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Given By

JTT. S. SUPT. OF DOCUMENTS

TWENTY- EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT

OK THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TO THE

SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

1906-1907

WASHINGTON
GOYKBNJIENT PRINTING OFFICE

1912

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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL

Smithsonian Institution,
Bureau op American Ethnology,

Washington, D. C, August 17, 1907.
Sir: I have the honor to submit herewith a report of the
operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the
fiscal year ended June 30, 1907.

Permit me to express my appreciation of your aid in the
work under my charge.

Very respectfully, j^ours,

W. H. Holmes, Chief.
Dr. Charles D. Walcott,

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

CONTENTS

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

Page

Systematic researches 3

Special researches 15

Preservation of antiquities 17

Catalogue of linguistic manuscripts 18

Editorial work .". 19

Publications 19

Library 20

Collections 20

Illustrations 21

Note on the accompanying papers 21

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

Casa Grande, Arizona, by Jesse Walter Fewkes; plates 1-78; figuies l-o-l 25

Antiquities of the Upper Verde River and Walnut Creek Valleys, Arizona, by

Jesse Walter Fewkes; plates 79-102; figures 55-68 181

Preliminary report on the linguistic classification of Algonquian tribes, by

Truman Michelson; plate 103 (map) 221

Index 291

REPORT OF THE CHIEF

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

W. H. Holmes, Chief

SYSTEMATIC RESEARCHES

The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology, con-
<iucted in accordance with the act of Congress making pro-
vision for continuing researches relating to the American
Indians, under direction of the Smithsonian Institution, have
been carried forward in conformity with the plan of opera-
tions approved by the Secretary July 19, 1906.

Systematic ethnologic researches have been prosecuted by
the scientific staff of the Bureau, assisted by a number of
collaborators who have been invited to conduct investiga-
tions for which they are especially qualified. The Biu-eau's
scientific staff is restricted to a small number of investigators
whose field of labor is necessarily limited, and it has always
been the policy of the Bureau to widen its scope by enlisting
the aid of specialists in various important branches. While
thus seeking to cover in the fullest possible manner the whole
field of American ethnology, it has sought with particular
care to pursue only such branches of research as are not
adequately provided for by other agencies, pul)lic or private.
The result sought by the Bureau is the completion of a sys-
tematic and well-rounded record of the tribes before the
ever-accelerating march of change shall have robbed them
of their aboriginal characteristics and culture.

Dming the year researches ha\e been carried on in New
Mexico, Arizona, Oklahoma, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida,

10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

New York, and Ontario. The field work has not been so exten-
sive, however, as diwing most previous years, for the reason
that a number of the ethnologists had to be retained in the
office to assist in the completion of the Handbook of American
Indians and in the proof reading of reports passing through
the press.

The Chief of the Bureau remained on duty in the office
during nearly the entire year. Administrative duties occu-
pied much of his time, but during the winter and spring
months he was called on to assist in the preparation of the
exhibit of the Smithsonian Institution at the Jamestown
Exposition, and in April in installing this exhibit. The com-
pletion of numerous articles for the Handbook of, American
Indians, the revision of various manuscripts submitted for
publication, and the proof reading of reports and bulletins
claimed his attention. Aside from these occupations his
duties as honorary curator of the department of prehistoric
archeology in the National Museum and as curator of the
National Gallery of Art absorbed a portion of his time. The
Chief was called on also to assist in formulating the uniform
rules and regulations required by the Departments of the
Interior, Agricultiu-e, and War in carrying out the provisions
of the law for the preservation of antiquities, to pass on
various applications for permits to explore among the antiq-
uities of the public domain, and to furnish data needful
in the selection of the archeologic sites to be set aside as
national monuments. In addition he was able to give some
attention to carrying forward the systematic study of
aboriginal technology and art, on which he has been engaged
for several years, as occasion offered.

At the beginning of the year Mrs. M. C. Stevenson, ethnolo-
gist, was in the Indian village of Taos, New Mexico, continu-
ing her studies of the arts, habits, customs, and language of
this tribe begun during the previous year. Although the
field was new and the traditional conservatism of the tribe
made investigation in certain directions difficult or impossitile
much progress was made, and when the work is completed
results of exceptional value will doubtless have been ol)tained.

ADMINISTRATIVE EEPOKT 11

In November Mrs. Stevenson visited Santa Clara pueblo
with the object of making studies of the people and their cul-
ture for comparative pm'poses, and observations were made
of the social customs and religious ceremonies of the people.
Afterward several days were spent in Santa Fe, examining
the old Spanish records preserved in the archives of the His-
torical Society of New Mexico, with the view of learning
something of the early relations of the local tribes with the
Spanish invaders and with their Spanish-speaking neighbors
of later times. Late in November Mrs. Stevenson visited
the pueblo of Zuiii, the site of her former extended researches,
and spent some weeks in completing her studies of certain
phases of the native ritual and worship, of religious sym-
bolism as embodied in pictogi'aphy and ceramic anjd textile
decoration, and in the revision of her list of plants employed
for food, medicine, and dyes. Numerous photographs and
sketches of ceremonies and ceremonial objects were made.
A number of changes were noted in the dramas and other
ceremonies since her last visit, and Zuhi, heretofore presenting
at night the quiet somberness of an aboriginal village, has
now, when dusk falls, the appearance of an eastern town
with many lighted windows. Mrs. Stevenson notes that
changes are creeping steadily into all the pueblos, Taos per-
haps excepted, and is led to express the earnest hope that
the work of investigating the town-building tribes of the
Southwest be carried forward with all possible energy.

On April 1 Mrs. Stevenson returned to the office, where
during the remainder of the year she has been engaged in
the preparation of reports on her field researches.

Dr. Cyrus Thomas, ethnologist, has been employed the
greater portion of the year in assisting Mr. Hodge on the
Handbook of American Indians, not only in the preparation
of separate articles, but also in assisting the editor on certain
lines of proof reading relating to omissions, uniformity in
names, etc. Such time as could be spared from these duties
was devoted to the preparation of a Catalogue of Books and
Papers relating to the Hawaiian Islands. For this pm'pose
the Library of Congress and other libraries in Washington

12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

were consulted, and a short trip to Worcester and Boston,
Massachusetts, was made for the purpose of examining the
libraries of those cities, which are the chief depositories in the
United States of the early publications of the missionaries in
Hawaii. The number of titles so far obtained is about 2,000.
Doctor Thomas assisted also with the official correspondence
on subjects with which he is particularly familiar, his attain-
ments as a student of ancient Mexican writings having proved
of special value in the examination of certain manuscripts in
the Cakchikel language submitted by the Librarian of the
American Philosophical Society, of Philadelphia.

During the latter part of the previous fiscal year, in pur-
suance of his linguistic studies, Dr. John R. Swanton, eth-
nologist,, was engaged in preparing an English-Natchez and
Natchez-English analytical dictionary, embodying all the
published and unpublished material available — that is, about
two thousand words and phrases; he also copied on cards
all the words and phrases collected by the late Doctor Gat-
schet from the Attacapa, Chitimacha, and Tunica Indians. At
the beginning of the fiscal year Doctor Swanton was engaged
in compiling a dictionary of the Tunica language similar to
that made for the Natchez. In the field of general ethnology
he excerpted and, when necessary, translated, all the avail-
able material bearing on the tribes of the lower Mississippi
Valley, and arranged for publication that portion dealing
with the Natchez.

