his meat, the
old men would say: "If you eat of the marrowfat you will become quick tempered,
your heart will become soft, and you will turn your back to your enemy" [be afraid].

In my day the young men were forbidden to smoke, for smoking, we were told,
would make young men short winded and when they went into battle they would
be quickly overcome.

The old men used to tell the young men that they must learn to make arrows. They
said: "If one does not make arrows he will borrow moccasins, leggings, and robes and

332 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

be disliked by the persons from whom he borrows." This meant that one must be
industrious in order to have thinfjs of one's own. The old men al.sosaid: "If you don't
make arrows yourself and a young man who is industrious shows you his arrows, you
will be tempted to steal from him." Also: "If you are not industrious you will borrow
a horse from a youns man who may be insignificant [of no position in the tribe], and
you may be proud that you ride a horse even if it is not your own; you will borrow
a bridle, too, and you will be disliked by the men from whom you borrow." Also:
"If you are not industrious, when a herd of buffalo is slaughtered you may come across
a young man whom you may consider insignificant but who has killed a buffalo by
his energy; you will look longingly at the best portions of the meat, but he will give
to another who is known to be thrifty and generous and you will go away disap-
pointed . ' '

Boye used to be made to swallow a turtle's heart so as to make their hearts strong.
I was an orphan, and tender hearted and when any woman talked to me I would
easily weep. I did not like this, but I could not help it. I swallowed a turtle's heart
and since then I can control myself. He [pointing to a man in the group about him]
has swallowed three. The turtle is haid to kill ; e\en when the heart is cut out it will
still quiver and the turtle's head will be able to bite after it is severed from the body.
The heart is flat and about an inch long. The boy took the heart and swallowed it
by himself. Only the heart was used.

In eating the rib of the game, if the young man tried to unjoint it the old men say:
"You must not do that; if you do, you will sprain your ankles."

Once when I had killed an elk I wanted to eat the marrow in the bone; so I roasted
it but when I was ready to eat it some old men saw me, and they said : " If you, a young
man, eat that, your leg bone will become sore."

The lad must not pick the bones of the rabbit with his teeth, but must pull off the
meat with his fingers. If he used his teeth they would become cracked. He must
use his fingers in order that his teeth may be sound.

If a lad desired to eat the turkey's head he was told: "If you eat that, tears will
come into your eyes when you hunt. You will have watery eyes." 'If he should
wish to play with the turkey's legs after they had been cut off, the old men said:
"If you play with turkeys' legs your fingers will be cold in winter and liable to be
frost-bitten; then you can not handle anything."

The fat about the heart of the buffalo was given to children that they might have
strong hearts — be courageous.

The liver of the buffalo must be eaten raw. This was said to make a man courageous
and to give him a clear voice.

We were taught that when a man wounded a buffalo a lad must not shoot an arrow
at it. He would be justly chastised if he did, as the buffalo belonged to the man
who first wounded it.

I was told: You must not be envious and maim the horse of another man if it is a
fine horse to look at. You must not take another's robe or blanket, or his moccasins,
or anything that belongs to another. You will be tempted to do these things if you
are not industrious and if you yield to the temptation you will be shunned by all
persons. A man must be energetic, industrious — kiua'shko". If you are not indus-
trious your blanket will be ragged, your moccasins will be full of holes, you will have
no arrows, no good, straight ones; you will be in poverty and finally you will go to
neighboring tribes to avoid meeting the members of, your tribe, who should be your
friends. If you are lazy, by chance you may have a horse that is stalled and you
will think that you own property. You may have a horse that is blind and you will
think yourself well off. You may have a horse with a disjointed hip and you tt-ill
think yourself rich. If you are lazy, your tent skin will be full of holes. You \Till

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAXi LIFE 333

wear le^ngs made out of the top of an old tent that is smoked yellow; for a robe you
will wear a buffalo skin pallet pieced with the fore part of a buffalo hide — such is a
lazy man's clothing. An industrious man wears leggings of well-dressed deer skin;
his robe is of the finest dressed buffalo skin and he wears earrings — such is the dress
of the energetic, industrious man. If a man is not industrious and energetic, he will
not be able to entertain other people. A lazy man will be envious when he sees men
of meaner birth invited to feasts because of their thrift and their ability to entertain
other people. If you are lazy, nobody will have pleasure in speaking to you. A man
in passing by will give you a word with only a side glance and never stand face to face
in talking with you. You will be sullen, hardly speaking to those who address you —
that is the temper of the lazy man. The energetic man is happy and pleasant to speak
with; he is remembered and visited on his deathbed. But no one mourns for the
lazy man; nobody knows where he is buried; he dies unattended. Even when only
two or three are gathered to a feast the industrious and energetic man is invited.
People in speaking of him say: He is pleasant to talk with, he is easy of approach.
Such a man has many to mourn his death and is long remembered. A thrifty man is
well spoken of; his generosity, his help are given to those who are weaker than he
and all his actions are such as to make others happy. Such are some of the things
that used to be said by the old to the young men.

Yes, girls were also talked to by the old men and all this talk to both boys and girls
was to prevent their becoming thieves through envy. \Mien they saw valuable
things and desired them, they should know that if they were industrious they could
have such things for themselves. And these sayings were also to prevent the young
men from growing up in laziness so that they would go from house to house in order to
live. Girls were required to know how to scrape and to dress skins and to tan them;
to cut and make tent covers, garments of all kinds, and moccasins. There were many
other things that a woman must know. She had much to do, and upon her work the
people depended.

These are some of the sayings to girls: If you do not learn to do these things [men-
tioned above] and abide by the teachings of the elders [al)out thrift, honesty, etc.],
you shall stop at a stranger's house and your place will be near the kettle pole, your
hand shall rest on the kettle pole and without being told to go you shall go for water,
and when you have brought the water you shall look wistfully into the door of the
lodge, and they will tell you to open a pack so that they may do their cooking. On
opening the pack you «-ill take a bit of the dried meat, thrust it slyly into yoiu- belt,
and take it away with you and eat it stealthily — but it shall not satisfy you. Food
eaten in fear satisfies not the hunger.

The thrift}' woman has a good tent; all of her tools are of the best; so is her clothing.

Hear what happens to the thriftless woman: She shall stop at a stranger's place;
there are holes in her moccasins but she has nothing to patch them with, so she will
cut a piece out of her robe to mend her moccasins with; then she will borrow her
neighbor's workbag and from it take sinew stealthily and tuck it into her belt.

It you are a thrifty woman, your husband will struggle hard to bring you the best of
materials for your tent and clothing and the best of tools. If you have a good tent,
men and women will desire to enter it. They will be glad to talk with you and your
husband.

If you ai-e willing to remain in ignorance and not learn how to do the things a woman
should know how to do, you will ask other women to cut your moccasins and fit them
for you. You will go on from bad to worse; you will leave your people, go into a
strange tribe, fall into trouble, and die there friendless.

If you are thrifty, build yourself a good tent or house [earth lodge], and peoj^e will
like you and will assist your husband in all his undertakings.

334 THE OMAHA TEIBE [bth. ann. 27

Etiquette

In the tent and in the earth lodge the fire was always in the center
and was the point from which certain lines of etiquette were drawn.
The space back of the fire, opposite the entrance, was the place of
lionor. It was therefore the portion of the tent given to guests, to
which they always directed their steps when entering a lodge; it
answered to the reception room or parlor of a white man's dwelling.
Skin robes were spread here to make the visitor comfortable and wel-
come. The guest on entering must never pass between his host and
the fire. When the guest was seated no one, not even a child,
would pass between him and the fire. If by any chance it became
necessary to do so, notice was given to the person passed and an
apology made. This etiquette applied to the members of the family
as well as to guests. When a guest arrived he took his seat quietly
and remained quiet for a little time, no one addressing him. This
was for the purpose of giving him time to "catch his breath" and
"compose his thoughts." Wlien conversation opened it was genial,
although formal, and if there was any matter of importance to be dis-
cussed it was never hastily or quickly introduced. I>eliberation was
a marked characteristic of Indian etiquette.

When a guest was ready to leave, he rose and, using the proper
term of relationship, added, Sho^pa'xelia ("I have finished," i. e.,
my visit), or he said, te ha ("permit me") and without further cere-
mony departed.

There was a peculiar courtesy practised toward the parents of a
man by his wife and toward the parents of a woman by her husband.
A man did not directly address his wife's father or mother, nor did
any of his brothers do so. If the parents were visiting in tlie same
tent with their son-in-law or any of his brothers, conversation could
be carried on but it was generally done indirectly, not directly be-
tween these persons. A wife did not directly address her husband's
father but this did not appl}' to his mother. This custom has been
explained by old Omaha men to mean that respect was thus shown by
the younger to the elder generation. This rule of conduct was not,
however, rigidly practised. There are stories told in which a man and
his son-in-law were very close friends, living and hunting together.

Mention has been made of the custom of never addressing an indi-
vidual by his personal name; etiquette demanded also that a per-
son's name should not be mentioned in his presence. It may be
recalled that a man's name referred to the rites in charge of his gens
or to some personal experience — a dream or a valorous deed. The
personal name sustained therefore so intimate a relation to the indi-
vidual as to render it unsuitable for common use. It is doubtful,
however, whether this characteristic was the fundamental motive

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 335

for the custom under iliscussion; it is more likeh' tliat the benefits
to be derived from the daily emphasis of kinship as a means to hold
the people together in peaceable relations had to do with the estab-
lishment of the custom, which was strengthened by the sanctity
attached to the personal name. This interpretation seems to accord
with the comment mafle b}^ an aged Omaha on the custom of the
white people of addressing one another by name, particularly mem-
bers of the same family: "It sounds as though they do not love
one another when they do not use terms of relationship."

'While only kinship terms were used in social intercourse, no one,
not even children, being called by a personal name, there was a term
employed in making a formal address to astranger: Icage'ha, "friend;"
this term was used also between men not closely related to each other.
Its use was confined strictly to men. When a man of distinction was
spoken to, etiquette demanded that he be addressed as i^sha'ge,
"aged man;" the term was one of respect and implied his possession
of wisdom, dignity, and position. A woman addressed another of
her sex as vnhe', "younger sister," and when speaking to a boy or
a young man she had to use the term Tcage' , " j'ounger brother. "

Under no circumstances would politeness permit a person to ask
a stranger his name or what business brought him to the tribe. If
one was curious he must await the development of events. It is said
that men sent on an embassy from another tribe have come, trans-
acted their business, and departed without anyone learning their
personal names.

A curious reversal of these social customs is shown in the following
sayings about birds:

The whip-poor-will sings its own name, ha'kugthi ("translucent
skin").

An unidentified bird having a brown back, yellow breast, and a
black ring around the neck, says, OH'te dada'^f ("Of what tribe are
you?").

The meardow lark, which heralds the time for the ceremonies con-
nected with the children (see p. 118), sings, Qni'tethu^gthi tegaze
(" winter will not comeback").

Generalh' two meals were taken, one in the morning, the other at
night. When the food was cooked it was removed from the fire and
the kettles were set near the mother's place in the tent. The family
took their places in a circle around the fire. If there were neigh-
bors or informal guests, they sat with the family. The mother
apportioned the food into bowls, which she set on a skin spread in
front of those who were to eat. In the duty of passing the food she
might be assisted by her elder daughter or some near kinswoman
or an intimate friend. After all had been served, including herself,
the father or the principal guest made the offering of food, lifting a

336 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. axx. 27

sniiiU i)(»iti(>ii iind dropping it into the fire, in recognition tiiat all
food was the gift of Wako'''da. After this ceremony everyone was
at liberty to eat. If for any reason this ceremony was omitted, no
one touched his food until everj^one had been served. If there
were manj' present the mother would be apt to say, "Eat; do not
wait." After that, anyone who had been served would be at liberty to
partake of the food. Each person was served separately except in the
case of infants or very young children. When the meal was at an eml
the dishes were handed back to the mother. In returning his dish,
each person gave thanks by mentioning a term of relationship.
When a child was too young to speak for itself the father or mother
offered thanks for it. Should a dish be returned with a portion of the
food uneaten, an apology or explanation was made to the mother or
hostess. At an informal meal at which guests were present the host
and hostess ate with their visitors. When only the family were
present, the thanks to the mother were not exacted from the children.
The exchange of hospitalities, however, was so frequent that the
little ones soon learned what was expected of them in the presence of
company. If a child or a guest seemed to be confused as to the right
expression of relationship to use, the host or hostess helped the
embarrassment by suggesting the proper term. Children were cor-
rected if they made noises or grimaces when eating. Silence with
the lips, when eating, was not exacted except from the chiefs when
they were taking their soup. This act must be done quietly. It
was said there was a religious reason attached to this custom, but
just what could not be definitely ascertained.

At a formal feast men served the food. The offering to Wako°'da
was made by the man of liighest rank present. Etiquette demanded
that after the food was placed before the company a prominent
man should say to the servers, "Have you provided for yourselves ? "
On the occasion of a formal feast the host, the one who gave the feast,
never partook of the food. Tliis custom obtained whatever the feast
might be ; whether it was given by a man to the chiefs, or by a member
to a society, or by a group, as a subtlivision of the Ho°'ga, on the
occasion when the ceremonies in its charge took place.

It was also m accord with etiquette to eat all placed before one;
if, however, it was not possible to do so, the untasted food should be
carried home. This custom was made practical by the custom of
guests bringing their own bowls to use; imtasted food was regarded
as a reproach to one's host. If a kettle was borrowetl for any pur-
pose, on being returned a little of whatever had been cooked in it
must remain in the vessel. This remnant was called ihe'xuxe.
Anyone disregarding this custom could never borrow agam, as the
owner must always know how the kettle had been used and what had
been cooked in it. An incident is told of a white woman who

PLETCHEB-L.\ FLESCHE] SOCIAL] LIFE 337

scoured a borrowed kettle before returning it to the owner; the well-
meant act was resented as showing a lack of respect and courtesy
toward the latter.

Looking into a lodge and seeing all the inmates sitting or lying on
the ground, it would hardly occur to one unfamiUar with Indian life
that the ground space of a lodge was almost as distinctly marked off
as the different rooms in our composite dwellings ; yet such was the fact.
The father occupied the middle of the space to the left of the fire as one
entered. The mother kept all her household belongings on the left,
between the father's place and the entrance. It was thus easy for her
to slip in and out of the lodge without disturbing any of the inmates
when attending to the cooking and getting the wood and water. If there
were young men in the famil}', they generally occupied the space near
the door to the right, where they were in a position to protect the
family shoukl any danger arise. If there were old people, their place
was on the right, opposite the father. The young girls were farther
along, more toward the back part. The little ones clung about the
mother but were welcome everywhere and seldom made trouble.
Each member had his packs in which his fine garments and small
personal treasures were kept. These packs were set against the
wall back of the place belonging to the owner.

In the earth lodge the compartments were quite commodious.
The willow seats were lounges by day and beds by night. There was
ample space beneath them for stowing packs, although storage spaces
adjoined the lounges. In cold weather skins were sometimes hung
between the inner circle of posts, making an inclosed space about
the fire where the family gathered — the children to play games or to
hsten to the stories of the old folk. It was a picturesque scene that
can never be forgotten by one who has enjoyed the welcoming cheer
and kindly hospitaUty of an Indian family circle in its earth-lodge
home.

Young girls were carefully guarded ; they never went to the spring
or to visit friends unless accompanied by an older woman — mother,
aunt, or relative. Young married women seldom if ever went any-
where alone. Custom permitted only elderly women to go about
unattended.

Etiquette demanded that when husband and wife walked abroad,
the man precede the woman. (PI. 43.) This was explained by the
old men and women, "The man ought always to go first; it is his
duty to see that the path is safe for the woman."

Women held no official position in the tribe but under certain cir-
cumstances they were consulted during the annual buffalo hunt
(see p. 277); they were respected, the value of their industry was
recognized, and their influence was potent in all affairs pertaining to
the home.

83993°— 27 eth— 11 22

338 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Avocations of Men

The avocations of men were cliiefly those connected with their
duties as providers for and protectors of the family. As himter
(p. 270) the man secured the meat and tlie pelts but the work of trans-
forming these into food, clotliing, and shelter did not belong to him.
As warrior (p. 474) he was obliged to be on the alert and ever
ready to respond at once to the cry of danger. Men made all their
own weapons." Bows and arrows were used for the hunt as well as
for battle (for the method employed in making these see p. 449). The
manufacture of stone implements was accomplished in two waj's:
(1 ) by flaking by pressure from an elk horn, or (2) by placing the piece
of flint between the folds of a strip of rawhide, holding this between
the teeth as in a vise and working it sideways so as to break or chip
the edge of the flint witliin the skin without injury to the teeth, a
somewhat difhcult and hazardous process. Men made all the stone
implements used in felling trees, as the stone ax and wedge; these
were ground into shape and smoothed, a slow and tedious operation.
Disks about four inches in diameter and an inch in tliickness were
made in the same manner. These disks {i^'thapa) were used to crush
kernels of corn into meal, also wild cherries mto pulp for cooking;
they were mainly used for grinding corn when traveUng, as the large
mortar and pestle were inconvenient for transportation.

The making of wooden articles was also the task of the men. The
mortar (u'Jie), which was a necessity in every household, was formed
from a section of a tree-trunk a foot or so in diameter and about three
feet long. One end was cliipped to a point so that it could be thrust
into the ground to hold the utensil steady when in use; the other end
was hollowed out to form the receptacle for the corn, by the follow-
ing process: Coals were placed on the surface and were kept " ahve"
by bemg fanned as they slowly burned their way into the wood,
until a sufficiently large cavity had been burned out, when the mortar
was smoothed with sandstone and water, inside and outside. The pestle
(we'he) was between three and four feet long, large and heavy at one
end, and smaller and tapering at the other. Wlien in use the small
end was inserted into the mortar, the weight of the large entl giving
added force to the pounding of the corn. Wooden bowls {zho^u'xpe)
were made from the burrs of the black walnut. These were burned
into shape as described and pohshed with sand and water; expe-
rience and skill were needed to make the bowl symmetrical. Some of
these bowls were beautiful in the marking antl grain of the wood as
well as in form. The one showai in the illustration (fig. 68) was made
in the eighteenth century and was prized as an heirloom. Each of the
several societies had its ceremonial bowl or bowls. Wooden ladles

a Tile iiiunufaclure of llie shield, the war club, and the spear is dealt with on p. 448.

FLETCHER-LA KLESfllE] SOCIAL LIFE 339

were made with the hamlle so shaped that it coukl be hooked on the
edge of the bowl so as not to drop into the contents. Smaller bowls
for individual use were not uncommon. Spoons were made of wood
or of buffalo horn; the latter kind were in general use although tabu
to one subdivision of the Tha'tada gens (p. 162).

In clearing the ground for planting, the heavy part of the work
was not infrequently done by men as were the cutting and trans-
porting of the large posts needed for building the earth lodge (p. 97).
The weaving of the slender ends of the roof poles to form the circular
opening over the fireplace was always done by men.

Fig. 68. Bowl made from walnut burr.

All rituals and religious rites were in charge of men; therefore the
painting and tattooing of symbols devolved on them.

The Ufe of the man was not an idle one ; he could not pass his time
in self indulgence, for want and danger were never far distant, and
plenty and peace for the family and the tribe depended on his indus-
try, skill, and courage.

Avocations of Women

The avocations of women all pertained to the conservation of life.
She transmutetl the raw material provided by the man into food,
raiment, and shelter; the home was the product of her labor and all
its duties belonged to her.

Bringing the wood for the fire was a part of the woman's task. For
this purpose she used the burden strap ; the broad banil was worn
across the chest and the long thongs were used to tie the wood in a

340

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETn. ANN. 27

bundle at her back. The ilhistration shows a burden strap that
had been the Hfelong possession of a woman who died at a great age
more than twenty years ago. It is made of buffalo hide; on the
side of the broad band worn next to the body the wool had been left
to make it soft; the other side had been painted red. (Fig. 69;
Peabody Museum no. 27578.)

The care of the garden has already been mentioned. This was the
principal outdoor work of the women; not that their labors were
otherwise confined to the house, for during warm weather everything
that could be done out of doors was jierformed under a shade set up

Fig. G9. Burden strap.

outside the dwelling. (Pi. 44.) Cooking, sewing, and the eating of
meals all took place under this temporary structure.

COOKING AND FOODS

The appliances for cooking were simple. A pole called vJto" uihu-
gashhe ("to tie on what is cooking") was set on the edge of the fire-
place so as to slant towartl the fire and from this " kettle pole " the
pot (ne'xe) was hung. In old times the Omaha women made pottery
of a rather coarse type, ornamented with incised lines. These pottery
kettles could be hung or set over the fire. Horn spoons, fihc' (the
word means "buffalo horn"), were used. The wooden spoon was
called zho'''tehe (zho'^, wood), "wooden buffalo horn;" later the metal
spoon, mo^'fetehe (mo"fe, metal), "metal buffalo horn," still kept
, tehe' as part of the name. There were no plates or forks anil it is

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I-

CO
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S
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FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 341

doubtful if flint knives were ever used to cut food when eating.
Bowls of pottery and of wood were used, which bore the general
name uxpe'. Gourds sometimes served as cups. The introduction
of copper or brass kettles and of steel knives made changes in
domestic life and in many ways lightened the task of the women.
It is said that in the olden days women had to make and keep on
hand a supply of pottery vessels for visitors, and that when a great
feast was to be held the kindred and friends of the women came and
helped to make the necessary supply of dishes. The custom for
guests at a feast, when not from a great distance, to bring their own
bowls and spoons may have taken its rise in the pottery-making
time.

Among the roots and plants used for food was the "pomme blanche,"
called nu'gtJie. The root was dug from the time the plant first
appearetl until late in the fall. The line of march taken on the tribal
buflfalo hunt was sometimes determined by the localities where this
desirable plant grew in abundance. It was eaten raw. The dark
skin was peeled by the help of the teeth; the inner flesh is white
and though rather tasteless it is not unpleasant. The roots were
preserved by slicing, and drying them in the sun, after which they
were stored in bags, like the shelled corn. They were cooked by
being boiled \vith the meat, particularly the tripe of the buflfalo.

The ground nut (Apios tuberosa) called nu, was boiled, then peeled,
and eaten as a vegetable.

Artichokes {Helianthus tuherosus L.), called po'^'xe, were used in
the early spring. They were eaten only raw and were spoken of as
the food of homeless boys who had no near relative to feed them.

The root of the great yellow water lily (Nelumhium luteum), called
te'thawe, and the bulb of the lily (Sagittana variabilis) were gathered
in the spring. The root of the latter lily was called pi". It was
boiled and eaten as a vegetable and was said to taste like salsify. The
root was never cooked with meat. It was gathered only in the
spring, as later in the season the bulb became spongy and unpleasant.
The root of the Amphicarpsea monoica, called ho'"bthi'''abe, was gathered
in the fall from the storehouses of the field mouse. This little animal
gathers these roots in large quantities. The Indians kept the roots
in skin bags during the winter. Before boiling, the outer skin was
removed by rubbing the root between the palms of the hands. The
flesh is whitish before cooking and reddish afterward ; it is sweetish in
taste and very nutritious.

Slippery-elm bark was used for flavoring. Small bunches were
dropped into fat that was to be used in cooking.

A milk weed or silk weed (Asdepias syriaca L.), known to the
Omaha as waxtha' , was used as a vegetable. The tender shoots were
cut and boiled ; sometimes corn and meat were added to give flavor.

342 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Miisluooms {mika'extlil, "looks like tripe") were eaten lioiled or
frietl in fat.

The leaves of Ceanothus americanus, " New Jersey tea," were made
into a tea to be taken with the food; this was called tabe'M.

The shoulder of game was always roasted and be>cause it was so
cooked it was called waha'pno^.

The thigh was cut in thin slices and jerked. This meat was always
boiled even when it was fresh. The broth {U'zhe'ga) was eaten with
the meat.

The marrow (wazhi'he) from the fore-leg and hind -leg bones was con-
sidered a delicacy. The bones were roasted and served hot with the
roasted shoulder. A brush made by pounding the end of a sprig of
the wild cherry was used in serving the marrow. This cherry stick
brush was called wazhi'he ibagu'de.

The ribs (tethi'te) were used only when fresh; they were roasted,
never boiled.

The tezhu' , a special cut already described, was eitlier roasted or
boiled; it M'as also jerked.

Birds were both boiled and roasted. All roasting was done by
thrustmg the bird on a stick which was then stood up before the fire.
This mode of cooking was called iapno"' .

The methods of preparing and cooking corn have been already
described.

Salt was obtained from a stream near the present city of Lincoln,
Nebraska, knowTi to the Omaha as Salt creek, the waters of which
left on the grassy banks a white saline deposit. This fine salt the
women brushed into piles by means of feathers and afterward it was
deposited in bladder bags for future use.

DRESSING AND TANNING SKINS

Among the most im])ortant of the woman's duties were the care
and preparation of the pelts, as on these the people depended for
clothing and shelter. The work of dressing and tanning, which was
arduous, bore the general name wato'''tTie. When tlie tribe was on the
annual hunt a certain part of the work of dressmg the skms had to
be done at once in order to preserve the pelts for future use and
t aiming.

First, the green skm was washo<l in order to remove all eviilences
of the slaughter.

Second, slits were cut along the edges, and through these slits pegs
were driven so that the hide couhl be stretched taut on the ground,
the inner side uppermost.

Third, an implement made from the leg bone of the elk, called
ire'bazhabe (fig. 70; Peabody Museum no. 40109), was used to re-
move any fleshy portions adhering to the green skin, wliich was

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

343

called taha'nvlca, literally, "wet skin." This work on a single skin,
which usually occupied two or more hours, was called waba'zhahe.
When this task was finished the skin was left to dry in the sun.
Wlien it became dry and hard it was calletl waha'fage. If the hide
was to be used as a robe or to serve as bedding, it was then folded up
to be packed back to the village, where the work of tanning was

We'bazkabe U'c'uhi

Fig. 70. Implements for dressing skins.

always done. But if the skm was to be used for moccasins or a tent
cover, it would have to be made ready for tanning on both sides. In
that case the dried hide would be turned and the hair scraped off with
an implement called we'uhi — a short adze, sometimes calleil we'uhazho"
(really the name of the handle), figure 70 (Peabody Museum no.
27576). The process of scraping off the hair was called iva'u. The

344

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

liido was next turned skin side up and scraped to an even thickness
with the same implement; this process (fig. 71) was called by the
same name as that liy which the hair was removed. After this the
skin was folded in an oblong shape convenient for packing and was
taken home for tanning. Often a family would have a number of
skins to prepare in this wny when on the hunt and the women would
be kept busy day and night if the hunters were successful.

Fig. 71. Scraping a skin.

Not only did the skins have to be attended to at once in order to
save them but the meat had to be jerked immediately, otherwise it
would spoil and be attacked by insects. Jerking (wa'ga) was done by
cutting the flesh in very thin sUces and hanging these on frames, so
that the wind and sun could dry them rapidly. If a rain set in just
after a hunt, quantities of meat and pelts were apt to spoil, owing
to the difficulty of preserving them in a warm, moist atmosphere.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 345

The rapidity with which the women worked was remarkable. In
jerking the meat men sometimes helped if necessity required.

Wlien the people reached home the tanning was done at the con-
venience of the women. For this process the brains of the slaugh-
tered buffalo were saved in bladder bags, where they became dry
and hard. These dried brains were boile<l. Then the hard skin was
stretched on the ground and the boiled brains were smeared over
it by means of a brush made of a bunch of wild sage (artemisia).
It is said that the artemisia was used to counteract the unpleasant
odor of the brains. This process was called i'thixthi. If there were
no brains available, broth from boiled meat was substituted.

Next, the skin was immersed in a stream, weighted down with
stones and left there over night. This soaking was called washpo'^'the.
The water was wrung out and the skin stretched lightly on a frame
set either upright or flat; a knife-shaped implement, called we'bamo",
was used to press out the remaining water. Dry corn meal was then
rubbed on the skin to absorb any moisture yet unexpelled.

The final process was called wathi'kiMe, meaning softening the
skin by friction. A post was driven into the ground, a small sinew
rope i'we'thiki^de) was fastened to it in a loop, and the skin run
through the loop and pulled from side to side. This pulling was
done inch b}' inch and was repeated three or four times, making the
skin soft and pUable for use.

Skins to be used in making moccasins were browned by smoke.
This process was called wana'fithe. The skins for tent covers were
not smoked but were kept white. The same process of tanning and
softening was used in preparing robes, except that the hair was left.
Deer and elk skins, not being so harsh as the buffalo hide, did not
require as much labor in tanning. The processes employed were
similar to those above described.

QUILL WORK

Embroidery with porcupine quills was a feminine accomphshment.
The Omaha women did fairly good work but it is doubtful if they
were as expert as the women of some of the northern tribes. The
following was the Omaha method of preparing and dyeing the quills :

The quills were plucked as soon as possible after the porcupine
was killed, for if the skin became dry the quills were hable to break.
The quills were sorted as to length and size and laid in bladder bags,
the outer or black ends being placed together. The largest quills, those
on the tail, were kept by themselves and were used in ornamenting
comb cases and workbags. The long ones of medium size were
reserved for fine work. The hair of the porcupine and that of the
turkey's tassel were used for very fine embroidery — finer than was
possible with the quills. Fine quills were used in embroidering the

346 THE OMAHA TRIBK [etii. ann. 27

line on the middle of the upper part of the moccasins; the hirger
ones were used in decorating the flaps about tiie ankle. The Omaha
did not often ornament garments witli (|iiill work.

It is said by some of tlie old women that in early times only black,
red, and wliito were used; that red and black were the only native
dyes; and that yellow, blue, and green were introduced by traders.
Yet yellow and dark blue were made from roots known to some of
the women, so these may have been used before the day of the trader.

The black dye was made from a yellow earth, or clay, called wafe'-
zhide nika. Tliis earth was put into a vessel over the fire and a piece
of tallow added. The earth was stirred constantly until it was
roasted black. A decoction was then made by cutting the inner
bark of the maple into strips, adding leaves from the trees that had
been mashed and boihng these in water until it became a dark red.
The roasted earth was added to the boiling decoction. After the
earth had been boiled in it, the water was very black. The mixture
was then taken off the fire and the quills were put into it and left
over night; in the morning they would be found dyed black.

The red dj'o was made from the root of a small plant that grows
in the marshes or lowlands. Tliis root was boiled in water and the
quills were boiled with it for a short time until all were colored a
bright red. The Omaha called this dj^e "feather dye." The plant
has not been identified botanically. The red quills were dyed early
in the morning, before the fii'st meal was eaten, as the process was
thought to succeed best at that time. It is said that but few
persons were competent to dye a good red.

The yellow dye was made from the early buds of the cottonwood,
"the buds out of which the leaves sprmg." This color was also
made from the roots of a vine (not identified). After these roots
had been boiled the quills were dropped into th.e water but were
allowed to remain only a very short time.

Wliite was the natural color of the qudls; they were never bleached.

Verdigris was used for coloring green.

The quills were never split. They were held in the mouth to
make them pliable, as they needed both warmth and moisture to
bring about that condition. Cold water would not serve the j)urpose.

To flatten them for working, the black end, or tip, was held by the
thmnb and finger of the right hand, the nails being used to flatten
the quills, which were warm and moist and pliable, bemg taken
directty from the mouth for this flattening process. A number would
be treated in this way but just before using them in sewing the same
treatment would be again applied.

Quill work was called u'thiflr, an old, untranslatable term.

The |)att('rns were not often traced. The}' were generally evolved
by the worker as she proceeded. In olden times only tlie awl was

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 45

COSTUME AND ADORNMENT OF WOMAN

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 46

COSTUME AND ADORNMENT OF MAN

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 347

used to pierce the holes for the sinew and quills. A stitch was taken
but not through the skin and the sinew was passed through and
pulled tight. Then another stitch was taken in the same way but
the sinew was not pulled tight. A httle loop was left and through
this loop the blunt ends of the quills were put. If, for example, four
quills were to be used, they were placed one on the other through the
loop, which was then tightened. A quarter of an inch from the first
stitch of sinew a similar stitch was taken and in the loop four quills
were fastened in the same way. Then the first quill was bent toward
the second loop and the first quiU of the second loop was bent toward
the first loop, and the braiding went on, back and forth, until all
four quills were in place, the last quill being doubled under and the
sinew used in a stitch to hold it in place. In this way little by
little the pattern progressed.

Quill work for pipestems was made as follows: Two long threads
were doubled, making four threads. The free ends were wound
about a stick and fastened to a stationary object. The doubled
ends were made fast to the belt of the worker. A few inches of the
doubled ends were left unworked for fastening to the pipestems.
The quills were woven one at a time in and out over the four threads.
Two threads formed one column. The ends of the quills were fas-
tened between the two threads of a column. The new qiull was
fastened in the same place by the blunt end.

No trustworthy information has been obtained relative to symbolic
designs being worked with quills on garments worn by the Omaha.
The designs employed were generally geometric, this characteristic
being due probably to the stiffness of the quills. Later these designs
were reproduced by narrow ribbons hemmed on to the cloth or skin.
This style was in greater favor among the Omaha women than
embroidering with beads. (PI. 45.)

WEAVING

Among the Omaha weaving was not practised on a large scale. So
far as is known, cloth was not woven nor were the people acquainted
with the cotton plant. One of the birds found in the honor pack
belonging to the Sacred Tent of War was lined with cloth which may
have been of native manufacture. If the cloth lining was strictly a
native product it probably was obtained through barter or gift from
some tribe which practised the art of weaving. Omaha women wove
scarfs which were used as belts, being wound around the waist, by
both men and women. The term applied to these scarfs suggests
the material out of which they were formerly woven — tezhi^'hi^de
(tezhi^', "little buffalo," or "calf;" M^de, "hair.") Scarfs bound
about the head were worn exclusively by men. (PI. 46.) Women
used the scarf to gird the robe or blanket about their waists. They

348

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTH. ANN. 27

also wove bags, which were generally made from broad, short scarfs,
doubled and sewed together at the sides. These bags were used by
men as receptacles for ceremonial objects, as shown by the bags of
ilifl'erent sizes found in the jiack belonging to the Shell society of
which the old chief Big Elk was the keeper. (See p. 554.) Women
made use of these woven bags for various purposes. They had also
bags of deerskin to contain their sewing materials — sinew, awl, and
bladder cases containing dyed porcvipine quills.

Necklaces of beads were woven, the difl'erent colored beads being
arranged so as to make elaborate patterns (pi. 47; Peabody Museum
no. 27551.) The short necklaces which were tied about the throat
were woven on horsehair. The longer ones woven on thread were
worn about the neck, being allowed to hang down in front.

The loom used by the
Omaha women was a
very simple device. The
strands forming the warp
were fastened at each end
to a stick slightly longer
than the width of the
scarf or necklace to be
woven; a thong was at-
tached to each end of the
sticks holding the warp
and by these thongs one
stick was fastened to a
post and the other one
to the woman's belt.
She sat on the ground so
as to stretch the threads
of the warp taut and then
wove the woof in accordance with the design she desired to produce.
The different weaves and patterns used by the Omaha women are
shown in the illustration given of the bags of their manufacture
(figs. 114-116, 118, 120, 121). To weave the long necklaces required
considerable counting and careful arrangement of the beads in order
to produce the chosen design.

Ropes for lariats and cortls were made from the nettle ( Urtica gra-
cilis Ait.), which was gathered in the fall when dry. The fiber was
separated from the woody part by pounding between stones and was
then braided. The native name for the plant was ha'nugahi. The
fiber was called mi'no''zhiha, "maiden's hair." When the hemp rope
was introduced by traders it was given the same name. Lariats were
also made in former times, of buffalo hair. Such ropes, usually of
eight strands, were called taha'thifi'^. Few knew how to braid them.

Hairbrushes,

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 47

BEAD NECKLACES

FLETCHEIi-LA FLESCHE]

social life
Personal Adornment

349

Toilet appliances were few. The hairbrush, mii-a 7* e, (fig. 72; Pea-
body Museum no. 27561), and the paint stick {peu'gafo^ihatho'^, "to
part the hair") were the two requisites. The paint stick, as its name

Fig. 73. Costumes of young men.

implies, served a tlouble purpose. It was made of wood and was about
6 or 8 inches long, one end tapering to a blunt point. The case
in wliich the stick was kept was generally ornamented and sometimes

350

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[f.th. amn. 27

liad a ])()inti'(l llap whicli sorve<l as a cover to protect the stick and
keep it from dropping out.

Tlie brush (iniJca'he, possibly from mi, "woman;" l-a'Jie, "to comb,"
although this is not a certain derivation) was made of stiff grass called
by the same name. One end of the brush was tightly wound about to
form a sort of handle. Both of these articles were usetl by both men
and women. The hair was kept neatly brushed and glossy. Buffalo
fat, well fried out, was sometimes used on the hair but it was more
commonly employed on chapped lips, face, and hands.

The men wore the hair either flowing or

cut close to the scalp, leaving only a stiff roach
extending from the forehead over the top of
the head to the neck. All wore the scalp
lock. The sister or wife braided tliis lock in
a fine, even braid. On this lock the eagle
feather war honor was worn. A bone case
was made, in which the quill of the feather
was fastened securely; the feather could thus
be made to stand erect or slanting, or to
hang, according to the honor accorded the
wearer. The bone case was fastened to the
scalp lock. When the hair was worn flowing,
the midtUe parting line was painted red and
the circular line of parting around the scalp
lock was generally kept painted the same
color.

The word for paint varied with the use to
which the paint was put. Thus, xce'uga was
paint for a tent; wafe'zhide meant red paint
for the person {wafe' is part of wafe'co^,
"clay"; zhide, "red"; wafe'tu, "blue paint,"
etc.).

Men generally painted their faces or bodies
in accordance with tlreams or in representa-
tion of some achievement or accorded honor. Yoimg men used
merely fanciful designs. Before the advent of looking-glasses a
young man was painted by his friend. Men were frequently nude
except for the breechcloth. Wlien going to battle, on the surround
at the tribal buffalo hunt, when taking part in the Ile'dewachi
ceremony, at the races, at the Hethu'shka st)ciety, and the Pebble
society, the painting on their faces and bodies had a serious sig-
nificance, partaking of the nature of an appeal or })rayer. Except
with very young men, painting could hardly be called strictty an
adornment. (See pis. 46, 49, 50, and fig. 73.)

Fig. 74. Man's necklace.

FLETCHEK-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

351

The regalia worn by men indicated grades of war hont)rs (p. 438).
Earrings were worn. Piercing the ears was a costly ceremony, each
hole generall}^ representing the gift of a pony to the man who did
thepiercmg; so the number of holes in a man's ears was an indica-
tion of the wealth of his near kindred. The necklace (wano"'pi^)
(pi. 47 and fig. 74) was a part of an Omaha man's adornment, as
were the beaded garters {hi'thawi"), tied below the knee outside
the legging. (Fig. 75; Peabody Museum no. 27545.) Bells were

Fig. 75. Man's garters.

sometimes fastened about the garter and their tinkle emphasized
the rhythm of the dance. The belt (i'pithage) was worn, and to it
was attached the embroidered case of the paint stick, and a little bag
which contamed tinder and flint for making fire. Perfumery {I'nui-
tho"]cithe) was commonly used by the men. Braids of sweet grass
were worn about the neck, under the robe. Cohmibine seeds were
pulverized, mixed with water, and sprinkled over the robe to perfume

352

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. '27

it. A man attired for a dance often presented a gay appearance.
The skin of the skunk or of the fox was sometimes bound about the
leg below the knee, the tail hanging as an ornament on the outside
of the leg.

Women parted the hair in the middle from the forehead to the
nape of the neck (pi. 45) . The hair, thus divided, was arranged in two
braids, the ends of which were bound together and brought up to

Fir,. 71". Mounted warriors.

the back of the neck so as to let the braids fall in a long lo(.)p boiiind
the ears. The parting was painted red and similar treatment was
bestowed on the cheeks, back to the ear. A narrow necklace was
worn about the throat. Earrings also were worn, and a braid of
sweet grass was often tucked in the belt.

A man frerjuently painted his horse to represent a valorous act in
which the man had won honors, or he might paint the animal in a

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 48

CRUPPER FOR HORSE USED BY WOMAN

FLETCHKR-LA FLf:SCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

353

manner intended as a symbolic representation of a vision. (Fig. 76.)
Such a decoration partook of the nature of a prayer. The bridles

Fig. 77. Painting a tent cover.

of horses were sometimes ornamented and occasionally the J'oung

men decked tlie manes and tails of their animals with bright ribbons or

bands pamted in gay colors.
Women embroidered the
cruppers for their horses,
which were cut in such fash-
ion as to spread over the sides
of the animals, as shown in
the accompanying illustra-
tion. (PI. 48). This crupper
formerh' belonged to an
Omaha woman by whom it
was used some fifty years
ago.

Men outlined designs on
their tent covers. These rep-
resented symbolically their

visions and so were more than a mere decoration, as they implied

an invocation in behalf of the household.
83993°— 27 eth— 11 23

Fig. 78. Paint brush.

In the putting on of

854

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[BTH. ANN. 27

the color a man's wife or children might assist. The ilhistration
(fig. 77) shows how tiie tent cover was spread on the ground, the
design sketched in, and then the color applied by the assistant.

Robes were sometimes painted, this work being done in the same
manner as the painting on the tents.

Paint brushes were made from the porous bone of the hip joint

and shaped as shown in fig.
78. The paint was applied
with the blunt edge of the
bone brush.

The peculiar headgear
shown in plates 36 and 49
was worn only by chiefs;
it bore the name waiha'ge,
which was applied to all
caps cut to fit the head.
The style of headdress
shown in plate 50 was
called tezhi^'hi'^de, wliich
was the name applied to
the woven scarfs, as al-
ready explained on page
347.

Clothing

Wa'thaha is the general
term for clothing. It
seems probable that in
earlier days fewer gar-
ments were worn than in
recent years; yet some of
the articles of clothing,
judging from their names,
must have been long in
use. To this class belong
These varied in their cut. The simplest style

Fig. 79. ornamentation of chiefs' leggings.

the leggings (uto"').
consisted of a straight piece of skin folded and sewed at one side.
A string at the top fastened the leggings to the belt. This style
was used for little boys. A more elaborate style was that with
a long pointed flap, which hung from the hip to below the knee.
Other forms were the legging having a wide band of embroidery
down the side and the kind called uto"'to"ga, "big leggings,"
with large flaps at the ankle; these were worn exclusively by the
chiefs. The ornamentation on the big leggings, or chiefs' leggings,

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 49

COSTUME AND ADORNMENT OF MAN

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 50

COSTUME AND ADORNMENT OF MAN

rLETCIIER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

355

was peculiar. The round dots represent liail. (PI. 40 and fig. 79.) It
will be remembered that tlie Nu'xe gens, the people whose rites were
connected with the hail in both the Ponca and the Osage tribe,
camped with the gentes which composed the division that represented
the Upper World; and it will be remembered also that it was from
that division of the Omaha tribe (the Pshta'fu^da) that the authority
of the supernatural was symbolized in the rites that were employed
in confirming the office of chief. The decoration put on these gar-
ments of the chief had reference to the sacred and responsible char-
acter of his office.

^^^^^^m^

^^^H
\<^^^^^^^i

I' 1

r 1

\-i 1 V^H

■1

^^^^^B

Fig. 80. Shirt.

The shirt, uno'^'zhi'^ ("to stand in"), figure 80, was generally
ornamented with bands of embroidery, fringe, or painted devices of
various kinds.

The moccasins of the Omaha were made without soles and the
embroidery was confined to a narrow band on the top of the foot
and the flap about the ankle. There was no marked difference in
style between the moccasins worn by men and those wliich belonged
to women.

The tunic of the woman was called by the same name as the sliirt —
uno^'zhi". It was formerly made of two skins fringed at the sides
and tied together so as to hang from the shoulders and leave the
arms free. The tunic fell below the knee.

356

THE OMAHA TRTBE

KTH. ANX.

The woniiiu's leggings l)ore the same name as those of the men.
They were shorter and were fastened by a garter at the knee
and tied at the bottom with the moccasin string. In Later times
the tunic became sliorter and was worn over a scant skirt hiid in
plaits at the hips and plain in front and behind. (Fig. 81 .) This skirt
was held in place by the belt which was bound about the waist. The
skirt was called wate' , a term now applied to a dress. Calico has
taken the place of skin as the material for a woman's clothing but her
gala dress consists of a skirt of strouding, or cloth, sometimes em-
broidered with ribbon work on the
front, and a short sack.

THE WAl*" OR ROBE

The one article of clothing that has
played an important part in the dress
of the people is the wai^' , or robe.
The same word is now applied to the
blanket. The robe is probably one
of the oldest types of garment. The
manner of fashioning and of wearing
the robe has acquired during the cen-
turies a ceremonial and a personal
significance that does not belong to
any other garment, although this is
shared in a degree by the moccasin.
(PI. 51, a, Peabody Museum no.
51S42; pi. 51, h, Peaboilj' Mu.seum
no. 27579.) These two, the robe
and the moccasin, may be considered
])rimal articles of clothing and they
deserve special consideration as re-
vealing the native ideas and their ex-
pression. Looking at the significance
of the garment in the light of religious
observances, social usages, and indi-
vidual habits of the Omaha, this significance appears to have a per-
sonal and a social aspect.

Personal SioNinrANCE

(a) As distinguishing a man from the horde. In the Sacred Legend
already referred to, which recounted the epochal events in the history
of the people, it is said: "As the people came forth from the water
they were naked and shame they knew not. But as the days passed
they desired covering and took the fiber of weeds and grass and
wove it about their loins." According to the interpretation of the

KiG. 81. VVomau'a costume.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 51

MOCCASINS WORN BY MEN («) AND WOMEN (6)

TLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 357

old kee])er, tliis passagP referred to the natural birth, as well as to
the development of the people, who then dwelt near "a great water,"
and whose " desire for covering" marked the arousing of self-conscious-
ness. The words used in the Legend are itha'kigtJia xade, "to cover
ones' self with;" and the expression is distinct from wa'thaha, the
word for clothing. The words used in the Legend carry the idea of
something placed on the body of a person with the motive of
witlulrawing himself and differentiating himself from his fellows — a
simple act of self-consciousness expressive of the idea fundamental to
costume, decoration, and regalia.

(b) As symbolizing dependence on the supernatural. Nature was
looked on subjectively and anthropomorphically; all life was con-
sidered as one and as related. Man's physical existence is sustained
b}- other forms of life. Eating the products of the earth and the flesh
of the animals is essential to bodily vigor. And this physical de-
pendence on living forms was carried a step fvirther in the idea that
man's spirit {wazhi"'), his will, his power to do, can be strengthened
by being supplemented by the spirit ar power of the bird, the animal,
or the plant, since he believed, first, that all things on the earth or
above in the sky are permeated by the same life or force that man
is conscious of within himself; second, that this invisible life or force
is continuous, not to be broken even by physical death; and, third,
that the equalities or potentialities of one form can be transmitted to
another form so as to augment power. Moreover, as man has to
make an effort, has to perform some act in order to secure food for the
nourishment of his body, the Omaha seems to have argued by analogy
that he would have to go through some form of appeal if he desired to
have his spirit strengthened. The visible medium of help for both
body and spirit was some natural form imbued with life from Wako"'da.
In accordance with these beliefs, rites seem to have grown up around
the quest for food and the dress worn at these ceremonies exemplifies
these beliefs.

In common with other tribes the Omaha conserved in his religious
ceremonies those articles which had contributed to the betterment of
the people in their long, slow struggle upward. Ojie of the earliest, if
not the earliest, garment which served to protect the body from cold
and storm seems to have been the vmfashioned hide. This garment
retained the semblance of the animal and the comfort the skin con-
tributed to the body seems to have served to increase the native confi-
dence in the close relation he conceived to exist between all other visible
forms and himself. Although in later times his ordinary clothing
ceased to exemplify this close relation, yet when the Omaha entered
on sacred ceremonies with the desire of securing supernatural aid
there was a return in his apparel to the primitive form. For example,
in the rites preceding the tribal buffalo hunt, when the main supply of

358 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth. ann. 27

meat was to be secured, the priests and chiefs wore the uncut buffalo
robe, the hair outside, so wrapped about their bodies that as they
sat they presented somewhat the appearance of a group of buffalo.
This manner of wearing the robe was explained as being in recognition
of the transmission of life from the buffalo to man that the latter might
live. Again, the warrior when going to battle might wear a wolf skin
over his shoulder or put on himself the skin of some swift bird of prey.
This semblance of the living creature not only indicated an appeal for
help but was believed to promote the transmission of the help and to
make it more direct in the hour of need.

(c) As proclaiming personal achievements. It will be recalled that
war honors were graded and could be bestowed only at the public
ceremony called Wate'gi^tu, and that each grade had its peculiar
decoration, so that a man's costume and regalia proclaimed the
character of his deeds, his personal achievements. The decorations
wliich appeared on the face, body, or garments of a warrior not only
indicated what had been the character of deeds performed by him in
battle but they asserted his right to appeal to certain powers for
supernatural aid.

Social Significance

(a) Marking the kinship group. As tlie life of the people became
more complex, the idea seems to have developed of making the skins of
the helpful animals subservient to man under his new requirements.
Tliis idea seems to have found expression in the moccasin. To make
tliis foot gear it was necessary so to cut the skin that when the parts
were sewed together all semblance of the animal was lost and the form
pertained wholly to man. The moccasin also became typical of man
as a social being. In the Omaha and its cognate tribes the moccasin
held an important place in rites wlrich laid stress on the obligation of
a gens and winch were social in character. For example, when the
ceremony took place which marked the initiation of the child into the
tribe and it was given a name which belonged to its gens, moccasins
were put on its feet with song and ritual as it was "turned by the
winds" and sent forth "into the walk of life." Among the Ponca,
a subdivision of the Ni'kapaslma gens to whom the deer was tabu
put on their dead moccasins made from deer skin, so that on the jour-
ney the spirit might be recognized by its own people and not lose its
way. The same custom obtained in the Tapa' gens of the Omaha
tribe, wliich had the same tabu. The We'zhi°shte gens followed a
similar custom and put on the feet of their dead members moccasins
made from the skin of the elk, the elk being tabu to the living."
Less serious in character but still related to the ideas embodied
in the above rites is the following saying: "On a journey if one's

a Similar customs pertaining to moccasins in connection with the dead obtained among the Osage.

FLETCHEU-LA flesche] SOCIAL LIFE 359

moccasins wear out and they are set on the trail, pointed toward
home, and are told to go back and tell of the welfare of the wearer,
they will do so." The moccasin was formerly the only part of per-
sonal attire wliicli was not regarded as interchangeable between tribes,
as each tribe had its peculiar cut and ornamentation and a man's tribe
could be recognized by the moccasins he wore.

While the war bonnet can hardly be called a garment, yet it was a
marked article of dress and was of special social significance, as it
emphasized interdependence among men. While all the materials
used in its construction were symbolic, its manufacture was attended
with ceremonies significant of the development of social ideas. The
special point of interest in connection with this article is that no man,
whatever his rank or his record, could make or purchase for liis own
use a war bonnet. In olden days it had to be built by his fellow-
tribesmen. Its feathers represented the war record of the warriors of
the tribe, who thus gave their consent to place upon a fellow-tribesman
this picturesque mark of distinction. In like manner the hair fringe
on a war sliirt represented the consent of the warriors to allow the
owner so to decorate his garment.

The dress of societies served to mark their respective membership
and stimulated a feeling of brotherhood independent of the ties of
blood, thus promoting the social growth of the tribe.

Looking back along the pathway of progress from those early con-
ditions wherein man's fears and needs held him in vague dread, from
the time when liis appeals to the supernatural were a constant
duty to the time when these appeals were relegated to particular
times and seasons, we note that under the regulating influence of
established rites and ceremonies and the growth of social order,
mental bewilderment gave way and conditions arose that were
favorable to the development of a secular life, a life in wliich the indi-
vidual could enjoy a freedom hitherto impossible for him. This per-
sonal freedom under the influence of social order and secular life was
apparent in the varied manner of wearing the robe. During the
long stay among the Omaha of one of the writers the different ways
in which the robe was worn and shifted to meet the recjuirements of
varying moods arrested her attention and a study of the subject
ensued, the results of which are here given.

The blanket began to supersede the robe even before the extinction
of the bufl'alo made the latter no longer possible to obtain. The well-
dressed robe was almost as pliant as the blanket and it was during
the period when only robes were worn that tliis garment seems to
have become expressive of the wearer's moods and actions. The
adjustment never seemed to be the arranging of a costume for effect
but a free expression of a passing emotion. The picture presented by
the draped figure told its story with simplicity and truthfulness.

360 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth, ann. 27

Wliilo each man wore liis robe in a manner characteristic of the indi-
vidual, either <i;racefii]ly or otherwise, yet there was a typical way of
exj)ressing certain j)uiposes or feelings by the adjustment of the robe
that was persistent and easily recognizable.

Language of the Robe

The Omaha had never been trammeled by his clothing; every
limb had been free to answer to any impulse, to respond to any
wave of emotion. His clothes were few; and the waV\ or robe, was
never lacking and lent itself easily to the needs of the moment.
There still lives in the memory of one of the writers a June day
nearly thirty years ago when an Omaha girl was seen flitting among
the tall prairie flowers, shifting her white blanket to suit her varying
moods — now gathering it closely about her slight, swaying figure,
now letting it float as she swept in ever-widening curves, or at the
slightest sound liiding her glossy head and laughing face among its
soft folds. All the beauty and poetry of her race were in the pretty
maiden, who was as wayward and blithe as the fleecy clouds drifting
above her through the deep blue sky. With the Omaha, as with other
peoples, the airy pleasures of youth must give place to the prosaic
duties of mature life. So the blanket of the woman was worn veiy
practically. It was belted at the waist, thus affording a close cover-
ing and also a pouch or pocket within which she could snugh^ tuck
her baby or carry some other burden on her bac'k. Her figure sug-
gested little of beauty.

The freer Ufe of the man was manifest in his use of the robe. The
accompanying illustrations show some of the ways in which the robe
was worn and sliifted and suggest something of the interesting
lancriuige of this garment.

The first of the series shows hesitation (pi. 52, a). The man has
not determined whether he will go forth to take an active part in the
particular affair occupying the people or will sit down and become a
mere spectator.

Next appears a young man walking (pi. 52, i). The robe is
thrown loosely over tiie left slioulder and gathered on the left arm.
The right arm is free and the hnibs unincumbered. The fokls of the
garment add grace and dignity to the figure. Youths thus attired
could often be seen walking with, elastic step over the hills.

The tliird illustration depicts a young man about to run (pi. 52, c).
The blanket hangs over the left shoulder, relieving the ai'm of its
weight. In long runs, as when on the annual hunt the runners were
sent out to search for a buffalo herd, the robe was gathered in a
roll, passed over the left shoukler and tied beneath the right arm.
In races the robe was droppeil altogether.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 52

(■ <l

THE LANGUAGE OF THE ROBE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 53

iit^

THE LANGUAGE OF THE ROBE

FLETCHEK-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

361

In the picture of the okl man walldng (pi. 52, d) the adjustment
of the robe iniUcates the weakness of age, the desire for bodily
comfort, and the slow and feeble step that bears the burden of the
years.

The next figure is that of a young man watching for his sweet-
heart (pi. 53, a) . Courtship was by stealth and the lover when going
to the trysting place guarded against recognition. He concealed
himself in his blanket, one eye only being visible. In the picture

Fig. 82. Language of the robe — Anger.

he has arrived at his destination ; a slight movement of the head has
caused the blanket to fall back a little and leave both eyes free to
watch for the maiden as she comes to the spring to draw water for the
household.

In strong contrast to the observant lover is the pose of the man
who stands watching some transaction of public interest (pi. 53, b).
His attitude is quiet and firm, the robe is not definitely adjusted, and
resembles somewhat the picture representing "hesitation;" but there

362 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth. axn. i;7

is no indecision in the mind of tho wearer — he will he ready for
speech or act when the opportune moment arrives.

Now the man is addressing the tribe or council (jil. 53, c). The
moment waited for has arrived and he steps forth to speak his
thought, to impress his views upon his tribesmen.

In "The admonition" the adjustment of the drapery suggests a
pause, a change of mental attitude (pi. 53, d). The mind of the
speaker has reverted to some past experience in his long career, from
which he draws a lesson and gives it as an admonition to the peo]'>le.

Perhaps the most striking illustration of this expressive use of the
garment was its adjustment in the case of anger (fig. 82). Stung by
sudden wrong or injury, the man grasps the edges of his robe and hast-
ily draws it up over his head, thus withdrawing from observation.
The rousing of his anger has made him intensely conscious of his per-
sonality and he responds to the primitive impulse "to cover him-
self," to put something upon himself, that he may feel consciously
separate from his fellows. The draped figure of the man hooded by
the robe which he holds with tense hands not only emphasizes the
impulse which the legend assigns as fundamental to the garment —
that of the desire to difTerentiate one's self from the horde — but it
suggests the steps we have traced in the use and purpose of the
g;arment from the uncut animal skin up to the period when it could
express man's personal emotions, a freedom he could have achieved
only within the arena of society.

Property

Household furniture was simjile. The robes used for bedding
were of hide taken from the buflfalo bull in the winter when the fur
was the heaviest. This bedding was called und'zhe. The pillows
(i'behi'") were of soft deerskin stufTed with the long winter hair of the
deer. There were no contrivances for seats in the tent. In the earth
lodge were couches, already described (p. 98) . The cooking and eating
utensils, the mortar and pestle for grinding corn, and the packs for
storing food and clothing — all those things which pertained to the
household were the property of the wife. Ilers, also, was the tent.
All other things were individual property and belonged to the mem-
bers of the family. Even the articdes belonging to the children were
considered as their own, and were not disposed of without their con-
sent. In the Omaha tribe there was no communal property. The
land was the bountiful "mother earth" which brought forth food for
all living creatures. There was no property in land or in springs, as
the country was well supplied with never-failing springs and streams.
Proprietorship in garden ])lots was recognized as long as the plots
were used but the produce belonged to the woman.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIAL LIFE 363

To a man belonged his regalia, clothing, weapons, and othei' per-
sonal property. Horses were not exclusively the property of the
men. Women owned their own ponies and disposed of them as they
pleased. Children owned their ponies and a parent did not assume
the right to give away one of them without the child's consent.

At death, the articles that had been in immediate use by the
deceased were buried with the body. Other possessions, as extra
weapons and utensils, passed to the children if they were old enough
to use them, otherwise to the brothers of the dead man or woman.

Hospitality was the rule and food was shared as long as it lasted
but food was not communal property. No corn was raised and 'kept
for the use of the tribe nor was any meat set apart for general use.
An offering of meat was made at the ceremony of Anointing the Pole
but the meat was contributed by members of the tribe.

Societies owned certain articles, as wooden bowls, packs contain-
ing regalia, and medicines (see p. 518). Songs were the property of
certain subgentes, societies, or individuals (pp. 233, 249, 373). Some
songs, however, were free to the people, particularly the songs belong-
ing to the Wa'wa° ceremony (p. 376).

Amusements

In their play the children were apt to mimic the occupations of
their elders. At an early age the girls began to pla}- "keep house."
Miniature tents were set up. The mother's robe or shawl was often
seized for a tent cover ; the poles were f requentlj" tall sunflower stalks.
If the boys were gallant, they would cut the poles for the girls. It
was a matter of delight if the tent was large enough to creep into.
Generally the feet and legs would protrude but if the heads were well
under cover it was easy to ' ' make-believe. ' ' Both boys and girls
liked to play "going on the hunt." The boys took two parts — they
were hunters sometimes and sometimes ponies. When the latter,
the girls tied the tent cover in a bundle and fastened it and the tent
poles to the boy pony, who might be a docile creature or a very frac-
tious animal and particularly troublesome when fording a stream
or if the camp was attackeil by enemies, as such ponies always
stampeded. Sometimes men carried through life their pony reputa-
tion. Women woukl laughingly point out some elderly man and say :
" He used to be a very bad pony " or else " a very good pony." The
boys who played warrior wore war bonnets made from corn husks,
which cost much labor to manufacture and were quite effective when
well done. Children made many of their plaj'things out of clay and
some of the boys and girls were very clever in modeling dishes, pipes,
dolls, tents, etc. The writer once came across a miniature clay coffin
with a bit of glass set in, beneath which was a clay baliy. Some child
had seen the funeral of a white person and had devised a new play-

364 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

thino;. Dolls wore improvised by children from corncobs. Sometimes
mothers made dolls for their little girls and also small dishes for the
yoiin<; liousekoepeis. The hobby-horse of the boys was a sunflower
stalk with one notkling bloom left on the end. Races were I'un on
these "make-believe " ponies. Generally the boys rode one stalk and
trailed two or three others as "fresh horses."

The game of iihe'hasho'^ sho" ([[teraWy, " the crooked path") was
the game familiarly known to us as ' ' Follow my leader. ' ' The children
sang as they ran and made their merry way through the village, each
one repeating the pranks of the leader. The line was kept by each
boy holding to the string about the waist of the boy in front. It is
said that the song which accompanied this game had been handed
down by generations of children. Certainly every Omaha seemed to
know it. (Fig. 8.3.)

" FOLLOW MY LEADER "

±-f-e^

-H-

f3T?I

The quiet games often played about the fire were "cat's cradle"
{wa'haha, meaning "the litter") and a game resembhng jackstraws,
in which a bunch of joints of prairie grass was dropped from one's
hand and the players strove to pull out one joint after another without
disturbing the bunch. The player could use a joint to disentangle
those he was trying to secure. Another game, called diui, was played
with a long stick one side of which was notched. The person who
could touch the greatest number of notches, saying dua at every
notch without taking breath, was winner.

The boys enjoyed the game called tvahi'gafnugithe, "bonesUde."
Formerly ribs were used; sticks are now substituted. Four or five
could i)lay at this game. The sticks are about 4^ feet long, made of
red willow, and ornamented by banding with bark and then holding
them over a fire. The exposed part turns brown and when the bands
are removed the sticks are striped brown and white. Each boy holds
a number of sticks and throws one so it will skim or slide along the
level ground or the ice. The boy who throws his sticks farthest wins
all the sticks; the one who loses is tapped on the heat! l)y the winner.
The Ponca call this game moH'hagi'^, "arrow throwing."

During the annual buffalo hunt when the tribe remained in a
camp for moi-e than a day the boys, ranging from ten to fouiteen
years of age, would engage in a sport called zhi^ga uti^ {zhi^ga,
"little," referring to the little birds {wazlii^ga, "bird"); w<i", "to
strike"). The boys armed themselves with sticks about a yard
long, to which small twigs were attached; then ranging in line through
the prairie grass they scared up the little birds. As these rose, the
boys threw their sticks into the air anil the fledglings, mistaking

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHK]

SOCIAL LIFE

365

them for hawks, tumbled into the grass to hide, only to be caught
by the hands of tlie boys. One hid was chosen to carry the quarry.
As soon as a bird was caught, it was killed, scalped, and thrown
at the boy appointed to take charge of the game; then it was his
dutj^ to run aliead ami fall into the grass as if shot. On rising, he
took the bird and strung it on his bow string. This little pantomime
was enacted with evevy bird caught. When a number of birds had
been captured, the boys retired to a place where they could roast

Fig. 83. Group of Omaha boys.

the birds and enjoy a feast. Boys of the Wazhi°'ga itazhi subgens
of the Tha'tada gens could join in the sport but could not touch the
birds or share in the feast, as small birds were tabu to them.

In winter the boys played whip top. They made their own tops
out of wood. Sometimes a round-pointed stone served as a top,
and was spun on the smooth ice.

Aball game called tabe'gafi {tabe, "hsxll;" gafi, "to toss by striking"),
which resembles somewhat the game known as shinny, was played by

366 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth.axn.27

two jjroups, or parties. This is the game before referred to (see p. 197)
as sometimes ])hi3'e(l between the two divisions of the tribe, which
had a cosmic sijjnificance in reference to the winds and the earth.
When it was phiyed between the two divisions of the tribe it had to
be formally opened by a member of the Ko"\'e gens in the manner
already descrilied. Wlien it was played merely for pleasure between
two groups of boys, if among the number there chanced to be a boy
from the Ko"'ve gens, he would be the one to open the game and first
to toss and strike the ball. Two stakes, as goals for the two sides,
were set at a considerable distance apart. The players with the ball
started from the center. The aim of each player was to drive the ball
to the goal of his side, while the players on the opposing side tried to
prevent this and to drive the hall to their own goal. The bat used was
a stick crooked at one end. \^^len boy neighbors played together, the
"sides" were chosen in the following manner: A boy was selected to
choose the sticks. He took a seat on the ground and another boy stood
behind him. The standing boy held his hands over the eyes of the
seated boy. Then all the sticks were laid in a pile before the latter.
He took two sticks, felt them, trying to recognize to what boy they
belonged. Then he crossed his hands and laid one stick on one side and
the other on the other side of the place where he was sitting. When
all the sticks had been taken up and laid on one or the other pile, the
standing boy removed his hands and the boy who had chosen the
sticks indicated to which pile or side he would belong. There were no
leaders in the game — the ball was tossed and the sides fell to playing.
When men played this game, large stakes were often put up, as gar-
ments, robes, horses, bows and arrows, and guns. No stakes were
ventured when boys were the players.

Pa'fi^zhahe was a game adopted from the Pawnee some generations
back. It was played with a hoop and a peculiar stick which was
thrown so as to intercept the rolling hoop. (Fig. 84; Peabody
Museum no. 37776.)

Lads sometimes indulged in a game called wa'thade. This game,
which maybe called "dare," consisted in lads doing ridiculous things,
which required exertion to accomplish. Some of the number were
detailed to see that the boys actually did the things called for.
Many are the laughs the older men have over these "hazing" sports
of their youth, as they recount their escapades.

Girls had a game, tabewaba' zhnade (tabe, "ball;" waba'zhnade,
"stick"), played with two l)alls tied together and a stick. Two goals
were set up several yards apart. The players were lUvided into two
parties, each with its goal. They started in the middle and each
side tried to prevent the other's lialls from reaching the goal.

There were two games which were rarely, if ever, played except for
stakes. One of these was played exclusively by women; this was

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

367

called Ico^'fi (ko", part of the word IcoMe, the name of the plum ; fi,
"seeds "). The appliances were few and simple — a wooden bowl and
five plum stones. Two played at a time. First, tlie number of counts
that should constitute the game
was determined — 50 or 100
points. Sticks were used for
keeping tally. The plum stones
were "burned" so as to show
certain forms. Two on one side
hail moons, t\\'o on one side had
stars; there were three black
sides and three white sides.
The bowl containing the plum
stones was tossed and the com-
binations of the stones as they
fell had certain values. These
counts were as follows:

Two moons and 3 black
counted 5 if the game was 50,
and 10 if the game was 100.

Two moons and 3 white, 2
stars and 3 black, and 2 stars
and 3 white had the same
count as the above. These
counts were called xu'he, and
whoever tossed and got any
of these throws might keep on
tossing so long as she could
make xu'he.

One moon, 1 star, and 3 white
counted 1.

One moon, 1 star, and 3 black
counted 1 in a game of 50, and
2 in a game of 100.

One moon, 1 star, 1 black,
and 2 white counted nothing.

Two moons, 1 black, and 2
white counted nothing.

Two moons or 2 stars, 1
white, and 2 black counted
nothing.

Fig. b4. Impluments used in game of ^a'<;i'tzhahc.

The stakes put up were necklaces, moccasins, earrings, and ]>aint.

The gambling game of the men was called i'liti'^, "hiding the stone."
For this game there were used four moccasins and two small stones.
Four persons played — two to hide the stones, two to watch and guess.

368

THE OMAHA TRIBE

IeTH. ANN.

Tlio two sides had their backers niui watchers, who often contributed
to the stakes, which consisted of all manner of articles — garments,
wea])()ns, horses, and other property. The number of chances to con-
stitute a game was agreed on. Then the players sat down. Before
one of the couples were laid four moccasins, the heels toward the
player, two moccasins to a man. These each had a small stone
which they were to hide under tlie moccasins l)efore them while the
men who sat opposite guessed under which of the moccasins the stones
were hid. During the process of hiding, which was accompanied with
many feints and movements intended to conceal the decisive act,
songs were sung by the side supporting the guessers. The following
belong to this class of songs :

GAME SONG No. 1.

;.4-_;

-^-

zaizMujt

-• — •-=-

U=q— 5^

I ya liii i lio i tha i ya lia i ho i tha i ya lia i ho i tha i

iS:

:1=iP

-*— *-*-p-J. ^^

va ha i ho i tlia

-^=

ya ha i lio i tha i ya ha i ho i tha i
A ^ D.C.

-^^-

A-

ya ha i ho i tha i ya ha i ho i tha i ya ha i ho i tha

The only words in song no. 2 are: I'e zJd" ga dada" shlcaxe, "Little
stone, what are you making?" All the rest in both songs are
vocables.

Sometimes the game was played without moccasins, when the little
stone or a small l)all of buffalo hair was tossed between the hands.
The outstretched arms were moved from side to side and the ball
was dexterously passed from one hand to the other. This form of the
game was very attractive, as the movements of the arms conformed
to the rhythm of the song, ami if the player was graceful as well as
rhythmic, it was a ]ileasure to watch the game. The following song
was a favorite for this game:

PLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIAL LIFE

369

GAME SONG No. 2.

tha

tlui

3=^^^eSD

da-tla" shka-xe? Ha

bo e tba a

bo e tha

Foot racing was another pastime. Races genei'ally took place
among the Omaha, however, after a death, when gifts contributed by
the family of the deceased youth or maiden were distributed among
the successful competitors. At these races sharp contrasts marked
the occasion. The race generally took place a short time after the
burial. A feast was given by the parents, after which if the deceased
was a young man his young men friends took part in the race; if a
girl, her young companions competed for her possessions. The dis-
tribution of the goods was made by a personal friend, while the
parents often retiretl to the grave, where the sound of their wailing
could be heard above the noise of the contestants.

There was no ceremony in the tribe that corresponded to the
drama, the acting out of a myth, a legend, or a storj-. There were
dances and movements which were dramatic in character, as when at
the meetings of the Hethu'shka society a man acted out his warlike
experience (p. 466) ; also during the closing scenes at the ceremony of
Anointing the Sacred Pole (p. 243). The dance at the Ho^'hewachi
was dramatic in purport and expression (p. 502) ; the secret societies
had their dramatic acts in which both men and women took part
(pp. 509, 565). The nearest approach to a drama was the He'dewachi
ceremony (p. 251), but this was too fragmentary rightfully to claim
to belong to the drama class. The tribal rites combined religious and
social elements, and these ceremonies and the meetings of the differ-
ent societies formed the principal social recreations of the people.

There was one amusement in which both sexes of all ages, except
infants, took great pleasure; this was swimming. The Omaha swam
by treading, moving hands and legs like a dog, or by keeping the body
horizontal and throwing the arms up and out of the water alternately
as the body was propelled by the legs. The people were good swim-
mers. The current in the Missoiu-i is always strong, so that it requires
a good swimmer to make a safe passage across the stream. During
83993°— 27 sth— 11 24

370 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth. ann. 27

the flood season the current is too rajiid for anyone to venture to cross
the river. Diving was practised l)y boys and girls and was enjoyed
by men and women also. In these water sports the sexes did not
mingle ; women and girls kept together and apart from the men and
boj's.

Story telling was the delight of everyone during the winter evenings.
It was then that the old folk drew on their store of memories, and
myths, fables, the atlventures of the pygmies and of the gajazhe (the
little people who play about the woods and prairies and lead people
astray) — all these and also actual occurrences were recited with
varying intonation and illustrative gesture, sometimes interspersed
with song, which added to the effect and heightened the spell of the
story or myth over the listeners clustered about the blazing fire
The uncle (the mother's brother), who was always a privileged
character and at whose practical jokes no nephew or niece must ever
take oft'ense, often made the evening merry with pranks of all sorts,
from the casting of shadow pictures on the wall with his fingers to
improvising dances and various rompings with the little ones.

In the spring, after the thunder had sounded, the boys had a festiv-
ity called i^de'gihefc {inde, "face;" gthepe, "striped''), the word
referring to the mask worn by the boys. A dried bladder, with holes
cut for the mouth and eyes, was pulled over the head ; the bladder
was striped lengthwise in black and white, to represent lightning. The
boys carried clubs and scattered over the village. Each boy went
to the tent of his uncle (his mother's brother) and beat with his club
against the tent pole at the door, while he made a growhng sound in
imitation of thunder. The uncle called out, "What does Striped
Face want?" The boy disguised his voice, and said, "I want leg-
gings or moccasins or some other article." Then the uncle called him
in and made him a present. Should the uncle refuse to give anything
the boy might punch a hole in the tent or do some other mischief.
But generally the sport ended pleasantly and was greatly enjoyed
by old and young.

AIUSIC

Instruments

The drum was the most important of Omaha musical instruments
and generally accompanied most of the songs, both religious and
secular. The large drum, called ne'xegaku {ne'xe, "a water vessel;"
(fahu, "to beat"), was made from a section of a tree hollowed out
and partially filled with water containing charcoal. A buffalo skin,
ch'essed or undresseil, was stretched taut over the open end. A ilrum
was always tuned before being used and if necessary during a cere-
mony it was tuned again. Tuning was done by tipping the drum so
as to wet the skin cover from the water within and then drying it
before the fire until it yielded the desired resonant tone in response
to the tap of the drumstick. The tones were full and clear and could
be heard at a great distance on a calm day. Drums were beaten
either with a single strong stroke or with a rebounding movement —
a strong stroke followed by a light one.

The small drum {ne'xe (jakuhihafka — hthafka, "flat") was made by
stretching a skin over a small hoop. This kind of drum was used by
the "doctors" when attending the sick and in magical performances.
It was beaten with a small stick, the movement being a rapid tap-
ping— an agitated pulsation.

The whistle {nifude) was about 6 inches long; it was made from the
wing bone of the eagle. It had but one opening and but one tone, a
shrill sound, which was repeated with moderate rapidity, to simulate
the call of the eagle. This instniment was used only in certain parts
of the Wa'wa" ceremony.

The flute or flageolet (fig. 85), nipude tu^ga {tu^ga, "big"), was
generally made of cedar; it was about 20 inches in length and an
inch in diameter. The holes — six in number — began about 4 inches
from the lower end and were about an inch apart. The stop was
placed 5 or Si inches from the mouthpiece at the end. This instru-
ment had a flutelike tone but, being made by the "rule of tlnimb,"
lacked accuracy of pitch. To be acceptable, a flute must give forth
a full, vibrating tone when blown with all the six holes closed. It
was interesting to watch men, old and young, take up a flute to test

371

372

TLIK OMAHA TRIBE

[KTII. ANN. 27

it; they would readjust the stop piece, ))ound to the to]i over the
opening and usually carved, and if alter several trials the instrument

Flute-nr fla,cr;^o]et.

could not be made to give this vibratory tone the flute would be laid
aside and no words would avail to make the man take it up and play a

tune on it. Thecompass of the nifudetu'^ga
was an octave. The intervals did not
correspond exactly to our diatonic scale.

Two kinds of rattles were used: the
taslia'ge, literally "deer hoofs" (fig. 86),
and the pe'xe, "gourd rattle" (fig. 87, d).
The tasJia'ge was made by fastening the
deer hoofs by thongs in a cluster to the
sides of a beaded stick some 8 to 10 inches
long, the handle being ornamented with a
a long tassel of buckskin thongs. The
pe'xe, as its name indicates, was made
from a gourd from which the contents had
been carefully removed and the interior sur-
face of which made smooth, so that nothing
should impede the contact of the fine
gravel or beads with the inner side of the
gourd and blur the sound. Through the
holes made in both ends of the gourd, in
order to remove the contents, a stick was
thrust, closing them tight. One end of
the stick protruded an inch or more from
the top of the gourd; the other end, which
formed the handle, was bound with buck-
skin, so adjusted as to make it firm and
not to slip from the gourd. This kind of
rattle was symbolically painted and used in
the Wa'wa" ceremony. The y^f'.rf was used
also in the Wate'giytu rite, when war honors were conferred. The Shell
and Pebble societies ami the "doctors" used this kind of rattle.

Fig. t6.

Ueer-liouf mttle (iiativu
drawing).

FLETCIIKR-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 373

Songs, Singing, anb Rhythm

Song was an integral part of the life of the Omaha. Through song
he approached the mysterious Wako"'da; through song he voiced his
emotions, both individual and social; through song he embodied feel-
ings and aspirations that eluded expression in words. As is amply
demonstrated in this volume, the Omaha did not depend on words to
convey the meaning of his songs, so many have few or no words, the
voice being carried by vocables only, and yet the songs were able to
conve}- a well-untlerstood meaning.

Songs, like the language, were transmitted from one generation to
another and care was taken to preserve accurately both songs and
language. Xo liberties were permitted with either. As to the songs,
the writers have phonographic records of the same song sung by differ-
ent groups of singers, the records having been taken at an interval of
more than ten years, yet the songs show no variation. An interest-
ing instance occurred some ten years ago. An old Ponca was visiting
the writers, when, in a period of silence, he was heard to hum a familiar
Omaha song. He was asked to sing the song into the phonograph,
and did so. Then he was asked, "Wliere did you learn the song?"
Among the Omaha," he replied. " Wlien did you learn it ? " " Wlien
I was a lad." ' ' Have you always sung it as you sing it now V With
a look of astonishment he replied' "There is but one way to sing a
song!" As he was a man then more than 70, his version of the song
must have been of full fifty years' stantling. On comparison of his
rendition of the song with three other records of the same song from
different singers in the possession of the writers, no variation was dis-
covered. Tliis incident, so far as it goes, indicates a fair degree of
stability in the songs of this people. In many of the societies a fine
was imposed if a member made mistakes in singing. As has been
shown in preceding pages, a mistake in the singing of ritual songs
invalidated the ceremony and made it necessary to begin again. It
will be recalled that in the ceremonies connected with the Sacred
Pole and the White Buffalo Hide if a mistake was made, a rite of con-
trition had to be performed, after which the ceremony was begun
anew so far as singing the songs was concerned.

Songs were property. They belonged to a society, to a gens, or to
an individual. They could generally be purchased from the last-named
but the right to sing any of the songs belonging to societies or gentes
could come only through membership or birth.

In singing, the Omaha was not concerned with his audience, he was
not seeking to present a musical picture, his mental attitude was
wholly subjective, he was completelj' occupied with voicing his owti
emotion, consequently he paid little attention, generally speaking, to
any shading or what we term "expression." This statement can

374 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii. ann. 27

be fully appreciated only by those who have sympathetically watched
the faces of Indian singers when they were singin<;j with all the power
of their lungs to the accompaniment of the drum. Nevertheless,
beneath the noise moved the melodj^ of which the singer was alone
conscious.

Among the Omaha there was a standard of musical tones. The
tuning of the drum has been spoken of and anyone who has observed
the process can not deny that there was a standard of tone sought
after. Among singers there were men and women who were recog-
nized as "good singers." Their services were sought and paid for.
They formed the choir or leaders on occasions when song had an
important part, as in the Wa'wa", the Hethu'shka, and elsewhere.

Few Indian songs were ever sung solo. Almost all were sung by a
group, many by a hundred or more men and women. The volume
not only strengthened the tone but steadied the intervals. A single
singer frequently wavered from pitch, but when assisted by a friend
or friends the character of the tone at once changed and the pitch
was steadied by the union of voices. It has been the constant ex-
perience of the writers that the Omaha objected to the presentation
of their songs on a piano or reed organ as unsupported arias. As
almost all their songs were sung by a number of singers, the melody
moving by octaves, the overtones were often strongly brought out,
and tliis may account for the Indian's preference for a simple har-
mony of implied chords, when their songs were interpreted on these
instruments. ' ' That sounds natural ! " was their comment on hearing
their songs so played, even when it was explained to them that they
did not sing their songs in concerted parts; yet they still persisted,
"It sounds natural."

The harmonic effects are more noticeable when women join in the
singing. Women form part of many of the choirs, even of the warrior
societies, and they join in the choral songs during religious ceremonies.
The women sing in a high falsetto, consequently one often heard the
melody sung in two octaves. When the song dropped too low for a
natural tenor the singer took the octave above. In the same way, by
octaves, the bass and contralto voices adjusted themselves in the unison
singing.

The octave is seemingly the one fixed interval. The songs are not
built on any defined scale. What has often been taken for a minutely
divided scale is probably due to certain qualities in the native tone
of voice, wdiich is reedy anil lends itself to vacillation of tone. The
same song sung by a group, piano, and then sung forte is often hardly
recognizable to the untrained listener. The noise of strenuous sing-
ing drowns the music to an alien audience accustomed to hear music
objectively presented.

FLETCHKR-LA FLESL'HE] MUSIC 375

In a few instances the songs herein given have been interpreted by
adding a simple harmony and in every instance the harmony given
has been tested among the Omaha and been preferred by them when
the song was played on the piano or organ. This manner of presenta-
tion has been chosen in order t o give some of these songs a chance
to be really heard by the average person, for only the exceptional and
musicallj' gifted can discern the possibilities that lie in an unsupported
aria; moreover, the single line of music stands for a song that is
sung in octaves by a group of male and female voices and therefore
is not a true picture of the song itself.