On April 3 he left Washington to make investigations
among the tribal remnants of Louisiana and Oklahoma, and
visited the members of the Houma, Chitimacha, Attacapa.
Alibamu, Biloxi, Tunica, and Natchez tribes, and was able
definitely to establish the relationship of the Houma to the
Choctaw and to identify the Ouspie — a small people referred
to by the early French writers — with the Ofogoula. From
the Tunica and Chitimacha he collected several stories which
will be of importance in the endeavor to restore the mythology
of the tribes of this area, now almost a blank. In the Chero-
kee Nation (Oklahoma), contrary to expectation. Doctor
Swanton found several persons who still speak the Natchez

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 13

language. This discover}' will necessarily delay the publi-
cation of the Natchez material already referred to, but ^if
prompt measures are taken, will insure the preservation of
that language in its completeness. At Eufaula (Creek Nation)
he made a slight investigation into the social organization
of the Creeks — enough to determine that much work still
remains to be done in that tribe entirely apart from language.
Doctor Swanton returned to the office June 7, and during
the remainder of the year was engaged in arranging and
collating the material collected by him.

Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, ethnologist, was employed in* the
office during the first month of the year reading proofs of
his articles on the Aborigines of Porto Rico and Neighboring
Islands and on Antiquities of Eastern Mexico, for the Twenty-
fifth Annual Report of the Bureau. Part of Atigust and all
of September were devoted to the preparation of a bulletin
on the Antiquities of the Little Colorado. He spent seven
months in Arizona, leaving Washington on October 15 and
returning the middle of May. During four months he super-
intended the work of excavation, repair, and preservation of
the Casa Grande Ruin, in Pinal County, Arizona, and in
March and April visited a number of little-known and unde-
scribed ruins along Canyon Diablo and Grapevine Canyon,
gathering material for his bulletin on The Antiquities of the
Little Colorado Valley. During May and June he was em-
ployed in the office, devoting his time to the preparation of
an account of the excavations at Casa Grande. The explo-
rations at Casa Grande were conducted under a special
appropriation disbm-sed directly by the Smithsonian Insti-
tution, and Doctor Fewkes's preliminary report has been
submitted to the Secretary. It is anticipated that a final
report on the work when completed will be published by the
Bureau of American Ethnology.

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied during the earlier months
of the year in preparing and correcting matter for the Hand-
book of American Indians, devoting special attention to the
articles on the Irocjuoian family, Iroquois, IMohawk, Montour,
Mythology, Nanabozho, Neutrals, Oneida, Onondaga, and

14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOLIY

Ottawa, and to the lists of towns formerly belonging to the
Iroquois tribes.

From the 20th of January to the 23d of March, 1907, he
was engaged in field work among the Iroquois tribes in
New York and in Ontario, Canada. The entire period
was devoted to collecting texts in the Onondaga and Mohawk
dialects, embodying the basic principles and the civil and
political structure and organization of the League of the
Iroquois and data relating thereto. The Onondaga texts
aggregate about 27,000 words and the Mohawk texts about
1,500 words, making a total of 28,500 words. The following
captions will indicate suflficiently the subject-matter of
these texts: The Constitution of the League, the Powers of
the T'hadoda'ho', Amendments, Powers and Rights of the
Chiefs, Powers and Rights of the Women, Powers of the
Women Chiefs, Procedure on Failure in Succession, Powers
and Restrictions of "Pine Tree" Chiefs, Procedure in Case
of Murder, Address of Condolence for Death in a Chief's
Family, Forest-edge Chanted Address of Welcome, The
Chant for the Dead, Interpretation of the Fundamental
Terms, Peace, Power, and Justice.

Mr. Hewitt also continued his duties as custodian of the
collection of linguistic manuscripts of the Bureau, the com-
pletion of the catalogue of which was entrusted to Mr. J. B.
Clayton, head clerk. He has also been called on to furnish
data for the correspondence of the office, more particularly
that portion relating to the Iroquoian tribes.

Mr. F. W. Hodge, ethnologist, has been engaged during the
entire year on the Handbook of American Indians, the edi-
torial work of which has proved extremely arduous and
difficult. This work is in two parts: Part I, A — M, was
issued from the press in March last, and the main body of
Part II was in type at the close of the fiscal year, though
progress in proof reading was exceedingly slow on account
of the great diversity of the topics treated and the difficulty
of bringing up to date numbers of articles, many of them
relating to obscure tribes and subjects.

During the entire fiscal year Mr. James Mooney, eth-
nologist, remained in the office, occupied chiefly on the

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 15

Handbook of American Indians and in the classification
of the large body of material previously obtained relating
to the tribes of the Great Plains. His extended article
on Indian Missions, written for the Handbook, has been
made the subject of a special reprint, a small edition of
which was issued by the Bureau. Mr, Mooney has also
grven valuable assistance in connection with the corre-
spondence of the Bureau, more especially that portion
relating to the languages of the Algonquian stock.

SPECIAL RESEARCHES

For a number of years Dr. Franz Boas, assisted by a
corps of philologists, has been engaged in the preparation
of a work on the American languages, to be published as a
bulletin of the B.ureau, entitled "Handbook of American
Indian Languages," and it is expected that the manuscript of
the first part will be submitted for publication at an early
date. Of Part 1, sections relating to the languages of the
Eskimo and the Iroquois alone remain incomplete. During
the summer of 1906 Mr. Edward Sapir was engaged in col-
lecting data for the handbook, on the language of theTakelma,
residing at the Siletz Agency, Oregon, and toward the close
of the year Mr. Leo J. Frachtenberg began similar studies
among the Tutelo remnant on the Tuscarora Reservation in
Ontario, Canada.

Reports of the discovery of fossil remains of men of ex-
tremely primitive type in the vicinity of Omaha, Nebraska,
led to the assignment of Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, curator of
physical anthropology in the National Museum, to the duty
of visiting the University of Nebraska, at Lincoln, where the
remains are preserved, and also the site of their exhumation.
The examinations were made with the greatest care, and
the results are embodied in Bulletin 33 of the Bureau, which
was in press at the close of the fiscal year. The conclusion
reached by Doctor Hrdlicka with respect to the age and
character of these remains is that they are not geologically
ancient, belonging rather to the mound-building period in
the Mississippi Valley, and that, although a number of the

16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

crania are of low type, this was a characteristic appearing
among many comparatively recent mound-building tribes.

At the beginning of the fiscal year the Bureau was fortu-
nate enough to enter into arrangements with Prof. Herbert
E. Bolton, of the University of Texas, for recording the
history of the Texan tribes. During the early historical
period the French controlled and came into intimate relations
with the northern Caddo, hence the early history of this group
is to be found chiefly in French records ; but with this excep-
tion it is mainly in Spanish documents, scattered and almost
wholly unprinted. These facts make the task in every sense
a pioneer one.

The Spanish manuscript sources available to Professor
Bolton, and upon which, aside from the printed French
sources, he has thus far mainly drawn, consist of (1) the
Bexar archives, a rich collection of perhaps 300,000 pages of
original manuscripts that accumulated at San Antonio during
the Spanish occupancy, now in the University of Texas;
(2) the Nacogdoches archives, a similar but much smaller
collection that accumulated at Nacogdoches and that is
now in the State Historical Library; (3) the Lamar papers, a
small collection of Spanish manuscripts, now in private
hands; (4) mission records preserved at the residence of the
Bishop of San Antonio; (5) copies of docimients from the
Archivo General of Mexico, belonging to the University of
Texas and to Professor Bolton; and (6) the various Mexican
archives. From these have been extracted a great many
notes, but much material yet remains to be examined.

During the year Professor Bolton's efforts have taken three
principal directions: (1) He has systematically and fully
indexed, on about 10,000 cards, a large amount of the early
material, including tribal, institutional, linguistic, historical,
and other data on the whole Texas field. (2) From this
material as a basis he has written for the Handbook of
American Indians many brief articles on tribes and missions,
aggregating about 20,000 words. (3) While in the analysis of
the materials and the making of the index cards he has
covered the whole field, in the final work of construction he

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 17

has begun the Caddoan tribes of eastern Texas, with the
design of treating them separately. In this work Professor
Bolton has made commendable progress. He has already
written a detailed description, consisting of about 40,000
words, of the location, social and political organization,
economic life, religion, and ceremonial of the Hasinai, com-
monly designated "Texas," as known and described by the
earliest European chronicles, accompanied with a map.

The task of writing a history of the Texas tribes is a great
one, and can be performed only by long and painstaking
effort, but its successful accomplishment promises an impor-
tant addition to our knowledge of the native Americans.

PRESERVATION OF ANTIQUITIES

With the object of assisting the departments of the Govern-
ment having custody of the public domain in the initiation of
measures for the preservation of the antiquities of the
country, the compilation of a descriptive catalogue of anti-
quities has been continued, and the preparation of bulletins
having the same end in view has also received every possible
attention. Bulletin 32, Antiquities of the Jemez Plateau, by
Edgar L. Hewett, was published and distributed during the
year, and Bulletin 35, Antiquities of the Upper Gila and Salt
River Valleys in Arizona and New jMexico, by Dr. Walter
Hough, was in page form at the close of the year, while bul-
letins by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, on the Antiquities of the
Little Colorado Valley, and Edgar L. Hewett, on the Anti-
quities of the Mesa Verde, Colorado, were in course of prep-
aration.

The sum of $3,000, appropriated by Congress for the
excavation, repair, and preservation of Casa Grande Ruin,
in Arizona, was disbursed by the Smithsonian Institution,
Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
having charge of the work. A brief preliminary report on
the first year's operations will appear in the Quarterly Issue
of the Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections. A second
appropriation of $3,000 is provided for continuing the work
during the coming year.

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 2

18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

During the year uniform rules and regulations intended to
ser\'e in carrying out the recently enacted law for the preser-
vation of national antiquities were formulated and adopted
by the three departments having control of the public
domain. Under these, on recommendation of the Secretary
of the Smithsonian Institution, permits were issued for con-
ducting explorations on Indian reservations and in national
forests in Idaho and Wyoming, by the American Museum of
Natural History, New York, and among the ancient ruins on
the public lands in Navajo and Apache Counties, Arizona, by
the University of California. Arrangements were also made
with the Interior Department for carrying on explorations
at Casa Grande Ruin, Arizona, by the Smithsonian Institu-
tion. Under the same law during the year three important
archeologic sites were declared national monuments by the
President of the United States. They are as follows:
Chaco Canyon, in New Mexico, including several important
ruined pueblos; El Morro, New Mexico, commonly known as
Inscription Rock; and Montezuma Castle, in Arizona, an
important cliff-ruin.

CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS

The archives of the Bureau contain 1,626 manuscripts,
mainly linguistic, of which only a partial catalogue had
previously been made. In January Mr. J. B. Clayton, head
clerk, began the preparation of a card catalogue, which was
completed at the close of the year. The manuscripts were
jacketed in manila envelopes of uniform size, except where
bulk prevented, and were numbered from 1 to 1,626.

The catalogue comprises about 14,000 cards which give,
as completely as available data permit, the names of stock,
language, dialect, collector, and locality, as well as the date
of the manuscript. It was not possible in every instance to
supply all the information called for imder these heads, but
the card has been made as complete in each case as the
information permitted. The cards have been an-anged in
one alphabetical series, the names of the languages not only
under these languages in their proper alphabetic place, but

ADMINISTRATIVE REPORT 19

also alphabetically under their stocks. Under the name of

each collector his manuscripts are indexed under stocks,

languages, and dialects. The data in regard to "place" are

defective, and a number of the manuscripts are from unknown

soui'ces.

EDITORIAL WORK

Mr. Joseph G. Gurley, who was appointed to the position
of editor for a probationary period during the previous year,
was permanently appointed on August 16, 1906.

The editorial work of the year may be summarized briefly
as follows: The proof reading of the Twenty-fourth Annual
Report was completed and the work advanced to publication.
At the close of the year the Twenty-fifth Annual was prac-
tically finished, with the exception of the presswork, while
the Twenty-sixth Report was in page form, so that the work
was practically ready for printing. Bulletin 32 was com-
pleted and published early in the year, and Bulletin 36 also
has been issued. Bulletins 33, 34, and 35 are in type, and
the proof reading on Bulletins 33 and 35 has progressed so far
that they can be put on the press at an early day.

For about three months the Bureau has had the efficient
services of Mr. »Stanley Searles, who was courteously detailed
for the purpose from the proof-reading force of the Govern-
ment Printing Office. The editor has assisted to some
extent in the proof reading of the Handbook of American
Indians, Bulletin 30, which is in charge of Mr. F. W. Hodge.

PUBLICATIONS

During the year the Twenty-sixth Annual Report and
Bulletins 33, 34, 35, and 36 were forwarded to the Public
Printer. Bulletins 31 and 32 were pul^lished in July.
Part I of the Handbook of American Indians (Bulletin 30)
appeared in March and the Twenty-fourth Annual Report
in May. One thousand copies of the List of Publications of
the Bureau (Bulletin 36) and 500 copies of a special article
on Indian missions were issued in June. Fifteen hundred
copies of the Twenty-fourth Annual Report and the same
number of Bulletin 30, Part I, and Bulletin 32 were sent to

20 ItUUKAU OI'' AMKHICAN KTHNOLOGY

rojiuhir recipients. About 1,500 copies of Bulletin 30, Part
I, and 200 copies of the Twenty-fourth Annual, as well as
numerous bulletins and separates, were distributed in
response to special requests, presented for the most part by
Members of Congress.

The distribution of publications was continued as in
former years. The great increase in the number of libraries
in the country and the multiplication of demands from the
public generally have resulted in the almost immediate
exhaustion of the quota of volumes (3,500) allotted to the
Bureau. Few copies of any of the reports remain six
months after the date of issue.

LIBRARY

The library remains in charge of Miss Ella Leary, who was
able to bring the accessioning and cataloguing of books,
pamphlets, and periodicals up to date. In all, there have
been received and recorded during the year 760 volumes,
1,200 pamphlets, and the current issues of upward of 500
periodicals, while about 500 volumes have been bound at the
Government Printing Office. The library now contains
13,657 volumes, 9,800 pamphlets, and several thousand
copies of periodicals which relate to anthropology. The
purchase of books and periodicals has been restricted to such
as relate to anthropology and, more especially, to such as
have a direct bearing on the American aborigines.

COLLECTIONS

The collections of the year comprise large series of objects
obtained by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, in his excavations at
Casa Grande Ruins, Arizona, conducted under the unme-
diate auspices of the Smithsonian Institution, and by Mrs.
M. C. Stevenson in Zuui and Taos pueblos. New Mexico.

Some of the minor collections are a cache of stone knife
blades from the vicinity of Tenleytown, District of Columbia,
obtained through the kindness of Mr. C. C. Glover; a series
of relics (fragments of pottery) from the temple of Diana at
Caldecote, presented by Mr. Robert C. Nightingale; relics

AnMINISTRATIVE REPORT 21

from the shell heaps of Popes Creek, Maryland, presented
by Mr. S. H. Morris, of Faulkner, Maryland; and a number
of stone implements and unfinished soapgtone utensils from
the ancient quarries on Connecticut Avenue extended, Wash-
ington, District of Columbia, collected by Mr. W. H. Gill.

ILLUSTRATIONS

The division of illustrations was, as heretofore, in charge
of Mr. De Lancey Gill, who was assisted by Mr. Henry
Walther. One hundred and fifty-nine illustrations were
prepared for Bulletins 30, 33, 34, and 35, and a large number
of proofs of illustrations for the various volumes were
revised. The photographic work included the making of
277 negatives required in the illustration work and 160
portraits of Indians of visiting delegations. Negatives
developed for ethnologists returning from the field numbered
96. During the year a total of 11,078 photographic prints
was made.

Albert Samuel Gatschet, a distinguished philologist and

ethnologist, for many years connected with the Bureau,

died at his home in Washington, District of Columbia,

March 16, 1907.