Rhythm is a marked characteristic of Indian music. Most songs
present one or more rhythms in their rendition, for besides the
rhythm of the melody with its rhythm of phrase the singers pulsate
their voices, thus adding an inner rhj^thm, so to speak, to the general
rhythm. This custom of pulsating the voice tends to produce the
effect of uncertain intonation and interval. This statement is based
on many experiments with different singers during a number of
years. When in transcribing a song these pulsations were noted, so
that when the song was played on a piano or organ the pulsations were
represented bj^ rapidly repeated notes, the rendition was alwaj^s
declared to be incorrect. In every instance in which a note was
pulsated by a singer the tone had to be represented by a single
note on the instrument and no argument would prevail to jiermit
the pulsation to be indicated by rapidly struck notes on the piano
or organ. In love songs, which frequently have long notes, the
hand is sometimes waved at slight distance from the mouth so
as to break the continuity of sound and give the tone a wavering
character.

Frequently the aria of a song is in triple time, 3/4, 6/4, or 9/4, while
the drum is played in 2/4 or 4/4 time. In these songs the two conflict-
ing rhythms are syncopated and play against each other in a bewilder-
ing manner. The precision with which these complicated rhythms are
given by the Omaha is remarkable. In the Wa'wa" ceremony the
movement of the pipes adds another rhytlim, so that the ear and the
eye are addressed simultaneously by the rhythm of the melody, of the
drum, and of the swaying pipes, all forming, however, one harmonious
rhythmic presentation. The rhythmic movement of a song must never
be altered ; to do so in even a slight degree blurs or destroys the song
for the Indian.

In view of the above statements, it will be seen that the mere aria
can not portray an Indian song as it really sounds when interpreted
by the Indian singers, and these facts seem to justify their pref-
erence for a harmonized version of their songs when translated on
the piano or organ.

376 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth. axn. 27

The Wa'wa*^ Ceremony

The Onialia nanio fortius ceroniony, Wa'wa" ("to sing for some-
one"), refers to one of the marked characteristics of the ceremony,
the singing of songs accompanied by rliythmic movements of the two
peculiar objects essential to the ceremony, the nini'ha we'awan (nini'ha,
" pipe;'' %ve'awa^, " to sing with.")

According to the Sacred Legend, it was while a council was being
held between the Omaha, including the Ponca, the Cheyenne, the
Arikara, and other tribes, to bring about friendly relations, that this
ceremouA^ with all its peaceful obligations, became known to the
Omaha. The extent of country over which this rite once held sway
has been referred to. (See p. 74.) It was a ceremony which made for
the securing of peace between unrelated groups through the establish-
ment of a ceremonial tie which should be regarded as of a nature as
inviolable as that between father and son.

The two objects essential to this ceremony were similar to pipe-
stems and ornamented symbolically but they were not attached to
bowls and were never used for smoking. Still they partook of the
significance of pipes in their sanctit}*, they were spoken of as pipes,
and were held in the greatest reverence." Songs formed an important
feature of the ceremony and the singing was always accompanied by
rhythmic movements of the pipe bearers and also of the pipes. This
movement was spoken of as nini'ha hazho'^, "shaking or waving the
pipes."

Each stem was of ash; a hole burned through the entire length per-
mitted the passage of the breath. The length was seven stretches
between the end of the thumb and the tip of the forefinger. The
stem was feathered, like an arrow, from the wing of the golden eagle.
Around the mouthpiece was a band of iridescent feathers from the
neck of the duck; midway the length was a ruff of owl feathers; over
the bowl end were stretched the heail, neck, and breast of the mallard
duck, tied in place by two bands of buckskin painted red, with long,
flowing ends. Beyond the owl ruff were three streamers of horsehair
dyed red, one at the tip of the stem, one at the owl feathers, and one
midway between. These hair streamers were bound on by a cord
made of the wliite hair froni the breast of the rabbit. From each
stem depended a fanlike arrangement of feathers from the tail of the
golden eagle, held together and bound to the stem by two buckskin
thongs; the end, which hung from the fan-shaped appendage, was
tipped with a downy eagle feather. One of these fan-shaped feather
arrangements was composed of ten feathers from the tail of a mature
golden eagle. These were dark and mottled in ai)pearance and
were fastened to the blue stem; this pipe (fig. 87, a) represented the

a Throughout this section these articles will be referred to as pipes.

FLETCHKR-LA FLESC'HEl

MUSIC

377

feminine element. Tiie other stem, which was painted green, liad its
appenilage of seven feathers from the tail of the young golden eagle.
The lower part of these feathers is white; the tips only are dark.
These were the feathers worn by men as a mark of war honors ami
this pipe (fig. 87, i) symbolized the masculine forces. It is to be
noted that among the Omaha, as among the Pawnee, the feathers
wliicli were usetl by the warriors were put on the stem paintetl green
to represent the earth, the feminine element, while those which were
from the mature eagle and which stood for the feminine element,
were fastened to the stem painteil the color of the sky, which repre-
sented the masculine element; so that on each pipe the masculine
and feminine forces were symbolically uniteii. Near the mouthpiece

Fig. 87. Objects used in Wa' wa" ceremony.

was tied a woodpecker head, the upper mandible turned back over
the red crest and painted blue. The pipes were grasped by the
duck's neck, the mouthpiece pointing upward. Wlien they were laid
ilown, the stems rested in the crotch of a small stick painted red,
which was thrust at the head of a \\'ild-cat skin spread on the gi-ound.
This skin (fig. 87, c) served as a mat for the pipes when they were
not in use and as a covering when they were being transported.
The wild-cat skin was required to have intact the feet and claws,
and also the skin of the head. Two gourd rattles (fig. 87, d), a
bladder tobacco pouch (fig. 87, e) to which was tied a braid of sweet
grass, a whistle from the wing bone of the eagle, and three do\\^ay
eagle feathers completed the articles required for use in the ceremony.

378 THE OMAHA TKIBE [eth. axn. 27

Two parties, composed of persons having no blood relationship,
were the principals in the ceremony. One was associatetl with the
man who presented the pipes, the other with the man who received
them. Among the Omaha the first was called wa'wa^ aJca, "the one
who sings;" the second was spoken of as a'wa" iaka, "the one who
is sung to." A man of one gens could carry the pipes to a man
of another gens within his own tribe but not to a man belonging
to his own gens; or he could take the pipes to a man of another
tijibe. The relation ceremonially established by taking and receiving
the pipes was equivalent to that of father and son and the two
parties were spoken of by these terms.

Only a man who had had the Wa'wa" pipes presented to him
four times was considered to be sufficiently instructed in the rites of
this important ceremony to inaugurate a Wa'wa" party. Before he
could take definite action looking toward gathering the party together,
he had to obtain the consent of the Seven Chiefs (see pp. 206, 376),
particularly if he proposed to carry the pipes to another tribe.

A large amoimt of property was required to make up the gifts
which must attend the presentation of the pipes; consequently
the man who initiated the party was generally assisted by his rela-
tives or close friends. The gifts that went with the pipes were
eagle-feather bonnets, bows and arrows, red pipestone pipes, em-
broidered tobacco bags, otter skins, robes, and, in later years, brass
kettles, guns, and blankets. The return gifts were horses (in earlier
days burden-bearing dogs), bows and arrows, pottery, robes, and
skin tent-covers. All these gifts, because they helped toward the
peace and welfare of the tribe, could be counted as wathi^' ethe either
towarti chieftainship or toward admission into the Ho^'hewachi and
thus the assistance given the "father" or the "son" of a Wa'wa"
party accrued to the giver's benefit by adding to his "count."

A Wa'wa" jiarty consisted of a dozen or more men. Sometimes the
wives of a few of the leading men accompanied them and assisted in
the work of the party. All the members contributetl toward the gifts
to be made and also toward accumulating provisions that would be
needed on the journey, if a distant tribe was to be visited, and for the
feasts to be given the receiving party during the four days and nights
occupied by the ceremony. Ponies were sometimes taken as pack
horses and occasionally the ^dsiting men rode but generally the
journey was made on foot. The pipes, incased in the catskin cover,
were carrietl by their bearer, who with the leatler of the party walked
in advance, the other' members followong closely. If game was
abundant, Inmting was permitted to some extent; otherwise the jiarty
movetl rapidly tt) its tlestination. No songs were sung on the journey
but in those sung during the ceremony there were references to the
traveling and the various events preparatory to the actual ceremony.

FLETCHEK-I.A FLESCHE] MUSIC 379

Owing to the loss of the Omaha ritual used when "tying the
pipes" — a loss consequent on the death of the old men who knew
it — a comprehensive comparison between the Pawnee version,
already securetl," and the Omaha form of the same ceremony is im-
possible. While nearl}' all the articles used and their symbolism
are identical, yet the absence of the ear of com from the Omaha cere-
mony forms the most striking difference between the two. With
the Pawnee the com is spoken of as "Mother," and typifies Mother
Earth, to whom the whereabouts and fortunes of man are known
(op. cit., p. 44 et seq.) . In the Omaha ceremony the corn has no place.
With the latter tribe the eagle is the "Mother." She calls to her
nestlings and upon her strong wings she bears the message of peace.
With the Omaha, peace and its symbol, the clear, cloudless sky, are
the theme of the principal songs and the desirability and value of
peace are more directly expressed in the Omaha songs than in those
of the Pawnee of this ceremony. It is the custom among the Omaha,
when preparing the feathered stems, to draw a black line near the
bowl end. The line does not show, for it is covered by the neck of the
duck, but it is there, with its symbolism. It represents the neck or
throat of the curlew. This bird in the early morning stretches its
neck and wings as it sits on its roost, and utters a long note. This
sound is considered an indication that the day will be cloudless. So,
to all the other emblems on the stem tliis prophetic call of the curlew
is representetl as adding its song to the forces that make for the
symbol of peace. In the I°ke'vabe gens, wliich had the keeping of
the tribal pipes, the name Ki'ko°to°ga, "curlew," is found. The
name refers to this symbolic mark on the Wa'wa" pipes. Aii old
Omaha explained that "the eagle, whose feathers are on the pipes,
and the wild cat, whose skin is their covering, are both fierce crea-
tures and do not fail to secure their prey; but here, with the pipes, all
their powers are turned from destruction to the making of peace
among men."

Another emphasis of peace in the Omaha ceremony is found in the
signification of the name given the child, who pla3's the same part in
both the Pawnee and the Omaha version of the ceremonj-. Among
the Omaha as with the Pa\\iiee, the cliild represents the coming gen-
erations, the perpetuation of the race; but the Omaha emphasize the
innocent character of the child, the absence of the warlike spirit.
The name given the child is Hu^'ga, the Ancient one, the one who
goes before, the leader. In tliis name the continuance of the human
family is implied but the name in tliis ceremony becomes the syn-
onym for peace because "the cliild tliinks no harm." The word
Hu°'ga forms a refrain in nearly all the Omaha songs of the ceremony.
The meaning of the word and of the refrain were explained to the

uSee The Hako, in the Twenty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 2.

380 THE OMAHA TRIBE I ktii. ann. i;7

writers as given above. A like refrain does not occur in llie Pawnee
ceremony. The prominence given to peace in the Omaha version
apparently confirms the account given in the Sacred Legend, that
this ceremony was introduced to the people when a great coiuicil
was being held in the interest of establisliing peace among several
tribes. This council seems to have taken place at a period in the
history of the Omaha when the thoughtful members of the tribe were
concerned for the very existence of the tribe itself, owing to the break-
ing away of groups, and "the old men" were devising means by which
to hold the people more firmly together. This ceremony, which
could take place only between unrelated persons, and which had a
wide recognition among many tribes scattered over a vast territory,
laid special stress on jjeaceful relations. So while among the Pawnee
we find the teachings of peace embodied in the ceremony, they were
not emphasized and dwelt upon with the same degree of insistence
as among the Omaha. This difference becomes explical)le when we
consider the internal condition of the Omaha tribe and their rela-
tions to other tribes at the time the ceremony appears to have been
adopted by them.

Among the Omaha the symbols on the stems were interpreted as
follows: The green color represented the verdure of the earth; the
blue color represented the sky; and the red color, the sun, t_ypif_ying
life. The straight groove, painted red, that ran the length of both
stems stood for the stiaight path, representing the path of life and
was interpreted to mean tliat if a man followed the straight path the
sim of life and happiness woiikl always sliine upon him. The red
streamers were the rays of the sun; the white cords that bound them
the light of the moon, for night was believed to be the mother of daj'.
The eagle was the bird of tireless strength. The owl, again, repre-
sented night and the woodpecker the day and sun: these birds stood
also for death and life respectivelj-. The downy feathers at the end
of the thong that bound together the fan-like appendages were some-
times spoken of as symbolizing eggs and again, as the feathers of the
young eagle, which fell from the bird when it matured and was able
to take its fhght. The gourd represented eggs and the reproduction
of living forms. The band and the four lines painted on these were
symbolic of the bounchirv line of the sky, the horizon, and the four
paths of the four winds, at the four directions over which help
comes to man. The tobacco pouch was similarly painted and to it
were attached a braid of sweet grass, and a mat of bulfalo hair such
as falls from the animal when shedding its coat. The latter sym-
bolized food and clothing and meant: ' 'If you accept and follow the
teacliings of tliis ceremony, you shall go forth to search for food in
safety and in peace." The sweet grass was used for its scent and was
added to the tobacco when a pipe was smoked during the ceremony.

FLEICHEU-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 381

As has already been mentioned, in the Omaha form of the cere-
mony the eagle is the prominent figure; it supplants that of the com
in the Pawnee version. In the latter the pipes are taken up from
their resting place on the wild-cat skin without song or ceremonial
movement. In the Omaha ceremony the pipes are taken up wrth
movements representing the eagle rising from her nest. These
motions are accompanied by songs, some of which are of musical
interest and beauty.

If the Wa'wa" ])arty were taking the pipes to another tribe, when
they were within a days journey four men were chosen to carry the
tobacco pouch, which was painted symbolically with the circle and four
dependent lines, and to which the braid of sweet grass and the mat
of buffalo hair were attached. All four men wore the buffalo robe
with hair outside, girdetl about the waist; the one who carried
the tobacco pouch wore a downy eagle feather tied to his scalp
lock. This person was called Ninia'thi" (from nini, "tobacco," and
athi"-, "to carry" — "tobacco carrier"). The four passed on rapidly
to the lodge of the man whom the leader of the party had designated.
Having arrived there, they entered the lodge and jiassed around thefire
by the left. The tobacco pouch was placed in front of the man visited.
The four then took their seats to the right of the entrance, filled a pipe
(but not from the pouch brought), and offeied it to their host. He
then inquired who had sent him the tobacco bag. The bearer gave
the name of the leader of the party and discoursed on the value of
peace and peaceful relations between the two tribes. The host then
sent for his relatives and followers to consult as to whether they
could make the return gifts requisite and so accept the pipes. Only
the inability to give the twelve to thirty ponies re([uired as presents,
or a recent death in the family, was consideretl a sufficient reason for
honorably refusing the honor of receiving the pipes. If, however, the
consultation with his relatives and friends resulted in a favorable
decision, the host said to the young men: " Bid them hasten. Come,
we are ready." The leader of the party was spoken of as wa'wa'^
u'zhu but he was addressed as "Father" and all of his followers as
"Fathers." The man who received the pipes was addressed as
"Son" and his party as "Sons."

The messengers hastened back and met the Wa'wa" party, who
had slowly continued their journey. When very near the village the
party halted, took the pipes from their covering, and placed them at
rest on the crotched stick and the cat skin and sat down. They were
met here by their host or one of his relatives, always a man of promi-
nence, who bade them welcome. Then the party arose and two of the
three principal singers took the pipes; the third stepped between them,
holding the cat skin, in which was wrapped the crotched stick. The

382

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

^ink'V and other members took their phvces behmd. Then the fol-

lowing song was sung:"

SONG OF APPROACH
Harmonized by John C. Fillmore to translate the music on the piano
.^ = 132 (Aria sung in octave unison)

-^?-s-

^^-t

IIu» - ga

±5=*:

*r^

^.-r •-• •-•-1— i5 0-0—0—0—0 0 I „ ' 0~r* • • •-! • 0—0-0 1

ggb=i=|i=|ir[rF^-|rli-j>_[t_^,[t^[l4,r_L-^d brrpz^fid

M.M..*.*.

-0 0 0 0 0 0-

-0-0-0-0-0-0-

m^t^

'J U U I

<■ The aria is sung in unison; the harmonization is added to translate the song to our ears and Is so
preferred by the Indians when played on a piano. The bass should be played lightly.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCH3]

MUSIC

383

Thethu haiba

Thethu haiba thethu haiba the haiba a he

Thethu haiba the haiba

Thethu haiba Hu"ga

Thethu haiba a he

Thethu haiba the haiba

Thethu haiba Hu°ga

Literal translation: Thethu, here; haiba, they are coming: Hu'^'ga
refers to the child as a symbol of innocence, docility, and peace.

The song refers to the approach of the pipes. The people welcome
the party, crjnng: "They are coming here!"

In singing this song the stems are waved to the rhythm of the
music and the rattles are shaken with an accented beat but no
drum is used. At the close of the song the party moves forward a
httle space, then a halt is made, and the song is repeated. There are
four halts, at each of which the song is sung. The fourth halt is
made at the entrance of the lodge, which has been prepared and
stands ready for the ceremony. The actual entrance is in silence.
When the west side of the lodge is reached, the pipe bearers stand
facing the east and sing the following song:

(Sung ill octaves)

tha - the i - tha- the

i - tha- the i - tha- the

■H-r-

-H ' 1 1 H 1—

iizt

=1=1;

Literal translation: Ho! exclamation; ithathe, I have found; tha,
end of sentence. The words of the song are few but their meaning
was explained to be: "Ho! I have found the man worthy to receive
the pipes and all the blessings which they bring — peace, the promise
of abundant life, food, and happiness." The words also imply a rec-
ognition of the cjualities which make the man worthy of the selec-
tion, and which instigated the choice by the leader.

The following song was sung as the host and his relatives entered
the lodge :

b = 132 (Sung in octaves)

-4 J

f^=^

=-. ^-

The hu-wi - ne

the

liu-wi - lie

tile

hu-wi - lie

Hu° - ga

384

THE OMAHA TKIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

The liuwine the huwine Ihe huwine a he Hu^'ga
The huwine the huwine a he Hu^'ga

Literal translation: The, this; huinne ,1 see\i; a ?(e, vocables ; Hw'ga
refers to the child, here the symbol of peace.

This song refers directly to the host and again implies that the
one who was sought was one to whom peace was considered of great
value; that the man's character was such as to hokl the respect of his
people and whose influence was for order and peace. The refrain
Hu^'ga has a double reference — to the ceremony and to the character
of the one to be made a "son."

After the singing of this song the pipes were laid at rest. The
wild-cat skin was spread a little distance back of the fireplace, the
crotched stick thnist into the ground at the head of the animal, and
the stems were laid in the crotch; the pipe with the white feathers,
representing the masculine force, lay uppermost. The rattles were
placed under the winglike appendages; the ends with duck heads
rested on the skin. After the skin had been spread and the stick put
in place, the song used laying dowai the pipes was sung. In sway-
ing the pipes the rhythmic movements simulated the eagle descend-
ing, then rising and again descending, until it rested on its nest.

80 (Sung in octaves)

-^■^

>H5_riUt=:J=

-?-?-

■» — #T* — - "4--* — *-— i — -> — 1-1 -i — I — - — I — —I — I — 1^ — A — 1 — 5h

There are no words to these songs; only vocables are used.

The pipe bearers now took their seats behind the pipes, which were
never left alone throughout the entire ceremony (fig. 88). After
the pipes were at rest the host left the lodge and the rest of the party
busietl themselves with unpacking and getting settled. The men
usually occupied the lodge where the ceremony was to take place; if
there were women in the party, a tent was prepared for them near by.

Soon after sunset the host reentered the lodge and took his place
on the north side not far from the door. His relatives and friends
were seated on both sides, the older men nearer the center, the young
men toward the door. The Wa'wa"' party sat between the pipe
bearers and their host's party; the leader's seat was toward the north.

The servers of the party sat on both sides of the entrance. It was
their duty to fill the pipes and attenil to the fire and the cooking.

FLETCHER-I.A n.F.SCHE]

MUSIC

385

About the door were gatliered the poor and the onlookers, who had no
part in the ceremony. A feast had been prepared by the Wa'wa"
party but it was not served until near midnight. The pipes could
not be taken up until some one of the host's party shoulil rise and
say: "Fathers, you have come to sing; we desire to hear you." This
invitation retjuired the gift of a horse. Then the leader of the Wa'wa"
party and the host both arose and advanced to the man who had
spoken, as the act implied a gift. The host, standing before him, lifteil
both hands, palms outward, and then dropped them slowly. He then

i^- '^^^[^H^l

1^^'

Jjgl ^^

^IP^^^^^^Bb^v

^■|

^Hg|j||||H||r

^^M^jJf^BiJL

A J^^H

BK^i.

•1

■•■■ '•!«,•' y ■ A

m. i

ti^^

■

. >■' f^

b"l

,*yi

1^^^

f',.

. .>1 .'

^ WmM

^^rm'"^

Flu. 88. ?ipe bfarers and pipes iu Wa'wa" ceremony.

passed his right hand over the left arm of the giver from the shoulder
to the wrist and lepeated the movement with his left hand on the
man's right arm, the sign of thanks. He then walked slowly in front
of his kinsmen and friends, s])eaking to each man by a term of rela-
tionship, raising his right hand in further token of his thanks. The
leader of the Wa'wa" party then advanced to the giver and repeated
the same movement indicative of his thanks. Raising his right
hand, palm outward, he turned towartl the left and then toward the
right, to give thanks to all the host's relatives and friends gathered in
83993°— 27 eth— 11 — -26

386

THE OMAHA TIUIiE

[ETII. ANN. 27

the lodge. Wliile this was going on within, an old man of the poorer
class arose and jiassed out of the lodge, beginning as he went a song of
thanks and finishing it outside the lodge. He introduced the name
of the donor of the horse and to make sure that it was heard he called
the name twice at the close of the song. This triple form of thanks
was observed whenever a gift was made to the Wa'wa" party.

At the conclusion of the thanks the pipe bearers arose and the pipes
were taken up ceremonially. The movements simulated the eagle
rising from its nest and making ready for flight. There are no words
to the songs used to accompany these movements. These songs
were repeated four times. The beauty of this part of the cere-
mony was greatly enlianced when the pipe beareis were gracefid
and could imitate well the flying, circling, rising, and faUing of the
bird. The feather appendages moved like wings as the pipes were
swayed and both the eye and the ear were rhythmically addressed.

The following is one of the songs sung on raising the pipes.
Only vocables are now used when singing these songs. Note the
closing cadence when the eagle is up and away.

J ^108 (Sung in octaves)

^(=i=^=\=-J=i='=-xr\z=^:

#=•-=—*-•-

-i *— J5-

When the pij)es were raised the three bearers, with the two pipes
and the wild-cat skin, turned to the left and circled the lodge. The
other members of the party followed, bearing the drum. A rhythmic
side step was taken as the party faced their seated hosts, and the
pipes were swayed so that the feathers moved like the wings of a bird
slowly flying. The fire was always replenished just as the pipes
started, so that the flames as they leaped filled the lodge with light
and the shadows cast by the moving feathered stems seem to make
real their simulation of the eagle's flight. If the song was familiar,
as often hapi)ened, it was taken up by all present as the pipes
approached and passed before the sitting people.

The following noble choral has been heard sung by three hundred or
four hundred voices, male anil female ; no one is excluded because of sex
orage, for, itissaid, "The pipes are free to all." The volumeof tone,
the variety of voice quality, the singing in octaves, gave strong har-
monic eft'ects, and it was notsurprising that the Omaha objected to such

FI.KTCHKR-LA t'LESCHE]

MUSIC

387

sungs being given on an instnunent as unsupported arias. The
following harmonization was added to meet the demands of Omaha
singers, who only gave their approval when the song was i)layed as
here presented. "Now it sounds natural" was their simple but
unmistakable verdict.

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on tlie piano
\= 132 Willi religious feeling

i I

■\y—^, 1 1

I I

I I I

-¥=K

T~t

q^^

~^mPw

I I

z^izizr^^

-jtjT—Jur-iMr

-* — hi

• a 1 LI

SI-E-3:

Sva.

Sva. Sva,

The akede hiao tha

Ho tha kede hiao tha

The akede hia the he

Hiao tha kede hiao tha kede hia thehe

Literal translation: The, this; awaX-e, what I meant (wa omitted in
singing); de, sign of past tense; hia, here it is; o, vocable; tha, end of
sentence. The second line has the same meaning as the first, the
sounds being changed for ease in singing. The literal translation of

388 TlIK OMAHA TRIBE [ktii. anx. 27

the words of this son^ gives little idea of its meaning, but to the
Omaha the song had a profound significance and its import as ex-
j)lainpd by the old men is borne out by the character of the music.
The past tense refers to the teaching given in the past, to the fathers,
whereby the blessing of peace could be secured, and this blessing is
now brought here by the "tireless eagle" who bore it from the past,
bears it in the present, and brings it to the "Son" with whom it will
remain as a gift from Wako"'da. Once, at the close of this song, a
venerable man turned to the writers (all had been singing as the pipes
passed around the lodge) and said: "Truly the pipes are from Wa-
ko'-'da."

The music of this choral presents points of interest, particularly
as indicating what we term modulation, that is the passing from one
key to another. On this point the late John Comfort Fillmore, a
musical scholar of ability, wrote in 1892: "The song begins in the key
of B flat. . . . the original key is kept until the fifth measure, in
which the first clause ends with the relative minor chord. The next
phrase of three measures is in the key of E flat (subdominant), the
third measure eft'ecting a transition to the key of F by means of the
chord of G (over-third of E flat), followed naturally by the chord of C
(dominant in F). The last clause begins in F, modulates to C, in the
second measure and closes the period in that key. This key, the
major over-second of B flat, the original keynote, would seem to be so
remote as to make it impossible to preserve unity within the limits of
a short 12-measure period. But the melodic flow is so smooth and the
harmonic connections so natural tiiat I, at least, do not get from it
the impression of anything forced, harsh or unpleasant, nor do I feel
the need of a return to the original tonic." " Much study was bestowed
on this song by Professor Fillmore and man}' harmonization experi-
ments were tried on Omaha Wa'wa" singers during Professor Fill-
more's visit to the Omaha reservation in Nebraska. The arrangement
here given met with the expression of approval, "It sounds natural,"
when it was played to them on a reed organ, the onh' instrument
there available.

a lu A study of Omaha Indian Music, in Archaeological and Ethnological Papers, Peabody Museum,
Harvard University, i, 295, Cambridge, 1893.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

MUSIC

389

After the close of the preceiHnti; choral the pipe bearers again
moved about the lodge, waving the feathered stems to the rlivthm

of the following song:

M. M. J = 63 (Sung in octaves)

Transcribed bv John C. Fillmore

^i^A^-3:

^=--i

^Sr—s^

Hu°

Hu° - ga

Hu" - ga Hu" - ga

The awake tha we the awake tha we
Tahesha we the awake tha we
Hu^ga the awake tha we Hu^ga
The awake tha we Hu"ga
Tahesha we tha awake the we
Hu°ga the awake tha we Hu°ga
The awake tha we Hu^ga

Literal translation: The, this; awal~e, what 1 mean; i/ta, oratorical
end of sentence; ive, vowel prolongation; tdheslia, an old word the
meaning of which is lost. This word appears as a personal name in
the I°ke'cabe gens, which had charge of the Sacred Tribal Pipes.
It probably had a symbolic meaning connected with the articles
or with the teaching of this ceremony. We, vowel prolongation;
Hu"'ga, the name of the child who has a part in this ceremony.

This song followed and supplemented the preceding choral, which
referred to a teaching that had been handed down. In this song
the subject of this teaching was enunciated: "This is what I mean"
(the present tense is used) — " Hu^'ga," peace, which is to be accepted
with the docility of the child. The song was a favorite one and
was often expatiated on to the writers, particularly the teaching
of the Hu"'ga. This word is a modification of Ho"'ga, a name (as
already noted) which played an important part in the history of
the Omaha and cognate tribes. It means ''one who went before,"
an ancestor; also "one who goes before," one distinguished and
important, a leader. The meaning of Hu"'ga in this ceremony is
made up of many aspects, all of which go to impress on the Omaha

390

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

mind that from tlio heginning, down through the ages, and at the
present time, that which preserves the race, even as does the chiltl,
is peace. Suclr was the exphination of the old men concerning this
word so frequently used in these songs.

At the close of the song the pipes were laid to rest with ceremonial
song and movements, as already described. Then the feast was
served. Not far from midnight the company dispersed. The Wa'wa"
party remained in the lodge with the pipes and slept there.

At the first sign of the dawn the pipes were raised ceremonially
and after they were up the bearers sang the following song as they
stood in their places, facing the east, and swayed the pipes to the
rhvthni of the music:

(Sung in octaves)

Ku the go" u-ho'

Ku the go" ii-ho° ga

ga um - ba ya tho

Uniba ya tho
Kutlie go° uho""ga
Umba ya tho
Kuthe go" uho»'ga
Umba ya tho
Kuthe go" uho°'ga
Umlia ya tho
Kuthe go" uho"'ga

Translation: Umba, day or dawn; ya, coming; tho, oratorical end
of sentence; kuthe go^, to move quickly, to make haste; uho"", to
cook, to prepare food ; ^a, sign of command. " Day is coming! Arise,
hasten to prepare the food! " This song was repeated the second
and third mornings of the ceremony.

No special ritual was observed on the second day. As gifts are
generally made at this time, the songs used implied gratitude both
for the gifts and for the promised success of the ceremony. The
six songs that follow were sung on the second day.

Most of the wa'wa'^ songs have but few words; they are supplied
with vocables only. It was explained that these vocables are
syllables representing words foruierly used. As it was the custom
among the Omaha to secure good singers to be the pipe bearers and
leaders in the music, which was a special feature of the ceremony,
the songs were not in the keeping of a priest ; it was explained that

FLETCHER-Ll TLESCHE]

MUSIC

391

syllables had been substituted for the original words to keep most
of the words from the knowledge of the people. This statement may
account for the paucity of words and the lack of particularity in the
songs. Their meaning was general rather than related to some special
and ritual action. The few words in this song ami in all those sung on
the second day were: The, this; howane, what I seek; Hu^'ga, peace.
The following three songs are interesting musically. No. 1 gives
the theme in its simplest form; nos. 2 and 3 are variants. These
three songs are regarded by the Omaha as distinct musically and are
here given in order to show how little change is required to make
songs sound differently to the native ear. They also throw a side hght
on the accuracy demanded in rendering songs and in their transmission,
a marked peculiarity in Omaha music. It would be very easy for one
of the white race to interchange these three songs as the difference
between them is not striking.

!^3e

M.M. J =60

(Sung in octaves) Introduction

No. 1

M.M. J=60
(Song.)

The ho - wa •

Hu° - ga

M.M. J =60 No. 2

(Sung in octaves) Introduction . — .

-M--

M.M. j=60
(Song)

[^-s--l

-f—*-

-f^ N-

--»

•y-

The ho - wa - ne ho - wa - ne

is3=t

392

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTH. ANN. 27

M.M. J = 60
(Sung in octaves) Introduction

No. 3

(Song)^

Hu° - ga ha

:^-

^J- -i ■• -«- -»

Hu" - ga

JEB.

^^^P:

Hu°-ga

*-H-

W-

^-J — ' ^ J ' 1 1 ' ^-^ ^-

Hu° - ga - a

The rhythm in the following song is particularly strong ami lends
itself finely to the customary unison singing in octaves:

(Sing in unison) Transcribed by John C. Fillmore

M. M. ^ = 66 Marked rhythm

The following songs refer to peace imder the symbol of the clear
sky, TcetJia. This symbol embraces a reference to Wako°'da, who gives
to man the sunshine, the clear sky from which all storms, all clouds,
are removed. In this connection it should be remembered that the
black storm clouds with their thunder and liglitning are emblematic
of war. The clear sky therefore i-epresents the absence of all that
could relate to war. Among the syllables sung to the music of these
songs appear the words Irfha, clear sky or i)eace, and Hw'ga, child-
likeness and peace. It is to be regretted that all the exact words of
these songs are lost; they might have revealed something of the
ritualistic progression of the ideas embodied in the ceremonv. The

FLETCHER-LA FLESCI.'E]

MUSIC

393

fact that the only two words that remain stand for peace — one,
Tcetha, peace as symbohzed in nature, and the other, Hw^'ga, peace
as symbohzed by a httle chiUl — indicates that the peaceful teaching
of the ceremony was that which appealed most strongly to the Omaha
mind. Other phases, as can be observed in the Pawnee version, if
they were ever a part of the Omaha version have been lost.

Floioingly, with feeling Double beat .^ = 126
(Aria sung in octaves) Harmony by John C. Fillmore for translation on the piano

1^3=:^^

Hu" - ga

ke tha IIu" - ga

r^-^-

-• \ ^— H-

:*r^i^i_^izE^^_^_itz^ -J.-

:i(=i|=

*—*r

-»-§—»—»

1^=-^-

•7-M-

^^=3=

■4-i-

±=±

*—*—#-

Hu° - ga

Ke - tha Hu" - ga

-^-S-

■4-e

r I

-J — 0 — ^ — \ — (■

Itzi-ti

Sei

fri-^ r,

=4=I»=»=I«-P»:

-B^^-'

riu" - ga

■^s

'^-

=1=

Ke-tha Hu^-ga Hu" - ga

■^-

■♦ -r ■♦ ■»■

-3 ^ M

r r

-^ — • — « — ^ — ( — I — I — 1-

I ^^— ■ i *— »— J^^*^*^-^*— •— *-«^^— •— * ' ! 1 1 F^M 1 h 1

394

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[FITH. ANN. 27

Some of these Tcetlui songs are gentle and pastoral in character,
particularly this one ; the words of the song were explained as mean-
ing: "Fair as is the clear sky, the green grass, yet more fair is peace
among men; " and the music bears out this interiiretation.

(Aria snng in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the
piano

Double l)iat ^ = 126 With dignity

=f=

^==f=r-

:*=t^

L-2:=t;

Ke - tha ke - tha ke

tha ha

=f=

IpC^ZtiZliZ

ibzifc:*!

ff&=

^4^=IEiE

^J=5^

■4t-i — e

^zrx^

u~t

'J u u

* — * — *-

-* — s-

S d-

s=s=^=i=i^=^=^

=i!=i|=4=i(=

-B IS ,t 1-

-• « a •-

:t:=f::

^=1—1—1-

■*• ■*■

Eg=^

■'4 4

-• 4 4-

4 4 4r 4 I 4— < 4 4

Ke- tha - a Hu" - ga - a - ha

t^-^t. *

2=Hl

-• — « — •-

^ i i *

l-«'-J-«i-

1 1 1 1 — ' 1 1 1 ^—

A^ -A • • •— 1-

4 ' ^4 4 _i. 4

■*• T^ ■*■ ■*•

-• 4 4-

-4 4-

_l=

±=i=S

f^^^-4-4 — — 4 • — • •-

tJ-tJ^^^^

ii!=i(=

r^=^

?=?^

Fr.r:TCHr:R-i.A flesohe]

MUSIC

395

Ke-tlia - a Hu" - ga

zS=|=*

The foregoing spirited choral is wonderfully stirring when sung by
two hundred or three hundred voices, as the writers have heard it
many times. It is spoken of as a "happy song."

When the weather was rainy, the following plea for a clear sky
was sung:

(Sung in octaves)

:>#

V — h

4=4

Ke-tha we tha Hu" - ga

Hu° - ga

-S--V-7-

33-s

Hu" - ga

Hu''-ga

Hu°- "a

Hu"

Ha° - ga

The only words are litiha, "clear sky," and Hu"'ga. It was
greatly desired to have the svm shine during the ceremony, so when
clouds gathered this prayer for clear weather was sung with much
earnestness.

On the evening of the third day the gifts brought by the Wa'wa°
party were presented to the host, who distributed them among his
party.

On the morning of the fourth day the ceremony in reference to the
child took place. There was no song nor any cooking of food. All
must fast. The leader, or "Father," and the pipe bearer went to
the lodge of the host, the "Son;" as they walked thither the fol-
lowing song was sung:

(Sung in octaves)

pTL'ag. — r-^i —

g — »— j — I J I —

-»—tt-

l§^

396

THE OMAHA TRIBE

IeTH. ANN. 27

If this song ever liad words, they are lost. Havinjj arrived at the
door of the lodpje, they paused and sang as follows:

J^ — 168 (Sung in octaves)

Hu°-ga

.^!_i 1-0 — ^ , u

s—v-

Hu"

Atie tha weane

Zhi°ga thi uwine the Hu^ga

Atie tha weane

Zhi°ga thi uwine the Hu^ga

Literal translation: Atie tha, atia tlw,, I have come; tlia, end of sen-
tence; weane, a changed form of uwine, I seek you; ztii"ga, little one,
child; till, you.

The party then entered the lodge where the little child, with its
parents, was awaiting them. The leader carried clothing for the
child and the skin pouches that contained the red and black paint.
First the child was clothetl; then a member of the Wa'wa" party
who coidd count honors won in defensive warfare was ilesignated to
paint the child. The pipes were waved to the following song as this
ceremony took place:

■- 184 (Sung in octaves')

A - thi - ba - ha

ba - ha

Hu° - ga

Abaha the athe, abaha the a the
Athi baha, athi baha Hu°ga

Athaha the athe athaha the athe
Athethaha athethaha Hu^ga

FI.ETniER-LA KLESCHE]

MUSIC

397

Literal translation: Abaha, to show; the, this; atJie, I make; athi
haha, to show you, Hii^'ga; athaha, to adhere; the, this; atlie, I make;
athitltalia, to make adhere to j'ou.

During the singing of the first stanza the man held the paint in its
recej)tacle over the head of the child and showed it to all present.
He first made a feint as if to touch the child with it. As the second
stanza was sung he put red
paint over the face of the
child, then he drew a band
of black across the forehead,
a stripe down each cheek,
one down the nose, and one
at the back of the head.
This design had the same
meaning as that on the
gourds. The band across
the forehead represented
the line of the sky; the
stripes were the paths at the
four directions whence the
winds start: the red paint
symbolized the light of the
sun and the gift of life; the
lines signified the winds —
the breath of life, giving
motion and power. In this
connection the ceremony of
Turning the Child should be
remembered. (See p. 117.) This style of painting was called Hw^'ga
fcio", "Hu°'ga painting" (fig. 89). The dead of the Nini'bato" sub-
division of the I^ke'fabe gens were sometimes so painted for en-
trance into the life after death.

Then was sung the song which accompanied the act of tying the
hi^xpe', a do^vny eagle feather, on the child.

Fig. 8y. Huo'ga painting.

J*' = 176 (SuDg in octaves)

Wi^^=r^

:l^^4n

A - gtbe Hu" - ga

Hu"

Hu" - ga

Hu" - ga
.VVthe Hu'",H:a. etc.

Hu"

Literal translation: Agthe, to jjut on something and make it stand.

398

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTH. ANX. 27

Eagle down was sprinkled over the head of the child, making it
look like a callow biid. The wari'iors counted their honors, and while
they were telling of their deeds of valor performed in defensive
warfare the following song was sung:

Harmonized l)y John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

," = 176 (Sung ill octavps)

i^^rj-

Hu"'i,'ii hiiiii

Literal translation: /(«;;/. you have. Vocaliles iill (Uit the measure
of the music.

The meaning of this song antl act was explained as follows: The
reason why only honors won in defensive warfare could be counted
at this time was that those men who had won such honors had done
so because they had risked their lives for the defense of the women
and children of the tribe; thej had done deeds to promote safety
and so to secure the perpetuation of the race. The act was symbolic
and was considered one of the most important. It had a direct
bearing on the teaching of the ceremony. If by any chance the
Wa'wa" party did not have a man who could recount deeds done in
defensive warfare and honors so gained, then the host, "the Son,"
was obliged to seek a man to perform this part in the rite, for the
child could not be lifted up and carried to the lodge where the cere-
mony was to be completed until a man had counted over it honors
won in defensive warfare. This explains the meaning of the words

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

MUSIC

399

Hif'gn ha ni— "you have the Hu'-'ga," i.e., because of my acts the
clulihen live, "you have" them.

Note the change of key in tlie music and its imphed harmonic
modulation.

After the counting of honors the following worils were sung:

Sho" \vii"a tha

Literal translation: ;S/(.o«, it is done ; M'ii''a, I carry you; </)a, orator-
ical end of sentence.

The child was then taken on the back of a man, who followed the
swayed pipes as this song was sung:

■^=168

fii:|E=E=E

Zhi" - ga the u - we - ue Hu°-ga

--p'^

=f--f^''^

1$' ' ' * * *?

— ^—
— *—

D. C. ad lib.

Hu"-gu Hu°-ga

Zhi"Ka thi uwine Hu°ga, etc.

Hu° - ga

Literal translation: Z/ii«^a, little one, child; tU, you; uwine, I seek.

When the lodge was reached, the leader took his place outside at
the right of the door and held the child between his knees. The
singers took their seats at the left of the door. Two young men of
the party were selected to perform the final dance. They were
divested of clothing except the breechcloth. A red circle was
painted on the breast and back, a hi^xpe' feather tied on the scalp
lock. Each dancer carried one of the feathered stems.

Meanwhile all those who had made gifts of horses to the Wa'wa"
party gathered their ponies and decked themselves in gala dress,
and approached the lodge to witness the final dance. The singers
started the music and the two young men, holding the feathered
stems high above their heads, with a hght, leaping step danceil in two
straight hnes to and from the east, simulating the flight of the eagle.
The line taken by the dancers signified that by following the teach-
ings of the ceremony, the straight red line on the pipes, one could go
forth and return in peace to his lodge and have no fear. As the
young men leaped and danced — a dance that was full of wild grace
and beauty — it might happen that a man would advance and stop
before one of the dancers, who at once handed him the pipe. The
man recounted Ms deeds and laid the pipe on the ground. The
dance antl mu.sic ceased, for the act was a challenge and the pipe
could be raised only by one who could recount a deed equal in valor

400 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

to that told hy tlic niiin who had caused the pipe to he hiid down.
This stoppinif of the thmce often led to s|)iiited contests in the
recital of brave deeds. While the dancing was going on, the ponies
were led by the children of the donors to the leader and the little
Hu^''ga stroked the ann of the messenger in token of thanks. When
all the ponies had been received the fmal dance came to an end.

The man who had recounted his deeds and painted the Hu^'ga
entered the lodge alone with the chilil and closed the door. He took
the pipes, which had been folded together, and made four passes on
child — down the front, back, and both sides. He then turned the
child four times, and led it outside the lodge. This act of blessing
the child was secret and no outsitler but the host could be present.
The pipes and all their belongings, wrapped in the wildcat skin, were
then handed by the man who had blessed the child to the leader, who
presented them to the host, saj'ing: "Mj' son, j^ou have made me
many gifts but they will disappear, while that which I leave with
you will remain and bring you the blessing of peace." The "Son"
then gave away the pipes, the wildcat skin, the tobacco pouch, and
the rattles to those who had taken part with him in receiving the
pipes. He retained none of the articles. Only by this act could he
receive all the honor and advantage to be derivetl from the reception
of a Wa'wa° party and enjoy all the promised benefits of the rite.
The \'isitors then gathered their ponies, which were apportioned by
the leader, and moved off. Wlien a mile or two away they campetl
and partook of their first food after a fast of nearly twenty-four
hours and then made their way home as rapidly as possible.

Many are the stories told by men and women of their experiences
when they were Hu"'ga — of how tired they became, of the tidbits
doled to them by the leader to keep them contenteii, of how when
they rejoined their playmates the latter plucked at the down wliich
clung to their hair and made sport of their cjueer looks. Neverthe-
less in after life it was regarded as an honor to have been a Hw'ga
and the inconvenience was remembereil only to make merry with.

The Omaha Wa'wa", while lacking some of the elaborateness of the
Pawnee version of the same ceremony, was not without beauty and
dignity. It was a ceremony that was dear to the people. It was
held in a reverence free of fear and strongly tinctured with the spirit
of kindliness and hai)piness. Its songs, being free to both sexes and
to all ages, were widely laaown in the tribe and greatly enjoyed.

THE CEREMONY AMONCi THE POXCA

According to a Ponca tradition, the Wa'wa" ceremony was insti-
tuted at the time the seven pipes were distributed at the formation
of tlie tribe as it is at present. This tradition would seem to place
the event about the time that the ceremony was acceiited by the

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] MUSIC 401

Omaha when peace was made througli it with the Arikara and otlier
tribes. (See p. 74.) This ceremony was known and observed by the
Ponca as among the Omaha and the same songs were used, for the
Ponca had none of their own composition belonging to it. Accord-
ing to Hairy Bear the closing act, "blessing the child," which was
secret among the Omaha, was open with the Ponca and differed in
some of its details. After the pipes had been folded together and
wrapped in the wildcat skin they were raised high over the head of
the little Hu^'ga, then brought down slowly so as to touch the fore-
head of the child and passed down the front of the bodj^ to the feet
until the mouthpiece rested on the toes, which it was made to press
strongly on the ground ; then the pipes were laid for a moment on the
ground in a line toward the east, as the following words were spoken:
"Firm shall be your tread upon the earth, no obstacle shall hinder
your progress; long shall be your life and your issue many." The
movements with the folded pipes were repeated on the right side of
the child from its head to its feet and the pipes laid in a line toward
the south, as the promise was repeated. The movements were next
made on the back of the child and the pipes laid in a line toward
the west, while the promise was given. Lastly the pipes were
passed over the left side of the child and then laid in a hne toward
the north, as once more the promise was given to the child, who
stood at the intersection of the four symbolic lines, "in the center of
the life-giving forces." The child was then told to "walk four steps
toward the sun." "• When tliis was accomplished the Uttle one was
dismissed and the Wa'wa" ceremony came to an end.

" The taking of the four steps suggests the rite of Turning the Child ^see p. 121).
83993°— 27 eth— 11 26

WARFARE
Influence on Tribal Development

Two classes of warfare were recognized among the Omaha, defensive
and aggressive. Each had its distinctive rites, its rank, and its
duties in the tribal organization.

Defen-sive warfare was called ti'adi, meaning "among the dwellings,''
OY wau'atatMsho'^ {toau, "women;" ata' thisho'^ , "toward or pertaining
to;" that is, "fightuig for the protection of the homes, the women,
and the children ' ') . The Omaha word for " tribe," already explained
(p. 3.5), was derived from fighting of this kind. In the use of tliis
word one can get a hint of the growth and influence of defensive
warfare. Self-protection naturally expanded toward the protection
of one's family and to extend this protection to a group of families
living near together was a logical progression and leading naturally
to an appreciation of the necessitj^ for permanency in the group to be
protected. When therefore the thought expressed by the Omaha
word for " tribe " had taken hold of the people so strongly as to become
the name of a community held together at the risk of life against
outside aggressors, that community had ceased to be a congeries of
people and had become a more or less stable association of persons
among whom political ideas coidd take root.

It has been shown that the Omaha tribal organization was based
on certain fundamental religious ideas pertaining to the manner in
which the visible universe came into being, and is to be maintained,
and to man's relation to the Cosmos and to living forms. All these
ideas were conceived anthropomorphically, for the Omaha projected
his self-consciousness on nature. These conceptions were more or less
clearly expressed in dramatic ceremonials, ceremonials that tended to
bind the people together as expressions of a common faith.

The disuitegrating tendencies of aggressive warfare, particularly
the quarrels and schemes of ambitious men, were checketl by the
incidcation of the idea that war is allied to the cosmic forces autl
under their control. The storm, with its destractive hghtning and
deafening roar of thunder, was regarded as the manifestation of the
war phase of the mysterious Wako°'da. As has been sho\\^l, all
Omaha males m their childhood were consecrated to Thunder as

402

FLETCHER-r,A rLESCIP] WARFARE 403

the god of war. The warrior was taught that it was this god,
not man, who decreed the death on the iiold of battle; tliis mode
of death was called i"'gthu"gaxthi (i"'giJm", "thunder;" ga, "ac-
tion bj^ the hand ;" a;</ii, "to bruise," as with a club), the term applied
also to death caused by lightning. In tliis connection shoukl be
remembered the reference to the " Gramlfather's club " in a song used
in the Wate'gictu (p. 437) and also the round stick bound to the
ancient cedar pole (fig. 57). The application of tliis term to death
on the battlefield probablj'' had a double significance; it referred to
the teaching that the life of a warrior was in the keeping of the
Thunder gotl (see p. 126) and to the time when the club was the only
weapon of the man. The word is said to be an old term, as evi-
denced by its tran.sference to a warrior's death bj' an arrow or a gun.
This teaching tended to change, in the Omaha mind, the character
of warfare; it placed the warrior under a supernatural power over
which he had no control, and, while it did not eliminate fi-om him
the spirit of revenge or hatred, it curtailed a man's estimate of Ids
OMTi ability to exploit vengeance on his fellows. This teachuig was
formulated in rites the performance of which was essential to the
initiation of aggressive warlike expeditions, rites that became an
eiTective means of establishing and maintaining tribal control over
warfare.

The close connection between Thunder and the Sacred Tent of
War was confirmed in popular belief by coincidences that were
interpreted to indicate the watchfulness of the Thunder god over the
war rites of the tribe. Witlun the last century the keeper of the
Sacred Tent of War died and the man to whom the office descended
was so afraid of the Tent and its duties that he refused to assume
the office and kept away from the Tent. His brother was the next
in the hereditary line, but he also feared the responsibility and left
the Tent standing alone and uncared for. Shortly afterward both
men were killed by lightning, and their deaths were regarded as a
punishment sent by the Thunder god for the disrespect shown the
ofhce of keeper by their neglect of duty toward the sacred rites
committed to their care. The punishment was believed to applj^
only to this life ; it shortened the days of the offenders but did not
affect their life after death.

Aggressive warfare was called nuatathisJio'^ (nu, "man;" aia'thisho^,
' ' in the direction of ; " that is, " war with men' ') . The use of the word
nu, "man" or "male," is noteworthy, particularly in comiection
with a ritual song used in accordmg honors to the warrior, where
again the word is emjjloj^ed, indicating that war was waged against
men. T\1iile it is tnie that in attacks on villages women and chil-
dren were sometimes killed they were not invariably put to death

404 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

WAl'"WAXUBE

Aggressive warfare was under the control of rites which were
connected witli the vMi"'waxuhe, or Sacred Packs of War. ( IFai"'
was the common name for a pack — a receptacle made of skin^ fre-
quently of parfleche, in which articles could be laid away and kept
safely; waxu'he, "sacred"). There was another name applied to these
packs: wathi'xahe, "things flayed," referring to the contents of the
packs, which were the skins of certain birds. It was the presence of
these bird skins, which represented the species and the life embodied
in the species, that made the wai"' , or pack, waxu'he, or sacred.

There is no tradition as to the origin of these packs. Probably
none of those now existing in the Omaha tribe are much more than
two centuries old. The pack itself was not sacred, only the con-
tents. The association of birds with the powers of the air is veiy
ancient. Particular birds were thought to be in close relation with
the storm and the storm cloud, the abode of Thunder, the god
of war. The flight of the birds brought them near the god and
they were regarded as his special messengers; moreover, from their
vantage point these denizens of the air could observe all that oc-
curred on the earth beneath. When the warrior went forth to
battle the birds watched his every act and through them the Thun-
der became cognizant of all his deeds. The swallows that fly before
the coming tempest were regarded as heralds of the approaching
god. The hawk and other birds of prey were connected with the
destruction caused by the death-dealing storm. The crow and
t)ther carrion birds haunted the jilaces where the dead lay and were
allied to the devastating forces of the god of war. I'^jxin this ancient
belief relative to the connection between the birds of the air and the
manifestations of the powersdwelling in the sky (the wind, the thunder,
and the lightning) the war rites of the Omaha were built. It was only
after the performance of certain ceremonies connected with these
packs, wherein were kejit the rejiresentatives of the birds which
could act as officers, so to speak, of the Thunder, that the Omaha
warrior could go forth to aggressive warfare with the sanction of
the recognized war power of the tribe. How important this sanction
was »is revealed in the res]>onsil)ility and ])unishment accordetl the
war leader who omitted to secure it for his venture. If a man
among the Omaha who organized a war party secretly and stole away
to carry out his designs of revenge or the ac([uiring o( liooty, in the
battling chanced to lose a member of his party, he was accounted
and ])unished as a nunderer. In any event, no matter how lu'avely
he might have acted, none of liis deeds could receive the public honor
which otherwise he would have secured.

Early in the last centiuy such an unauthorized itarty stole away.
They met with disaster aiul one of their number was killed. This

FLETCHEB-LA KLESCHE] WARFARE 405

misfortune placed the lives of the survivors in jeopardy. Realizing
the trouble he had brought on himself and his companions, the
leader secretly returned to the tribe and went to his father, one of
the chiefs, for help. The chief, approaching his son, bade him and
his companions to strip off all their clothing antl put clay on their
heads, and in this guise publicly to enter the village. They
were met by the people with taunts and angry words; the only
reply of the returning warriors was to lift their hantls in an appeal
for mercy. They were driven through the village by the incensed
people but through the influence of the chief they escaped serious
consequences as murderers. At last the chief declared that they
had been sufficiently humbled and punished for their disobedience
to tribal law. Gifts had to be made to the relatives of the deceased
meml)er of the party. In olden times niembers of an unauthorized
war party wliich had lost any of its number, on their return were
forced to strip themselves, put clay on their heads and faces,
crawl on their hands anil knees to the lodges of the principal chiefs,
and there cry for mercy. During the last century a man well on
toward high rank as a chief yielded to temptation and joined an
unauthorized war party. lie returned successful, but liis progress
toward chieftainship was arrested and during the lifetime of Big
Elk (p. 83) the man was not allowed to meet with the chiefs or to
take any part in tribal affairs. Other instances could be given of
the debasement of men who joined unauthorized war parties, even if
successful.

AUTHORIZATION OF A WAR PARTY

When a man wished to lead a party out on aggressive warfare,
either to avenge an injury received or to obtain booty from an enemy,
it was his duty to go to the keeper of a wai^'waxuhe, or Sacred Pack
of War, and invite him to a "feast." The term "feast" is used
in a limited sense only; it does not imply a siimjituous meal but a
repast, always very simple as to the food, partaken of in honor of an
action or a person. This feast had to be repeated four times. After
the fourth feast the keeper of the Sacred Pack opened it before the
would-be leader, explained to him his duties, instructed him as to the
rites he must perfc^rm morning and evening antl how to organize and
conduct his party as to scouting and attacking the enemy. Not
infrequently some one of the sacred birds was given the leader to
carry on the war path and on his return he was required to take it
back to the keeper of the pack.

Besides the birds, there were certain charms concealed in small bags
in these packs that were believed to help the leader and his men. What
these little skin bags contained was a secret not imparted even to the
man to whom they were loaned. Generally these charm bags were
put into a pouch, which was carried by one of the party. When, how-

40() THK OMAHA TRIBE [etii. ANN. 27

ever, iho men were about to make tl^e attack, eacli man fastened his
own charm bag on his person.

There were four of tliese Sacred Packs amono; the Omaha. A
difference of opinion existeil among the okl men as to the rank of
these packs; but, taking all the evidence obtainable into considera-
tion, it seems proba]>le that the pack which belonged to the Sacred
Tent of War, in charge of the We'zhi"shte gens, had the widest
authority and significance. Its rival was a pack that was the hered-
itary charge of Geu"'habi, of the Wazhi"'ga itazhi subgens of the
Tha'tada gens. This pack was associated with a remarkable man
named Wa'bapka, who lived in the eighteenth century and who
led a memorable fight against tlie Pawnee. On that occasion, not
only did Wa'bafka obtain authority for his war i)arty from the
keeper of tliis special pack but he carried the pack witli him. It
was because of the association of the pack with this historic event
that it became specially honored by the Omaha tribe. As the story
illustrates Omaha customs and is well known to the people, it is here
given :

The Omaha and the Pawnee were at peace, when some Pawnee men raided the
Omaha \'illage and drove off a number of horses. At that time horses were not so plen-
tiful as they became later; they were a comparatively new acquisition and were very
valuable. Wa'bavka was not a chief but a man of position and had what might be
called wealth, as he owned several horses. All these were driven away by the robbers.
Thinking that the act was committed by some thoughtless, adventurous young men —
for the two tribes were on friendly terras — \Va'ba(;ka, accompanied by a few men
who also had suffered loss, started for the Pawnee village to lay their grievance before
the principal chief, who they felt would surely require the young men to restore the
property taken from a friendly tribe. There are different stories told of what hap-
pened on this visit but all show that the chief did not take the matter so seriously
as the (;)maha thought he should. lie said that his young men were in need of horses
and had borrowed them, and bade the Omaha go back home and make arrows for
the Pawnee (the Pawnee were not as good arrow and bow makers as the Omaha) and
in the spring they might come again and the Pawnee would return the horses for the
arrows. Another story runs that a Pawnee chief, to whom one of the party apjiealed,
placed before the Omaha a large bowl of beans, and, laying beside it a war club,
bade the Omaha eat all the food on pain of death. In any event, the Omaha felt
themselves insulted — they had come peaceably and were willing to condone the
Pawnee action if only the property were restored. \Mien they were bidden to come
again with arrows to exchange for their own horses, Wa'backa said he would go back
and make arrows and return with more than the Pawnee would care to see. As
he left the Pawnee village the boys and young men laughed at him and his friends
because of their fruitless errand.

On the way back Wa'bavka threw away his moccasins, leggings, and shirt, cut off
the corners of his robe, and on entering the Omaha village went to the chief's house
and stood there wailing, his hands lifted to heaven.. He cried aloud of the insult
that had been put on the ( )maha by the Pawnee and called on the people to avenge the
wrong done. The people listened but said nothing. At length a young man who was
greatly moved composed a song telling of the occurrence, and went about the village
singing it. He called on the people to rise and wipe out the insult put upon them.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

WARFARE

407

This song has not come down to the present time. Finally the people were aroused;
every man began to make arrows and the women to make moccasins. Wa'ba^ka hewed
a club and said he would use this weapon only against the offending Pawnee. So great
was the fervor created in the tribe, that the chiefs temporarily set aside their office and
all the people wore given into \\'a'ba(;ka's control without reserve. It is said that
this is the only instance known in which the control of the people was given to one
man. Meanwhile Wa'ba(;ka had received authority from a sacred pack, and also
had secured permission to take it with him. When the time came to start, the whole
tribe went with Wa'bafka — men, women, and children. The women composed a
song which was sung on the march across the country. This song has lived and
as it has been used by the women since that time as a wc'ton waan — a song to send
strength to the absent warrior on the battlefield — it is probable that it originally
belonged to that class of songs.

(Aria as sung) Harmonized by John C Fillmnre for interpretation on the piano
J = 56 With marked rhythm

Uhe kithame

Wa'bafka ha xage wathasta" zhiada" he

Kithame

He kithame

Literal translation: TThe hitJiame , they yielded to his request; lia,
vowel prolongation; xage, to cry; wathasta'^ zhiada^, he ceased not, for
that reason.

Free Irnnslation

His call they obeyed!

Wa'bafka raised his voice, nor ceased to cry aloud.

Come with me!

They all obeyed.

408 THE OMAHA TRIBE (kth. ann. 27

As horses were scarce and the skin tents heavy, when about half a days journey
from the Pawnee village the people halted and on the banks of Maple creek (a branch
of the Elkhorn river, Nebraska) they buried their tents; this act gave rise to the
name Ti'haxaike, which the stream slill bears among the Omaha.

Before day the warriors, led by Wa'bafka, started for the Pawnee village, which
was surrounded by a strong palisade. This they leaped and rashed in on the sleep-
ing Pawnee. Tearing away the sods from their earth lodges, they set fire to the
straw that covered the wooden structure beneath and as the smoke drove the people
out they were slaughtered. Wa'bafka went direct to the lodge of the chief who had
slighted the peaceful overtures made the year before and clubbed him to death. The
battle was fierce; many were slain on both sides. The Omaha were avenged. They
took all the booty they could carry; but the battle cost them the life of their leader,
Wa'bafka, who fell, fighting to the last for the honor of his tribe. His death brought
the battle to a close.

The club made and used by Wa'baf ka is said to be preserved in the pack he carried
at that time. An old man who, before the middle of the last century, had been
instructed as a war leader from this pack, said that it contained one bird hawk, one
blackbird, one swallow, one crow, and a bladder tobacco bag. This old man's party
killed a Dakota and brought back the man's scalp; when the victory dance was being
held some blackbirds came and alighted on the pole to which the scalp was attached
and swallows swept over and about the camp. As the old man saw the birds, he called
to the people: "They have come to greet us!" He had carried on the warpath a
blackbird and a swallow from the pack Wa'ba<,ka had used and he believed that the
living representatives of the birds he took to watch over him had come to approve and
to welcome the victorious party; all the people rejoiced at this favorable omen
and believed it had been sent by the Thunder god.

ORGANIZATION OF A WAR PARTY

A war party varied in numbers from eight or ten up to a hundred
warriors. A man seldom went on the warpath alone unless under
the stress of great sorrow, as that caused by the death of a child or
other near relative. He might then go forth to seek opportunity to
kill some one who would be a spirit companion for the one who
had recently died. If it was a child whose loss sent the father
to seek an enemy, the little one's moccasins were taken along in the
father's belt. If he found a man and killed him, he placed the
moccasins beside the dead man and, addressing the spirit, bade it
accompany the child and guide it safely to relatives in the spirit
land.

All members of a war party were volunteers. As soon as a man
determined to become one of a war party and gave notice of his
determination, tribal custom obliged him to observe strict continence
until his return to the tribe; disobedience of this requirement, it was
beheved, would bring disaster to him or to the people. The old
men explained that this rule was based on thei same reason as that
which forbade marriage at such a time (p. 325) ; moreover if the man
were married and should be killed, he might leave an unborn child
to come into life without a father.

War parties were of two classes — ^those organized for the purpose
of securing spoils and those which had for their object the avenging

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 64

WOLFSKIN WAR ROBE WORN BY ZHI' GA'GAHIGE

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFARE 409

of injuries. The latter were held in higher esteem than the former,
and the men who took part in them were regarded with more respect
by the tribe.

The nudo"'ho^ga, or war leader, was the commanding officer. He
directed the movements of the party and had to be ready to sacrifice
his life for its safety if circumstances required. A war leader who
in any way sought his own convenience and security or provided for
himself first, incurred lifelong disgrace. The members of the war
party were addressed by the war leader as ni'kawapa, a very old
word indicating those who are not officers — similar to the term
"privates." The leader assigned men to certain duties. There were
four classes of service :

(1) The hunters, whose duty it was to provide game for the food of
the party.

(2) The moccasin carriers. A large number of pairs of moccasins
were necessary; otherwise the men would become footsore on the
long journeys undertaken.

(3) The kettle carriers. These had charge of all the cooking
utensils.

(4) Those who built the fires, brought the water, and carried the
provisions of the party.

For services 2, 3, and 4 men of strength rather than agility were
chosen.

DRESS OF WARRIORS

The warriors formerly wore a white covering for the head, of soft
dressed skin; there was no shirt, the robe being belted about the waist
and tied over the breast. For this latter purpose strings were fastened
to the robe, the place where they were sewed being marked by a
round piece of embroidery. When the war leader had once tied
over his breast these strings that held the robe together, custom
did not permit him to untie them until the scouts reported the
enemy in sight. No feathers nor ornaments could be worn. In
actual battle the warriors wore only moccasins and breechcloths im-
less they put on some skin connected with their vision. (See p. 131.)
The accompan3M'ng illustration (pi. 54) shows a wolf skin worn by
Zhi^ga'gahige. A sUt at the neck of the skin admitted the wearer's
head, the wolf's head rested on the man's breast, and the decorated
skin hung over his back.

When an enemy had been slain, the war leader painted his face
black. Later, on the return to the village, all who had taken part in
the fight put black paint on their faces.

Occasionally the wives of a few of the men accompanied a large war
party. They assisted in the care of the moccasins and in the cooking.
The women of a war party were allowed a share in the spoils taken
because they had borne their part in the hardships of the journey.

410

THE OMAHA TKIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

The following r.iVkafi (wolf) sons; refers to this custom:

(Aria as snns;) nnriiuinizcd by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

nl^E

=fc^ii

E3±£&

:=3

n^-a e

vaw ha

a hi-a e

— f^ — ( ^^ — I

yaw ha

-0 ti

-n

-in-

T — r

'■^w^

Con Fed.

i^d

^ — vla-

4-'»-*-«'-

A-it—s-si-

wa°- ge he ya

hi - a o - yaw

we - a - he

tho

■^

Jizg-^-fr:

H-c 1-

-*— ^-

:t=4^4

^^i

r rr r r r

S 5

?F?=

4— ^-

Hia e yaw haa

Hia e yaw ha a we tha he he thoi

\Vitu"!,'a do sesasa a"thu"wa°gihe

Hia c yaw lia woa he tho

FLETCHER-LA FLESCIIE]

WARFARE

411

Literal translation: First four lines and last line, vocables.
Witu"'ge, younger sister; se'sasa, trotting; a"thuHva^gihe, follows me.

Women were always spoken of as "sisters." The words picture
the little sister trotting along with her share of the spoils, following
the warriors. The lively music has a quaint charm.

SACRED WAR PACK .\XD CONTEXTS

The Sacred War Pack, which was kept in the Tent of War, to-
gether with the other articles kept in this tent, was deposited in 1884
in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, where they have
been examined and photographed. This pack (fig. 90; Peaboily
Museum no. 37563) is of skin; it was so rolled as to present the

Fig. yu. Sacrctl War I'ac-k (uiinpt-ned).

appearance of a large, long-bodied bird, one end being fringed to rep-
resent the tail. It is 800 mm. long and 300 mm. in circumference;
the length of the tail is 220 mm. The pack was held together by a
band wound about it twice. A band about the middle had ends so
looped that the pack could be hung up or carried, if necessary.
There are a number of slits in one end of the skin covering through
wliich a piece of hide was threaded in and out so as to gather the
covering and form the neck of the bird; this end is the head. The
other end is slashed to represent the tail feathers. The covering is
wide enough to be wound twice about the contents and twisted at
the neck end, but not at the tail end. It was folded over and tied by
bits of hide knotted on the under side. When the pack was opened
it was photographed with the contents in situ (fig. 91; Peabody Mu-
seum no. 47820).

412

THE OMAHA TRIBK

[KTIl. ANN. 27

The first article met with was a flag, carefully folded (fig. 92; Pea-
body Museum no. 47S2]); nil efforts at identification of this flag
have thus far failed. There is no knowledge of it in the tribe.

Flu. 91. iSucred War Pack (opened to show contents).

Whether it was captured, or presented to a war party by some trader
in an effort to extend his business to the Omaha, is conjecture.

Six swallows, each wrapped in a bladder, four laid together (c) and
two (a, h) below these, were beneath the folded flag (fig. 93 ; Peabody

Museum no. 47S17). Next was a
falcon, the legs tied with a twisted
cord of sinew, painted red. Below
this was a swallow-tail Idte {Ela-
noides forficatus) (fig. 94; Peabody
Museum no. 47816). This bird is
lined with cloth, native weaving of
nettle-weed fiber. Several strands
of native thread are fastened t<> the
tail and a scalp lock is tied to the
right leg. There were also a swal-
low-t ail hawk ( Nauclerusfurcatus) ,
a wolf skin, and seven skins of the
fetus of the elk. The last-named
are said to have been used by the chiefs in a ceremony now lost,
which was not unlike some of the ceremonies of the Shell society,
these elk sluns taking the place of the otter skia.

Fig. 9LI. Flag fuund in Sacred War Pack.
Inner rectangle represents flag. Dimensions:
6 ft. 9 in. hy 4 ft. 9 in.; of cornerrcctangle, 2 ft.
6 in.by2ft.9in. Colors; darkest sections, red;
lightest, yellow; remainder, blue.

FLETCIIEU-I-A Fr.ESCHE]

WARFARE

413

The wolf skin is that of a yoimg animal; in place of the feet, which
had been cut off, was tied a tuft of elk hair, painted red. The head
also has been cut off and a thonp run throug;h holes made in the neck,

Fig. 93. Olijects from Sacred War Tack.

Flo. M. Swalliiwlaii kite Ircm

to which is fastened a feather, the quill of which is painted in red
bands and bound to the thong with a strip of porcupine work and a
tuft of elk hair, making a kind of tassel at the end of the thong.

414

THE OMATTA TRTTiE

[eth. an-n. 27

Near tlic liind lo<2;s l\olos luivc l)Oon mado in tlie skin through which
passes a lliong. (Fiij. 95; Poalxxlv Museum no. 4S256.)

Fn.;. 95. Wolf skin anil othtTobJL'Ots from Sacred War Pack.

Fit;, '.tii. Eagle feather in bone socket, from Sacred War I'ack.

The wolf skill is said to have been used in augury by a, war ])arty.
The banded quill of the feather forming part of the tassel was just
above a bladder tobacco pouch, which was folded within the skin, as
was also the eagle feather fastened in a bone socket for tving to the

FLETCHKR-I-A KI.KSCnE] WARFARE 415

scalp lock. (Fig. 96; Peabody Museum no. 48264.) A war party
sometimes resorted to augury to ascertain the conditions in the coun-
try to which they were going and to learn of their future success.
The wolf skin was then used in the following manner: It was soaked
in water and thus made pliable. Then it was put about the throat
of one of the party, wlio was seated on the ground and supjjorted at
the back by another member. Two men, holding the ends of the skin
wound about the throat of the seated man, drew it firm and taut
but did not choke the man, who soon became vmconscious. Wiule
in that condition he was supposed to be able to look into the future,
viewing the covmtry and the people whither the party were going,
and discerning also what was to happen. The Winnebago wore
accustomed to use an otter skin for the same purpose and in the
same manner.

While this pack could give authority to aggressive war parties, and,
it is said, was sometimes taken along by tlie leader of a very large war

Fig. 97. Pipes from Sacred War Pack.

party, one of a hundred or more warriors (a nuJa"' JdHo^ga), it was
the only pack entitled to authorize defensive warfare. When that
was clone the two pipes (fig. 97; Peabody Museum no. 37551) belong-
ing to this pack were ceremonially smoked.

IIEPARTURE CEREMONIES OF AN AGGRESSIVE WAR PARTY

When the leader of an aggressive war ]iarty had obtained authority
from one of the four Sacred Packs, he was not held responsible
for the death of any member of his party or for any disasters that
might happen to it. Each one of the party, through the leader, had
placed himself under the authority of the war power, the Thunder
god, tlirough his accredited representatives, the birds contained in the
iLmi^'icaxnhe, the Sacred War Pack. We here find another illustra-
tion of the Omaha belief in the continuity of all life, so that a part
could represent the whole and that all forms, animate and inanimate,
were linked together by the pervading life-giving power of Wako°'da.
Because of this belief the Thunder and its representative birds, and
the charms, or " medicines," which were generally some product of
the earth, were able to influence men and their fortunes in all avoca-

416 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. anx. 27

tiuns. While this bohof may seem strange and irrational, it was
logical anil vitally effectual to tlie Omaha and underlay his organi-
zation, ceremonies, and ]iublic and })rivate acts. So when tlie leader
and his followers had received instructions from the keeper of one
of the Sacred Packs and had secured one or more of the sacred
birds that woidd act as a medium between them and the Thimder
god, they felt themselves ready to face any danger; and, in any event,
the responsibility for their acts rested with the supernatural agencies
they had invoked.

When a man applied for authority to lead an aggressive war party
the keeper of the Sacred Pack invited the members of the IIo°'he-
wachi to meet the party. The leader of the war Jiarty provitled the
feast. At this gathering songs and dances pertaining to the IIo"'he-
wachi (night dance) were sung but not those related to the counting
(p. 495) and tattooing ceremonies (p. 503). These songs were given to
remove from the minds of the men about to go forth all fear of death
by bringing before them the symbolism of night, which represented
both death and birth. The feast took place in a large dwelling
belonging to a member of the Ho°'hewachi. On this occasion the
keeper of the Sacred Pack conducted the ceremonies (which were
sometimes omitted if haste was recjuired). Just before they were
ready to start, the men of the war party, led by their leader, performed
the mi'Jcafi dance {mi'kafi, "wolf;'' the wolf was regarded as connected
with war). The dance was an appeal to the wolf that the men might
partake of his predatory character, of his ability to roam and not be
homesick. The dance was in rhythmic steps, more or less dramatic
and imitative of the movements of the wolf — his rapid trot and sudden
and alert stops. The music of the songs is lively, well accenteil, and
inspiriting.

The first part of the following vn'Tiafi song has no words, only
vocables. The words in the second part are given below.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

WARFARE

417

MFKAgi

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore

Tlie upper line is tlie Aria as snng. The harmonization is preferred by the Indians
when tlie song is played on tlic piano

n Song ' — 104 Drum-beat ^ = 208

±H;

ic:

— 1=

Hill ha a ha
a 4 a ^ ^

^ I

e ya

^ I

-**-5-

I I

Double Drum-beat

ya he

4I--3Z

X=\-

m^^m

zt^^zz

% ^ \ — I J — 1

I I I I

n n n n

1 • — • — • • ^a-0-0-0-^0-0-0-a-'

-^— «— ?-

tho-e

mi - ka - fi a - ma mo" zho° nom-pa ba - ji ba

I K ! ^ ^ ! ! ^ _ ! ,s _ 1

-«?— «-- Jf-

i^j^t

\^.

83993^—27 eth— 11-

418

THE OMAHA TRIBE

MI'KAgi— Contimiod

[ETH. ANN. 11

---hr,--

^__P

^ — I-

yau a ha e - yau he

-I L, ^ ^ ^

he ya A ha e ya

-* — *'

mi^-

♦ * I — ] r^i n n n n r^,

m-i—M.

--*=i(=

<-»-<-<-' #*«<»-

*-•(»- -^ ■•- ■••

-^t— #-

--*—*-

* — •

ha a ha e - va e - va e - va a l)a e - va lia he ya

ei^

EESi

-•-•-

-•-T-

=r=p=ic

-*-zi:

-* — »

g-#-«-^

-V— 1-

-H 1 • f-

-HEJ

-f=: — F=-

Mi'lun;! ama mo"zho'' nonipa bazhi ba egima

FLETCHEK-LA KI.ESCHE]

WARFARE

419

Translation: }fi'kiifi, wolf; (ima, they; rnn^zho", earth or land;
nompa, fear; hazhi, not; ha, so; e'gima, I am like them, or I do likewise.
"The wolves have no fear as they travel over the eartli: so I, like
them, will go forth fearlesslj', and not feel strange in any land."

Homesickness was greatly dreaded by the warriors, as it unnerved
them for action and presaged defeat. The above song and others
similar in feeling were sung as a ])lea for help against this internal
enemy of the warrior. The leader was constantly on the lookout
for indications of nostalgia, and if he detectetl signs of this dreaded
condition, if he found tlie men speaking of their sweethearts, he took
means at once to cheer up the ])arty. He would organize a dance, at
which time songs of the following class would be siuig, and in this way
the men would be heartened and the party would go forward to success.

(Sung in octaves) Vivace (Marked rhythm)

nu - do" i the-a he. E

- na!

tha

- bthe

thi° the

P W P » »

U 1/ '• > >

1 ■

•r •! ■

_« « 1 1 ^^—1 i«^_

__H 1_

— _

~^—

~^~

— ;^'

-^^-f^^l

thu tha zhi-a he A - he the he va lio

tha

the

tho

P P 9 P

W ^ U I

P
1^

P
1/

•

.V ha i ya he. a ha i ya he

.\ ha i ya he, a ha i ya he

Ya ha i ya he

k he the he ya ho e tha he the he the thoe

E na ! abthi.xe ko"btha thi" nudo" ithea he the

Ena! ithatabthe thi" thethii thazhiahe

A he the he ya ho e tha he the tho

420 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann.2-

Literal translation : The first five lines and the last are vocables,
/i'na.', an exclamation^nsed only by women; ahthixe,! marry; lo^htha,
I wish or desire; tlti", tiie one — the word indicates that the one spoken
of is moving; nnclo^, war; itheahe, ithehe, has gone — the a is introduced
to accommodate the word to the music; the, end of the sentence; emi!,
feminine exclamation; ithatahthe, I hate; tJii", the one moving; thethu,
here; tluizhi, has not gone; a, vocable; he, feminine termination of a
sentence spoken by a woman.

Free translation

Ena ! The one I wish to marry has gone to war.

Ena! The one I hate has not gone forth but remains here.

The mi'kafi dance was the last public appearance of the war
party. Their departure was kept secret. The leader designated a
time and ])lace where all were to meet and each man stole away to
the appointed spot. This course was followed in order to prevent
undesirable persons from joining the party and causing inconvenience.

Each leader of a war party was instructed in his duties by the
keeper of the Sacred Pack to which he had applied for permission
to go on the warpath. There were slight differences in the details of
these instructions but the following, recounted by an old warrior from
his own experience, may be taken as a fair picture of the general
procedure :

At night, when on the march, after we had had supper and were about to go to bed,
the leader selected four men, who were sent out from the camp to four designated
places in the direction of the four cardinal points. The leader bade these men to go
forth as directed and listen for the howling of the wolf. Toward midnight a man in
the camp gave the cry of the wolf; he was answered by the four men from their posts,
who then returned to the camp and all went to sleep. The guards did not watch all
night. It was only during the first night that the party traveled; after that the men
rested at night and went forward by day. On a morning when the party were near their
destination, the Pack they had carried was opened ceremonially according to the
instructions given the leader and eight men were selected and sent out as scouts;
two were to turn back over the route that had been traveled and look for signs of
people; two were to go out on one side, two on the other side, and two were to keep
in advance of the party. The two in the rear were to follow at lught and rejoin the
party, which, thus protected in the rear, on the flanks and in front, traveled on all the
day.

When one of the scouts discovered a village where there was a chance to obtain
booty or other trophies of war, he at once ran to report to the leader, singing this song
as he advanced toward the war party:

FLETCHER-I.A FLESCHE]

WARFARE

421

SCOUT SONG

4--

-izr*!-

He he no°-zlu°-ga he lie no°-zhi''-ga he he no"-zhi°-ga

Nu - do° ho° - ga no" zhi° ge

he no°-zhi° - ga ii

-X=x:

zha

-J 1 j^_|_^ — , 1 , 1 1_

_■•• -0- ■0- -' ■»■ -» -♦ -0-

tho he the

the thoi

no"- zhi"-ga

*J • • ■0-

he no°-zhi° - ga

Nii-do" - ho" - ga no°- zhi" - ge

' '^ •>^ -•■ -•■•■•■-•• -0-

he no°- zhi" ga u - zha - we tho he the tho

The words are few and interspersed with vocables: No'"zhi"ga,
arise; Nudo^ho^ga, war leader; uzhawe, rejoice, be glad.

The attack was generally made in the very early dawn; such a
fight was called ti'gaxa, "striking among the houses." This word
appears as a name in the I"shta'9u"da gens. When a man was
slain, his friends rallied around the body to protect it and to prevent
honors being taken from it. Often the severest fighting took place
over the body of a fallen companion. When possible the wounded
were carried away, but those overpowered were general^ killed.
The dead were buried on the field of battle. Captives were not taken
as there was no ceremony of adoption in the Omaha tribe.

THE WE TO" WAA

"IFf'io" wflfl," is an old and untranslatable term u.sed to designate
a class of songs composed by women and sung exclusively by them;
these songs were regarded as a medium by wliich strength could be
transmitted to an absent warrior and thus assist him in becoming
victorious over his enemies. When a war party was away it was
the custom for women, particularly of the poorer class, to go to the
tent of one of the absent warriors (sometimes that of the leader or
(me of the prominent men in the party), and, standing in front of
the tent, there sing one or more of the we'to" waa". It was believed
that by some telepathic process courage and increased strength thus
were imparted to the man who was battling. In return for the
supposed benefits to the absent man, the wife of the warrior dis-
tributed gifts among the singers.

422 THE OMAHA TRIBE

The following; is a son" of this class:

LKTH. ANN. 27

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Flowm<)ly

„ 11 r lowmgi

r f rj N J n.|J J n\

Ka-ge te - XI ha i tho°-zha Ka - ge te ■ xi ha i

ij^=a

nu J n.

* ¥ i -j_|

m\ f I r f p if f f

*fe

£e^

^— ^ —gj-

the - zha .He! Uh - a ge wa-ga" ya be - do", Nu te te

|l ^ p . ' li'3E3

^^^

.1 J i3..i^i j].ij].jii^j j

XI ha 1 - tho°-zha Ka-ge tha tho°ga ta du" shu° tha thi° she

^%h.

^^i ^-^Iji^.l"^^

9i^f-tf

i-j— J4

Kage texi hai tho"zha

Kage texi liai tho^zha

He! Ishage waga"9a bedo"

Nu te texi hai tho°zha

Kage tha (;o" ga tadu" shu"thathi''she

Translation: Kage, little brotiiei-; Uxi, difficult; }iai, ai, tfiey say;
tho"zha, notwithstanding; he!, exclamation, as at a difficulty;
ishiuje, old men; waga^fa hedo", when they taught; nu, nian;<(', to
be; he, vowel prolongation; thufd'^ga, you shall experience or realize;
shoHhathiHhe, therefore you are going. "Little Brother, the old

MiETCHEE-LA FLESCHB] WAEFAEE 423

men have taught that it is difficult to be a man ; you are now going
where you will realize this saying," implying that he will prove the
truth of the teaching by his valor.