W. H. Holmes, Chief.

NOTE ON THE ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

The papers included in this vohuue are not necessarily to be re-
garded as a part of the scientific results of the Bureau's researclies
(hiring the jieriod covered by the athiiinistrative report, but are incor-
porated herein for the sake of convenience.

The report by Doctor Fewkes on the celebrated Casa Grande and
surrounding ruins in southern Arizona embodies the resuUs of his
observations during excavations comkicteil therein throughout two
winter seasons, by means of special appropriations by Congress for
that purpose, together with a review of the general knowledge of
tliese ruins from tlie time they })ecame known to the Spaniards in tiie
seventeentli century. Two papers on the subject of Casa Grande
were previously jniblis])ed under tlie auspices of the Bureau, one, by
]Mr. Cosmos ^lindcleff, in the Tlurteentli Annual Report, tlie other,
by the same author, presenting an account of tlie rejiair of the main

22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

mill, iu Iho Fifteenth Annual Report. It was not until the excava-
tions conihioted by Doctor Fcwkes, liowever, that an adequate
kiiowleilge of the character anil importance of the great house clus-
ters was obtained, and this knowledge, together with such historical
data as are available, is now embodied in the present volume as a jier-
manent and final record. A preliminary report of Doctor Fewkes'
work at Casa Grande during the first season has been published in the
Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections.

A second paper by Doctor Fewkes summarizes the results of his
investigations of the Antiquities of the Upper Verde River and Wal-
nut Creek Valleys, Arizona. This report is preliminary in character
antl is supplementary to the memoir by Mi-. Cosmos Mindelefl' pub-
lished in the Thirteenth Aiuiual Report of the Bureau on the arche-
ology of tiie lower valley of the Verde. No excavations have yet
been conducted iu the region of which Doctor Fewkes treats, yet suf-
ficient evidence has been gathered from a study of the arclutectural
features of the ruins now visible to enable a determination of the
western limits of Pueblo culture in central Arizona and to defuie the
area in which a distinct culture has its begimiing.

The memoir by Dr. Truman Michelson, being a Preliminary Report
on the Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes, with a map, is
based on the author's studies for the Bureau during the years 1910-
1912. The Algonquian tribes are now found to be divided Imguist-
ically into four major groups, Blackfoot, Cheyemae, Ai-apalio, and
Eastern-Central. The results of Doctor Michelson's observations
elucidate many questions formerly existing with respect to the inter-
relations of the various Algonquian languages and dialects. The
map illustrating the memoir was prepared with the cooperation of

Dr. John R. Swanton.

F. W. Hodge,
Ethnologist-in-charge.
April, 1912.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

JESSE WALTER FEWKES

CONTEXTS

Page

Introduction 33

Work of excavation and repair 37

First season 37

Compound A 37

Second season 40

Compound B 40

Clan-house 1 41

Compounds C and D 42

Traditions 42

Font's legend 43

Legends from other sources 44

How a chief of another "great house" enticed the women from Casa ■

Grande 45

How turquoises were obtained from Chief Morning Green 46

How Morning Green lost his power over the Wind gods and the Rain

gods 47

The birth of Hok 48

A creation legend 49

A flood legend 49

Historj' 53

Discovery and early accounts 54

Mange's narrative 55

"Rudo Ensayo " narrative 56

Garc6s' narrative 57

Font's narrative 58

Grossman's narrative 61

Early American reports 62

Emory's narrative 63

Johnston's narrative 64

Bartlett's narrative 66

Hughes's narrative 68

Later American reports 68

Hinton's description 68

Bandelier's account 69

Cushing's researches 72

Fewkes's description 72

Cosmos Mindeleff's description 79

Present condition 82

Main building 82

Construction 82

Rooms 82

Walls 83

Floors 84

Doorways and windows 85

Casa Grande mounds 86

General description 86

Compound A 88

Southwest buildint,' 88

Northeast building 89

28 CONTENTS

Casa Grande mounds — Continued.