The custom of singing the v:e'to^ waa^ and belief in its efficiency
obtains also among the Ponca and Osage tribes.

All the rites pertaining to defensive warfare were in charge of
the We'zhi°shte gens, whose place was on the south side of the open-
ing into the Tm'tliuga. A tent was set apart as a repository tor the
ceremonial articles pertaining to war. This tent was pitched about
40 feet in front of the line of tents belonging to the We'zhi°shte gens.
The door of the tent was placed about the center of the invisible
line that divided the two halves of the Tiu'thuga. This position of the
Tent of War, shown in the diagram (fig. 20), was maintained only
when the tribe camped in the ceremonial order of the Tiu'thuga on
the annual tribal buffalo hunt. In the village the tent was pitched
near the dwelling of the keeper. The office of keeper was heredi-
tary in a certain family of the We'zhi°shte gens. His duties were
to provide the tent for housing the sacred articles and to protect
them from the weather and injurious influences. When the tribe
moved out on the hunt, he had to furnish proper transportation for
the tent and its belongings. In his own lodge he was required to
keep his doorway in order, to clean out his fireplace, and to sweep
both every morning. His children had to be prevented from digging
holes about the fireplace. Should he neglect these duties, calamity
would befall him or his kindred..

AU the sacred articles belonging to the Tent of War were kept in
the rear of the tent, facing the door, with a skin covering to pi'otect
them from the weather. No one but the keeper was allowed to
touch them. If during the bustle of travel any person or animal
should run against the tent or any of its belongings, it was neces-
sary, as soon as the Tent of War was set up, for the offender to go
or the animal to be taken to the keeper to receive the ceremonial
ablution. For this purpose warm water was sprinkled by the keeper
over the offender with a spray of artemesia. If this should be neg-
lected, the person or animal "would become covered with sores."

SENDING OUT SCOUTS

On the buffalo hunt when the tribe entered a region where signs
of the trails of an unknown tribe were observed, this fact was at once
reported to the leader of the hunt, who reported to the Seven Chiefs;
these in turn notified the keeper of the Tent of War, who then sent
for the leading men of the We'zlii°shte gens to assemble in council,
at which the Seven Chiefs were present. The chiefs reported to the
council that signs had been seen which indicatetl that the people
were on dangerous ground. The council without delay selected cer-

424 THE OMAHA TRIBE Iktii. ann. 27

tain young men of tlie tribe, sons of leading waniois, to be called
out to act as scouts. Tbe herald of the gens was summoned. He
responded, arrayed in the ceremonial manner — the robe worn with
the hair outsiiie and a downy eagle's feather fastened to his scalp
lock. He took the pole on which the Pack Sacred to War, the
wai^'waxuhe, was hung (a crotched stick slightly taller than a man),
and, going some 15 feet in front of the door of the tent, thrust the
pointed end into the ground so that the pole stood firm; on it he
hung the Pack Sacred to War. Then he took his place beside the pole
with the pack and, leaning on a staff, called the names of the young
men who had been selected for scouts, adding: Mo''zJio^ i" thega
(o^ga fa yathi^Jio! (ino'^zho'^, "land;" iHhega fo^gata, "to examine for
me;" yatJti^ho, "come hither"), "Come hither, that you may examine
thelandforme! ". This command and explanation of the duty required
were given after each name called. At the first sound of the herald's
voice silence fell on the camp. Children were hushed or taken
within the tents and every ear was strained to catch the words of
the herald. When he had finished, he returned with the Sacred Pack
to the tent and placed it in the center. Meanwhile the men who had
been summoned did not stop to paint or ornament themselves but
hastened from their dwellings to the Tent Sacred to War. If anyone
who was called was thought too young for the task, his father
responded instead. On their arrival those summoned entered the
tent and sat in a circle.

The two pipes belonging to the Tent Sacred to War have bowls of
red catlinite, with serrated ornamentations on the top; they are pro-
vided with stems of wood, .3 feet 4 inches in length, flat and painted
(fig. 97). On one stem are fastened two narrow strips of skin orna-
mented with porcupine-quill work, from which depend a tuft of elk
hair. The other stem is painted in red and black, the up])er side red
down the center, and a border of ten scallops on each side, of black;
the under side of the stem is divided into nine sections. A black
section is at the mouthpiece: the next is red, the next black, and so
on until the red bowl is reached; the last block on the stem, where it
joins the bowl, is black. The significance of these blocks of red and
black is similar to those on the He'dewachi pole (fig. 62), sym-
bolizing night and day, death and life.

The two Pipes Sacred to War were then filled from tobacco kept in
an elk-skin bag, as the war ritual was recited. This ritual has been lost.
The pipes were passed about the circle in the following oriler: One
started at the left of the door and was passed by the left to the middle;
the other started at the middle and was passed by the left to the door.
The oldest men sat where they would be the first to receive the pipes.
The smoking was in silence. Every man was obliged to smoke, as
the act was equivalent to taking an oath to obey the custom and

FLETCHEK-LA flesche] WARFARE 425

to do one's duty even at the risk of life. At the conclusion of the
ceremony of smoking, one of the leading men of the We'zlii°shte
gens addressed the circle. He dilated on the responsibilities that
rested on the scouts and reminded them of the necessity for truth-
fulness in making their reports, as their words would be heard by
the unseen powers which never permitted a falsehood to go unpun-
ished. He recounted the results that would follow any untruthful
statement — the man would be struck by lightning, bitten by a snake,
injured in the foot by some sharp object, or killed by the enemy.
At the close of this charge the young men returned to their tents,
where their friends had made haste to prepare food for them, packing
pounded corn or meat in bladder bags. Extra pairs of moccasins
were also provided. With these preparations the men were sent oflf
in small groups to scour the country in every direction for a radius of
10 or 15 miles. Meanwhile the camp, thus protected, might move on,
but the young men of the tribe were directed by the herald to wear
their blankets in a given manner so as not to be taken for spies.

Generally speaking, an Indian was fond of going upon an eleva-
tion for the pleasure of looking over the landsca{>e, but he did so
only in localities free of enemies. Wlien desirous of searcliing a
region to ascertain whether or not it was safe, he might ascend to a
vantage point, but while there he did not stand erect, making him-
self a conspicuous object to attract the attention of a hidilen foe,
but concealed himself that he might be able to see without being
seen. It was accounted an honor to be called as a scout, the
assignment ranking as high as participation in a war jjarty. To
have smoked the war pipe was an honor that could be "counted"
when the reciting of brave deeds was permissible.

On the return of the scouts, the eldest, the one to whom the pipe
had been offered first, went at once to the Tent of War, where the
leaders of the We'zhi^shte gens were gathered to hear the report. If
an enemy had been discovered, a messenger was dispatched to sum-
mon all the leading warriors to a council of war. The report of the
scouts was made known to the council and the necessaiy action
determined. If the scouts reported that the enemy was in large
force but was lingering about as if waiting for an opportunity
to attack the camp, then it was debated whether it would be best to
retreat or to send out warriors to attack them and meanwhile have
the camp put in a state of defense. If the enemy was in small num-
bers, then the council might determine to send out a party to give
them battle or drive them away. In either case the departing war-
riors would be led by a prominent warrior or perhaps a chief. It was
only in defensive warfare that a chief of the Council of Seven could
go to war. Such warfare was called ni'ka thixe, "to chase people."

426

THE OMAHA TRIBE

I KTII. ANN. 27

If at any time eiicinics were sudclcnlj' discoveroil hy a man
who might be outside the eainp looking after horses or otherwise
employed, he hastened at once to a vantage point and waved his
robe above his head. This sign was called we' pa ("to make a
noise orgive an alarm"). In such case the camp was prepared at once
for defense. The women threw up breastworks with their planting
hoes i')W'fa, the word for "breastworks," later was applied to fences
of all kinds). In the attack, if the warriors were hard pressed and
there was danger of defeat, the men fell back to the breastworks. If
the camping place was near timber, in case of disaster the women
and children hastened to hide among the trees and the warriors
sometimes followed. Instances have been related by old women of
how, when the camp had been surprised, they thrust their children
into holes and threw themselves on top as if dead. In one case a
woman was stabbed with a knife while feigning death, but she made
no movement and so saved her children; this woman recovered from
the wound and lived to tell the story.

DEPARTURE OF A DEFENSIVE ^A AR PARTY

When the warriors went forth to battle in defense of their homes
there were no public ceremonies or dances but here and there the
voice of a woman would be heard singing a song to inspirit the men,
and at its close she gave the cry of the bird-hawk to evoke the
supernatural power of this bird, which was associated with the god
of war.

The following is an example of these rally songs which are com-
posed by women and sung solely by them to encourage their defenders
on their departure to battle. Only vocables are used in the first part
of the song, and these are employed to eke out the musical phrase
of the second part.

RALLY SONG

ya 1

ya he i

he a lie I ya

r. U -0- ■*- ■»-

-6— •—•-•■ --^ '-^i^L

*♦_

«- -^ «-

-m-^-^ ^*^ — \ —

■^H P^-; ^

-4- 1_^.

a he i ya he

he a lie thu

i va he

ya he the a

Nu- do" •

PLETCHEK-LA KLESCIirl

WARFARE

427

*: t:^* ±

-:^^m^^^^m

ho°-ga wa - tlii tlii" I<e wa - the - sliiia-zhia a- he- the V - ki

=^-^^* — »^=^-0 •-•-—•-

E£==^

*-—

#Eu^^LL=E^t

te thi n()''-o°

ta ye

he e - he the I

ya he e ya he

(Cry of the bird hawk )

P^— t-t_iE

— !■ — < ' i

n- ^

va lie the

he the he tho

N'OTK.— The pitch is takeu frotn the grapiiophonu record made by tlie young woman.
Her voice was a clear, strong, bell-Iilie soprano, and her intonation reiuariiably true. The
bird hawii is the war bird. The cry at the close of the soug was a call to the bird tu help the
warrior going forth.

Niido°ho''ga wathi thi^ke wathishna zliia ahe the
Ukite thino°o" da ye he ehe the (vocables)

Translation: Nudo^ho"<ja, leader; watlii, timid; thiH-e, who is;
wa^Ais^/w, prominent, well known; zhia, not; ahe, I sny; i^e, vocable;
ukete, the tribe; thino^o", hear you; da, let them; ye he, vowel pro-
longation; ehe, I sa_y; the, end of sentence. "The timid leader never
wins fame, achieves a promment place. Let the tribes hear of you!"

In Omaha warfare there was no arrangement of the soldiers in lines,
companies, or battalions. There was a recognized leader but each
warrior marched and fought independently and although obedient to
the leader's general orders he did not wait for any official command
to take part in the fight. When a group of warriors moved out to
defend the camp they did not go silently to the field of brittle. Each
man sang as he went. There was a class of songs which belonged
exclusively to these occasions; these were called na'gthe waa"
{na'gthe, "captive;" waa'"', "song"). But the import of the term
"captive" lies in the war customs of the people. If a man was
taken captive, his fate was torture and death; therefore the captive
song was synonymous with the death song. These songs were fre-
quently composed by those who sang them, though occasionally one
was handed down from father to son. Captive songs always ex-
pressed the warrior's feeHng when contemplating the dangers of war
and the facing of death. Other songs were sometimes sung by the
men going forth, as an heihu' shka, or some favorite mystery song.

The na'gthe waa^ afford an opportunity to discern the ideals and
beliefs which a man calls up before him when he seeks strength and
courage to meet death. The three songs following are fair examples
of the na'gthe waa^ class.

42S

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[kTH. ANN. 27

(Snng in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

0 , 7 U « m M ' -

1 r 1*

4 III

/[ \,\y 4 ^ r

•' 1 1 p

Kh.''2_4. -L„J L

.4. r — t- * * * •

Uiii - ha e -

da"

na" ku-the

— 1-^

hu"

- thi° be-ga, Um-ha e-

•-A- i i i i ! < —

^ * # _i _i «

V^~\

— 1 1

tJ— ~ 1 1 1 —

^ ^v\nt^- L_

.4-t 1=

4 r 1 L . . . "

da° ua°-ku-lhe hu"-thi°-be- ga He! Nu-do° -ho°- ga a

,t^

H 1 1-

-* 1-

^.^i:

^— i— :r

-I r

fetea:

-4^-

zha a- ma - ta

zha •

tho

£;?Ei:

J-

gEm

*s=i

Um - l)a e - da"

I2?I

n - ku the hii" - thi° - be

f=^

I2E:

_l 1 , 1

Umba eda" na"kuthe hu°thi''be ga
L'mba eda" na^kuthe hu''thi''be ga
He! Nudo" ho" ga a a zha a ma a te
Aye zhametho
Umba eda" na"kuthe hu°thi"be ga

Translation: Hel, an exclamation; umha, day; eda", approaching;
na^kiUhe, hasten; hu"thi''be, lead me; ga, sign of command; nudo"-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

WARFARE

429

Tio^ga, leader; a a zha a ma a te, vocables; aye, thus; zliamethn, they
may have said. " Have they not cried ! Day approaches. He! Leader,
lead me!" This song is the voice of the young and eager man who
remembers the valiant warriors of the past as he sings.

(Aria as sung) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on tlie piano
Floinngly, with feeling '=90

-Vyezhame the
Ayezhame tho
Ayezhame tho
Hi! wii,o''thu'' nu kede
Ayezhame tho
Ayezhame tho

Translation: Ayezhame (an elliptical phrase), they may have said,
or, have they not said? The repetition of this phase is similar in
effect to the chorus of our old ballads — it forms the setting of the

430

THE OMAHA TRIBE

fETH. ANN. 27

picture set forth in tlie I'ourtli line. Hi!, a woman's exclamation
of surprise and delight; wifoHhu^, a term of endearment used by
an elder sister to a young brother; nu, man; hede, lying. These
words recall the birth of the man, the cry of joy of the elder sister
as she enters the little secluded tent and sees that a man lies there.
Now, as he enters the field of action, he is to prove himself a man
worthy of the joy awakened at his birth. The music bears out the
poetic feeling of the words. The climax of both poem and music
is in the last phrase: "Have they not said, a Man!" This little song
opens a rift into the inner life of the people and the social responsi-
bility laid on the men of the tribe.

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore

The aria is as sung by the men. The harmonization translates the son^, and is
preferred by the Indians when it is played on the piano

Solemnly i^^^

be - ta" thi" - se tho .

E - be - ta° thi° - ge tho.

— — •-; — •■— •

-•-= — t — • — '— f-? — S — *^

-9- ' -0- ■*■ ' ' -»■

I I

I*—

-)5i-

-a ^^zjr

■*—4-

E- be - ta° thi°-ge tho He Ish- a-ga-a- ma wa-ga" 5a be-da°

-4— .2^

-•r-i---^— '-.r-^

-s—r~m

-::i^_.

:? ♦• 5:

* •-

=iC=tLlt

-*-- ♦--■i.-

-*— *-

E - be - ta" she-a he - be - ta°

=l^q=

ba - zhe - te.

-••-•• -*■-»■ -#•■♦■-•• -#•■•■•-•■

P^^

-I— L-

r'l.F.TriiKR-LA ri.Ksrnn]

WARFARE

431

Ibeta" thi'ige tho

Ibeta" thi°ge tho

He! Ishaga ma waga"(;abeda''

Ibeta" she ahibite abazhete

Nudo^hu^ga texie tho

Nudo^hu'iga texie tho

Translation : Ibeta^, to go around, as around an obstacle, or to circum-
vent or avoid a threatened disaster; thi^ge, none; tho, vocable; ishaga,
old man; ma, plural sign; waga"fabeda^, when they tell; she, yonder;
aJiihite, reached that (place) first ; aftaz/iete, have not said ; nvdo^ho^ga,
leader; texie, the difficult, the hard to accomplish. "No one has
found a way to avoid death, to pass around it; those old men who
have met it, who have reached the place where death stands waiting,
have not pointed out a way to circumvent it. Death is difficult to
face!"

The words and the music are in feeling closely woven together
around the thought of inexplicable birth and death. The serious-
ness and dignity of tliis song make it a notable composition.

Defensive warfare was graded higher than aggressive warfare
and the man whose honors were won when defentling the tribe was
accorded a higher rank than the man whose honors were gained
otherwise. No act entitling a man to a war honor, whether per-
formed in defensive or aggressive warfare, could be claimed by him
or its insignia worn until the honor had been publicly awarded in
the ceremony called Wate'gi?tu.

RETUKN OF A WAR PARTY

An authorized aggressive war party was required to take a direct
course toward its destination and after a battle to return by the
same path. On the return journey of such war party, if successful,
when a short distance from the village a fire was kindled, the rising
smoke from which gave the signal of the victorious return of the
warriors. If any of the party had been killed, a member stepped
to one side and threw himself on the ground. This action indicated
to the village the loss of one man. If more than one had fallen, the

432

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTH. ANN. 27

number lost was signified to the watdiers by repeating this action.
After this dramatic report, the leath'r designated a man to go for-
ward and, when near enough to tiie village to be heard, to call out
the names of those who had been slain. As the relatives of the
dead heard the name of husband, father, or brother, they broke
into wailing. Wlien, later, the victorious party entered the village,
the place resounded with shouts of welcome to the living and cries of
sorrow for the dead.

The return of a defensive war party was less formal. Some one
went in advance and reported to the camp the news of deaths or
other disaster; the reception of the news, the shouts of victory, and
lamentations for the dead were as already described. The victory
celebration was the same in both cases.

If the returning party brought back the scalp of an enemy, the
young men of the tribe at once made preparations for holding the
wewa'chi, or victory dance. The scalp was tied to a pole and arovmd
it both men and women danced and sang together the songs belonging
to this ceremony of exultation. The dance was a lively and exuberant
motion. No dramatic episodes of war were acted out. The music
was vivacious, and the words were frequently boasting or taunting in
character. Sometimes they mentioned deeds that were heroic but they
always referred to the acts of war. The following is a characteristic
song of this dance:

VICTORY SONG
Harmonized by Jolin C Fillmore for interpretation on tlie piano
Double beat ( Aria as sung in unison octaves b_v men and women)

-tfir~^'^~g=^

,, -0- ■»■■»■ ■»■ ■*— 4—

Rhythm of the ihiim Con Ped.

■^ * * *-

-* » *-

he va he

ya he the
y-ff — ^ — •— -• — *— — ^ — ^ »■

he ye tlia ha U-the - zha-zhe •

.:=Ji

f-^T-^^^"'

S'=a'='=Q=ff

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

WARFARE

433

^ifti.

3^e!e

--*=

ga° i° - te - de tha xa - ge he ya the he tho - e U ■

W-'W-

-4-^-

-p^-

-• — •-= — • — #-

thaile u-tliisho" we - zhno" tiu" wa" shu-she he ya tha ha

U-the - zha-zhe - ga° i" - te - de tha-xa - ge

he ya tha ha tho

^tsfc

! * ^

S*.

=S*

*=^=t

:*=^=

i<=t

^^^^^^

iS=8=iH^=S

He a tha ha he ya he he a tha ha thoe
He a tha ha he ya he ya he the he ye tha ha
Uthazhazhega" i"tede thaxage, he ya tha ha tho e
Uthade uthisho" wizhncyti u°wa°shushe he ya tha ha
Uthazhazhega" i^tede thaxage he ya tha ha tho

Literal translation: Uthazhazhega'^ , you emulatetl; iHede, and now,
inconsequence; tJiaxage, you -weep; w</w;(^g, people, or tribes; uthisho^,
surrounding: wizhnoHi, I alone; u"wa^shushe, am brave. These words
are interspersed with groups of vocables.

Free translation

You emulated me, and now you are crying, he ya tha ha tho e
Among surrounding tribes I only am the brave, he ya tha ha.
You tried to be like me — behold, you weep your dead, he ya tha ha tho.
83993°— 27 eth— 11 28

434 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Sometimes after an attack on the camp, an arm, leg, or liead was
broiiglit from the neiglihoring battlefield and boys were made to
strike or to step on the mutilated portion of the dead enemy, as
though they were taking honors. This tliscipline was thought to
stimuhite a desire to perform valorous acts by familiarizing the
youths with scenes of war.

The Wate'gi^tu

The word wate'giptu (composed of wafe, ''things accomplished,"
referring to the acts accomplished by the warriors; gi, sign of pos-
session; and ffu, "to collect, or gather together") signifies "the gath-
ering together of acts accomplished."' All the acts of the warrior,
having been duly authorized by the Wai"'waxube (the Packs Sacred
to War), belonged to and were possessed by the packs and until
these deeds were ceremonially awarded to the warriors through the
rites presided over by the packs they did not belong to the man to
count or to claim as his own.

For his use in this ceremony each warrior prepared and painted red
a stick about a span long, for each of the honors he was to claim.
The four Packs Sacred to War were used in this ceremony placed side
by side in the midtlle of the tent pre])ared for the occasion, semicircu-
lar in form and open so that the ceremony could be viewed by the peo-
ple. The Pack from the Tent of War and that which had been carried
by Wa'bafka were placed sitle by side in tlic middle, while on the sides
were placed the packs from the Tapa' and I"ke'9abe gentes. At
the present time only two of the four packs are known to exist — the
one now in tlie Peabody Museum of Harvard University and that
which formerly belonged to Giu"'habi, of the Tha'tada gens, which
Wa'ba^ka carried in his battle with tlie Pawnee, already recounted.
On this latter pack a piece of otter skin was tied, the string fastening
it being so arranged as to fork. Into this fork the warriors aimed to
drop their sticks at a given signal.

At tliis ceremony, which took ])lace shortly after tlie return of the
victorious warriors, the keepers of the Packs Sacred to War were the
only officials. Wiile chiefs could be present, they were there merely
as onlookers and had no authority or i)art in the ceremony. The
four keepers stood behind the packs, facing tlie east, while the war-
riors who were to claim honors stood before the packs. The claimants
to the fu-st-grade honors were in advance, those who claimed the

PLETCHKlt-I.A KI.KSCIIK |

WARFARE

435

second grade slightly behiml these, the third grade behind the second,
and so on. The keepers of the two middle; packs then sang the follow-
ing opening song:

5:^:33:

-* — *-

3= ' r J r—^-T-i-

Shu-Uiua-fi;!

ba K -da-do" a-tliina gi

be - iha

She-tlma-gi - ba E- da -do" a lhi"a gi - be - tha

She-lhua-gi - ba

: 1 1 ' -S-?^
— ^ — tt « • j —

E - da - do" a-Lhi"a

^- 1 >-L
gi - be

tha

P 0 •

-Mf^---. —-^——- :

-^— t w^-

-r-t=-

=3— d — h->^^^

She-thua gi - ba E- da -don a-thiua gi - be -
i> 11 » 0 • 0 '0 • P m ^

tha

Ck-ir 0,1 ^ i' '

■ 1

-9-?f^-=.J — =-' — '- —

__i — T— ? — •— ^^-

r=f^H

She-thiia gi

E-da-ilon a tlii"a gi

tha

Literal translation: Shethu, yonder; ngiha, coming back here;
edado^, things (their acts, or trophies) ; athi"(igib<tha , they are bringing.

The keepers admonished the men to speak the truth without fear
or hesitation, for the omniscient birds present in the packs would
hear and report their words to Thunder, the god of war. The pen-
alties for exaggeration or false statement were then recounted.

436

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Then the keepers sang the following song referring to Thunder,
who is spoken of as Grandfather:

(Upper line Aria) Harmonized for translation by John C. Fillmore

/• j, = 100 Solemnly- — -

-i<— <— F< — ^— I— » — #

^t^

It;

^^t

Thi - ti go°

no" - pe

wa - the

Thi - ti - go° no"-

7=::1=i=r:?r:1=r-jjN2q=ir^zq=p

-#-T "^^ '-gr-. '

:^rz^^i

=v^3=R

-N-k-N-

ii§

the

g:i

Thi - ti - KO"

ti° ke gthi - ho" ki no" - pe-

, — •-

f -r' r" -f f -f

r "r-

^_i.

♦-^-

-•--

ga. Till - ti - go" no" - pe - wa - the ga

-»— *-

-- K-

-r- T

ii^Oi^^iia

♦• t^'

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] WARFABB 437

Thiti'go" no"pewathe! ga

Thiti'go" no°pewathe! ga

Thiti'go" no"pe\vath('! ga

Thiti'go" weti" ke gthi'ho" ki n(i"pewathe! ga

Thiti'go" no"pewathe! ga

Literal translation: T^ifi'^o", your Grandfather; no"pewat7ie,iesivhTl

to behold; weti"^, club; l-e, long; gtlii'ho", lifts his; li, when.

Free translation

Behold how fearful your Grandfather appears!

Your Grandfather is fearful, terrible to see!

Behold how fearful is he, your Grandfather!

He lifts his long club, fearful is he, your Grandfather gives fear to see!

Behold how fearful to see, fearful to see!

At the ciose of this song the man claiming the first honor stepped
forward and began the recital of his deed, telling how he struck the
body of the eneni}'. He held the red witness stick over the pack
and all the people listened attentively to his words. At a signal from
the keeper he let the witness stick drop. If no one had disputed his
story and the stick rested on the pack, the people sent up a great
shout of approval, for the omniscient birds in the pack had accepted
his words as true. But if he was disputed and the stick fell to the
grounil, it was believed that the man had spoken falsely and that his
words had been rejected by the birds. Then the people shouted in
derision, his stick was tossed away and the man lost the honor he had
sought to gain. If the stick remained on the pack, the keepers granted
permission for the man to wear the insignia of the grade to which his
deed belonged. These deeds were called uo" ("acts accomplished");
the supernatural acceptance of his recital had been shown by the
stick resting on the pack, therefore the man could claim his deed ; it
had been handed back to him, as it were, by the Sacred Pack.

GRADED WAR HONORS

Si.K grades of lionors could be taken on the body of an enemy:

(1) The highest honor was to strike an unwounded enemy with the
hand or bow. This feat required bravery and skill to escape unharmed.
Onl}' two warriors could take this honor from the same person.

(2) This honor required the warrior to strike a wounded enemy.
Only two could take this honor from the same man.

(3) To strike with the hand or bow the body of a dead enemy.
Only two could take tliis honor from the corpse.

(4) To kill an enemj-.

(5) To take the scalp. This honor ranked with no. 3, since the
dead man could not resist, although the friends of the slain might
rally around the body and strive to prevent the act by carrying the
man off. Two could scalp the same enemy.

(6) To sever the head from the body of an enemy.

438

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

WAR IIONOK l)E('ORATIOXS

The decorations wore called u'lio", (from Ho", "to decorate one's
self by jiainting or by wearing regalia or garments").

For the first grade the warrior was entitled to wear in his seal]) lock,
so arranged as to stand erect on the head, the white-tip])ed feather
from the tail of tlie golden eagle.

'.IS. lii'cr- iiiil lifuil dress.

As the sign of having won the second grade, the warrior could wear
the white-tipped feather from the tail of the golden eagle fastened
to his scalp lock so as to project horizontally at the side of the head.

The tlurd-grade honor entitled the man to wear the eagle feather
so as to hang from the scalp lock.

The fourth-grade honor was shown by wearing an arrow through
the scalp lock or by carrying a bow in the hand at certain ceremonial

PLETCHER-I.A FI.ESCHE] WAKFAEE 439

dances. Later, when guns were introduced among the Omaha, the
man who killed the enemy with a gun wore a necklace of shavings;
this representetl the wadding formerly used in loading guns.

The fifth grade ranketl with the third, and the eagle feather was
worn hanging from the scalp lock.

The sixth grade was not marked by any regalia but the man who
had performed the deed that constituted this grade was entitled to
act as master of ceremonies at the feast held at the meetings of the
Hethu'shka society of warriors.

Besides the wearing of the eagle feather, men who had won honors
of the first, second, and third grades were entitled to wear on cere-
monial occasions the deer-tail headdress (fig. 98). This was a sort
of roach made of the deer's tail and the tuft of coarse hair from the
neck of the turkej-. The deer's tail was dyed red; the turkey hair
was used in its natural color of black.

THE PONCA CEREMONY OF CONFERRING WAR HONORS

The ceremony of conferring war honors bore tlie same name among
the Ponca as among the Omaha. The following account, given nearly
twenty years ago by an old and leading man, whose honor count
was next to the highest in the tribe, is presented to facilitate a com-
parison between the customs of the two tribes:

There were three ancient packs in the tribe. One was kept by Uno'^baha, of the
Mo^ko"' gens; one by Ta'ikawahu, of the Thi'xida gens; and one by We'gai;api, of the
same gens. The keepers of the first two dreamed of Thunder. The last one descended
to its keeper from his grandfather and it is said that all the old man's dreams were of
the gray wolf. There are two modern packs, one kept by Shu'degaxe, of the Thi'xida
gens, and the other by Sho^'gerabe, of the Washa'be gens. These men had dreams
of Thunder, so their packs were for the Thunder gods.

There was no fixed time for the ceremony. Sometimes several seasons would pass
between one ceremony and the next. The keepers of the pack decided the time,
which must be in the summer, when all animals, bugs, and snakes are out and above
ground and the thunder has sounded.

When the ceremony was to take place the people were ordered to camp in the order
of the gentes and to make the hu'lhuga complete. When this was done all the men
who had been on the warpath and had come back victorious and all the men who had
been in defensive battle at home were placed in a line near the center of the tribal
circle, facing the entrance. The keejier of the pack who was to confer the honors
designated a man to carry the pack, Pre\'iously all the candidates for war honors had
sent to the keeper of the pack that was to be used gifts of horses and goods, as fees for
his services in the ceremony. The man with the pack took his place in front of the
line of warriors, at a little distance from them, leaning on a forked staff which he planted
on the ground, and maintained this position during the entire ceremony. The keeper
of the pack then called one of the warriors and thus addressed him: "My servant,
strengthen yourself and tell a straight story. If you do not tell a straight story, if you
do not give the exact truth, the gods whom you hear crashing among the clouds will
strike you dead. If you do not make your story in a straight path and tell all the truth,
though you may feel your feet firm upon the back of this oiu' grandmother [the earth],
you shall stumble and fall [die]." The man then addressed the pack and told his
story to it, not to any man. If no one present questioned, disputed, or corrected him,

440 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ i;th. ANN. 27

the keeper again addressed him as "My servant," and accorded to him the honor
belonging to his action. The honors were as follows:

First honor: To strike an unwounded man. The sign of this honor was an eagle
feather worn upright in the scalp lock; moccasin strings made of the skin of the gray
wolf; the upper part of the body painted black; and authority given the man to nom-
inate "soldiers." Soldiers were those whose duty it was to ride on the outside of the
camp during any ceremony and to maintain tribal order.

Second honor: To be the first to strike a fallen enemy, one who had been wounded or
who by some accident was prostrate. The sign of this honor was an eagle feather
worn horizontal in the scalp lock, painting the body irregularly in black stripes, and
to be called upon to serve as a "soldier."

Third honor: To be the second to strike a fallen enemy. There was no badge for this
honor but the man was entitled to a seat in the gathering of soldiers and could eat
with them. He had also the office of stopping the camp if the people continued to
move and did not stop and camp where they had been ordered; also, when the camp
was moving, if there were any stragglers, it was his duty to drive them up. (This
duty referred to the time when the tribe was on the buffalo hunt.)

Fourth honor: To kill a man. If this was done' with a gun, the slayer was to carry
to the dances his gun with the end painted red, and to wear a necklace of shavings (the
Bha\'ings represented wadding). He was entitled also to the cut of the buffalo meat
called i'nahuge, which was taken from the back and included a part of the shoulders
and of the hind quarter. It was roasted with the skin sewed about it and was con-
sidered a choice cut. If the killing was done with an arrow, the man was entitled to
wear an arrow in the scalp lock, one-half of the shaft to be painted red. He was entitled
also to the cut called tezhu'. He could wear this arrow badge of his honor when on
the buffalo hunt, so that the people could see to what part of the animal he was
entitled and set it aside for him.

Fifth honor: To take a scalp. The sign of this honor was to paint the face with a
slight tinge of red and put black stripes across it and to be servant to the "soldiers."
There was no fighting when a scalp was taken, for the man was dead; so there was
little honor in taking a scalp. To wear scalps was not an honor from the pack. It
■was done on a man's own responsibility.

Sixth honor: Capturing horses from the enemy. The badge of this honor was to
wear at the dances a coil of rope around the body and to paint on the body figures
shaped like the impression of a horse's hoof. At any ceremonies that required the
use of horses, the man could paint on his horse the prints of horses' hoofs.

The following incident was told many years ago by an old Ponca
chief, now dead. The occurrence took place before the middle of the
last century and throws light on the beliefs connected with this cere-
mony of bestowing honors.

I was present at the ceremony. The keeper of the Sacred Pack said to the honor
candidates before him: " I appear before you as a representative of Thunder, whose
loud voice you hear, \\1iatever words are to be spoken by you must be in strict
accordance with the truth, so that the wrath of the Thunder may not fall on anyone.
Any words spoken without regard for the truth will bring on the speaker death by
the stroke of lightning, or he will be gored by a bull or be bitten by a snake, or in some
way his life will suddenly cease." The candidates responded: "Thou god Thunder,
who standest before us, hear the words I am about to give you before the people. I
know the punishment I must expect if I should turn aside from the truth. I give to
you my story as it is known to myself, with directness and without fear, knowing that
1 speak the truth." Two men then stepped forward, one with a gun and the other
with a bow, and both claimed the same first-grade honor. The man with the gun said
that he struck the enemy fir.st with his gun and that the other claimant did not strike
the enemy with his bow, but struck the gun instead. The man with the bow said he

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 55

"Ordw" "Crnw ' ;uul war liniuict.

WAR HONOR DECORATIONS

FLETCHER-LA KLESCHE] WARFARE 441

struck the enemy first and that the man struck the bow with his gun and did not
strike the enemy. Other witnesses to the action gave their testimony and all agreed
that the man with the bow struck the enemy first and not the man with the gun.
Twice the keeper bade the two men repeat their stories, so that the one that was in
the wrong might have a chance to withdraw his false statement and so escape punish-
ment; hut both men held to their original story. The stick was not dropped. The
keeper then said: " I shall leave the question of the truth of this story to the Thunder
god to decide. We shall know within the year which one of these men has spoken
the truth." Summer came and during the tribal buffalo hunt a horse fell on the
man who claimed to have struck the enemy with his gun, and he was killed.

The old narrator mentioned the names of the disputants and it
was believed that the man on whom the horse fell had been supernat-
urally killed because he had spoken falsely.

"the crow"

A man who had attained more than once to honors of the first
three grades became entitled to wear a pecuHar and elaborate orna-
ment called "the Crow." This was worn at the back, fastened by
a belt around the waist; it was made with two long pendants of
dressed skin painted red or green, which fell over the legs to the heels.
On the skin were fastened rows of eagle feathers arranged to hang
freely so as to flutter with the movements of the wearer. An entire
eagle skin, with head, beak, and tail, formed the middle ornament;
from this rose two arrow shafts tipped with hair dyed red. On the
right hip was the tail of a wolf; on the left the entire sldn of a crow.
This composite decoration illustrated certain ideas that were funda-
mental to native beliefs, namely: That man is in vital connection
with all forms of life; that he is always in touch with the super-
natural, and that the life and the acts of the warrior are under the
supervision of Thunder as the god of war. This relation was believed
to be an individual one and any war honor accorded was the recogni-
tion of an individual achievement. Such a bestowal was the outcome
of the native method of warfare, for there was no military organization,
like an army, in the tribe and, strictly speaking, no commantling
officer of a war party; when the battle was on, each man fought
for and by himself. A valorous deed was therefore the man's own
act and the honor which was accorded the kind of act performed was
accredited by Thunder through the representative birds associated
with Thunder, and contained in the Sacred Pack.

"The Crow" decoration (pi. 55) is said to symbolize a battlefield
after the conflict is over. The fluttering feathers on the pendants
represented the dropping of feathers from the birds fighting over the
dead bodies. Sometimes the wearer of "the Crow" added to the
realism by painting white spots on his back to represent the drop-
pings of the birds as they hovered over the bodies of the slain. The
two arrow shafts had a double significance: they represented the stark
bodies and also the fatal arrows standing in a lifeless enem}"-. The
eagle was associated with war and with the destructive powers of

442 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

llic Tluuidcr iiud the iittendiiut storms. The wolf iiml the erow
wcMc not only connected with carnage but they had a mythical rela-
tion to the office of "soldiers," the designation given to certain
men on the annual tribal limit, who acted as marshals and kept the
people and the hunters in order during the surround of the herd.
These men were chosen from those who had the right to wear "the
Crow" and this regalia was generally worn at that time. It was worn
also at certain ceremonial dances.

The following ritual, secured in 1896 from an old Ponca cliief (pi.
5G) who has since died, used by the Ponca when soldiers were
appointed for the tribal hunt, throws light on the relation of the crow
and the wolf to the hunter as the provider of food and to the war-
rior as tlie protector of the people.

1. He! u'thito° thakishkaxa bado", efka

2. U'shko" thakishkaxe tabado", e<;ka

3. Ni'kagahi, e(,'ka

4. He! Wano^she thakishpahi bado"^, ec^ka

5. He! Sho"''to"ganuga thathi''she tho°, efka

6. Wano'^he thanudo^ho^ga abado", e(;ka

7. Ka'xenuga thathi".she tho", e(;ka

8. Wano^she thanudo''ho''ga abado", eyka

9. He! gafi'ge shna bado°, e^'ka

10. Ga(,'i'ge ke tho° a'gaxthe thisho" nio^zhni" ado", efka

11. ShC'tCganuga thathi°fihe tho", ei;ka

12. IMefO"^ tho° titi uthagavi" titi mo"zhiii" ado", ei;ka

13. Ci'i'de ke thiaat.hiko" ego" mo"zhni'' ado", eeka

14. He! Ka'.xenuga thathi°she tho", egka

15. Nu'dehi" gaga^a ego" mo"zhni" ado", ei;ka

16. Ni'kashiga Ho! ethabiwathe ego" mo"zhni" ado", egka

17. Utha'gthaa tigthagtha mo"zhni" ado", egka

18. Thaki'gthii,-o"tha the thatha agaxthe thisho"ke thithextimo"zhiii"al)ado°. egka

19. Wani'ta tho"tho", evka

20. Thue xti titho" ga.xa bado", evka

21. Thi shkaxe eshe abado", e(;ka

22. He! Wani'ta tho"tho", evka

23. Wiaxchi shtiwo" gthe tha bazhi ba, ei;ka

24. fo"vo"de xti, efka

25. T'ewatha bado", evka

26. He! Wai" agtha bado", evka

27. Ushko"' ke tho", evka

28. A'gaxthe thisho" ke, evka

29. Mo"zhiii"'ado", evka

30. Thiu'de agthe uwato"ga, evka

31. Tet'e ke tho", evka

32. A'shpae itho"tho" bado", evka

33. Thi'to"thi" xti paho"'ga thagthate ithiko"tha bado", evka

34. Ushte'o"tha agthai ke tho" shnata Itado", evka

35. Zhi"ga thego" xti awa'gipaxe ko"l)tha tho", evka

36. U'zhawa xti awagi paxe tho"zha wiewamo" athi"he eshe al)ado", evka

37. ^\'i'to"thi" i ithagite athi"he tho"zha. evka

38. Zhi"ga, evka

39. Xo"'de giudo" xti awa'gipaxe athi"lu' eshe abado", evka

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TLETCHKR-LA KLICSCIIK] WARFARE 443

Literal translaflon

1. He!, exclamation; u'thito". arrangement in which to work;
thal'i' shlcaxa , you make for yourselves; hado^, implies the accom-
plished; e'flca, an exclamation, I desire, or I crave, I pray for.

2. U'shlco"-, rules or regulations by which to control action; thali,'-
slikaxe, you make for yourselves; tahado^, that you may — the act not
completed.

3. Ni'Tcagalii, chiefs.

4. He! ^yano"s^le, soldiers; thalc'islipahi, you select among your-
selves; hado^, act completed.

5. He! Sho^'to^ganuga, wolf male; thatJd'^she, you are moving;
tho^, implies that action was long ago — the wolf moved in the distant
past.

6. lTano"s/ie, soldiers; tJifinu'do''h()"g(i, you are war leader; ahado^\
they say — a tradition handed down.

7. Ka'xenuga, crow male; fhatM^/the, you are moving: tho'\ the
action was long since.

8. Wano^^^he, soldiers; fhanu'do^ho^gu, you ai'e war leader; abado^,
they say.

9. He! gapige, the gatherhvy; sh)ia,jou went; SacZo", act completed.

10. Gafi'ge, to gather or congregate; Ir, lies; tho^, in the past;
a'gaxthe, when the wind blows leeward; thisJio^, toward; mo''^zlini''^' ,
you walked; ado'", they say, tradition.

11. Sho'^'to^ganuga, wolf, male; tJiathi^she, thou moving; tho^, in
time past.

12. IMe'^'o", face; fo", white or pale; ti'ti, come, come — coming
repeatedly to view; utlia'gafi^, peering over a hill or bush; ti'ti,
appearing repeatedly; mo^zhni", you walk; ado'", it is said.

13. Ci'^'de, tail; I'e, long; thia' athiko'" , standing to one side as if
blowTi to one side by the wind; ego", like; mo^zlmi", 3'ou walk; of/o",
it is said.

14. 7/e.' A'a'xe?)w^a, crow, male; tlidtJii^she, you move; <Ao", past time.

15. Nu'dehi", hair or feathers of the tliroat; gafapa, standing on
end, spread out; ego", like; mo^zhni", j^ou walk; ado'^, it is said.

16. Ni'l'ashiga, people; Ho!, exclamatory address of admiration;
etlia'hiwathe, to be thought as inspiring admiration ; ego", like; nio'"zhn i'\
you walk; ado", it is said.

17. Vtlia'gthaa, you shouted; tigthagiha, repeatedly at a distance;
mo'"zJi7ii", you walk; ado", it is said.

18. Thaligtliifo" tha, turning yourself; the, going; thatJia, repeat-
edly; a'gaxthe, leeward; thi.tho", toward; Tie, the lay of the land;
thithe, joyfully; xti, verily; mo"zhni", you walk; ahado", it is said.

19. Wani'ta, animals; t?io"iho", groups.

20. Thue, near by; xti, verily; titho", come to a place, near by;
gaxa, they make; hado", act completed.

444 TH?: OMAHA TRIBE |kth. ann. 27

21. TTii shlaxe, jou make; eshe, you said; ahado", it is said.

22. He! Wani'ta, animals; thoHho'^, group.

23. Wiaxchi, one; sJitiwo^, not even; gtJie, go home; tha, to cause;
iazhi, not.

24. ^VcoMe, close together, as in a line; xti, verily.

25. T'e, dead; wa, plural; tha, to cause; hado", completed action.

26. He! Wai", to carry; agtha, go home; hado'^, completed action.

27. UsMo^', the place where an action has occurred; le, lying dowTi;
tho^, in past time.

28. A'gaxthe, leeward; thisho^, toward; ke, lying down.

29. Mo^zhni"' , you walk; ado^, therefore, for that purpose.

30. Thiu'de, a deserted place, once the scene of activity; agthe, to
go home; uioa'to^ga, immediately.

31. Te, buffalo; t'e, dead; te, lying; //io", past action.

32. A'sTipae, you gathered in multitudes; itJioHho'^, in bunches or
groups here and there; iado^, completed act.

33. Thi'toHJd", you first; xti, verily; paho'^'ga, before or first;
tJiagtha'te, you eat what is yours; ithikoHha, gives you power to live,
to be animated; hado^, completed action.

34. Ushte', what remains over; oHha, abandoned; agtha'i, they
went home; Ice, lying scattered; tho", past time; slrnafa, you eat;
bado^, completed action.

35. Zhi"-ga' , little ones, children; thego", like this; xti, verily;
awagipaxe, I make for my own; In^^htha, I want or desire; tho^, past
action.

36. V'zhawa, rejoicing, the possession of that which brings comfort
or pleasure; xti, verily; awa'gipaxe, I make for my own; tho^zha, yet;
wie'wamo^, I caused it, was responsible for it; atM^lie, the one mov-
ing; eshe, you have said; ahado", it is said.

37. Wi'toHhi^, I first; i, mouth; ithagite, with I touch; athi'^he, the
one moving; tho^zha, nevertheless.

38. Zhi'^ga' , little ones, children.

39. No"'de,heeiTt; grtM/^o", delighted; x^i, verily; «K'o'^ipaxe, I make
for my own; atliMie, tlie one moving; eshe, you have said: ubado",
it is said, traditionalh*.

Free translation

1. He! Government you made for yourselves, it was accomplished — ff^i

2. Rules you made that shall control action — egka!

3. Even chiefs — egka!

4. He! Soldiers you have selected among yourselves — eglca!

5. He! Great male wolf, in ages past you were "moving" — e^ha!

6. Of soldiers you were a war leader, it has been said — ecka!

7. Male crow, in ages long ago you were "moving" — e^ka!

8. Of soldiers you were a war leader, it has been said — e^ka!

9. UTiere were congregated our desire (the herds of buffalo), you went — e^ka!

10. They (the herds) were gathered leeward, where the wind blows you walked, it is
said — egka!

FLETCHEK-LA KI.ESCHE] WARFARE 445

11. Great ^ray wolf, thou wert then "movinj;" — e(;ka!

12. Your pale face, it is said, peered over the hill again and again as you walked — cqha!

13. Your long tail blo\vii by the wind to one side as you passed on, it is said — e^ka!

14. He! Male crow, you long ago were "moving" — e(;l;n!

15. The frayed feathers ruffled at your neck as you walked, it is said — eqha!

16. The people cry Ho! in admiration, as you walk, so it was said — e(;ha:

17. You shouted again and again back to them from the distance, it is said — e(;ha!

18. Turning yourself again and again as joyfully you walked to leeward on the broad

land, it is said — eqka!

19. The herds of animals — eqka!

20. Verily you cause them to come near — ei;kn!

21. This have you done, so it is said — e(;ka!

22. He! Herds of animals — eqka!

23. Not even one may escape — e(;ka!

24. Verily, close together do they stand — e^ka!

25. Slaughtered were they — «f/.-a.'

26. He! Many were carried home — ei;ka!

27. The field lay vast, it is said — e(;ka!

28. Ever toward leeward, 0 wolf — eqka!

29. For that purpose you walk — eqka.

30. A deserted place immediately becomes the scene of your activity — ((:ka!

31. The buffalo lying dead — ei;ka!

32. In great flocks here and there crows gather together — eqka!

33. Verily, what is yours you eat and the food gives you new life — e(;ka!

34. The remainder lay scattered, that which was left you ate — eqka!

35. Verily, like to this do I desire for my children — eqka!

36. Verily, I would make them to rejoice, that do I strive to bring to pass — eqka!

37. Although I have first touched food with my mouth — e(;ka!

38. Nevertheless, the little ones, the children — e<;ka!

39. Their hearts would I make glad, with my power (moving), so you said, it is said —

eqka!

In this ritual, the wolf and the crow address the people as "little
ones," "children," and by their help bring the herds near to furnish
food and sustain hfe. The office of "soldier" on the tribal hunt made
it possible for all the people, old and young, rich and poor, to be
"made glad" by abundant food.

The refrain, eflca, is equivalent to "I desire," "I crave," "I ask
or pray for." It is ritualistic and responsive to that which precedes.
Each line is not complete in itself, yet it conveys the picture, or a part
of the picture, of the help offered once and for all time by the wolf
and the crow and tends to impress on the warrior his dependence
on these supernatural helpers. In fine 5, and again in line 7, the
wolf and the crow are said to be "moving" m a time long past. This
use of the word "moving" brings the crow and the wolf into mythical
relation with Wako°'da the power that "moves," that gives life to
all things; the tune when these creatures were "moving" was in the
distant past and their action had in it something of the creative
character.

The ritual also perpetuates the story of the time when the office
of "soldier" (those who were to guard the people and regulate the
hunting) was created, as well as the mj'thical promise of the crow and

446 THK OMAHA TRIBE [KTII. axn. 27

the wolf to help men in battle and in the hunt. To preserve the
story of this association and promise, the war ornament, "the Crow,"
was devised. The Ponca and the Omaha claim to have been joint
originators of this insignia, which has since been adopted by other
tribes.

The following was told by a Ponca chief (pi. ,57), more than ten
years ago:

It is said that when the Grow came to offer his services to the people he had in his
bill a luaki^'^on — a ball of white down from the brant. This he laid before the leader
of the people as a token of his ability to fulfill his promise of help.

\\'hen the leader of a war party wishes to practise augury to ascertain whether or not
he will be successful, he relies on the wolf or the crow to reveal to him future events.
The following story is told of Shu'degaxe and Mixa'fka, who years ago led a party
against the Pawnee:

"One evening a wolf was heard howling and Shu'degaxe listened to it for a long
time, when he said to his warriors: 'The wolf which you have heard howling has
promised me success if I would vow to feast with him. I now give such vow and I
will eat a part of the fiesh of any enemy we may slay.' In two days the war party
encountered the Pawnee and completely routed them. Many Pawnee were killed
and many of their horses taken. True to his vow, Shu'degaxe took a bit of the flesh
of an enemy he had himself slain and in the presence of his men undertook to keep
his word. After much singing (which is often done before a great undertaking) the
leader dropped the bit of human flesh down his throat, but threw it up after writhing
in pain. He made two unsuccessful attempts. At last he wrapped the bit of flesh
in a piece of buffalo fat, when he was able to keep it down.

Another story is told of a warrior to whom the crows offered their services as scout."..
"These crows," said the leader to his men, "have promised to go in search of our
enemy. They say that they want to feast on human flesh. They will return to us
on the morning of the second day after this. Notice how yonder crow is marked;
one feather is missing from his right wing. By this mark you will recognize him on
his return day after to-morrow." The birds returned on the morning set for the report.
They gave to the leader even the number of the people he would encounter and how
many were to be slain. It all came true and the war party returned successful.

These two, the crow and the wolf, offered their company to the people and it was
for mutual aid. The crow and the wolf were to direct the people in finding enemies
and game and the people were to make sure of killing so that the wolf and the crow
could feast on the flesh Icfl on the field of battle or in the chase.

THE FEATHER WAR BONNET

There was one ornament which stood for the social relation, the
interdependence of men, and which was not directly connected with
the supernatural. This was the imposing eagle-feather war bonnet
(pi. 55). The right to possess and wear this regalia could be obtained
only by the consent of a man's fellow-warriors. To be sure, the per-
son to whom the right was given must have already received, publicly,
war honors; but he must also have gained the respect of the leading
men of the communit}'.

Tlie materials required to make the bonnet were gathered In' the
man who wished to possess it but its manufacture depended on the

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

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PONCA CHIEF

FLETCHER-I.A PLKSOHE] WARFARE 447

assistance of many persons. A sort of skull cap was made of dressed
deer skin, Avith a flap hanging behind; a border of folded skin about
the edge formed the foundation for the crown of golden eagle feathers,
which were fastened so as to stand upright about the wearer's head.
Each one of these feathers stood for a man; the tip of Iiair fastened
to the feathers and painted red represented the man's scalp lock.
Before a feather could be fastened on tlie bonnet a man must count
his honors which entitled liim to wear the feather and enabled him to
prepare the feather for use in decorating the war bonnet.

As so many persons were required ceremonially to prepare the
feathers to be used in making a war bonnet, the man who desired to
have such bonnet prepared a feast and invited to his lodge his
warrior friends; these partook of the feast and then counted their
honors on the eagle plumes and so made them readj^ for use. For-
merly only the man who had taken a scalp could put the tip of red
hair on the eagle feathers, so that every feather thus ornamented
stood for two honors — the feather itself for one of the first three war
honors, the tip for the taking of a scalp. When a warrior counted
his honors, he held up the feathers which were to represent these
honors, sajmig: "In such a battle I did thus," etc. At the con-
clusion of the recital the feather was handed to the man who was
manufacturing the bonnet, who put the feather in the proper place.
As many of these bonnets contained ffl'ty or more feathers, and as
each feather must have an honor counted on it and no honor could
be counted twice, the manufacturer of a war bomiet required a
number of helpers and the task took considerable time — often several
days. Strips of ermine, arranged to fall over the ears and cheeks,
were fastened to the bonnet. The ermine represented alertness and
skill in evading pursuit. A bird or some other symbohc object could
be fastened on the crown of the skull cap. This object was generally
some feature of the man's vision, through which he believed he
received supernatural aid in time of need. Sometimes the flap was
embroidered with porcupine work or painted with symbohc designs.
Songs were sung during the making of the war bonnet. Before the
advent of horses the flap of the bonnet did not extend below the
waist, thus avoiding interference with walking or with the wearing
of other ornaments, as "the Crow;" but after horses became plentiful
the flap was extended to a man's feet when standing; when the man
was moimted, it lay on the back of the horse.

A noted warrior might arrange to have a war bonnet made in
order to present it to a vahant and well-known man who had a son.
Such an act was regarded as a great honor to the family, and in
acknowledgment valuable gifts would be bestowed on the donor.
The presentation to the son was a challenge to him to aciiieve honors
similar to those won by the warrior who made the gift. As such

448 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

honors could be gained only by risking one's life, when the young man
was brought into his father's lodge to receive the bonnet the women
of the family gathered about the lodge and as he entered wailed for
him as dead, cutting their hair and making all the demonstrations of
grief in recognition of the dangers he must face to make good the
challenge of the war bonnet.

The war bonnet was worn on ceremonial occasions and sometimes
in defensive warfare when the village or camp was attacked. A
story was told by an old man of an adventure in his youth. A party
of warriors had gone out to defend the village and one of the leading
men had worn his war bonnet. In the fight he found the bonnet
in his way, so, calling a lad, he bade him take the bonnet back to
the village. The boy did so and entered the camp wearing the war
bonnet, amid the laughter and jokes of the people. Being a fun-
loving lad, he paraded about and played the part of a victorious
warrior to the amusement of all; as the event proved, he was really
the herald of a notable victory by the Omaha.

In former times a man could not deck his leggings or shirt with
a fringe of hair except by the consent of the warriors. Honors had
to be counted on the strands of hair as on the feathers used in mak-
ing a war bonnet, therefore each lock or tuft of the fringe stood for
a war honor and no honor could be counted twice. It was this
custom that made garments of this character so highly valued.
The hair for the fringe was generally furnished by the man's female
relatives. Each of the locks forming the fringe usually sewed in a
heading of skin, frequently ornamented with quill work.

Weapons

The weapons of the Omaha were the bow and arrow, the shield
the club, and the spear.

The club, called zho^pa'zhna (fig. 99), was generally made from the
root of the ash. It was well shaped, and not infrequently a weasel
was carved on top above the rounded end.

The lance, or spear, was called mo^'dehi {mo'^'de, "bow;" M, "tooth").
This name bears out a tradition that in ancient times the Omaha
used to attach a blade to one end of the bow, to be used like a
bayonet, for thrusting.

It is said that different kinds of wood have been tried in making the
bow. Hickory proved to be worthless, as changes in the weather caused
it to warp or to lose its strength. Experience has shown that ash and
ironwood make the best bows. These woods polish easily and the bows
made from them remain true. When these were not available a kind
of elm was used, "that having the drooping branches." The parts of
the bow wliich were to be bent, were well oiled and bent into shajjc b}'

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

WAEFAEB

449

pressure witli the feet while liekl over Uve coals. A bow strung with-
out Being shaped in this manner would break the string, however
strong. The head of the bow was bent or curved more than the foot.
A good bow should be slightly curved at the middle of the back.
Two notches {ma'flci) were made on the head of the bow and one on
the foot. The stringing and unstringing of the bow were termed
uno'^'xpe, "to loosen," a word applied only thereto. To preserve the
elasticity and strength of the wood, the unstrung bow was bent back-
ward before returning it to the sheath. The bow and the bowstring
were kejit always dry; moisture weakens a bow and causes the string
to pull apart.

The bowstring was made from the sinew that lies on the muscle
beside the backbone of the buffalo or the elk from the shoulders to
the base of the spine. This sinew was prepared by soaking it over
night in water slightly mixed with glue, after which the sinew was
stripped into strantls and all the water squeezed out. A strand com-

Fn;. 'jy. War chib (native drawing).

posed of many threads was measured oft" twice the length of the bow.
A pole having on it a small l)ranch was driven into the ground and the
strand looped over this branch. The maker of the bowstring took
the ends one in each hand, twisted them between his fingers, and
swung them twisting until the two strands tightened; then he twisted
the cord fii-mly together into one string and knotted the ends. A loop
remained where the cord was over the branch on the pole; this loop
was for the head notches on the bow; the other end was left free for
convenient adjustment. The bowstring was called mo"'(!c Tco^\ liter-
ally, "the bow tendon.'' Every man kept two strings for his bow —
one fastened on the bow, the other carried in the quiver (fig. 100)
for use in emergencies.

Dogwood and ash saplings were used in making arrow shafts.
The first process in making arrows was to whittle the shafts down
to a j)roper size; they were then hung over the fire for seasoning.
Next, all the knots in the wood were cut out or scraped down level

83993°— 27 eth— 11 29

450

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

with the surface uiul tlie shafts louiuh'd on a sandstone. In hiter
times two ])ieces of ])erforatod tin were used for this purpose. . Fine
sand was formerly employed to polish the shafts; later sandpaper

Flii. 100. QuivCT.

became the substitute. The length of the shaft was tlie liistance
from the inside of the elbow of the left arm to the tip of the middle
finger of the left hand and from the tip of this finger over the back

FLETCHKR-LA FLESCHE] WAEFARE 451

of the hand to the wrist bone. This measin-ement was made on the
wood itself; no string or other device was used. The shaft was then
cut at this length and a notch was made, called moH'taxe zJw^lca
(mo'", "arrow;" ■itaxe, "tip;" zho^ka, "branched or forked"); after
that a slit, mo"'hideugthe {mo'^, "arrow;" hide, "shank;" ugihe, "to
insert"), was made to receive the shank of the arrowhead. Into
this slit the arrowhead was inserted, and fastened with sinew soaked
in glue. The sinew was dried by the use of burnt mica, which was
called talco^'if-oHhe, a descriptive term meaning "whitening for the
sinew." The glue (hi'^pa) used with the sinew and to fasten on the
feathers was made by boiling horn, turtle shell, or rawhide. The
ends of the feathers used in arrowshaf ts were wound around smoothly
and closely with sinew soaked in glue water, }ti''jmni (hi^jxi, "glue;"
ni, "water"). Burnt mica was used for whitening as well as for drj'-
ing the sinew. The arrow maker took pride in finishing his work
neatly and without soiling the sinew. After the arrowheads were
attached, waving lines or grooves were made along the length of the
shafts. This was done in order to prevent the wood from springing
back to its natural bent and not, as has sometimes been stated, to
allow the blood to flow along the arrowshaft, or for a symbol of the
lightning. Arrowshafts were straightened by passing them through
a hollow bone.

There were three kinds of arrows, all which were spoken of by the
general term mo", "arrow". Two were known by descriptive names:

(1 ) Arrows having heads of flint or stone were used for big game and
for defensive warfare. These were always spoken of simply as mo^.

(2) Hide'gapai (hide, "foot;" gapai, "sharpened"). These arrows
had no heads; the foot was sharpened. They were used for small
game — as squirrels, rabbits, and prairie chickens, and also by both
men and boys in practising to secure skill in aiming. Shooting at
a mark for stakes {mo"hi'de ilciko^ — mo^^ "arrow;" Mde, "shoot;"
ikiko", "gamble with each other") was a common mode of gambling.
The stakes were usually arrows. In such games many men might
engage in the sport. The first player set up the mark, provided
there was no boy to serve the party. If there was a boj^, he stuck an
arrow into the ground at the distance agreed on, generallj^ 200 to 400
yards; this mark was called washa'hegthe (washa'he "a dark object;"
gthe, "thrust in" the ground). The aim was to strike the arrow
where it entered the ground. If an arrow fell beyond the mark, the
mai'ksman lost. A stick was used to measure the distances. When
the stakes in a shooting match were goods (robes, saddles, etc.) or
horses, then only two men could contest. An arrow set up in the
ground was always the mark. (3) Hide'tashe (hide, "foot;" tashe,
"knobbed"). These arrows were without heads; the shafts were
knobbed at the foot. They were used by boys only, generally to
kill birds.

452 THE OMAHA TRIBE I lOTH. ANN. 27

For the jHirpose of identifying the slayer of an aninuil when hunt-
ing;, arrows were always decorated in pairs. This custom gave rise
to an expression — in 0^1 in"' do" (literally, mo", "arrow;" vn^'do", "to-
gether, or united ") — to indicate that things were similar. Among the
Omaha the decoration of an arrow was always individual; there was
no mark common to a gens. Among the Ponca, as has already been
mentioned, certain gentes painted their arrows in a prescribed man-
ner. Sometimes arrows were identified by the shape or color of the
stone arrowhead, shajied as a "tui'tle's tongue," red, black, or white
in color. An unfinished arrow shaft was called mo"'<,u.

Feathers for arrows bore the exclusive name itha'thage, an old
term. The act of putting on the feather was spoken of as a'fhn, also
an old term. Before the advent of horses bows and arrows were
made long, in order to insure accuracy. After the horse came into
use the hunter coukl shoot at closer range and a shorter bow was em-
ployed; moreover, the long bow was inconvenient to liandle on horse-
back.

The cjuiver (nW'zMha), figure 100, was made of skin; a broad strap
fastened at the open end and worn over the shoulder served to hold it.
Quivers made from otter skins and ornamented with quills or beads
were used on dress occasions.

The shield, wliich was circular, was made of rawhide cut from the
shoulder of the bufTalo bull. The piece intended for use was held
over a fire, where it was allowed to shrink gradually, meanwhile being
pidled until there was no spring left in the hide. It was then cut to
the proper size. The cover was made of deer skin painted to repre-
sent a vision that had come to the owner when fasting.

Contents of the Tent of War

In June, 1884, the entire contents of the Tent of War were com-
mitted to the writers by the surviving hereditary keeper, to be placed
in the Peabody Museum, Harvard I'niversity, where they now are.
The ceremonies cormected with these articles had become obsolete
owing to the changed conditions brought about by the occupancy
by white settlers of the country adjacent to the Omaha I'esei'vation;
yet the objects were regarded with respect and a sort of supersti-
tious awe. The older men remembered the days when these ai-ticles
were potent in the tribal life; the younger generation knew of them
vaguely, but had inherited a fear of their mj'sterious power. The
keeper, Mo"'hi"thi"ge (fig. 101), found the charge of these tinngs a
serious care and anxiety. He kept them in a tent near his little
house, and as he was becoming old and feeble he feared they might
inadvertently suffer harm and the tribe be supematurally i)unished
for the accident. Becau.se of these fears and of the changes that
had already taken place and were still going on— as, that chief-

FI.KTCHKU-l.A I'M.KSCIIE]

WAEFARE

453

trtinsliip in (he trilie had been ahdhshed; the buffalo had been exter-
minated, so that hunting was no longer possible; \vai-s were at an end;
the tribal lands were being divided into individual holdings — he was
brought to realize in no uncertain way that the past life of the people
was irrevocably gone. Face to face with these evidences of change,
the olil man met the situation with thoughtful dignity. With his
owni hands, still as hereditary keeper, he laid away his sacred charge

Fig. lul. Mon'hinthinge, la.st keepurof the Tent of War.

where the articles, no longer needed to promote tribal imity and
tribal safety, would be made to serve the study and the preservation
of the story of his people, saying, as he did so:

These sacred articles have been in the keeping of my family for many generations;
no one knows how long. My sons have chosen a path different from that of their
fathers. I had thought to have these articles buried with me; but if you will jilace
them where they will be safe and where my children can look on them when they
wish to think of the past and of the way their fathers walked, I give them into your

454

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTH. ANN. 27

keeping. Should there oome a lime when I might crave to see once more these thinjjs
that have been mlh my fathers, I would like to be permitted to do so. I know that
the members of my family are willing that I should do this thing and no others have
a right to question my action. There are men in the tribe who will .say hard things
of me because of this act but I think it best to do as I am doing.

It was late in the afternoon when the writers went to get the articles.
The old man was sitting alone outside his dwelling. lie had
carefully gathered the contents of tlie Tent of War and was taking
his last look at them in the fading light. Then with his own hands
and with quiet haste, he lifted them into our wagon. "They are all
there," he said, and turned away as the round moon rose over

the valley. This act of
Mo°'hi°tlii''ge drew a sharp
line that marked the close
of a chapter in Omaha
history. It is fitting that
the name of one who was
brave enough to draw that
line should be remembered
with honor and sympathy
for his courajreous act.

Fig. 102. Bag containing Sacred Shell.

THE SACRED SHELL

On tlie reorganization
of the tribal government
the rites of defensive war-
fare were placed in charge
of the 'We'zhi"slite gens.
Tliis gens had probabh*
held an important ])lace in
tlie previous tribal order
to have had given to it
such prominence in the
new order. It is likely that the earlier i)rominence was connected
with the rites tliat were the special care of this people — rites which
must have commanded a tribal recognition — and the ancient name
of the gens, judging from tribal custom, i)robably referred to these
rites. Both the name and tiic rites which gave the name have long
been lost, but out of the dim past a ceremonial object has come down
as a heritage of the gens — tlie Sacred Shell. Xo one knew what it
stood for, but everyone held it in superstitious dread; in all the tribe
there was not a person exeni])t from fear of this shell. The siij)ersti-
tions that dung about it indicated that its rites related to the cosmic
forces and to fundamental beliefs relative to life and death. AVhen it
became known in the tribe that the keeper of the Tent of "War had

FLETCUER-LA FLESCIIE]

WARFAKE

455

coininitted its contents to the writers, men drove 30 and 40 miles to
give cautions concerning the hantlhng ot this shell, as dire conse-
ffuences would follow any carelessness or undue freedom in touching it.

Tlie shell was encased in a sort of leather bag made from a piece
of dressed skin, folded together, the sides fringed and the fringe braided
so as to form the receptacle. Tliis bag (fig. 102; Peabody Museum
no. 37557) was always hung in the tent, never being allowed to touch
the ground. It was believed that should this happen a terrible heat
would follow, so great as to dry up the water courses and kill the
fish. Mankind would hardly survive the result of the impact of the
shell and the earth. Wlien tlie tril)e moved out on tiie buffalo iiunt
the Tent of War with its
contents was always taken
along. The shell was car-
ried on the back of a boy.
Promising children in the
gens were selected for this
purpose, in the hope that
the shell might influence
the boy's dreams or visions
and so bring good fortune
not only to the lad but
through him to the tribe.
He was given a pointed
stick with which to steady
himself as he walked and
when he sat down to rest
he stuck the stick into the
ground and hung on it the
bag containing the shell.
If by any chance, as some-
times happened, he tripped
and fell as he ran, he must
at once utter this prayer: Hei! mo^no'^'htJii^, "I have strayetl" (as if
one were lost in the woods). The words are applied to an action
which may bring disaster, but which is accidental. This acknowl-
edgment on the part of the boy was supposed to avert the conse-
quences which would happen if the shell should touch the ground.
Men who in their youth had carried the shell have told of having
fallen, thus causing the bag containing the shell to strike stones, but
because of this prayer no trouble followed.

Yvlien the bag containing the shell was examined at the Peabody
Museum, it was opened by being cut at the back, as the skin was
too stiff and old for- the ends to be unbraided and it was desirable
to preserve the outward appearance of the bag. It was photographed

Fig. 103. Bag opened to show Sacred Shell.

456

THE OMAMA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

before any tiling was disturbed. (Fig. 10.3.) The bag is about 6 inches
wide and 9 inches deep. There are indications of a rechhsli stripe
having been painted down the center from the top to the bottom.
There appeared to be an inner bag, wliich was wrapped about four
times with strips of tanned skin three-fourths of an inch wide hav-
ing sprays of cetUir tied in. Tliis hning seems to have been painted

Fiu. 104. Sacred Sliull uud contents.

red next the shell On being removed, the shell and its undisturbed
contents were photographed. (Fig. 104.)

The shell (pi. 58 and fig. 104; Peabody Museum no. 47822) was
found to be a Unio alafus, a species that occurs in the Ohio, Missouri,
and northern Mississipjn valleys and in the Great Lakes; hence it
is not probable that it came to the })eople from an outside source.
The shell is not entire. "The winglike projection which extends

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-SEVENTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 58

THE SACRED SHELL

FLETCHEn-I.A FI.KSI-lIKl WARFARE 457

from the beak of the shell had been broken or cut away; the surface
had been rubbed down." It is possible that the condition of the
shell may be due to human agency, although it may be accounted
for otherwise — the break, by a fall on stones of the boy to whom the
bag containing the shell was entrusted (an accident said to have
occurred more than once during the last century), and the rubbed
api)earance, by the friction caused by long contact with the bag.

The contents (fig. 104) of the shell were wrapped in two pieces
of matting, the warp of which is twisted vegetable fiber and the woof,
rush. The outer matting is coarse and shows a selvage; the inner
wrapping is of the same material, but of finer weave. Near the
hinge of the shell was a scalp lock, tied with sinew and doubled over;
beside it was a small skin receptacle, greatly compressed, contain-
ing a dark substance, probably earth, in which were a few seeds, frag-
ments of what may have been grass, and some hairs. There is no
tradition of this bag having been opened or of the shell having been
exposed. The bag was said to contain a shell; nothing more con-
cerning it was known.

Shells were formerly used to carry coals of fire. In the ancient
ceremonies in which this shell had a part it may have served some
such purpose either actually or symbolically. That it was connected
with fii'e seems probable from the superstition that it could cause
great heat. The fragments of cedar and the scalp would indicate
some association with thunder and death. In the account of the
Shell society (p. 509) it will be seen that the shell was connected
with death and the continuation of life after death, as well as with
water and the beginnings of life. Osage myths associate the shell
with the introduction of life on the earth.

If additional light is ever thrown on this Sacred Shell of the Omaha
tribe it will probably be the result of study of some of the cognate
tribes, which may have preserved some tradition of a ceremony in
which a shell of this kind was used.

THE CEDAR POLE

An ancient cedar pole (fig. 57) was also in the keeping of the
We'zhi°shte gens, and was lodged in the Tent of War. This vener-
able object was once the central figure in rites that have been lost.
In Creation myths the cedar tree is associated with the advent of the
human race; other myths connect this tree with the thunder. The
thunder birds were said to live "in a forest of cedars." The phe-
nomenon of lightning striking a tree was explained as, "the thunder
bird has lit on the tree." What, if any, relation existed between the
rites connected with the Cedar Pole and those of the Sacred Shell
can not now be ascertained among the Omaha. The fact that both

458 THE OMAHA TRIBK [bth. ANN. 27

these relics of past (•crcmoinals wore in charge of one gens ^v()lllcl
seem to indicate some sort of connection.

This Cedar Pole was called Waxthe'xe, a name afterward trans-
ferred to the Sacred Pole in charge of the no"'ga gens. The Sacred
Pole symbolized the power of the chiefs and it is not improba])le that
the Cedar Pole stood for the power of Thnnder, the god of war.

The Cedar Pole was 1 m. 25 cm. in length. To it was bound by a
rope of sinew a similar piece of rounded cedar 61 cm. long called the
zhi'be, or "leg." In the middle of the pole was bound another rounded
piece of the wood, steadied by a tliird and smaller one, as three round
sticks can be bound together more firmly than two. It is said that
the pole typified a manlike being. As stated above, the lower piece
was called "the leg," and it may be that the stick bound to the
middle represented a club. The Thunder god, we are told, used a
club for a weapon. One of the ritual songs used in the ceremony for
awarding honors says:

Behold how fearful is he, your Grandfather.
He lifts his long club, fearful is he.

There is a Tradition that in olden times, in the spring after the first
thunder had sounded, in the ceremony which then took place this
Cedar Pole was painted, with rites similar to those observed when the
Sacred Pole was painted and anointed at the great tribal festival
held while on the buffalo hunt. If this tradition is true, these cere-
monies must have taken place long ago, as no indication of any such
painting remains on the Cedar Pole. (See p. 229).

SOCIETIES

There were two classes of societies among tlie Omaha — social and
secret.

Membership in the social class was open to those able to perform
the acts requireil for eligibility. To tliis class belong the warrior
societies as well as those for social purposes only.

The secret societies dealt with mysteries and memberslup was
generally attained by virtue of a dream or vision. Some of these
secret societies had knowledge of medicines, roots, and plants used
in healing; others were noted for their occult and shamanistic pro-
ceedings and furnish the only examjjles of such practices in the tribe.

There were no societies composed exclusively of women.

Social Societies

the hethu'shka

Among the societies of the social class one of the largest and
most impoi'tant was the Hethu'shka. Tradition and song indicate
that this society was known when the Omaha, the Ponca, and their
close cognates were living together as one tribe. Among the Omaha
the ceremonies of the Hethu'shka formerly partook of tribal impor-
tance. The Ko"'^e, or "Wind people," were the custodians of the
two pipes sacred to the rites observed in the opening ceremonies
■when the members met together. There were occasions when the
Hethu'shka members moved in a procession around the Jiu'ihuga
(tribal circle), following their two pipes, borne by their Ko^'^e
keepers. The office of keeping and filling the two pipes was hered-
itary in a family of the Ko^'fe gens that to-day is represented by
one surviving member. It is said that the object in establishing
the Hethu'shka society was to stimidate an heroic spirit among the
people and to keep alive the memory of historic and valorous acts.
Thunder was the tutelar god of the Hethu'shka. The destructive
power of the lightning, with its accompanying thunder and clouds
so terrifying to man and beast, was recognized in the ceremonies and
songs of this society. Among the Osage the Hethu'shka society is
spoken of as the I°gtho°'ushko°, "those who partake of the nature
of the thunder." The society is known not only to the close cognates

but to the Iowa and Oto tribes as well.

459

460 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. anx. liT

During the last century or more the Ilothu'shka lias spread among
other hranches of the Siouan family; tribes differing in language and
customs have adopted it, so to speak. Among these are the Pawnee,
who, according to tradition, were at one time close allies of the Omaha;
they still call the Hethu'shka by its Omaha name. They and other
tribes, who, to tliis day, delight in dancing to the rhythmic cadence of
its songs, have songs of their own composition; but all these songs fol-
low the model of the original Omaha songs. Any tribe familiar with
the Hethu'shka " dance" at once recognizes one of its songs no matter
in what tribe the song was composed. It is important to note that,
although the Hethu'shka has so wide a popularity, it is only in the
tribe in which it originated that the religious rites and songs of the
opening ceremonies are observed; outsiders omit these observances
and make use only of the dramatic dance, the songs, and the feast
that closes the gathering of the members.

The membership of the Hethu'shka in the Omaha tribe was re-
stricted to warriors; it included chiefs and "privates" but all were
on an equal footing. The one requisite for eligibility was that the
man should have received jjublic war honors before the Packs
Sacred to War. Entrance to the society was by imanimous con-
sent. A desirable candidate was "picked" by a mombei and in-
vited to a meeting, where, if no one offered objection to his joining
the society, he was accepted as a member from that time.

The ofTicers of the society were the hereditary keepers of the
Hethu'shka pipes held as sacreil, a leader, and a herald. The leader
held his office during lifetime or mitil he chose to resign. Wlien
the office became vacant, the aspirant for the position had to be a
man high in the respect of the tribe and a successful leader in war.
The candidate made known his desire for the vacant olllce by invit-
ing the members to a feast. At the feast his candidacy was dis-
cussed and if no objection to him were raised, he was accepted as
leader. The herald had to be a reputable warrior and possessed of a
strong, clear voice so that his messages might be distinctly heard.
At each meeting the leader appointed two or more 3'oung men to act
as servants in attending to the fire and assisting in the ceremonies.
These servants were sometimes young men who had not yet attained
to the distinction requi-site for membership and it was considered an
honor to be thus chosen and permitted to serve.

The meetings were held at irregular intervals, usually about once a
month, always in the same place — in the commodious dwelling of
some member who was respected in the tribe. He did not con-
tribute anything l^esides shelter to the society, except when he chose
to be the host, or feast-giver. Some member always A-ohinteered to
act in this capacity for each meeting; it was 'the duty of the host to

FLETCniiK-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 461

furnish the rcqui.sitc food for the "feast" and the tobacco for the
pipes, though he could not fill these or prepare them for smoking,
as that could be done only by the hereditary Ko^'^e keeper. The host
had also to prepare the black paint, made of charred box-elder wood
mixed with water, and put it ready for use into a wooden bowl, the
property of the society, kept for tliis purpose.

At the meetings of the society each member had his appointed
place in the circle within the lodge. The leader, who must always
belong to the highest grade of warriors, sat in the middle at the back
part of the lodge, opposite the door. The men who were his equals in
their grade of war honors sat next to him on his right and left; then
came those of the next lower grade and so on, by grades, down to the
door. The honors by which the places of the members were graded
were those that had been publicly given the warriors at the Wate'gif tu
(see p. 4.34). On each side of the entrance sat the servants appointed
by the leader. Near the door on the right as one entered was the
place set apart for the host or feast-giver of the meeting. Regard-
less of rank, the leader or anyone else had to leave his appointed
seat and occupy this place on the evening when he acted as host.

The drum was placed at the left of the leader's seat. The men
singers, two to four of whom used drumsticks, were grouped around it.
Immediately behind the men sat a few women who possessetl fine
voices. This choir led in the singing of the songs, in which all the
members, when not dancing, generall}' joined.

No clothing except the breechcloth was worn bj- the members
and a long bimch of grass representing scalps the wearer liad taken
was fastened to the belt at the back. Later, but how long ago
it is now impossible to ascertain, the members entitled to wear
the scalps substituted therefor the bunch of long grass. In time
this decoration became part of the Hethu'shka dress or regalia
and as such was worn by all the members without regard to per-
sonal achievements. Wlien the "dance" became known to the
Dakota tribes and the Winnebago, the significance of the bunch
of long grass having been forgotten, they gave the name "Grass
dance," or the "Omaha dance," the latter name in recognition
of the tribe from which the "dance" had been obtained. Each
man painted himself in accordance with the directions given him at
the Wate'giftu and wore the decorations conferred on him at that
public ceremony when he received his grade of war honors. The
leader had to be of sufficient rank to be able to wear "the Crow"
(see p. 441), a decoration of the liighest order. Sometimes bells were
tied about the legs and ankles, adding a sort of clicking, castanet
accompaniment to the song and dance.

462

THE OMAHA TKIBE

[KTH. ANN. 27

Not only were tlie members of the Hethu'shka chost-ii from among
the brave men l)ut. the rules and influence of the society tended to
enforce peace and harmony in the tribe. If a member l)ecame quar-
relsome, a disturber of domestic or tribal afl'airs, the herald was
sent to proclaim him to the people. He would give the man's
name and say: "My friend, the door of the society is closed against
you, that you may remain among the common people where such
acts [naming his olTense] are committed." This punishment was
considered a great public disgrace.

Wlien a meeting was to be held, all the belongings of the family
were removed from the lodge for that evening and the place was left
vacant for the society. The young men who had been appointed
servants brought the necessary wood for the fire and the host sent
the food to be cooked, for nothing was prepared beforehand. Just
before the hour for assembling the host placed the bowl of paint and
the two pipes, which had been filled and made ready for smoldng,
before the place belonging to the leader. Everything was then in
readiness. When all the members were in their places the leader
took up the bowl of black paint and the following song was sung by
all jiresent :

Mysteriously Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
H > Double beat ^ = 138 (Aria as sung in octaves)

Con Ped.

— I 1 ' — I 1-1 — I 1 1 (— I

-• • • — #-1 — I 1 « — #-1

-* — m — » < ' I -J. — *— *-■

hi - tha ki - u°

thu"- ahi - de

iiu°-xthe the

FLETCHER-LA rLESCIIKl

SOCIETIES

463

^r^-

lii-tha ki-u''-te thu''-abi-de Xu°-xthe-the-te

■*-*■■*-& -*■■*■•*■■*■■»• Tr_

thu"- alii-de mi°-xthe-the-te hi-tha-ki- u" - te fhu''-ahi-de

V V -# V ■*

'*m • € i

*=. — 5~»-

"P^^T

=S:

1=S^^'

'« — • • » — »-

■m — • • • — •-

t >■ I I >■ '*■ >- * >■

Nu"xthe the te hithakiu"te thu"ahide
Nu°xthe the te hilhakiune thu''ahide
Nu°xthe the te hithakiu^te thu°ahide
Nu^xthe the te hithakiu"te thu "abide
Nu°xthe the te hithakiu"te thu°ahide

Literal translation: Nu^xthe, charcoal; the te, this standing before
me; MtMkiuHe, to paint or decorate himself with; tJiuT'alnde , I
wearily wait, or wait until I am weary.

Free, translation

Before me stands, awaiting my touch, coal-black paint,
Heavy black clouds filling all the sky o'er our head.
Upon our faces now we put the black, coal-black cloud.
Honoring war, wearying for the fight, warriors' fight,
Waiting to go where the Thunder leads warriors on.

The wonls were not intended to convey the idea that the mem-
bers were literally tired of waiting for the wood to char in order
that the ceremony of painting might take place, but rather that the
desire for action was so strong within the warrior's breast that he
was weary of the restraint, of the lack of opportunity that withheld
him from hertjic deeds of war. The music expresses more than the

464

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

words alone convey. It expresses not only the warrior's eager-
ness but the portentous stir that filled the air with flying birds when
the black storm clouds arose. The song strikingly suggests both the
psychical and natural influence of the symbolic thunderstorm, the
visible sign of (ho warrior god. During the singing of the song the
leader dipped the fingers of his right hand into the paint and touched
his forehead, cheelis, and chin, and both sides of his chest. Then
the bowl was passed by the servants about the lodge and as the
song was repeated each meml)or put on himself the black paint, the
insignia of the Thunder god.

V7hen all had been painted, the leader took the pipes, dropped
some tobacco on the earth, lifted the stems upward, paused a mo-
ment, and slowly turned and pointed them to the north, east, south,
and west ; he then lighted the pipes and handed them to the servants
while this prayer was sung:

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Meligioso Double drum beat p

138 Bong j, = 69

^^f

=tr

Wa - ko" - da

tha

ga the ke, Wa - ko" - da tlia ni

-I-

Drum

11^

Fed.

J t

FLETCiiEU-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 465

,1 u -D.C.

_0 0 1 1 — J i2 1 p_l 1 1 — ( u

ha th:i - ni hi° - ga we tlio lie - - - tho - e

*T ' -0- -f -0^ TT ^ -ST. -^ .

D.C.

I J I ___ _„_ _„

.u-^t — t^ 7=.J — I — r^^ r^^ — ,— -T^'.l ' — ^^— n

Wako"'da thani ga the ko
\Vako"'da thani ga the ke
Wako"'da thani ga the ke
Eha thani hi"ga we tho he thoe
Wako"'da thani ga the ke
Wako"'da thani ga the ke
Wako^'da thani ga the ke
Eha thani hi"ga we tho he thoe

Literal translation: Walco^'da, the power that moves and gives
life; thani, modification of nini, tobacco; ga, here; the, tliis; Ice, some-
thing long — indirect reference to the pipe; e/m, now; hi"ga, modifica-
tion of i^ga, to draw ^nth the lips, as in smoking.

The indirect reference to the pipe imlicates that the article is
unimportant, a mere veliicle, the real offering being the tobacco
smoke.

Free translation

Wako^'da, we offer this smoke,
Wako°'da, accept now our prayer,
Let the smoke rise upward to thee,
It bears our prayer, Wako"'da, to thee.

The words and music of this song are in marked contrast to the
one that preceded. The descriptive character and the impatience
expressed in the opening song here give place to stately measures in
which the thoughts of the members are turned from the objective
display of the Thunder gods toward the in^^sible Wako^'da, the
directive life force which permeates nature and all forms of life.
The beat of the drum is in 4/8 time while the music is in 6/S time.
The contrasting rhythm antl s^nicopation express the restraining
influence of the rite.

The pipes were passetl in the follo\ving order: One pipe was

started at the door and was smoked bj' all seated on the half of the

circle between the left side of the entrance and the leader. The

other was started with the leader and ended with the member at

83993°— 27 eth— 11 30

466

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

the right side of the door. As the pipes were passed among the
mem1)ers, the ascending smoke carried with it each warrior's appeal,
voiced in the prayer to the invisible Wako"'da. With this rite the
opening ceremonies of the Hethu'shka came to a close.

Shortly after, the choir began a song in fast time and whoever
was so mclined arose, dropped his robe in Iris seat, and stepped
forth. Then, in a conventionalized pantomime he acted out one
of his experiences in war from which he had gained a public
war honor at the Wate'gi^tu. A good dancer was light of foot
and agile. A variety of steps was taken; the foot was brought
down on the ground with a thud, making a s^Tichronous accom-
paniment to the resonant drum beat and the voices of the singers;
the limbs were lifted at sharp angles; the body was bent and raised
with sudden and diversified movements, as in a charge, or as if
dodging arrows or averting blows from weapons. In all this
dramatic presentation of an actual scene there was not a motion
of foot, leg, body, arm, or head that did not follow the song in strict
time, yet keeping close to the story that was being acted out. The
throb of the drum started the pulses of the spectator and held him to
the rhythm of the scene as the eye followed the rapid, tense action of
the dancer, wliile the ear caught the melody which revealed the intent
of the strange drama, so full of color, movement, and wdld cadences.
The intense character of the dance made it impossible to sustain it
for any considerable time; therefore the dance and song, although
the latter was repeated, were always short. Rest songs, slower in
time, followed a dance and during these songs the dancers sat muffled
in their robes, often dripping with perspiration and panting to recover
their breath.

When the food was read}', two men each of whom had broken the
neck of an enemy, were designated by the leader to act as servers.
Then the choir began the song that was the ceremonial call to the
feast, to which the two men danced.

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano

Smoothly f=66

^zrg^:-|=f^=f=?^f=p"-=f

£:5i

U- h.i° tlie - te ni - de

Con Peel

-h*

n I — I

^^^^^

-4—^

FLETCHER-r.A FLKSCHBI

SOCIETIES

467

-*— 5

P_nn_ji^'^ri

'T^--

R*:peat ad lib.

da- ku - tha ni - de

tho

lie tho

rn n n r", ^, n ^

^tzt:

—'- ' 1

Uho" thete nide tho
Uho" thete nide tho
I"dakutha nide tho
Uho° thete nide tho he
IMakutha nide tho he tho

Literal translation: UTio", the food now cooking, the feast; thete,
this; nide, it is cooked or ready to eat; i^dalcutha, an ancient term
meaning friend or comrade; tho, he, tho, vocables.

Free translation

The feast awaits you — come, eat,

The feast is awaiting you,

Members, comrades, come and eat.

The feast awaiting stands before you, come,

Members, comrades, come and eat! He tho.

Two sticks were used in serving, and the choicest pieces were given
the bravest man present. After all had been served except the host,
or feast-giver (for he obsei-ved the tribal custom of not partaking of
the food he had provided for his guests), the leader arose and made
an address, in which he thanked the feast-giver and discoursed on
the need of food for the preservation of life. He told of the trials,
dangers, and hardships encountered in securing food, so that the
quest represented both a man's valor and his industry; and, since no
one could live without it, food was a gift of the greatest value. There-
fore no one should partake of it without thanking the giver and he

468

THE OMAHA TRTBE

[BTH. ANN. 27

should not forgot to incliulo Iho giver's wifo and children who lelin-
quished to outsiders their share in this great necessity of the family.
At the close of this speech each member partook of the food provided.
When the repast was over, the member who had received the choicest
part of the meat held up the picked bone and acted out in a dramatic
dance the story of his exploit. Sometimes this exhibition was of a
remarkable histrionic character.

When the time to disperse .came, usually shortly after this dance,
the choir began the song of dismissal. During the singing of the first
part the members rose in their places and at the beginning of the
second part the member who sat with the door to his right passed
around the lodge and fire place and was the first to leave, each one
following in his turn, all singing as they walked and passed out under
the stars. When all had gone, the choir rose from about the drum
and left the lodge in silence. This dismissal song is choral in char-
acter and yet has the rhythm of a march.

Harmonizeil by Jolin C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
(Sung in octaves)

Ko - tha no°- zhi° tlie, Ko- tli:

o'-zhi^the Ko - tlia no°-zhi°the E-

• * * >-- 1— » * M- T^J^;

w^m

-^-

-^ -w ■ ■»■ "W -r

ha no°-zhi" tlio the he the

;«=2±^^

sE^^a^^

tho- 8 Ko-tha mo°-thi° the Ko

I I — :

1 « — ^ — I —I

^—y-

?SE';

_*_^_

-s-s-

r f-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCIIE]

SOCIETIES

469

-•-•-

S"3=

tliii mo°-thi"-tlie Ko-tlia mo'-thi" the E-ha mo°-tlii° tlie he the he he tho

tJ=S=i

¥^

I I I I

r f- -r "I*-

Kotha nCzhi" the
Kotha no"zhi'' the
Kotha no'izhi" the
Eha no"zhi" hi thame tho he thoe

Kotha monhi" the
Kotha mo"thi° the
Kotha mo"thi" the
Eha mo^thi" hi thanu-

tho he thoe

Literal translation: Kotha, an archaic term for friend; no'^zJii", arise
or stand; the, vocable; eha, now; hithame, they saj^; elm he, vocables;
tTioe, close of stanza; Tcotha, friend; mo"f/(i", walk. The words indicate
that tho members address one another: "Friend, we stand; Friend,
we will walk."

Free translation

We say, Friend, arise!
Arise, Friend, we say.
Arise, Friend, and stand.
We say, Now arise and stand.

We say, Friend, now walk,
Now walk. Friend, we say.
We .say, Friend, now walk.
We say. Friend, now walk we away.

The songs of the Ilethu'shka are of much interest musically and
they have also an historic value. It was a rule of the society that
when a member performed a brave deed the society was the authority
to decide whether the name of the doer and the record of his deed
should be preserved in song. No one would ilare to have a song com-
posed in his honor without this consent. When consent was given, the
song was composed, learned by the members, and then became a part
of the record of the Hethu'shka society. In rendering such a song,

470

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

when that part was reached where the warrior's name was mentioned
the drum was not struck, that the name might be the more dis-
tinctly heard.

The words of the songs of the Hethu'shka were never intended to be
complete in themselves, being for the sole purpose of recalling the
incident or story which the song commemorated. Frequently a
single word referred to a known tribal ceremony or recalled a teaching
or precept, so that to the Omaha the word was replete with meaning
and significance. For this reason a literal translation of the songs can
not be made intelligible to an English reader; moreover, an attempt
to make them thus intelligible would take from, rather than unfold,
the meaning of the original and would rob the words of their native
sense and dignity.

The songs of the Hethu'shka society number a hundred or more,
■each one commemorating some historical incident or bringing to
mintl the duties that devolved on the warrior members. Some of the
;songs reveal the ideals held up to inspire the conduct of the warriors.
Although the songs belonged to the society, they were not restricted
to the membership, non-members also being permitted to use them.
By this custom the teachings set forth in the songs spread beyond
the membership and so tendctl to enforce the Hethu'shka standards
^f conduct throughout the tribe.

The following eight songs are selected to show how the young men
were stimulated to loyalty to the Hethu'shka society, to the tribe,
to the family, and to perform acts which accorded with the Omaha
ideal of a brave man:

First Song — Brotherhood and Loyalty

(Sung in octaves)

=g=

-i^-*

4--

Zhi"> - the tha - hi - de tlio
4-

Drum * I J J J

lie

tha - hi

Zlii"

the tha - lii - de zhi" the tha - hi - de zhi" the tha - hi - de tho

:i!:

-1-

:ih=:-±\

~»— *-

-•— *-

-9-~^—?Sl-

e!e£

the Nu - do° ho°-ga tha - hi- de tho lie tho - e

Nu-

ho°-ga ish- a - ga lua

• — »-
a - ba wiu" wa - ka-be

FLETCHEU-LA FLESCHB]

SOCIETIES

471

ho°* ga

Zhi°the thahide tho he thahide
Zhi^the thahide zhi'^the thahide
Zhi°the thahide tho he the
Nudo"ho°ga thahide tho he thoe

2
Nudo°ho°ga ishagama iaba
Wiu^waka be tho
Zhi''the thahide tho he the
Nudo"ho°ga thahide tho he tho

Translation: ZhiHhe, older brother; thahide, I longingly wait;
tho he, oratorical close of sentence; nudo'^ho^ga, leader, captain;
ishagama, old men (ma, a pliu-al sign) ; iaha, they spoke ; wiuHual-a,
they refer to me; he tho, oratorical ending of sentence. "Elder
brothers! I longing wait [to share in the duties of the society].
Captains! the old men have spoken [of these duties]; their words
now refer to me. Elder brothers! Captains! I longingly wait to take,
part in them [the duties]."

This song enforced the bond of brotherhood which bound together
the members of the Hethu'shka. There were two ways in which the
relation of brother could be expressed in the Omaha language:
"Elder brother" and "younger brother." In the song the newly
admitted member speaks, addressing the members of the society
as "elder brothers." As war honors were requisite to membership,
those whom he addressed were all men of more or less distinction.
In his form of address he not only recognizes this but also his own
inclusion in the brotherhood and proclaims liis eagerness to do his
part in maintaining the honor of the society and to share in its duties.
B}' calling his "elder brothers" Jiudo'^ho^ga, "captains," he not only
acknowledges their attainments but expresses his willingness to fol-
low their leadership. In the second stanza he lays claim to share in
the trailitions of the society, that he may in liis own career carry out
the exhortations of the aged men whose words have been an inspira-
tion to his "elder brothers" and "captains."

472 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Second SoN(i — The IIethu'shka, Representing the Tribe, Defy the Ememi'

(Aria as suug in octave unison) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpreta-
tion uii the piano

_, Son'' ' =00

=T=

She - thn i

^ I

hu u° - wo" ne - a ma she - tliu i ba

I ^ 1 ..

-N—

Drum beat ^= 120

See

zi=i

=N=|i=

=P=t

Con Fed.

=^=^I

/[ tt K 1 K 1 1 ~^

tr * ^ — ^ • — »~^ — — ^r-T — '-^ — -^'^ — ^ _ — ^ d '

wo" ne - a-raa tho he-

i - ba She- thu i ba u°

-f!k~

-•^9-

I I

-• — •-

^^•^r-

-TX

J!3t-*Z

Tt TT

nea-ma tho he-

tho

V - mo° - ho" thi°

i. ^

mL=.j.

^ r V -r T

:xr-

k-^-

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

473

Shethu i ba u"wo'' neama

Shethu i ba u"wo" ueama tho he

Haiba shethu i ba u"\vo" neama tho he thoe

U'mo^ho" thi" awathi" iothinge
Shea i ba do" thethu ano°zhia tha
Duda i ge tho he tho

Literal translation: Shethu, there, yonder; i ba, coming; u'^wo^
neama, are seeking for me; tho lie, oratorical end of sentence; haiha,
they are coming; V'rno"ho^ thi", the Omaha; awathi'^, where is he?;
iHhi^ge, they are saj-ing of me; shea i ha do"^, yonder they come;
thethu, here; ano'^zhia, I stand; tha, end of sentence; duda, liither;
i ge, come; tho he tho, end of sentence.

In this song the Hethu'slika personifies the tribe. The enemy is
pictured as advancing from all sides, angrily calling: "\^1iere are
tho Omaha?'' The Hethu'slika, the men in whom "the fear of
death has been dispelled," shout back as one voice: "Here I stand;
come hither!" While the song is defiant, there is also in it the note
of tribal unit}' as against enemies.

474

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Third Song — The IIethu'shka the Protectors of the Women and Children
(Sung in octaves)

^■on

she ta be Wi fon

ta be

fon

tho"

she ta be

Wi 9on

tho°

slie ta be

— 1 s—

L!— ^^'-J

^-""^^

^^^r=^

^§^=^-i-^

•♦■

^ -1 — ^=j

hi - e the tho-a

He thu - shka wa - shu - she

she

ta thi° he

the tho

Wiyo^tho" she ta be
Wifo^tho" she ta be
Wivo^tho" she ta be
Wivo^tho" she ta be tho he tho
Hethu'shka washushe sheno"
Wie ta thi"he
Wifo^tho" she ta be tho he tho

Literal translation: WifoHJio'^ — un, my; fo", abbreviation oi itho"ga,
younger brother; th<f\ a term of endearment; s]ie, abbreviation of
eshe, shetabe, you shall cry; Hethufsltka, the society; washushe,
brave; sheno^, of; vne ta thi^he, so shall I be (the younger brother,
who has become an Hethu'shlca, speaks).

Tliis song sets forth the obligation that rested on the Hethu'shka
as the protectors of the women of the tribe, who were spoken of col-
lectively under the term "sisters;" this term is implied in the song.
It is the women, the "sisters," who "cry" to the "younger broth-
ers." In the song the women are bidden to cull on the j'ounger
brothers when danger threatens, the young and active men, "the
younger brothers," those who were free from domestic responsibil-
ities and at any moment could spring to the cry of sisters in trouble.
The song tells who the younger brothers were to wiioin the sisters
could always appeal when a foe came near — they were of the brave
Hethu'shka, who were in thity bound to be ready at all times to
guaitl the women and children of the tribe.

PLETCHEB-Li klesciie] SOCIETIES

Fourth Song — Man's Life is Transitory
(Sung in octaves)

475

Mo° - zho° slio^-ge - te tlio mo"- zlio" sho" - ge - te tho he

tbi"

ge de sho° ge

f—i *--

tho Mo"- zho° sho"

ge - te tho he

tho Ho° thi" - ge de sho° ge te tho Mo" ■

zho" sho°- ge te tho nio° - zho" sbo" - ge

Mo"zho" sho"gete tho
Mo"zho° sho"gete tho he tho
Ho"thi"ge de sho°gete tho
Mo"zho" sho^gete tho
Mo"zho'' sho"gete tho he tho
Shn°gete tho he

Literal translation : J./o"2Ao", the land, the scene one beholds ; sho^gete,
shall long endure; tho he tho, oratorical end of sentence; hd^tlvi^ge de,
when I am gone.

This admonitory song was explained as follows: "The natural fear
of death that is in every individual sometimes so overpowers a man
that in a time of danger he may lose self-control and abandon to their
fate those whom he is in duty bound to protect. To drive away the
fear of death and to vitalize the courage so necessary to a man who
by nature and by tribal law is obligated to protect liis family and the
families of the tribe, the example of men who had hazarded their
lives in the performance of duty was held up by the society; the
members were persistently taught that man's life is transitory, and
being so it is useless to harbor the fear of death, for death must come
sooner or later to everybody; man and all living creatures come into
existence, pass on, and are gone, while the mountains and rivers
remain ever the same — these alone of all visible things abide un-
changed. The song represents the Hethu'shka as saying: ' I shall
vanish and be no more but the land over which I now roam shall
remain and change not.' "

47G

THE OMAHA TRIBE
Fifth Song — An Admonition

f ICTII. ANN. 27

:^lI

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
(Aria as sung in octave unison)

.b^-^^

-+—'-

^-f—'—f—^—f—^-f^

Ka-ga wi-gi-ji-tha thi"- he-no

m^.

'\~t-t

Wi-gi- gi-tlia thi°- he-no

_»€ i 1 I I . —

-• • • 0-

-t

Uon Ped.

&:t5±f:\^^E^3^mm.

r^'

Wa-zhi°-ga shti thi thi" - ge do° wi- gi - ji-tha thi" he no ! Wa-ko"

-0 — • — •-

'm^

^^=»:

rjf^ZMZ

yz3=BiSzi(

«=»i

fel

B^Ei^Ef^

*—»!—»-

(la d:i

-I ^-

i do° lie - go" ta thi° he no I

Ka-ga the - thu

m^Fjmm

Z 0 ^ -•— • — 0-

' -0- -0- -»■ -0-

-• # J

>,M , 1 1 — ' — r^ • — m—0-r* — • — 0—0f-0 — • — 0—0-i—r. — • — • — • — • — • — 0—1

■^^=¥=E

m.:

— =si 0 — q;_,_,3:7J_<^

ho° - ba yi- tlia thi°he no

^T— I

^z.-:

wi- gi - yi-tha thi°he no

^fea

WE^=^^EBiE^.

' -0- -0- -»■ -0-

^=-;

•— •— •-•-r» — • — • — 0-t^0-0 0 0 I „ — • — 0 — • — 0 — • — 0-nr. — •-• — 0-f-l

i-^' — ■— I — I " — —3 I I I— I I n— ^ — I — ■- — I — i — >-~ 4 I ' I -T~\

^ ~ L_J ' J U 'J U lJ '_J U U

Fr.nTrnEU-y.A Fi.rsrHEl

SOCIETIES

477

^^^g^^E—

L_j L ! I -•■-»■■* -0- -0- •»■ -m-

:|=BZ=»=li=zji=

-?=?=?-— r-rr-igi::^^

Kaga wigifitha thi^he no

\Vigi(,'ilha thi"he no

\Vazhi"ga shti thithi"ge do", wigi^itha thi"he no

Wako"da da i do" hego" ta thi"he no

Kaga thethu ho"ba^-kitha thi°he no

Wigifitha thi"he no

Wazhi"ga shti thethi"ge do" wigivitha thi"he no

Wake "da da i do" hego" ta thi"he no

Kaga thethu ho"ba(;-kitha thi"he no

Wigi(;itha thi"he no

Literal translation: Kaga, friend ; u-igif^itha ,1 vememhev you who are
mine; </ri"/(f, as life passes; «o, vocable; iro2/(7'"(7«, a personal name;
shti, xou also; tliithi''ge,youtLve no more; ^yal:o"(Ja Ja, the thunder gods;
i, they; do^, when; hego^, so shall my acts conform (to their decrees) ;
thetlm, here: ho^hai/litha, I am angry.

The burtlen of this song is the remembrance by the Hethii'shka of
comrades slain in battle and the strong desire for revenge stirred by
such memories; but the men are reminded of the teaching that to
the Thunder gods belongs the power to decree death and that man
must conform his acts to the will of the gods even though his spirit
chafes under the restraint. It is thought that the song is a very old
one and that several names M'ere used, one superseding another as
the memory of the fallen hero faded. Wazhi"'ga, who is mentioned
in the song, was killed before the middle of the last centiu-v.

Si.XTH Song — Necessity for .-Vlertxess

(Sung in octaves; dots indicate jjulsations of the voice)

1^*^^^"^

Ga - hi tlia- ma de-u"tlio" ge i - tha

ijft:

*.J '''-»■■»■-»■ ♦•♦• -»■■»■

B-S-

«,'a - hi ilia- ma
^ — , — (_

ii^i

^ '-0-0 s #-?

deu" tho°-ge i tha- ma the he.

tho-e

deu" thoi-ge i tha-ma

478

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

-zho" mi-ke di

pa nil hii wi" a me tlio

he.

um ba

u gtha i - tha- me tho heT

tho.

Gahithama deu"tho"ge ithama

Gahithama deu"tho"ge ithama tho he thoi

Deu"tho''ge ithamaazho" mikide panuhu wi"a me tho he the

Umba ida ugtha ithame the he tho

Literal translation: Ga'hithama, yonder far away (the voices I
hear); deWtho'^ge, they are saying something to me; ithama, they send
(their words); azho"", I lay; wikide, where; pamihu, owl; wi'^a me,
one speaks; tlio lie the, vocables; umba, morning; ida, comes; ugtha,
shout; ithame, directed toward one.

The song may refer to the time when the Omaha were a forest people ;
it preserves the memory of a timely discovery by which a disaster
was averted and a victory won. The story runs as follows:

The Omaha were camped in a forest. One dark night a warrior was awakened by
the hooting of an owl. He was an observant man, familiar with the cries of birds
and the sounds made by animals. As he listened, he heard answering hoots in
the distance. He thought the sounds not genuine, but imitations probably made
by men. He aro.se silently, slung his quiver over his shoulder, took his bow, and
crept among the trees. At a distance from the camp he detected signs of men —
enemies. He stealthily made his way back and awakened the sleeping warriors of
the tribe, who at once made themselves ready for defense. At daybreak the enemy
rushed from all sides on the Omaha camp but the men were prepared and met the
onslaught so successfully that few of their foes escaped.

The song commemorates the alertness of the man whose ear was
trained to know the calls and cries of birds and holds him up as an

example.

Seventh Song — Fidelity to Parents

(Sung in octaves)

-4

!E^=E^^^?^

In- da - di tha- de mo°-thi'' ge tho be the tho In- da - di

Drumbeat

■8--'

tha de mo°-thi'' ga In- da

di ish- a - ga ma Thi- gi yi tha me tho

FLETCHEIt-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

479

r4^=

lie the tho-e

Ell^^^i-g^

:rt

--!=!•«*-

Tha- de nio''-tlii° ge tho he

:L?rz

Wa- zhi- da - thi" i-zhi°-ge

tlu° - ga he tho

In - da

irffS^TTii.-

lezzjti

di tha de mcP-thi" ge tho the he tha - de mo°-thi'' - ga In- da -

^S^-ai-

Ui ish - a

ga ma

thi

■gi

' ^ir> • V • i ' J.— ^J^

yi - tha me tho he the tho

Indadi thade mo"thi"ge tho he e the tho

Indadi thade mo"thi"ga

Indadi thade mo"thi°ge tho he e the

Thade mo"thi"ga

ludadi ishaga ma

Thigi (jithame tho he thoi

Thade mo"thi" ge tho he the tho

Wazhidathi"! izhi^^ge ithi°ga be tho

Indadi thade mo^thi^ge tho he the

Thade mo"thi"ga

Indadi ishaga ma

Thigi (;ith?me tho he the tho

Literal translation: Indadi, mj' father; thade, call forth, proclaim;
ino''tki^'ge, go; ga, sign of commantl; tho he e the tho, vocables; ishaga
ma, the aged men; thigi fithame, they will remember you; Wazhidathi^ ,
personal name; 'i27i.i"$re, his son; ■i</ii"gra, say of me.

The words of the song are few and impossible to render literally.
They are mnemonics merely but they serve to carry the memory of
the act which the song commemorates. The song is said to be very
old and has been handed down through many generations, an indi-
cation of the estimation placed on the teaching it sets forth — the
imselfish regard for the fame of his father shown bj' the hero of the
story and song. The account runs as follows:

A young man, whose name, according to his expressed wish, is unknown, said to
his comrades as he lay dying on the field of battle, where he had fought valiantly:
"When you proclaim my death," referring to the custom of calling out the names of
the slain when the war piirty returned to the \-illage, "speak not my name, but that
of my father. Say, 'The son of Wazhi'dathi" is slain.' " Having made this request,
the young man spoke again but as if he were addressing his father. He said : ' ' Father,
in my death shall the aged men remember you! " The aged men were the historians,
so to speak; they were the ones who treasured the memory of tribal incidents and
passed them on to younger generations. By this act of the son he caused his father's
name to be held in remembrance, but at the same time his own act was such that he
was held up to future generations as an example of filial regard.

480

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

KioHTH SoNti — Agahamo'^thi'^
The song is eulogistic of a warrior hero.
(Sung in octaves) —v

•-S— '

^—•-

-A- •
Drumbeat ^ I

She - thi- the thi°

I I

do°

-I —

ba ge tho he the the

0 \ 0 p 0 « I
I I I I I I

She

thi" th.

ga Ha (lo° - ba ga Ha do" - ba ge tlio he

the the A - ga - ha-nio°-tlii'' do° - ba ge tho he the tho-e She

-fi—0-

thi° the thi° do° - ba ga Ha do° ba ga Ha do° - ba ge tho lie

ShetM" the thi" do"ba ge tho he
Shethi" the thi° do"ba ga
Ha! do^ba ga Ha! do"ba ge tho he the
Agahamo"thi'' do"bage tho he thoe

Literal translation: Shethi'^, yonder; the, one; thi", going; do'^ba,
behold; ge, ga, sign of command; tho he the the, vocables; ha, exclama-
tion; do'^bage, behold him; Agahamo"fhi", personal name; do^bage,
behold him.

The words are few, an exclaniiition bidding the people to behold,
to look on A'gahamo°thi"!, and woidd be quite unintelligible but for
the story which gave rise to tho song. A'gahamo°thi'' died in the
early part of the last century. He was a man of great valor. He
had won and received all the ptiblic war honors but he was not sat-
isfied. At each meeting of the Hethu'shka society all through one
fall and winter he would rise and declare: "During the next battle
in which I take part I will drag an enemy from his horse or die in the
attempt!" The following summer, when the Omalia were on the
buffalo hunt, the tribe wtis attacked by the Yankton and a fierce
encounter took place. True to his word, A'gahamo"tlii" charged
the line, dragged a Yankton from his horse, and slew him. Almost
immediately A'gahamo"tlii" wns killed. In emidation of his courage
the Omaha made a desperate charge on the Yankton and defeated
them. This song was composed to commemorate the warrior who
made good his promise and in so doing saved his jieople. Of A'gaha-
mo"thi" it was said, " He spt)ke a wonl anil chasetl it to his death."

FLETCUEIt-LAFLESCHB] SOCIETIES 481

Chiefs only could become members of this society. It was, there-
fore, what might be called exclusive, as compared with the more
democratic Hethu'shka, which was open to every man who had won
public war honors. The songs of the Pu'gtho" society were restricted
to the members, outsiders not being permitted to sing them. The
society ceased to exist some fifty years ago; the few members who
were living twenty years ago clung to their exclusiveness and were
chary of speaking about or singing the songs. For this reason only
t, few songs were obtainable, and also for another reason, which, it
is said, had much to do with the final breaking up of the society.
There was an officer in the organization known as the keeper of the
songs. This office was held for life and it was the duty of the keeper
to train his successor m the knowledge of the songs and their stories.
Through a series of coincidences a superstition grew up that when-
ever the keeper sang one of the old songs death would visit his family.
Members became loath, therefore, to take the i-esponsibility of asking
for the songs and whenever the request was made it was accompanied
by large gifts; these gifts were offered the keeper to atone for any
ill fortune that might come to him because he had sung the songs.
As all the songs referred to the acts of chiefs, such songs were his-
torical and were of tribal import. Moreover, these songs were
necessary for the ceremonial dances that could be performed
only at meetings of this society. On these occasions the chiefs
wore their full regalia and headdresses made from the head of the
buffalo, which partook of the nature of a mask. This was the only
society among the Omaha m which headgear that approximated
the character of a mask was used. It is said that the last time the
keeper was prevailed on to sing an old song, while he was in the
act of singing a Sioux warrior crept stealthily into the camp, made
his way to the singer's tent, and there shot dead the daughter of the
keeper. This event put an end to the meetings of the societj-. No
one knows for whom or by whom the Pu'gtho" songs were composed
or the events they celebratetl. Not a half dozen of the songs sur-
vive and of these the incidents which gave rise to them all but
one are lost. The Pu'gtho" songs are unlike the Hethu'shka songs
in that they do not present contrasting rhythms, wliich so fre-
quently occur in the latter. The rhj'thm is simple and forceful
and the music wilder than in any other class of Omaha songs.

The songs that survive are warlike in character and their marked
rhythm is attractive, but they are rather bombastic in both words and
music, as became the expressions of a society composed exclusively of
chiefs — men who had won distinction and achieved public recognition

83993°— 27 eth— 11 31

482

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

and who enjoyod tlu>ir povvor and position. The.se songs alTord an
inti'iosting contrast to those bekmging to the Ilethu'shka society.
While many of the hitter's songs referred to war, as befitted a society
of warriors, they diti not emphasize personal distinction but gen-
erally appealed to the people through .some heroic experience or
by the expression of some valorous feeling, frequently of a noble and
self-forgetful character. Their songs therefore cover a wider range
of musical expression than do the Pu'gtho" songs, which bear the
stamp of self-conscit)usness and self-satisfaction.

First Song ^

PU'GTHQN

Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on tlie piano
Dignified J = '^6 (Aria as sung in octave unison)

'-^.

-+-

--*—

-^—s-

111 tlia

_j ^L_

hi tha

hi tha e

-*— • —
lii tlia

I -M M '

Con Fed.

W^ -^'^

-^— ?'-

g-^^-^I

-1 — r^

=^— :^

Ya e

ya e

1 -^-

-> ^--^ — s—

-A :^

~^— -9-^ — r-l

—f~

-i * ^

■#- •
1

—S r-

■»■ '
1

— •— :

1 1

— 1 1 ,

1 1 1
1 1 1

_i_- —

-•— y-+^-

— ] \ —

t&-;Ti=^

FLETrnnn-i.A fi.ksciik]

SOCIETIES

483

Y;i e 111 tlia

hi tlie

Ya e lii tha

hi the.,

— H —

^=t

ui=t

.0—^-

z|z=4=

r r * ""

_ki_L_

5=Ste^:P

I I I

W-i~-»'

-^ — [

Y'a« hi tha e hi the
Y'ae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the
P'dakutha wahato''ga eame
Yae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the
Yae hi tha e hi the

Literal translation: Makidha is an old wonl meaning "friend;"
wahato''ga, sliield; eame, they say; yae hi, etc., are vocables.

It is probable that Wahato"ga was a personal name and the song
plays on the meaning of the word. The meaning of the song was
said to be that Wahato"ga was a friend and a shield to the people.

Second Song

(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on tlie piano
J _ = 84 Dignified

-»-#-»

-n-

l^zztz

■t*— r

=q:

-?-•

-N— I-

Shu - pi

^ I

-zhi"

^z=]8:=:fcliti==fzl-=!i

-#--■

the Shu - pi

-N-

ff Con Fed.

ir-

— I-

lui

484

THE OMAHA TRIBE

( ETH. ANN. 27

=q — q-

-•—

Js-4-

-0-a-

^=^

hu - a

na-zhi° tlie

the tlia e the hi the

"i?^-~t|'

=J=P*:

-r

h«^

Shupida huata nazhi" the
Shupida huata nazhi" the
Aethe tha ethehi the
Ehe huata nazhi" the
Ethetha ethe hi the

Literal translation: Shupida, when I come; huata, I shout; nazhi",
stand, meaning to stand in a given place ; ehe, I say or command.

Free translation

\Mien I come to the battle I shout,
I shout as I stand in my place,
I shout my command as I stand.

Third Song

(Sung in ootave-s) Harmonized by John C. Fillmore for interpretation on the piano
J =100 Dignifiid

--^-

±:

Shu - pe

wea - wa •

I ^

tha

the

Shu - pe -

^■

:r6z

i5=£

Con Fed.

-I —

i:_

FLETCHER-LA FLKSCHEl

SOCIETIES

485

tlia

wa - the

the

hi - the

-<9- •

^^^

-W-

Shupida weawata thawathe
Shupida weawata thawathe
Pathagata theawathe
Ahe the hi the ahi the

Literal translation: Shupida, when I come; weawata, where; tlia-
wathe, do I send them; pathaga, to the hills or mounds (i. e., graves);
to, yonder; thawathe, all the rest are vocables.

Free translation

When I come, where do I send them ?
When I come, where do I send them ?
To their graves do I send them!

Tliis song is very old, dating back perhaps to the time when the
Omaha antl Ponca were one tribe. The Ponca claimed the cliief and
told the following story: The people had been attacked and some
women had been killed. The chief this song conunemorates came late
on the scene and by liis valor turned the tide of the battle. He was
armed with a long lance of ash wood, the end of wliich was pointed
and hardened by grease and scorched in the fire. With tliis lance he
rushed on the enemy, thrusting it between the legs of a man and toss-
ing him in the air to be killed by the fall. His great strength and
courage caused the death of many. The song was composed to com-
memorate liis coming and by his spirited action sending the foe "to
their graves."

The name Ki'kunethe {U'hi, "to gather together;" nethe, "to
build a fire") indicates the social purpose of the society — to
gather about a fii-e. Tliis society was composed of the leading men
of the tribe. There was no formal membership. There was an
officer, a sort of "chairman" or leader, who was chosen to pre-
side. The gathering was for social pleasure and to talk over and
discuss subjects of interest. There was a custom which may refer
to some ancient forms once observed. The place m the miildle at
the back part of the lodge was always kept vacant. This was the
seat that would be assigned to an honored guest. Before this empty

486 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii. ann. 27

scat was placed a bowl or platter with a horn spoon. It was explained
that tliis place was kept in recognition of Wako"'da, the provider and
ruler of mankind, who was thus present with the men as they met
together and talked. This society was given up about 1S70, when the
changes incident to contact with the wliite settlers and the Govern-
ment had begun seriou.sly to affect the tribe.

THE TE Ga'xE

T'e ga'xe {fe, death: gaxe, to make, to simulate — to simulate
death) was the name of an ancient social societj' that disappeared
before the middle of the last centiu"y. This society had songs which
were sung at its gatherings but they are lost, together with the
customs once observed.

THE MO^'wa'dATHI" AND THE TOKa'LO

The Mo°wa'dathi° (Omaha term for Mandan) and the Toka'lo
(meaning unknown) were social societies that were borrowed or
introduced from the Dakota. Both of these societies ceased to exist
about the middle of the last century. The meetings of both were
public; they had a formal membership open to any man of good
repute. The members sometimes paraded on horseback arovmd the
camp, moving to the rhythm of the songs of the society. Their
dances were said to be dignified rather than dramatic — a statement
borne out by the surviving songs. Wliether the music was com-
posed by the Omaha or came from the Dakota is not known.
There are no words to the songs, a fact which makes it probable
that the music was ailopted from another tribe, the foreign words
being dropped.

Secret Societies

All of the secret societies had to do with mysteries and were
spoken of by the general term Xu'be waclii, {xuhe, "sacred," "mys-
terious," "occult;" wacJii, "dance" — that is, rhythmic movements
of the bod}' keeping time Nvith the melody sung and also expressive
of the emotion aroused by the music).

THE MO'-'CHU' ITHAETHE

Entrance into the Mo°chu' ithacthe {mo^cJiu, " bear;" i'thaefJie, "to
show compassion" — "those to whom the bear has shown compas-
sion," by appearing in a dream or vision ami giving power) society
was by virtue of a dream of the bear. To this society belonged the
knowledge of the practice of sleight of liand, as the thrusting of
wands down the tliroat and similar performances. This knowledge
was said to have been gained originally from the animals. This
society should not be confused with the Wafa'be itazhi (Bear sub-

FLETCHEE-I.A FMvSCHeI

SOCIETIES

487

gens) of the Tha'tada gens, which took part in the ceremonies held
in the Sacred Tent in charge of the We'zlii"shte gens when the
thunder first sounded in tlie spring. The two were distinct and
unrehited. The Mo"chu' ithaethe society has been extinct for half
a centiuy . The following song belonged to this societ_y :

(Suns in octaves)

BEAR SONG

tia no" zhi" i

4-j:

A . 4 1 1 . ' ^ 1 H

thu

a-tiano° zhi" i-the e tho"-be pi-a-do" the-thu a- ti uo''-zhi''

Literal translation: Thetku, here, at this place; ati, I came; ano'^-
zhi^, I stood; a;wgfa, badger (tliis word was sometimes used to desig-
nate animals with claws ; in this instance the grizzly bear was really
meant); htliia, I was; etho^'he piado", as I appeared.

The words refer to the time when the man went out to fast. When
he came to a particular place (fhefhu), the grizzly bear appeared
as he stood there and the man felt that he was mysteriously
related to the bear. The song set forth the man's credential or title
to membership in the Bear society.

THE TE' ithaethe

To the Te' ithaethe (te, "buffalo;" ithaethe, "to show compas-
sion"— "those to whom the buffalo has shown compassion," by
coming to them in a vision and giving power) society was committed
the knowledge of medicines for the curing of wounds. Membership
was accorded to persons of both sexes to whom the bufl'alo appeared
in dreams. The roots of the wild anise, the hop (Humulus lupulus),
and PJti/salis viscora were used for healing. Bits of these roots were
ground between the teeth, then water was taken into the mouth, and
the medicated liquid was blown with force into the wound.

The following account by one of the writers details a scene wit-
nessed in his bojdiootl when one of his playmates was accitlentally
shot by a young man who, with some companions, was firing a pistol
at a mark:

After the shooting the excitement was intense, and above all the noise could be
heard the heartrending wails of the unfortunate man who had wounded the boy in the
head. The relatives of the lad were preparing to avenge his death, and those of the

488

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

man to defend him. I made my way through the crowd, and, peering over the
shoulders of another V)oy, I saw on the ground a little form that I recognized. Blood
was oozing from a wound in the back of the boy's head and from one under the right
eye near the nose. A man ordered the women to stop wailing and bade the people to
stand back. Soon through an opening in the crowd I saw a tall man wrapped in a
buffalo robe come up the hill and pass through the space to where the boy lay. He
stooped over the child, felt of his wrist, and then of his heart. "He is alive," the
man said; "set up a tent and take him in." The little body was lifted on a robe and
carried by two men into a large tent that had been hastily erected. Meanwhile a
young man had been sent in all haste to call the buffalo doctors. Soon they were seen
galloping over the hill on their horses, one or two at a time, their long hair flowing over
their naked backs. They dismounted and one by one entered the tent, where they
joined the buffalo doctor who lived near by and had already been called. A short
consultation was held. The sides of the tent were drawn up to let in the fresh air and
to permit the people to witness the operation.

All the buffalo medicine men sat around the boy, their eyes gleaming over their
wrinkled faces. Then one of the men began in a low voice to tell how in a vision he
had seen the buffalo which had revealed to him the secret of the medicine and taught
him the song he must .sing when using it. At the end of every sentence the boy's
father thanked him in terms of relationship. Then he compounded the roots he had
taken from his skin pouch and started his song at the top of his voice. The other
doctors, some twenty or more, joined in, and sang it in unison with a volume that
could be heard a mile away. The song was accompanied by a bone whistle imitating
the cry of the eagle. After the doctor had started the song he put the bits of roots into
his mouth, ground them with his teeth, and taking a mouthful of water he approached
the boy bellowing and pawing the earth like an angry buffalo at bay. When near the
boy he drew in a long breath, and with a whizzing noise forced the water from his
mouth into the wound. The boy spread out his hands and winced as though he had
been struck. The man uttered a series of short exclamations: "Hi! hi! hi!" Then
the father and the man who had wounded the boy lifted their outspread hands toward
the doctor to signify their thanks. During the administration of the medicine all the
men and two women doctors sang with energy the following song which had been
started by the operator:

(Sung in octave unison)

-9- ,. • - m ^ .

K
^

-H-J

U-X-v—x—'^^^-^z

— ^ —
— |-

— ^ —
t —

f~^~

-15>

-* — \ \ 1 — ^ — P*— ?H

if "ij 'J

Ni - u° shka-xe

u° shka - xe the-xe

.~hka-xe

"*a-a — 1 —

he the he..

-J— ^+

-N-^-

E - gou the-thu to°

the

the e-gon the

r^^

10=:^-

thu kom btha tha the he kom btha he he the • a the

Literal translation: ni n"slika xe (nia, part of me, hurt; (/", me,
you; shkaxe, make — you hurt me); ego", then; thethii, here; to", from;
theathe, I send; homhtha, I want or desire — from here I desire to
send it.

A second doctor now repeated the treatment and stiuted his song, all the others
joining in the singing as before, while he administered the remedy.

FLETCHER-LA FLKSCHE]

SOCIETIES

489

At the completion of the song a third doctor made ready to give his appHcation,
starting his song and all the other doctors joining as before in the singing.

At the end of the song the fourth doctor began to compound the roots, and when he
was ready he began the following song, which was taken up by all the others and sung
with forceful energy :

(Sung in octave unison) . — .

Ni tbu" tha-de a-ma

u -lie-ke the i the

=F=^

-^ — ' — I '-i — 1~

a ma e tho he

Ni thu" tlia - de

ma tho he

Literal translation: ni, water; thu^, round; fJiade, to designate; ama,
they; uhekethe, to yield to him; itheama, they say.

Tliis song conveys to the Omaha mind a picture of the prairie, the
round wallow standing like a pool with water, and the wounded buffalo
being healed near it by its companions. There is a belief among the
Omaha that the buffalo cure their wounds with their saliva ; therefore
the doctors prepare the herbs in the mouth and blow the water into
the wound.

The doctors remained all night, applying their medicine and dressing the wound.
Four days the boy was treated in this manner. On the evening of the third day the
doctors said the lad was out of danger, and that in the morning he would be made to
stand and meet the rising sun, and so greet the return of life.

I went to bed early, so as to be up in time to see the ceremony. 1 was awakened by
the sound of the singing, and hurried to the tent. Already a crowd had gathered.
There was a mist in the air, as the doctors had foretold there would be, but as the
dawn drew nearer the fog slowly disappeared, as if to unveil the great red sun that was
just visible on the horizon. Slowly it grew larger and larger. The boy was gently
lifted by two strong men, and when on his feet was told to take four steps toward the
east [note the resemblance to the ceremony of Turning the Child, p. 121], while the
doctors sang the mystery song which belonged to this stage of the cure. The two men
began to count as the boy feebly attempted to walk — one, two, three. The steps
grew slower, and it did not seem as if he could make the fourth, but he dragged his foot
and made the fourth. "Four!" cried the men; "It is done." Then the doctors
sang the song of triumph.

The fees were then distributed. These were horses, robes, bear-claw necklaces,
eagle feathers, embroidered leggings, and other articles of value. Toward these the
relatives of the man who shot the boy contributed largely. One or two doctors re-
mained with the boy for a time. In a month or so he was back among us, ready to play
or to watch another pistol practice by the young men.

THE WANO XE ITHAETHE

Men and women to whom ghosts appeared in dreams or visions
were ehgible to membersliip in the Wano°'xe ithaethe (wano"'xe, "a
form that is transparent," "a ghost;" i'thaethe, "shown compassion
by" — "those to whom ghosts have shown compassion") society.
Members were believed to have the power to wathigtho^ , divine or fore-
tell events, particularly approaching death. If death was foretold, the

490

THE OMAHA TEIBE

[KTII. ANN. 27

relatives of the (Iddiued jjerson might ask (lie incmher foretelling the
death to seek to avert it. To bring about this result he heated water
as he sang his songs and then east the water on the ground to the
right or the left of the entrance of the lodge of the threatened per-
son— never in a straight line from the door. By this act the spirit
is thwarted in its onward ]irogress toward the spirit world and is
forced to return, so tiiat person continues to live. The members of
this society could also stoj) rain. This power was exercised only by
request. Wlien a member was asked to stop the rain, he fdled a small,
unornamented pipe (in token of his modesty in addressing the cosmic
forces), elevated the stem, and smoked, singing his song as the smoke
was wafted upward; the act was believed to secure the desired result.
The following is one of the songs of this society:

GHOST SONG

tho lie tho

Translation: The first eight measures are vocables. IIo", night;
iM",. moving; tJiethi^, yonder moving; i, come; ne, modification of
iA-i", moving; thethu,heve. "Night is moving toward us here." Night
refers to death, by which one enters the realm of ghosts.

THE l^GTHU"' ITIIAETHE

Membership hi the I'-gtlui"' ithaethe {l^gilvu^, "Thunder;" ithaethe,
"shown compassion by" — "those to whom the thunder has shown
compassion") society was open only to the man or woman who had
heard the Thunder beings in dreams or visions. It was believed that
through this medium occult powers were imparted and that by means
of the songs given the elements could be controlled — rain coidd be
brought or the storm driven away. Future events could also be fore-
told, for in most of these secret societies magic powers were suj^posed
to be exercised. Sometimes the members pitted their powers against
one another. The following song commemorates one of these con-
tests, which occurred many yeai"s ago when a number of the Omaha
went on a visit to the Ponca. Among the visiting })arty was a mem-
ber of the Thunder society noted for his occult powers. In the Ponca
Thundi-r society was a man who had a similar reputation. These

TLETCHER-LA FI.ESCHE]

SOCIETIES

491

two men met and while they feasted each other they secretly sought
each other's death by means of their magic. The Ponca drew on the
ground a picture of the Omaha and struck it with his club (the club
being the weapon of the Thunder beings), at the same time callmg on
the Thunder beings similarly to strike the original of the picture. The
Omaha suspected some magic attempts, so he sang his songs, relying
solely on them for his protection. The visit of the Omaha party came
to an end and the people returned home; a few days afterward the
Ponca who had drawn the picture of the Omaha and invoked the
Thunder was himself stiiick by lightning. The incident became
speedily known to the Omaha magician and this song was composed
to commemorate the event. The name of the Ponca, Gati'demo°tlii°,
is mentioned in the song, where he is represented as weeping because
his request to the Thunder beings to strike the Omaha had been
turned upon himself.

THUNDER SONG

1=52

te -de xa - ge a me tho he the ha xa - ge a

-t-

-I-

it==:^-

me tho he the e ha tlia The - thu lii" - wi" tha

He ! Kage tede xage ame tho he

He! Kage tede xage ame tho he, the ha

Xage ame tho he I he e ha tha

Thethu hi"wi"tha ma he tho

Gati'demo"thi'' ho"thixu hi"tha mo"zhia tha

Xage ame tho he he a tha

Thethu hi^winha ma he, tho

492

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTH. ANN.

Literal translation : He! kage, He! friend ; tede, a contraction of intede,
and now, or for that cause; xage, weep or cry; ame, they say; tho, musi-
cal syllable; he, end of sentence; in the second line the ha, vocables;
thethu, here; hiHviHha, tell me; ma, they; he, end of sentence; Gati'-
demoHhi^, a Ponca personal name, that of the man who was the
subject of the song and drew the picture; hoHhixu, a picture or sketch;
hiHha, pleased; mo^zhia, I not; tha, end of sentence.

The song represents the Omaha narrating the experience. "My
friend, they say Gati'demo"thi'' made a picture of me. I was not
pleased; here they tell me that he it was who cried."

A member of this society dreamed that the Thunder gods wanted
to take him but, not wanting to go to the gods, he persuaded them
to take a substitute. Shortly afterward a friend of his was killed by
lightning, an incident which he regarded as the result of his appeal.
This incident is preserved in the following song:

Worr/s

^\'i shutheakithe a
Wi shutheakithe
Wi shutheakithe a
Paho°gamo"thi'' shutheakithe a
Wi shuljtha mo''zhie tho he thoe
Wi shutheakithe a
^\■i shitheakithe a

Literal translation: Wi, I; sh^theal-ithe, send to you; Paho'"g :-
moHhi", name of the man struck by lightning: wi, I; shubfhamo^zhie,
do not come; tho he thoe, vocables.

The above songs can not be classed with those which were regarded
as potent and as directly connected with the Thunder beings, although
they refer to incidents which might be regarded as showing the power
of man's appeal.

The following song refers directly to the dream experience of the
singer and is of the class that was believed to bring a direct response
fiom the Thinider beings:

THUNDER SONG

bl°- \vi° tUa me

PLBTCHEK-LA PLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

493

thi" xa-ge tbi" hi"-wi''-lha me

E tho he

Wako^da hi"wi''tha me tho he

WakoMa hi"wi"tha me tho he

Hi" kage ha! xage thi" hi"wi"tha me e e tho he thoi

\Vako"da hi"wi"tha me tho he

Wako^da thi" xage thi" hi"\vi"tha me e e tho he tho

Literal translation: E tho he! exclamatory syllables but subjective
in character; Wako"da, here does not refer to the permeating life and
power throughout nature but to the manifestation of power in the
tlumder; /i,i"m''/i';fl, told me; me, they; tho, musical vocable; he, end
of sentence; hi^ Jcage ha, my friend; xage, to weep or cry; thi'^, sign
of one moving; hi"wiHha, tell me; me, they; e tho he the, vowel pro-
longation; thoi, vocable marking the close of the musical clause; tho
in the last line marks the close of the song.

This song speaks of the time when the man went out to fast and
pray; as he wi-nt the Thunder beings spoke to him and called him
"friend." The music presents points of interest, as to both rhythm
and melody, as expressive of the meaning of the song.

THE HO'^nEWACHI

This was the name of a society or order of honorary cliieftainship,
composed of men who hail accomplished one hundred or more
'wathi"'ethe (certain i)rescribed acts and gifts; see p. 202). To achieve
membership in this order was accounted one of the highest honors a
man could secure, although it carried with it no political prominence.

The literal translation of thename is : Ilo^'he, "in thenight ;" tva'chi,
"dance;" but this does not convey the true meaning of the word.
Wa'chi does not mean "dance" in our sense of the word but dra-
matic rhythmic movements for the expression of personal emotion or
experience, or for the presentation of mythical teachings. Ho^'he

494 THE OMAHA TRIBE [iCTn. ann. 'JT

refers to creative acts, for through the mysterious power of Wako"'da
night brought fortli day. Night was therefore the mother of chiy,
and the hxtter was the emblem of all visible activities and manifes-
tations of life. The feminine cosmic force was typified not only by
night but by the heavenly l)odiesseen by night, as the masculine cos-
mic force was s3'ml)olized by day and the sun. The credential of a
man's attainment to membership in the Ho"'hewachi was the right
to tattoo on a maid certain cosmic symbols of night and day. The
woman thus tattooed was called a Ni'Tcagalii wau, woman chief
{ni'kagaTii, "chief;" wau, "woman''). The origin of the IIo"'hewachi
is lost in antic[uity; it is said to have been "given by Wako°'da to
help the people." This society exists in some of the cognate tribes
and is as highly regarded among them as among the Omaha.

So great were tlie requirements demanded of a man for admission
to the IIo°'hewachi that the successful candidate was said to have
been "pitied" (compassionatel}' helped) "by Night," as otherwise he
could not have accom])lished the tasks recjuired. The symbols tat-
tooed on the girl were designated xthexe, an untranslatable name
meaning a mark of honor or of distinction. It will be remem-
bered that the Sacred Pole (see p. 219) was called Waxtlie'xe, signi-
fying "that which has the power to bestow honor or distinction."
The Sacred Pole, as its name implies, was representative of the
authority which was the fount of lionor in the tribe. Permission to
place this mark of honor on a girl had to be given by the Seven
Chiefs, as well as by the members of the Ho°'hewachi. The Ho°'he-
wachi is claimed to be very old and in connection with this claim it
should be remembered that the ancient name of the Cedar Pole (see
p. 219) was Waxtlie'xe, and that the name of this ancient and sacred
object, whose ceremonies had become lost, was transferred to the
new Sacred Pole when the latter emblem was set up in the interests
of tribal unity and stabilit}' of government. The ancient pole
of cedar, according to tradition and myth, was allied to ceremonies
connected with Thunder and with the creation of the human race.
It was kept, as was the Sacred Shell, in the Sacred Tent in charge
of the We'zhi°shte gens. According to traditions and beliefs, the
rites- pertaining to the Shell were connected with the cosmic forces
which brought the universe into being and maintained its life.
While it is impossible clearly to trace connection between the IIo'"he-
wachi and the ceremonies that once clustered about the ancient Cedar
Pole and the Sacred Sludl, yet the name given to the nuirk of honor,
{xthexe), the symbols used, and the sex of the person on whom they
nuist be tattooed, as well as the name of the society to which they
belonged, all afford a strong ])robal)ility that the ancient cosmic
rites, long since lost, were related to the Ho^'hewachi, if they do not
in part survive in the ceremonies of this society, ceremonies which

PLETCHKR-LA KLICSCHE] SOCIETIES 495

in songs and symbols refer to the creative cosmic forces typified by
night and (hiy, the earth and the sky, forces which were also repre-
sented in the fundamental ideas on which the tribal organization
rested.

The One Hundred Wathi^'ethe

As has been said, the rec(uisite for entrance into the Ho°'hewachi
was that the candidate should be able to count at least one hundred
wathi"'ethe (see p. 202); but in making this "count" he could not
include those wathi^'ethe (gifts) which he had made to the Seven
Chiefs in order to insure admission into the order of Ni'kagahi xu'de,
as he had made these gifts for another purpose, one that pertained
solely to his ambition to become a chief. The wathi^' ethe which could
be "counted" in order to secure entrance into the Ho°'hewachi were
similar in character to those already described as requisite to
entrance into the Ni'kagahi xu'de but they were not directty con-
nected with the Seven Chiefs. Among the classes of acts and gifts
that "counted" and ranked high were those benefiting the tribe and
those made to a very poor man or woman.

The following story was told of Waha'xi, a noted chief who died
before the middle of the nineteenth century: One day an old woman
came to his tent, entered, and sat down near the door. No one
noticed her for quite a while, but presently the chief bade his wife
clothe the old woman. So the packs were opened and Waha'xi's
wife took out various garments, dressed the woman in fine leggings, a
tunic of red cloth, and wrapped about her a red blanket. Then the
chief arose and placed corn in her hand and sent her home. The ap-
pearance of the gayly clad old woman bearing corn attracted the
attention of the people, and the chief, already of high rank, was
permitted to "count" this act of clothing the beggar as a wathi^' etJie .

Making contributions for bringing about peace both within and
without the tribe was an act of public merit and could be ' ' counted ; ' '
so also coidd gifts which were made to put an end to a period of
mourning, as the following will illustrate: On the death of a member
of the tribe who was greatly respected all societies suspended their
meetings and all dances ceased. Sometimes a year might ])ass, the
village keeping silence to honor the memory of the dead. At length
a chief would call the people together and whoever chose to contribute
toward the gifts to be made to the mourners could "count" his gift.
The collected gifts were borne by two men to the lodge of the mourn-
ers. For the honor of bearing the gifts each of these men gave a
horse. When the bearers of the gifts arrived at the lodo-e, the rela-
tives of the deceased were thus atl dressed: "You have grieved many
days. Your hair has grown long. We have brought these gifts that
you may cut your hair and return to the people." Then the chief

496 THE OMAHA TEIBE [eth. axx. 2T

mourner cut his hair, ]>ut on gala dress, and distributed the gifts
among liis near kindred, while the herald proclaimed throughout the
village: "You, the people, are told to be joyous again!" Songs and
dances were resumed and the people made merry after their long
silence. This ceremony has not been performed since the middle of
the last century.

Another form of giving was to place a robe on the arm of a child
and bid it take the gift to the lodge of a leading man, who, on receiving
the gift, would emerge from his tent and call aloud the name of the
giver.

All contributions to a Wa'wa" party, or gifts made through this
ceremony, could be "coimted," as these were in the interest of peace
within and wdthout the tribe. For similar reasons the gifts made
during the festival of the He'dewachi were "counted "

Gifts of horses were accounted amongthe most valuable. Sometimes
the "count" of a horse was connected with peculiar circumstances, as
in the following case : Waha'xi had a son whom he hoped would one day
be a chief, but who died prematurely. At his funeral a fine white horse
was about to be killed, when the father of Kaxe'no°ba brought forward
a mule and asked that it be killed and the fine horse spared. Knowing
that the mule also could not well be spared by the man, Waha'xi
decided not to kill either the horse or the mide but bade the man to
"count" both horse and miile aswathi^'ethe. Such gifts were classed
as "gone to see the dead."

The AVe'ku feast offered another occasion for men to make gifts
which could be "counted." This feast occurred when there had
been a difference between two tribes and the chiefs wished to make
peace. The Seven Chiefs called the various cliiefs and young warriors
together and told them of the proposed We'ku feast, to which the tribe
with whom there had been trouble had been in^nted. The men then
vohuiteered to make gifts toward receiving the tribe. Ilewho intended
to offer a large gift would say, " I will give some small article." Those
who could make only a small donation said nothing. When all tlie gifts
were sathered, three or foiu' of the donors who were men of rank and
respected by the people were sent to invite the other tribe to the
feast. As the guests were seen approaching, all the men who had
contributed gifts mounted their horses and rode out to meet the
coming tribe, charging upon them as if upon an enemy. The leader
bore a pipe prepared for smoking and offered it to the leader of the
guests who, after it was hghtcd, accepted it. The gifts were then
distributed, the feast eaten, and peace concluded between the tribes.
After the feast the guests were entertained as individuals among
Omaha famihes. All gifts made on such an occasion coukl be coimted
as wathi^'ethe. The We'ku feast took place for the last time shortly
before the middle of the nineteenth century.

FI.ETCHr.R-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 497

Another act that coukl bo counted as watlii^' eilie and that ranked
among the highest was saving the hfe of a comrade in battle or pre-
venting his capture, as such an act could be done onl}' by risking
one's life.

A thrifty man could seldom "count" his hundred before he was
near midtUe life, even though he wasted no opportunity. During
all the years of his preparation he must work silently and not reveal
his purpose to anyone for fear he might fail. Nor did he tell which
maid he had chosen to receive the mark of honor. There was a
general belief that if a man made his choice known before he was
ready to have the tattooing done, either the girl would die or some
misfortune woukl befall him.

Passing the long test required for entrance into this society was
regarded as proof not only that the members were favored by
Wako"'da but that they possessed will power capable of producing
results; consequently a form of punishment, wazhi"' agfhe {wazlii"-,
"directive energy" or "will power;" "agthe," "to place upon"), was
exercised by them. A disturber of the peace within the tribe or
one whose acts were offensive to the cliiefs was sometimes punished
by the concerted action of the Ho"'hewaclii through •wazM"'agth€,
the members fixing their minds on the offender, placing on him the
consequences of his actions so that he was thrust from all helpful
relations with men and animals. Misfortune and death were
believed to follow as the result of tliis treatment. Wazhi^'agthe
belongs to the same class of acts as wazhi"'fhethe (p. 583) ; the former
was beUeved to send disaster and the latter to help by the exercise
of will power.

The Watha'wa (Feast op the Count)

When a man had all his arrangements made, could "count" the
required number of wathi"'ethe, had accumulated the required fees,
and hud secured the food necessary to entertain the chiefs and other
guests for the mitiatory ceremonies, which lasted four days, he noti-
fied the man whom he had selected to be his sponsor. The sponsor
called together the members of the Ho^'hewachi, the candidate fur-
nishmg the food for the required feast, and the candidate's name
was then proposed. If no objection was made, he was told that
he could prepare for the ceremony of initiation.

The tribal herald summonetl the Council of Seven and the mem-
bers of the Ho°'hewachi to the lodge of the candidate, which had
been prepared for the ceremony. On this occasion every article
except those intended as gifts to the chiefs and members of the order
must be removed, as the candidate could retain nothing that was
83993°— 27 eth— 11 32

498 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

in the lodge at the time the Seven Chiefs entered, wearing their robes
in tlie ceremoniiil manner and liearing the pipe to be used in the
ceremony. A biiil'alo skin was placed back of the fireplace, on which
were two bunches of grass tliat were to serve as rests for the pipe.
Near the fire at the edge of the robe was a board on which the
tobacco to be used in filling the pipe was placed. The two Ni'kagahi
u'zhu took tlieir seats in the center at the back of the lodge and
the other members of the Council of Seven occupied their official
places. Next to them, on both sides of the lodge, sat the members
of the Ho°'hewachi. The candidate took his seat by the door to the
left as one entered. On the opposite side of the door sat the herald.

During all the years that the candi(,late had been preparing for
this occasion he had kept a number of willow sticks about a foot long,
eacli one of which represented a irafhl"'('f7}e. These hundred or
more sticks, tied in a bundle, were handed by the candidate to the
herald, who laid them before the Ni'kagahi u'zhu. The u'zhu chief
to the left, representing the Ilon'gashenu side of the hu'thuga (tribal
circle), took up the bundle and passed it to the other u'zhu, repre-
senting the I"shta'9u°da side, who in turn handed it to the chief next
to him. In this way the bundle representing the candidate's "count "
was passed bj' the left around the circle. When it again reached the
u'zhu chief who first took it up, he called the herald, who came and
received the bundle of sticks from the Ni'kagahi u'zhu and carried it
back to the candidate sitting at the door.

Meanwhile the concourse outside the lodge had steadily increased
ua nimrbers and among them were those who secretly aspired to the
lionor of becoming members of the Ho"'hewachi. The immediate
relatives of the candidate moved anxiously about, desirous of help-
ing his memory during the ordeal of "counting," for his statements
could be controverted by the outsiders and there were always those
who were envious of his attaimnents and sought to confuse and
disconcert him. The excitement outside the lodge contrasted sharply
with the decorum within, where the cantlidate stood before tiie
assembled chiefs, muffleil in their robes, antl the members of the
Ho°'hewachi, wlio sat closely watcliing the man as he took up reed
after reed and told what kind of gift it represented, when, where, and
to whom it was maile. All the wathi"'ethe had to be classified as
to kind in this pubhc recital. First the candidate "counted" the
gifts of horses. When the statements regarding a gift were contro-
verted, a witness was calletl to testify to the truth of the statements.
Robes, bows and arrows and quivers, pipes, and shell disks were
"counted" in groups or classes. The "count" began in the early
morning and lasted all day. It was a severe tax on a man's memory,
for these gifts often extended over a period of ten or twenty years.
At the close of his "count" the chiefs bade the man enumerate the

l.-LETCnER-LAKLKSCH!.;] SOCIETIES 499

articles he had gathered for fees. The eiiief then sent the herald
to proclann the completed "count" to the people. He would state
that So-and-so (naming the candidate) had given away so many
horses, so many robes, ami so on through the list of classified gifts.
Thus the man's record was made public and thereafter no one could
challenge his "count" as it was then given forth.

The ceremony of smoking the pipe foUoweil the completion of the
count. This was in the nature of a formal presentation to Wako°'da
of the wafhi^' ethe w\uch had just been publicly "counted;" it also
representeil the taking of an oath of membersliip. The smoldng
was a solenm and elaborate ceremony. A firebrand could not be
used to light the pipe, for which purpose a live coal was taken from
the fire with a split stick. When ready to be lighted the pipe lay
with the stem toward the south. The herald took it up and held
it for the Ni'kagahi u'zhu who sat toward the south wlule the latter
lighted it. The herald then passed the pipe in turn to the Ni'kagahi
u'zhu who sat toward the north, and to the chief at the latter's left.
\^1iile being smoked the pipe was always held by the herald.
It was said: "The pipe must pass in aii unbroken circle from south
to north, and when laid down after tliis circuit the stem must point
to the north." A pause followed the smoking; then the herald
took the pipe from its grass rest and walked with it around the fire-
place. He held it up to the zenith before laying it to rest wdth the
stem to the north. The chief who had lighted the pipe now grasped
its stem in liis left hand and the bowl in his right, and swimg the pipe
slowly in a circle from right to left until it was in an upright position
at the left side of his body. Then he proceetled to clean the pipe and
lay it back on its grass rest on the robe, with the stem to the south.
The herald then took up the pipe and again walked with it about the
fire. At the completion of the circuit he laid it beside the fireplace.
The cliief who had cleaned it then rose ami put it back on the buffalo
robe. This last act completed the ceremony of smoking. The varied
and complicated movements connected with passing the pipe and
placing it at rest had reference, it is said, to the movements of the
heavenly bodies. The herald then arose and put together the grass
rest of the pijie and the bundle of sticks used in the counting and laid
them in the back part of the lodge.

Members of the candidate's family outside the lodge now filled
two large wooden bowls with a kind of porridge made of pounded
maize and passed them through the door into the lodge. The
herald took one of the bowls and placed it in front of the cliief who
had lighted the pipe. The latter took four spoonfuls of the food
and passed the bowl to the next chief without lifting it from the
floor. The other bowl was passetl from the door up to the cliief
who had partaken first from the first bowl. Each person took four

500 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

spoonfuls of the porridge. Care was taken by all not to spill any
of this sacred food and not to make a noise with the lips in eating.
When the second bowl reached the cliief who sat toward the south,
he poured a few drops of the food into a depression in the ground
near the fireplace made by the knuckle of the forefinger of the right
hand." The other bowl was now brought from the door and the
two bowls were placed side by side in front of the two Ni'kagahi
u'zhu. Considerable food remained in both of the bowls. The
cliief toward the south then designated a cliief on the north side of
the lodge, to whom one of the bowls was taken; next he selected a
cliief on the south side to whom the other bowl was taken. Then
the herald was called and bitlden to take the bowls to the lodges of
these cliiefs. Outside of the tent the herald was relieved of his
burden by the wives and daughters of the chiefs designated, who
carried the food to their homes. After the bowls were emptied they
were brought back and placed near the door of the lodge, to be
returned to their owTiers.

At this point, if any cliief of the Council of Seven was not a mem-
ber of the Ho°'hewaclii he was excused. He at once arose, thanked
the assembly, and left the lodge, wliicli now contained only the can-
didate and the members of the Ho"'hewaclii.

The Feast of the Ho'^'hewachi

The candidate now selected two of the bravest men to act as his
heralds and to summon all the cliiefs who were entitled to be present
at the Feast of the Ho^'hewachi. The heralds put on the buffalo
robes ^\^th the hair outside, girding them about the waist, painted
their faces black, and placed eagle down on their heads. Then
they proceeded to the lodges of the chiefs entitled to attend the feast,
addressing them by name, and giving the official call of invitation:
Wafl-athi" ho! The meaning of this word is lost. "When the her-
alds had passed around the camp circle they returned to the lodge of
the candidate, where the feast was to be held. Even if all who had
been thus in^dted were already present in the lodge, the two heralds
went to the door of the tent and again gave the official call of invi-
tation, mentioning the names of those who had the right to attend
the feast. The leader of the Ho"'hewachi then ordered the drum,
rattles, and bells to be sent for antl food to be prepared for those
present, as they had been sitting since early morning and had only
eaten ceremonially of the "Feast of the Count." If the count lasted
more than one day tliis feast could not take place until the count
was completed. The right to "beat the drum" belonged to the
man who could count the highest war honors. It has become difli-

a Note the resemblance between this taking of food and pouring of drops into a depression made by
the knuckle and the Ponca ceremony at the Feast of Soldiers (p. 309).

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

501

cult in recent years to complete tliis ceremony after the ancient
manner, on account of the dying out of the men who could count
war honors, for these honors had to have been accorded a man in
the public ceremony of Wate'girtu, already described (see p. 434).
The story is told of an Oto who, in order to complete the ceremony
of initiation, had to send to a cognate tribe to secure the services of
a man who was properly entitled to "beat the drum."

After the meal had been eaten the chiefs and members resumed
their seats, the drum was jjlaccd, and the following song was sung:

n 1,

...

1^\f~'^'^~l^~

Jj —

f •

1" /^

— p~

— 1 —

— ^—

w—^^^

_l^_

-1-

— f

^ ^ —

— • —

— a-^

— •—

-T^v—

thi - tha sha - ya ma

U - thi - tha sha - ya ma

E-go''-sho° do° u-thi-tha slia-ya ma

U-thi-tha slia-ya ma

g=i

U - thi- Iha

sha - ya ma

TJ - thi- tha sha ■ ya ma

Uthitha shaya ma

Ego" sho° do" uthitha shaya ma

Uthitha shaya ma

Literal translation: Uthitha, to tell you: sAaya, coming; ma, he,
they; ego", now, for that reason; sho", done, completed; do'\ there-
fore.

The words of this song are meager and difficult to translate. Their
meaning was explained to have reference to the sponsor coming to
the members of the Ho"'hewachi and reporting that the candidate for
whom he stood had now completed the required number of ivathi^'eihe,
or prescribed gifts, and awaited their acceptance of him.

Athigi shaya ma

Ego" she" do" uthudo"be taya ma

Athigi shaya ma

Literal translation: Athigi, to fetch, bring, cause to come; shaya,
coming; ma, they; egro", now, for that reason; sho'^, done; do'^, there-

502 TllK OMAHA TRIBE [BTn. ANN. 27

fore; vfhudo^he, to consider, to look into; taya ma, coming for tiiat
piapose, they.

This stanza was explained as referring to the response to the ofFicicd
call of the herald which caused the chiefs and members to gather
together for the purpose of considering the count of the man who
aspired to become a member of the Ho^'hewachi, and who was
publicly to present the record of his acts.

Thido" be shaya ma

Ego° sho° do° uthudo° be taya ma

Thido"be shaya ma

Thido^be shaya ma

Thido"be shaya ma

Literal translation: Thido"he, see you, as the result or outcome
of a decision; shaya, coming; ma, they; uthudo"be, to look into, to
consider, to judge; taya 7na, coming for that purpose, thej-.

This stanza refers to the final judgment of the men who had come
together to consider the claim of the candidate to membership. In
this stanza the three preliminary" steps already taken are summed
up. It was durmg this summing up that the j'oung girl on whom the
mark of honor was to be placed entered and danced before the
assembled Ho°'hewachi. The act dramatized the awakening of the
feminine element — an awakening ever^^Tvhere necessary for a fulfill-
ment in tangible form of the life-giving power. This dance of the
girl constituted the fourth and last step in the movements recounted
in the three stanzas of the song — the step that led diiectly to the
consummation of the candidate's long years of effort. Generally the
girl chosen was the ilaughter of the candidate; but if he had no
child of a suitable age he could select the daughter of a relative
or of a close friend. She must be a virgin who had recently reached
puberty. She was clad in gala garments made for the occasion, for-
merly a skin tunic embroidered wdth porcupine quills. She was
frequently accompanied on her entrance and dance by two or three
young women who had received the "mark of honor."

With the meaning of the acts coimected with the singing of this
song should be considered the important fact that the song gives the
rhythmic model after which all songs that pertain to the IIo"'howachi
were fashioned. It therefore represented the fundamental rhythm
that expressed the musical feeling concerning those ideas or beliefs
for which the Ho"'hewachi stood in the native mind. It nuvy here
be stated that a similar rule was observed in the songs connected with
any given society or rite — they all conformed to the rhythmic stand-
ard peculiar to the society or the ceremonial. As a result, an Indian

FLETCHER-LA FLESfHEl SOCIETIES 503

coiikl classify at once a song b}^ its rhythm, as belonging to the
Hethu'shka the Wa'wa", the Ho°'hewachi, or any other society or
rite with which he was familiar. This custom has restricted freedom
in musical composition and thus has retarded its development among
a remarkably musical race. It has tended to make the songs of the
tribe monotonous and this tendency has been enlianced by certain
beliefs concerning the function and power of music entertained by the
native peoples. Every member of the Ho°'hewachi was required to
compose a song whicli had to conform to the rhythmic standard of
the Ho"'hewachi initial song. The song had to be an expression of
the man's personal experience, and frequently, though not invariably,
it referred to a dream or vision that came in answer to his supplication.
Tlie cliiefs antl members remained all night at the lodge of the
candidate. They continued to be his guests until the completion of
the ceremony of tattooing. Meanwhile the family of the candidate
occupied a tent near bj^, and two women, on wliom the "mark of
honor" had been placed, were designated to cook the food required for
the assem1)led guests.

THE TATTOOING

Early in the morning two scaffolds were set up outside the candi-
date's lodge, one on each side of the door. On these were suspended
the articles to be given as fees. Among them had to be 100 knives
and 100 awls. These were male and female implements. The knives
were thrust into the ground around one side of the fireplace and the
awls were similarly placed on the other side. Back of the fireplace a
bed was made of the costliest robes and a pillow was placed toward the
east. After the morning meal had been eaten by the guests and the
girl had eaten with the family, she was brought in and lai<l upon
the bed, facing the west, for, being emblematic of life, she had to lie
as if moving with the sun. The two heralds stood at the door of
the lodge and called the names of those who were to sing during
the tattooing. These must be men who had received public war
honors. The official cry already noted was given with eacli name
called, whetlier the men were already in the lodge or not.

Tlie charcoal to be used in making the coloring jjreparation was
placed in a wooden bowl and taken to the man who was to do the
tattooing. Usually one of the chiefs performed this duty. The
figure was first outlined by means of a flattened stick dipped into the
solution made from the charcoal; then it was pricked in with
needles. Steel needles are now employed ; formerly flint points were
used. The needles were tied in a bunch, to which small bells were
fastened; formerly the rattles of the rattlesnake were used. After
the pricking the charcoal was put over the surface, wliich was then
pricked a second time. Tliis completed the tattooing. The round

504

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETn. ANN. 27

s|iot was first put on the I'orclioad; tliis represented the sun. Wliile
tills was being done the following song was sung:

z:~s .

— s 5 ' ^ 1 1 N-

— , ^ —

m^-'r-

— 1 ^ —

*^^i^-0 jj=r-i^

d. r^ — ;-q q £^

^ ^ — ^

Mi - tlio" slni
#=T5 — 1 -(— =^

- i the tha

-^5 1 1 N-

'-'- '-»-• J-^ ♦ •
ni - tho" slin- i the tha""^ mi

fe=+~i^--^'--

•— ^ — '^ i-\

-{-i^-^^trd — r^-^

tho° shu - i

-.00 ^ • -

the th;i mi - tho° ga- thu ti tho° - de shu

Zt ^a^ 1 ^-

j- ^^ — ^ 1 ^""sr

tft> \ ^ 1 ^-

TT • • • ^ ♦

i the-tha

1 1__^ — 1—

-. — •— »— • T-i^— r-

mi - tho" shu- i

the-tha mi-tho" shu - i the-tha

Mitho" shui the tha

Mitho" n;athu ti thoMe .«ihui thetha

Mitho" shui the tha

Literal translation: Mitho", tlie sun, the round sun; sTiui, comes,
speaks, or says; gafhu, yonder point; ti thoMe, when it comes;
shui the, comes, speaks, or says.

Tliis ancient song, as was explained, refers to the sun rising to the
zenith, to the highest point; when it reaches that point it speaks, as
its symbol descends upon the maid with the promise of life-giving
power.

After the symbol of the sun was placed on the girl's forehead the
outline of a four-pointed star (fig. 10.5) was marked on her chest as
the following song was sung:

tiSzHiz^Ji

Ho" - thi" the tha

thi" the tha

ho"- tlii" the tlia

ba i-a tho

Uiu • ba i-a tho

ilo"thi" the tha
Ho "thi" the tha
Ho"thi" tho tha
Umba ia iho
Umba ia tho
Umba ia tho

Um - ba - ia tho

FLETC'IIi;U-LA KLK.SCIIK]

SOCIETIKS

505

Literal translation: //o", night; tlii^, moving; the, going; tlia, end
of sentence; umba, day; ia, is coming; tl^o, oratorical end of sentence.

The meaning of the song is: Night moves, it passes, and the day is
comin":.

Fiii. 105. Tattuou'l dosiga — " mark of honor.'

The star is emblematic of the night, the great mother force, its
four points representing also the life-giving winds into the midst of
which the child was sent through the ceremony of Turning the Child,
already described (see p. 117).

506 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ ktii. ANN. J-

During the com])lcti()ii of tlu- tnttooini,' of the sj'mboLs of day and
nitclit till' fonowiiij^ s(m<; was sunp;:

(Sling in octaves; dots indicate pnlsartons of the voice)

Ga - thi° xu - c tha Ga - tlu" xu - e tha E - da to"

-H-*-

EiE3E?v=iEE3ElE^IJ

ha xu - e tha Ga - thi° xu - e tha Ga - thi° xu - e tlia lii-o 1

Gathi" xue tha
Gathi" xue tha
Eda toMa ha xue tha
Gathi" xue tha
Gathi" xue tha hio

Literal translation: GatM^, yonder unseen is one movinij; xue,
noise; ilia, end of sentence; eda, a modified form of edo^, for that rea-
son; to'^da ha, over the earth; xue. noise; Jiio, the crj' of the living
creatures.

Tliis song, it was explained, referred to the serpent, here the re})re-
sentative of the teeming life that "moves" over the earth. (Note
the tabu of the. lost subgens of the I"shta'vu°da gens and its mean-
ing.) Because tlais life is "moving" it makes a noise. Even the sun
as it "moves," it is said, "makes a noise," as does the living wind in
the trees.

Sometimes a crescent moon was tattooed on the back of the girl's
neck and a turtle on the back of her hands. The turtle was con-
nected with rites pertaining to water and wind, as noted in the ac-
count of the Ke'i" subgens of the Tha'tada gens (see p. 161). During
the ordeal of tattooing the girl strove to make no sound or outcrv.
If she should do so it was considered as evidence that she had been
unchaste. If the healing jirocess was rapid, it was considered a
good omen.

After the ritual songs here given had been sung, the members of
the Ho°'hewachi sang their individual songs. In the Ponca tribe
the men who had dreamed of buffalo sat on one side of the lodge;
those who had had other dreams sat on the opposite side; and the
songs were sung first by a man on one side and then by one on the
other. This order was not regularly followed among the Omaha.
After the noon hour fooil was cooked and served to the chiefs,
while the herald called the families of these men to receive their
share. Much food was consumed and distributed on this occasion.

Wlten the tattooing was finislied the girl left the tent. Then the
herald brought in all the articles that w'ere hanging on the scaffolds
outside the tent and jiiled tiiem in the middle of the lodge. All tlie

1-LKTCIIF.R-I.A FLKSCHK]

SOCIETIES

507

uncooked foo<l was placed near tlie door. The leader distiihuted the
gifts. A knife and an awl were given to each person. In apportion-
ing the fees the person who did the tattooing received the largest
share, and all the food, both cooked and uncooked, that remained
became his propert3^

The accompanying design (fig. 106) tattooed on the hand of a
Ponca girl strikingly sets forth the meaning of the Ho"'hewaclii:
Here are the emblems of day and night and between them stand
the forms of children. By the union of Day, the above, and Night,
the below, came the human race and liy them tlie race is maintained.
The tattooing of this fig-
ure was said to be " an aj)-
pealfor the perpetuation
of all life and of human
life in particular."

At the meetings of the
Ho"'hewachi, even when
there was no initiation of
a member or tattooing of
a maid, only those men
who had received war
honors coidtl "beat the
drum" for the singers.
Before a man coidd sing
his song he had to relate
his war honors, telling
what they were and what
were the acts for which
they had been ])ublicly
awarded. While he sang
the women who had re-
ceived the "mark of
honor" danced. Only
women danced at the
meetings of the Ho"'he-
wachi. This was because the order was one in recognition of Night,
of the feminine force or principle. The man recounted his deeds,
for they were "performed in order to insure to the wonuin that
safety which was rec^uisite for the performance of her duties as
wife and mother." The rites and symbols of the Ho°'hewachi
epitomized the fundamental ideas on which the tribal organization
was based. The requirements for admittance to mendjership afforded
vmdisputed proof of a man's valor anil industry — the two factors
necessary f(n- the preservation and the prosperity of the tribe. The
word for tribe, it will be remembered, indicates that it was composed

Fig. 106.

Design tattooed on hand of Ponca girl (native
drawing).

508 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. an.\. 2T

of those who were banded together to fight against attacks from the
outside. Valor, therefore, was necessary to hohl the trilie together
and industry to maintain it. These nianly requirements were
emphasized in the lumors accorded through the no"'hewachi, whicli
also dramatically set forth the essential place occupied by woman in
j)romoting the general welfare, ilany of the manufactured aiticles
which went to swell tlie man's "count" were the product of wt)man's
industry.