Compound A — Continued. Pago

Rooms on the west hall 90

Six ceremonial rooms .• 90

Central building 91

Pont 's room 91

Rooms between Casa Grande and Font 's room 92

Rooms adjoininj; the most northerly of the six ceremonial rooms 92

Northwest room 92

Rooms near east wall 92

Northeast plaza 93

Central plaza 93

East plaza 93

Southwest plaza 93

South court 93

Compound B 95

Pyramid A 97

Pyramid B 98

Rooms east of Pyramid B 99

Southeast plaza 100

North plaza 100

West area 100

Subterranean rooms 102

Compound C 102

Compound D 104

Compounds E and F 106

Clan-house 1 106

Piefuse-heaps Ill

Reservoirs Ill

Irrigation ditches 113

Mescal pits 116

Methods of disposal of the dead 117

Minor antiquities 118

Mindeleff collection ■ 119

Pinckley collection 120

Fewkes collection 120

Stone idols 120

Stone implements 122

Pottery 133

Specialized forms 133

Decoration of Casa Grande pottery 137

Beams and rafters 142

Cane cigarettes 142

Shell objects 143

Bone implements 145

Wooden implements 146

Basketry 147

Fabrics 148

Copper bells 148

Pictographs 148

Seeds 150

Relation of compounds to pueblos 150

Summary of conclusions 153

Appendix; Catalogue of specimens from Casa Grande 161

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

Plate 1. Adamsville (Sanford's Mill) 34

2. Tcurikviiaki 35

3. Section of wall of ruin between Casa Grande and Tcurikvaaki 35

4. Bird's-eye view of Casa Grande group of ruins, looking northwest . . - 36

5. General view of Casa Grande group of ruins 37

6. Ground plan of Compound A 38

7. Bird's-eye view of Compound A, from the east 39

8. Casa Grande, from the southwest 43

9. Northeast corner of Casa Grande 43

10. West wall of Casa Grande, showing component blocks 79

11. Bird's-eye view of north half of Compound A 80

12. Bird's-eye view of Compound A, from the south 80

13. Southwest building of Compound A 88

14. Southwest building of Compound A, from the north 88

15. Northeast rooms, Compound A 89

16. Northeast rooms. Compound A 89

17. Area adjoining Casa Grande on the east 89

18. Six ceremonial rooms, Compound A 90

19. Ceremonial rooms and plaza, Compound A 90

20. West wall of Font's room, from the southeast 91

21 . East rooms. Compound A 91

22. Rooms and corner. Compound A 92

23. Northwest corner, Compound A 92

24. Northeast comer. Compound A 93

25. Compound B, before excavation 95

26. Ground plan of Compound B 95

27. Bird's-eye view of Compound B, from the south 95

28. Bird's-eye view of Compound B, from the east 96

29. Northeast corner of Compound B 97

30. Corner and rooms. Compound B 97

31. Plaza and rooms. Compound B 97

32. Walls and rooms. Compound B 97

33. Plaza and walls. Compound B 97

34. Views of Pyramids A and B, Compound B 98

35. Comers of Compound B 98

3fi. Plazas and rooms. Compound B 99

37. Plaza and rooms, Compound B 99

38. Typical ancient reservoir, and rooms of Compound B 100

39. Walls of Compound B 100

40. Pictographs from Casa Grande and vicinity 101

41. Subterranean rooms and clay-pits 102

42. Appearance of compound-walls before excavation 106

43. Bird's-eye view of Clan-house 1, from the northeast 106

44. Bird's-eye view of Clan-house 1, from the southwest 106

45. Clan-house 1 106

30 ILLUSTRATIONS

Pugc

Plate 46. Annex to Clan-house 1. ..i 108

47. Stone idols 121

48. Stone idols 121

49. Grooved stone axes 123

50. Grooved stone axes 123

51. Grooved stone axes 123

52. Grooved stone axes 124

53. Grooved stone axes ] 24

54. Grooved stone axes 124

55. Grooved stone ax, showing effects of secondary pecking 124

56. Stone hammers 124

57. Stone hammers 125

58. Problematical stone implements 125

59. Problematical stone implements 125

60. Grinding-stones 125

61. Stone implements 126

62. Grinding-stones 126

63. Manos , 126

64. Mortars and pestle 127

65. Mortars 128

66. Problematical stone objects 129

67. Miscellaneous objects 130

68. Stone disks 131

69. Stone balls and disk 131

70. Stone shovels 131

71. Stone shovels 131

72. Pottery 133

73. Pottery 133

74. Clay objects '. 137

75. Shell carvings 143

76. Wooden shovels or spades 146

77. Wooden paddles 146

78. Modern objects found on surface 147

Figure 1. Sketch of Casa Grande ruin (Mange) 55

2. Ground plan of Casa Grande ruin (Mange) 55

3. Ground plan of Compound A (Font) 59

4. Casa Grande in 1846 (after a drawing by Stanley) 64

5. Casa Grande in 1846 (.Inhnston) 65

6. Casa Grande in 1852 (Bartlett) 66

7. Casa Grande ruin, from the south 73

8. Interior of room, showing doorway and lines of floor 75

9. Interior of north room, looking west 76

10. Casa Grande ruin, looking northwest 78

11. Southeast corner of ruin, showing part of east wall 83

12. West wall of Font's room (about 1880) 87

13. Ground plan of Compound B (made before completion of excava-

tions), showing height of walls in feet 96

14. Ground plan of Compound C 103

15. Ground plan of Compound D •. 104

16. Hand-prints and eroded base of wall of house in Compound D . . . . 105

ILLUSTRATIONS 31

Page

Figure 1 7. Ground plan of Clan-house 1 107

IS. Sarcophagus in room K of annex to Clan-house 1 108

19. Seat in room M, Clan-house 1, looking northeast 109

20. Seat in room M, Clan-house 1 , looking southwest 110

21 . Stone image of mountain sheep 122

22. Stone ax 123

23. Stone ax 123

24. Stone ax 124

25. Grooved double-edge ax. .-. 125

26. Stone hammer 126

27. Dumb-liell shaped stone maul 127

28. Plummet-like object 127

29. Tixil for rubbing or grinding pigment 128

30. Paint pestle from burial in annex room M. ( Ian-house 1 129

31 . Perforated stone slab of unknown use 129

32. Perforated stone disk used in game 130

33. Knife or projectile point 131

34. Stone balls 132

35. Stone bead 133

36. Stone ornament 133

37. Ornament of jasper 133

38. Tooth-shaped pendant of stone 133

39. Shovel with handle 134

40. Three-legged earthenware dish 135

41. Pottery fragment bearing bird's head 135

42. Bowl bearing bird's head decoration (restored ) 136

43. Spindle whorls 137

44. Fragment of burnt clay ha-\-ing lines incised in surface 138

45. Earthenware bowl decorated with triangle pattern 139

46. Triangle design decorating bowl 140

47. Design decorating vase 141

48. Bracelet of Pecturwuhis shell 144

49. Shell (Conils) finger ring decorated with incised design 144

50. Shell frog 144

51. Copper bells 148

52. Incised pictograph of "the House of Tcuhu " 149

53. Model of Pima circular house constructed south of Compound A . . 1.53

54. Tj'pical modern Pima rectangular dwelling 154

CASA O^iRANDE, ARIZONA

By Jesse Walter Fewkes

INTRODUCTION

The ruin known by the Spanish name Casa Grande, "Great House,"
is situated near the left bank of the Gihx River about 12 miles from
the site of the present town of Florence, Ariz. Immediately after
the discovery of Casa Grande by Father Kino, in 1694, there arose a
legend, wliich became persistent, that it was one of the halting places
of the Aztec on their way south, or that it was connected in some way
with the southern migrations of ]\Icxican tribes. We find it desig-
nated also, in early, and even in later writings, Casa Montezuma, or
the House of Montezuma, a name that in late years has passed prac-
tically out of use, the ruin being now universally known, among both
Americans and Mexicans, as Casa Grande, the name given it by
Father Kino. The Pima Indians, who dwell in the neighborhood,
claim Casa Grande as the habitation of one of their ancient chiefs,
and designate it by several names, among wliich are Vaaki, Old
House ; Civanavaaki, Old House of the Cliief ; and Sialini Civanavaaki,
Oltl House of Chief Morning Green.

Casa Grande was a ruin when discovered and has not been perma-
nently inhabited since it was first seen by a wliite man. The identity
of its builders has furnished a constant theme for speculation from the
discovery of the ruin to the present time. Although it has been
ascribed to the Aztec, there is no evidence that the ancient people
who inhabited this building were closely related to any tribes of the
Mexican plateau, whose culture, as indicated by archeologic remains,
was tlifferent from that of the Pueblos, or sedentary tribes of New
Mexico and Arizona. The age of Casa Grande and contiguous
remains is unknown, but there is good reason to believe that settle-
ments on their site were older than most of the present pueblos or
cliff-dwellings. The Pima claim, however, that it is not so old as
ruins of the same general character situated near Phoenix, on Salt
River, a short distance from its junction with the Gila.

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 3 33

34 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. ann. 28

Some of the Pima formerly had a superstitious fear of Casa Grande
which at times led tliem to avoid it,' especially at night, and many
do not now willingly slecj) or camp near this remarkable monument
of antiquity — a feeling that has given rise to stories that Casa Grande
is haunted. It is believed by some Indians that at times flames issue
from the ruin; several Pima women were seen to cross themselves
when passing near it.

Although Casa Grande is situated a considerable distance from the
nearest railroad station, it can be conveniently reached by carriage
either from the town of Florence, or from Casa Grande station on the
Southern Pacific Railroad. The route to the ruin via Florence is
slightly shorter than that from Casa Grande station, enabling one to
make the visit and return in a single day. There are a hotel and
livery stables in both towns, but the visitor should proviile for his
own refreshment at the ruin, where there is a gootl well w'ith abundant
water.-

After leaving Florence the road to Casa Grande follows the left
bank of the Gila westward, crossing a level stretch and skirting for a
few miles the base of a low gravelly mesa. The first aboriginal object
of interest met with is a group of Indian huts situated on the left
of this road. This settlement is of recent origin; the rectangular
houses composing it are built in the old style and inhabited by Pa-
pago. Near it looms a low white mound indicating an ancient ruin,
which will well repay a brief visit. Following the road farther west-
ward, the traveler passes through a cluster of houses known as Adams-
ville (pi. 1), formerly called Sanford's Mill, an old Mexican settlement;
this consists of a double row of rambling roofless houses built of
adobe. Although AdamsviUe is one of the "dead" to\vns of Arizona
and for the most part is deserted, a Mexican famity still lives in a fairly
well preserved room at the west end of the village. The walls of an
old gristmill are still pointed out and those of the former hotel can
still be traced. This settlement was once an important station ^ on
the stage-coach route between Tucson and Phoenix, and many stories
are current regarding the stirring events which took place in these
now tenantless rooms when Apache roamed unrestricted the plains
of Arizona.* The foundations of the adobe walls have been much

1 This is not true of most of the Pima. While engaged in relating to the writer the accompanying legends
of Casa Grande, Thin Leather slept for several weeks in the west room of the ruin. The hooting of the owls
which nest in the upper walls may add to the Pimas' dread of it. but did not seem to disturb him. Sevi<ral
rattlesnakes have been killed in this room , the record of the area covered by the mounds being 20 for the year
the writer was engaged in work on Compound A.

2 The resident custodian, Mr. Frank Pinckley, has built his house in Compound .\. and has likewise dug
a well, no water having been available when he took up his residence at the ruin. On account of the
extreme heat in midsummer, the autumn, winter, or spring months are the best seasons of the year in
which to visit the ruins at Casa Grande.