The following song is an example of the class of songs which were
composed by members of the IIo"'hewaclii. This song commemo-
rated the experience of the composer — an experience which left its
mark on his subsecjuent life. A sister whom he greatly loved died.
He missed her companionship sorely. "Without her the world seemed
to him a blank. He used to go alone to the hills and there w-eep
and ])ray for his sister's presence. At last one day, as he lay on the
hillside weeping, he became conscious of some one near him. Lift-
ing his ej'es, he beheld his sister's face, and heard her voice saying:
"I have been seeking for you over the breadth of the land." Then
the man knew that his sister's spirit ^^et loved and guarded him. He
arose comforted, dried his tears, ceased from that day to mourn, and
cheerfully resumed his appointed duties. This incident was the theme
of the song which he composed as his song of membership in the
Ho°'hewaehi. He used to sing it when he met with the members.
The man himself related this story to the writers and sang them his
song. He died a number of years ago.

(Sung in octaves)

F~-4-

=1-

-#-

^---?

-«— 1«-

U - wi - ne he tlia U- wi - ne lie tlia Mo" - zlio° the tho° yka

^i==^p^?=i=^4

-•■ ■•• ■•■ "sr -•• -»■• -0- -^

iha - Iia U- wi- ne he tha U- wi - ne he tha U- wi- ne he tlia

Uwine he tha

Twine he tha

XIo"zho" thetho^fka thaha

Uwine hetha

Literal translation: UirtDc he, I seek for you; tha, end of sentence;
mn"zli(t", earth; th(tlin''(;k(i, cxpan.se, great size; iJtaJia, over.

Sometimes a song desceniU'd to a new member, particidarly if tlie
new member took the place of a deceased father or elder brother.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHe] SOCIETIES 509

It was accounted good fortune and an honor to marry a woman
bearing the "mark of honor." She not only belonged to a family
that had achieved tribal reputation but it was believed that she
would become the mother of many chililren who would live to
grow up. If a buffalo bearing white spots or a white buffalo was
killed, only women bearing the "mark of honor" dressed the skin of
the animal, which was presentetl to the Sacred Tent to renew the
Sacred Wliite Buffalo Hide then in use.

THE WASHIS'kA ATHI'* (SHELL SOCIETY)

All the secret societies among the Omaha, as has been stated, dealt
more or less with magic as well as healing by means of herbs and
roots. Even if natural remedies were used, the songs sung when
they were gathered and when they were administered were supposed
to increase their efficacy. In some instances this efficacy was attrib-
uted to magic; in others the song was an appeal somewhat of the
nature of a prayer.

The account here given of the Shell society, Washis'ka athi"
(wasJiis' I- a, "sheW;" athi^, "they have" — "those who have the shell")
as it existetl in the Omaha tribe is very nearly complete; sufliciently
so, it is hoped, to permit of a comparative study of somewhat similar
societies which exist among cognate tribes, the Winnebago and the
Oto. The "Grand Medicine" of the Chippewa seems to have aspects
in common with this society.

Origin

The following is the Omaha story of the origin of the Shell society :

Once (an indefinite and long time in the past) a stranger came to the village. He
■was entertained by the chief and all the prominent men. There was living in the
tribe a man who, while a good hunter, was a quiet man who never pushed himself into
notice. His modest behavior was a source of anxiety to his wife, who was ambitious
and did not share her husband 's aversion to notice. She learned of the stranger's
presence, and noted how much was made of him, and she determined to have her
husband also entertain this man. She said to her husband: "You will never become
an important man in the tribe if you do not push yourself forward. You must ask this
stranger to our lodge. I will prepare a feast, and you can entertain him as all the great
men are doing." She called her eldest son, and said: "You are to go to the chief's
house and tell him that his guest is invited to your father's house. Mention your
father's name." She then set about to make the tent clean and put everything in
order. She cooked food, spread a robe on the seat of honor, and was ready for the
guest. The boy did as his mother told him. When he delivered his message the
chief, who knew the rething nature of the lad's father, asked him: "Did your father
send you?" The boy answered "Yes." In due time the stranger came. He wore
his hair reached, his leggings were yellow and embroidered, his moccasins were black;
he had no shirt, but wore his robe with the hair outside. He had a fine bow, and at
his back a quiver of otter skin filled with arrows. The man, his wife, and the four
children were all clad in their best, and waiting to receive the stranger. Of the

510 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. axn. 27

children, the eldest two were boys, the third was a girl, and the youngest a boy — all
of them healthy and well formed. The wife set before their guest deer meat and beans
cooked with raccoon fat. He ate, and talked with the family, then he returned thanks
to them and left. Soon he departed from the village and was heard of no more all that
summer or the following winter. When spring came the stranger again appeared,
and was treated with honor by the chiefs and leading men. And again the woman
took tile initiative in in vit ing the stranger to her lodge, and again the chief questioned the
son who brought the invitation: ''Did your father send you? " The boy again answered
"Yes." The stranger responded as before. He returned his thanks, but he gave no
explanation of himself, and departed. Another year passed and the spring came, and
80 did the stranger. Once more the son carried the invitation and the chief asked the
same question and received the same answer. The stranger came, partook of the ho.*!-
pitality offered, and departed, leaving the man and his wife in ignorance as to who and
what he was. Nor did anyone know aught of the stranger. The fourth spring came,
and so did the stranger, and the same invitation was extended, to be questioned by the
chief and answered by the lad as before. The stranger was received as he had been for
three years; but now as he made his thanks he said: "I am a being of mysteries. I
have been seeking for the proper persons whom I may instruct in the knowledge of
these mysteries. You have shown an interest as to what I have to bring, for this knowl-
edge can only be given to those who seek for it. You have four times entertained
me at the proper season. I have observed you, and am satisfied that you are the ones
to receive knowledge of the mysteries. Everything now is in readiness for me to fulfill
my purpose. It is now the time when the people go away to hunt. I wish you to
stay where you are. After the people have gone, then we will travel for a season.
During that time I shall teach you of these mysteries. I shall expect a return from
you. What it must be I will make known at the proper time."

The tribe moved off to hunt, and the man and his wife and the stranger remained
behind. At night, as they all lay down to sleep, the father kept wondering about the
stranger, and lay awake watching him. The stranger pretended to sleep, but he, too,
watched. 'UTien the morning came the stranger arose, went for water, returned with
it and gave it to the children to drink, and also to the father and mother. Then he
combed the children's hair and washed them. These actions perplexed the parents,
but the stranger remained silent as to his motives. The next day after the tribe had
gone the stranger bade the father and mother make ready to move, and they all did
so, going whither the stranger directed. As they traveled, the stranger pointed out
the different trees, told of their fruits, and also of the herbs and roots that were good
for food and those that were good for medicinal purposes, and bade the couple observe
and remember them. The stranger said to the man: "You are to go to a certain
place on the other side of that stream whore there are scattered elm trees, thickets,
and vines of wild beans, and look alioul and see if there are any animals. " The man
started off, as he was directed, and when he reached the place he saw a deer. Taking
aim, he shot it. It was a young buck about 4 years old. He looked about and saw
other deer. He killed 12, making V.i in all. He drew the carcasses to a place where
he could camp, and started back for his family. On the way he met his wife and
three of ihe children and the stranger, who was carrying the youngest on his back.

When they reached camp, the stranger told the nuui to roast four shoulders. \\'hen
this was done, he gave a shoulder to each child anil another cut to the father and
mother, and bade that the rest of the meat be dried before the fire and then cached.
In the morning the stranger went for water, as before, gave them all to drink; then he
combed the hair of the children and washed them, to the great perplexity of the
father and mother.

The stranger told the man to go to a place where there were sand hills and scat-
tered Cottonwood trees and see. if there were animals there. The man went, and as

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 511

he drew near he saw an elk feeding. He shot it. It had forked horns and was 4
years old. As he looked about, he saw deer and he killed several. He dragged the
carcasses to a camping place and started back to his family. He met them as before,
the stranger carrying the youngest child. The stranger told the man to take the
heart and tongue of the elk and lay them aside, for that night they would have a
ceremony, and sing. The father did so, and put the heart and tongue where the
children could not meddle with them. After sundown the stranger bade the woman
go and get water and cook the heart and tongue of the elk. The stranger cleared the
fireplace and took a seat at the south side of it. Next on his left sat the father, on his
left the mother, the children on her left, beginning with the eldest, down to the young-
est. The stranger sang twenty-two songs and taught them to the father and mother.
During the pauses between the songs the cries of the different animals with which the
stranger was associated could be heard, showing their satisfaction at the progress the
stranger was making. They sang all night. The two little children went to sleep
but the two older ones kept awake. When they were through singing they sang a
song by which to go out, and the stranger bade them to remember this song.

After about four days, when the meat was dried, the stranger told the man to go on
to a creek that ran through ravines where there were great elms and knolls with stumps,
and see if there were any animals there. The man went as directed and peering
round from behind a slump he saw a buffalo cow. Drawing his bow, he shot it through
the heart. It was about 4 years old. The man was greatly astonished at the sight
of the animal, as he had never known buffalo in that vicinity. He saw several
deer and killed them. He dragged the carcasses to a camping place and started back
to his family. On the way he met them. The stranger was carrying the youngest
child. "What have you killed?" he asked. The man told of the buffalo. The
stranger bade the man take the heart and tongue and put them aside. When they
reached camp and the sun was down, the stranger told the woman to go for water and
to cook the heart and tongue of the btiffalo.

\Mien the heart and tongue were cooked the stranger took his seat at the south side
of the fireplace; the father sat at his left, the mother at the father's left, at her left the
children, from the eldest down to the youngest. They ate of the heart and tongue.
That night they sang other songs. All night they sang. The little children fell
asleep; the two older boys joined in the singing. Between the songs the cries of the
animals were again heard. At the end they sang the song to accompany their going
out. The stranger told the father and mother never to forget to sing that song before
going out.

The next day, as usual, the stranger rose early, procm-ed water, gave them all to
drink and then combed the children's hair and washed them. By this time the
stranger had won the confidence and the affection of the children but the father was
getting anxious. He was puzzled by the stranger's behavior and he and his wife
talked together and wondered about the man. They came to the conclusion that he
must be thinking of his own children and that was why he was so attentive to their
little ones. He had already brought them great good fortune in hunting, and they
not only wanted to show gratitude and appreciation for what he had done, but they
wanted to test him, to see if he was really human. They had not much to offer him,
as they were not well pro\-ided for when the stranger became their .guest, but they ^
determined to offer him what they had. So they said to him: "We have not much,
but we have these things," showing him their store, "and we have our children.
Take your choice, for we offer you all." They felt sure he would never choose their
children, but to their surprise he handed them back all their goods and said: "Since
you have offered them, I will take the children." Then the stranger went on to say
to the couple: "I am an animal, and have been sent by all the animals that live near
the great lake to secure your children and to make you great in your tribe. All the

512 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth. ANN. 27

animals living near this great lake have had a council and I am their messenger,"
Then he went on to tell the man that there were seven leaders in this council — the
black bear, the buffalo, the elk, the deer, the cougar, the gray wolf, and the skunk.
These were specially connected with the man. There were seven other animals that
would be connected with the woman; these were the otter, the raccoon, the mink,
the swan, the silver fox, the squirrel, and the owl. Of these animals, the black bear,
the buffalo, the elk, and the deer are for food; the cougar has strength and courage,
it rises with the sun and goes forth to get food for its young; the gray wolf does the
same; the skunk is a hunter; it dwells in a snug house and is clean. The otter hunts
in the water; the raccoon hunts along the streams and takes of the fruit growing there;
the mink does the same. The swan pro\ides clothing that gives comfort and also
beauty. The silver fox is a hunter; squirrels live on food from trees; and the owl
hunts at night.

At this council, the first seven counseled with the second seven and all agreed to
help man. Then the sun was appealed to, and the sun consented that the animals
should help man, give him of their own powers, so that by their powers he should have
power to become like them and to partake of their qualities. The sun said: "I shall
stay above and look down on my children." The moon was appealed to, and the
moon gave consent, and said: "I shall stay above and look down on my children."
The lightning agreed to make paths, the small paths for the elk, the deer, the buffalo,
and the bear, and a wide path for all the other animals. Then all said: "Go, search
for the proper person to whom to give this power." This was the explanation the
stranger gave to the father and mother when he accepted the gift of their children.

After the meat secured by the father had been dried and cached, the family moved
on, and came near the borders of a great lake. Willows were growing on its banks and
it was beautiful to look upon. In the lake was a high rock and there was also an island
with trees growing on it. There was a smooth beach, on which the water was lapping
the shore and the fish were jumping in the sunlight. The stranger bade the father
search for animals. He went off, and finally he spied a black bear. He took aim, shot,
and killed it. Just then he saw something descending; it was an eagle that dropped
and lit on a cottonwood tree. Then the eagle spoke to the man and asked that he be
allowed to share in the food and he would come and be one of them. The family of
the man had stopped on the second bench above the lake. The man cut up the bear
and carried it all up to his family; he left nothing, not even the blood. The stranger
bade him set aside the heart and tongue of the bear. Then the father went forth and
killed deer. At sunset the wife brought water and cooked the heart and tongue and
again the stranger sat at the south of the fireplace, the father on his left and the mother
at the father's left, the children at her left from the eldest to the youngest, and all
partook of the meat. The stranger sang songs, and taught them to the father and
mother. They sang all night and the youngest children fell asleep. The two older
boys joined in the singing. At the close they all sang the song they had been bidden
to do.

On the evening of the third day the stranger told the father and mother that he
had long been seeking for such a family as theirs to whom to give his magic gifts by
which they should find plenty of game, accumulate wealth, and become chiefs in
the tribe. He said: " I am going away, and shall take your children that you have
given me. But I .shall come again; you will find mc on the lake shore; I shall be
in what you find there." The morning of the fourth day the stranger rose early.
There was no wind and the water of the lake was perfectly still. He got water,
gave them all some to drink, then he combed the hair of the children and washed
them. He told the mother to put on the children's best clothing, to make the tent
tidy and in order, and to spread a skin at the back of the fire with its head to the
west. He told the mother to sit on the south side of the fireplace near the door, on
her left^er husband and at his left the stranger took his seat. He told the children

FLETCHER-r.A FLESCHE] SOCIETIES 513

to all go out and play, but to stay within sound so they could hear when they were
called. Then he talked to the father and mother. He bade them remember all he
had taught them and to tell no one. After a while the man could choose seven
men, and the woman could choose seven women, and initiate them; then they must
wait foui' years, when another seven could be chosen. They would have power,
when they initiated the others, to impart the power he had given them. When he had
finished his instructions he sang a song and all the animals living by the high rock
beat on the drum and sang the same song. Four songs were thus sung by the stranger,
and to each the animals on the rock sounded the drum and sang. They were joined
by all those that dwelt on the island. When the songs were finished the stranger
ordered the mother to call to the tent her eldest child. She circled the lodge, went
outside, and called her son. Then she came in and took her seat. Soon his springing
, steps were heard approaching the tent. He lifted the door flap to enter. The stranger
cried "Hah!'' and the lad fell forward, striking the pole that stood by the fireplace,
and lay dead. The stranger bade the father and mother lift the boy and lay him on the
south side of the skin, his head to the west. Then the stranger arose and painted the
boy. He made a red line across the mouth from the right ear to the left, then drew a
red line from the left ear down the left arm to the thumb; then a similar line from the
right ear down the right arm to the thumb; then a red line o\'er the chin down to the
heart, where a red circle was made; then a red band across the forehead to the ear.
Then he painted the body blue from the waist up to the neck and the elbow up to
the neck. WTien the painting was completed he took his seat and then bade the
mother call her second child. Again she circled the lodge and passed outside and
called her second son to come to the tent and returned to her seat. Soon he was
heard coming rapidly along. As he stooped to enter the stranger cried "Hah!"' and
the boy fell as his brother had done. The stranger bade the father and mother carry
the boy and lay him on the skin to the left of his brother. Then the stranger arose and
painted the second child, making the same red lines; but when he came to paint the
body he put the blue paint on in spots. \\'hen he had finished the stranger resumed
his seat. Then he bade the mother call her thii-d child, and she arose as before, cir-
cled the tent, went without, and called her daughter to come to the lodge, reentered,
and took her seat. Soon she heard the little girl skipping toward the tent, singing as
she came. As she put her head in, the stranger cried "Hah!" and the little girl fell
dead as had her two brothers. Again the father and mother at the bidding of the
stranger lifted the child and laid her on the skin at the left side of her brothers. The
stranger then arose and painted the red lines across the face and on the arms, and from
the chin down to the heart, as on her brothers, but put blue in spots on her body and
cheeks and tied a sash across her heart, and returned to his seat. Then he bade the
mother call her youngest child. She rose as commanded, circled the tent, went out-
side and called the little boy and returned to her seat. She had hardly reached her
place when they heard the little boy running to answer the call. He poked his head
into the tent, the stranger cried "Hah! " and the child fell prone and dead. Again at
the stranger's bidding the parents carried the little boy and laid him on the skin at
the left of his sister. Then the stranger rose and painted the child as he had all the
others, except that the body and arms above the elbow were made the color of the
earth. The stranger told them that the red lines were the rays of the sun that give
life; the blue on the body of the eldest boy was the clear sky; the blue spots on the
body of the second son, the night sky; the blue spots on the girl, the moon and the
night; the brown spots on the youngest child, the earth. The stranger further explained
that the painting on the body of the eldest son, which represented the day, the clear
blue sky, was related to the painting on the body of the gul above the sash and on her
cheeks, which stood for the moon, the power at night. The painting on the body of
the second son, which represented the night sky, spotted with stars, was related to the

83993—27 eth— 11 33

514 THE OMAHA TKIBE [etii. ann. -7

painting on the body of the youngest child, which was the color of the earth, for the
earth and the stars were brothers; he bade them observe the circle of stars (near the
handle of the Great Dipper); this circle of stars were all brothers. Moreover, he told
them that the shells were like the stars. He said there was a holy bird which was the
leader of all the animals about the lake. This holy bird was the white swan and the
birds flocked in sevens and fn'es. He said that the down near the left wing should be
worn on the head. The left wing of the bird would be a symbol of its power. lie
bade them notice that the water of the lake was still; so the mind of man, he said,
must be quiet, like to the lake, where dwell the mysterious animals, that they could
give to man of their powers and by means of this magic bestowal he was to be able to
perform strange and mysterious acts. He told the father and mother they were to
remain where they were four days. When the stranger had finished his instructions
he sang two songs and all the animals about the lake joined in the singing and those
on the rock struck the drum. When the singing was over the stranger bade the father
and mother take up the eldest boy, carry him out of the lodge, and lay him on the
beach, face downward, his head toward the water. When they had done so, he bade
them bring the second son and lay him down so that his head would be at the feet of
his elder brother. When they had done so, he bade them bring the girl and lay her,
like the others, face downward, her head to the feet of the second son. \\'hen they
had done so, he told them to bring out the youngest child and place him face down-
ward, with his head at the feet of his sister. Then the stranger entered the tent and
left there his robe and came forth and walked on the water to the place where the sky
and water meet and disappeared beyond. Soon a great wave arose and rolled over
the quiet waters until it reached the shore where the children lay. It covered the
body of the eldest boy and drew it in. The parents stood silently watching and as
they looked, in the far distance they saw the stranger loom up and disappear. Then
a second wave rolled up in the east and swept over the lake, which had become tran-
quil again. On it rolled until it came to the beach, when it lapped over the body of
the second child and drew it in. As the wave receded and the lake became still, the
stranger rose and looked at the parents and disappeared. Then came another wave
that rolled on and on until it reached the body of the gud, covered it, and drew it in;
and once more the lake became quiet as at first, while in the distance rose the form
of the stranger. As he disappeared a mighty wave uprose and rolled over the lake,
reached the beach, and swept the body of the youngest child from the beach where it
lay, and again the lake became still. The father and the mother had watched these
proceedings in a wondering state of mind. They made no sound nor did they speak.
The silence of the lake and of all soimds, the absence of the stranger, the empl>- place
where the children had lain, brought an overijoweriug sense of desolation to the par-
ents and they gave way to violent demonstrations of grief. They cut iheh hair,
threw away their clothing, and wailed as they walked beside the placid silent
lake. Night came on; still the man and woman wailed, until from exhaustion
they slept. Before the sun was up the woman arose and began to wail afresh. Her
husband joined her, wailing as he came. The lake lay quiet, but covered with a mist.
As the woman walked she remembered the words of the stranger and began to search,
hoping she might find something as he had said she would. Her eye caught sight of a
gleam in the water. She stooped and look from the water a white shell, exclaiming as
she did so: "I have found it! 1 have found it! " Her husband heard her cry of joy,
and he began to search. By and by he saw a dark object in the water; he stooped and
took from the water a dark shell. Then he exclaimed: "I have found it!" Just then
as they stood holding their shells, the mist parted, making an opening down the lake
like a path and in the path stood the four children, well and happy. As the parents
stood gazing in wonder, the chiUh-en spoke, and said: "Do not grieve for us. We are
content. Death is not to be dreaded. It is uot as you think it to be. In couise of

FLETCIIKK-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

515

time you will be coming and then you will know for yourselves." And as their voices
died away the mist closed the path and they were seen no more but in the mist, as
through a veil, they saw the outline of a strange animal (fig. 107). It seemed as big as
the great lake. Its skin was covered with hair and was brown like that of the deer.
The ridge of its back was serrated with tufts of hair. It had branching horns and hoofs
like the deer, and a slender tail with a tuft at the end, which swept toward the sky to
the farthest end of the lake. At last this mysterious shadowy figure melted away and
the lake lay quiet before the astoni.shed couple. Then the man said to the woman:
"We have found the mystery, let us go home." His wife consented; she was now
content. She had seen the children and what they had said dwelt in her mind. So
they retm-ned to their tent to abide there as the stranger had said. The man went out
to hunt. He knew where to find game and they had a large store of meat and many
pelts. While they were still camped beside the lake there came to their tent a mes-
senger from their tribe. He said that he had been sent by their people to seek for
them. They had remained behind the others with a stranger and their kindred

'■ .- ■

Fig. 107.

Mythic animal in legend of Shell society (native drawing

feared that they might have been lured into danger and some ill befallen them.
"Where are your children?" the messenger asked. "They are dead." "Where is
the stranger? " " He has gone away, but he has given us all that you see, and he has
promised to give us more when this supply is gone. Go back and tell the people what
the stranger has done for us."

When the messenger saw the great store of meat and the many caches filled with
dried meat, the pelts, and all the wealth given to the man and his wife, he was aston-
ished and returned to the tribe to tell what he had seen and heard. Then the man
and his wife left their camp, and, taking all they could with them and caching the rest
until such time as they could return for it, they started back to rejoin their tribe.
When they were once more with their people they determined to organize a society,
as the stranger had told them to do, that they might give to the members of the magic
power which they had received. The first lodge was composed of seven, the man and
his wife and the four children, under the leadership of the mysterious stranger with the

516 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ktii. ann. 127

magic pnwor. The man and wimuin each initiated seven others. Then they waited
four years, as they had been told to do. Tliey made packs in which to keep the arti-
cles they must wear when the society met and also the medicinal roots which the
stranger had pointed out to them. Some of these roots were to heal diseases; others
were poisons which were to be used to punish offenders by causing them to die. A
knowledge of all these roots and herbs was given as secrets by the stranger to the man
and his wife, never to be imparted except to those who should be initiated into the
society. Not only could the man and his wife thus impart this knowledge, but they
could also give to those who were initiated a share in the magic power bestowed on
them by the mysterious stranger, who was the messenger of the council of animals that
dwelt in and about the great lake.

Such is the story of the origin of the Shell society.

Oeganization

The society seems to have been organized in order to preserve the
story upon which it was founded and its dramatic presentation forms
the basis of the ceremonies observed at a regular meeting.

The membership was composed of five "ti," or lodges, each pre-
sided over by a nudo^'ho'^ga, "leader" or "master." Each lodge
had its place in the dwelling set apart for the meetings of the society.
This was originally a large tent, afterward an earth lodge, and in
recent years a circular wooden building arranged like the latter.

The leaders of four of the lodges personated the four children (pi. 59)
of the story and the lotlges were spoken of as the lodge "of the eldest
son," "of the second son," "of the daughter," and "of the youngest
son." The fifth lodge was presided over by the u'zhu, or principal
leader, who was at the head of the entire society. It is said that "in
early times the office of u'zliu was filled by a woman, because it was the
woman, the wife of the man in the story, who took the initiative and
sent her son to invite the stranger to her house, prcparetl the feast,
and entertained him; and also because it was to the woman, the
mother, that the cliildren addressed themselves when they apjieared
in the path on the lake after they had been "shot " by the mysterious
stranger. But as time went on the women became too timid to fill the
place so it was taken by men.

The place of the u'zhu was facing the east in the middle at the back
of the dwelling. On liis right toward the south sat "the eldest son"
and his lodge. On his left toward the north were "the secoml son"
and liis lodge. To the latter's left on the north side sat "the daugh-
ter " and her lodge, and on the o])posite side on the south to the right
of "the eldest son " sat " tlie youngest son " anil his lotlge. (Fig. lOS.)

The position of these four lodges had a cosmic significance. The
manner in which the mysterious stranger of the story painted the
four children bore out this same significance. lie painted the body
of the eldest son blue to represent the clear sky with \w clouds to
obstruct the jiassage of the sun's rays — so the sim was thus indi-

FI.ETCIIER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

517

rectly represented, it is said. The youngest son was painted the
color of the earth. Both these children and their lodges are on the
south side of the dwelling, the side "where the sun travels and
causes the earth to bring forth." This side is spoken of also as
"the masculine side." The second son was painted to represent the
night sky and the tlaughtcr had the moon painted on her. These
two children had their places on the north side of the lodge, the side
which typified "the night and the feminine forces." The position
assigned these "children" occurs in ceremonies observed in other
tribes, which represent cosmic relations in that the related groups
are placed iliagonally and not directly opposite each other. Here
the "eldest son," typifA'ing the sun, the masculine power of the day,
is diagonal to the "daughter," who stood for the moon, the feminine
power of the night; and the "second son," representing the stars, is
diagonally opposed to the
"youngest son," who rep-
resented the earth. The
mysterious stranger de-
clared that " the earth and
the stars are brothers."

All the offices of the so-
ciety were obtained by
purchase ami were not
elective. Wlien a person
holding an office felt that
age or ill health made it
difficult to fidfill the du-
ties required, the office was
sold, generally to a rela-
tive. Many of the present
officers are descendants of

those who formerly held these places. The present holder of the
office of "eldest son" is the fifth in direct descent to hold the place.
He is now a man over .50 and his father and grandfather lived to be
old men. The other offices have been in the families of the present
occupants for three or four generations. The five principal officers
had to be present personally at all meetings. No substitutes were
allowed, so the absence or sickness of one of these persons prevented
a meeting being held. Besides these offices there were minor posi-
tions, the holders of which had certain duties connected with the
dramatic rites. Sometimes a person bought and held several of
these positions: The right to place the four "children" before the
fireplace; to beat the drum; to have charge of the wooden bowl
belonging to the society, which is said to be very old; to fill this
bowl with water; to examine the water; to pass the bowl; to select

Fig. IflS. Diagram illustrating meeting of Shell society. 1,
Fireplace; 2, entrance toward the east: 3. u'zku; 4, ^'eldest
son" (the sun); 5, "second son" (the stars); e, "daughter "
(the moon): 7, " yoimgest son " (the earth).

518 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. axn. 27

the servers of the feast; to designate to wliom the clioife jjieces of
meat were to be given; to invite guests to be present at the pubHc
part of the ceremony. Tiie right to wear certain regaha had also to
be purchased. Some of these articles have descended with the office,
and the man who bought the office generally purchased the right to
wear the regalia that had been worn by his predecessor.

No dream was requisite for membership. A member "must be able
to keep a secret and not be of a ciuarrelsome disposition." The unani-
mous consent of all the members was necessary to admission to mem-
bersliip. In former times four years had to elapse between the pres-
entation of a name and the acceptance of a person as a member,
but of late years the time has been shortened. Other changes seem
to have crept in. It is said that there should be seven lodges. The
mysterious stranger told the man and liis wife they were each to initiate
seven members, seven men and seven women; then they were to wait
four j'ears, when seven more of each sex could be taken in. The
seven initiation sticks still used are said to refer to this direction of
the stranger. How the change to five lodges came about could not
be learned and it is a question if it is now known. Of the animals
that held a council with the stranger and agreed to give magic power
to man, the four wliich were to give themselves as food seem to be
associated with the lotlges of the four "children." That of the
"eldest son" is sometimes spoken of as the black-bear lodge, that of
the "second son" as the elk lodge, the "daughter's" as the buffalo
lodge (it is said that the "moon led the Omaha to the buil'alo"),
and the "youngest son's" as the deer lodge. The eagle belonged to
the u'zhu, the head of the society, because "the eagle descended and
spoke to the man after he had killed the black bear and saitl he
would come and be one of them and give supernatural power."

It was formerly the custom that when a man was initiated he was
required to bring the skin of an otter, a mink, or a beaver to repre-
sent the water, the sldn of a squirrel or a badger to represent the
earth, and that of a crow or an owl to represent the air. So, too, when-
ever a member shot a bear, an elk, a ileer, or a bufl'alo, he saved a
portion of the meat for use at a meeting of the society, in memory of
the fact that these animals were closely connected with the rites.

Each lodge possessed a pack, or parfieche case, in which arti-
cles belonging to that lodge were ke])t. The regaha the right to
wear which had been purchased by members, medicine for curing
diseases, and poisons for jjunisliiug oUciulers were kept in these packs.
Of the five packs belonging to the five loilges three are gone. One
was captured a long time ago in a battle. One was burned accident-
ally near the beginning of the last centurj', and one that was for-
merly in charge of Big Elk is now in the Peabody Museum (no. 37.560)
of Harvard University. Tlu> contents of the other two packs have

O
O

I
CO

I
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co
cc
ui

I-

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O
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LlI

IE
LlJ

—

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05

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HI

KLETCHEE-LA FLESCHEl

SOCIETIES

519

been tlivided, so that now each lodge has a substitute for its lost
pack.

The ch'ess of the members varied with their abihty to possess fine
garments. The men were expected to wear only the breechcloth
and moccasins. While a few observed this rule, most of the men
wore shirts or leggings. In that case the hne of paint wliich ran
tlown each arm to the thumb was drawn on the sleeve of the slurt.
The skin tunic of the women of early da3's was usually replaced in
later times by a calico or other cloth sack and skirt, embroidered
with ribbons wliich reproduced in color and design the old porcupine-
quill embroidery, or by a gown of the style commonly worn by
white women. Still later, rather bizarre designs much usetl by the
Oto and some other tribes, wliich showed considerable wliite influ-
ence, became " f asliionable " as "foreign importations." (Pis. 60-64.)

The painting on the face, the line from the mouth to the ears,
representing a ray of the sun, and the lines down the arms typi-
fying the lightning were
in accoi'dance with the
manner in wliich the
mysterious Strang e r
painted the children ;
and the putting of down
(which slioidd be from
under the left wing of
the swan) upon the head
constituted the peculiar
decoration of the mem-
bers.

Among the regalia the
right to wear which was
purchased by men were
an otter -skin cap, a
beaded cap with a feather
in front that slants to the left, a black-squirrel-skin bag, a red-squirrel-
skin bag, a pair of black skin moccasins with a bear embroidered on the
left foot in black beads on a background of white beads, the head being
toward the toe, and a buffalo similarly embroidered on the right foot
(fig. 1 09) . The right to wear these descended to "the eldest son ; " they
may be seen in plate 59. The right to carry a silver-fox-skin bag was
purchased by a woman. Each member had hisowm otter-skin mystery
bag (fig. 110; Peabody Museum no. 5.3054) and a left Ming which
represented the Ming of the "holy birtl," the sMan. (This use of the
wing is regarded by some persons as an innovation, as it is said " the
wing belongs to the Pebble society.") The mystery bags Mere not
buried M-ith the dead, but M'ere generally handed doMm and passed on
with the place taken by a new member. Tmo shells were used, Olivia

Fig. 1i».

Moccasin design belonging to "elUesl son's " regalia.
Shell society (native drawing).

520

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

nobilis Reeve, which is white and was regarded as female, and Olivia
elegans Lam., which is dark and was considered the male. How
these "male" and "female" shells were divided among the members
was not explained.

Besides the wooden bowl already mentioned there was a board
{nini'amashude) about a foot square with the edges embroidered; this
was used for the jireparation of the tobacco for smoking. The drum
was formerly of the native type described on p. 371 ; later a kegwas sub-
stituted but the employment of water
and heat in tuning was still prac-
tised. Two gourd rattles, and two
pillows on which to strike the rattles,
were kept with the drum. All these
articles were the- property of the so-
ciety and each had its special keeper.
Each lodge had a pack, as stated
above, and to each pack belonged two
jjipes and four sticks [nini'utltuhai'ki),
the latter being used in filling and
cleaning the pipes.

Regular Meetings

The regular meetings of the society
were held in the months of May, June,
August, and September, these being
the mating seasons respectively of
the black bear, the buffalo, the elk,
and the deer. At other times, par-
ticularly in the fall and winter, meet-
ings had to be held at night and
were informal in character.

\Mien a member decided to invite
the society to hold a regular meet-
ing he acted as host and prepared the
required feast. Every regular meet-
ing had its host. The host not only

Fig. no. Otter-skin bag. Shell society. • i i ii r if ii c t. 1 \

provided the food for tiie feast, but
gifts to be distributed among the members. In olden times these
gifts were the skins of animals connected with the society as
shown in the story of its origin. In recent times cahco, blankets,
and broadcloth were substituted. After the man had accumulated the
required materials he sent for the four servants of tlie society and
batle them tell the members that on such a day a regular meeting
of the society would be held. Wlien the day arrived he sent a
servant of the society to procure the tobacco board and four sticks

FLETCHEK-LA KLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

521

used for the pipes belonging to the pack of his ti, or lodge and bade
him place these articles in his (the host's) appointed seat in the lodge.
The food was placed outside the dwelling where the society met and
there was made ready for cooking. The gifts were spread within ;
the bowl, drum, and rattles obtained by the servants from their
keepers were deposited in their proper places. Then the servants
were dispatched to tell the members "all is ready."

Then the members entered the dwelling, passed around the fire by
the left and took their ])Iaces with their respective lodges; the last to
enter was the host, who took his accustomed seat. (Fig. 111.)

THE OPENING CEREMONY

The jiipes belonging to the pack of the lodge of wluch the host was
a member were brought to Mm. He took one, filled it with tobacco
which he had prepared on
the board, and handed it
to a servant, who took it
to the u'zhu. The latter
lighted the pipe, smoked it,
and passed it to the person
on his left, who smoked
and passed it to the left.
Meanwhile the host filled
the second pipe and sent it
by a servant to one of the
masters of one of the
other lodges, wlaichever one
he pleased. No special or-
der was observed. The
master lighted, smoked,
and passed the pipe to
his left. Soon the first pipe was returned to the host, who refilled
and sent it to another master, who lighted, smoked, and passed the
pipe on. In tliis way the pipes were filled, smoked, and passed four
times around the assembly.

Next, the host called a servant and handed him the seven in\ita-
tion sticks. These sticks were made by each host and were never
used twice. They were scjuared at both ends and the length was
"the measure of a clenched fist." The servant took the sticks in his
left hand, circled the fire, and went to the master who personated the
"eldest son" and held the sticks before him. He received them in
his left hand, removed one stick, laid it down before him, and handed
the six back to the servant, who, holding the six sticks in his left
hand, circled the fire and went to the master of the lodge of the
"second son," and held the sticks before him. The "second son"

Fig. hi. Diagram showing positions of officers and of cere-
monial articles at meeting of Shell society. 1, Fireplace;
2, entrance: 3, u'zhu; 4, "eldest son;" 5^ "second son;" 6,
"daughter;" 7, "youngest son;" 8, drum; 9, rattles; 10,
gifts; 11, servants; 12, members.

522 THE OMAHA THIBE [etii. axx. 27

receivcd tlu-m iti his loft liaiui, took out one, and handed the five
back to the servant, who circled the tire, went to the "daughter," and
held the sticks before her. She received them as tiie others had done,
took one, laid it down, and lianded tlie four back to the servant, who
for the foiu'th time circled the fire, went to the "youngest son," and
held the sticks before him. He took them in the same manner,
removed one, laid it down, and handed the three sticks back to the
servant, who carried them back to the host.

The packs belonging to the several lodges were then taken up by
their keepers, held by the ends, and turned four times from left to
right "so that all the animals and roots within the packs might move
from north to south." Then the keeper took a pinch of tobacco
with his left hand and made a line from the bottom to the top of the
pack, sprinkling a little of the tobacco as his hand moved. Four of
these lines were made on the side of the pack and then he let fall
the remainder of the tobacco on the pack. Next he struck the pack
with his open palm four times and lifted the pack slightly. After these
movements the packs were untied. The ' ' eldest son " and the ' ' daugh-
ter" manipulated the strings and bindings of their packs in the same
way. The "second son" and tlie "youngest son" untied their packs
differently from the first two, but both observed the same method in
opening their packs. When all these motions were completed the
regalia was distributed by the officers who liad the right to perform
this duty. At this time any "medicines" required by the members
(such "medicines" as were kept in the packs) were given to those
who desired them. This done, the packs were put behind the seats
occupied by the masters of the lodges.

The host then gave the red and green jiaint he had provided to a
servant, who put them on a cloth laid on the top of the drum. This
was set directly in front of the u'zhu. The u'zhu summoned a
servant, gave him some of the red clay used for paint, and bade
him take it to the woman who sat at the extreme end on the south
side ; and she at once began to comb her hair. This represented the
act of the mysterious stranger who thus cared for the cliildren in the
story. All the members then made ready to put on their regalia, while
the woman to whom the paint was sent arose and, taking her otter-
skin mystery bag, went by the left around the circle of members and,
with her left hand outspread toward each person in turn, mentioned
the term of relationship by which she was entitled to address him.
Meanwhile the u'zhu had mixed some of the green or blue clay with
water in a small wooden bowl and sent it to the master of the woman's
lodge, who represented the "youngest son." After the woman had
returned she was jiainted l)y the master, who then painted all the
members of his lodge. AVhile the painting of the members was in

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

523

progress the u'zhu directed a servant to gather up the mystery bags of
the members by fours, and lay them before him; he then painted with
the l)hie paint the head of the animal whose entire skin formed the
bag. "Wlien this was done the servant advanced to the drum, made
four feints, and then struck the drum four times. This represented
that ])art of the story in which the animals in tlie lake and on the
island struck their drums when the children were ])ainted. The cere-
mony of gathering and painting the bags and striking the drum was
the same for all the lodges.

Then the master representing the "eldest son" rose (he had
painted his invitation stick red), having completed his duty of paint-
ing the members of his lodge, and, holding up his in\atation stick, he
passed by the left around the fire foUowetl by all the members of his
lodge. Wlien they reached the entrance at the east they paused,
faced the west and the fireplace and sang the following song, led by
their master who held the painted stick aloft. The drum was not
used to accompany any of the songs belonging to the opening and
second part of the ceremony.

M. M. j=:120 (Sung in octaves)

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

=d— q=]

1 '

0 '

W--?^

-f '

—9 *—

— 15>

Ha thi thi - u - de

Ga - mo° - de

she

the - ke

Ha - thi thi - u

■^i?=i^-

m^.

■»■ -6^

the - lia - no" - ge

mo" - de

she - wa - the

524

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

-S>-

Mo°

he she - wa - the

-$=r:

-a-

Ha - thi

thi

the -

no° - ge

Mo° witawe he! Shewatheke lie
Hathithiude thekano°ge
Ga'mo"de shewatheke
Hathithiude thekano"ge
Ga'mo"de shewatheke
Hathithiude thekano"ge
Ga'mo"de shewatheke
Hathithiude thekano"ge
Ga'mo''de shewatheke
Mo" witawe he! Shewatheke he
Hathithiude thekano°ge

Translation: J/o", arrow; witawe, mine; Tie, vocable; shewatheTce,
as you have bidden; hathitMude, deserted or abandoned; thela no^ge,
you who have been; ga'mo"de, this I shall do. "You who have been
deserted [or abandoned] have given me an arrow which you have
bidden me to use, and this I shall do as you have bidden me."

Tltis refers to the instructions given by the father and mother to
the members of the society when they first organized it. The song
speaks of them as the "abandoned ones," as they were left all alone
when the stranger and the foiu- children disappeared among the
waters. The "arrow" refers to the shell, which was shot as an
arrow.

At the close of the song the lodge marched around the fire and the
master returned the invitation stick to the host, after which they
moved to their places.

Then the master who represented the "second son" arose, hold-
ing his painted invitation stick. All his lodge rose and followed lum
around the fire to the entrance, where they turned, faced the fire,
and sang the song belonging to their master and lodge. This song
the writers were not able to obtain. After the singing of this song
the "second son" circled the fire and returned his painted invitation
stick to the host, when he and his lodge went back to their apjioiuted
seats.

The "daughter" then arose, as did her lodge. They circled the fire
to the entrance, where they turned, faced the west and the fire, antl
sang their song. This song the writers were not successful in obtain-
ing. At the close they circled the fire and the "daughter" returned

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB]

SOCIETIES

525

her paintetl stick to the host: then she antl her lodge passed on to
their seats.

The "youngest son" arose, and with liis lodge circled the fire, paused
at the entrance, turned, faced the fire and the west, and, holding up
his retl painted in\ntation stick, sang the following song:

M.M.

J = 120

[Snng in octaves)

Transcribed by Ed
1 * 1 » • »— 1

-^ = H i '

win S.

Tracy

-4

5-t'4--^

-t- n

\r ^

P=^^

-* — ?-v—

-1 y-

1 s^

Mi - the - ga ha hii ha ha do" mi - the- ga ha ha

K " — ^

-J-

i±^

:ilE

ha e ya ha ha ha ha - do° mi - tlie - ga ha ha

ha e ya ha-.

ha ha the - ge u ha mi - the he he

-?=2-=T-

' '^ -»■ -0- ' -^

he mi- the he mi- tlie he - he he ha do" the - he - he

■JT ■*•

he a ha ha ha ha do" mi- the ga ha ha ha - do"

Mithega ha ha ha hado"! Mithega ha ha ha e ya ha ha ha hado"
Mithega ha ha ha e ya ha ha ha thege uha
Mithega he he he mithega ha mithega ha ha ha hado"
Mithega he he he mithega ha mithega ha ha ha hado"
Mithega hado"

Literal translation: Mithega, I go; Tia, vocable; Jiado^, behold, see;
thege yonder; uha, to walk as in a path.

When the song had been sung the}'' circled the fire by the left,
returned the stick to the host, and then took their accustomed seats.

A servant was next dispatcheel with the wooden bowl to fill it with
water. This bowl is saitl to represent the earth, which held the lake
spoken of in the story, and the water had to be taken from a spring,
a lake, or other quiet body. AVlien the servants returned with the
bowl the water was examined by the officer whose duty it was to
attend to having the water correctly furnished. Meanwhile the
officer who had the right to place the four "children" before the fire
went to the man representing the "eldest son," who arose and fol-
lowed the officer. They two circled the fire and went to the place
where the "second son" sat. He arose and followed them, and the
three circled the fire and went to the "daughter." She arose, fell

526

THE (IMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

into line, and the four ])iissetl iihout the fire iind then went to the
"youngest son." He arose, fell in behind the "daughter," and the
five passed around the fire. When they reached the west they paused
and stood facing the east.

The officer who led the "children" then took the bowl of water and
handed it to the "eldest son," who took four sips and passed it to the
"second son." He took four sips and handed it to the "daughter;"
she did likewise and passed the bowl to the " youngest son." After

taking his four sips he
haniled the bowl to the
officer, who carried it to
the member sitting at the
left of the row of mem-
bers, the one who first
combed her hair. She
took four .sips and passed
the bowl to the person at
her left, who also after
four sips passed it on to
the left, and so the bowl
went entirely around,
each member taldng four
sips. Finally the bowl
was given to its keeper.

The drum was then
moved back and the
goods were spread toward
the south. Then began a series of circlings of the fire by the four
"children," during which a song was sung to each of the four direc-
tions; the "children" shifted their j^laces and finally returned to
the position occupied at the beginning. The accompanying diagram
(fig. 112) may help to make clear this movement, which is not with-
out dignity as the people perform it.

All standing at the west, the "eldest son" turned, faced the north,
and sang the following song:

Fig. 112. Diagr^ showing arrangement and four ceremo-
nial movements of officers at meeting of Shell society. 1,
Fireplace; 2, entrance, facing the east; S, ii'zhit, 4, lodge
of "eldest son;' 5, lodge of "second son, ' 6, lodge of
"daughter;" 7, lodge of 'youngest son; ' 8, drum and rat-
tles, moved back;" 10, gifts; 11, servants, 12, "children"
ejecting shells on gifts after encircling lodge four times. D,
A, B, C, successive positions of "children" before the tnre;
D, last position, like the first.

ELDEST SON'S SONG

M. M. J ^72 (Suug in octaves)

• — »-

Transcribed by Ed^vin R. Tracy

LitzS:

itr

Ha-gu- di tha the ha the Ha-gu-di tha the the.

-* — •-

ms rs — I — I ' 1~

shu-tba hu tha be tha ha

Ua-gu-di be tha the ha the

rr,ETCIIER-LA flesche]

SOCIETIES

527

-(2-

SU - di

tha the

tha.

Shu tha

ha the

^^^

T 7 y-

atatit

1=P

^~^^tf.

he tha ha
stoic

Ha-2U-di he tha the tha.

Cry of Mystic Ancients

^ — I-

=l=q=

=iag_:j-^

ia?=

T^-

-9— »-

iS:

jSz

-4^

Ua!

ha ha ha

Hagudi tliathe ha the
Hagudi thathe tho
Shuthahatha he tha ha
Hagudihe thathe ha tha
Hagudi thathe tha
Shuthahathe he tha ha
Hagudi he thathe tha

Translation: Hagudi, where? thathe, theathc, I send, I make to go;
Tiaihe, this (refers to the shell, with the secret power); shuthe athe,
shuthahathe, in your direction; he, vowel prolongation; tha, end of
sentence. "Wliere do I send this (the shell)? I send it in your
direction."

The "eldest son" then led the way, the others following in single
file, to the north side of the fire. Wlien all were standing in line facing
south he left his place, circled the fire alone, and on his return took his
place beside the "youngest son."

The "second son " then turned, faced the east, and sang the following
song :

M. M. J= 96
-^-^ « ^-

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

©E

V 1-

3- — I

Hi - tha - ha - the

he e-a

a - be

lie he

he he he he

/7S

ZtZ

-:^

ii=t

-■^=L-?

Hi - tha - ha - the he e-a - a

be he

he he

he he he he

Hi -tha -ha- the - he e-a

a • he he he he

e - he he he

528

THE OMAHA TRII5K

[ETH. ANN. 27

i^-

1^)^:=^—

S:^^

i=i:

Hi-tha-ha- the he e-a

be he lie he

-* — *-?

e - he he he

rt.

T^-

-— S-

Hi - tha - lia - the lie e-a - a - be lie he he e - he he he

— t^ — - — fy — -1-1 j^

1=-

Hi - tha - ha - the

he e-a

be he

Hi - tha - ha - the he

t^^ztz

-f—^-

be he

he he

he he Hi- tha- )ia - the he

:5;=T

-N— -I-

±=?i

be he

he he

e - he he he

--P

oh { Cries of the

=^-^-

Magic Ancients)

=i^i-S;

»i N — S — H — !

i I I

?-X-

ha he ho ho ho ho bo ho

Hithahathe he eabe he he he ehe he ho

Literal translation: Hithathe, I have found it; eabe, said. Voca-
bles are introduced to stretch the words to the music.

The song refers to the mother finding the shell and exclaiming,
"I have found it!", as recounted in the story.

At the close of the song the "second son" led toward the east, the
others following in single file. Wlien they were all standing in line he
left his place, circled the fire alone, and on his retiu-n took his place
to the right of the "eldest son."

The "daughter" then turned, faced the south, and sang the follow-
ing song:

M.M. J = 138 Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

:t=

:^==t

--ir.

^— •— •-

i" tlio" ho°

e tho° ho"

he.

ES^

he-

be he

1°

i« tho" ho" e e tho"

FLi*:TClIF,R-LA FLKSCIIC]

SOCIETIES

529

F^-^1

Ff=ri

F=d — n

N-

-fs 1

— 1 ^—

:%-^-

i 4 .

^ — 1

^-^

— = • —

— • • —

-J^-J-

I-

tho° ho°

beT

hio

\W=^

— 1—

-Tf—

B-^^

hf— r^"

• • •

^^M

-»——m-

-f—f-^-

\m_^^_A

• -J

■J 1

1 '

'' \

4/—] —

In 1° tbo° ho"

e tlio" ho°

I" i" tho" hu" e e tho" ho" eabe he he he

Ehe he he

I" i" tho" ho" e e tho" ho" cabe he he he

Ehe he he

I" i" tho" ho" e e tho" ho" eabe hio

I" i" tho" ho" e e the" ho" eabe he he he

Ehe he he

I" i" tho" ho" e e tho" ho" eabe hio

Literal translation: /", stone; </io", round; eahe,\\, is, tlicy say.

This song refers to the mother finding the shell. It is to be noted
that the shell is here spoken of as a round stone. This song, as well
as other points in the story it dramatizes, raises the question as to
the relation between the Shell and Pebble societies. If they are
related the Pebble society bears marks of being the older. Its rituals
deal with more fundamental conceptions than does the story on which
the Shell society is said to be founded.

After the song the "daughter" led toward the south, and the others
followed her in single file. WHien all were in line she left her place,
circled the fire alone, and on her return took her place on the right
of the "second son. "

The "youngest son" then turned and faced the west, and sang
the following song:

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

Ah! ke ya ha we he
83993°— 27 eth— 11 34

I'-de mu-?a ya

530

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTn. ANN. 27

Ah! ke ya ha we he

I"de mu^a ya ke ya ha we hia

I "de muga ya ke ya ha we hia

Literal translation: Ah Ice, now then; ya ha we he, come, let us
gatlier together; i"aej face; mufa, to shoot: Ma, magical cry. Some
of the words are archaic.

This song refers to the completion of the purposes of the stranger
and the organization of tlie society. In it the members are bidden
to "come now and shoot each other in the face." The otter-skin
from which the shell was supposed to be "shot" was always aimed
at the mouth, whence comes the breath, the sign of life in man.
The Pebble people shot at any part of the person; the Shell people
only at the face.

At the close of the song the "youngest son" led toward the west,
the others following. "Wlien all were in line he circled the fire alone,
and on his return took his place to the right of the "daughter." All
four were then in their first position.

Standing before the fire and facing the east, the four laid their mys-
tery bags down in front of them. Then, beginning with the "eldest
son" (no. 4), they coughed in order as they stood. The cough was
repeated four times in the same order and at the fourth cough the
shell was ejected. The four couglis were said to be for the purpose of
gaining strength to reach the four hills of life leading to old age. Tlie
palms of the hands were then moistened, the bag was picked up with
the right hand, the shell held in the lef t . Then all four started around
the circular dwelling at a trot, with one breath uttering the magic
cry Oliochochooo until they readied the middle of the north cde.
There they took breath, then, with the same cry, trotted to tlie middle
of the east, took breatli, and with the same cry and niovement went
to the middle of the south side, where the}' again paused to breathe
and then went on with the same cry to the west. This movement
about tlic dwelling witli tlie four stops and prolonged magic cries -w as
repeated four times. Miov a brief rest the four started again. With
the same magic cry they circled the fire without pausing until they

FLETCHKR-I.A FLKSCIIKJ

SOCIETIES

531

readied the south side, where the gifts of goods were spread. They
there put their shells into their moutlis and each one fell prone on the
goods. This act representetl the death of the children in the story.

The drum was then put before the u'zhu, and one of the minor offi-
cers started a song of the slow-time class called a "rest song." During
its singing the four "children" stood motionless before the fire.

Introductory to Dramatic Movement

M.M. J=116 (Sung in octaves)
^^1 '

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

ha u°-tha

ku - de

^:--

tha

ku - de

=P=

Mi - the - ga ha uo-tha ha ku - de

:q-

u°-tha

ku - de

Dagohotha ha •\viu"thahakude he ga ha
He he ha ha u'Hhahakude he ga
Mithega ha u"thakude he ga ha
He he ha ha u"thahakude he ga ha
He he ha ha u"thakude he ga
Mithega ha u"thahakude he ga ha
He he ha ha u°thahakude he ga

Translation: Dagotha, an archaic term meaning "what is it?";
the vocable ho is introduced to stretch the word to the music; wiw",
me ; thakude, you shoot ; Tia he ga ha are vowel prolongations or voca-
bles; mithega, I go forth. The meaning of this song is: "What is it
with which you shoot me as I go forth?"

532

THE OMAHA TRIBE

tETH. ANN. 27

iVfter this song, one in fast time was sung. All the lodge of the
"eldest son" joined in the singing during which the following move-
ments took place: The four "children" passed around the fire four
times, and then went to the lodge of the "youngest son" at the south-
east and "shot" four members at the end of the line; the latter fell
rigid but in a few moments arose, took their places behind the four
"cliildren" and in single file the eight circled the fire. The last four
then "shot" four of the lodge of the "eldest son," who fell, arose, and
followed the others, and the twelve circled the fire. Then the last
four "shot" four members of the lodge of the "second son," who fell,
arose, and took their places behind the others, and the sixteen
circled the fire. Then the last four "shot" foiir from the lodge of
the "daughter," who fell, arose, and followed the others and the
twentv went around the fire.

(Sung in octaves)
oft ' f

Mnsic transcribed by Edwin

S. Tracy

:=2^2- b — T—

—f—

-^—

— • • —

—^ 1 «

— ■5'

— » • —

1=^^ ' ^

-5-

-i-

— 1 —

—7 1 r;r—

— \ ^

Ku- tha

ko" da ha

she

tha ha

-t-

±1

-t-

^ 1

tha ha ku - tha

:a=zt

Hi - 110° - ge ta ha

e - wa - ko°

r-9-^ 1

— t^ :^- =^=^

— 1 -I—

-^H — —

M ' — '

1 1

H \ — '

; J—

bj • — i=d

da ha tha - ha A - she - i° - ge - he tlia lia Hi -do" -

1=FT

::J=

ta ha i" - ge tha ha ku - tha e- wa-ko^-da ha tha ha

r7\

-m — ^

-!^

-* w-

tha ha ku-tha e-wa-ko° - da ha she ■

A she i"

S-

tha ha

Hi- no" - ge ta ha i" - ge

Kutha e wako"da ha
Shei"gehe tha ha
Hino"ge ta ha i"ge tha ha
Kutha e wako"da ha tha ha
Ashei"gehe tha ha
Hino"ge ta ha i"gethrt ha
Kutha e wako"da ha ilia ha
Ashei"ge tha ha
Kutha e ■n-ak(i"ila ha
Shei°ge tha ha
Hino^ge ta ha i"ge tha lia ha

tha ha

ha.

FLETCHER-LA FLFSCHK ]

SOCIETIES 533

Literal translation: Kutlia, a term of endearment for a wife, used
onl}' in great grief (the word for wife in ordinary address is
^/(fl?;o"7io; when spoken of, imgaxtho^) ; e, he; ^Valio'^' da , here used in
the sense of "mysterious;" shei^geTie tha ha, an archaic form difficult
to translate, refers to all things yonder — the animals, the earth, and
its teeming life; Iv'mo^gc, let us run; the word used refers to the
running of animals, not men. The lines are all composed of changes
on these words.

The song refers to the incident in the story when, after the .shell had
been found, the husband in his grief called to his wife and said, "We
will now run home." The movement was to put them in accord with
that of the animals of the earth and of the magic and mysterious
animals of the story; also, they were to be endowed with their
swiftness and magic power. Beneath the story of the song lies
another meaning, which relates to the imparting to the man and
woman of added life, reproductive power, by means of the magic
granted to them.

This dramatic movement completed the opening ceremony, which
was closed to the public.

THE PUBLIC CEREMONY

At the close of this cumulative procession about the fire those
members who chose to do so returned to their respective places. The
drum was then taken to one of the lodges and tlie members of that
lodge formed a choir while the drum was with them. Each lodge
had its own songs, and there was an initial song for each lodge which
had to be sung first when the drum was brought; subsequently the
singers chose the songs they wished to sing, there being no fixed order
after the first. The drum .was beaten as an accompaniment to all
the songs, which were divided into the slow, or rest, songs, during
which the members sat and talked or rested ; and fast songs, during
which they passed about the fire, "shooting" whom they pleased,
Wlioever was "shot" fell rigid, lay a few moments in a tense attitude,
then arose and took a place in the moving line about the fire, and
"shot" whomsoever he wished. After the drum had remained a
while with one lodge it was carried to another. The initial song of
that lodge was sung, then other songs belonging to the lodge, accord-
ing to the fancy of the choir, and the procession formed again. The
drum had to pass to all the lodges during a regular meeting.

584 THE OMAHA TRIBE [kth. ann. 27

The following arc the initial songs of the four lodges:
Initial Song of thk Lodge op the "Eldest Son"

M.M. J = 72 (Sung in octaves)

1.-

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

Z^-^.

_7-[-U^^

u - tlia

ki - da wi-hi the he.

he he

=f^z?:^^=?

It:

shi.

ge he.

he he E - u • tha ki - da wi - the

I a I I "a 1

•^ — ^ •_^_^_!?

* — — f m — — ^— ?— f— — ^ ^— J

he.,

wa - ko° - da

wi - the he he he e - i°

-^-t-

-^d-

ga - we

he^

he he

E - u - tha

ki - da

the

:|=

hS:

he he

1° - ga

he:

he he

E-

-. y-

u - tha ki - da wi - thi

he.

he he wa - ko° - da

wi - the

J=^

i=W-^-

-v-m-

--:i^=m

lie he he e-i°-ga we lie^.. he lie E - u - tha ki - da

--M-

-•-=■

lill]

wi - the he!T!T.. he he i" - ga • we he

Eutha kida wihithe he he he

Washige he hehe

Eutha kida withe he he he

Wako"da withe he he he e

I°ga\veho hehe

Eutha kida wihithe he hehe

I"gawehe hehe

Eutha kida wihithe he he he

I°gawehe

Literal translation: Eutha, tell; kida, when home; withe, I cause
you ; Tie he he, vocahles ; washige, possessions or wealth ; wako^da, mys-
terious— refers to the mysterious stranger who gave the magic;
withe, caused, appointed; i"gawehe, speaking to me thus.

FLKTCHEK-LA FLESCHul

SOCIETIES

535

The song refers to the command of the stranger bidding the man
and his wife to say when they went home that the mysterious stranger
had offered them riclies, possessions, through the magic power given
them,. The song implies tliat like powers will be passed on to the
initiated.

Initial Song of the Lodge of the "Second Son"

M.M. J = 160 (Sung in octaves)

0—<t-

ILII

_j^_^
^1^

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

Tlie-ge lie..

he he

Ho-

he he

"f»— S-

-* — s-

ff¥^-

- the -

-\ 1

1 !s

— r

Ho -

— 1 —

- ne

he he

1 ^-

^W — ~

-• — •-

--si-

-^t=#—

-•-^-

-• — 1

ler

—»—

'S-T

Jiz^-

^ -^T- -^

.-^--^

A - tlie-ge he he he Ho- wa - ne.

hia

i:^^^

-7-»-

-•-*-

1^11

*«

Ni - ka the- ge he he he

Ho-

he:

he he

■f--

^=M=li=

The- ge he lie he Ho - wa

l.TTT

rsh

mmK^

A«=

ZZ3SZ

=S=T

-#— I — ,» 1

he he

rjfc

he.

tut:

Thege he hehe
Howane he he he
Athege he hehe
Howane he hehe
Athege he hehe
Howane hia
Nikathege he hehe
Howane he hehe
Thege he hehe
Howane hia
Ahehe hehe hehe hehe
Ahehe he ha

536

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

Literal translation: Tlicge, tliesc; houiane, I have sought; athege,
behohl these; nika, i)ait of nikafJiega, people; hia, cry of magic
animals; vocables and magic cries.

The song means: Beliold the po.ssessions I have sought antl gained
by the magic given by the mysterious stranger; behold the people I
have gathered about me by his help. Reference is made to the magic
help given to the initiated in the society.

Initial Song of the Lodge of the "Daughter"

Transcribed bj' Edwin S. Tracy

A - wa - te - di tha - tie - do° - o° Ho° tho" tha the

do" -

Awatedi thati e do'' o"
Ho"tho"thathe ha
Awatedi thati e do" o"
Ho"tho"thathe ha
Awatedi thati e do" o°
Ho"thn"thatho ha
Awatedi thati e do" o"
llo"tho"thathc ha
Wieha shotidi thati e do"
Hiwithe ha
Awatedi thati e do"
Ho"tho"thathe ha
Awatedi thati e do"
Ho"tho"thathe a

FLETrUBK-LA FI.ESCIIB]

SOCIETIES

537

Literal translation: Awatedi, at what place; thati e do^, came you;
Jt,o"tJio"thafhe , and you found me; wieha, it was I; shetidi, at yonder
place; thati e do^, you came when; Tiiunthe Tia, I found you.

This song refers to the initial incident in the story, the mother send-
ing her son to invite the mysterious stranger. He asks: Where did
you find me? I it was who found you at yonder place, the house of
the chief from which the stranger came to partake of the feast pre-
pared for liim by the woman. In this song the "daughter" recalls
the act of the mother which led to the formation of the society and
the gift of magic.

Initi.^l SoNf; OP the Lodge of the "Youngest Son"

^
'=«— *

.i=t:

•^ Transcribed by Edwii. S. Tracy

==£

E wa-ko^-da a gi-bo''-thi- tho" lia E wa-ko"-da a gi- bo''-tlii tlio°

E wa-ko°-da a gi-boMhi- tho° ha E \va-ko"-da a gi- boMbi- tbo°

« • — 0-

:F=P==^

ImZZZSl

E wa-ko°-da

a gi-boMhi- tbo°

a gi- bo°-thi-tho° ha E wa-ko^-da

E wako°da a gibo"thitho° ha
E wako^da a gibo"thitho"'
E wako"da a gibo"thitho" ha
E wako»da a gib()"thitho''
E wako"da a gibo-'thitho" ha
E wako"da a giboHhitho"

Literal translation: E, he; iral'o^da, mysterious; a, vowel prolonga-
tion; giho"t1iitho'^, called him.

This song refers to the calling of the youngest son into the tent,
where he was " shot " as he entered, by the mysterious stranger, as told
in the story. By that " shot " magic was given andean be transmitted
by the representative of the youngest son, according to the claim of
the society traditions.

These initial songs are among those said to have been taught by
the mysterious stranger when the family were eating of the game
that had l)een killed through the magic influence given the hunter to
call the animals.

When the drum had passed around all the lodges the meml^ers took
off their regalia, and while the disrobing was in progess the servants
brought in the food for the feast. The u'zhu then took a wooden
spoon, dipped up some of the broth, and dropped it into the fireplace.
Then he circled the fire, and when facing the east, took another spoon-

538

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[etii. anx. 27

ful of tlip 1)101 li and carried it out of the lodge. At the entrance
f acini; the east he held tlie food up to the sun, then poured out the
ofl'erinp; at the entrance to the dwelling. Then he returneil and,
placing his finger on the spoon, touched with his moist finger the head
of each of the mystery bags of the four masters and both moccasins
of the "eldest son" and the "second son." After this ceremony all
the articles which belonged to the packs were laid away where they
belonged. The choice pieces of meat were then removed and given by
the servants as directed by the officer who has that duty. Then all
the members were served. Before anyone partook of his food each
member arose and gave thanks to the host, beginning at the south-
east end of the line. When the hist person had spoken he took a bit
and ate it; then each in turn followed, and all partook of the food
without further ceremony. At the conclusion of the meal the gifts
were taken to the "eldest son," who either distributed them or sent
them to another master for distribution. The servants were always
remembered in this division.

After the gifts had found their way to those who were to receive
them, the songs of dismissal followed. These were the songs which
the mysterious stranger bade the father and mother never to forget
when rising from a feast. They were sung in the order of the
"children," beginning with the "eldest son." Each song has two
stanzas and there are four repetitions.

M. M. j=1.52
_» e « c

Dismissal Song of the "Eldest Son"

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

2=t:

A- yo" - ge he i" - ga

he Ho zho"- ge i" - ga - ne

ii^l

-?-«-

^-^-h

A- yo"- ge he i" - ga - ne he Ho zho° - ge i" - ga - ne

Wa- ki)" - da the- the - ga ha Ho.... zho" - ge i" - ga

-a-

2i5r

Wa-shi-ge thc-thc - ga ha Ho zho^-ge i" - ga

FLETCHER-LA FLESCUE]

SOCIETIES

539

1> • #-| • •-=—• 1 — —• 1 ;-—

t^t5=r

A- yo"- ge he i" - ga

--[7 — es^i — 1 — »s — ^-

he Ho - zho°

ge 1"

A- yo°- ge he i"

he Ho - zho" - ge i"

— ^-? -a— -

Wa- shi - ge the - the - ga ha Ho - zho"

Ayo^ge he i''gane he
Hozho^ge i°gane
Ayo"ge he i"gane he
Hozho°ge i''gane
Ayo"ge he i"gane he
Hozho"ge i°gane
Wako°da thethega ha
Hozho"ge i°gane

ga - ue

Washige thethega ha
Hozho'^ge i°gane
Ayo''ge he i"gaiie he
Hozho'^ge i^gane
Ayo°ge he i"gane he
Hozho°ge i°gane
Washige thethega lia
Hozho''ge i°gane

Literal translation: Ai/o^ge, as it has been said; Jip, vowel pro-
longation; i"(7« /if, spoken to me; he, vowel prolongation; hozho^f/e,
path; he, vowel prolongation; wakoMa, mysterious (refers to the
stranger) ; thethega, go hither.

This song was explained to mean: " I rise to take the path pointed
out to me by the mysterious messenger or stranger.'' The path refers
to the path of life, with its avocations.

The second stanza is identical with the first except in lines 1
and 7. Washige in these lines means "possessions," the products
of hunting gained through the magic imparted by the mysterious
stranger to bring the animals.

540

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTH, ANN. 27

Dismissal Song of the "Second Son"

M. M. J -66

Transcribed by Kdwiii S. Tracy

---Jtzh--\

Fgg^^-4-4- —

mo"-!,!!!" tha an"

the - ho de

A"-

ir^-f^=^=wz

,1^^^

=:^-i=

-» — »■- — • — •-

iS Ui3 — t-

mo"-thi'' the go" - a the he de e ga

^=i!=:^g|

A" - mo"-thi'' the go

EiS^

-f — f p p-

-v^^-

-»-:_*— # #-i-#-

±jir

-?-^-

tha he de e

A"-moMhi''the go" a the he de e ga

A"-

-0^~» ^ »-T-^-

-?-T-^-

mo^-thi" the go" - a the he de e

A" - ni(i"-thi" the go"

Zhi-ma tha ha A" - nio"-thi'' the go" a the he de - e ga

A^mo^thi" thego" athahede e ga
A''mo''thi" thego" athahede e ga
A''mo"thi" thego" athahede e ga
A''mo°thi'' thego" athahede e ga

A''mo"thi" thego" athahede e ga

A''mo°thi"' thego"

Zhimatha ha

A"mo"thi" thego" athahede e ga

Literal translation: A'^moHTii^, the other one; thei/o'', is <;one; atha-
Tiede, a longin<; desire; zhimatha, an archaic word; tlie remaining
syllables are vowel prolongations and vocables.

The meaning of this song is said to be: "The other one, my brother,
has gone, and I have a longing to follow him along the paths opened

before lis."

Dismissal Song op the "DAt'onTER"

Trauscribed by Edwin S. Tracy
M.M. J = 84

Tlie ge the ge ga ha the - ge the ge ga ha the ge the ge

^Mrt

». N-i

—J J—

-P^^-^

—i—

— 1 —

K— S—

r 3

»~

-0

Z^W^J-

^^^-,-

=*=

-J=^

' - !

-i-

1— 1

i- —

ga ha the - gethe ge ga ha the - ge the ge ga ha the-

TLETCHKn-LA FLESCHB]

SOCIETIES

541

ge the ge ga ha the - ge the ge ga ha the

ge the ge

i*^

^5^=T:

ga ha the

- ge the ge

ga ha

the

- ge the ge

ga ha the-
^ K

/iC. b |> .I— *-"^ — '—

' -^ — ^

f—

H 1 S;=l

-^_j 1-

sjl -^d — 0 0 — 1

— 1 — ■ — 1 ] —

1 — 0 0 — 0 —

— 1 — ^ [-

ge the ge ga ha the - ge the ge ga ha mo" - thi" du-a

ge he we - shi-ge ha -a we - shi-ge ha a the - ge the ge he ga

Thpgethe
Thegethe
Thegethe
Thegethe
Thegethe
Thegethe
Thegethe
Thegethe

gc ga ha
ge ga ha
ge ga ha
ge ga ha
ge ga ha
ge ga ha
ge ga ha
ge ga ha

Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Thegethe ge ga ha
Mo°thi" dua ge he
Weshige ha a
Weshige ha a
Thegethe ge he ga

The words of this song can not be translated. They are .'aid to be
okl — at least, they are unintelligible to the Oniiiha of to-day. The
meaning of the song is said to be: "We will again take this path."
The word weshige, or one like it in sound, occurs. Tliis word means
" possessions " or "wealth," referring to the fruits of the successful
hunter whose magic helped him to reach the animals in the story.
"The path" therefore may refer to the possessions given through the
magic imparted by this society.

542

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. AXN.

Dismissal SoNf, of "Youngest Son"

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

1^ — 1^— i-4- u ^ -'

M M. M. J — 88 (Sung in octaves)

-= *

Slie u - h

a wi

_Uia

"=^

She -

U -

-J<-ff— # • s—

^i-

— >—

— *—

-/<-

=f=

-7-^

hM=

— !

— 0 —

ha wi iha

ha.

lia

She - u lia

tha

M^^ — N— ^-

ha lia Ku - u

tha

4r—S>-

Slie - u - lia wi - tha

,1:^,=^—,

-4^-#-

$=3=

ha She - u ha wi tha

mo" zho°

m^sm^^i^^^^^

ha wi - tlia

ha...

ha She - u ha wi - tha ha ha ha

-(• •-

-f ?-

illl

Ku - u - tha ha wi - tha ha

ha ha

She - u ha wi - tha

3;=n:

i— ^ ^ — ^-tf^ — ^— ^ — —

4- — I 1 1 — v-4 — J — 1

ha?

ha ha Ku - u - tha

ha..

She - u -

4--*'-

4-*z

-a> — i-e

ha wi - tha

ha...

ha She - u - ha

tha ha ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha

Kuutha ha withaha ha ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha kuutha ha ha ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha

Mo"zho" ha witha ha ha ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha

Kuutha ha witha ha we ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha kuutha ha ha ha

Sheuha withaha ha ha

Sheuha withaha

FLETCIIER-bAFI.ESCllE] SOCIETIES 543

Literal translation: She, those; ulia, paths; ivetTiaha, we go; hutJta,
wife; mo"zho'^, land, earth.

The words of the song are few but the song is said to refer to the father
and mother of the children speaking together after the death of their
children, recalling the fact that before this strange experience they
had traveled together but now they were to follow other ("those")
paths over the earth, which had been pointed out to them by the
mysterious stranger. That there was grief in facing the change is
shown in the use of the term Icuiha, "wife," wliich, as already ex-
plained, was never used except in great sorrow, as at death.

At the conclusion of this song the lodge of the "youngest son"
arose and went out first; then followed the lodge of the "daughter,"
next the lodge of the "second son," then that of the "eldest son,"
and finally the u'zTiu.

In olden times a sweat bath was obligatory in washing off the
paint but now it is removed with warm water.

The following eight songs belong to the lodge of the "eldest son"
and afford a fair sample of the songs of the society. Three are of
the slow class, "rest songs;" that is, there is no movement when they
are sung. A song of this class always preceded one of the fast songs,
durmg which the dramatic movement about the lodge took place,
the members "shooting" one another. There is one special son'' in
this group (no. S) which is sung only when the thunder is first heard
after the winter season. As the regular meetings of the society are
not held during the spring, this song can not be classetl with those
usually sung at a meetmg of the society, when any of the remaining
seven songs of the following group could be sung while the drum was
with this lodge. Of the songs here given some are evidently old, others
are modern — at least, not quite a hundretl years old. It will be noted
in the explanation of these songs that throughout the story and prac-
tices of the society there runs a double thread, the dramatization of
the stor}' itself and a suggestion of the dual forces whose conjunc-
tion brings about living forms. The circle of life is also presented;
its beginning, birth, is in mysterj' and it returns to the mystery of
death. The magic side of the beliefs of the society is well brought
out in songs nos. 3, 6, and 7.

Giving to the great difficulty and expense of obtaining material of
this character, no attempt has been made to secure the songs of the
other three lodges. The ritual songs of the secret ceremonies of the
opening of a regular meeting are practically complete, as well as the
customs and usages of the society. It is probable that the songs of
the other lodges are similar to those here given. It is possible that
some phase of the story or the beliefs may be emphasized in one lodge
more than in another but the general scope is practically as here
presented.

544

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

First Song — Slow Song, Introductoky to Dramatic Movement in " Shooting "

Memiseks

M.M. J = 66

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

z&z

Of^H^

-i^— ?—

Da-go - tlia - lia wa - a
Porl.

ku - de i°-ga - we

be he he

isti

E-he be he wa - a - ku - de i"- ga - we he be he

■^"""^ ' — ; — [ 1 It— 1 —I F- * F — ^ — I

E-he - he he wo° - a - ge he ga ha wa - a - ku-de i'-ga- we

E- he be he Da- go tha ba - wa - a

Pnrlnndo.

ku - de i^-ga - we

he he

E-he - he he wa

ku-de i°-ga - we

— N

ir=l=

-«-S-

be he he E- he lie he Wa - a - ku- de i°- ga - we he

(Sung twii'o)

Dagothaha waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he wo"age he ga ha

Waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he

Dagothaha waakude i" ga we he lio he

E he he he waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he waakude i" ea we he

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

545

' (Sung twice)

Dagothaha waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he I''no"ge he ga ha

^\'aakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he

Dagotha ha waakude i° ga we he lie he

E he he he waakude i" ga we he he he

E he he he waakude i" ga we he

Literal translation: Dagotha, what is it?: ival-ude, to shoot; voyage,
an archaic word; I"no"ge, also archaic. The remaining syllables are
vocables and vowel prolongations.

The song is said to be old. It refers to the shooting of the children
bv the mysterious stranger, as told in the story.

Second Song — Slow Song, Introductouy to a Prajiatic Movement

M.M. J^

; 104 (Sung in octaves)

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

No" - ge shu the - tha - bi - ga

ha he

mmm

no° - ge shu - the

tlia

F^l=^ ^^

^ -J5=

■ ■- =1

•1 « 1 •

— f 7 —

-ftVy « •

* •

sill
t

7 7'

lie

U»

thi°

du -

he No°

shu the tha bi

.T^n~^ ^n ~ ^n

W^ '1

1 ^ - : ^

_>— f_

ha lia

h:l

ha Xo" - ' ge slui tlie - tha

— >!-= — ^-

-H— ?-J—

bi - ga ha lia ha he

lia No" - ge - shu

f) ft

p p

-<9^ — 1 H\

H-^-V

— 1 ^

-W — 3 — ^

— 1 ^^:> —

{1-J.^

Zr » 4

s s

the - tha - bi - ga
83993°— 27 eth— 11 :

ha he he

ha No° - ge

shu •

546

TPIE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. AXN. 27

No"ge shuthelhabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No"ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
U'^da mo"thi'" dinvage he
No"ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No"ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No"ge shuthethal)iga, ha ha ha he he ha ha
No"ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No°ge shuthethabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha

No^ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No^ge shuithabiga lia ha ha he he ha ha
IT°da mo"thi" duwage he
No"ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No"ge shuithal^iga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No"ge shuithabiga ha ha ha he he ha ha
No"ge shuithabiga ha iia ha lie ha

Literal translation: (1) N<>"g(, runnino;; shtfluthahiga, goins; forth
in yotir direction; u^da mo''tJii" duwage, along the different paths they
are running. (2) jVo^grp, running: shuiiMbiga, coming, veturn'mg.

The song refers to the rapid movements of the "four children" when
they ran around the lodge antl stojiped at each of the four directions.
The two stanzas are said to have another significance: The "run-
ning" indicates vigorous and abundant life, the hirth of living things
"going forth;" the second stanza refers to their "returning" to
Mother Earth, moving along the different i)atlis to final death.

The music is unusually attractive and melodious — in contrast to
many of the songs of this society.

Third Song — Slow Song, Introductory to a Dramatic Movement

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

,^1

M. M. I=rl00

;?}^Jfc=;z:Z±iSzz^;=rr^

5^?ElJ^^=li^

-1> — '^

Shi-ge thi-no"-ge-lha In

ha Slii

tlie

thu

lAi^

EE|EfEE^E^^^EE?HEj

he he he Shi-ge thi-no^-ge- tlia

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

547

the - thu

ha!

Shi

the - thu

Shi-pre tlii - uo°-ge - tha

Shi the

thu

lia

ha ha

Shi tlie - thu

ha ha

s> — #-!-#J^^# ^^^ — ^-^0—9 • *^-e> — « — 3_,_L2_, — 0 — i_e__

Shi no"-ge-tha ha! ha ha Shi

(Spi^-eii) ,-v Cry of Magic Ancients

he.

ho lio ho lio ho ho

(Repeated four times t

Shiga thino''gethaha! ha ha

Shi Ihethuha! ha ha

Shi Ihethuha! ha ha e he he he

Shige thino"gethaha! ha ha

Shi thethuha! ha ha

Shithethuha! ha ha e he he he

Shige thino^gethaha! ha ha

Shi thethuha! ha ha

Shi thethuha ! ha ha e lie he he

Shi no^gethaha! ha ha

Shi thethu ha!

Literal translation: Singe, ao;ain; thiiu>"(jet'ha7ta, in an appointed
direction you are running; shi, again; thethuha , here is tiie place;
no"ge, running. The remaining syllables are vocables and vowel pro-
longations.

This song refers to a meeting of the society at which the members by
their magic turned themselves into liirds and animals and flew and
wandered over the earth. One member strayetl off and was lost but
was finally discovered, and this song refers to tlte calling of the mem-
bers to the one that was lost, telling him that he was going in the
opposite direction, and bidding him come "again" "hei-e," that is,
to the place where the other members were gathered.

548

THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 2r

Fourth Song — Fast Song for Dramatic Movement

(Sung in octaves)

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy
.0 0 0

E - no" wa- liO° - de tha ha

E - no° wa- ko° - de tha ha

Ei=^E

ko"

de tha h;

de tha ha In - da - di wa - ko" - de tha

(Siuig four times)

Eno" wako"(le tha ha
Eno" wako"de tha ha
IMadi wako^de tha ha
Eno" wako"de tha ha
IMadi wako"de tha ha

Literal translation: Eno", he alone; wako^de, mysterious: tha, is; ha,
end of sentence; i" d a di, hither (referring to the stranger).

In this song the stranger of the story is called ''father" and he is
declared to be mysterious and the giver of magic. The members of
the society are as his children and receive from him the mysterious
power. ' ' My father is mysterious — he alone is mysterious ! ' '

The fast songs are used for the movements al>out the lodge when
the members "slioot" one another witli tlie magic shells. '

Fifth Song — F.^st Song for Dr.^ji.^tic Movement in "Shooting'

M. M.

: Ifil)

^ » • — -*-C .-t—e-

Tianscribcd 1)V F.dwin S. Traev

z^-t-

0 — f • — 0-

in=c:=tti=t=:

Ku-tha heda do" - a - do" ha no" tha pe tha sa - ge he

::!=q=

Ku - tlia lie-da - do" - a - do" lia no" tlia pe tha xa - ge he

-A \-

mo" wi - ta we he no" tba - jie tba - xa

he Ku - tha

iiiq:i=ai=^-l-^| — i- | | n .| rT — \ k- I I =i — ;H

he - da - do° - a - ha no" - tha pe tha xa - ge he

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

549

(Sung twice or more)

Kutha hedado"adii" ha

No°t.hape thaxa<;e he

Kutha heda(lo"ado" ha

No"thape thaxage he

Mo" \rita we he no"lhape thaxage he

Ku(;a hedado^a ha

No^thape thahage he

Literal translation: Kutha, a term of affection applied only to a
wife; liedado^ado^ Aa, what is it? noHhnpe, afraid of; tMxage he, you cry;
mo" arrow; ^dta, my; vocables. The only changes for the second
stanza are in the lines beginning with hutha and mo" wita, anil these are
as follows: Kutha shia dado^ ado^ha, "Wife, what else are you afraid
of? " MoH-o'^ witawe noHhape thaxagehe — mn^'ko"', medicine (not magic,
but physic); witawe, mine; noHhape, afraid of; thaxagehe, you cry.
The magic power is here spoken of as an arrow.

This song is said to have a double meaning and to be phallic in
character. This phase of the society was disapproved by a class of
the older men of the tribe, as tending to licentiousness among the
young people.

Sixth Song— Fast Song for Dramatic Movement in "Shooting"' One

Another

M.M. J = 162

Transcribed by Edwhi S. Tracy
Je ha i"-ga - we he Sho°-ge mi" ha i° ga we he

-S-«?-

1_>_

-t^-

:S-

Je ha

i° ga sho" - ge - iui°

-S-?-

~<t:

Je ha

ga we

-• — #--

i" ga we he sho°- ge- mi" ha i°- ga we

^-'T-

r — ^ bi-

Ls=£-|^i3^^1^i^E^I

-0 Si ■*

ha
-<s>-

i° - ga Sho° - ge

mi"

lia

i°

'JCr*— ¥~5v-

~\r-, '- — ; —

— y P

— ^—

— ^ —

— • »-!-

— 1^ —

—/S> —

1/ i

IW ^ 1

ly 1

^ ■ 1

Je ha i° ga we he sho°- ge- aii" ha i" - ga we lie

550

THE OMAHA TRIBE

IETII. ANN'. 27

Je ha

gmii^il

Je ha i° ga we he Sho°-ge mi° ha i" ga we he

TE(;0^'S SONG OF REVENGE

Je ha i" ga we he sho''ge mi^ha i" ga we he

Je ha i" ga sho"ge mi"ha in ga we he

Je ha i" ga we he sho^ge mi" ha i" ga we he

Je ha i" ga sho°ge mi "ha i" ga we he

Je ha i" ga we he sho"ge mi" ha i" ga we he

Je ha i" ga sho"ge mi" ha i" ga we he

Je ha i" ga we he sho°ge mi" ha i" ga we he

This song refers to the kilhng of a horse by magic because the
owner had offended one of the members of the society. The incident
is said to have occurred early in the hist century. The only recogni-
zable word is sho''ge, horse; the others are obscured by sj-Uables.

Seventh Sonc — Fast Song for Dramatic XEovement ix '• Shooting" Members

M.M. J = 160 (Snng in octaves)

-^ * — 1— ^ =-;—

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

^P^

*^-y— h*-!* *-

A- gu - di wa tha

Dots indicate pulsations of the voice

wa - tha

wa tha

xta da ha

■ a • — •

di wa tha

r
ha

A - gu - ili wa - tha
m « • » « • •

A - gu

wa tha

xta

A - gu - di

wa tha

xta

FLETCIIEK-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

551

Agudi wathaxta ha
Agudi wathaxta ha
Zhugadi wathaxta tha
Zhugadi wathaxta tha ha
Agudi wathaxta tha ha
Agudi wathaxta

Literal translation: Agudi, in what part of the body; wathaxta,
shall I bite him; zhugadi, in the body.

The song relates to the story of two members of the Shell society
who were determined to kill each other by the ])ower of their magic.
One of these men M'as fond of the wild potato and used to go at the
proper season to a certain spot to gather them. His opponent knew of
this habit and exercised his magic to have a rattlesnake hid in the
grass near this place. Wlien the man went to dig potatoes he was
bitten by the snake and died — not of the bite, it was claimed, but
from the effect of the magic that put the snake there. This song
dates from the early part of the last century.

Eighth Song — Slow Song, Sung when Thunder is First Heard in Spring

Transcribed by Edwin S. Tracy

» r»-T» ,-• 0— ,-»- 0 I * I-S ;

55:

^P-«-

lia I-e tha ha ha ha I-e she-mo° tha ha..

»!-_. .^- ._

=t=z:£:

I^Z

J^-0-

§1

I-e tha ha

:£SSSE

ha lia I-e slie- nio" tha ha.

=*-*

-• 0—

I-e

tha ha..

ha ha

she - nio°

-y — I —

tlia ha.

-^ 1

ha ha.

-• 0-^

-y — 1--

sUe-mu" tha ha ha ha.

=f±3^

she-

552

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. i"

le tha ha ha ha

le shemo" tha ha ha ha

le tha ha ha ha

le shemo" tha hia

le tha ha ha ha

le shemo" tha ha ha ha

le tha ha ha ha

le shemo" tha ha ha ha

le shemo" tha hia

le tha ha ha ha

le shemo" tha ha

Literal translation: le, speech, or command; sJiemo^, 3-onder mov-
ing; tha, plural sign; all the rest are vocables.

This song was sung by the members of the lodge of the ' ' eldest son "
when the thunder was first heard in the spring. This was the signal
of the awakening to new activity of all the life on the earth. The
words mean, it was explained, "the command of those yonder [the
Thunder] I have obeyed."

The following account by vne of the writers gives an eye-witness's
picture of the dramatic movement at a meeting of the society:

\Mien I was a lad at the mission school I used to steal away and go to the village to
eee the performance of the ceremony of the Shell Society. The meetings of this
ancient organization were usually occasions of great interest to the tribe, for a general
invitation would be given to the people to witness that part of the rite which was open
to the public.

At these gatherings particular care was observed by young and old to appear in the
best constumes that could be obtainetl, so that while waiting for admission to the
spacious earth lodge the great concourse of spectators, clad in colore most pleasing to
the savage eye, would present a brilliant appearance.

At the first sound of the resonant drum, and as the member of the society who was
honored with the invitation to preside at that important instrument sang a bar or two
of his song by way of leading and opening the ceremony, every man, woman, and
child rushed for the long entranceway in order to secure the best positions in the lodge
from which to observe the "dance " advantageously. Being small and active, I used
to push my way between the legs of the grownup people, and thus manage to get in
advance and find a good place where I could see the whole ceremony to my heart's
content.

The first song and the accompanying initial procession of the members around the
central fireplace of the great circular room — the men, tall and majestic, moving with
stately tread to the measured rhythm of the music, and the women following modestly,
but with no less dignity — never failed to impress my mind with the earnestness of the

FLETrHER-LA Ft.ESCHE] SOCIETIES 553

fraternity. Immediately followiiig the termination of this opening procession, a song
in faster time would be struck up and the solemn movements of the members would
suddenly change to motions full of dramatic action. Each person would menacingly
thru.«t forward an otter skin with grinning head, which he carried in his hanils. The
members seemed as though determined to destroy each other with the magic power
contained in the otter, and cv'eryone uttered a peculiar cry which gave efficacy to the
sacred skin. Suddenly a man would fall rigid to the hard floor, trembling in every
limb, a.s though shot with a gun or arrow; then another and another would fall, while
those who did the "shooting" moved on with triumphant cries. After a moment of
writhing in seeming agony those who had been " shot " would rise and take their turn
at "shooting" others. All this "shooting" and falling and the uttering of mystic
cries would o\-erwhelm me with awe, for it was all so strange and so far beyond my
understanding.

I often witnessed this peculiar ceremony when a boy, and, like other careless
observers, I as often went away impressed only by the songs, the solemn procession,
the rhythmic movements of the "dance." and the fine regalia of the society, with
never a thought that beneath all this outward show there might be some meaning so
profound in its nature as to support a member in the maintenance of his dignity while
going through acts which on ordinary occasions would make him appear frivolous.

In later years, when I began the serious study of the customs and cults of my
people, I learned that in this as well as in other rites there were, back of the cere-
monies given publicly, teachings made known only to the initiated, teachings wor-
thy of careful thought and reflection. Knowing this to be*true, I sought in various
ways to obtain a knowledge of the ritual and teachings of the Shell Society without
having to become a member, but failed in each attempt. It chanced, however, in
1898, that a novitiate who had lost his shell, learning that I was to vi.sit the reserva-
tion, wrote to me to bring him a shell. From the meager description he gave me
I was not sure of the kind he wanted, so I purchased a few of several varieties and
took them out with me. UTien I exhibited my collection the new member looked
them carefully over, but was not sure which was the right kind. To his great relief,
the member of the society by whom he was initiated appeared on the scene, and we
placed before him the pile of shells. He separated the right kind from the others,
and then waited for me to speak.

"I have brought these shells,'' I said, "for your friend and for you, but for my
services I desire to know something of the inner teachings of your society."

"A request of that kind," he replied, "usually comes with proper fees and cere-
monies observed by us all, and with the recommendation of members in good stand-
ing, but since you seem to be in earnest to know something about the teachings of
our society, and as we are in need of the shells, I \vi\\ waive all this and give you the
beginning only of the story, which is long and beautiful. There are two kinds of shell
used in our society," he continued, selecting two from the pile and holding them up;
"one is male and the other is female. The distinction so made comes from the story
I am about to tell you."

Then he proceeded to give me a paraphrase of the story of the origin of the society,
which was later obtained in full, together with the ritual, songs, and account given
in the foregoing pages.

Ceremonies on the Death of a Member

On the death of a inemher a meeting of the society was called, and
the regular opening ceremonies already described (see p. 521) took
place. It was said that " on such an occasion death is not simulated,
but real for one of the members has passed from this life." The body

554

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

of tho deceased, arrayed in liis l)est clothes, with his face painted, in
accorchuice with the rules of the society, was carried to the dwelling in
which the society lield its meetings, where it was seated in the mem-
ber's accustomed place. During the ceremonj'in the presence of the
dead no one spoke except when the rites required, and all the members
when not actively engaged sat with bowed heads. The dead man was
the onl}' one with head erect. On such occasions outsiders were afraid
to go in when the doors were opened, for it was said that in times past
onlookers had been killed by magic. All the regalia which the dead
member had purchased the riglit to wear was removed from him at
the proper time and returned to his lodge. Nothing of that character
was buried with the dead. After the lodges had been dismissed in
the manner already described, the dead body was removed and given
the ordinary form of burial.

Magic Ceremony for Punlshinc; Offenders

AMien the contents of the Sacred Tent of War were deposited in the
Peabody Museum of Harvard University, a pack was foimd among

1 I... .1... l'.Ki. lie. . Hiding to H lodge of the Shell sdciuty.

the articles which had no connection with the duties or ceremonies
pertaining to the We'zhi°shte gens as keepers of the rites of war. It
has since been learned that this pack had belonged to one of the
lodges of the Shell society. Big Elk was the keeper of this pack
and as he was a chief and leading man not only in his own gens, the
We'zhi"shte, but in the Council of Seven, he felt at liberty to store
this pack in the Tent of War. At his death and during the general dis-
turl)ance of tribal customs which soon followed, the pack remained
with the articles that ])ropcrly l)clongcd in the 'J'ent of War and so

FLETCHER-LA FLESfllE] SOCIETIES 555

passed into the possession of the writers in 1SS4 when tliese were given
to them to be deposited at Cambridge, Mass. A photograph was taken
of tliis j)aek (fig. 11.3; Peabody Museum no. 37560) as it came into
the hands of the writers, just as it was left by Big Elk.

This pack had long been regarded with great fear, as it was believed
to contain virulent poison. So great was tliis dread that a promise
was exacted of the writers that if the pack was opened extreme cau-
tion should be used, as it was feared that whoever handled the con-
tents would sin-ely die in consequence of the sacrilege. The sprays of
cedar thrust through the strings that tied the j)ack had nothing to tlo
V ith it, so far as is known; these mavhave been added in recognition of

Fii;. lU. Largest bag in pack (fi». US).

the Tent of War in which the pack was kept. When the pack was
opened at the Peabody Museum it was found to contain some c[ueer
little boxes made like trunks, evidently toys, dating from the early part
of the last centiny, in which were little bundles containing red paint, a
few shells, and dusty fi'agments impossible of identification.

Six bags were found in the pack; these were woven with two
kinds of coarse yarn or twine, one of wool, the other of vegetable
fiber. This material was of wliite manufacture and was j)robably
obtained from traders ; the weaving was native. The general hue of
the bags is reddish brown.

556

THE OMAHA TRIBE

lETH. ANN. 27

Tlio larjiost ba<^ (fig. 114; Pealuxly Muscuiu no. 48265) found in
tlio pack measnros 11 Iw Ot inclios; it contained a similar bag (fig.

Fi(i. Uo. Bag found in pack (fig. 113).

ll.'i: Peabody Museum no. 4S2SS) slightly smaller, its dimensions
being 10 by 7' inches. In this bag were various little boxes and

Fiii. IIG. liag found in pack (rig. 113).

bundles containing down painted red, such as is seen on the heads of
the members of the Shell society.

FLETfllKlt-LA FLESCIIE]

SOCIETIES

557

The next smaller bag (fig. 116; Peabody Museum no. 48.31 S) is 7f
by 6i inches. Its contents were: A bladder package (fig. 117, a;
Peabody IMuseura no. 48301) containing paint, probably carbonate
of copper; a bladder package (fig. 117, h: Peabody Museum no. 48305)
containing gum; a similar package (fig. 117, c; Peabody Museum no.
48300); a similar package (fig. 117, d; Peabody ^luseum no. 48306)
containing two fit tie brushes of stiff animal hair; a package of
cloth (fig. 117, e; Peabody Museum no. 48292) containing gum juul
swan's-down.

Fig. 117. Objects foand in bag (rig. 116).

The fourth size bag (fig. 118; Peabody Museum no. 48289), 6 ])y
4 inches, is of a finer weave than the other bags and contained pack-
ages wrapped in corn husks. One of these (fig. 119, a; Peabody
Museum no. 482S1) inclosed a dried caterpillar. The contents of
the other husk packages (fig. 119, 6, c) had turned to dust; nothing
else remained when the pack was opened.

The fifth bag (fig. 120; Peabody Museum no. 48319), 4i by 4
inches, contained a package incased in a skin covering (fig. 119, e:
Peabody ]\Iuseum no. 48285) of red paint, a bit of cloth of native

558

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH. ANN. 27

wetivinn:;, vegetal fiber inclosing a small piece of mica ami tied up
with shed buffalo hair and swan's-down (fig. 119, d; Peabody Museum
no. 4S2S(i), anil a red stone concretion attached to a long thong (fig.
119,/; Peabody Museum no. 48287).

The sixth bag (fig. 121; Peabody Museum no. 48295) measures
only 4 by 2f inches; it contained small slcin bundles in which were
galena, green paint, and carbonate of copper. These bundles, which
were tied together, may be seen in the illustration, projecting from
the bag.

Besides the foregoing articles there is a tobacco bag (fig. 122, a;
Peabody Museum no. 47818) embroidered with porcupine quills. The
groundwork is yellow, the figure of the eagle is in red, the tip of
the tail, the wings, and the beak white. The border is of alternating

Flu. IIM. Bag found in pack (Hg. 113).

blocks of white and reddish yellow, and the fringe is of buckskin.
Near the bag lay a figure cut from dressed skin, about 17f inches long
(fig. 122, I; Peabody :Museuni no. 47819). The headdress is slightly
more than 2\ inches in height. The arms measure about 4 V inches in
length. The figure is cut into two parts and sewed up on the sides
of the arms, legs and bod}^, and head, making it a bag with separate
compartments. A slit in the back afforded tlie opening through which
articles could be inserted or withdrawn. Tliis figure remained a puzzle
to the writers for a long time. Finally its photograj)!! was recognized
by a member of the Shell society and its purpose was explained by
Pe'degahi, an old chief, no longer living, a member of tiie Shell
society, who had seen tliis figure used by Big Elk (the latter died in

FLETCnEK-LA FLESCIIEJ

SOCIETIES

559

1S4S or 1849). It is said that this figure-shaped bag had come
down to Big Elk througli eiglit generations. Pe'degahi remembered
the names of six of the former owners of this interesting rehc. He
said that there used to be a ritual connected with tlie figure but that
it had been lost.

It was explained that the figure represented the society. It was
called Galii'ge to"ga, "great chief." The head stood for the u'zhu,
leader or master of the entire society, whose symbol was the eagle.
The left arm was the "eldest son," representing the sun and the black
bear. In the bag made by this arm were kejit the poisons used for

Flo. 119. Contents of bugs (lifs. 118, 120).

punishment. The right arm was the ''second son," representing
the stars and the elk. In this bag were kept the roots used as medi-
cine for rheumatism. The left leg was the "daughter," representing
the moon and the buffalo. In the bag formed by this leg were kept
two shells, male and female. Tlie right leg was the "youngest son,"
representing the earth and the deer. In this bag were kept medi-
cines for curing diarrhea. It was explained that the left arm and
the left leg "went together." It will be noted, as stated above,
that these represented the "eldest son" and the "daughter" — the two
that were placed diagonally to each other in the arrangement of places

560

THE OMAHA THIIiK,

[ETH ANN, 27

in tlic Iddgc. The arm contained poisons for punishment ; tlie lejj,
the magic shells which made it possible to administer them, so that
the fimctions of this left arm and leg, which "went together," were

.«c.vJHn^^<

^U__^

^^^a

-rT'-'^^'Tiatt

- ^jj^nwIH

Mj^^^^ "^

W-

^^■to ■

-'■%;.,»*••. -'-'K

.....

Fig. 120. B.ig found in pack (fig. 113).

also related and made effectual because male and female. The right
arm and leg represented brothers, the earth and the stars, and both

Kic. IJI. B.ig lounJ in ].ack (fig. 113).

contained medicines for healing. It was said in explanation that "the
punishment (effected througli tliis ligure) was directed by Wako"'da
to keep the people in order and to check crime, as molesting wives

I'-I.ETCIIER-LA FLESCHEJ

SOCIETIES

561

or daughters and destroying projierty, and so causing mischief to arise
in the tribe."

The statement concerning the poison was rather vague and it has
not been possible to procure the phints for identification Tlie poison
was made from the root of a vine of which there are four varieties.
These were described as follows: "One grows on the ground, one runs
on trees and has red leaves, the third has but few leaves, and the

Fig. 122. Tobacco bag (n) and figure (ft) found in pack (fig. 113).

fourth has many rootlets clinging to the bark of the tree. It is the
root of the latter variety from wliich the poison was made." To this
root was added the decaying flesh of the lizard and ' ' a bug that swims
on the surface of the water." These were said to be the ingredients of
the poison kept in the left arm of the figure. It was explained : "The
left is always first; we begin to paint ourselves on the left and fol-
low the sun."

83993°— -27 eth— 11-

-36

5G2

THE OMAHA TRIBE

lETIl. ANN.

The figure has a roacli of hair made of a bit of ' ' bear slvin," tlie hair
so arranged as to stand up. The zigzag lines from the eyes were said
to be tears. The moons on the shoulik'rs were all the gibbous, or
"dying,'' moon, and signified ileath. The circle represented the sun.
In this figure of the sun was kept the bear's claw used when drawing
the outline of the condemned man. The red lines down the arms
represent the lightning. This figure was said to represent a man
whom the Monster flayed, using his skin as a receptacle; and the
Monster told the man and his wife to make this figure in imitation
of the human-skill bag and to use it in this ceremony. It is said that
Big Elk had a pair of moccasins made from the paws of the bear.
Whether or not these moccasins were worn at the ceremony when
this figure was used no one now living can tell nor tlo the moccasins

now exist so far as can be learned.
Tlie lost ritual is said to have ex-
plained all the parts of the figure,
even the use of the strings.

WHien a man committed an offense
that .seemed to demand punishment
the society met at niglit to consider
the matter, at which time both the
act and the man's character were
tliscussed. If the society' deter-
mined to punish the man, then this
figure was l)rouglit out. It seemed
to stand as a symbol of the united
purpose of the society, for on such
an .occasion the members had to act
as a unit. The lifif^eting when they
were to take action occurred in the
early morning. The servants had already been dispatcheil to a secret
place where they had excavated a circular space for a fireplace and
piled toward the east the earth taken out. Four sticks pointing to
the four directions were laid in the fireplace. Before sunrise the mem-
bers went forth singly from tlieir homes and gathered cjuietly at the
place appointed for the meeting. They sat in a circle. The four
masters, representing the four "children," took their jilaces at the
west, facing the east. A small bow, about 2 feet long, and two
arrows with flint points, provided with sliafts about 2 feet long, were
placed in front of the four masters. (I'ig- 123.)

Wlien all were seated, the man who liad sulTered the wrong laid
his pipe down in front of the masters, west of the bow. lie then
oi'dered the servant to take the pipe and a live coal to a certain man
and offer it to him. If the man accepted the pipe and lighted it, he

Fig. 123. Diagram illustrating arrangement
of Siiell society at secret meeting for pun-
ishment of an offender. 1. Fireplace and
four sticks; 2, pile of earth; 3, 3, servants;
4, 5, 6, 7, masters of the four lodges.

FLETCIIER-LA FLESCHEJ

SOCIETIES

563

signified that he was willing to draw the figure of the ofrender on the
ground. The pipe had to be lighted with a live coal which was car-
ried in a split stick. If the man refused to accept the pipe, the servant
carried it back to the accuser, who designated another man. The
servant then carried the pipe to the second man. If he refused, the
accuser could select a third, fourth, and fifth person. Tliese selections
could be repeated four times. There is a tradition that twice the
pipe was offered the full number of times and every time refused, so
that the punishment of the ofTcnder had to be abandoned. Some-
times the pipe was accepted by the fii'st man, but more often it was
passed to two or three persons before one was found to accept it, for
all must agree and promise to keep this session of the society and
its action a secret. When the pipe was accepted it was lighted by
the one accepting it and was smoked by all the members of the
society, an act wliich signified that
all consented. The accuser then re-
filled the pipe and ordered it taken
to the leader of another lodge,
the members of wliich smoked
It was then refiJled and sent
the leader of still another lotlge,
the members of which smokec
Once more the pipe was refilled and
sent to the fourth lodge, in which
it was smoked by all the members.
During this ceremony the pipe had
started from each of the four lodges
and had passed four times around
the members, thus binding all, both
as lodges and as indi\aduals, to se-
crecy and to the fulfillment of the act
contemplated. The pi])e was then returned to the accuser. The latter
then bade the servant take the bear's claw from the breast of the
figure to the man who had accepted the pipe. Then the masters
consulted together in order to determine how many days the offender
should be allowed to live. After their decision was made, the man
who had received the claw rose and recounted his faithfulness to the
teachings of the society and that of his fathers before him. Then he
turned to the left and laid his left hand on the head of each member,
sapng as he did so: "To trust you with my action." Then he stood
at the north, where he intended the feet of the figure to be, and faced
the north. Then he turned and placed the bear's claw at a point
which would be the middle of the top of the figure's head; and
without lifting his hand from the earth he made a continuous outline

3.^

Fig. 124. Diagram illustrating Hnal cere-
mony of secret meeting of Shell society.
Fireplace and four sticks; 2. pile of earth;

3, 3. servants;
lodges.

4, 5, 6, 7, masters of the four

564 THE OMAHA TBIBE [etii. axx. i;T

of a man, beginning at tlio left on the top of the head and passing
to the right around the figure, ending at the point where he began.
Next he made the left eye, then the nose, then the right eye, then the
mouth, and from the lower lip he drew a line down to the heart,
which was indicated by a circle, and above tliis the two lungs. (Fig.
124.) When the drawing was done, he laid the bear's claw on the
left shoulder and then ordered the servant to pick it up and take it
to the accuser.

The accuser now ordered the servant to take the bow and arrows
from before the masters and hand them to the one who had drawn
the figure. This man might refuse to receive them. If he refused,
the servant was told to take them to another man. On his way to do
this he had first to circle the fire. Sometimes the office of the bow and
arrows was refused several times. At last a man was found who
accepted them. He then arose and passing to the left laid his left
hand on each member's head, saying as he did so : " To trust you with
my action." Wlien he reached his place, poison was brought him
from the master and he poisoned the arrows. Then he stepped to
the left of the figure, stooped, and fitted the arrows to the bow, pulled
the string slightly, but diil not shoot. He then passed around in front
of the row of members and stopped again at the left of the figure and
made another feint. This was done four times and at the last he shot
the arrow into the heart of the figure and left it standing there, and
returned by the left to his place.

The masters now rose and said: Kiwafihl'o^iga 1m! — "Let each
man take care of himself!"

The members then threw of}' their robes and each left singly, going
his own way. The servants gathered up the robes and the other
belongings of the officers and membei's and took them to their owners
and keepers.

Two servants now watched the offender, " who was soon taken sick."
When this occurred, it was reported to the four masters, who gathered
at night in a tent, without fire, where they sang low and continued to
sing until the man died.

A story is told that once when these rites were in progress, the
offender — who chanced to be a member of the society — came upon
the secret session. While he did not know certainly that he was to be
the victim, he suspected it. He joined in the proceedings but moved
about the wrong way in order to break the spell and so prevented the
completion of the rites. The place where the meeting was held was
on a liigh bluif overlooking the Missouri I'ivcr. Suddenly some of
the members rushed on the man, drove liim to the edge, and threw
him over, but by his magic he turned himself into a bird as he fell,
and by this artifice gained in safety the other side of the river,

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHB] SOCIETIES 565

whence he piped to the disappointed avengers. This story is repeated
by members of both the Shell and Pebble societies as representing
their own experience.

There are many stories of turning the otter-sldn mystery bags (fig.
110) into live otters.

Some old men assert that the reason why the shell is sacred and is
honored by this society is because the Omaha first lived beside the
great water where the shells are found.

THE I^'KUGTIII ATHI" (PEBBLE SOCIETY)

The literal translation of the name of the P'kugtlii atlii" (i", "peb-
ble;" Ttugtlii, "translucent;" atM^, "to have or possess ") society is
"They who have the translucent pebble."

Membership was gained by virtue of a dream, or vision, of water or
its representative, the pebble, or the water monster, received when
fasting. The water monster was said to be a huge creature in animal
form that lashed the water with its mighty tail. It was generally
spoken of as living in a lake.

The members of the Pebble society wore very little clothing, some-
times only the breechcloth, but the body was painted with devices
indicating the animals or monsters seen in the dreams. In this
respect the Pebble society differed from the Shell society. The
members of the latter made it a point to wear gaily ornamented
apparel.

The meetings of the Pebble society were not held at stated inter-
vals and only through the summer. The opening jiart of every session
was secret : oi\\j members could be present.

Opportunity was once given to one of the writers to be present;
while no portion of the proceedings was explained the following
movements were observed :

Back of the fire calico was spread on the ground — a gift from the
man who gave the feast and so made the meeting of the society
possible. All the members sat around the sides of the lodge. Wlien
the members had gathered, some one announced that all were present.
Then four men from different parts of the line of members went, one at
a time, to a jilace on the south side of the lodge where there was
powdered charcoal on a board. As each man came to this place he
stooped and laid his hands on the earth and then passed them over
his arms and over his body to the feet. The movement seemed to
be similar to that made on a man who had just safely passed tlu'ough
some difficult and dangerous experience, in order to come in touch
with one who had been the recipient of some great power. After
this action he placed the fingers of his right hand in the charcoal and
made a black line from his mouth down the length of one arm, and

566 THE OMAHA TRIBE (eth. ann. 27

a similar line from his month down the otlier arm. After that he
made black lines on Ids hody with his blackened finger tips. Then
he took some of the black powder in the palm of his hand and went
back to his lodge. He then painted tiie symbolic black lines from the
mouth down the length of tlie arm on all the members of his lodge.
Wliile he was doing this, another leader went to the south siile, and
standing before the black paint made the same movement with his
hands on the earth and on his body: he then pamted himself and
returned to jiaint the other members of his lodge. "VMien all four lead-
ers hatl touched the earth and had painted themselves and the mem-
bers of their lodges, they went to the rear of the lodge and stood facing
the east, with the offering of calico at their feet. Then all four bent
over and made movements as though retching. Finally they spat out
their pebbles. They next circled the fire and passed to the end of the
row of members on the south side and "shot" four with their pebbles.
These four members fell rigid to the earth. The four leaders then
circled the fire, as did also the four who had been "shot;" then these
four "shot" another four, who after circling the fire "shot" still
another four, and so on by fours until all had been "shot " and all the
members were moving about the fire. No songs accompanied these
complex movements. Wlien all the members had been "shot," they
took their respective places and sat down. The drum was then
taken to the lodge sitting at the south and the members of the choir
took their places about the drum and began a slow song. This was
the signal that the secret session was closed.

After the secret ceremonies guests were admitted. The members
rose in their places as the outsiders entered. The public part of the
ceremony consisted in moving around the fire in single file and
"shooting" one another with the pebble or some other small object.
The hand which simulated "shooting" was shielded by the wing of
an eagle held in the other hand. Any J^art of the body might be
struck. The person '"shot" immediately pressed his hand on the
spot supposed to be touched, assumed a tragic attitude, then fell to
the ground and lay rigid. Much more action was observeil in the
Pebble society by the person "shooting" and the person "shot"
than in the Shell society, which made the exercises of the former the
more dramatic. The magic cries also were different; those of the
Pebble society were lower in tone and were considered to be more
impressive. The songs of dismissal were differently rendered in the
two societies. In the Shell society, it will be recalled, the master of
each lodge led in the singing and each lodge had its song, which was
sung in the order of the ages of the four "children." In the Pebble
society each member had his ovra song of dismissal and when the
time came for the meeting to close all sang simultaneously. The

FLKTCIIEK-LA FI.ESfHEl

SOCIETIES

567

effect oil an outsider was anythiui^ liut agreeal)k' — it was "like bed-
lam," and only when one looketl into the faces of the members and
noted their intense earnestness was it possi])Ie to conceive how each
maiicoidd hold to his o\\n\ song agamst that of his equally vociferous
neighbor.

The exact organization of the society could not be definitely
learned, except that it was divided into four groups or lodges.

The members of this society treated sickness by mechanical
means — bleeding, sucking out the disturbing object, and practising

Fig. 125. Waki'dezhinga.

a kind of massage which consisted in kneading and pulling on the
region below the ribs, a rather severe and painful operation, called
by the Omaha ni'mthito".

The rituals of this society could not be fully obtained. Each group
seems to have had its ritual and these may have been parts of the
entire ceremony. It is doubtful if the complete set of rituals is now
known to any living Omaha. The following, a part of the opening
ritual, was obtained some years ago from the former leader, Waki'-
dezhi"ga (fig. 1 25) , who is now dead. It deals Avith Creation and the
cosmic forces.

568 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etu. a.nn. 27

Opening Ritual

1. Mi i tho" tathisho", ni'kashiga

2. A 'wage ego", ni'kashiga

3. Wani'ta dado", to"ga ke shti wo"

4. Bthu'ga xti uthe'wi" i ego", ni'kashiga

5. Wagthi'shka dado" ke shti wo"

6. Bthu'ga xti uthe'wi" i ego"

7. A'wa te ego" i iei" te

8. Eno" xti o" xti thi"ke ego"

9. Ethe'go" wathe' go"

10. I" fo"' to"ga te tho"

11. MQ"'xe itha'ugthexti p'u'tho"

12. Mo"'xe itha'ugthexti

13. Zhi"'ga the ui'the u"gi'kaxe ta i te tho"zha

14. Ato"' tha i te .-fheto" ui'the u"gi'kaxe ta i te

15. Eshe a bado" <

16. Edi uwa'to" thi"ke

17. Peto"nuga tha to" elie, pa ke (;nede' a xti no"zhi" ego"

18. Pa'hi ke e'to" thi"ge' xti no"zhi" ego"

19. A'wate ego" to"de ke uti"' ihe'the go"
*******

20. I'u(,-ishto" athi"' ga'ha i de

21. Ni'kashiga, ni'kazhide ma shetho"

22. Zhi"ga ui'the u"gi'kaxe ta i te tho"zha

23. Edi uwa'to" sho"'to"ga nuga ede hu tithe'the ki

24. I'thapithi" xti to"'de ke, thap'o"'de xti

25. Thapo"'de uthi',shi xti, thapo'"'de go"

26. Ui'e ga'xa bi e go"

27. Edi uwa'to" he'ga ede, pa'hi ke zhi'de xti

28. I'thapithi" xti, a'hi" ke na'di"di" the no"zhi" ego"

29. I'thapithi" xti gaha' itho"tho" ego"

30. I'thapithi" xti giu"' the go"

31. I"sha'ge we'utha ga'xa hi e go"

Literal triinslation

1. Mi, sun; i, come; tathisho", in that ilirection ea.st ; nikashiga,
people.

2. Awage ego", of ■wliatover kind; nil-ashiga, ])eopie.

3. Wani'frt, animals; dado", every kind; fo"g(i, great; I'c indicates
that they spread over the ground in vast numbers; shti vo", they also.

4. Bthu'ga, all: xti, truly; nthtiri". gathered; i ego", it came to
pass.

5. WagthishJca, insects; dado", of every kind; le, spread (scattered
over an extent of ground) ; shti wo", they also.

6. Bthu'ga, all; xti, truly: uthe'iri", gathered; i ego", it came to
pass.

7. A'ira, how; te ego", wliat manner; i, come; iei"te, ilid they
come?

FLETCIIER-LA FLKSniE] SOCIETIES 569

8. Eno" xti, it alone; o" xti, the greatest; tlii^ke, sitting; e^o", like.

9. Ethe'go'^, to think; ivathe'go", to cause.

10. I", stone; fo", wliite or pale; fo^ga, great, big; te fho", that
stood.

11. Mo^'xe, sky, heavens; ifhaugfJie, all the way up; xti, verily;
p'u'tho", in a mist, as steaming.

12. iIo''xe, sky, heavens; ithaugthe, all the way up; xti, verily.
1.3. ZM'''ga, little ones; the, this; ui'tJie, to speak of, as a theme;

u^gikaxe, they shall make of me; ta i te, shall; tho"zJia, however.

14. Ato"', whatever distance; tJia i te, they travel; sheto'^, so long;
ui'the, to speak of, as a theme ; u^gi'lcaxe, they shall make of me (as
an object of veneration) ; ta i te, shall.

15. EsTie, you have said; a hado^, they have said.

16. Edi, there; uwa'to", next in order or rank; tJii^lce, sitting.

17. Pefo''nuga, male of the crane; tha to" she, thou who standest;
pa, beak; Ice indicates length; fiiede' , long; a xti, very; no^zlii^,
stands; e^o", like.

18. Pa'hi, neck; Jce, the length; e'to", the same in length; tlii^ge' ,
none; xti, verily, in truth; no^zhi", standing; ego", like, and so.

19. A'wate ego", in a, manner; ^o^t^e, ground, earth; te, the (length) ;
uti"', to pick at or strike; ihethe, c[uickly; go", like.

20. lufishto", words that are not true; athi"', to have; ga'xa, make;
i, plural; de, shall.

21. Xi'lashiga, people; ni'Tcazhide, red people; Tna, plural, they;
shetho", 3'ou who are.

22. Zhi"ga, little ones; uithe, a theme; u"gi']caxe, they shall make
of me; ta i te, shall; tlio^zha, however.

23. Edi, there; uwa'to", next in order or rank standing; sho"'to"ga-
nuga, male gray wolf; ede, a; hu, voice; tithethe, to send or utter;
lei, and.

24. I'thapithi^, without effort; xti, verily; to^'de, the earth; Tee,
lying, or that lay; tha.po"'de, to make to vibrate with the voice; xti,
verily.

25. Thap'o"'de, to make to vibrate; uthi'shi, impossible; xti, verily;
thap'o"de, to make vibrate; go", like.

26. lli'e, something to speak of; gaxa, made; hi e go", they have.

27. Edi, there; uwa'to", next in order or rank; he'ga, buzzard;
ede, a; pa'hi, neck; Ice, long; zhi'de, red; xti, truly.

28. I'thapithi", \nthout effort, slowly; xti, verily; a'hi", wings; l-c,
the; na'di"di", drj-; the, make; no"zhi", stand; ego", hke.

29. I'thapithi", without effort; xti, truly; ga'ha itho"tho", rising up
and down; ego", like.

30. I'thapithi", without effort; xti, truly; giu"', flying; thego", he
went.

570 THE OMAHA TRIBE Tioth. ANN. :;?,

31. r'slia'ge, old men; we'utlui, exaiuplo; gd'xa hi, they made;
ego", like.

Free translation

1. Toward the coming of the sun

2. There the people of every kind gathered,

3. And great animals of every kind.

4. Verily all gathered together, as well as people.

5. Insects also of every description,
G. A'erily all gathered there together,

7. By what means or manner we know not.

8. A'erily, one alone of all these was the greatest,

9. Inspiring to all minds,

10. The great white rock,

11. Standing and reaching as high as the heavens, enwrapped in mist,

12. Verily as high as the heavens.

13. Thus my little ones shall speak oi me,

14. As long as they shall travel in life's path, thus they shall speak of me.

15. Such were the words, it has been said.

16. Then next in rank

17. Thou, male of the crane, stoodst with thy long heak

18. And thy neck, none like to it in length,

19. There with thy beak didst thou strike the earth.

*******

20. This shall be the legend

21. Of the people of yore, the red people,

22. Thus my little ones shall speak of me.

23. Then next in rank stood the male gray wolf, whose cry,

24. Though uttered without effort, verily made the earth to tremble,

25. Even the stable earth to tremble.

26. Such shall be the legend of the people.

27. Then next in rank stood Hega, the buzzard, with his red neck.

28. Calmly he stood, his great wings spread, letting the heat of the sun straighten his

feathers.

29. Slowly he flapped his wings,

30. Then floated away, as though without effort,

31. Thus displaying a power (a gift of Wako'''da) often to be spoken of by the old

men in their teachings.

The above, which bears the marks of antiquity, is uiifortvinately
incomplete.

The old leader gave the following explanation of the teachings of
the Pebble society, which may be a paraphrase of a ritual:

At the beginning all things were in the mind of Wako^'da. All creatures, includ-
ing man, were spirits. They moved about in space between the earth and the stars
(the heavens). They were seeking a place where they could come into a bodily
existence. They ascended to the sun, but the sun was not fitted for their abode.
They moved on to the moon and found that it also was not good for their home.
Then they descended to the earth. They saw it was covered with water. They
floated through the air to the north, the east, the south, and the west, and found no
dry land. They were sorely grieved. Suddenly from the midst of the water uprose
a great rock. It burst into flames and the waters floated into the air in clouds.

rLETCHER-LA FLESCIIE] SOCIETIES 571

Dry Kind appeared; the grasses and the trees grew. The hosts of spirits descended
and became flesh and Ijlood. They fed on the seeds of the grasses and the fruits
of the trees, and the land vibrated with their expressions of joy and gratitude to
Wako^'da, the maker of all things.

Among the Osage there is a simihxr myth, in which the elk figures
as a helper of mankinil to find a place to dwell.

The sweat lodge was used as a preparatory rite and always when
a member was about to minister to the sick. The following ritual
was that used by Waki'dezhinga as he entered the sweat lodge to make
ready for his duties toward the sick :

Ritual fob Sweat Lodge, No. 1.

1. He! I°shage' efka

2. r"e shni°ke she e^ka

3. I"shage' ei,'ka

4. He! zhi"ga' wi ewe'po"?e thoMe

5. Ego'' bi efka

6. I"shage' efka

7. He

8. He! gthi" a'bito" thethe xti

9. Thagthi"" ado" efka

10. Tade' ui'the the'no" ha te tho" e^ka

11. Tade' bafo" ego" thagthi"' ado" er;ka

12. I"shage' ei;ka

13. He! xa'de zhi^ga tho" tho" efka

14. Uti' e'thathe ego" thagthi"' ado" efka

15. He! wazhi"'ga a'zhazha xti thagthi""' ado" efka

16. Hi'^xpe' a'gthagtha xti thagthi"' ado" efka

17. I^shage' ejka

18. Edi uwa'to" efka

19. Edi uwa'to" efka

20. He! ni nike she efka

21. Ni nike ato" adi'to"

22. Gafu've shni" e i"te e(,ka

23. He! du'ba thl'thifa i te

24. Utha thithi"'ge te tho"zha efka

25. Zhi"ga' i'thite go"'tha i te tho"zha e(,'ka

26. He! Ti thato" she e(,ka

27. Ti thatc" she efka

28. Wani'ta to"ga egka

29. He! itha' kigthaxade efka

30. Zhi^ga' ui'the u"gi'kaxe ta i te eshe ama tho" ei;ka

31. He! tishi thato" she efka

32. No"'xahi thiba'gizhe xti

33. A'baku thiba'zhu tho"

34. No-t'u'fa xti

35. Zhi"ga the uithe u"gikaxe ta i te tho°zha efka

36. He! pehi"'bixa'xado" efka
87. No"zhi'ha fho" the'tho"

38. Xa'de tho" hi" a'zhi ado" ec.ka

39. Hi"'tho" vka do" ei,-ka

40. Hi" a'zhi te tho" e'waka i do" e(,ka

572 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. anx. 27

41. lie! mo°lhi" la i ke e(,-ka

42. Wi"'u"wata uki'mo"glho" i ke e^'ka
48. A'baku tho" no°t'u'fa x(i

44. Uzlio"'ge no"i;ta xti i ke

45. Pe a'fo" githe ihe'thatha xti

46. Mo°shni"' ado" I"shage' efka

47. He! zhi"ga'giko"'tha bado" e(,-ka

48. ]thigiko"'tha tabado" e<,-ka

49. Thie i'wigipathi" ta mike tho''zha erka

50. I"sha'ge ei,'ka

He! is an exclamation involving the idea of supplication and dis-
tress; efka, a refrain, meaning "I desire," " I crave," and, sometimes,
"I implore."

Free tninslalion

1. He! Aged One, e^ka

2. Thou Rock, efka

3. Aged One, e^ka

4. He! I have taught these little ones

5. They obey, efka

6. Aged One, efka

7. He!

8. He! Unmoved from time without end, verily

9. Thou sittest, efka

10. In the midst of the various paths of the coming winds

11. In the midst of the winds thou sittest, efka

12. Aged One, e^ka

13. He! The small grasses grow about thee, ec,ka

14. Thou sittest as though making of them thy dwelling place, efka

15. He! Verily thou sittest covered with the droppings of birds, egka

16. Thy head decked with the downy feathers of the birds, eyka

17. Aged One, efka

18. Thou who stand est next in power, ecka

19. Thou who standest next in power, eyka

20. He! Thou water, egka

21 . Water that hast been flowing

22. From time unknown, ei,ka

23. He! Of you the little ones have taken

24. Though thy mysteries remain unrevealed

25. These little ones crave thy touch, egka

20. He! Thou that standest as one dwelling place, efka

27. Even as one dwelling place, efka

28. Ye great animals, evka

29. He! Who make for us the covering, evka

30. These little ones, thou hast said, let their thoughts reverently dwell on me, efka

31. He! Thou tent frame, e(;ka

32. Thou standest with bent back o'er us

33. With stooping shoulders, bending over us

34. Verily, thou standest

35. Thus my little ones shall speak of me, thou hast said

36. Brushing back the hair from thy forehead, eyka

FLETCHER-LA FLESCIIE] SOCIETIES 573

37. The hair of ihy head

38. The grass that grows about thee

39. Thy hairs are whitened, eyka

40. The hairs that grow upon thy head, egka

41. O, the paths that the little ones shall take, e^ka

42. Wliiohever wa)' they may flee from danger, e<;ka

43. They shall escape. Their shoulders shall he lienl with age as they walk

44. As they walk on the well-beaten path

45. Shading their brows now and again with their hands '

46. As they walk in their old age, e<;ka

47. He! This is the desire of thy little ones, ei;ka

48. That of thy strength they shall partake, ei,'ka

49. Therefore thy little ones desire to walk closely by thy side. e(,-ka

50. Venerable One, ei,'ka.

Ill the ritual the ])riiiial rock, referred to in the openiiii; ritual,
that which rose from the waters, is addressed by the term "venerable
man," whose assistance is called to the "little ones," the patients
about to be ministered to. Line 7, with its exclamation of sup-
phcation and reverence. He!, opens the description of the rock, which
sits from all time in the midst of the winds, those messengers of Ufe-
giving force. Note the use of the phrase "midst of the winds" in
the ritual of Turning the Child (p. 120). The small grass refers
to the means of heating the stones placed in the sweat lodge as a
"dwelling place." Again, the abiding cjualitv of the rock is referred
to in Knes 15 and 16: Immovable the rocks have remained while the
droppings of the birds and their molting feathers have fallen season
after season. In lines 20-2,5, "Thou water,'' " water that hast been
flowing from time unknown," it is said, that "these httle ones [the
people] crave thy touch." The primal rock of these rituals is the
theme of some of the songs of the Pebble society.

The standing house, the sweat lodge, is next spoken of; the
animals who have given it a covering are remembered gratefully, the
bent-over boughs are mentioned and compared to the bent shoulders
of the old men whose long life is like "the well-beaten path." The
prayer for the gift of life for the "little ones," whose health is
desired, is curiously and poetically blended with this description of the
standing house, wherein the power is sought by which they, the
"little ones," "shall desire to walk closely" by the side of the long-
lived rock, and, because of these supplications to rock and ever-
flowing water, shall secure health and length of days. These ritu-
als, naively poetic, reveal how completely man is identified with
nature in the mind of the native.

574 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

The following;; was intoned as the sweat lodge was prepared for
curative purposes :

Ritual for Sweat Lodge, No. 2

1. He! T'sha'ge, 'fka

2. Zhi"ga' wako"'ditha ba 'do", e^ka

3. Gthi 'tho"'thigitha ba 'do", e'gka

4. Edi uwe'he ta mike xu'ka, edi uwe'he ta mike

5. Eshe' ama the" d'egka

6. Zhi"ga \vako"'ditha ba'do" e(;ka

7. I'thiginitha ta ba'do", e^ka

8. Gthi 'tho"'thigitha ba'do", e^ka

9. I"sha'ge, '<;ka

10. He! Zhi"ga ithigino"zhi" go"'tha ba'do", eyka

11. Gthi 'tho"'thigitha i tho"zha, ejka

12. P'sha'ge '(;ka

13. Eda'do" shti wo" "de 'shna 'zhi te

14. Uki'hi 'azhi tho"ka eshne'go" te

15. I"sha'ge '(;ka

Literal trunslution

1. He!, address to call attention; i"sha'ge, old man, a term of
respect addressed to the stones that are heated for the bath; 'flea,
efha, I desire, implore.

2. Zlii^ga, children; wal-o"'dit]Ht, being in distress; ia, they;
'do", ado", therefore; efl-a, I implore.

3. Gthi, at home, the arrival at home (refers to sweat lodge);
'tlio"'ihi(jitha, ifJio^'thigitha, itho'Hha, something round placed on the
ground (refers to the stones used in the sweat lodge, but the appeal is
in the singular as the generic stone is addressed) ; tlii, you (refers to
the stone) ; gi, the possessive sign ; ha, thej^ ; 'do", ado", therefore,
because of; ffta, I desire.

4. Edi, with them, there; uwehe, I shall join,, or take part, or
cooperate; ta, shall, it is my ■will; mihe, I am or I be; ta miJce, I shall
be; xu'ka, to teach, instruct, initiate.

5. Eshe', you have said; ama, they say; tho" d\ tho" di, an idiom
meaning it can not be denied; e('l-a, I desire.

6. The same as the second line.

7. I'thiginitha — 7,of,by,in; thi. yon; r/i, possessive; i;n7/i«, to seek
protection (gi implies a relation between the one speaking and the one
addressed, something in common; if the appeal was to a stranger the
gi would be omitted); ta ba 'do" (ta, may; ba, they; 'do", that),
that they may — "That in you they may seek protection."

8. The same as the third line.

9. The same as the first, omitting Tie.

10. Hf, address to call attention; zlii"ga, children; ithigino"zhi^,
by means of you to stand (inV'slii", to stand); go"tlia, to desire,
applied to whatever supports life, health ; ht, they: 'do", ado", that.

FLETCnEE-LA FI-ESrilE] SOCIETIES 575

11. Gthi'tlioHliigitha (see third line); i, i)lural, refers to "they, ' the
children: tho'^'zha,&\t\\oxig\\, nevertheless; efka, I desire.

12. The same as the first line.

13. Eda'do" shti wo" {eda'do", things; sMi wo", whatever), idiom —
and whatever things ; 'de, ede, words ; shna, to think ; 'zM, u^lcazhi, not ;
te, do.

14. f^'i7((", learned; 'zM, u"l:azh>, not; tho"l-a, they are; eshnego'^,
you judge; te, do.

15. The same as the first line.

Fnc translation

1. Oh! Aged One! I implore,

2. Your children being in sore distress, ei.ka,

3. Have brought you home, e^ka.

4. "I shall be with them as an instructor, I shall be with them."

5. You have said, they say, it can not be denied, e(,-ka,

6. Your children being in sore distress, efka,

7. That in you they may take refuge, efka,

8. Have brought you home, eijka,

9. Aged One! I implore.

10. Oh! Your children desire to arise by your strength, eyka,

11. Though they may have erred in their bringing you home, efka,

12. Aged One! 1 implore.

13. And whatever you. may think, do not reproach them,

14. But rather, judge them by their ignorance,

15. Aged One! I implore.

The following ritual was used when entering the sweat lodge before
the initiation of a member of the Pebble society was to take place.
According to ancient custom, one of the articles to be served at the
feast given as part of the ceremony was a white dog; this was cooked
as the stones were heated for the sweat lodge. During the prepara-
tion and cooking of the dog all the leaders of the society had to be
present. The dog was painted before it was strangled; a band of
red was put across the nose and the feet and tip of the tail were
painted with the same color. Songs preceded the death of the dog,
the dressing of it, and also the feast. Any mistake made in singing
these songs or in reciting the ritual restiltcd in the early death of the
offender. The songs which accompanied the feast have all been
forgotten owing to the lapsing of the ceremony. Tlie ritual here
given was obtained from an old man who has now been dead many
years.

R.ITUAL FOR Sweat Lodge, No. 3

1. He I°shage e^ka

2. He I" shnike tho'^ e(,'ka

3. I^shage efka

4. Wibthaho" ta mike lho"zha erka

5. l°shage e^ka

6. He I^shage e^ka

7. Nito"ga niuathite uthishi xti ke tho" efka

8. l"shage ejka

576 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii. ANN. 27

9. Niuilha atithagthi»ado'' e^ka

10. l".Mhage efka

11. Agiidi lo" tiedo" ethogo" wathe shniki ci,-ka

12. r'sluiK'e evka

13. Niuitha atithagthi" ado" ei^ka

14. 1"! I"! eshe than;lhi"abado"'e?ka

1.5. Zhi"ga the awagi i" tamike tho"zha egka

16. le waagino^o" agthi" tamike tho^zha ejka

17. E.sho abado" eci'ka

18. Wi" ie thashno" ki zhi no°gtho"tha iilhishi ago" lhethi"ke zho" tho"zha efka

19. To"de ke kapiethe xti no"gtho"tha la thi" esho abado" e(;ka

20. I°shage efka

21. T'dado" piazhi ke tho" e^ka

22. Mo"te shtiwo" tha'zhi ado" ei;ka

23. Ibe xi" ego" uxthitu ego" thagthi" ado" ei;ka

24. I"shage e^ka

25. He I "shage efka

26. Wi" u"gthaho" o"gthapi ego" de ec,ka

27. I"shage ei,'ka

28. Ithagishti" tamike tho"zha efka

29. Giidiha ego" the do" e(;ka

30. I"flhage ei;ka

31. Baxu weduba ke tho" e^ka

32. Wclhabthi", weduba ke tho" egka

33. Shetheathi" tho" etho"be hi ta ma eshe aba do" e^ka

34. T'shage e^ka

35. He P'.sihage eoka

36. Dado" uto"bathe ego" thagthi" ado" evka

37. Taki"de fi"tha ego" thagthi" ado" erka

38. Pevi"tha ego" thagthi" ado" e(;ka

39. Azhuhi igawa ego" thagthi" ado" erka

40. Zhi"ga tho"kawi mike ego" ta tho"ka wi" o"gthaho" o"gthapi ego"ki, I"sliage egka

41. He T'shage e^ka

42. Ti.*i thato" she tho" e^ka

43. Niko"ha ke tho" evka

44. Apamo''gthe xti aithagthi" ado" evka

45. Itaxetho" tho" evka

46. Niuthubido" tigthagtha thagthi" ado" evka

47. Tishi thato" she evka

48. Zhi°ga wi"achi thetho"ka tho" evka

49. Wi" aagigthi" ta mike tho"zha evka

50. Edado" piazhi ke evka

51. Bthuga xti mujihi awagithe tamike tho"zha evka

52. t)"ba ukiho"ge wi" ibako" thi"ge xti ethurabe hi tama eshe abado" evka

53. I "shage evka

54. " He, dadi' ha" eshe taya eshe abado" evka

55. Nisni ke tho" evka

56. He ni iti" xti itho"the niuthibthi itho"the, la t'i"xe dado" piazhi upethe ke

tho" bthuga xti agaha gthihe ado" evka

57. Mo"te shtiwo" tha zhi ado" evka

58. I "shage evka

59. Ebe i 'de \vi"aihi wi" i u" thu"gita i shte shte wo" ecka

60. Edado" piazhi ke tho" evka

FLETCIIER-LA FLESCHB]

SOCIETIES 577

61. Bthuga xti mu^ihi awagethe tamike eshe abado" e(,'ka

62. Xthuga duba ha te tho° evka

63. Bthuga xti thiexthua piazhi ke tho" ufihi awagithe tamike tho^zha evka

64. Zhi'igae^ka

65. Akiki ho^ge etho"be hi tama tho"zha efka

66. Kimo''ho" xti tade bafo" xti aino^zhi" tama etyka

67. Eshe abado" ecka

68. I°shage efka

Free translation

1. Oh! Aged One, e<;ka

2. Oh! thou recumbent Rock, efka

3. Aged One, e(;ka

4. To thee I shall pray, e^ka

5. Aged One, eyka

6. Oh! Aged One, e(;ka

7. The great water that lies impossible to traverse, e^ka

8. Aged One, efka

9. In the midst of the waters thou came and sat, ecka

10. Aged One, e<;ka

11. Thou, of whom one may think, whence eamest thou? erka

12. Aged One, e^ka

13. From midst the waters eamest thou, and sat, ejka

14. It is said that thou sittest crying: I"! I"! ejka

15. Though I shall carry these my little ones, egka

16. Though I shall sit and listen to their words, e(;ka

17. Because, they say, you have said, e^ka

18. If one shall go astray in his speech, although here lies one on whom one's foot-

steps may seem impossible to stumble, ei;ka

19. Upon this, the earth, very suddenly he shall stumble, they say you have said, ei,-ka

20. Aged One, ejka

21. The impurities, e^ka

22. Shall not enter within, e<;ka

23. Shall drift, like filth, as thou sittest, ei;ka

24. Aged One, efka

25. Oh! Aged One, erka

26. If one of mine prays to me properly, erka

27. Aged One, efka

28. 1 shall be with him, ecka

29. Further along he shall go, ecka

30. Aged One, efka

31. The fourth hill, e?ka

32. The third, the fourth, eyka

33. E\en in going they shall appear thereon, they say, you have said, e^ka

34. Aged One, ecka

35. Oh! Aged One, ei,-ka

36. Thou sittest as though longing for something, e(,-ka

37. Thou sittest like one with wrinkled loins, e^ka

38. Thou sittest like one with furrowed brow, efka

39. Thou sittest like one with flabby arms, e^ka

40. The little ones shall be as I am, whoever shall pray to me properly, ecka

41. Oh! Aged One, efka

42. Oh! Thou Pole of the Tent, e?ka

83993°— 27 eth— 11 37

578 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

43. Along the hanks of the streams, ei,'ka

44. With head drooping over, there thou sittest, e<;ka

45. Thy topmost branches, e(;ka

46. Dipping again and again, verily, into the water, e<;ka

47. Thou Pole of the Tent, e^ka

48. One of these little ones, e^ka

49. I shall sit upon one, e^ka

50. The impurities, e(,'ka

51. All I shall wash away from them, e(;ka

52. To the end, without one obstacle, they shall appear thereon, they say, you

have said, e^ka

53. Aged One, efka

54. It is said that you have commanded tis to say to you, Oiu' Father, ecka

55. Thou Water, efka

56. Oh! Along the bends of the stream where the waters strike, and where the

waters eddy, among the water-mosses, let all the impurities that gall be
drifted, e(;'ka

57. Not entering within, ecka

58. Aged One, ecka

59. Whosoever touches me with face or lips, ecka

60. All the impurities, e<;ka

61. I shall cause to be cleansed, it is said, you have said, ecka

62. The four apertures of the body, egka.

63. And all within the body I shall purify, it is said, you have said, ecka

64. Little ones, efka

65. Through and through shall appear, ecka

66. Against the wind, in the midst of air, they shall appear and stand, e(;ka

67. It is said, you have said, e(,'ka

68. Aged One, e(;ka

In this ritual the Primal Rock is addressed as "Aged One," sitting
in the midst of water "impossible to traverse." The stones in the
sweat lodge represented this Aged One, while the steam from the
water symbolized the mighty water whence issued life and which
had power to wash away all impurities. The almost tender mention
of the willows that dip their l)ranches "again and again" into the
stream and that now constitute the framework of the lodge is note-
worthy. So, too, the mention of the placing of the little ones
"against the wind, in the midst of air," bears testimony to how
deeply seated in the native tnind is the religious idea of the life-
giving power of the winds — the winds that stand at "the four direc-
tions" into whose "midst" is sent the child, that lie nuiy reach the
four hills of life.

The ritual is very difficult to translate. It is highly poetic in the
original, full of picture and movement. The refrain, tcica, "I desire,"
"I am drawn toward," "I seek," carries the idea of a movement
urged on by earnestness on the part of tlte person speaking. The
word eflca has no exact c(iuivalent in Englisli.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

SOCIETIES

579

The following songs, recordetl from various members of the society,
give the peculiar rhythm characteristic of the songs that belong to
the Pebble society. The first has been selected as giving the general
theme or motive in its simplest form. The other songs show how
this motive has been treated without sacrificing the peculiar rhythm.
These songs were sung as the members moved about the lodge waving
their eagle-feather fans and "shooting" the pebble, the magic power
of which caused the one "shot" to fall rigid as the pebble was
supposed to strike tlie body.

~*~g — g~

-^ r^ fy ei

Hu wi-l)thetho ho the-keatha... Hu wi-bthethohothe-keatha... the-kea-tha ho

Literal translation: Hm wihthe, I have told you; tho, end of sen-
tence; 7io, vow-el prolongation; thel^e aiha, here it lies; Jio, vowel
prolongation.

-f^-

=S2^

Moo-tbi" tha - the he shu-tha-tlie the

mo''-tbi° tha - the

3 " -#-
shu-tha-the the he e a shu-tha the he shu-tha-the the he

Literal translation: J/o", arrow; thi^, moving; thathe, I send; Tie,
vowel prolongation; shutJmtJie, I send to you; the, end of sentence; Jie
vowel prolongation. In this song the pebble is compared to the swift-
moving arrow'.

The-thu a-ti niT'-zhi'' ho°-tho° tba-the tha ha the - thu a-ti no^-zlii"

ho°-tho'' tha- the tha ha hoi-tho" tlia-the tha - ha ho"- tho" tha- the

^^3E

-• — 0-^-

tha hu ho" -tho" tha- the tha ha ho" -tho" tha- the tha- ha

580

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

Literal translation: Theihu, here; ati, come; no'^zhi^, stand; ItoHlw^
tliathe, you have found me; tha, end of sentence; ha, vowel prolonga-
tion. This song represents the singer proclaiming: "Here where I
stand the pebble has come and found me, struck me with its power."

A-zho° mi-ke tho°- the-tlie ho tha ha

A-zIio" nii-ke :in-tho°- tha-tlie

Hu-hu mike tho°-tha-the he Huhu mi-ke an-tho°- tha - tha he!

Cry of the Magic Ancients

•»■ -0- ■» -ai-
E hu - u - u hu

Literal translation: Walo'^'dd — this does not refer to the great
Wako"'(la but to the mysterious creatures, the givers of magic; tho^,
as; rnilce, I am; aHhoHhutlie, thou hast found me; he, vowel prolon-
gation; azho'^, I lay; mike, I am; thoHhathe, hast found me; huhu,
fish; mihe, I am; aHho^thathe, thou hast found me; c-hii-m-u-hu, vibra-
tions, cry of magic power.

This song refers to an experience of one of the members of the
society who was one day bathing, when he caught sight of a hawk,
and fearing it was an enemy he turned himself into a fish. The bird
descended to get the fish, when the man eluded his fellow-magician
by turning himself into a rock, and so escaped l\v his magic power,
while his fellow-magician, the bird, hurt his bill on the hard rock.
There are many songs wliich refer to these magical transformations.

The following song is said to ]>rescrve an incident in the early his-
tor}^ of the society :

When magic was first given to the members the power was not
strong. By and by the members felt that it had gained in strength
and they determined to attempt to do something more than merely
to exercise it on animals. So they agreed to try tlieir magic power
on men and two persons were chosen to experiment on. ^^^^en these
men were "shot" by the ])ebble the magic ])roved to be so jxnverfail

FLETCHER-LA FLESrllE]

SOCIETIES

581

that one of them was killed. Then the society knew that they had
really become possessed of the gift of magic.

(Sung ill octaves) p

5- 5: :?

wi" a - u tha the ha - wi" a - u tha the ha wi" a - u tha the ha

wi" a - u tha the hii wi° a - u tha the ha

Wo° -shi-ge

^=j-

jtiz*-

no°-ha wa-ki-de be- tha o°-mo°-ki-de tha ha wi" a - u tha the ha

u-tha the ha

u tha the

Literal translation: Awakide, I shot at them; ilia, end of sentence;
iCT", one; autha, I wounded at once, or at the first shot; tha, end of
sentence ; ha, vocable ; wo^shige, man — an old word now in use among
the Winnebago ; no'>'ba, two; waTcide, shot; letha, they were; o'^'mo",
the other; Mde, shot or killed.

The song presents u point which may be of liistoric interest, in the
word used for "man" — the one who was shot and killed — ino^shige.
Tliis is said to be an old word. It has disappeared from the Omaha
language but is used by the Winnebago, whose speech has been
regarded as preserving an older form of the parent tongue than the
present Omaha language. The keeping of this one word, which
relates to the effect of the magic in killing a man, while the other
words have changed, raises the question whether this song (said to
be very old) has come down from a time when the Omaha and Win-
nebago were still together as parts of the parent body.

The rituals and the customs of the Pebble society are more primi-
tive than are those of the Shell society and there are indications that
the latter society has borrowed from the former. In one of the Shell
Society songs, included in the preceding account of that society, the
shell is spoken of as a pebble or stone.

As these two societies are the only ones in the tribe which observe
shamanistic practices and as they both strongly emphasize magic,
it is not impossible that at one time they may have been connected,
If such was the case, it is probable that the Pebble is the older society
of the two.

XII
DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT

Among the Omaha hj-gienic and physiologic laws were practically
unknown. Even the contagious character of some diseases was not
recognized. It was this fact that made the scourge of smallpox so
severe, and later measles laid hold of old and young, with a virulence
unkno'wai to our own comparatively inamune race. Disease was
regarded as more or less of a mystery; sometimes but not always
magic was held to be responsible for sickness, but it alone was not
depended on to insure a cure. Herbs and roots were used for medic-
inal purposes, but in gathering and administering these, certain
formulas had to be used. These formulas were in the nature of a
prayer to Wako^'da and an invocation to the power dwelling in the
healing herb, calling on it to become curatively active. The knowl-
edge of such plants and roots and of their ritual songs and how to
apply them had to be purchased, as a liigh value was placed on such
knowledge. After payment the purchaser was showai the proper
plant and directed to its locality, he was taught the songs used when
gathering it and also the songs to be sung when it was administered.
No one individual knew all the medicinal plants. Treatment of
disease was specialized, so to speak, one person curing hemorrhages,
another fever, and so on.

Bleeding was commonly employed in treating ailments; for this
purpose gashes between the eyebrows were made with a flint knife
or cupping on the back was effected by the use of the tip of a horn.
A species of massage was also employed. The influence caused by
the presence of women about a wounded person was deemed to be
unfavorable; tliis influence (wa'tJiite) was regarded as related to the
vital functions of woman. A similar influence was thought to arise
by binding a wound, even in an emergency, witli anything that had
been near the genital organs of a man.

Herbs were used not only in the treatment of disease but for the
purpose of healing wounds. That success often attended the cure of
wounds and other injuries is well known. How the Buffalo society
treated wounds has been described (p. 487). As all medical aid was
given with more or less ceremony and with songs accompanied by the
beating of a small drum, these noises evidently exercisetl a psychical
582

FLKTCiiEii-L.VFi.EsciiE] DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT 583

influence on the patient and did not injuriously affect the nervous
system, as they would have done in tlie case of one to whom the
sound was without meaning. The patient knew that the songs were
sung to invoke supernatural aid and that on the efJicacy of the appeal
he must largely rely for relief.

Although witches and witchcraft did not exist among the Omaha,
disease was sometimes supposed to have its origin in the magical
introduction into the human body of a worm or other object, which
could be removed only by means of magical formulas, by sucking,
or by manipulation. Certain individuals and certain practices were
supposed to be able to bring disease and death to a person by means
of magic. In such cases magic had to be usetl to dispel the imposed
magic. Among the Omaha these magical practices were almost wholly
confined to the members of the Shell and Pebble societies. Some of
their practices were claimed to trench on the marvelous. They
declared they could transform themselves into birds, animals, stones,
or leaves and joined in tests of the strength of their respective magic
powers. One form of test consisted in trying to jump or fly over
one another; the one who succeeded in so doing was regarded not
only as possessing greater magic but as controlling the one defeated.
No authentic accounts could be obtained from anyone who had actu-
ally witnessed these feats, but manj^ -persons were read}' to assert
that they had certainly been performed.

There was another method by which death and disaster could be
brought to a man. This power was vested in the Ho°'hewachi (p.
497). In this case the invoking of disease and death was in the nature
of inflicting punishment on a social offender by turning on him the
consequences of his own actions. The method employed was connected
with the belief that help could be sent from one person to another
b_y the power of willing known as ivaz]ii"'thet]ie (wazhi^', "will — the
power by which man thinks, feels, and acts;" the'ihe, "to send").
Wazlii^'tJiethe therefore means to send one's will power toward another
to supplement his strength and thereby affect his action. To this
helpful exercise of will power belongs the class of songs called we'to"
waa'' (p. 421).

The exercise of will power for punishment, as practised by the
Ho°'hewachi, was called wazhi^'agthe (rvazhi^', "will;" agtJie, "to
place on"). The two words, wazM"'th('fTi.e and vmM^'agtTie, might
seem at first glance to have the same meaning. The former means,
however, the will power of one person sent to help another, and the
latter the will power placed on. In the latter case the Ho^'hewachi
wills that the consequences of a certain line of conduct shall fall
on a person who of his own accord has determined on such a line
of conduct; that is, the man is to be abandoned to the results of his
own unwise behavior; he is to be thrust out from all helpful relations

584 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

with men or animals. Wazhi^' agtlie would seem to have been
expressive of a kind of excommunication pronounced by the men
who had achieved position in the tribe, through valor and industry,
against a man who had offended social order and endangered the
peace of the tribe. This form of punishment, which blended social
ostracism with a kind of magical power, was greatly feared and fre-
quently resulted in the death of the victim.

The practice of midwifery belonged almost exclusively to women.
In some exceptionallj' complicated or dangerous cases of parturition
male doctors were called. In general women made rapid recovery
from childbirth and within a week were able to resume their usual
domestic duties.

Some Curative Plants

Among the roots used for medicinal purposes were the following:

Sweet flag {Acorus calamus S.), called by the Omaha mo^lco^'ni-
nida. The root was chewed for disorders of the stomach. It was
also put into the feed of horses when ailing. When on the tribal
hunt the people came to a marshy place where the sweet flag grew,
the young men gathered the leaves, made wreaths, and wore them
about the neck or head because of the pleasant odor.

The outer covering of the root of tlie Kentucky coffee tree {Gym-
nocladus cnnadenns) was used in hemorrhage, particularly from the
nose or during childbirth. This root was used also when the kidneys
failed to act. The native name of the tree was no^'titahi. The root,
powdered and mixed with water, was administered to women during
protracted labor.

The root of the large bladder ground cherry (Physalis viscora) was
used in dressing wounds. The Omaha name fOr the root was pei'-
gatusTii. This was one of the roots employed by the Buffalo doctors
as described on page 488.

The root of the cat-tail (Typha), called ^a'Tii", was used for dress-
ing scalds. The root was pidverized and spread in a paste over the
burn. The ripe blossom of the cat-tail was then used for a covering,
the injured part being bound so as to keep the dressing in place.
The blossom of the cat-tail was called rvaha'baigai'koHhe. This word,
meaning "to try the corn," is said to have originated in the follow-
ing manner. The boys used to gather the cat-tail blossoms and trj'
to break them up so as to scatter the seeds. If they were success-
ful they shouted " The corn is ripe," as the cat-tail blossom shed its
seeds about the time that corn was ripe enough to eat.

The root of the hop vine {Ilumulus IvpvJus) was used for healing
wounds, this was called mo''ko"'basho"slio", "crooked root."

From the root of the wihl rose was made a wash for inilamed
eves, known as wazhi'de.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT 585

The root of the vine Cucurhita perennis {ni'Tcashigamo'^Tco'^ , " human
medicine," so called because the root was said to resemble the human
form) was used medicinally. The root, pulverized and mixed with
water, was taken for pains. Only that part of the root which cor-
responded to the seat of the pain was used; that is, if the pain
was in the head, body, or leg, that portion of the root resembUng the
particular part affected was taken, etc. This root was used also in
protracted labor.

There were many other plants antl roots known to the Omaha as
having medicinal qualities wliich were used by men and women
of the tribe when attending the sick, but it has been impossible to
obtain full knowledge of them. It can be safely said that, on the
whole, medicinal remedies were more frequently resorted to in the
case of sickness than magical practices. In almost every instance,
however, the remedy was accompanied by its appropriate formula of
song or ritual.

Fees were always ex})ected by the doctor called to attend the sick
or the injured."

The pleasure taken in swimming has been mentioned ; this, how-
ever, was apart from bathing. In simrmer the bath was taken in a
stream, and afterward the body was rubbed and dried with sprays
of artemisia. In winter both men and women erected small tents
in which they bathetl in warm water. This was not the sweat bath.
That kind of bath was always more or less ceremonial, indulged in
for the purpose of healing, to avert disaster, or to prepare one's self
for some ceremony or duty. A framework of slender poles was bent
so as to make a small dome-sliaped frame; this was covered tight
with skins. Stones were heated over a fire and then placed in the
center of the tent. Sweat baths were not usually taken alone,
although this was done occasionally. The bathers entered, carrying
with them a vessel of water. The coverings were then made fast and
the inmates, with ritual or with song, sprinkled the water on the
heated stones and sat in the steam. After a sufficient sweat had
been experienced they emerged and plunged into cold water, after
which they rubbed themselves dry with artemisia or grass. Both
men and women took sweat baths but not together; these were
employed to relieve headache, rheumatism, weariness, snow-blindness,
or any bodily aihnent. If a person had been the subject of dreams
betokening his approaching death, a priest was summoned. The

a The word meaning payment for services, as wten one hires another to do a certain thing, is
wawe'sJii, such pajinent being contingent on the sen-ice being actually performed. The word employed
to designate fees paid a doctor is u-aQi'*he (o'j'tha, "to throw away), "things thrown away;" tlic fees
paid a doctor are to remunerate services that may or may not bring about the desired result and
therefore the fees are as things that may be counted lost. The term vmou'lhc is applied to fees paid
for admission to membership in tfie secret societies and also to the payment made for knowledge of
medicinal roots, etc.

586 THE OMAHA TRIBE [btii. ann. 27

liilt(>r prepared a sweat lodge, and, taking within the person flucut-
ened, chanted Ids special ritual and gave ■ him a strenuous sweat
batli, which effectually averted the approach of death. Children
were not given baths of this kind except in the case of sickness.

The following ritual was recited while the sweat lodge was being
prepared for medicinal purposes:

He! I^shage! efka

He! Nikashiga petho"ba

Uthe'wi" kitha i kizhi

Pshage, efka

Thi wepetho^ba shni ama

Thi wepetho^ba thagthi"' ego"

Thi IMa'do"^ ke i'shpaho" ama

I"shage, orka

Efko'^no" ("da'do" ilhanibtha te do" cthe'go" igkizhi erka

Uzhu"ge uki'gthixida i do", eyka

Thagthi" abito"thethe xti thagthi" ego"

Tade' ui'the duba te, uthuti" xii thagthi" ego"

Thino" xti 'dado" ihuthe wathe 'go" thagthi" abado", efka

I"shage! efka

A'wate i te 'do"

Awate no"de tho" edo"

Awate fi te 'do" ethe'wathe xti thagthi" tho"zha

Thi no" xti i"dado" ihuthe wathe 'go" thagthi" abado", e?ka

I"shage! efka

Eyko"no" zhi"ga e9ko"iio"

Gudiha ego" zhuawagigthe bthe ado"

Nie' thi"ge' xti zhuawagigthe ado", evka

Um'ba no"ba, um'ba tha'bthi", um'ba du'ba etho"be pi ko"bthego"

I"shage! ei;ka

Go" wi'bthaho", thano"'o" e'zha mi

I"shage! e^ka

Wa'gafU shti wo" iteatha mo"zhi tho"zha, go" wi'ka

I°shage! efka

Free translation

Ho! Aged One, e(;ka,

At a time when there were gathered together seven persons,

You sat in the .seventh place, it is said,

And of the Seven you alone pos,ses.sed knowledge of all things.

Aged One, e^ka.
When in their longing for protection and guidance,
The people sought in their minds for a way.

They beheld you sitting with assured permanency and enduranc
In the center where converged the paths.
There, exposed to the violence of the four wind.s, you sat.
Possessed with power to receive supplications,

Aged One, efka.
^\^lere is his mouth, by which there may be utterance of speech?
Where is his heart, to which there may come knowledge and understanding?
Where are his feet, whereby he may move from place to place?
We question in wonder,

PLETc-iiKii-LAKi.E.scni:] DISEASE AND ITS TREATMENT 587

Yet verily it is «iiil you alone have power to receive supplications,

Aged One, evka.
I ha^'e desired to go yet farther in the path of life with my little ones,
Without pain, without sickness,
Beyond the second, third, and fourth period of life's pathway.

Aged One, e^ka.
O hear! This is my prayer.
Although uttered in words poorly put together,

Aged One, eyka.

This ritual shows with unusual clearness the symbolic character
of the stone as well as the native antliropomorphic habit of mintl.
In the ritual the stones are addressed, generically and anthropo-
morphically, as "Aged One," a title of highest respect. The "Aged
One" is spoken of as having persisted through all time since the
gathering of the primal seven, to have sat at the center where the
paths converge, and endured the shock of the four winds, those
mighty forces which bring life and can destroy it. Because of this
enduring quality, abiding throughout all stress and change, the stone
symbolized the steadfast power of Wako°'da, the permeating life of
all nature, and so was possessed with "power to receive supplica-
tions"— this despite the fact that reference is made in the ritual to
the lack of means on the part of the stone of man's ability to express
his volitions (as organs of speech, feeling, and motion) . Therefore
to it man turned for protection and help when beset by distress of
body or mind. It will be recalled that the Omaha used the sweat
lodge not only for curative purposes but to avert disaster, as impend-
ing death, and also as a preparatory rite. Here is set forth the
recognition of the contradiction between the inertia of the actual
stone and the vitaUty of the stone as a symbol. The mental atti-
tude of the Omaha when he addresses the stone can be discerned —
his thought is not centered on the apparent stone, but passes on to
the quality or power wliich the stone typifies. A\1iat is true of the
stone applies to the animals, the thunder and lightning, and the
cosmic forces to wliich the Omaha addressed liimseK. All were
symbols of c[ualities he recognized in man and projected upon natural
objects and phenomena.

XIII
DEATH AND BURIAL CUSTOMS

Death was looked on as one of the inevitable things in life. The
okl men have said: "We see death everywhere. Plants, trees, ani-
mals die, and man dies. No one can escape death and no one should
fear death, since it can not be avoided." Wliile tliis view tended to
remove from the thought of death any supernatural terrors, it did
not foster the wish to hasten its approach. Length of days was
desired by all and the rites attendant on the introduction of the
child to the teeming hfe of nature (see p. 115) and those connected
with the entrance of the cliild into its place in the tribe (see p. 117)
all voice a prayer for long life, "to reach the fourth hill." Although
not unknown, suicide was rare, and its rarity was owing perhaps to
the belief that the spirit as well as the body perished in self-destruc-
tion. Generally speaking, no matter how hard the conditions under
which he was hving, the Omaha clung tenaciously to life.

The belief in the continuation of the natural relationships after
death necessarily led to the fLxing of a locality where the dead dwell.
The mystery of death in some way seems to have become associated
with the mystery of night and the stars. The ^lilky Way was re-
garded as a path made by the spirits of men as they passed to the
realm of the dead. While the mystery of dissolution seems to have
demanded that the abode of the dead should be removed from
the earth, there were other thoughts and feehngs that inchned the
Omaha to conceive of its being possible for the dead to come near
and act as helpers of the people. In the attempts of the Omaha to
give concrete form to vague ideas concerning life and death we come
upon the mythic stage of thought and observe how closely all their
thoughts on these subjects were interwoven with their conception of
a common and interrelated life, a living force that permeates, and
is continuous in, all forms and appearances. By virtue of this bond
of a continuous life the dead, though dwelUng in a distant, undis-
cernible region, are able to come near their Idndred on the earth and
to lend their assistance in the avocations with which they have been
familiar. This belief of the Omaha in the unification and the con-
tinuity of life assists toward the understantling of his point of view in
reference to his appeals for help to the animals and the natural forces.
588

Pi.KTcnEii-LA FLKSCHE] DEATH AND BUKIAL CTISTOMS 589

All oi' these sj'mbolized to him certain faculties and powers iiuli-
viduahzed, so to speak, in the eagle, the wolf, the elk, the earth,
the rock, the water, the tree, the thunder, the hghtning, and the
winds. All these forms, he beheved, exist in the realm of the
dead as well as in that of the Hving and the hfe which informs
them, like that which informs man, is continuous and imbrokcn,
emanating from the great mystery, Wako°'da.

The Omaha believed also that under certain conditions the realm
of the dead is accessible to the Kving. For instance, a person in a
swoon was thought to have died for the time and to have entered
the region of death. It was said of one who had fainted and recov-
ered that "he died [fainted] and went to his departed Idndred, but
no one would speak to him, so he was obliged to return to life"
[recovered consciousness]. It was further explained: "If his rela-
tives had spoken to him he would never have come back but would
have had to stay with the dead." It seems probable that the stories
told by certain persons who had swooned as to what they saw in
visions have had much to do in forming the Omaha imagery of the
other world. It will be recalled that the sign of the tabu was put
on the dead in order that they might be recognized by their rela-
tives, as on the feet of a dead member of the We'zlu^shte gens, moc-
casins made from the skin of the male elk to whom before his death
the animal was tabu." These and like customs confirm the general
statement that life and its environment beyond the grave were
thought to be conditioned much as on the earth, except that the
future state was generally regarded as being happier and freer from
sickness and want. It was saiil that there are seven spirit worlds,
each higher than the one next preceding, and that after people have
lived for a time in one world they die to that world and pass on
to the one next above. When asked if death in the next world does
not cause the same sorrow that it does here, the reply was: "It is
not the same as here, for the people, having once passed through
death and rejoined their kindred, recognize that the parting is only
tempoi'ary and so they do not grieve as we do here."

There was no belief among the Omaha in a multiplicity of souls —
"man has but one spirit" the old men declared — nor has any trace
of belief in metempsychosis or in metamorphosis been discovered
among this people.

a The statement has been made {lllh Ann. Rep. But. EthnoL, 542), '* In two of the buffalo gentcs of
the Omaha (the Ifike-sabP and Ilariga) there is a belief that the spirits of deceased members of those
gentes retiorn to the buffaloes,'' and the buffalo is spoken of as "the eponymic ancestor.'' The ^vriter
here cited fell into the error of regarding the animal which furnished the peculiar symbol in the rites of
these kinship groups as the progenitor of the members of the groups. No such confusion seems to have
existed in the Omaha mind. Men were not believed to be descended from animals. If the expressions
"Bxafialo people," " Elk people," "Deer people," or "Thunder people," were used, these descriptive terms
were not employed in a literal sense but as tropes.

590 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

As tlie environment in the spirit world is similar to that on the
earth, the avocations seem to be the same and it would appear as
though interest in the affairs of this world never wholly ceases.
The warriors attended the Thimder and it was said that sometimes
(lurino; a thunderstorm the voices of certain brave men not living
could be recognized. The chiefs seemed to consort together for,
according to one explanation, the aurora borealis is caused by
the chiefs holding a dance. Another explanation accoimted in a
more prosaic manner for this phenomenon, declaring it to be the
light of the sun as it makes its way from the west back to the east.

There does not seem to have been any conception among the
Omaha of supernatural rewards or punishments after death. The
same conditions which make for good conduct here were believed
to exist in the realm of the dead. It was said that at the forks of
the path of the dead (the Milky W&j) there "sat an old man wrap-
ped in a buffalo robe, and when the spirits of the dead passed along
he turned the steps of the good and peaceable people toward the
short path which led directly to the abode of their relatives, but
allowed the contumacious to take the long path, over which they
wearily wandered." It is probable that the difference in the treat-
ment believed to be accorded the good and the bad indicates white
influence as does also the story that there is a log across a chasm
over which the dead must pass ; the good experience no difficulty,
l)ut the bad in crossing find the log so unstable that they sometimes
fall off and are lost. The simple and ancient belief seems to have
been that the Milky Way is the path of the dead. It was said also
that the spirit of a murderer "never found his -way to his relatives,
but kept on, endlessly searching but never finding rest." The restless
ghosts were supposed to whistle and for this reason children were
easily frightened by whistling.