3 Several persons in Florence, known to the writer, who were bom in .Idamsville, remember when it was a
flourishing town.

* If the walls of this place could speak they could recount many bloodcurdling tales of early Arizona '
history. The son of the Pima chief, Antonio Azul, is sai<i to have been killed in this village.

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOQV

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 2

FROM THE SOUTHWEST

FROM THE SOUTHEAST
TCURIKVAAKI

FEWKEs] INTRODUCTION 35

weakened by rains and in a few years the buildings now standin*;; will
fall to the ground.

Somewhat off the main road to Casa Grande, about half a mile south
of Adamsville, on a plateau or mesa, rises a cluster of mounds ■ indicat-
ing the site of a settlement called by the Pima Tcurikvauki {tcuriJc,
"bisnaga cactus"; vdaki, "old house"), which is well worth visiting.
Tliis ruin (pi. 2) is approached from the Casa Grande highway by a
rarely traveled road, not much more than a wagon track, branching
from the main thoroughfare a short distance west of the town. The
standing walls of a house - that rise considerably above the surface of
one of the mounds resemble in structure and general appearance those
of Casa Grande. Among the mounds in tliis cluster is one oval in
shape wath a central ilepression indicating a former tank or reservoir.
Near by, the surrounding wall of a large compound, including a high
mound, suggests that Tcurikvaaki was formerly a place of consid-
erable importance. From this ruin there is a road to Casa Grande
which passes a large, conspicuous mound, the site of .another ancient
Indian settlement. This mound (pi. 3) is instructive because it shows
sections of a wall formerly inclosing a rectangular area, suggesting
the surrounding wall at Casa Grande.

If the visitor follows the direct route from Adamsville to Casa
Gramle 'W'ithout making a detour to the Indian mounds above men-
tioned, he can discern the roof, of corrugated iron, painted red, for
some distance before he arrives at his destination. On each side of
the road the traveler passes several small mounds belonging to the
Casa Grande Group, which are situated not far from the large p3Tam-
idal elevations marking Compound B.

The high range on the north side of the Gila in fuU sight of the
traveler the whole way from Florence to Casa Grande is called Super-
stition Mountains. Tliis range separates part of the Gila Valley from
the valley of the Salt River; it is a very wild and broken area, ending
precipitously on the south and the west. Concerning this region
many Pima legends are extant, the best known of which recounts how
a flood once covered the whole earth.'' To this place an antediluvian
chief, named White Feather, followed by his band, once retreated,
climbing to the top of these mountains for safety. The water is said
to have risen in the valley to a level half-way up the mountain side,

1 The niins in the Gila-Salt Valley resembhng Casa Grande are considered in another report, Prehistoric
Ruins of the Gila Valley (in Smithsonian Miscellaneoits Collections, No. 1873).

2 The writer has been informed that Dr. Carlos Montezuma was sold in this house by a Pima Indian.

3 This is supposed to be the flood the legend of which is still related by old men of the Patki clans of
Walpi, who say it was the cause of their leaving Palatkwabi, the mythic southern home of this people.
The Pima have a legend of a place in southern Arizona out of which at one time water gushed and cov-
ered the whole earth. Here they made offerings, which are continued even to the present day. They
call the place by a name meaning "where women cry," for a child was once sacrificed there to cause the
waters to subside.

36 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etji. ANN. 'JS

where tlicro is now a stratum ol' white rock' wliich is ch'ariy visil)le
from Casa Grande. White Feather is said to iiave taken his stand
on top of one of the pinnacles, whence he aihlressed his followers, re-
minding them that he had exhausted his magic power in vain efforts
to stay the flood. But one supreme resource to control the rising
water still remained. As he spoke, he lield aloft in the palm of one
liand a mediciiie-stone, invoking the aid of the Sky god, who in reply
sent a bolt of lightning that shattereil the stone. But as the chief
turned to his followers they were found to be j)etrified where they
stood, and tliere they still stantl as rocky pimiacles.-

Tiiere are many Indian shrines in Superstition Mountains, and as
the wind whistles through the deep recesses the Indian fancies he
can hear the moans of the shades of the dead who inhabit tliose
dreary canyons.

Another less conspicuous hill, called Walker's Butte, on the north
side of the GOa not far from the river bank, is constantly in sight
for a long distance from the road from Florence to Casa Grande.
Near its base ruined housewalls were discovered, and other remains
of aboriginal life, as pictographs, can be found on lava rocks in the
neighborhood.

The traveler along this road catches glimpses also of the lofty Santa
C'atalina Mountains far to the southeast, while to the south rises the
distant Casa Grande Range. A solitary peak called Pichacho Moun-
tain is a spur of a range of the same name that lies to tlie southeast,
marking the position of a pass through which the early travelers
entered this region from Mexico. Near tliis peak was situated in
old times a Pima settlement called Akutchin ("moutli of tlie creek"),
inhabited from early Spanish times down to a comparativel}' late
date. The mountain itself, known as Tcacca by the Pima, is also
associated \\'ith Pima legends of the country.^ The area about the
ruin of Casa Grantle is broken by but few elevations.

The vegetation in the vicinity of Casa Grande consists mainly of
desert growth — mesquite trees, sagebrush, and giant cacti. After the
spring rains begin many herbs appear, some bearing small flowers
which carpet the earth ■with variegated colors. Long before one comes
to the largest mounds (pi. 4) at Casa Grande, fragments of pottery
and other indisputable evidences of former human occupancy may
be detected on the surface of the ground. At a Mexican adobe house
a few miles from the ruins, near the GUa River, can be traced a long
ditch, filled in here and there, marking the site of the prehistoric

' A feature of the huge butte here rising to the right of the road to Eoose\-eIt Dam, resembling in form
an eagle, by which name it is known to the Pima.

: These pinnacles are in plain sight from the road from Mesa to Roosevelt Dam. They are results of ero-
sion, the work of which on a vast scale is risible in many places on the slopesof the Superstition Mountains.

3 There are still a few Tima and Tapago huts in the neighborhood.

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PEWKES] WOKK OF EXCAVATION AXD REPAIR 37

irrigiitiou ciuial, rescinbliny a inodtTU ditch in approximately tlie
same place.

There is no considerable outcrop of rock in the innnediate vicin-
ity of Casa Grande and the neighboring plain is almost wholly devoid
of stones large enough to vise in the construction of walls; neverthe-
less, several rooms have stones of considerable size built into the
foundations of their walls.'

WORK OF EXCAVATION AND REPAIR

The excavation of the mounds of Casa Grande was conducted by
tlie Smithsonian Institution by means of appropriations made by
Congress for the jiurpose, the work extenduig through two winters
(1906-07 and 1907-08). The first season's field work was limited to
what is here designated Compound A; the second to Compound B
and Clan-house 1, together with considerable work on Compounds
C and D.- (Pi. 5.)

First Season

compound a

In the first season the excavations were begun at the base of the
two fragments of walls rising from the ground at the southwest angle
of Compound A. At the beginning of the work the writer was wholly
ignorant of the existence of a wall surroundmg the area now called
Compound A, the object of opening the mound at the base of the
outside fragment bemg to repau- the base with cement to prevent its
falling. With the exception of several low mounds, more or less
scattered, the area about the historic building, Casa Grande, was

1 rertain implements from Casa Orande, as hatchets and axes, were apparently made from stones col-
lected in the river bed or washed into view along the- arroyos,

2 The manual work of excavation and repair was performed by Pima Indians together with several white
men who voluntarily assisted, among whom should be mentioned the custodian, Mr. Frank Pinckley, and
Messrs. Hugh Hartshome, Thomas Ackerman, the late Thomas Ray, and others.

Road building, cutting away underbrush, grading, and incidental work, necessary to open the niin to
visitors, consumed some time during both seasons.