Many talcs are tt)ld concerning ghosts. Those who have camped
on old battlefields have heard the sounds of fighting, and persons
becoming sej)arated on hunting expeditions have told of hearing the
coming of strange people, who made camp, set up their tents, and
went about their usual avocations. A narrator of one of these
stories declared that all the mcmliors of his family heard these
sounds — even the dogs barked; but on looldng out of the tent nothing
was to be seen. These ghostly visitants did not always come at
night; sometimes they stayed during the day and continued talking
and moving about their imseen camp. Similar stories have been
told bj^ persons who had been left behind in the village when the
tribe moved off on the annual hunt, tales of how the ghosts came and
took possession of the earth lodges and hekl dances and feasts. In
only one instance was it claimed that these visitors became partially
visil)le. In that case the narrator said: "Only the feet and the legs
as high as the knees could be seen;" and then added: "If I had been

Fr,ETcnEE-i,A FLEsniE] DEATH AND BURIAL CUSTOMS 591

alone a little while longer I think I should have finally been able to see
the entire figure and recognize the people, for at first I could see
only their feet." Ghosts bent on mischief, as tampering with food
after it was prepared for eating, could be thwarted bj" placing a
knife across the o])en vessel containing the food. A ghost would
not meddle with a knife. Nor woidd ghosts ever cross a stream;
so, if a person was followed or chased by a ghost, he would make
for a stream, wade it, or even jump across it. No matter how small
the stream, it maile an imjiassable barrier between himself and his
ghostly pursuer.

The following dreams were thought to lietoken death:

To have the Wa'wa" pipes presented to one ceremonially.

To have snakes enter one's body ; but if the dreamer shuts his
eyes, stops up his nose and ears, and clenches his hands so as to
prevent the snakes forcing their heads between his fingers, and thus
succeeds in keeping out the snakes, he will escape death.

To dream of lice.

If a horse shies at a person, it is because the animal sees blood on
him, indicating that the man will soon die.

Whatever restraint the Omaha was trained to put on himself
during the ordinary experiences of life was abandoned when death
entered the family circle. No one, man or woman, was ashamed to
weep at such a time. Moumei's seem to have found relief from the
mental jiain of sorrow by inflicting ])hysical j)ain — slashing their
ai'ms and legs. To cut locks of hair and throw them on the body
was a customary expression of grief, as was wailing. At times
the cries of the mourners could be heard on the hills in the early
morning and during the night watches. Sad as was the sound of
this active expression of grief, it was not so pathetic as the silent
form of sorrow, which sometimes terminated in death. The moiu-ner
would draw his blanket over his head and with fixed downward
gaze sit motionless, refusing to eat or to speak, deaf to all words
of comfort and sympathy, until at last he fell senseless.

Abandonment of all that otherwise would be prizetl seems to have
been characteristic of the Omaha expression of grief. Manifestations
of this kind were not confined to the time immediately following
bereavement but whenever a person was reminded of his sorrow
there was a fresh expression of grief. At the He'dewachi, which
was a festival of joy (see p. 251), those who since the last celebra-
tion had lost cliildren or other near relatives were wont to wail over
the remembrance while others were shouting exultantly their anticipa-
tions of pleasure at the coming festival. Or, it might happen wliile
the tribe was on the amiual hunt that a woman who had left the
camp to gather wild potatoes would suddenly remember the fondness
of a lost child for these roots; on her return she would take the store
she had gathered to the center of the tribal circle and there throw

592 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etu. ann. 27

ilowii the product of lier digging and retui'ii enipty-haiided to her
tent, llcr act was recognized by all the people as that of a person
in sorrow wliose thought was fixed on the dead and whose grief made
her careless of present physical wants.

Very soon after death the body was prepared for burial, which took
place within a short time. Rarely more than a day elapsed between
death and burial. The best clothing was put on the dead aiul regalia
was sometimes added, as well as a man's weapons and shield. The
tent cover was sometimes lifted at the bottom so that persons from
the outside could look on the deatl as he lay prepared for burial.

In olden times the body was borne on a rude htter and placed in
the grave in a sitting posture, facing the east. Graves were usualh'
made on a hilltop. A shallow hole was dug and the body placed in
it, and poles were an-anged over the opening upon wliich earth was
heaped into a mound. Mound burial was the common practice of
the Omaha. After the accjuisition of horses, one of these animals
was sometimes strangled at the grave but it was never buried with
the man. The personal belongings of men, women, and children were
usually deposited in the grave.

Some time after the death antl burial of a young man or woman
the parents gave a feast, and inviteil to it the companions of the
deceased. After the feast races were run and property contributed
l>y relatives was divided among the ^vinners. Young women took
part in the contest if the dead was a girl, and young men raced if
one of their own number had died.

The placing of food on the grave has been explained as an act of
remembrance and has been likened to the oifering of food when a bit
was dropped ceremonially into the fire in token of the remembrance of
Wako°'da's gift of food to man. Other similar acts of offering food,
all of wluch partook of the character of remembrance, were instanced
in explanation, none of wliich were done because of a belief that the
dead needed or partook of the food.

A fire was kept burning on tiie grave for four nights that its light
might cheer the dead as he traveled; after that time he was sup-
posed to have reached his journej^'s end.

When a man or woman greatly respected died, the following cere-
mony sometimes took place: The young men in the prime of life met
at a lodge near that of the deceased and divested themselves of all
clothing except the breechcloth; each })eraon made two incisions in
the upper left arm, and under the loop of flesh thus made thrust
a small willow twig having on its end a spray of leaves. With the
blood dripping on the leaves of the sprays that hung from tlieir
arms, the men moved in single file to the lodge where the dead lay.
There, ranging themselves in a line shoidder to shoulder facing the
tent, and marking the rhythm of tlie music with the willow sprigs

FLETciiEii-LAFLESciiE] DEATH AND BURIAL CUSTOMS

593

they sang in unison the funeral song — the only one of its Idnd
in the tribe. The contrast between the l)leeding singers and the
bhthe major cadences of the song, suggestive of birds, sunshine, and
the delights of the upper air, throws light on the Omaha belief
relative to death and to song. "Music," it was explained, "can
reach the unseen world and carry tliither man's thought and aspira-
tion. The song is for the spirit of the dead; it is to cheer him as he
goes from liis dear ones left behintl on the earth; so, as he hears the
voices of his friends, their glad tones help liim to go forward on his
inevitable journey." The song was therefore addressed directly to
the spirit of tlie dead. Of the ceremonial it was further explained
that "the shedding of the blood was for the mourners; they were
to see in it an expression of sorrow and sympathy for the loss
that had come to them." The cutting of the flesh, as has been
alreatly stated, was a common method of indicating grief. There
was a custom that obtained among the Omaha which also referred
to the belief that sound could reach the dead; hence waihng had to
cease after a time, for the reason that "the departing one must not
be distressed as he leaves his earthly home behind him, since he is
obliged to go forward on his journey." This custom is consonant
with the meaning of the music of the funeral song, which has no
words, only vocables.

FUNERAL SONG
(Sung in octaves) Harmonized by J. C. Fillmore for interpretation on tlie piano
Smoothly, with Jcelmij

pp Taps of willow sticks

a tha

83993°— 27 eth— 11

594

THE OMAHA TKIBK

Ikth an;j. 27

JL^err^

'L^;^

=1— T

-?—?--

e a lia

lia o e tlia

"1-

he tlio-e

^—3z

±=^-

3^-g-

■4--

=ii=|i

-r-r-'^h-r-^r

At the close of the song a near relative of the dead advanced
toward the smgers and, raising a hand in the attitude of thanks, with-
drew the willow twigs from their arms and threw them on the ground.
This ceremony, with its bleeding singers and its song of blythe, happy
strains, at first glance might appear as a savage rite, devoid of human
feeling; but when studied it is found to be an unselfish expression
and to emphasize the Omaha l)elief in the continuity of life and of
himian relationships.

Among men relief from the stress of grief was generally sought in
some stirring occupation, as a war party would afford. Consequently
a bereaved father was apt to join tlie first party tliat ])roposC(l to "go
upon the warpath:" if he liad lost a little child he would tuck its
small moccasins in his belt. On slaying an enemy he laid the moc-
casins beside the slain in the belief that the dead man would recog-
nize and befriend the little child as it slowly made its way toward
its relatives in the other world.

XIV

RELIGION AND ETHICS

There was no class or group amonp; the Omaha whose distinctive
duty was to teach either rchgion or ethics. Rehgious and ethical
teachings were embedded in the rites of the gentes and of the tribe,
but there were no succinct, practical commandments as to beliefs
or actions expressed in them. The duty of explanation and instruc-
tion to the laity, concerning the meaning and teaching of these rites,
devolved on the thoughtful elders of the tribe, who generally be-
longed to those eligible to tlie office of keeper, and formed a kind of
heredit ary priesthood .

The Keepee

In every gens or subgens there was a particidar family to which
belonged the hereditary right to furnish the keeper, who had charge
of the sacred object of the gens together with its rituals and rites.
This man held no title apart from the name of the object or rite of
wliich he had charge; he was the keeper (atM^, "to possess" or
"keep") of the Wliite Buffalo Hide or of the Sacred Pole, or of the
rite of Turning the Child, etc. He alone possessed the authority to
perform the ceremony, recite the rituals, and conduct the rites com-
mitted to his care; it was also his duty to instruct his son and suc-
cessor, and to transmit this knowledge and right to him. In the
event of the death of all the male members of the family of a keeper,
the Seven Chiefs were recpiired to select another family in the same
subgens to take up the duties of keeper. The compensation given
to the keepers for tlieir services has been spoken of (p. 212). A
keeper's mode of life did not differ from that of other men; he did
not onHnarily wear any part of his ceremonial dress or adopt a pecul-
iar garb to distinguish his calling, nor did the keepers dwell apart
from other members of the tribe. They were held in respect and
generally conformed their lives to the sacredness of their official
duties. Keepers sometimes became chiefs; this was true of the last
keeper of the Sacred Pole, he who transferred this ancient object to
the writers for safe-keeping (p. 223) and narrated the Sacred Legend

of the tribe.

595

596 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Wk,'\VA(;'PE

This name was applied to ti^bal religious rites and is significant
of their object. The definition of this term can not be given in a
word; we'wafpe means "something to bring the people into order
and into a thoughtfid composure." The term bears testimony to
uie thoiightfid character of the people, for while the institution of
some of the rites of this class was credited to "old men," this should
not be taken too literally, for several of the ceremonies show evidence
of a groM'th that may have extended through a long period. The
word indicates, however, a discriminating observation of the social
value of religious rites not only as a power to hold the people together
by the bontl of a common belief and the enjoyment of its ceremonial
expression, but as a means to augment in the popular mind the
importance of self-control, of composure, and of submission to
authority.

The rites termed We'wa^pe partook of the nature of prayer and
were believed to open a way between the people and the mysterious
Wako^'da (p. 597) ; therefore they had to be accurately given in order
that the path might be straight for the return of the desired benefit.
A mistake in rendering a ritual had to be atoned in some cases by a
ceremony of contrition in order to avert trouble from the entire
people, as the interruption of the prescribed order in a rehgious cere-
mony was believed to be a subject for supernatural punishment.

We'waf pe rites were institutional in character and were so regarded
by the tribe. They were distinct from individual rites, as, for
example, the rite wherein the youth sought to come into relation with
the supernatural. The latter experience was strictly personal nor
was its character changed if the pecnliar type of tlie vision or dream
gave the youth the right of entrance into one of the secret societies.

The rites and ceremonies, both public and private, of the secret
societies, except those of the Ho'''hewachi, do not belong to the
We'wa(;"pe class. This society partook somewhat of the character
of an order of chieftainship; its ceremonies related to the cosmic
forces and therefore touched on religious conceptions.

The following rites belonged to the We'wafpe class:

Those connected with the maize.

Those pertaining to the annual buffalo hunt and the Wliite Buffalo
Hide; these rites wei-e closely related to the securmg of the food
supply.

The rites and rituals belonging to the two Sacred Tribal Pipes and
those of the Sacred Pole; both of these pertained to the governing
power of the tribe and the authority vested in tlie chiefs. \Miile
dependence on Wako^'da was recognized in all of these rites, they
were so directly concerned with the temporal welfare of the people

FLETriiETi-LAFLESciiEl RELIGION AND ETHICS 597

that the rehgious element was somewliat overlaitl by the material
benefits sought through the ceremonials.

Tlie introduction of the child to the cosmos.

Turning the Child.

The consecration of the boy to Thunder.

The He'dewaclii, the only ceremony in which all the jieople — men,
women, and children — took part and were led by the two Sacred
Pipes, borne by their hereditary keepers, in the rhytlimic advance
by gentes toward the symbolically decorated pole standing in the
center of the large circle made by the assembled tribe. The teaching
of tlus joyous and picturesque ceremony, it may be recalled, was
that the tribe must be a living unit, even as the tree and its branches
are one (p. 251).

The Wa'wa" ceremony; this was classed ^vith the We'wappe
because it was a means of bringing about peaceful relations within
and without the tribe.

Wako^'d.\

Wako^'da is not a modern term and does not lenil itself to verbal
analysis. The word wano^'xe means "spirit." The ideas expressed
in the words walco'^'da and wano^'xe are distinct and have nothing in
common. There is therefore no propriety in speaking of Wako°'da
as "the great spirit." Equally improper would it be to regard the
term as a synonym of nature, or of an objective god, a being a[)art
from nature. It is difficult to formulate the native idea expressed
in this word. The European mind demands a kind of intellectual
crystalization of conceptions, wliich is not essential to the Omaha,
and which when attempted is apt to modify the original meaning.
Wako'"da stands for the mysterious hfe power permeating all natural
forms and forces and all phases of man's conscious life. Tlie idea
of Wako°'da is therefore fundamental to the Oniaha in his relations
to nature, including man and all other living forms. As has been
said by a thoughtful member of the tribe, "No matter how far an
Omaha may wander in his superstitious beliefs and attribute godlike
power to natural objects, he invariably returns to Wako°'da, the
source of all things, when he falls into deep and sober thought on
religious conceptions."

Visible nature seems to have mirrored to the Omaha mind the
ever-present activities of the invisible and mysterious Wako^'da and
to have been an instructor both in religion and in ethics. The rites
pertaining to the individual (p. 115) reveal clearly the teaching of
the integrity of the universe, of which man is a part; the various
We'wa^pe rites emphasize man's dejiendence on a power greater
tlian himself and the idea that supernatural punishments will
follow disobedience to constituted authority. Natural phenomena

598 THE OMAHA TRIBE tExn. axx. 21

served lo enforce ethics. Old men liave said: ''A^akn"'(la causes
day to follow night without variation and summer to follow \nnter;
we can depend on these regular chansjes and can order our lives by
them. In this way Wako°'da teaches us *hat our words and our
acts must be truthful, so that we may live in peace and happiness
with one another. Ou.r fathers thou2;ht about these things and
observed the acts of Wako"'da and thsir woi-ds have come ilown to
us." Truthfulness in word and in action was fundamental to the
scheme of ethics taught among the Omaha. As applied to action,
it involved the idea of honesty and of faithfulness to a duty laid upon
a person, whatever its nature, whether of a scout (p. 425), a runner
in search of a herd of bufTalo (p. 279), or the performance of a rite by
its proper custodian. No untruthful report or evasion of responsi-
bility was permitted to go unpunished, the penalty it was believed
being inflicte<l supernaturally. The instances related concerning
the fate of the keepers of the Sacred Tent of War who shirked their
responsibilty and met their death by the lightning stroke were cited
as proof of the watchfulness of Wako"'da over truthfulness as
applied to acts. For like reason, all vows had to be kept. Some-
times a man when praying for success in hunting vowed to give
the first deer or other game secured to Wako°'da, and no man having
made such a vow would break it, even though he and his family had
to go hungry. (Such ofi^erings were always handed to a keeper.)

While the conception of AVako'^'da may apj^ear somewhat vague
certain anthropomorphic attributes were ascribed to it, approxi-
mating to a kind of personality. Besides the insistence on truthful-
ness in word and deed already mentioned, there were otlier qualities
involving pity and compassion, as sho\m in the account given in the
Sacred Legend concerning the institution of the rite of Xo^'zhi^zho"
(p. 128) and in the rite itself and its accompanying prayer (]). 130).
All experiences in life were believed to be directed by Wako"'da,
a belief that gave rise to a kind of fatalism. In the face of calamity,
the thought, "This is ordered by Wako°'da, " put a stop to any form
of rebellion against the trouble and often to any effort to overcome it.

Not only were the events in a person's life decreed and controlled
by Wako°'da, but man's emotions were attributed to the same source.
An old man said: "Tears were made by Wako^'da as a relief to our
human nature; Wako'''da made joy and he also made tears!" An
aged man, standing in the presence of death, said: " From my earliest
years I remember the sound of weeping; I have heard it all my long
life and shall hear it until I die. There will be partings as long as
man lives on the earth; Wako"'da has willed it to l)e so!"

The use of the term Woko^''({a in the songs of the Washis'ka athi°,
or Shell society, and the P'gthu", or Thunder society, neeils a word of
explanation, as it has led to misunderstandings of Omaha belief.

FLETc-iiEii-LArr.EsniE] KELIGION AND ETHICS 599

This use has been frequently explained t(i the ^\Tite^s, who have been
urged not to fall into error as to what is meant by Wal:o'''(la.
These explanations have come from members of the societies to which
the songs belonged wherein the word occurs, as well as from men who
did not belong to these secret societies, so that the \\Titers feel sure
that there is a distinction in the Omaha mintl between varying mean-
ings of the word wako'^'da. The Wako°'da addressed in the tribal
prayer and in the tribal religious ceremonies which pertain to the
welfare of all the people is the Wako"Ma that is the permeating life of
visible nature — an invisible life and power that reaches everywhere
and everything, and can be appealed to by man to send him help.
From this central idea of a permeating life comes, on the one hand,
the application of the word wal:o^''cla to anytliing mysterious or
inexplicable, he it an object or an occurrence; and on the other hand,
the belief that the peculiar gifts of an animate or inanimate form can
be transferred to man. The means by wliich tliis transference takes
place is mysterious and pertains to Wako^'da but is not Wako°'da.
So the media — the shell, the pebble, the thunder, the animal, the
mytliic monster — may be spoken of as wako°'das, but they are not
regarded as the Wako'^'da.

Personal prayers were addressed directly to Wako^'da. A man
would take a pipe and go alone to the hills; there he would silently
ofl'er smoke and utter the call, Wal-o^'da ]><>!. while the moving cause,
the purport of his prayer, would remain unexi^ressed in words. If his
stress of feeling was great, he would leave the pipe on the ground
where his appeal had been made. This form of praj'er (made only
by men) was called Nmiba-Jia {niniba, "pipe"), " addressing with the
pipe."

Women did not use the pipe when praying; their appeals were
made directly, without any intermediary. Few, if any, words were
used; generally the sorrowful or burdened woman sLmph' called on
the mysterious power she believed to have control of all things, to
know all desires, all needs, and able to send the recjuired help.

IXTERREI.ATIOX OF ^IeN AXD AxIMALS

The relation of animals to tlie various rites of the gentes is difficult
to explain for tlie reason that the outlook on nature and all living
creatures, of the white race is so different from that of the Indian.
Accustomed as we are to classify animals as domesticated or wild
and to regard them as beneath man and subservient to him, it reciuires
an effort to bring the mind to the position in which, when contemplat-
ing natin-e, man is viewed as no longer the master but as one of many
manifestations of life, all of which are endowed with kindred powers,
physical and psychical, and animated by a life force emanating
from the mvsterious Wako°'da.

600 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth, ANN. 27

An old Indian explained: "All forms mark where Wako°'da has
stopi)ed and brought them into existence." The belief that the
power of Wako°'da is akin to the directive force of which man is con-
scious within himself is implied in the old man's remark; each " form "
was the result of a "stop," where there had been a distinct exercise
of the will power, an act of the creative force of Wako"'da performed.
Looking on nature from this standpoint, men, animals, the earth, the
sky, and all natural phenomena are not only animated, but they bear a
relation to one another tliil'erent from that which we are accustomed to
consider as existing among them; man does not stand apart from, he
becomes literally a part of nature, connected with it physically and
related to it psychically. As has been said by the old men, "Man
lives on the fruits of the earth; this is true when he feeds on the
animals, for all draw their nourishment from mother earth; our
bodies are strengthened by animal food and our powers can be
strengthened by the animals giving us of their peculiar gifts, for each
animal has received from Wako"'da some special gift. If a man
asks help of Wako"'da, Wako°'da will send the asker the animal that
has the gift that will help the man in his need." This view of the
interrelation of men and animals, whereby in some mysterious man-
ner, similar to the assimilation of food, man's faculties and powers
can be reinforced from the animals, may assist in explaining why
animals play so large a part in Omalia rites.

This belief concerning the interrelation of men and animals ma}'
furnish the key to a better understanding of the myths of the Omaha
and their cognates, some of which appear to be survivals of a time
when this belief was in an active and formative stage, a time when
man was trying to exj)lain to himself the mystery of his conscious life
and of his environment. Many thoughts arising from tliis mental
effort, wliile intrinsically abstract, became concrete through an imagi-
native, dramatic story, serious in character, with a burden that could
not be sliifted from symbolic to matter-of-fact speech. In some
such way and at a period far back in the history of the people the
myth may have had its rise. Viewed by the light of Omaha tribal
rites and rituals, it seems probable that some of the myths may be sur-
vivals of very ancient ceremonies, skeletons, so to speak, from wliich
the original ceremonial covering has disa])peared.

Many of the mythic stories found among tliis group of cognate
tribes are in some of their details obscene, a characteristic for which
no adequate exjdaniition is to be found in the daily life and customs
of the people or in the rites as practised during recent centuries.
Offensive as some of these stories are, they often exhibit a titanic
audacity that gives to them a kintl of grotescpie dignity. Even m\'thic
stories of tliis class nniy also be survivals, which have suffered not
onlv from the wear and tear of ages but from accretions of minds

FLETCIIER-LA FLESCHE] RELIGION AND ETHICS 601

not of the liigliest type. Natural functions have demanded exphiiia-
tion, and in the absence of teaching based on knowledge of physical
laws, man's fancy here as in the world around has run riot. Among
all peoples there is an undercurrent of indecent stories that show a
strange kinship and that nmy have a common ])sychical origin.

Although, according to the Omaha view, man is so closel}' connected
with the animals, he was not l)orn of them; no trace has been found
showing any confusion or mixture of forms; no Omaha believes that
his ancestors ever were elk, or buffalo, or deer, or turtle, any more than
that they were the wind, the thunder, or the sky. Myths which speak
of the union of tlie earth and the sky appear to be an attempt to
express in concrete form the i( lea that a dual force represented in the
masculine and feminine forms is fundamental to all creative ])ro-
cesses and was ortlained by Wako^'da. The recognition of this dual
force in nature seems to have been common to all races, but it has been
variously emphasized by different peoples. The idea was a vital one
to the Omaha, as has been shown in their tribal organization (p. 134),
but it dill not assume the strongly anthropomorpliic aspect into
wliicli it crystalized among Eastern races. The Omaha did not pro-
ject this dual force into gods and goddesses, their imagination did not
so incline to express itself; it was occupied in seeking psycliical
counterparts to man among birds and animals, in drawing ethical
teachings from the natural phenomena of night and day, and in
finding lessons in tribal unity and strength from the branching tree.

Veneration for the Ancients

The belief in the continuity of life made natural the thought that
the venerable men who had been instrumental in establisliing the
ceremonies of the tribe did not abandon interest in the affairs of the
people because of their death. (See Ponca Feast of Soldiers, p. 309.)
Wliile the worship of ancestors did not exist among the Omaha, rever-
ence was ]iaid to the memory of the Ancient Ones whose thoughts on
the relation of man to Wako°'(!a embodied in rituals and ceremonies
became the medium of religious teaching for the people. The sym-
bolic figure uzJii"'fti (p. 241) rejjresented this belief and reverent
feeling toward the Ancients.

Position of Chiefs

Chiefs were respected not only because of their authority, but as
having Ijeen favored by the unseen jjowers, who had granted them
help and had strengthened their ability to be steadfast in purpose
durmg the years wherein they struggled to perform the acts required
(p. 202) to enter the rank of ciiief. Because of this relation to the
unseen powers, a chief had to be deliberate in speech and in move-
ment, for all his words and acts were more or less connected with the

602 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii. ann. 27

■\vclfare of the people, and by the authority vested in liis office the
chief was allied to the all-ruling and mysterious Wako"'da. As the
rites connected with the Sacred Tribal Pipes were the medium between
the chiefs ami Wako"'da, there was no means b}' which to atone for,
or condone, any mistake or mishap occurrmg during the ceremonial
filling and smoking of these Pipes. Instances have been related in
which such an act of sacrilege was followed by death.

Totems

The so-called "personal totem" was not an object of worship, and
only in a very limited sense could it properly be termed a fetish. It
was a token or kind of credential of the vision granted the youth
during his fast; he did not appeal to the thmg itself, but to that which
it represented, the form sent b}' Wako"''da, which could reach liim
personally, "have compassion " on him, and therefore bring to him the
help he recjuired in his hour of need. A reverent attitude was mam-
tained toward all rites and ceremonies that dealt with man's relation
to the imseen and tolerance was shown to usages that diff'ered from

their own.

Magic

Magic formed no jiart of the Omaha religion in either faith or prac-
tice. All the rites and ceremonies classed as We'wappe were religious
in character and singularly free from anything that could jjrojjerly be
called magical. The supernatiu'al punishments that have been
referred to can hardly be considered as connected with magic. Cer-
tain other beliefs and acts, as that help or punishment could be brought
about tlu-ough the exercise of will power, in the vmhi"'fhefhe (p. 583)
or the wazhi^'agthe (p. 497), were not regarded as magical practices,
nor were the means employed by the Ghost and Thunder societies to
look into the future; these were thought to be diU'erent from the
usages of the Shell and Pebble societies. Only the members of the
two societies last named claimed to ])e endoweil with the ability
to exercise powei'ful magic, and their operations were confined in the
main to their own membership.

Witchcraft, such as is said to have existed in other tribes, was not
found among the Omaha. There was general fear and dread of
magic, but no one who practised it was persecuted or punished for
his acts; he might be avoided, but he wouhl remain unmolested.

Warfare and Ethics

The influence on warfare of the higher etldcs has never been pro-
nounced in the history of any race or people and the Omaha were no
exception to the rule. As has been stated, when in battle an Omaha

FLETCIIEH-LA FLESCIIK] RELIGION AND ETHICS 603

found escape impossilile he fought until he died. He aimed to kill his
enemy, not to take him captive, for there was no custom of adoption
among the Omaha as with the Osage; therefore neither men, women,
nor children were made prisoners. War meant devastation and
probable death to those who engaged in it. While it was not waged
along Iiumane lines, sometimes women were allowed to escape. The
story is told of a war captain who, when a woman was fleeing, said to
his men, "Let your sister go!" Tlie term for aggressive warfare
(p. 403) implies that such warfare meant fighting with men, a contest
between warriors. In view of what has just been said, it was natural
that the Omaha should have regarded capture as equivalent to death.
With reference to the treatment accorded their enemies it raay be
atlded that no authentic account has been obtained of the torture of
anyone by the Omaha during the last century or more."

Terms for Good Traits and Good Conduct

It may assist toward making clearer Omaha ethics as applied to
social life to give some of the terms that denote excellence of char-
acter and desirable social qualities.

JJ'-picka, a very old term, meaning that a person is unselfish.

Wazld^'fahe, applied to one who holds himself in control, who
avoids all words and deeds that might lead to unpleasantness.

Wa'gafU, one who is straightforward, whose word can be tle-
pended on.

Wawe'no'']ii^, one who is willing to help and to serve others.

WaJiO^'e shto", one who never forgets to acknowledge a favor, no
matter how small ; a courteous person.

Watha'etJiafJta, a sympathetic person.

ITazM"' fcihe, hospitable {cabe, cautious, prudent).
Deui'go"flta, one who can be persuaded, who will yield; also, a gen-
erous and hospitable person.

Wapiw', applied to a bright child who said clever tilings. Such
a child, it was generally thought, woidd die young.

Wa'hagfh(igf](a, diffiilence.

o The term wa'nigihe implies ownerslup and tlie right ot the o\vner to exercise his pleasure with impunity.
This word was applied to the birds or animals captured by the Omaha and kept near their lodges, as rac-
coons and crows. Later the term was transferred to the domestic animals introduced by the white race,
since these animals were owned and used as their owners pleased. Na'gfhe, as a verb, signified '■ to abuse,"
'* to torment, " and could be used to characterize conduct: as a noun, it meant ''captive. " The song sung
by a wan'ior when going to face death in battle (p. 427) was called na'gthe waan, " captive song; " the name
probably referred to the custom in other tribes ot torturing captives, and indicated, as above explained,
the Omaha view of the fate of the captive in war.

604 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. an.v. l.>7

Terms for Bad Traits and Bad Conduct

Almost equally helpful in understanding a people is to note the
phases of character and conduct for which they have terms implj'ing
disapproval or contempt. The following belong to this class:

rufi shto", a liar.

Wamo'''tho''^ shto"^, a thieving person.

Nio^'shto^ and nage'shto", applied to a quarrelsome person.

U'sh'athi^ga, an impudent, forward person.

U'shige, one who seeks opportunities to take liberties with women.

Wano"'hthe tu^ga, a glutton.

Wnfhito"fo'', a meddler in other people's things or affairs.

Wathi'hideshto" , one who interferes with, or meddles with, another's
affairs or business.

Mo^'ca, a boastful person.

Futhatha, a tale bearer.

le'go^g shto'^ describes one who invents speeches and declares that
others have made them.

De'geutMshl, an obstinate person.

Wani'te, a stingy person.

We'githe sMo", one who "sponges" on others.

Warm' sJito", a beggar.

TJ'zhi^ shto", one who begs with the eyes.

Wado^'hecnede, one who stares.

WazhetJii^ge , an impolite person who forgets to mention terms of
relationship m order to thank and be coiirteous.

Mishke'da, lewd woman.

Proverbs

The following are a few Omaha sayings or proverbs:

"Stolen food never satisfies hunger."

"A poor man is a hard rider."

"All persons dislike a borrower."

"No one mourns the thriftless."

"The path of the lazy leads to disgrace."

"A man must make his own arrows."

"A handsome face docs not make a good husband."

Religion and ethics, closely interwoven, pervaded the life of the
tribe, and in judging the evidences of constructive thought on these
topics one should not consider them apart from the natural and
social environment of the people.

LANGUAGE

An analysis of the Omaha hinguage or a presentation of its vocab-
ulary, grammar, and syntax would demand a fullness of treatment
that is not possible at this time. A few words, however, as to the
medium b}' which the people expressed their thoughts are fitting in
order to make more complete the present account of the tribe.

The Omaha belong to the large linguistic group known as the
Siouan." The ninuerous tribes which form this group may be classi-
fied in subgroups by placing together those whose speech shows com-
parativety slight dialectic differences. This classification has been
accomplished b}^ the United States Bureau of American Etlinology,
the Siouan family being divided into seven groups. '' Group II, desig-
nated by the arbitrary term Dhe'giha or The'giha (see p. 37) is com-
posed of five cognate tribes: The Omaha, Ponca, Quapaw, Osage,
and Kansa.

Omaha grammar is complex rather than simple, the complexity
being increased by the use of particles as ]>refixes and suffixes and by
the incorporation of pronouns. By these means a word is modified
in form and its meaning is enhanced, made more definite, more
circumstantial, in a manner impossible in any European language.
Such a modified word may require a sentence for translation into
English.

Naturally verbs are the most susceptible to modification, but nouns
are not exempt; the particles joined to the latter are generally adjec-
tival in character so that the listener always learns something of the
character, appearance, or location of the object spoken of. A few
simple examples may make clearer the above statement:

Shi^'nuda to° Shi°'nuda ke Xthabe' te Xthabe' ke

Dog (the) standing dog (the) I>ing tree (the) standing tree (the) lying

Zho-'hide tho"

stump (the) round

a This term bears evidence as to the early method by which the names of Indian tribes were generally
obtained. The question, "Who lives beyond you?" put to a tribe was apt to elicit the answer, "Ojir
enemies 1" In this fashion the Chippewa replied through their French interpreter, who corrupted the
native word into NtidowissUmi, "snake-like," metaphorically meaning "enemies." The final syllable,
sioui. caught the ear of the French and became fastened as a common name on the neighboring Dakota
tribes. Ii was finally transferred to the great linguistic group to which the Dakota belong by Albert
Gallatin in his monumental work, A Synopsis of the Indian Tribes in North .\merica ( Trans. Am. Antiq.
Soc., Arcka^ologia Americana, ii. Worcester, Mass., 183(1).

b See Handbook of American Indians, Bull. 30, But. Am. Ethnol., pt. 2, 579.

605

606 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

Mo"'ke hthi'xo^ ha, "I broke the arrow witli my hands" (man
speakinn;): ?«.o", arrow (the); Ir, long; b, I; thi, action with the
hand or hands; .ro", broke; ha, masculine termination of a sentence.

Mo"^'ke ano^ xo" ha, " I broke the arrow witli my feet" (man speak-
ing)— no", action by or with the feet.

Mo^'l-e hpixo'^ ha, "I broke the arrow by the weight of my body"
(man speaking): hpi, action by the weiglit of tlie body, lying or
sitting; here tlie pronoun "I " is implied; ga imi)lics action by
striking; fha, action by biting; ia, action by pushing or thrusting.

While there are definite meanings for the particles attaclied to
nouns, idiomatic usage changes the meanings and applications. For
example: Pa'heTce tu ithe ha may be literally rendered thus^

Pahe' ke tu ithe ha

Hills (the) long blue came masc. termination of sentence

But in this case the literal translation fails to give the meaning of the
sentence, namely: "The sight of the long range of hills that lay far in
the distance came to our A'ision as merged in blue. " Such an example
(many similar ones could be given) indicates how much of the real
meaning of a myth, a story, or a native conversation can easily elude
the foreigner, or one who obtains these only from a literal translation.

In an unwritten language like the Omaha it is difficult for one of
another race to master all the verbal details and grammatical com-
plexities of form and usage, a difficulty augumented by the care that
must be exercised in training the ear and the vocal organs in the
phonetics of the speecli and the observation of tlie accents. A mistake
in either sometimes changes the direct or the implied meaning of a
word.

There seem to be five soiuids each of the vowels a and u: four of e;
three of i; and two of o. The vowels i and o are frequently followed
by the nasal n. All vowels are sometimes "exploded" as are also at
times the consonants h, p, and t. The following consonant somids
correspond to those of English: h, d, g, m, n, p, s, t, y, z. There is a
consonant kindred to d and t, but distinct from either, and another
similarly related to h and p. Other sounds, particularly the few
gutturals of the language, must be indicated by combinations of two
or more letters. Th has two soiinds, one as in "the," the other as in
"thin;" /"and I sounds do not occur. The phonetics of the language
has never yet been scientifically investigated.

While Omaha s})eech is not unmusical it is forceful and virile rtilher
than liquid and flowing.

Accents are important; there are cases in wliich the shifting of an
accent completely clianges the meaning of a word. In certain forms
of address the position of the accent denotes the sex of the person
speaking. The determinative particle at the end of a sentence changes
according to the sex of the speaker.

FLETOHKK-bAFLESCJIEl LANGUAGE 607

The Omaha hmguage lends itself to picturesque and graphic
detail more than to generalized statements of facts and experiences,
yet it Avould be a mistake to regard it as not adapted to the expres-
sion of abstract thought.

In the preceding chapters there is evidence gouig to show that tlie
Omaha were inclinetl to dej)end on the powers of thought and rellcc-
tion for ability to bring about beneficial changes in governmental
forms, tribal rites, and ceremonies. A notable instance of this trait
is the coinage of the word ur'ivappe (see p. 596) to denote those cere-
monials instituted "to bring the people into order and thoughtful
composure, " a condition favorable to tiie reception of an ajipeal to
reason and to securing the recognition of authority. The idea
embodied in this word must have been the outcome of long and care-
ful observation of social actions and of thoughtful reflection on such
observation. The word affords also evidence of the adaptabiiit}' of
tlie language to the expression of ab.5tract ideas. Another example
of the expression in a single word of a complex idea derived from
social observation and experience is found in the term ni'l-ie (see
p. 136). Many similar examples could be given.

Although the tribe was witiiout written records, it was not witliout
a traditional wealth of thougiit expressed in rituals and rites that
corresponded, in a sense, to literature. These exercised an educative
mfluence and left an impress on the mind of the people that never was
wholly obliterated. Those whose position gave them free access to
these storehouses of the thoughts and aspirations of the sages of the
tribe, came imder a masterful control. Xot only the thoughts
embodied in the rituals and rites, but the language with which they
were clothed dwelt ha the minds of these men and acted as a refining
and uplifting power that was reflected in then" choice of words and
their manner of expression, and resultetl in a quality of attainment
somewhat equivalent to our term "scholarly." \Mien discoursing
on serious subjects, such men did not express themselves in collo-
quial terms used in every day pursuits, but selected theu* words and
constructed then- sentences appropriately to convey the thoughts
that transcended the ordinary affairs of life. Dignified converse of
this character was beyond the full comprehension of those not versed
in the somves whence these thoughtfid "old men" drew their ins])i-
ration.

Correlation of the influences bred of en\Tronment, avocations,
customs, traditions, beliefs, and ideals is essential to the understand-
ing of tlie life and of the speech of an American Indian tribe.

X^T ■
CONCLUSIONS

Looking back over thirty years of acquaintance with and study of
the Omaha tribe, certain characteristics of the people become apparent.

The traditions of the Omaha inilicate that the physiographic con-
ditions of their environment have always been marked by the absence
of extremes, as of climate — long seasons of heat and dryness or pro-
tracted periods of benumbing cold; nor do they appear to have
experienced the shocks and calamities that are met with in a volcanic
region; nor have they dwelt amid strikingly impressive features of
the landscape, as lofty mountains and deep canyons. On the con-
trary, they seem to have lived in an hospitable country, where
summer and winter without unusual intensity have followed each
other in orderly progression. So, too, the days and nights were with-
out the sharp contrastsfoundinmanyregions. This equable movement
of the seasons and of the days seems profoundly to have impressed the
Omaha mind and to have led to a conception of stability and the
attribution to it of a high ethical quality, one which came to be
regarded as desirable for man, which he should strive to reproduce in
his own life and in his relations to others. This qualitv he allied to
the idea of trutlif ulness. The orderly progression of the seasons and of
day and night he regartled as one method by which Wako"'ila taught
man to be truthful, so that his words and acts could be depended on.
From the emphasis put on trutMuhiess and the relegation of the
punishment of falsehood to Wako^'da, through such natural agencies
as the storm and the lightnmg, which broke the ordmary cahn and
stable order of the heavens, we discern how fundamental had become
the idea of the necessity of truth to the stability of all forms of life,
natural and social.

It may be that because of this manner of viewing nature the
Omaha mythologies are less complicated and ornate (if that term may
be allowed) than are those of some other tribes. The Omaha seem
to have been given more to a practical than a fanciful view of nature
and of human life. Wliile this peculiarity may have tended to make
them somewhat prosaic along given lines, it led to a certam sturdiness
of character that caused them to place a higher value on faculties of
the mind than on emotional attributes.

The Omaha estimate of the value of thought is strongly brought out
in tlioir Sacred Legeml, which briefly recounts their experiences from
the time whcnthey "opened theireyes and beheld the day " downtothe
608

FLETCHER-LA FLESCnE] CONCLUSIONS 609

adoption of the Sacred Pole as an emblem of governmental authority.
Every acquisition that bettered the condition of the people was the
result of tlie exercise of the mind. "And the people thought" is the
preamble to every change; every new acqunement, every arrange-
ment devised to foster tribal unity and to promote tribal strength,
was the outcome of thought. The regulation of the annual tribal
hunt, wherein the individual was forced to give way for the good of
the whole people ; the punishment of murder as a social offense ; the
efforts to curb the disintegrating war spirit, to bring it under control,
to make it conserve rather than disrupt the unity of the tribe — all
were the result of "thought." So, too, was the tribal organization
itself, which was based on certain ideas evolved from thinking over
natural processes that were ever before their observation. The Sacred
Legend speaks truh' when it says "And the people thought."

\^^iile the Omaha were a thoughtful and a practical people, they
were not without poetic feeling, as their ceremonies and rituals
indicate — those, for instance, which heralded to the universe the
birth of a child, which introduced the child to its place and duties
as a member of the tribe, and which in the presence of death gave
sympathy to the mourners and at'the same time cheered the depart-
ing one as he entered on his journej' to the realm of spirits.

Like all other tribes, the Omaha was strongly anthropomorpliic
in its outlook on nature. Everything lived and partook of man's
qualities. This is clearly shown in the ritual of the corn (p. 261) , in the
address to the stone in the sweat-lodge ritual (p. 577) , and in other rites
and rituals given in the preceding pages. The idea of personality
is dominant in the language and in the religious beliefs and practices.
The force within this personality was recognized as that of the will,
that power which directs one's actions so as to bring about desired
results." By its iteration of the phrase "and the people thought,"

a This moving force , or will, is called wazhin', a word used in compounding many words which indicate
the use of this dominant force in man. Thus, wie'wazhin means to do something of one's own free will
unbiased by anoJher (wi. " I:" f, sign of the objeciive: iraz/a", "will power"). When the Omaha first
saw a railroad train moving along without visible aid from man or animal, a name was given it derived
from the foregoing word: E'loazhi" no"ge {no'ige, " to rim" ), " it runs of its own will." Anger is called
wazhi" piazhi (piazlii. "bad," "evil"). Wazhi" piazhi therefore signifies Ihat in anger the will power is
charged with evil and the man becomes dangerous lo himself and to others. Kindness is termed uazhi"^
fabe {(:abe, " to be guarded, circumspect in word or behavior " ). The word indicates the Omaha concep-
tion of what constilules kindness— it is to use one's will (o guard one's speech and conduct so as not to
injure anyone. The word for " patience" {wazhii' ^nede) presents anolher aspect of self-control: ^nede
means " long;" to be patient demands that a man's will be kept for a considerable length of time to a
given course.

One more example, because it bears directly on this power to think, to discriminate, to draw conclu-
sions,and so influence action: zea2fti"'cA:a means "intelligence, ' "discernment," "wisdom" ((;/.-a," white"'
or "clear"). Wo2/iin' cte is the application to mental processes of the natural experience of seeing. When
the atmosphere is clear, oljjecls can be distinctly discerned, their peculiarities noted, and also their rela-
tion to one another; so. when the mind is clear, discrimination is possible as are reasonable conclusions —
it is the white, unclouded mind that can perceive what is conducive to the best in words and in deeds,
to the attainment of wisdom. These compounded words, which could be multiplied, all go to confirm
thes;alement that the people thought on conduct and its consequences when framing words to describe
lines of behavior.

83993°— 27 eth— 11 39

610 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

the Sacretl Legend, whith preserved the experiences of the years,
emphasized the vital fact tliat better conditions are always attained
by the exercise of thought, not by magical interferences.

Thus it would appear that the Omaha tribe was a group of native
Americans sturdy in mind and in body; more given to industrial
than to artistic expression, gifted ^v^th an elemental statesmanship
and the ability to discover the power of a religious motive for the
preservation of social order and the maintenance of peace. ^Alule
the people were good fighters, they came to recognize that fighting
is not the only arena for acliievement, and (as their name for tribe
intlicates) that it is best employed in the defense of the home and
the integrity of the tribe.

APPEN^DIX

RECENT HISTORY OE THE OMAHA TRIBE

CONTACT WITH THE WHITE RACE

The time when the Omaha tribe hrst came into contact witli the
white race can not be fixed with exactness but it is probable that
the meeting did not take ])Iace until about the middle of the seven-
teenth century, when the French were encountered. Intercourse
between the Omaha and the French was never close or prolonged,
nor marked by any attempt 'on the part of Frenchmen to disturb
Indian customs or to become possessed of Indian lands. The
spirit of adventure or desire to enter into trade actuated those
who first strayed into the Indian country. During their stay they
mixed with the people on friendly terms and were cliiefly con-
cerned in an endeavor to introduce articles of white manufacture
among the natives and to establish permanent trading relations.
The English, on the contrary, were colonists from the first and aimed
to become possessed of land. This they sought to obtain through
some form of purchase, always expecting the Indians to vacate the
territory acquired and find homes elsewhere, an expectation which
frequently gave rise to trouble and involved hardship on the natives.
The difference in the relations between the Omaha and the French
and the Omaha and the English is reflected in the names given to
these two nations. The French were calletl Wa'xe ukethi"; the prob-
able derivation of wa'xe has already been given (p. 82); vl-etM'",
"usual," "not strange" or "uncommon" — the term implying that
these white men mingled with the people and did not consider them-
selves strangers. The English were called Mo°hi° to°ga {mo^lii^,
"knife;" to'<ga, "big"); the name Big Knife, given the English, old
Omaha men said, did not originate in the tribe but was borrowed by
the Omaha from some other tribe. The English were loiown by this
name to the Winnebago, the Iowa, the Oto, the Osage, and the
Ponca, all members of the same hnguistic family as the Omaha.
It is not improbable that the Dakota name for American, Long
Knife, is a modified form of the old term for Englishman. The

611

612 THE OMAHA TRIBE lETII. ANN. 27

name Big Knife is said to liave come into use because of tlie swords
worn by the English. Tlie present Omaha word for sword, mo^fe
weti^ {mo^ce, "metal;" ivefi'^, ''war club''), was given to the sword
when the Omaha learnetl its special use.

The French and the English were the only white nationalities with
which the Omaha had ilircct relations. They learned of the Span-
iards also, whomthey called by a corruption of that name, Hespayu'na.
The Omaha classed the Germans, Swedes, Italians, and Irish as one
people, calling them le'thashathu (ie', ''speech;" thashathu, "rattled"
or "confused") — "they of the rattled or confused speech." The
Negro is called Wa'xe^abe {waxe, "white man;" (:ahe, "black") —
"the black white man."

EARLY TRADERS

By the middle of the seventeenth century Frenchmen had pushed
westward beyond the Great Lakes and tradmg posts had sprung up
along the adventurers' trails. The French held the trade of the
Omaha and were not supplanted by the Eughsh and Americans
imtil the latter part of the eighteenth century. Old men of the last
century remembered the stories their fathers told of going on a long
journey to trade at a post "on a great lake far to the north." This
was probably the post spoken of by Carver as "Fort La Reine" on
Lake Wimiipeg. "To this place," he writes, "the Mahalis who
inliabit a country two hundred and fifty miles southwest come to
trade."" It is not improbable that the Omaha knew of the first
trading post on the Missouri river, about 250 miles above its mouth,
erectetl in 1722, and known as Fort Orleans; this fort presaged the
coming of the white trader into the Omaha country. During the
contention between the French and the English in the middle of the
eighteenth century, into which so many Inilian tribes were drawn as
partisans, the Omaha were fortunate in being sufficiently removed
from the sphere of activities to escape entanglement. In fact not
only during the wars between the French and English but diu-ing
those between the English and the Colonists the Omaha took no part,
so that the tribe has never taken up arms against any of the white
race. While the Omaha kept clear of these diliiculties, they were
not able to elude the evil influences incident to white contact, many
of which were accentuated through the rivalries that sprang up
between the fur-trading companies.

At the close of the Frciicli and Indian War, in 1763, the English were
left in control of all the country to the east of the Mississipjii and
English traders gradually made their way westward into the territory

a Tlirce Years' Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, etc., by Jonathan Carver, 69,
Philadelphia, 1796.

FLETCnEB-I.A FLESCIIE] KECENT ITISTOKY 613

previously occupied exclusively by the French. This nearer ap{)r()ach
of the English to the Omaha coimtrv soon began to make itself felt
along lines that developed rapidly after the Louisiana Purchase had
brought their country under the control of the United States — a change
that had the effect of relieving American traders from international
embarrassments — and as a result, trading posts quickly spread along
the Mississippi and ilissouri rivers, with St. Louis as headquarters.
No important post was built in the immediate vicinity of the
Omaha villages but during the last decade of the eighteenth cen-
tury men in the employ of the fur companies visited the people
and instituted trading relations with them. The story of Black-
bird, mentioned on page S2, is a memorial of this contact. During
the first quarter of the nineteenth centur}^ a small post was estab-
lislied near the Omaha village and maintained there for a time. The
usual custom among the traders before the establislunent of a
United States Indian agency among a tribe was to erect a small log
cabin and to time the trader's visit so that he would be present
with his goods when the tribe returned from its annual hunt, or
when special hunting parties which went out exclusively for pelts
came back with the product of the chase. At no other time was
anyone connected with the trading company present among the
Omaha. The trader's arrival was signaled by the firing of guns to
draw the people together for business.

Introduction of Metal Implements

From the first the native industries were affected by the advent of
the traders, who introduced articles of white manufacture. It was
not long before the metal knife replaced the native implement of
chipped stone. It is said that when metal knives were first brought
by the early traders they cost the Omaha the value of one dollar
apiece. An interesting example of the conservation, in ceremonies,
of early types of useful articles is foimd in the requirement that one
of the gifts essential in the rite of tattooing (p. 50.3) was a number of
the strong, red-handled knives of the kind fu'st known to the tribe.
The metal knife soon became the constant companion of men and
women, serving all domestic purposes, but it never supplanted the
ancient flint knife in tribal rites. The lock of hah- taken from the
head of the male child when he was consecrated to Thunder (p. 122)
was cut by a flint knife; only a flint knife could be used when bleed-
ing for curative purpo.ses. The ancient name (mo"7ii") was trans-
ferred without change from the flint to the metal knife. The name
for the stone ax, mo^'fepe, was similarly transferred to the metal ax;
that for "hoe," we'e, was afterward given to the plow. Sooner or
later all stone implements yielded to those of iron and the chippuig

614 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

of stone became a lost art. One survival held well into the last
century, namelj-, the makino; and the use of stone disks, {i'^'thapa),
between which the kernels of c(irn were pounded to make jneal for
porridge. These disks were portable and served as a "hand mill"
when the people were travelinp;. Bone awls gave wav to awls of
iron, which the Indians always fitted into handles of bone; the old
name, wa'lcu, was retained. An U'on blade was bound to the edge
of the elk-horn scraper to facilitate its use in preparing hides for
tanning. Iron hoes supplanted the ancient implement made from
the shoulder blade of the elk. The stone implements connected with
the daily needs of the people were the first to be displaced by iron
ones.

Decline of Old Avocations and the Effect on the People

With the coming of the trader and the introduction of iron imple-
ments and other articles for daily use new conditions confronted the
Indians; they were no longer obliged to make all the articles reciuired
for use and the time formerly occupied by the long and wearisome
process of chipping and rubbing stone was now left free. Further-
more, the stimulus for acquiring skill in the old-time intlustries
was withdra\\-n. The new iron implements which had brought
about this change in conditions had been acquu'ed by bartering pelts.
Barter was not new to the people. It had long been practised between
various tribes; minerals, seeds, shells, and other articles had found
their way by this means into regions remote from their natural
environment, but it is safe to say that up to the time of the coming
of the white trader no Omaha had slain animals for merely commer-
cial purposes. The barter in pelts established by the traders was
therefore different in character from any barter that had been prac-
tised between tribes and was destineil to give rise to a new industry
among the Indians — that of huntmg for gain. Heretofore hunting
had been carried on in order to secure food and other necessities —
clothing, shelter, and bone with which to make implements: more-
over it had been conducted with niore or less religious ceremony, which
had directed the Omaha thought toward Wako"'da, as the giver of
the means by which to sustain life, as shown in the rites connected
with the annual buffalo hunt (see p. 275) and jdanting tlie maize
(see p.2G2). The cpiest of game for profit introduced new motives
for hunting and also of cultivating the soil, motives not const)nant
with the old religious ideas and customs; consequently under their
influence such customs slowly Init inevitably fell into disuse. The
cfTect on the Omaha mind of tlieir obliteration was to weaken the
power of ancient beliefs and to introduce new standards, commercial
in character; as a result the Omaha became less strong to resist the

FLKTCIIKIl-LAFLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 615

inroads of new and adverse influences which came with his closer
contact with the white race.

The new character given to hunting produced permanent effects
not only on the thought of the people but on their ancient mode
of life. The stimulation of hunting as an avocation weakened the
influence of the old village life, created different standards of wealth,
enhanced the importance of the hunter, and greatly increased the
labors of the women in preparing pelts and skins for the market.
There is good reason to ascribe to the last-named condition an
impetus to the practice of polygamy among the Omaha. There was
no special working class in the tribe nor coulil labor be hired. In
the okl time one woman could scarcely give proper attention to all
the skins secured by a good hunter; still less could she do the addi-
tional work occasioned by the pressure of trade.

Changes in Ornaments and Decoration

The traders' wares were not confined to tools. Many novelties
were brought which appealed to the people and soon created new
wants. Glass beads of gay colors lent themselves to decoration as
the more cumbersome shell beads could not, but bead decoration
did not replace at once porcupine quill work. The latter demanded
training, skill, and patience, whereas beads were easily used and made
with little efl'ort a garment effective in ornament and coloring, so that
in time their use became popular. The old name for the shell bead
{hi^cl'a') was transferred to the new glass bead. Silver or brass
bangles and finger rings were never as much liked by the Omaha
as by some other tribes. The silver "ear bob" introduced by the
traders was called pe'ugasMce {pe, modified for euphony from pa,
meaning "nose;" ugaslike, "to attach"). This name may refer
to the ceremonial piercing of the nose during the tattooing cere-
mony (see p. 503) for there is no tradition that the Omaha ever wore
nose rings. The name for "earrmg" is u'wi^, an old term that
strange to say was never applied to the silver "ear bob" brought by
the traders. These "ear bobs" were much liked as earrings; some-
times they adorned the entire lobe of the ear.

Another savmg of labor in comparison with okl methods was
involved in buying pamts from the traders. The paint was sold
in small packages not much larger than a paper of darnmg needles
and the price of one of these packages in the last century was the value
of twenty-five cents. The old term for "red paint," wapezhide (wape,
"clay;" zMde, "red") was applied to the trader's article as was
the old name for "green paint" {wafe'tu). Blue paint was called
irwHhi^lcatu (tnoHhi'^lca,'" earth;'' tu, "blue"); j-ellow paint, moHln'^-
Ica (d, "yeUow earth" — both old names. Great quantities of paint
were sold, this article alone yielding a large profit to the trader.

616 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

Introductiox of Cloth

The heavy woolen cloth called strouding was pr()l)al)ly introduced
hy the English traders tluring the latter part of the eighteenth cen-
tury. In the middle of the last century it cost the Omaha from
four to six dollars per yard. Broadcloth cost from eight to twelve
dollars per yard. Wlien the Omaha first saw strouding he had no
idea of cloth, so when it was spread before him he gave to it the
name of the largest stretch of a given surface for clothing with
wliich he was acquainted, the skin robe, calling this cloth wai'"',
"robe." Wlien, however, he wished to speak of cloth he added the
word denoting the color; thus, wai^'tu, "blue cloth," or wai^'zhide,
"red cloth," while the simple word wai"' still designated the skin
robe. Broadcloth was called wai"-' slinalia (ivai"', "robe;" sTindha,
"smooth,") because of the difference between its surface and that of
strouding.

Strouding was used by the men for leggings, breechcloths, and
sometimes for robes. Women made of it skirts, sacks, anil leggings
extending only to the knees. Broadcloth was not employed by
the men; this material was bought by the richer members of the tribe
for women's skirts and leggings. Sometimes a woman possessed a
robe made of broadcloth. With the introduction of strouding and
broadcloth needles and thread became known. Needles were called
wa'kuzhi'^gau'ude {walcu, " awl;" zM'^'ga, "Httle;" v'de, "with ahole").
Thread was named waho^' , meaning "something spun." Pins were
not known until well into the last centurj^. It was about the midtUe
of the nineteenth century when calico was introduced by American
traders; owing to its cheapness, it speedily became the material
commonly used by the people. It was called waxi^ha, "thin skin."
The commercial value attached to dressed skins made them too
valuable for common wear, a fact which aided in promoting the sub-
stitution of strouding for clothing; later, the high price of the stroud-
ing increased the sale of calico.

Steel traps, used to facilitate the catcliing of beavers, were early
introduced by the traders; these were called mo^'pe, "metal." The
unqualified word mo^'fe came to signify " trap, " and the act of trap-
ping was called mo^'peuzhi, "to put or place in metal." The principal
furs supphed by the Omaha were buffalo, bear, beaver, mink, rac-
coon, and deer skins. The people were good hunters and trappers
and were regarded as a desirable tribe to deal with. Canvas as a
substitute for the buflalo-skin lent cover became common about the
middle of the last centiUT and look the o\d name of the tent cover,
ti'ha, "tent slcin."

fletcher-la flesche] becent history 617

Introduction of Guns

Guns were introduced towanl the close of the first quarter of the
nmeteenth century, receiving the name wahu'toHhe, "to make a
noise with." The bullet was called mo^'pemo^, "metal arrow;"
gunpowder was called mo^xu'de, " ashes. " The first guns received by
the Omaha were flintlocks; rifles did not reach them until the tliird or
fourth decade of the last century. The use of guns destroyed another
native industry, arrow maldng, and made pointless some of the old
teacliings to the young (see p. 331). Copper kettles and tin and iron
utensils took the place of the native pottery, consequent!}^ the pot-
teiy industry was abandoned. Wooden bowls and cups gradually
disappeared from family use but the former were retained in the
sacred tribal ceremonies and other rites of a serious character.

Introduction of Money; Pelt Valltes

Before the Omaha had dealings with the United States Govern-
ment httle, if any, coin had been seen by the tribe. The smallest unit
of value among the skins used in barter with the traders was the
raccoon skin, rated at twenty-five cents. Mika'ha ithawa {mika'ha,
" raccoon skin ; " ithawa, "to count with") became the estabhshed
name of a quarter of a dollar. A dollar was called wi^'hthuga (wi",
"one;" hthu'ga, "whole" or "unit"); afifty-cent piece, mo'^fo^'^'thi^ha,
"half:" a dime, shuga' zhi'^ga (shuga, "tliick;" zhi^ga, "little" — "Uttle
thick"). A silver half dime was called htTie'l-azM^ga (Uhe'lca,
"tliin;" zli'Vga, " Httle "—" Uttle tlfin"); a nickel (5 cents), we'tha-
waca'to^ (wethawa, "counters;" fa'to^, "five"); a copper cent,
we'thawazhide, "red counter;" seventy-five cents, mil-a'haithaiva
tha'bthi" {tha'bth'i"', "tlu-ee"), the value of three raccoon skins. A
thousand dollars was called Artt'gre wi" (l-u'ge, "box;" ici", "one"),
the name oiiginating from the custom of packing this number of
silver dollars in a small box for convenience of transportation. In
the case of payments to Indian tribes by government agents the
term for the number 1,000 was gthe'ho'^lnioiHo'^ga (gthe'bo^, "ten;"
hiwi", " progressing toward one;" unHo"ga, "big").

The following prices were obtained for the skins named, in the
middle of the last century: Buffalo, |1.5 to .$20; otter, $12 to $15;
mink, $2 to .$.5; beaver, $4 to $6. As beavers were plentiful and the
use of traps facilitated catching them good trappers sometimes gave
up the more laborious pursuit of large game and confined their
efforts to securing beavers, in tliis way being able to secure good
pay for their skins and at the same time to keep their famihes sup-
plied with meat. Comparatively little trading in furs was done for
cash. Trading on a barter basis continued until the destruction of
the fur-bearing animals brought the old-time trader's career to an end.

618 the omaha tribe [eth. asx. 27

Introdictiox of Ixtoxicaxts

The competition among the rival fur companies led to the intro-
duction of intoxicating liquors among the tribes for the purpose of
securing skins and trade. So great was the trouble experienced V)}- the
tribes, and so earnest were the appeals from the old chiefs and other
leading men, that as early as 1S02 President Jefferson made this traffic
the subject of a message to Congress, which resulted in the passage
of an act forbidding the sale of liquor to Indians, under penalty.
Knowledge of congressional action traveled slowly in those daj^s and
laws were difficult to enforce in the sparsely settled country; conse-
quently the fur trade continued to be stimulated and the natives
demoralized by intoxicants offered by the trader. The harm done
by this unlawful procedure has not yet passed away from the tribes
in the United States. It is singular that "fire water" should be a
common term for intoxicants in widely different languages. The
, Omaha word is pede'ni, literally "fire water" (pede, "fire;" ni,
"water").

The Omaha tribe did not escape the baneful influence of liquor.
The traders pUed the people with rum; it was cheaper than goods to
use in barter and although the traffic was illegal, the gain to the
companies was so great that their agents were instructed to take the
chances of detection; the}^ did so and unfortunately generally suc-
ceeded in eluding discover}-.

DRUNKENNESS AND ITS PUNISHMENT

In the third decade of the last century an incident occurred in the
Omaha tribe which is still spoken of; this took place in the hut erected
to accommodate the visiting trader and his wares.

The agent of a trading company had arrived with his half-breed son, then a lad
about seventeen years old. who acted as clerk. The Indians had gathered with their
pelts and had received goods and liquor in payment. Late one afternoon, when the
clerk was alone in the hut, two men, more or less intoxicated, came in and began to
quarrel. A third with his little son entered the hut to trade but, being afraid of the
quarreling men, he kept back from them. A fourth man entered who had had liquor
and was disposed to be troublesome and the quarreling men seemed to excite him
still more, when, catching sight of the quiet man and his boy, he drew his knife,
rushed at him and biu'ied the weapon in his throat. As his victim fell dead the
drunken man realized his deed and became suddenly sober. The two men ceased to
quarrel and stole away, leaving the murderer alone with the dead man and the young
half-breed clerk. Meanwhil(> the boy had run off to spread the news of his father's
death. The clerk counseled the guilty man to remain in the hut, as it was his only
place of safety, and for a time ho heeded this advice; but at last he exclaimed: "I
have forfeited my life. 1 may as well meet my death now'. " and went out into the
night. He had gone onl\- a few ste])s when he was shot with an arrow and shortly died.

The horror of this nuu-dcr and the realization it brought (o tlie
young clerk that licpior was robbing the people of their manhood

PLETCHun-LA FLEsciiE] RECENT HISTORY 619

and morality so impressed him that he then and there registered
a vow that if he ever rose to a position of power in the tribe he
would use his authority to break up the habit of drinking. Years
passed, and this young clerk, who was Joseph La Flesche, became
one of the principal chiefs of the tribe. True to his vow, he issued
an order that men who drank were to be flogged."* During the
time tliat Chief La Flesche remained in power drunkenness was
practically checked in the tribe. Unfortunately cabals arose. The
right of the chief to inflict such severe penalties was cjuestioned by
men wlio were not interestetl in the moral welfare of the people.
Other authorities were invoked and in the end licjuor found its waj'
surreptitiously among the people. But the drastic measures of the
chief were not soon forgotten and years elapsed before their efl'ect
was wholly lost.

Government Control of Traders

In accordance with the English policy, liy which the Crown had the
right to regulate trade and to license trailers, the Articles of Confed-
eration reserved that right to Congress. An act of 1786 recjuired
Indian traders to be citizens of the United States. An act of 1790
vesteil the power to appoint traders in the President or an officer
appointed by him. When, l)y virtue of the Louisiana Purchase, the
Omaha country became part of the domain of the United States
trading with the tribe came under the restrictions of the laws mentioned.
After the tribe passed under the control of the "Agency system"
resident traders were licensed by the Indian Bureau. These traders
opened stores on the reservation and absorbed the trade of the tribe.
The destruction of the buffalo herds in the seventh decade of the last
century, the rapid increase of white settlements, and finally the open-
ing of the country by railroads, all produced marked and lasting
eft'ects on the life and avocations of the people, bringing the industry
of hunting to a close and tliminishing greatly the influence and the
business of the trader.

1 It happened that a pronuneut man, whose reputation for bravery was second to none, yielded to temp-
tation and became drunk. He was a very close friend of the chief and everyone thought that the chief
would not order this friend, a man honored by the tribe, to be flogged like a common offender. But
the order was given and the "soldiers" who were commanded to execute the pimishment advanced to
the warrior's tent, not without serious questionings as to whether thej' might not have to fight the
offender, who had never Vieen defeated in battle. The warrior was in his tent; he heard the "soldiers"
approaching and knew theirerrand. Hesteppedout to meet them. As he appeared, the "soldiers" halted;
looking at them he said: ''Do your duty. I liroke the order of the chief and must take my punishment."
He was duly flogged; no one of the ''soldiers" dared to abate his strokes. As a result of this warrior's act,
he not only rose higher in the esteem of the tribe because of his manly recognition of his fault but his
action strengthened the chief in his effort to put a stop to drmking. Until his death, which took place
toward the close of the last century, this warrior was one of the most respected and influential men ui the
Omaha tril>e.

620 THE OMAHA TRIBE Ietii.ann. 27

INTRODUCTION OF NEW FOODS, G.VMES, AND DISEASES

Besides the numerous changes in tools, weapons, and clothing
brought about by tlie traders, new foods were introduced, which even-
tually became common among the people. Wheat became known in
the second decade of the last century, receiving the name wamu'fJce.
This name was applied also to bread made from wheat. Coffee was
known earlier and was called mo^ho^pabe, "black medicine." Sugar
was termed zho^ni (zJio", "wood;" ni, "water"), evidenth' a transfer
of the name for "maple sugar." To the large white ])otato was given
the name of the native potato, nu. Beef and all other fresh meats
were called by the old term tanu'lca, "wet meat."

Two new games were received from the white people — playing cards
and checkers. Cards were called wathi'baba, "something spread out
repeatedly with the hands," the name referring to the act of shufHing
and tiealing the cards. The suits were called as follows: Diamonds,
Ice^pa ("turtle head"); hearts, ni'deawi^ ("buttock"); spades, mo'^'-
Mpi ("arrow-head"); clubs, ^'a'z/ii (literally, "never dies"), referring,
it is said, to the flower immortelle. Checkers were s])oken of as
wako'^' pamo^gihe {wal'o", ' ' to gamble ;" pa," head ;" mo^gthe " bowed" —
"to play with bowed head").

New diseases found theii- way among the people. Smallpox (di'xe)
wrought great havoc just before 1800, reducing "the once powerful
tribe to a few hundreds." Measles {(H'xebtho^pe, "little smallpox")
was almost as fatal and is still dreaded. Malaria {wa'xewalcega,
"white man's sickness") would seem from the name to have come
from contact with the white race and changed environment.

INTRODUCTION OF NEW WORDS

Many new words were coined to meet the changed conditions. The
following are in common use:
Store, u'thiwi''ti, to trade in.
Window glass, we'ugo"ba, to make light with.
Chimney, tihuko" (ti, tent; hid-o", old name of the smoke vent).
Table, wa'thate, to eat on.
Chair, a'gthi", to sit on.

Rocking-chair, a'gthi"kipia(,'a(;a, to rock one's self in.
Scales, we'thiho", to lift with.
Stove, mo^'feunethe, iron to make fire in.
Shovel, pe'deithi(;e, to take fire with.
Bottle, pe'xeha, gourd skin.
Brick, i"e'nazhide, stone burned red.
Wagon, zho''nio"thi", walking wood.
Horse, sho"ge.

Cattle, te'vka, white buffalo.
Chickens, wazhi"'gazhide, red birds.
Pigs, ku'kuri.

FLExriiEn-LA FLESCHE] EECENT HISTORY '• 621

Shoes, zho°hi"be, wooden moccasins.

Stocking, hi"begawi"xe (hiibe, moccasins; gand^xe, to wind around tlie foot).
Formerly matted grass was wound about the foot under the moccasin.

Button, mo°geithagashka (mo^ge, breast; ithagashha, to fasten withi.

Ring, nombeuthixtha (nombe, hand or finger; uthixtha, to tnrust in).

Spade, to°'deino"i;e, to cut the ground with.

Pitchfork, xa'deithi^e, to rake grass with.

Reaper, wamu'fkeino°fe, to cut wheat with.

Mower, xa'deino^ge, to cut grass with.

Saw, we'magixe, to cut with.

Grist mill, u'no"tube, to grind in.

Silver, mo^'gegka, white metal (used also for "money").

Gold, mo^'fefkafi, yellow white metal.

Sailboat, nio^de'gio", flying boat.

Watch, or clock, mi'ldo^be, to look at the sun.

Rubber, hafi'i/ige, elastic skin.

Telegraph, mo^'feiufishto", lying metal (referring to the incredulity with which
the telegraph was received).

Postage stamp, iMewathagkabe (Me', face; walhagiabe, to stick on).

Railroad train, e'wazhi"no"ga, self runner.

Harness, sho^'gewei", for horses to carry.

Bridle, mo^'fethahe, metal to bite.

President of the United States, Itigo^thaiuzhu (itigoHhai. grandfather; uzhu,
principal).

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Itigo°thaizhi''ga {thai, to whom; zhiiga. little).

General, Nudo^ho^gatizhu (nudonhonga. war leader; uzhu, principal).

Colonel or Captain. Nudo''ho°gazhi°ga (zhi"-ga, little).

Private, thei", kettle carrier.

Bayonet, mo°dehi, spear.

Flag, hafka {ha, skin; gka, white); the name arose from the use of the flag of truce.

Paper, waba'gthefe, to make stripes on.

To read, we'thadi {we, the act; thade, to speak).

Teacher, waba'gthefewethade, one who reads paper.

To write, waba'xu, to make marks.

Pen or pencil, we'baxu, to write with.

School, waba'gthefeathaditi, paper, to read, house — the house where paper is read.

Minister or clergyman, wago^'^e, one who instructs.

Newspaper, waba'gthe^egawa, paper open, opened paper.

Photograph, i^de'ugaxe, face picture.

Milk, te'fka nio^feni {le'qTca, cow; mofige. udder; 7ii, water).

Flapjack, wamu'cke btheka {wamu'ghe. bread; hlheka, thin).

Cake, wamu'fke fkithi {<;l-ithi, sweet).

Peaches, she hi" shkube ishe, apple; /((". hair; shl-ube, deep or thick).

Chinaware, wafe'^o^uxpe, clay dishes.

Tumbler (glass), ni'ithat.o"no"'xeego", water, to drink, spirit-like — to drink water
from that which is like to a spirit, translucent.

Spoon, mo^'fetehe, metal buffalo horn (referring to the old spoons of buffalo
horn, tehe).

Fork, wa'kuwethate {loa'hu. awl; wethafe, to eat — awl to eat with).

Pin, wa'kuzhi^ga, little awl.

Coal, no"xthe, charcoal.

Kerosene, no°xthe wegthi {wegihi, grease).

Marbles, i°ezhi''ga (i"t', stones; zhi^ga, little).

622 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETH. ANN. 27

A few old terms survive and are applied to modern conditions, as the phrase, Tiupc,
"I am going to make a visit," i((, tent; upe, to creep into); the word refers to the
stooping posture necessary in entering the low opening of the tent. Even if going
into a large dwelling the (iJmaha would say Tiupe, as did his forefathers.

TREATIES WITH THE UNITED STATES

The first treaty Ijetween the United States and the Omaha was
made at Portage de Sioux in July, 1S15 (U. S. Stat, at Large, vol.
VII, p. 129). Similar treaties were made at that time with a number
of tribes that during the War of 1812 had been more or less under the
influence of English traders. The purpose of this treaty was to
"place all things in every respect on the same footing as before the
late war between the United States and Great Britain." Injuries
were to be "'mutually forgiven," "peace maintained," and the
United States acknowledged by the tribe as its protecting power.

It was about the time of making this treaty that the Government
took the first measures against the smallpox. The Omaha were
persuaded to sul:)mit to vaccination and this treatment may have been
instrumental in saving the tribe from the inroads of the disease,
when, in 1S37, some of the tribes to the northward were almost
exterminated by it.

The second treaty was made at Council Bluffs in 1S25 (U. S. Stat.
at Large, vol. vii, p. 282) ; this related mainlj' to granting supremacy
to the United States in punishing those who committed offenses and
to the protection of traders. The Omaha agreed not to furnish
ammunition to hostile Indians. In both these treaties the Omaha
were dealt with under the name "Maha," this form arising from
misunderstanding on the part of the whites of the native speaker,
who lightly sounded as a the initial letter of Omaha, at the same
time placing the emphasis on the second syllable.

In the treaty of July, 1830 (U. S. Stat, at Large, vol. vii, p. 32S),
made at Prairie du Cliien, the Omaha, together with the Sauk and
Foxes, Bands of the Sioux, the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri tribes, ceded
to the United States their claim to lands within the jiresent State of
Iowa. The Omaha, Iowa, Oto, Yankton, and Santee Siou.x agreed
that a reservation in the present Nemaha county, Nebraska, should
bo given their half-breed kindred, 640 acres to be allotted to each indi-
vidual. The half-breeds among the Omaha ail received their quota
of lands on this reservation. Some of them left the tribe and went
to live on their newly acquired allotments; others accepted land the
but disposed of it and never left the tribe. Under this treaty the
Omaha received their first payment from the L'nited States for ceded
land anil were promised a blacksmith and farming implements — a
promise that was not fulfilled until several years later. The head-
quarters of the Western Superintendent of Indian tribes was at St.

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 623

Louis. To him i-eportctl subordinate officers, called Af^ents, wlio were
placed in charge of the several tribes that were being assigned about
this time to tracts reserved for their use, some of which coveretl the
region in which their villages were situated.

At the time of this treaty (18.30) the Omaha had left their village
on Omaha creek, near the site of the present town of Homer,
Dakota county, Nebraska. They had been driven thence by the
continueil warlike inciu-sions of the Sioux and were living to the
southwest in the vicinity of the Elkhorn river.

In a treaty made at Bellevue during October, 1836 (U. S. Stat, at
Large, vol. vii, p. 524), the Omaha, together with the Oto, Missouri,
Yankton, and Santee Sioux, ceded to the United States their claim
to land lying between the State of Missouri and the Missouri river,
and received payment therefor. The Omaha agreed to buikl their
village near the agency that had been recently established at Belle-
vue, the Government promising to break and fence 100 acres for the
use of the tribe.

Between 1836 and 1854 the Omaha villages were not far from
Bellevue. This Unitetl States Indian agencj'' had control over the
affairs of several tribes besides the Omaha, some of M'hich had been
reduced in numbers by disease and other mishaps. During this
period the Omaha made two attempts to return and live on their
old village site near Homer but each was frustrated by Sioux war
parties threatening their families, crops, and ponies.

In 1854 the Omaha made a treaty with the Government at Wash-
ington (U. S. Stat, at Large, vol. x, p. 1043) by which they ceded
their hunting grounds in Nebraska, keeping for their own use a tract
of 300,000 acres bordering the ilissouri river a few miles south of
the place where their old village, near Homer, had stood. A pro-
vision was introduced into the treaty, which was repeated in most
of the treaties of that date made with Indian tribes, namely, to
survey a portion of the reservation and ap]>ortion a certain amoimt
of land to those individuals who desired to possess permanent homes
(sec. 6). A sawmill and a gristmill were to be erected and main-
tained out of tribal funds, on the new Omaha reservation; also a
blacksmith and a farmer were to be provided. The moneys received
for the land ceded by tliis treaty were to be held by the United States
and the payments were arranged to extend tlii'ough forty years.

By a treaty of March, 1865, made at Washington (U. S. Stat, at
Large, vol. xiv, p. 667) the Omaha sold to the United States a strip
from the northern part of their reservation, for the occupancy of the
Winnebago tribe, which had been removed from their okl home in
Minnesota. A portion of the payment for this land was to be ex-
pended for stock, implements, breaking of lands, etc. The pro-
vision for allotting the Omaha individual holdings, contained in

624 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ETn. ann. 27

section 6 of the treaty of 1S54, was repeated and the stipuhition
made that their half-breed rehitives then residing with them should
be included in the promised allotment.

B}' an act of March 3, 1S71, the mode of government negotiations
with Indian tribes was changed; treaties were no longer to be made
but legislation was to be enacted, the execution of any act to be
"with the consent of the tribe."

By the act of June, 1872 (U. S. Stat, at Large, vol. xvn, p. 391),
the Omaha sold to the Government 50,000 acres from the western
part of their reservation. A portion of the proceeds of this sale was
to be expended for fencing farms, building houses, purchasing imple-
ments and live stock, and establishing and maintaining schools.

Under an act of June, 1S74 (U. S. Stat, at Large, vol. xviii,
p. 170), 20 additional sections in the northern i)art of the reservation
Were sold for the use of the Winnebago tribe.

By an act of August 7, 1882 (U. S. Stat, at Large, vol. xxii, p.
341), the Omaha were given their lands in severalty, each man,
woman, and child receiving a portion of the tribal land, which was
secured by a patent, the United States holding the patent in trust
for twenty-five years, during which time the land was not taxable
and could not be encumbered or sold; at the end of the trust period
patents in fee were to be given to the original allottees or their heirs,
according to the laws of the State of Nebraska. The act placed the
Omaha under the laws of the State, civil and criminal. The unallot-
ted land in the southwestern towTiship of the reservation and west
of the railroad running between Sioux City, Iowa, and Omaha,
Nebraska, was thrown open to purchase by wliite settlers.

By a clause in the "severalty act" of February 7, 1887, the Omaha
as allotted Indians became citizens of the United States.

A right of way was granted to a railroad through the reservation in
1894 (U. S. Stat, at Large, vol. xxvni, p. 95). The right was
extendeil and new rights were granted in 1890 (U. S. Stat, at Large,
vol. XXX, pp. 344, 912). The survey' of the Sioux City and Western
Railroad was approved by the Secretary of the Interior May 2, 1905.
The road was completed and was running through the reservation in
April, 1907. Two towns were locatetl on this railroad, the land
being negotiated for with Indians who had inherited the tracts and
were permitted b}' an act of Congress to sell the lands. The town
site of Rosalie was approved by ihe Secretary of the Interior January
18, 1906, and the first lot was sold in tlie summer of 1907; the town
was named for the late Rosalie La Flesche Farley, a daughter of
Joseph La Flesche. Its population in 1910 was 147. The town site
of Walthill was ajiproved 1)V the Secretarj' of the Interior at the same
time as that of Rosalie and the first lots were sokl on May 22, 1907.
The town was named for Walter Hill (son of J. J. Hill), who had
had charge of the construction of a portion of tlie railroad on which

FLRTCIIRH-L.V FI-KSrilRl

RECENT HISTORY

625

the town lies. The deeds for the hands sokl l)y the Indians for these
town sites were withliehl for a time through the influence of Susan
La Flosche Picotte, M. D., and otlier memhers of her family, until
tlie provision was made that —

No malt or spiritous or vinous liquors shall be kept or disposed of on the premises
conveyed, and that any violation of this condition, either by the grantee or any other
person claiming rights under said ])arty of the second part, shall render the convey-
ance void and cause the premises to revert to the party of the first part, his heirs or
assigns.

With the sanction of the Secretary of the Interior this clause was
inserted in all town-site deeds on the Omalia and Winnebago reser-
vations. In the town of Walthill the Townsite Company restricted

Fh.- IJii. 1. railed school af Walthill, Nebraska.

the material of buildings on the main street to brick and stone ; while
this action temporarily retarded the erection of structures, it has
added greatly to the appearance and permanency of the town. The
population (1910) of Walthill is 810. In less than a 3'ear after its
organization the town expended $14,000 for a commodious brick
and stone building (fig. 126) for a graded school, in which both white
and Indian children receive instruction.

WORK OF MISSIONARIES

It would be difficult to trace the tribe or even the direction whence
the first missionary influence came to the Omaha. In the last decade
of the eigliteenth century individuals of tlie tribe hail descended the
Missouri to St. Louis to carry their pelts for barter. Wliile there they

83993°— 27 eth— 11 10

626 THE OMAHA TRIBE [ktii. ann, 27

saw soinetliing of rivilizod modes of living and noted the religions
eustoms of the residents of the town. Througli intercourse with
tribes among which missions had been established came a vague
knowledge concerning Christianity'. In the eaily part of the nine-
teenth century a few Frenchmen employed with the trading companies
had taken Omaha women as wives but these men had not shown a
proselyting spirit nor had they made any change in the mode of native
life or in the native beliefs. Sometimes the sons of these men were
taken to St. Louis on their fathers' trading trips; here they acquired
some knowledge of the French language and of business methods, the
possession of which enabled them to assist their fathers in the duties
connected with trading. In some instances these sons were sent to
school and learned to speak English and in two cases, those of Logan
Fontenelle and Louis Sansouci, they were able to serve as oflicial inter-
preters. It was not until the third decade of the nineteenth century
that the Omaha came into direct contact with missionaries and then the
contact was occasional rather than constant. In 1S45 the first perma-
nent mission was established by the Presbyterian denomination at
Bellevue, Nebraska. At that time the Omaha had been induced by
the Government to settle near Bellevue, partly for the sake of pro-
tection from their enemies, the Sioux, and partly to bring them under
the supervision of the newly established Indian agency. A school
was built for the mission on land claimed by the Omaha tribe and
several Omaha children were brought under the influence of the
teachers. In the gardens and fields attached to this school the
Omaha had their first opportunity to obserA^e the practical use of the
plow and other agricultural implements. When the iron hoe intro-
duced by the traders superseded the shoulder blade of the elk no
change was made in the old method of planting and cultivating
corn. Until the Omaha beheld the fields of the mission they had never
seen the earth turned over in furrows and corn planted in long
straight rows. At tliis mission school some of the Omaha ihiklren
received their first instruction, scanty as it was, in avocations that
were to help them to meet the changed conditions of living so soon
to come upon their people. Already Missouri was a State; homes
were being erected within sight of the ilissouri river; the ^lormons
had already crossed that stream and had passed on farther to the
westward. Nebraska was soon to become a territoi-y and the new
settlers were casting hungry eyes on the Indians" land. In 1853 a
United States commission arrived at Bellevue to take the preliminary
steps looking to the extinguishment of the Omaha right of occupancy
of the. broad fertile lands lying on the Missouri north of the Platte
river. The following year a group of chiefs and other leading men
went to Washington, passing dovrn the Missouri and up the Ohio
in boats, crossing the .Uleghany mountains by slow stages, and so

FLETOIIEU-LA FI.ESCIIE]

RECENT HISTORY

627

makinn; their way to the capital, where the treaty of 1854 was executed.
Within the next three years the Omaha left Believue and turned tlieir
faces northward towarti their reservation hut before leaving they
donated a square mile of land to the Presbyterian Mission, on Avhich
Believue College stands today.