In order to aid those who wish to know when early discoverers visited Casa Grande, and to enable
them to follow descriptions where the designations Compounds A, B, C, etc., are used in this report,
signljoards bearing that information were erected at convenient places. Wooden steps were also placed
wherever they could facilitate mounting to the tops of the pyramids.

The Pima workmen above mentioned were natives of the neighboring town of Blackwater, a collection
of modem houses, settled by colonists from Casa Blanca. At the time ef the discovery of Casa Grande and
for several years thereafter, there was a Pima settlement called Uturituc ("tlie comer"), a few miles from
Casa Grande, near the Gila. The natives were driven out of this settlement, the site of which is said to have
been washed away as the result of a change in the course of the river. The writer has heard an old Pima
call Ca.sa Grande Utiu-ituc, owing to a confiLsioii of localities.

San Juan Capistrano de Uturituc is thusreferred to by Father Pedro Font (1775): "This town consists of
smalllodgesof the kind that the Gilenos use . . . Theylodged meinalargehut [possiblylikethe "Cap-
ilia' ' on the San Pedro) which they constructed to that end and in front of it they placetl a large cross,
pagans though they were ... In the afternoon I went to the town with Father Garces and the
governor. Papago de Cojel, to see the fields. Their milpas are Inclosed by stakes, cultivated in sections
with fine canals or draws, and are excessively clean. They are close by the town on the banks of the river,
which i3 large in the season of the freshets."

38 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [lOTii, ANN, 28

level, no sign of the Ixmndarv wall of tlie compound projecting
above the siirroundiuir plain.

On excavating to the base of the western, or outermost, of the two
fragments it was discovered that the true foundations are deep below
the eroded part and that a thick wall extends north and south fi-om
that point. This wall was found to continue to a point 420 feet to
the north, where it turns at right angles, forming the northwest
corner of the compound, thence runnuig 230 feet in an easterly
direction. Thus was brought to light the west wall, the longest wall
of any compound in the Casa Grande Group of rums. It was then a
simple task to trace the three remaining walls, those forming the
north, south, and east sides of the compound. (PL 6.)

After the surroundmg walls of Compound A had been traced
throughout their whole length by excavation, a trench being dug
along the outside of each to its foundations, it was necessary to
remove the earth that had accumulated without and within the
inclosure through the years that had passed since Compound A had
been abandoned. This was an undertaking of magnitude. When
Casa Grande was inhabited the wall of the compound was probably
7 feet high. The upper part (about 3 feet) had fallen level with the
ground, about 4 feet above the base, and the debris had filled in
along the base throughout the whole length and breadth of the
compound.' This great accumulation of clayey soil was removed by
means of scrapers and transported to the distance of about 50 feet
from the compound.

In addition to the removal of the earth that had fallen outside the
compound,^ on the four sides, a drain was dug from the base of each
wall along its entire length. This was constructed with sufficient
incline to convey water from the wall into a larger ditch extending
from the northeast corner to a depression 200 feet away. Similar
removals of earth were made and similar ditches constructed on all
sides of Compound A; the aggregate length of the drains thus made
about this compound is not far from 1,500 feet.

The construction of the main drainage ditch just mentioned was
a work of considerable magnitude, as it was necessar}', in order to
insure the requisite fall, to cut through several elevations or refuse-
heaps, that obstructed' the course. In addition to the draining
ditches above described, a layer of clay coated with a thin layer of
cement was placed along the bases of the walls of Compound A to
prevent undermining and rapid destruction of their foundations; in
some places Mexican adobes were laid on top of the wall to shed
water and preserve it from erosion. The foundations of the waUs

1 A preliminary report on the excavations made in 1900-7 was published in Smilhsonian Miscellaneous
Collections, L (No. 1772), 1907.

2 The accumulation of earth on the east side near the southeast angle was not removed. It is conjectured
that this part ot the compoimd was once occupied by small huts, the habitations of the people.

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FEWKES] WORK OF EXCAVATION AND REPAIR 39

vvero piorced at intoivals to ])revent water from accumulating in the
compound.

The excavations within the compound were even more extensive
than tliose outside ; from this inclosure a Larger amount of debris had to
be removed to a greater distance than from the area outside the walls.

A block of rooms was excavated in the southwest mound from
which rise the two fragments of walls above mentioned. It is
instructive to note that the east walls of these rooms are worn down
more than the west walls, which are still several feet high, and that
the effects of erosion are also more marked on the east side of the
historic structure of Casa Grande. The condition may be explained
in this way: Originally the east walls were probably not so high as
the west walls, a terrace, or platform, being situated on the former
side, but the prevailing storms, which come from the east, beating
with greater force against the eastern walls, caused them to disin-
tegrate more rapidly.

The now conspicuous row of six ceremonial rooms extending from
the northeast corner of the historic building to the north wall of the
compound presented the appearanc* before excavation merely of a
low ridge. This ridge, or mound, was a favorite camping place for
visitors, especially when the sun was high, the walls of the building
making here a pleasant shade. The excavation and removal of
the earth from these six rooms and the clearing away of the fallen
material from the foundations of the outer walls proved to be a work
of considerable magnitude.^

The removal of the earth from the plaza in the northwest part of
Compound A to the former level of its floor, the excavation of the
room in the northwest angle, and the transportation of the accumu-
lations of earth alone necessitated the employment of many workmen
for a considerable period. Much time was consumed in clearing out
the large cluster of rooms on the northeast side of the compound.
Wlien excavation began at this point nothing was visible but a large
mound.

The massive-walled building east of Casa Grande, the west wall of
which rose several feet above the surface of the mound, was not
difficult to excavate, as the earth could be readily removed and the
distance to the dump was not great. The southeast section of the
compound, which presents no conspicuous elevation, still awaits
excavation. (PI. 7.)

To show the supposed character of the habitations of the ancient
people of Compound A, a Pima circular jiut (fig. 53) was built near
the southwest angle, outside the inclosure.

1 Some walls which especially needed protection against the elements were capped with adobe bricks to
prevent erosion.

3 The number of cubic yards of earth removed from this vicinity was not accurately determined, but
some idea of the aggregate may be given by the statement that 10 scrapers were employed for almost a
month in accomplishing this result.

40 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [btii. an.v. 28

Second Season

The field work carried on in l!){)7-8 was devoted to Clan-house 1
and to Compounds B, C, and D, beginninf:; with an attempt to deter-
mine the position of the surrounding wall of Compound B. The only
indication of the existence of this wall was a low "platform," or
elevation, mentioned by several authors, rising a few feet above the
surface of the plain.

COMPOUND B

The boundary wall of this compound was fu-st encountered at its
southeast angle and the first section to be laid bare was the south
wall. Having determined the course and length of this wall, the
debris was removed from its foundation so that the wall stood clear
for an average height of 3 feet. A drain was dug about 5 feet
from the base to carry the surplus water into a depression a few
hundred feet northwest of the compound.

The determination of the east wall of Compound B was somewhat
more difficult than that of the north and west walls because of a
reconstruction, or change in direction, possibly by way of repair
by the builders, at the southeast corner. The east wall was found
to be for the greater part more massive than the south wall and
more dilapidated on top than the other walls. The excavation of
the north wall followed the completion of the work on the east, the
debris about it being removed by means of scrapers. Provision
was made for turning all drainage to the northwest corner where the
level was somewhat lower than elsewhere; thence the water was
conducted into a depression a hundred feet away.

The sidjterranean room untler the northeast wall of Compoiuid B
was roofed over to prevent it being filled with water, which in couree
of time would have destroyed the floor and other evidences of its
existence. The wall of the compound, which passes over this sub-
terranean room, was in danger of falhng. In order to prevent this
a support made of masonry was placed under it, resting on the floor
of the underground room.