The JIissiox

In 1857 the Presbyterian Mission followed the tribe and the next
j'ear a large stone structure erected for its use was completed. The
mission house (fig. 127) stood on a bench overlooking the Missouri river.
Behind it rose the bluffs; below it stretched a broad bottom heavily
timbered in some j)arts antl ojiening out liere and there into witle
savannahs. In this ample building a boarding and day scho<d was

Fig. 127. 'I'he old '* Mission,'* now fallen to decay.

maintained. The assembly hall served as a chapel. The missiona-
ries and their families dwelt in the house, and the Omaha cliildren
were thus brought under tlieir immetliate care. The children were
all given English names, most of which remain until the present time,
having become the accepted names of families and appearing on
the land patents. For nearly thirty years this mission school was
kept up, being in general faithfully and effectively manageil. The
children were taught to speak, read, and write English. The boj-s
were instructed in farming and the care of stock, the girls (see fig.
128) in cooking and the making of garments. The work accom-
plished by these missionaries has been of lasting benefit to the
people and the teachers and workers who so assiduously labored to
prepare the Omaha to live among their rapidly increasing white

628

THE (IMAHA TKIBE

(ICTH. ANN'. 27

nci<;;hbors are today liekl in l;;^at(^^ul anil affectionate renienibiauce."
The church, which held its meetings in the school assembly room,
numbered among its membership many native men and women.
The industrious and orderly lives of these Christian Omaha
reflected the earnestness with which they sought to apply to their
daily lives the Christian precepts taught them at the mission and its
school during the closing decades of the last century. In 1885-6
another mission Iniilding was erected by the same denomination in
the southern part of the reservation, but after a few years it was
abandoned. About this time a church (fig. 129) was built near the
agency, not far from the blockhouse erected in 1864 to protect the
government employees from Sioux war parties, and services conducted
by the regular pastor are still held in this edifice.

Fio. 12S. An Omaha girl, a " Mission " scholar.

One great dilliculty beset tlic elforts of the missionary teachers;
this was tlie influence exerted on the native mind by the contra-
diction between the principles taught as belonging to Christianity and
the conduct of most of the white people with whom the Indian canie
into contact. Regarding all wliite j)ersons as Christians, he natur-
ally looked to their li\'es for tlie exemplification of their beliefs.
The Indian's old religion taught thiit tlie man wlio spoke or acted
falsely was in danger of supernatural |)unishment ; instances were
known to the peoj)le in which tlie lightning stroke had cut short the
life of the imfaithful ])erson. The Indian was now brought into con-

o For the names and record o! the men ami women who devoted themselves to missionary work among
the Omaha tribe.lhe reader Is referred to the .\nnnal Reports on the Foreign and Home Misslonsof the
Presbjrterian Church, which alone has ministered to this tril*.

FLETCHEK-LA KLE.S<'IIE]

RECENT HISTORY

629

tact with persons who coiikl s])cak untruthfully and yet seemingly
suffer no evil consequences and it is not surprising that tlie Omaha
found it difficult to reconcile the precepts taught by the missionaries
with the conduct of many of the white people whom he met. As a
result, he could not give hearty acceptance to a religion which seemed
to have so little power over the lives of those who professed it. The
teaching of his fathers he still reverenced and he was slow to change
liis native point of view of justice and of truth. Yet there were here
and there men and women to whom the life of Jesus Christ a]:)pealed,

Fig. 129. The Omaha cliurch.

The "blockhouse" .which formerly stood on the right has been removed. The church has now (1911)
been enlarged at an expense of more than a thousand dollars, raised by the Indians.

who recognized in it a high ideal dillicult of attainment, and perceived
that failure to realize it in the life of a person is to be attributed to the
weakness of the individual. rather than to the ideal itself.

NEW RESERVATION AND AGENCY

The agency buiklings on the new reservation were placed about
three miles west of the Missouri river on the only road in that region
which ran fi'om the trading posts on the south to those that were
near the Missouri farther to the north; this was known as "the mili-
tary road." In the course of a year or two the Omaha divided
and settled in three villages: one in the southeastern part of the

630 THE OMAHA TRIBE fETii. an.\. 27

resorvatioii; aiiotlicr (the largest) noar the agency; tlie third to
tlic northeast not far from the banks of the JMissoiiri. This division
of the people had no tribal significance. Wlien tlie tribe moved out
on its annual buffalo hunt, the people camped as one l)ody, forming
the hn'tJniga (see p. 138); the okl tribal organization was not affected
in any way. The Middle village, as tlie one near tlie agency was
calletl, was on the stream now known as Blackbird creek. The pic-
ture of the eartli lodge shown in plate 19, taken more than twenty-
seven years ago, represents the last of these lodges, erected at the
time tiie ]\Iiddle village was built.

Agency Buildings

At the time when the Omaha reservation was established the
Missouri river was the highway of travel. The steamers from St.
Louis brought the supplies needed for the agency and the mission.
The landing place w'as on the bottomland below the mission liuild-
ings. Here the agency shops were first erected and in these the boys
from the mission school were permitted to work and learn something
of the carpenter's and the blacksmith's trade. Later a boarding school
was established at the agency, to which the shops were removed,
and a saw mill and a grist mill were built. All these were given up
before the close of the last centuiy. Public day schools were estab-
lished and the agency shops w'ere supplanted by private enterprises
of the native population.

In 1S78 Congress provided for the establishment of Indian police,
-who were to be directly under the authority of the Ignited States
Indian agent: they were to maintain order; to arrest offenders, includ-
ing those engaged in the illegal li({uor traffic ; to return truant children
to school: to protect government property; and to perform various
other services. A few years subsef(ucnt to this a number of "police"
were appointed at the Omaha agency; some of tlie best men of
the tribe were includeil in tlie force. Their duties gave them and
through them the people practical lessons in some of the methods
employed in white communities to promote social welfare and
order — a lesson tliat was timely, as settlements were rapidly springing
up around the reservation anil contact witii tiie wJiite race was
increasing daily."

PRESSURE OF TRADERS ON TRIBAL AFFAIRS

The changes in the avocations and life of tlie Omaha bi-ought about
through the inlluence of the ti'aders have been spoken of; but there
were other ways in which the traders hail made themselves felt.
Trading companies made gifts to chiefs and other leading men whom

a For the details of the I'nited Stales Indian Service and of the elTorts made by the tiovernment to assist
the tribe to a knowledp' of eivilized life, see the .Vnnnal Reports of the Cominissiollers of Indian .\tTairs.

FUiTCHER-LAFLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 631

they found pliant and government olficials through the influence of
traders sometimes made "paper chiefs" by giving certificates to such
men. Medals were hung about their necks, flags were presented to
them, and efforts were made to keep tliem loyal to the trading com-
panies. English traders succeeded the French and the American the
English, conseciuently the medals, flags, and certificates of one
nation had to be relinquished when another nation came into power;
finally the United States authorities had to see that American badges
were substituted for foreign gifts. Tins outside pressure on tribal
affairs complicated the life ami thought of the people and disturbed
the ancient forms and authority of the chiefs. The people could no
longer pursue the path their fathers had trod — changes were on every
hand. The steady stream of immigrants brought added trouble and
perplexity. Indian garden patches were often treated as though
maize grew wild and few rights of the natives were respected in the
onward rusli of white men. All this was more or less be^vildering to
the mass of the tribe. Sometimes, however, a man was able to lift
himself above the turmoil and discern the trend of events. Such a
man was Big Elk, tJie last chief of his name ; his apprehension of
coming events and his counsel, embodied in a sort of allegory, have been
given on page 84. Big Elk impressed his own outlook on the change-
fid future on a half-breed youth toward whom he was drawTi in friend-
ship and whom he afterward adopted. This j'oung man, Joseph La
Flesche, later became so powerful a factor in the welfare of the tribe
that it is proper to give a few details of his career. The facts Iiere
presented were obtained from Waje'pa (Wa'tliishnade, pi. 29) during
his last visit to the writers in Washington, shortly before his death.

JOSEPH LA FLESCHE

In the eai'l}^ part of the last century an Omaha boy was taken
captive by the Sioux. He grew up among his captors and became
a man of influence among that people. One of his sisters became
the wife of Joseph La Flesche, a Fi-ench trader in the emplo}^ of
one of the fur companies. A son was born of this union, probably
about 1818, in the old village To^'wo^to^ga, on Omaha creek.
The long absences of her husband, made necessary by trading
business, were irksome to the young Omaha wife and she finally
left her French husband and married one of her own tribe. Little
Joseph was about six years old when his mother married again.
He was taken by his aunt to visit her brother, who was living with
the Sioux, and remained three years or more. Wliile there he
learned to speak the Dakota language, wliich he never forgot. At
the time he returned to the Omaha with his aunt his father was
there trading with the tribe. He pleaded with the aunt to give him

632 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ANN. 27

his son but she refused. A few years later she consented and La
Flesche took his son to St. Louis, where the lad learned to speak
French; later he accompanied his father on trading expeditions.
Young Joseph was a favorite with the old Omaha chiefs, especially
with Big Elk, and used to talk with them -and learn from them the
cjualifications requisite for chieftainship. The tribe was then living
in the vicinity of Bellevue. La Flesche became impatient with
his son and reproved him for lingering with the chiefs but the
youth was becoming versed in tribal customs and lore and alre'ady
had determined in his mind to become a chief. Joseph continued,
however, to accompany his father on trips and learned to speak the
Iowa, Pawnee, and Oto languages. He was a good hunter and
planned to enter into trade on his own account; this he did later
on and was quite successful. It was while living in the vicinity of
Bellevue that he finally concluded to settle down and cast his lot
with his mother's people and he soon became identified with them.
He had seen enough of the world to recognize that the white race
were in the country to stay and that the Indian would have to
conform more or less to white ways and customs. The problem
how to meet the new conditions that were already looming on the
horizon of tribal life occupied much of his thought as well as the
mind of Big Elk. One summer about this time (probably between
1845 and 1850), when the tribe were preparing to go on the annual
buffalo hunt. Big Elk asked Joseph to join the preliminary council
(see p. 276). No objection was raised and he was given a seat
next to Big Elk. This was a marked step forward in the young
man's proposed career. He had already begim to make the gifts
necessary toward chieftainship (see p. 202) as well as to count his
hundred (see p. 495) . At this time Big Elk's son was living and it was
the wish of the chief that this son should succeed him. But the young
man died and after that event Joseph became recognized as the son
of Big Elk and was coiuited as belonging to the We'/,hi"shte gens;
this was contrary to usage, for, as his mother belonged to the I"ke'9abe
gens and as liis father was white, he should have been considered as
belonging to her gens. Meanwhile the tide of settlers increased
and while Joseph La Flesche (fig. 49) was carrying forward plans to
rise to the place occupied by Big Elk lie was also engaged in thoughts
and projects for helping the people forward to the best advantage
in the new path he sawopenmg before them, which they must take.
He watched the mission school established at Bel!ev\ie and talked with
the missionaries. He was active in the negotiations which resulted in
the selection of the present reservation when the Omaha disposed of
their hunting lands to the United States. On the death of Big Elk
in 1853 Joseph La Flesche had fully ct)mplied with the old require-
ments for chieftainship ; he took Big Elk's ])lace and became one of

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE]

RECENT HISTORY 633

the two Ni'kagalii u'zliu, or principal chiefs. He was with the
Omaha delegation that went to Washington to complete the treaty
of 1854. La Flesche argued with the officials against payments
being made in goods. He demanded that the tribe receive money
for their land, declaring that with money the people could buy what
they needed — tools, food, clothing. The silver dime he used to
illustrate his contention was long cherished in memory of the victory
which gave to the Omaha cash payments instead of merchandise
but which won for him the enmity of certain trader factions. He
had gathered about him at Bellevue the young, active men of pro-
gressive spirit, who formed the nucleus of what afterward became
known in the tribe as the "young men's party." When the tribe
occupied their new reservation and were settling in villages Joseph
La Flesche selected a site slightly south of that on which "The Mis-
sion" was about to be built and there he formed a village which he
planned should be somewhat similar to a white settlement.

"The Village of the 'Make-believe' White Men"

For this new enterprise the followers of Joseph La Flesche cut logs
and hauled them to a sawmill, where they were prepared for use.
Joseph hired white carpenters to construct his own house and under
the direction of these mechanics the men of the village erected
small frame houses for themselves out of the lumber secured from the
logs. The shingles had to be purchased. Joseph's house was a large
building two stories high with rooms on both sides of the hall;
here he had a store and for several years carried on considerable
trade. He laid out roads, one leading to the agency, one to the
steamboat landing and Mission, and one through the center of the
village. On this last road and branch roads stood some of the
houses. He fenced a tract of 100 acres or more in the bottom
and furnished the oxen and plow to break this land. It was
divided into separate fields so that each man in the village could
have a tract of his own for cultivation. A few families started
other little fields not far from the village. It was on this bottom
that the first wheat raised on the reservation was planted. Sorghum
and large crops of corn were also harvested and in the winter the
men hauled their produce on the ice to Sioux City, then a newly
formed settlement on the Iowa side of the river to the north. All
the children of this village were sent by their parents to the Mission
School. The conservatives of the tribe called tliis village by the
derisive name, "the village of the 'make-believe' white men."

The enterprise shown by the people of this village had a marked
influence on the tribe in general. La Flesche's action in reference
to drunkenness has been told (p. 621). Of course this man did not

634 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii. ANN. 27

esc!i])o criticism and he had to einliue persecution because of his
championship of what he thought were the riglits of the people.
Through all the changes that came about he remained until his
death, in 1888, a leader of the tribe. Throughout his eventful life
he bore well liis part in all the rites and rec^uirements of chieftain-
ship and lived to cast his vote as a citizen of the United States. The
following incident is characteristic of the man: Although he could
"count" more than needed to entitle him to place the "mark of
honor" (see p. 505) on his daughters, he would not have them
tattooed nor would he permit the ears of liis sons to be pierced.
Wlien questioned why he, who had fulfilled so many of the ancient
requirements, should have refused so to distinguish himself and his
children, he replied: "I was always sure that my sons and daughters
would live to see the time wlien they would have to mingle with
the white people, and I determined that they should not have any
mark put upon them that might be detrimental in their future
surroundings."

SUEVEY OF THE KESERVATION

The promise made in the treaty of 1854 and repeated in 1865, that
the land should be surveyed in order that the people might enter on
tracts and possess their individual homes was not fulfilled until 1872.
It was the influence of the village of "the 'make-believe' white men"
that stimulated the people of the other villages and finally secured
the delayed governmental action. The eastern portion of the reserva-
tion, from the Missouri to the Omaha Creek region, was surveyed into
townships and the usual subdivisions. Oxen and breaking plows
were bought with tribal money and prairie was broken on the selec-
tions that were made by many of the people, their right to the land se-
lected being secured to them by certificates issued by the Government.
The people spent all the winter after the survey was made in cut-
ting timber and hauling it to the agency mill. Only a few reaped
benefit of their labor by having their logs made into lumber and
the houses built. The bulk of the material gathered was never
used; hke many other promises, the fulfillment was deferred until
the people lost hope and ambition.

EXTERMINATION OF TIIE BUFFALO

About this time tlie slaughter of the buffalo herds had seriously
affected the supply of the game, so that after 1876 there were no more
annual buffalo hunts and a new dilemma confronted the people.
Unused to depend solely on a diet of grain and not accustomed to
tbe taste of heet they suffered from the change. It was during
tills distress that the tribe sought to make their appeal to Wako°'da

FLETCHER-LA FLESCHE] RECENT HISTORY 635

through the old ceremonies connected with the anointing of the
Sacred Pole (see p. 230) hy purchasing beef as a substitute for
buffalo meat (see p. 244). A few of these costty experiments
brought a new sorrow — the realization that the food on which their
fathers had depended and which through past centuries had never
failed, had been destroyed although they had been taught that the
buffalo had been sent "from every quarter" for man's use, by
Wako°'da (see ritual, p. 294). Distress of mind accompanied their
distress of body. The maize remained to them and its cultivation
increased, as did the raising of wheat. These articles they sold to
the white settlements and ■with the proceeds bought food. Pigs,
chickens, and cattle were raised in moderate numbers. The once
thrifty Omaha had become poor; they never received rations from
the Government, however, but struggled on by themselves, the older
people supported by the hopefulness and efforts of the 3^ounger
generation.

During the period of the Civil War the Omaha were loyal to the
United States Govenmient and served as scouts and guards during
the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad.

ESTABLISHIVIENT OF "THE COUNCIL"

The enforced abandonment of the annual hunt and the changes
taking place in the life and habits of the tribe led to a modification in
tribal govermnent, one favored by the United States agency officials.
Questions frequentlj^ arose the determination of which required coop-
eration between the tribe and the Agent. Tribal meetings were cum-
bersome and difficult to manage, so it came about that a "council"
was formed of a small number of chiefs and other leading men, who
could be easily called together by the Agent. Chieftainship in the old
meaning of the term thereby lapsed. The council represented the
people but all governing power had become centered in the United
States Indian Agent.

Nothing belonging to the past now seemed stable to the Omaha;
only the familiar landscape remained to remmd them that thej' were
still in the land of their fathers.

THE PONCA TRAGEDY

Suddenly, in 1877, like a bolt out of the blue sky, came the distress-
ing removal of their kindred, the Ponca, from their home on the
Niobrara river to the Indian Territory. The pathetic return in the
spring of 1879 of Standing Bear and his followers, bearing the bones
of that chief's dearly loved son for burial, and the coming of United
States soldiers to carry them back to the dreaded "hot country, "
brought terror to eveiy Omaha family. Thinking that their own

636 THE OMAHA TRIBE [eth. ann. 27

homes might be in danger, some of the men took the certificates for
their individual hinds and houses to the hxrger white settlements
and consulted lawyers in order to find out the legal value of these
papers. Wlien they were told that the certificates carried no patent
rights to the land the fear and sorrow this knowledge brought passed
description. It seemed that the very ground was cut from under
their feet, that they were forsaken by all in whom they had ever put
trust, and that even the Govermnent which they had always respected
had betrayed them.

APPEAL FOR LAND PATENTS

Such were the practical conditions when one of the writers entered
the tribe for ethnological study. She knew little of political affairs
but firmly beheved that wei-e the truth known to the United States
Government its officials W(.iuld give the Omaha a legal right to their
homes and to the land hallowed by the graves of their fathers.
Actuated by this behef, much tune was spent in gathering data con-
cerning the efforts of those among the people who had striven to gain
their livelihood on the lands for which thej' held certificates or on
tracts selected since the issuance. These men Avere invited to join
in a petition to Congress, here given as an historical document" that
proved of importance to the Omaha tribe and was the forerunner
of the Severalty Act of 1887, which marked a change in tlie jiolicy
of the Government toward the Indian tribes of the United States.

MEMORIAL OF THE MEMBERS OF THE OMAHA TRIBE OF INDIANS
FOR A GRANT OF LAND IN SEVERALTY

To the Senate of the United States:

We, the undersigned, members of the Omaha tribe of Indian?, have taken our
certificates of allotment of land or entered upon claims within the limits of the C»maha
reserve. We have worked upon our respective lands from three to ten years; each
farm has from five to fifty acres under cultivation; many of us have built houses on
these lands and all have endeavored to make permanent homes for ourselves and our
children.

We therefore petition your h<in()ral)l(' body to grant to each one a clear and full title
to the land on which he has worked.

We earnestly pray that this petition may receive your fa\-orable consideration, for
we now labor with discouragement of heart, knowing that our farms are not our own
and that any day we may be forced to leave the lands on which we have worked. We
desire to live and work on these farms where we have made homes that our children
may advance in the life wo have adopted. To this end and that we may go forward
with hope and confidence in a better future for our tribe, we ask of you titles to our
lands.

Respectfidly submitted.

a Sen. Misc. Doc. No. 31, 4(tli Cong., 1st sess.

FLETCHEll-LAFLESrUB] RECENT HISTORY 637

Then follow the signatures of 55 men. The statistics for each
signer, as to the amount of land he cultivated, the stock he owned,
and the number of persons dependent on him for support, were
appended, together with such remarks as he desired to make in his
behalf.

The followmg "remarks" quoted fi-om this petition are typical of
the burden that was voiced by each man.

Xitha'gaxe said:

I have worked hard on my land so that I should not go round begging. I thought
the land was my own, so I went to work and cultivated it. Now I have found out
it is not my own, and this makes me stop. I am afraid if I should build a house and
spend money on it I would lose it if the Government should move the Indians from
this land. Three times I have cut wood to build a house. Each time the agent told
me the Government wished to build me a house. Every time my wood has lain and
rotted, and now I feel ashamed when I hear an agent telling me such things. * * *
I want a title to my land; I want a house that is my own.

Ho°'donmo"thi":

When I was a boy I saw much game and buffalo and the animals my forefathers
used to live upon, but now all are gone. Where I once saw the animals I now see
houses and white men cultivating the land. * * * i want a title for my land. I
am troubled about it. * * * In the morning I get up and look at my fields, and
I wish that God may help me to do better with my land and let it be my own.

Mawa'do°thi":

I have taken hold of the plow. I did not know how, but I put in my ponies and
my wife held the reins. * * * There is a party among us in favor of titles. When
it first started I was one of them. * * * I want a title to my land. I may never
know all the good it will bring but my children will know. * * * If I were a
young man I would say more; but I am too old to speak much. The reason I have
worked so hard is that I wished to set an example to others that they might see how
an old man could work because he wanted to.

Wa'thislmade:

Before I began to farm I was just a wild Indian doing as I pleased, going round
the country looking for death. * * * We have no government on the reserve.
We have trouble which we would not have if we had government and law. We want
these. We are right among the white people, and as we have no law we can't get
along very well. There are persons living on the reserve who have certificates of
allotment; they believe that the land is theirs and that they can always keep it.
I know differently. * * * I went on my farm with my certificate. I believed
the land was mine. I have found out the land is not mine; that the Government
can take it away. We are going to ask for our titles. As long as the Government
does not give them, we will ask until the Government gets tired. We won't stop
asking until we get our titles.

Du'bamo^thi":

* * * The road our fathers walked in is gone, the game is gone, the white people
are all about us. There is no use in any Indian thinking of the old ways; he must
now go to work as the white man does. We want titles to our lands that the land
may be secure to our children. When we die we shall feel easy in our minds if we

638 THE OMAHA TRIBE [UTii. ANN. 27

know the land will belong to our children and that they will have the benefit of our
work. There are some Omahas who do not yet care for titles. We desire the Gov-
ernment to give titles to those who ask for them. * * * We are willing the others
should do as they please but we are not willing that they should keep us from getting
titles to our lands. Our children would suffer even a greater wrong than would
befall us. Give us who ask titles to our lands. * * * Do not let us be held back
and our children be sufferers because of the inaction of those who do not seem to
care for the future.

Om'pato°ga:

When we look at a person we are apt to know what that person is thinking of. All
who look at me must know I am thinking of a title to my land. * * * I wish I
could speak English, then I could tell you directly from my heart of the way in which
I wish to go. * * * We want titles to our lands. We are thinking of little else.
We shall think of little else until we get our titles. We are afraid of losing our lands.
When we receive titles to our farms then we shall be treated as men.

Joseph La Flesche :

* * * I was born in this country, in Nebraska, and I have always lived among-
the Indians. There was a time when I used to look only at the Indians and think
they were the only people. The Indians must have been long in this country before
the white man came here. * * * In the spring thej' would take their seed and
farm their 1 or 2 acres. There were no idlers, all worked in the spring. Those
who had no hoes worked with pieces of sticks. When they had their seed in, they
went on the hunt. They had nothing to worry them; all they thought of was their
little garden they had left behind. In the middle of the summer they came back
with the skins for their tent cloths, the meat for their food, and the skins for their
clothing. They made use of all animals. 'When they got home they gathered their
corn, dried it, buried a part of it, and taking enough to serve them started out on
the winter hunt to get furs. Then it was I used to see white men, those who were
going around buying furs. Sometimes for two or three years I would not see any
white men. At that time the country was empty, only animals were to be seen.
Then after a while the white men came, just as the blackbirds do, and spread over
the country. Some settled down, others scattered on the land. The Indians
never thought that any such thing could be, but it matters not where one looks
now one sees white people. These things I have been speaking about are in the
past and are all gone. We Indians see you now and want to take our stejw your
way. * * * It seems as though the Government pushes us back. It makes us
think that the Government regards us as unfit to be as white men. The white man
looks into the future and sees what is good. That is what the Indian is doing. He
looks into the future and sees his only chance is to become as the white man. WTien
a person lives in a place a long time he loves the place. We love our lands and want,
titles for them. When one has anything he likes to feel it is his own and belongs to
no one else, so we want titles; then we can leave our land to our children. You
know, and so do we, that some of us will not live very long; we will soon be gone
into the other world. We ask for titles for our children's sakes. For some years
we have been trying to get titles but we have never heard from the Government.
* * * We are not strong enough to help ourselves in this matter, so we •ask you
to help us. In the past we only lived on the animals. We see that it is from the
ground that you get all that you possess. The reason you do not look upon us as
men is because we have not law, because we are not citizens. We are strangers in
the land where we were born. We want the law that we may be regarded as men.
When we are in trouble wo want to have courts to appeal to. The law will teach
wrongdoers. It will prevent trouble as well as jjunish those who commit offenses.

FLETPHER-L.V FLESCIIE]

RECENT HISTORY

639

Wc know that in asking for titles we are askina; for that which will bring responsibility.
We are ready to accept it and to strive to fulfill its rciiiiirements. It seems as though
in the past the Government had not listened to the words of the Indians. We know
our own needs, and now we speak to you directly.

The petition was presented by the Hon. John T. Morgan, of
Alabama, in the L'nited States Senate, was ordered printed — ami there
the matter rested. All that winter the writer and the Indians waited
for a response. Almost every day some Indian would ride over the
snowy hills and ask: "Any news from Wasliington ? " and every day
the same answer had to be given: "None." It was a heartrending
wait for all who knew of the little missive thnt had gone to the

Fig. 130. A modern Indian home, not far Trom site of the old "Mission,"

country's capital, but particidarly for the sender. On her one hand
stood the trusting Indians, feeling that their homes were in danger
from forces they could not face, could not even speak to and be under-
stood by, and, on her other hand, stood the Government, great and
strange, almost unapproachable, but which alone held the jjower to
avert the feared disaster.

With the spring came a fu'm resolve to follow that petition and
make it heard by those who had the power to act on it. A long, and
for a time a single-handed, campaign followed. Addresses were made
by Miss Fletcher in Washington before congressional committees,
before churches, in the parlors of leading citizens, until the story
of the Omaha people bore results in the passage of the act of Au-
gust 7, 1S.S2 (see p. 624). The following year the provisions of the

640

THE OMAHA TRIBE

Ieth. axm. 27

act \\c'ro carried out by the writers, and every man, woman, and child
of the tribe received a share ol' tlie hxnd inlierited from their ancestors.

On March 3, 1S93 (27 Stat., 612), Congress amended the act of
August 7, 1SS2, and grantcnl to wives SO acres of land in tiieir own
right and the same amount to children. The provisions of this act
were carried out in 1900.

The twenty-five-year ' ' perioil of trust ' ' lias been fraught with many
experiences, not all of wliich have been happy. The untaxable char-
acter of the land has maile im]irovements in roads and bridges slow
and the increasing value of farms in that vicinity has brought pressure
on the Omaha to lease their allotments. Many have done so; the

Fig. 131. .\n Omaha farmer's home.

act has not been altogether evil nor has it been wholly good for the
people. It has brought the Indian into closer contact with white
neighbors and established business lelations between them. While the
Omaha have learned much from this relationsliip, in some instances,
as was natural, they have come to depend on the income derived
from leasing tiieir jMoperty rather than on their own laliors, to s(>cure
the full product and jiniiit from their lands, a condition not altogether
favorable to a healthful social growth. Wlien one of the writers
was last am<^ng the tribe (during the summer of 1910) antl i-ecalled
the conditions that obtained thirty \eais ago, the present state
showed how much, during the intervening years, hail been thought
out and accomplished by the ])pople. (See figs. 1.30-132.) Although
she missed the presence of the old men who were formerly the leaders

rLETCIIKR-LA FLKSCHE]

RECENT HISTORY

641

ill pi()ij;res8, slie saw the results of their h-adershij) manifested in the
cDinfortable homes on farms tilled by the Indians, in the inereasinp;
ability of the people to manage their own affairs, in the attendance
of the children at school, in the growing api)reciation of the value
of temperate habits, and in the capacity the Omaha are showing for
maintaining themselves under the new conditions imposed on them by
the white race.

Here anil there quaint survivals of old customs under a new guise
could be noted, as in reference to marriage. Men and women still
observe the old rule of exogamy and when a man dies, his widow feels
that she honors her husband's meniorv bv remaining in the family, a

Ftg. I'i2. A well-to-do Omaha farmer and his family.

feeUng shared by any unmarried brother of the deceased, who, even
if much younger than the widow, promptly becomes her husband.

During the recent years of stress there have been noble men and
women in the tribe who have stood steadily tor virtuous, industrious
hviag, and their example has exerted an influence all the stronger
because coming from within, not from without, the tribe, and this
influence is a vital and a growing power.

PRESENT CONDITION

The '"period of trust" technically expired during the year 1910.
Reahzing the miwisdom of throwing at oiice indiscriminately on the
people so large a property burden and the necessity of protecting

83993°— 27 eth— 11 il

642 THE OMAHA TRIBE [etii. ans. 27

tlic interests ul' the old aiul tlie backward, the Indian Bureau luis
api)()inted a commission to determine what individuals among the
Omaha are prepared to be released absolutely from the care of the
Government.

The following is the latest official statement " concerning the tribe:

The population according to the last census was 1,270. Ninety per cent of those
under forty years speak English to some extent; many of them speak quite well.
All except a few of the very old understand English and most of the men between
forty and sixty can speak it a littli-.

All live in houses, none in tents except as a change in the summer time. With
the exception of about twenty, the men dress in citizens' clothes. Most of the
women dress after a fashion of their own, which is partly like that of a white woman.
Several of the younger women dress in all respects as white women do. None of the
very old women and very few of the old men ride horseback. The young men often
ride. A few of the young women ride but they always dress for the purpose with
divided skirts, using men's saddles. About 9-5 per cent of the people own carriages
and buggies and most of them have good teams and take fairly good care of them.

About 90 per cent of the children of schoul age and in proper health are iu school
a reasonable portion of the year. I do not recall but one healthy child between the
ages of ten and twenty who has never attended school and he speaks English quite
well. There are fourteen public schools on the reservation besides the graded school
at Walthill. There have been 110 or 115 Omaha children in the public schools the
past year. They are given the same recognition as the white children and show
about the same ability.

Two members of the tribe are merchants, two are attorneys, one is manager of the
athletic teams of Wabash College, one is a physician, three or four are extensively
engaged in real estate and stock business, a few are in the government service, and
a great number are making good homes for themselves as farmers.

Fotu-teen Omaha families live in the town of Waltliill ami more
than sixty lots are owned by Omaha. Several families reside in the
town of Rosalie. The Title Map (pi. 65) of the Omaha reservation
here presented, with the following list of the original owners of the
allotment.s indicatetl thereon,'' forms an historic record of the tribal
lands.

o Extract from a letter by Supt. John M. Commons, date J Septemtwr In. ISHW.

6 For permission to use these data the writers are indebted to H L Keefe. esq., atlorney-at-Ia\v, of
Walthill, Nebraska.

FLETCIIEK-LA FLESCIIE]

RECENT HISTORY

643

Original Owners of Allotments ox Omaha Reservation

(Note. — The numbers which appe;ir Ijeiow correspond to those on the Title Map. plate U5.)

O. C. Anderson 1406

J. R. Ashley 123, 130, 132, 133

Louise Paul Atkin 1430

Kate Ballou 1455
F. B. Barber 674, 1451, 1454
J. L. Barber 386, 1267
Josaphiue Barnabv 1618
Amos Baxter 939,"l348
Bertie Baxter 936, 987
Chas. Baxter 1349
Chris Baxter 1343
David Baxter 937
Fannie P. Baxter 1273
Harrv Baxter 934, 1078
John Baxter 134, 944
Lenora S. Baxter 1360
Louisa Wliile Baxter 563
Richard Baxter 3
Samuel Baxter 1367
Thomas Baxter 1375
Ta-in-ne Baxter 1308
Ash-na-me-ha Baxter 137
Washington Baxter 1695
Elizabeth Paul Baylis 1431
Harrison D. B41is 673
Henry Baylor 1160
Chas. Beckenhauer 120
T. G. Benedict. 636, 648
Ponca-we Big Elk 1061
John Big Elk 1391
Alcorn Black 852, 966
Alexander Black 396, 730
Lucv S. Black 749
Harry Black 698
James Black 1408
-Maggie Black 1649
Me-ma-she-ha-the Black 851
Min-gra-da-we Black 732, 1628
Min-gra-tae Black 1493
No-zae-in-zae Black 395
Sarah Black 727
Stewart Black 728
Alfred Blackbird 868, 882
Alice Blackbird 1703
Cyrus Blackbird 1648
Ellis Blackbird 21
Caroline Blackbird 606
Frank Blackbird 1632, 1748
George Blackbird 1355
Harrv Blackbird 569
Henry Blackbird 81
Henrick Blackbird 1052, 1157
Hiram Blackbird 1711
James Blackbird 441, 1746
John Blackbird 856, 881
Mary Blackbird 853, 958. 115
Mary L. Blackbird 869

Me-me-ta-ga Blackbird 559
Me-da-sho-ne Blackbird 1447
Me-gra-ta-in Blackbird 827
Me-me-sha-he Blackbird 1553
Me-gra-tae Blackbird 1589
Me-ah-con-da Blackbird 1280
Na-zae-in-zae Blackbird 1635
Ou-ga-zhoo Blackbird 899
Ou-go-shan Blackbird 561
Philip Blackbird 1218
Ponca-we Blackbird 900
Peter Blackbird 415, 1167
Ponca-sa Blackbird 1336
Sarah Blackbird 1168
Solomon Blackbird 43
Sophia Blackbird 80
Sarah Thomas Blackbird 417
Ta-gra-na Blackbird 1744
Te-gre-num-pa-be Blackbird 560
Ta-in-gra-gra Blackbird 1225
Walter Blackbird 23
William Blackbird 607
Wa-ta-we Blackbird 1121
J. E. Blenkiron 505, 1313, 1746
John Brown 69, 988
John Ku-ku Brown 70
Jacob Brown 1751
Ma-zha-we Brown 1740
Me-hu-sa Mct.'aidev Brown 1024
Zhon-ic-wa Brown 71, 989
Arthur Brownrigg 1317
Etta Pitcher Brownrigg 1021
Ah-ga-ha-mon Buffalo 921
Jennie Buffalo 385
Me-tae-za Buffalo 920
Me-te-he-ga Buffalo 404
Sleeping Buffalo 67
Heen-hu-dane Bum 260
Julia Burt 298
Mary Burt 299
Wali-me Burt 1720
Wa-ta-wa Burt 1583
Marv Butler 439, 642
H. D. Byram 127, 128

Antoine Cabana 1413, 1414
Annie Cabney 1561
Francis Cabney 1415
Henry Cabney 1538
Mary Cabney 1411
Maggie Woodhull Cabney 814
Maurice Cabney 1537
Reuben Cabney 974, 1012
Thomas Cabney 1412
Agnes Callon 516
Tae-gra-ha Callon 195
William P. Callon 1708
Emily Campbell 1151
Florence Campbell 1196
Ida Campbell 1042, 1172

644

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[KTU. ANX.

Li.viisu Campbell 1220
I'l.urllv Canipbell 1148
William H. Campbell 1044, lUii
Aes-na-du-ba-the Canby 1208
Ilorace < 'aiiby 770
Kae-the-he Canby 1510
Me-ah-coii-da Canby 1249
Me-um-ba-lhe Canby 1209
Tae-ara-ha Canby l64()
Thomas Canby (iS
William Canby 1782
Francis M. Cayou 87, 217
Lee (_'ayou 131
Louise A, (_'ayou 86
Me-um-ba-the Cavou 1155
William W. Cayoii 172
Cy Chase 978
Cvnthia Chase 1108
Ethel vn Chase 1111
Gertrude Chase 1109
Hiram Chase 411, 1105
L'iabell Chase 1106
Paulina Chase 157
Thunnan Chase 1110
John Clark 598, 638
Ponca-we Clark 640
Roland Clark 118
E-hun-ge-ne Clay 1519

Francis (lav 1522
Hannah Clay 1474

Henry < lay 33

John Wa-nua Clay 399

Not-a-afraid (.'lay 276

Me-me-she ('lay 666

Me-me-she-hon-ne Clay 796

Mc-gthe-ta-in Clay 401

The-wa-nuz-ze Clav 709

Wa-baska Clav 400

Albert ('line 1694

E. C. ('line 1153, 1154

Edith Drum (line 365

Edward ('line 335

Henry ('line 1191

Horace ('line 1607

Josaphine ('line 1704

Julia Leaming ('line 1103

Lucy ("line 994

Me-da-be ('line 186

Me-ma-sha-ha-lhe Cline 76

Me-ga-,sho-ne Cline 1487

Me-hu Cline 330

Me-na ('line 331

Ta-in-oa-ne ('line 334, 1068

Ta-ijra-ha Cline 285

Edith Cook 838

John Cook 406

Little Cook 1612

Lizzie Cook 407

Mabel Cook 778

Maggie Cook 1569

Ta-sa-bae ( 'ook 839

Te-gah-hah (.'ook 408

To-in-L'e-na Cook 1623

To-in-go-nah (Mabel) Cook 902

Michael Cooney 1260

Adeta Cox 1244

Alvin Cox 201

Clo\er Cox 319

Dora ( 'ox 1272

Edna Cox 991, 992

Eva Cox 371

Frank Cox 1359

Grace Cox 1003

Grace Insta-son-we Cox 529

Henry Cox 655, 890

Harriet Cox 993

Jesse Cox 1285

Joseph (-'ox 1613

Lucy ("ox 1243

Luke Cox 1469

Luther (.'ox 14

Me-tae-na (.'ox 202

Ou-ba-ne (.'ox 894

William P. Cox 655, 890

John Daggert 498
Arthur Dale 1497
Eliza Dale 1526
Me-srae-da-we Dale 1690
A. M. Daniels 1386
Lester Davis 1402
Warren Davis 11, 257
Albert Dick 278
(.'harlie Dick 36
Elizabeth Dick 1314
Emilv Dick 797
Ida W. Dick 764
James Dick 49
Joseph Dick 46, 765 j

Lewis Dick 1767
Lizzie W. Dick 562
Logan Dick 84
Lucy Dick 57, 526
Marguerita Dick 101, 1232
Marv Dick 1235
Me-pe Dick 710, 769
Me-ta-he-u Dick 26
Mitchell Dick 1518
Na-zo-in-za Dick 56
Susette Dick 1517
Tecumseh Dick 1122
Marguerite Diddock 1584
Charles Dixon 1560
Harry Dixon 318
JeiTy Dixon 55
Jesse Dixon 32
Phillip Dixon 40
Robert Dole 119
Edith Drum 597
Eliza Drum. 1043
Jose|jh Dnun 554
Lvdia Drum 438, 553
Piiul Drum 556, 1045
Peter Dr\im 62
Burns Duvall 1733
Herbert Duvall 510, 70S

Anna Edwards 97
Cada-we Edwards 1443
Charles Edwards 98

FLETCHKK-LA FLESCHE]

RECENT HISTORY

645

Dora Edwards 138, 523, (iOl
Gustavius Edwards 73
John Edwards 528, 596
Jonathan Edwards 1T71
-Maria Edwards 527. 002
Me-ah-ste-sta Edwards 1323
Me-tat'-ua Edwards 13
Min-nra-sha-ne Edwards 1322
Roland Edwards 82
Sarah Edwards 1252
Tae-Ki'a-ha Edwards tiO, 94
AA'allcr Edwards 29
J. J. Elkin 27, 1551
Albert Esau 135
Daisy Esau 107, 680
Edward Esau 1565
Joseph Esau 102, 105
Let tie Esau 960
Marv Esau 106, 679
Me-ah-fh;.-"- :.8,ui 691
Me-tah-he Esa\i 141
Nora Esau 1575

Caryl E. Farley 833, 968, 973, 976, 1018,

1724
Fletcher Farley 1319
John Farley 1020
John Franris Farlcv 883
La Flesch- Farley 1321
Louis La Fleschc Farlev 1318
Mary R. Farley 1017
Marguerite Farley 1320
Marv Farlev 975 "

Rosalie L?. 'Flesrhe Farlev 1416, 1417
Georn-e Fields 1164, 1166"
Joseph Fields 1163, 1178
Josiah Fields 1171
Me-^the-ta-in Fields 409
Nellie Fields 1143
Nettie Fields 1144
Birdie J. Filson 905
Florence Filson 1170
Josephine P. Filson 1617
E. S, Flor 126, 964, 1365
Emily Fontenelle 1139
Eugene Fontenelle 1138
Henrv Fontenelle 89, 1132
Leon Fontenelle 142,1114
Lucienne A. Fontenelle 1150
Raymond Fontenelle 1129
Ae-the-wa-he Fox 1241
Cau-za-we Fox 1247
George Fox 324
George 11. Fox 1520
Grace ('. Fox 1358
Hattie Fox 1479
Helen Fox 818
Henr\- Fox 731
Howard Fox 1677
Joel Fox 820
Nettie Fox 321
Ponca-we Fox 320
Shu-in-na P'ox 1564
Ponca-.son Fox 1718
Silas M. Fox 1511

Ta-e-n3, Fox 1248
Walter Fox 369
A. Freemont 1356
Agnes Freemont 575
Allan Freemont 68
Alice P>eemont 96
Alice McCaidey Freemont 477
Allison Freemont 1653
Bertram Freemont 1364
Caroline Freemont 151
Charlotte Freemont 1671
Eagle Freemont 582
Emily Freemont 364, 522, 1048
Ezra Freemont 1399
Francis Freemont 1028, 1400
George Freemont 356
Harriet Freemont 576
Hiram Freemont 437
Howard Freemont 986
Jackson Freemont 664, 950
James Khe-tha Freemont 1681
Jesse Freemont 12, 78, 366
Joel Freemont 10
John Freemont 593
John C. Freemont 1328
Julia Freemont 2, 358
Laura McCauley Freemont 643
Little Eagle Freemont 1327
Logan Freemont 268, 1698
Lottie Wolf Freemont 545
Mabel Freemont 970
^Llud Freemont 332
Marguerite Freemont 336. 1027
Ma-ha-zin Freemont 158
Me-mc-ta Freemont 1325
Me-um-ba-the Freemont 335
Minnie Freemont 359
iliriam Freemont 1357
Naomi Freemont 952
Nettie Freemont 954. 1070
Oscar Freemont 1729
Paul Freemont 928. 1073
Rufus Freemont 1732
Samuel Freemont 360
Tue-gra-ha Freemont 368
Ta-da-we Freemont 304
Thos. Freemont 697. 700
Mrginia Freemont 355
White-bird Freemont 1326
Charles Frost 922
Elizabeth Frost 884, 926. 1784
Fannv Frost 221
Howard Frost 99. 305
Jack Frost 83
Mary Frost 309, 919
Me-me-she-oh-ne Frost 112/
Su.san Frost 220
'\^"a-ta-we Frost 815
\\'illiam Frost 1783
Anna L. Fuller 845
Charles E. Fuller 843
Elsie M. Fuller 850
George T. Fuller 844
Isabelle Fuller 1581
Louise L. Fuller 849
Susan Fuller 846
There.se Fuller 1595

646

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN". 27

Aes-ma-ma-hoe Furnas 1507
Honry Furnas 579, ()23
Mc-nu'-ta Furnas 1419
Olivt-r Furnas 1509
Pont'a-son Furnas 152
Rachel Furnas 572

Da-da-lhin-gae Gilpin 880
Kaw-sae-da-lhe Gilpin 108
Louisa Gil|)in 1(58
Ma-sa-de-thc Gilpin 50
Me-s;ra-tao Gilpin lG-1
Na-lio-dra Gilpin 165
Nancy Gilpin 163
Nah-ra-dac-mon-ne Gilpin 873
Sam])son Gilpin 1599
Samuel Gilpin 222
Sarah Gilpin 166
Ta-dae-on-nKin-ne Gilpin 879
Ta-da-we-ha Gili)in 124
To-in-lhe Gilpin 872
Anna Grant 434
As-sa-hdo-ba Grant 672
Charlie Grant 4, 911
Charles Grant 619. 719, 1084
David Grant 590
Daniel Grant 1781
Edna Grant 433
Ernest CJrant 860
Eva Grant 436
Faith Grant 218
Frank Grant 1262
Grace Grrant 187
Grae-da Cirant 624
Grae-da-we-tae-he Grant 910
George Grant 1392
Hcnrv Grant 1777
Helen Olive Grant 699
Irene Grant 1307
Jane Grant 1332
James Cirant 435. 892
John Grant 786. 951. 1083. 1085
John U. Grant 589
Maggie McCaulev Grant 639
Martha T. Grant' 7 16
Me-me-tae Grant 176
Me-jjra-tah Grant 1357
Mor;»an Grant 5. 109
Ne-ka-hoe-iia Cirant 612
Ponca-sa Grant 1268
Rice E. Grant 1602
Rosa Grant 897. 1030
Samuel Cirant 626, 893
Soloman (irant 246
Tae-hae-o^a Grant 588
Ulysses Grant 1702
Walter Grant 1586
Washington < irant 216
Willie Grant 489, 491
Me-.sha-de-the Grav 1578
Millie Grier 580
Charles Guitar 1215
Emilv Guitar 1123
Frank Guitar 1213
Henrv Guitar 1135

Lucy Guitar 1 130
Stephen Guitar 1780
Susette Guitar 1211

Alfred Nebraska Hallowell 16, 1101

Arthur Hallowell 1636

Benjamin Hallowell 1633

Clara Hallowell 711

Clyde Hallowell 20

David Hallowell 977

Hu-ta-ta Hallowell 931. 1069

Insta-son-we Hallowell 530

Jacob Hallowell 455

Joseph Hallowell 18

Me-tae-gra Hallowell 793

Me-ma-she-ha-me Hallowell 1116

Ne-da-we Hallowell 933

Nice-day Hallowell 1118

Sarah Hallowell 1727

Silas Hallowell 1140

Simeon Hallowell 1476

Stella Hallowell 493. 1362

Susette Hallowell 1637

Thomas Hallowell 456, 712

Willie Hallowell 19

William B. Hallowell 1141

James Hamilton 315

John Hamilton 316

Joseph Hamilton 297. 735

Julia Hamilton 313

Me-ta-za Hamilton 1481

Walter Hamilton 1229

William Hamilton 291

Adolph Hanika 1097

Alice Hanika 1337

Marv Hanika 1338

William H. Hanika 1346

A-de-ta Harlan 1716

Charlie Harlan 488

Edgar Harlan 855

Edward Harlan 1193. 1289, 1571

Emma Wolf Harlan 486

Grover Harlan 1290. 1588

Helen Harlan 854, 1570

Jesse Harlan 1735

John Harlan 1721

Joseph Harlan 1714

Me-ge-na Harlan 1601

Me-gra-tae Harlan 1572

Me-tae-ma Harlan 214

Me-um-ba-the Harlan 1278

Reuben Harlan 832

Robert Harlan 296. 481

Samuel Harlan 1682

Snake [Henry] Harlan 1600

Ta-in-ne Harlan 463

Ta-sum-da-be Harlan 1597

Walter Harlan 848

Wa-ta-we Harlan 402

Willie Harlan 1598

William Harlan 1686

Elizabeth Harvey 92

Marv Harvev 91

Richard Hastings 1401

Charles Henderson 226. 867

FLETCHEK-LA FLESl'IIE]

RECENT HISTORY

647

Hcnrv Henderson 1535
Jane ilenderson 1606
Mo-wah-sah Henderson 223
Mollie Henderson 1536
Sarah Henderson 224, 874
Uiiton Henderson 1647
Anna Hewitt 440
Daniel Hewitt 1684
Emily Hewitt 442, 826
Iloo-ta-we Hewitt 1552
Xa-ju-ge-ta Hewitt 1557
Zha-e-wa-tha Hewitt 1513
J. E. Hinkle 1758
Clara Si.irinn;er Hogan 1345
Ira A. Hogan 1055
Larrv James Hogan 1257
John R. House 140, 941, 1093, 1095
Herman House 955
PhillisHull 1112
Victoria Fontenelle Hull 1154
F. B. Hutchens 155, 733, 945, 1058, 1102,
1145, 1161

I
George Irwin 199
Me-me-ta Irwin 194
Samuel Irwin 160

Andrew Jackson 1456

James Jcwett 255, 468

John Je-.vett 1697

Ponca-se Je-vett 254

Andrew Johnson 1473

Caroline Wolf Johnson 4!iO, 1014

Nils Johnson 943

Gustavus Keech 462
James Keech 1715
Julia Keech 509
Me-hae-we Keech 478
Patty Keech 461, 1004 _
Tha-ta-da-we Keech 17 1
William Keech 1727
H. L. Keefe 88, 454
Gustavius Keen 1001
Edward Kemp 121, 696
Fanny Kemp 1757
Fred Kemp 306, 688
Horace Kemp 1756
Joseph Kemp 113
John Kemp 117
Mary Kemp 116
Ma-zae-da Kemp 1468
Me-ta-na Kemp 1658
Sarah Kemp 571, 689
Samviel Edward Kemp 1656
Thomas Kemp 1763
Washe-ah-ne Kemp 1462
A. L. Krause 219, 633, 1424
CelestineB. Kuhn 1227

Carey La Flesche 875, 957
Frank La Flesche 1398

Joseph La Flesche 1403

Lucy La Flesche 1035, 1066

Mary La Flesche 859, 1071

Noah La Flesche 1395

Phocb C. La Flesche 876

Susan La Flesche 1404

Alta Lamson 1477

Amos Lamson 1486

Grace Ann Lamson 1478

Herbert R. Lamson 1312

Zoe Lamson 1484

Eileen Lawless 1216

As-sa-hoo-ba Learning 1495

Ga-hez-zin-ga Learning 1104, 1620

Graff Leaming 1505

Tae-hae Leaming 773

Julia Leaming 886

Little Kaw I. Leaming 1119

Silas Leaming 114

Wun-ga Leaming 1081

Thu-ta-we Leaming 1173

Hans Leiidert 946

Angeline Levering 346

Baptiste Y. Levering 347

Jackson Levering 1379

Julia Levering 2l5

Levi Levering 1369

Louis Levering 1370

Mary Jane Levering 344

Milton Levering 1778

Me-da-sha-ne Levering 184, 343

Polly Levering 245

Antoine Lewis 1353

Frederick Lewis 1515

Robert Lewis 1516

Alice Lieb 1037

Andrew Lieb 1036, 1180

Arthur Lieb 1039, 1188

George Lieb 1041, 1184

John Lieb 1324

Lizzie Lieb 93

Mary Lieb 1182

Mary Tyndall Lieb 1185

Silas Lieb 1040, 1181

Alice Lovejoy 766

Amelia Lovejoy 1007

Amos Lovejoy 1124

Asa Lovejoy 1381

Davis Lovejoy 303

Elizabeth Lovejoy 302

Emma Lovejoy 405

Henry Lovejoy 1627

In-sta-pae-da Lovejoy 924

Louisa Lovejoy 1657

Me-gthe-ta-in Lovejoy 1603

Me-me-tae Lovejoy 925, 1629

Noah Lovejoy 635, 668

Paul Lovejoy 959, 1008

Richard Lovejoy 1330

Samuel Lovejoy 1759

Susan Lovejoy 144, 1051

Ah-sa-hoo-ba Lyon 1494

Andrew Lyon 112, 270

As-sa-hae-ba Lyon 213, 284

Clema Lyon 536, 707

Don Lyon 85, 1292

Harriet Lvon 541

648

THE OMAHA TRIBE

lETlI. AN.V. 1'7

Harry Lyon 1388
Horace Lyon 1768
Joseph Lyon 611
John Lyon 279, 534, 143(3 .
Laura Lyon 197
Mary Lyon 110, 542, 1025
Melain Lyon 75
Me-tae-na Lyon 277
Me-me-sho-ne Lyou 142S
Nathan Lyon 1750
Ne-da-we Lyon 555, 6(i3
Nicholas Lyon 1331
Old Omaha Lyon 1501
Oliver Lyon 592
Oscar Lyon 1761
Ponca-sou Lyon 1217
Thomas Lyon 2G3

Albert Martin 383, 750

Charles Martin 1645

Emily Ahirtin 724

George Martin 1592

Maggie Martin 1541

Minnie Martin 1542

Ralph Martin 751

Thomas J. Martin 953

C. C. Maryott54, 447, 1169, 1298, 1530, 1679

Ah-hae-wae-te Matthews 420

Henry Matthews 1664

Joseph Matthews 74

Me-ga-sho-ne Matthews 1540

Me-ma-she-ha-the Matthews 421

Peter Matthews 373

Alfred McOaulev 1610

Albert McOaulev 653

Abbott McCauley 650

Anna McCauley 1266

Alice McCaulev 1120

Arthur Mc'(Jauiey 1099

Clark McCauley 1723

Columbus McCaulev 1641

De-sou-we McCauleX- 479, 1002

Ella McCaullev 1098

Eva G. McCauley 985

Harrison McCauley 329

Heen-hae-ga Mc('auley 376, 382

Jennie McCauley 183

Jennette Mc'Cauley 1316

Jeremiah McCaulev 171

John McCauley 1291

Josephine McCauley 1315

Julia McCaulev 1372

Mary Ann McCauley 1205

Mau-ma-oo-ga McCauley 182

Me-ma-she-ha-the McCauley 169

Me-hu-sa McCauley 1158

Me-hoo-sa McCauley 1256

Silas McCauley 1165

Ta-in-gra-hae McCauley 377

Theodore McCauley 681

Thomas McCaulev 1762

Wa-ta-ne McCauley 942

L, A. Mercum 196

Adeline Merrick 678

Albert Merrick 227

Alfred Merrick 695
Benjamin Merrick 1626
Charles Merrick 242, 389
Daniel Merrick 748
Daniel B. Merrick 1134
David Merrick 694
Ernest Merrick 1253
Frederick Merrick 1445, 1660
Jane Merrick 239
John Merrick 228
Joseph Merrick 1457
Mary Merrick 1434
Me-gthe-to-in Merrick 558
Me-tech-a Merrick 1659
Me-um-ba-the Merrick 557
Ollie Mary Merrick 1255
Peter Mei-rick 243, 387
Samuel Merrick 241
Ta-sa-da-ba Merrick 273
Ta-in-gra-ha Merrick 1754
Uriah Merrick 1306
Wa Merrick 722
Garry P. Me vers 1261, 1265
Alice Miller '767. 1499
Caroline Miller 1204
Edward Miller 211. 290, 983
George Miller 1202
John Miller 652
JohnG. Miller 1203
Marv Miller 651
N. Ahce Miller 736
Thomas Miller 251
Wallace Miller 210, 982
Charles Milton 236
Cleveland Milton 552
Daniel Milton 1687
Fanny Milton 551
Henry Milton 1741
James Milton 550
Me-gre-ta-in Milton 545, 763
Ponco-sa Milton 546
Pomcosah Milton 232
Wa-tan-na Milton 543
Wae-ton-na Milton 762
Ah-so-hu-boo Mitchell 501
Amos Mitchell 753, 755
Annie Mitchell 7tl3, 758
Arthur Mit( hell 1576
Bertram Mitchell 1496
Charles Mitchell 51
Dan-ma Mitchell 608
Edward Mitchell 670, 702
Edith \Veb.ster Mitchell 7-52
Gladvs Mitchell 1333
Gtha-de-srthe Mitchell 495. 809
Hae-bae Mitchell 1128
Ma-ba-zha Mitchell 810
Hoe-bue-ne-ha Mitchell 229
Helen Mitchell 720
Hiram Mitchell 721
Ida Mitchell 301
Jennie Mitchell 179
Juha Jennie Mitchell 310
Ke-tha-pa-he Mitchell 499
Lucy Mitchell 754. 962, 1452
Mabel Mitchell 757
Mary Mitchell 1334

FLETfllEIl-LA KI.KSl'lIE]

RECENT HISTORY

649

Marv T. L. -Milrlu.ll 91S

Me-gthe-toin Mitchell 2H

Me-mon-ne Mitthell 573

Me-nie-tae Mitchell 502

Me-sra-da-we Mitchell 1672

Me-ta-in Mitchell 759, 1126

Musk-ha-the Mitchell 367

Nancy Mitchell 1737

Na-ka Mitchell 1125

Nathan Mitchell 961

Neal Mitchell 1056

Oliver Mitchell 1405

Orrin Mitchell 90

Oscar Thomas Mitchell 311

Robert Mitchell 361

Stella Mitchell 1057

Susie Mitchell 256

Samuel Mitchell 370

Ta-.«in-ga Mitchell 500

Tae-nuah-ha-nuz-ze Mitchell 1674

Ta-iu-ffre-hae Mitchell 1006

Ta-in-siae Mitchell 1131

Te-ma-toe-he Mitchell 496

Thomas Mitchell 1466

Thoe-oe-the Mitchell 357

Wa-tou-ne Mitchell 225

William Mitchell 1642

Charles A. Moncravie 657

I'red E. Moncravie 654

Henry E. Moncravie 656

John B. Moncravie 1465

Andrew Moore 1387

Benjamin Moore 15

Ile-ho-da-me Moore 173

To-in-ge-na Moore 443

Albert Morgan 200, 908

Eliza Morgan 909

Ae-thu-thum-be Morris 1228

Aggie Morris 230, 392

Ah-an-win Morris 1665

Arthur ilorris 1088, 950

Ca-ga-we Morris 1448

Charles Morris 39, 238, 1094

David Morris 1706

Deborah Morris 178

Edward Morris 52, 352, 1023

Emma Morris 1441

Frank Morris 1712

George Morris 175, 1680

Gilbert Morris 1644

Gra-da-we Morris 1450

Guy Morris 1269

Harriet Morris 181

Harriet Merrick Morris 609

Henry Morris 4

James Morris 1713

Jesse Morris 1701

John Morris 185, 1347

Josephine Morris 1363

Julia Morris 145

Lewis Morris 198

Lucy Morris 388, 609

Lydia Morris 235

Martha Morris 1393

Me-gre-ta-in Morris 426, 671

Me-gthe-to-in Morris 393

Me-me-tae Morris 354

Me-wa-tha Morris 425
Me-ga-shon-ne Morris 394
Me-ma-.she-ne Morris 1288
Me-um-ba-the Morris 208
Me-we-tha Morris 1080
Naomi Morris 1245
Ne-ka-ge-thum-bae Morris 390
One-ha-zin-ga Morris 1350
Rebecca Morris 676, 1089, 1246
Robert Morris 701, 1661
Simon Morris 578
Ta-son-da-be Morris 325
Walter Morris 1394
W'oe-toe-we Morris 574
Alice Murphv 889
Amy M. Murphy 1609
Gertrude Murphy 885

Louis Neals 1422

Mary C. Neals 630, 1418

Susan J. Neals 1420

John A. Nelson 1079

F. C. Nielson 1219, 1339, 1549

Julia Olson 1063
Hershell Olson 1354

Albert Pa|)pan 265, 659
Dora Pappan 249, 687
Eugene Pappan 271
Julia Papjian 1439
Lettie Pappan 658
Lucy Pappan 39, 1401
Margaret Pappan 1453
Susan Pajjpan 264
F. H. Park 143, 1752
Aliraham Parker 295
Ada Parker 269
Benjamin Parker 262, 348
Charity Parker 1775
Charles Parker 1301, 1341
Daniel Parker 1492
Da-oh-mah Parker 261
Eli S. Parker 350
Ellen Parker 514
George Parker 1192
Henry Parker 47. 512, 677
Hubert Parker 604
Jane Parker 519
James Parker 515, 717
Jacob Parker 349
Jonathan Parker 584
Lee Parker 923
Maria Parker 422, 1015
Me-tae-hc Parker 280
Me-ta-na Parker, 122, 586, 1437
Me-da-shii-ne Parker 585
Me-ah-zhe-ga Parker 1206
Minnie Parker 1302
Mon-gthae-ta-ska Parker 337
Ne-da-we Parker 1342

650

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETU. AXX. '21

Nura-fjlhae-zae Parker l.'ii):!
0-wa-ra-la Parker 142!)
Peter Parker 779
Samuel Parker 45, 605, ml
Susan Parker 480, 518
Ta-iu-sra-ha Parker 125, 587
Theodore Parker 167()
Wa-l,a-in Parker 286
Wa-ta-we Parker 1329
Wliite-eje Parker 1310
WTiite-wina; Parker 266
William Parker 1760
Marv Jane Paul 1458, 1468
Allan Peabodv 1223
Charles Peabodv 629, 927
George Peabodv 1696
Jane 'Mitchell Peabodv 1421
Lucy Peabodv 627
Ma-be-na Peabody 446
Marv Peabody 631
Martin Peabody 1369
Mea-tho-da- we "Peabody 938
Me-hu-ga-sah Peabody 1279
Serenie Peabody 628
Um-ba-tha-gthe" Peabody 1376
Walter Peabody 1276
Jacob Penn 6, 1543
John Penn 594
Me-da-eha-ne Penn 148
Me-ha (Lucy) Penn 150
Me-gra-da-we Penn 9
Minnie WoodhuU Penn 812
Thin-da-the-8un Penn 8, 149
^\'a-uun-l1a-ze Penn 7
William Penn 1539
Edward Phelan 544
Alfred G. Phillips 487
Anna Phillips 1691
Aes-na-na-ha Phillips 1011
Charles Phillips 1221
Cyrus Phillips 1736
Elsie Aes-na Phillips 1049
Etta Phillips 1254
Grant Phillips 1743
Hae-ha-ga Pliillips 492
Lucy Phillips 154
MarV V. Phillips 1032
O. B. Phillips 734, 756, 1498
Ta-da-we-ha-ga PhiUips 31, 159
Victoria W. Phillips 1765
William Phillips 591
Minnie B. Pilcher 1366
Edward Pih her 683, 684
Elsie G. Pilcher 935
Etta A. Pilcher 792
Harriett Pilcher 1335
John Pilcher 1475
Marv X. Pilcher 790
Mary Rush Pilcher 1459
Millie Pilcher 795, 1019
Charles W. Pilcher 1374
William Henrv Pilcher 789
William H. H. Pilcher 1031
J. C. Pinker 272
Bertha Porter 595
Charles Porter 24
Daniel Porter 30

Hoo-ta-we Porter 1624

James Porter 599-, 761

Levi Porter 1646

Mary Porter 600, 7()0

Me-ma-she-ho-ne Porter 1631

Philip Porter 1625, 1630

Pon( -a-son Porter 89 1

Phoebe Porter 1722

Simon Porter 25

To-in-ge-na Porter 887

Anna Preston 413, 1062

Brvan Shootstraight Preston 1654

Da\-id Preston 1610

Emily Preston 341, 641, 1532, 1634

Haltie Preston 419

Isaac Preston 907

Jacob Preston 1534

Lucy Preston 414

N.ellie Preston 416

Patty Preston 1060

Ponca-we Preston 1533

Ralph Preston 342, 808

Ta-ha-be-ha Preston 1655

Thomas Preston 345

Joseph J. Provo 771, 773

Juliet Barnaby Provo 1502

Mary Louise Provo 1259

Marguerite F. Provo 1258

William B. Provo 1559

Arthur A. Provost 1545

Gertrude B. Provost 1287

Howard W. Provost 1544

Arthur Ramsey 1397
George Ramsey 287
Julia Ramsey 948
Peter Ramsey 289
Ta-sa-ba-we Ramsey 250
Alvin Reese 822
Anna Reese 449, 825
Anna W. Reese 682
Charles Reese 1528
Emily Reese 450, 819
Fanny Reese 452, 1075
Gilbert Reese 1546
Har\ey Reese 823
Homer Reese 824
James Reese 803
Mabel Reese 451, 829
Marv Reese 1460
Me-ta-e-ga Reese 821, 1072
Me-ura-ba-the Reese 1527
Nellie Reese 817. 1076
Thomas Reese 802. 816
William Reese 1373
E. T. Rice 532
Charles Robinson 137(
Duncan Robinson 427
Edward Robinson 799, 801
Ella Robinson 428
Elsie Robinson 513
Frank Robinson 1.525
Gra-da-we Robinson 715. 1034
Kate Robinson 798
Lewis Robinson 61

PLETCHEK-LA FI.K.SCIIE]

RECENT HISTORY

651

Luke Robinsuu 172(i

Mary Robinson 16GG

Mt'-one-we Robinson 1309

Porter Robinson SOO

Richard Robinson 16(S7

Sarah Robinson 625

iSusett.e Robinson 1523

Ta-e-na W. Robinson 190

Te-gra-ha Robinson 430

Thomas Robinson 53, 811

Wha-thae-oh-mae-ne Robinson 1-163

A. M. Rose 1()38

Alfred Rush 1504

Eva Rush 37, 704 .

Gilbert Rush 293

Jonathan Rush 328

Richard Rush 1410

Ruth Rush 1352

Susan Rush (i85

Susannah Rush 977

Willie Rush 38, 705, 763

Herman Russman 1371

Lot Sailor 1524
Harriet Sarpy 1585
Bennie Saiinsoci 1142
Betsy Saunsoci 1238
Edward Saunsoci 896
Frank Saunsoci 79
Helen Saunsoci 1271
Louis Saunsoci 1250,1300,1669
Lucy Saunsoci 898,1500
Lucy Mitchell Saunsoci 248
Mary Saunsoci 914
Minnie Saunsoci 621
Mitchell Saunsoci 1299
Parish Saunsoci 895,1029
Susan Saunsoci 915
Geora;eT. Scott 1242
Madeline Paul Scott 1432
Wesley Scott 997
Me-ma she-ha-ne 1133
Annie Sheridan, 725
Blackbird Sheridan 326
Clyde Sheridan 1464
El'i Sheridan 1480
Emma Sheridan 1115
Grace Sheridan 726
Henry Sheridan 690,718
John Sheridan 1485
Lida Sheridan 740
Louis Sheridan 693,744
Mary H. Sheridan 714
Minnie Sheridan 741
Nellie Sheridan 1427
Norma Sheridan 1470
Pon-shedia Sheridan 1471
Rachel Sheridan 675,745
Rosa Sheridan 692
Sarah Sheridan 1472
William Sheridan 327
Dwicht Sherman 1491
Ednnmd Sherman 972,1033
Issac Sherman 1234
John Sherman 632,644

Lucy Sherman 1650

Minnie Sherman 634

Mucha-e-tha Sherman 294

Mus-shea-tha Sherman 48

William Sherman 1117

L. Shumway 567

T. L. Sloan"lIS3,1186,1197, 1547,1605

Aes-na-sa-he Smith 912

Charles S. Smhh 916

Charles Smith 998

Gideon Smith 1710

Gthae-da Smith 913

Mary B. Smith 129

Ma-sha-na-ne Smith 147

Milton Snuth 22

Min-dra-dun-we Smith 1296

Mon-ka Smith 917

Newlin Smith 1730

Ta-ha-ga Smith 1297

To-da-wa-ha-ga Smith 378

Wa-zu-es Smith 1295

Alice La Flesche Solomon 1286

Andrew Solomon 1512

Arthur Solomon 768,834

Clyde Solomon 115

David Solomon 1284

Harry Solomon 835,984

Jennie Solomon 111

M. M. Solomon 1090

Margaret Solomon 1283

Mary H. Solomon 391

Sioux Solomon 1566

C. L. Spencer 429,888,1675,1707

Agnes Sprincer 1201

Charlie Springer 1344

Elsie G. Springer 1010

Elsie Springer 1226

Evaline L. Springer 1222

Fanny Sjiringer 1303

Henry Springer 1054

John SjM-inger 1433

Julia Springer 1301

Lottie Sjiringer 95,1077

Louis Springer 1059,1086

Mabel L. Springer 1224

Mamie Springer 1200

Mattie Springer 979

Sarah Springer 1282

Susan S))ringer 1199

Wallace Springer 1281

William Springer 1263

Benjamin Stabler 351

Charles Stabler 1594

Daniel Stabler 423

Da-nah-be Stabler 774

Dan-ah-ma Stabler 775

Edward Stabler 776,969

Georare Stabler 1426

Guv Stabler 772,949

Issac Stabler 424

James Stabler 161

Jordan Stabler 1389

Ka-ghae Stabler 353

Laura Stabler 1237

Lucy Stabler 374

Mary H. Stabler 1622

Maria Stabler 801

652

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETII. ANN. 27

.Maria Jlay Stablor l(i73
Mauil Stabler 947
Me-la-in-;.'r<' Stabler TMO
Minnie Stabler 379
Nok-to-soe-^ve Stabler 44
Philip Stabler 1390
Reuben Stabler 1514
Roy O. D. Stabler 1590
Simeon Stabler 1652
Simjison Stabler 1396
Tou-e-ora-nau Stabler 1021
Virs,'inia Stabler 1619
Willie Stabler 162,901

Charlie Thomas 4/6

Charles Thomas 625

Eliza M. Thomas 784

Fannie Thomas 475

Helen Thomas 620

Henrv Thomas 471

Lottie Thomas 794,929

Lydia Thomas 1485

Me-ah-kun-da Thomas 42,791

Me-gre-tae Thomas 139

Paul Thomas 412,781

Theodore Thomas 618,930

William Thomas 28

Susette La Flesche Tibbies 1407

J. W. Tipton 1531

Helen Wolf Torney 1233

Isabel Torney 517,686

John Torney 58

Lizzie Tornev 174,511

Martha Torney 508

Oliver Torney 59

Theresa Tornev 507

J. E. Turner 506,570,828,1449

Ah-thae-na-ba Tvndall 1194

Amelia Tyndall 613

Bertha Tvndall 1000,1195

Caroline Tvndall 1214

Christopher Tvndall 616,980

David U. Tvndall 209

Eda Tvndall 1087

Emilv'Tvnilall 1207

Etta Tvndall 1776

Frank Tvndall 1190,1198

Frederick Tvndall 252

Isabel! Tvndall 205

.Io<d Tvndall 207

Louis Tvndall 494,533

Madeline Tvndall 524.615

Marsruerite Tvndall 1212

Mary Tvndall 660,981

Matthew T\ndall 1670

Nettie Tvndall 258

Sarah Tvndall 739

Therese Tvndall 614,1009

Vietoria Tvndall 1113

Virginia Tvndall 1210

Walter Tvndall 206,7,38

William Tvndall 1742

Guv H. Von Felden 1521

John A. Wachler 1187
Ah-.sa-hoo-ba Walker 1483
Ah-sa-ton-ga Walker 1482
Anna Mary Walker 841
Allen Walker 1615
Amos Walker 1611
Annie Marv A\'alker 877
Ansley Walker 1770
Bear Walker 1067
Benjamin Walker 1764
Caleb Walker 1688
Clyde Walker 737
Daisy Mitchell Walker 372
Daniel Walker 870, 967, 1709
Edwin Walker 1579
Eha-za -gra Walker 1563
Elizabeth Walker 940
Elva Walker 1293
Fanny W. Walker 904, 1065
Ga-ha-ta-nuz-ze AValker 1772
Grace Walker 521
Gra-de-gre Walker 617
Hannah ^\"alker 906
Hannah Carrie Walker 375
Harry Walker 1294
Henry Walker 1773
Homer Walker 1567
Horace Walker 1580
In-sta-.sha-be \\alker 540
Jack AA'alker 1769
Little Girl Walker 1305
Lizzie Walker 15i7
Lucv Stabler Walker 866
Man-ah-kla-ba-ga Walker 537
Marie Walker 1340
Marv Walker 581, 1425
MarV L. Walker 840
Ma-she-ba-the Walker 1651
Ma-za-pa-we Walker 549
Me-:ua-she-ah-thae Walker 1480
Me-ah-can-ba- Walker 830
Me-ma-ta Walker 577
Me-he \\'alker 1304
Me-me-tae Walker 34
Mo-zan-ga-lira Walker 603
Ne-da-we White Walker 1005
Noah Walker 1734
Ou-the-ah-man-ne Walker 1568
Philip Walker 1608
Ponca-we Walker 1591
Sarah Walker 1614
Stewart Walker 1047
Stephen Walker 1774
Susiin Walker 1423
Ta-san-win Walker 830, 837
The-kla-ba-za Walker 538
To-ma-ha Walker 539
\\e-pa-ghe Walker .35
Willie Walker 568
Albert Warner 259
Etta Webster Warner 1013
Harvev Warner 1380
Helen Stabler Warner 1384
Henry Warner 1385

FLETCHKIl- h\ I'LESCHK]

RECENT HISTORY

653

Iii-sta-na-za-\ve Warner 237. 2-14

Joseph Warner 1231

Me-hu-sa Warner 70()

Robert Warner 247

Ta-i-the Warner 240

Philip Watson J 753

Tae-wa-on Watson 1739

Alice Webster 1438

Anna Webster 398

Bessie \\'ebster 1440

Daniel Webster 1662

David \\'ebster 1442, 1685

Dora ^A'ebster 1550

Edith Webster 871

Emma Webster 274, 1593

Esther Webster 1264

Etta Webster 275

Fannie Webster 466

Frank Webster 1668

Ge-da-ah-be Webster 1693

Ge-pa-ha-sa Webster 65, 431

George Webster 282, 323

Helen Webster 66

James AVebsler 72

Jane Webster 1240

John \\ebster 1383

Lucy Walker Webster 1587

Me-ta-ea-e Webster 1239

Me-um-ba-the Webster 1548

Me-sha-ba Webster 1435

Noah N. Webster 64, 180

Olive \\'ebster 448

Peter \\'ebster 465, 661

Sarah ^^•ebster 193, 397

Samuel Webster 1717

Susan Webster 847

Ta-in-ge-na Webster 432

Thomas Webster 283, 322, 878, 1064, 1074

Tn-e-na Webster 1604

^\'illiam \\'ebster 996, 990

Agnes \\'ells 281

Bessie AA'ells 645

Be-za-tae-crae Wells 1277

Charles Wells 317

David Wells 203, 649, 1175

Edward Wells 188

Eliza Wells 212

Horace \A'ells 189

Louis Wells 1274

Mad Elk Wells 646

Mary Walker \\'ells 380

Mary Lyon Wells 381

Ma-za-pa-we Wells 192

Ne-da-we Wells 253

Nellie Wells 204

Sa-da-we Wells 1275

Samuel Wells 292

Schuvler Wells 1156

Stephen Wells 288

Thin-da-we Wells 637, 1179

Zho-oe-wa-the-a Wells 136

Anna Wheeler 1146

Eliza Paul Wheeler 1444

Elmer Wheeler 1137

Lavina Wheeler 1147

Paul Wheeler 1136

Ansley White 1779

Asshe-choo-ba White 1785

As-she-cho-be \\"hite 231

Charles "White 384

Clementine White 100

Cvriis White 1378

Edward \\'hite i 100

Fannie \\hite 103

Frank AAhite 339

Howard \\'hite 267

James Frank White 1749

James White 1 1 7G

Joseph White 230

Kae-tum-ga \\'hite 858

Lizzie White 566

Luke White 1643

Maria White 314

Mary White 564, 1446

Mattie White 115

Me-ah-con-da ^^■hite 302

Ne-da-we White 857

Nun-ga-the-ah White 308

Ou-sha-ga-he White 233

Richard White 1467

Rufus White 723, 1639

Samuel White 77

Sin-da-ze White 1747

Susan White 1311

Ta-in-ga-na White 340

Thomas White 1745

Wa-ha-ga White 1174

Arthur Wickersham 1308

Lizzie Wickersham 547

S. L. Wilson 13()

Albert W(jlf 831

Amy Wolf 444, 469

Aniia Wolf 1574, 1731

Arthur W'olf 17

Bertha Porter Wolf .548

Charlie Wolf 1506

Charles Wolf 864

Daniel Wolf 1700

David Wolf 863

Edith Wolf 1016

Edward Wolf 865, 1053

Emma Wolf 862

Emma Parker Wolf 520, 713

Esther Stabler Wolf 1663

Eugene Wolf 531, 783

Fannie Wolf 1.582

George Wolf 4.53

Grae-dus-ta Wolf 459

Helen Wolf 467

Henry Wolf 257

Howard Wolf 445, 464

Ida Wolf 788

Ida Me-ma Wolf 479

Jackson Wolf 1719

James Wolf 156, 497, 1596, 1705

Jefferson Wolf 153, 457

John Wolf 1692

Johnnie Wolf 503

Julia Wright Wolf 483

Luther Wolf 470, 1022

Madaiine ^Volf 1409

Marv Wolf 191, 300

Mattie Wolf 1582

Me-gra-da-we Wolf 458, 484

654

THE OMAHA TRIBE

[ETH, ANN. 27

iU-slia-(la-ne \\o\i 1699
Me-ta-e Wolf .J04
Me-mc-the Wolf 1251
Na-zae-e-za Wolf 485
Oliver Wolf 1508
Ponca-son Wolf 473
Pouca-we Wolf 460
Rav Wolf 1236
Reuben Wolf 410, 965
Ska-ska-ta-tha Wolf 787
Thin-da-sun-ta-o;rae Wolf 482, 785
Thomas Wolf 1738
Ah-the-hu-bae Wood 805, 806
Charles Wood 804, 807
Dah-ma-ne Wood 1529
Eunice Wood 403
Henry Wood 1689
James Wood 167
John Wood 1270
Me-eau-ha-ta Wood 1555
Me-da-shu-ne Wood 1050
Nellie Wood 1678
Richard Wood 665, 729

Silas Wood 583
Victoria Wood 932
William Wood 1096, 1683
Alice Woodhull 746
Charles Woodhull 747
Charles S. Woodhull 1038
Edward Woodhull 1091
Eunice Woodhull 1562
Ge-de-ah-ba ^^•oodhull 362
George Woodhull 813
George M. Woodhull 903
Jennie Woodhull 1556
Little Lightning Woodhidl 1489
Lucy Woodhull 1558
Maggie Woodhull 742
Me-gra-toe Woodhull 363
Minnie Woodhull 743
Minnie Sheridan Woodhull 782
Robert Woodhull 777, 1092
Solomon 'Woodhull 1490
Spafford Woodhull 1616
Timothy Wriaht 1728

INDEX

XoTE. — Throughout this index references are to the Omaha tribe unles? otherwise

indicated.

Page

AcoRUS c.\LAMUS S.. medicinal use 584

Administrative report 7-14

Adoption, custom of —

Omaha 603

Osage 01-62, 603

ADORNiaENT. PERSONAL 349-354

A'GAHAMOnTHI". SlOFV of 4S0

Agency, Omaha, description 629-630

Agriculture—

general account 95, 269, 275. .139, 635

white influence on 614,626

Albion county, Nebe., reference 99

Allotment. See Lands.

American antiqotties, preservation 10

American Museum or Natural History,

permit granted U

Amusements, account of 363-370

See atso Games.

Ancestors, Omaha attitude toward 601

Ancients. Sec Ancestors.
Animals—

cliief food animals 271

in Osage legend 63

known to Omaha 103-104

place in nature 3o7-3o8,

511-.?16, 51S, 533, 58S-5S9, 599-601
See also names of animals.
Annual b'uffalo hunt. See Buffalo hunt,
annual.

Antelope, himting 271 . 275

"Antelope." Steamer, reference S7

Antiquity of human remains, Florida 10-11

Appalachian mountains, ancient home of

Omaha 35

Arapaho, Omaha name for 102

Arch.eological Instpti'te of America,

reference 11

Archeological collections, character 12

Archeological explorations, permits for. 11

Archeological sites, catalogue 10

Arikara—

early contact with Omaha 74, 75-78

influence on Omaha 102,112

Omaha name for 102

party to peace conference 74, 218, 376

source of Wa'wan pipes 47

Arizona, reference 8

Arkansas river, references 57, 67

Arkansas f St.ite\ references 57. 74

Armor, used by Padouca 79

Arrows—

connected with Sacred Pole 228, 242, 247

in Shell .Society ceremony 562, 564

Arrows — Continued. Page

manufacture 449-452

marking of 42,43,452

origin 70

used by Padouca 79

Athap.ascan stock, unkiiown to Omaha 102

.\ VOCATIONS. See Occupations.

Bad Village, account of So-86, 99

Ball game, description 169,197-198

Bannock, Omaha name for 102

Bartel, William P., service of 13

B.tTKiNG, reference 585

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