More earth had to be removed from the base of the west wall of
Compound B than from all the others combined, a fact which suggests
that formerly this wall was higher than the others but that a con-
sideraMe portion had fallen or been worn dowai, buiying the founda-
tions. The task of carrying away earth that hatl fallen from the
walls on the outer side and the removal of debris that hatl washed
over it from a neighboring refuse-heap was a considerable one. \Mien
this work was finished the wall stood, in the middle, about 10 feet
in height.

The excavation of the plazas and rooms adjoining the two great
pyramids, or inclosed mounds, of Compound B was not so difficult

PEWKES] WORK OF EXCAVATION AXD REPAIR 41

as in the case <if Compmind A, but the removal of the earth was
more tedious, it being necessary to carry tlie material a f)jreater
distance. Tlio difficulties of work in Compound B were somewhat
increased by the presence of successive floors, one below another.
This condition was found on the tops of the mounds and in the
plazas, necessitating careful excavation by hand.

The outlines of the many fragile-walled houses supported by rows
of posts could readily be followeil, but as the supports were much
decayed, provision for the preservation of evidence of the existence
of these rooms, which otherwise under the torrential summer rains
would soon be destroyed, had to be made. To incUcate the positions
of the upright sui)ports of these walls, new posts of cottonwood were
inserted in the old holes, most of which were found to be filled with
fine j^ellow sand and the decaj^ed remains of the former su]i|)orts.
The fireplaces in the middle of the floors of these fragile-waUed
rooms, opposite the entrances, were jjrotected with wooden covers.
The floors were smoothly made and evidenth' had been tramped
do\vn.

The bases of all the walls exposed by the excavation work were
strengthened wth cement, so that the.y might resist longer the action
of the water.

CLAN-HOUSE 1

The excavation and repair of Clan-house 1 were satisfactorily
completed. No walls were visible wlien work began, but two low
ash-col( red mounds were traceable among the mesciuite trees, indicat-
ing the site of a large building; there was no means of knowing, how-
ever, the shape or size of the rooms later brought to light. As work
progressed on the larger, or more westerly, of these mounds, the west
wall of a large building was the first to be traced. Having determined
the position of the southwest corner, the removal of earth from the
south and west walls was easily accomplished. The earth was hauled
some d'stance from the walls by means of scrapers and later provi-
sion was made for diverting the surface drainage on these two sides.
The ou side of the east and north walls was similarlj^ treated. Tem-
porar}' roadways left about midway in the west wall were utihzed for
liauling the material removed from the central room. The plaza east
of tliis loom was filled originally with earth to the level of the top of
the compound walls; the removal of this to the level of the floors
of the central room and plaza required abdut a month. The bases
of the walls were treated with cement and shallow drains parallel
with them were dug to carrj' away the surplus water.

The presence of unusually large accumulations of earth in the
rooms of Clan-house 1 can not be accounted for wholly by the f alhng

42 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. ann. ;;8

of tho iniitoriiil eroded from the top of tlic walls, hut was due in part
to drifted sand, wliich for the fijrcater part lillcd the rooms of the
compounds. The saiidstorms left deposits at tlie bases of the walls,
both witliin and without, the sand often drifting like snow; but
when the drift was once arrested by the walls and by roots of mes-
quite trees, and weighted down by the adobe that fell from the
walls, the rooms and walls were eventually covered.

COMPOUNDS C AND D

The amount of excavation and repair work on Compounds C and
D was not so extensive as on Compounds A and B. Neither of
the former contained high mounds, and apparently neither ever had
included extensive buildings mth thick high walls. The walls of the
central building of Compound C were low and few in number. The
corners and surrounding walls in Compounds C and D having been
determined, part of the accumulated earth was removed, provision
being made for protection of the wall where necessary. In both
these compounds the surrounding wall had been worn down almost
to the level of the plain, a low platform being the only visible evidence
of its former existence.

TRADITIONS

The question. Who built Casa Grande ? has been repeatedly asked
the Pima Indians dwelling in the neighborhood from tlie time of its
discovery in 1694 and their answer has generally come to be, the
" Hohokam," or Ancients. But if their old men are interrogated
more closely they frequently mention the name of a chief (civan)
called Morning Green, who, they affirm, constructed the buildings
and ruled over the inhabitants. There is internal evidence that the
legends they relate of this chief are not inventions of the modern
Pima; at all events incidental references to him as master of the
Wind gods and the Rain gods date back to Father Font's narrative
in 1775. Modern variants of the legends are probably somewhat
embellished, however, by repetition from one generation to another.'
The Pima conception of this chief is best indicated by quoting a few
folk-tales, some of which have not been pubhshed while others have
been known for many years.

1 Dr. Frank Russell's excellent monograph on The Pima Indians (S6lh Ann. Eep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.)
shows the wealth of Pima (or Maricopa?) material still available. This material, like all legends, can be
treated in a scientific way in the Interpretation of culture and should not be rejected by archeologists.
Ethnology is simply culture-history, of which archeology is one chapter.

Neglect of ethnology in the study of the archeology of the American Indians is unfortunate. Some
of the Pima told the writer that nis interpreter had made mistakes in interpretations, so that what is
given here can be regarded only as approximations to tnith. As will appear in many of these legends,
the chief of Casa Grande is exalted into a cultus-hero, who had extraordinary magic powers; in some stories
he is represented as the supernatural offspring of the sun and a maid.

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FBWKES] TRADITIONS 43

There still survive among the Mexicans living in the neigliborhood
of Casa Grande (pis. 8, 9) a few stories connecting Montezuma with
this ruin. One day wliile the writer was at work on Compound B, an
old Mexican who visited the place said that several years ago as he was
driving past the ruin from Florence to his farm, which is soutli of the
main building, a man with a long white beard, clad only in a single
short garment, stopped him and without a word took his seat on the
wagon. When they arrived at Casa Grande the mysterious personage
alighted and ^\'ithout speaking entered the ruin; he was never seen
agam. The Mexican asked whether the writer thought this strange
person was Montezuma the old cliief .

Font's Legend

This legend (1775) contains the following story (related to Father
Font by the governor of Uturituc), which is the oldest legendary
account of Casa Grande, or Civanavaaki,' extant, from Pima sources:

He [the governor] said —

That in a very distant time there came to that land a man who, because of his
evil disposition and harsh sway, was called The Bitter Man; that this man was old
and had a young daughter; that in his company there came another man who was
young, who was not his relative nor anything, and that he gave him in marriage
his daughter, who was very pretty, the young man being handsome also, and that
the said old man had with him as servants the Wind and the Storm-cloud. That the
old man began to build that Casa Grande and ordered his son-in-law to fetch beams
for the roof of the house. That the young man went far off, and as he had no ax nor
anything else with which to cut the trees, he tarried many days, and at the end he
came back without bringing any beams. That the old man was very angry and told
him he was good for nothing; that he should see how he himself would bring beams.
That the old man went very far off to a mountain range where there are many pines
and, calling on God to help him, he cut many pines and brought many beams for
the roof of the house. That when this Bitter Man came, there were in that land neither
trees nor plants, and he brought seeds of all and he reaped very large harvests with
his two servants, the Wind and the Storm-cloud, who served him. That by reason
of his evil disposition he grew angry with the two servants and turned them away and
they went very far off; and as he could no longer harvest any crops through lack of the
servants, he ate what he had gathered and came near dying of hunger. That he sent
his son-in-law to call the two servants and bring them back and he could not find them,
seek as he might. That thereupon the old man went to seek them and, having found
them, he brought them once more into his service, and with their aid he had once more
large crops, and thus he continued for many years in that land ; and after a long time
they went away and nothing more was heard of them.

He [the governor] said also, that after the old man there came to that land a
man called The Drinker, and he grew angry with the people of that place and he
sent much water so that the whole country was covered with water, and he went
to a very high mountain range which is seen from there, and which is called The
Mountain of the Foam (Sierra de la Espuina), and he took with him a little dog and a
coyote. (This mountain range [Superstition Mountains] is called ' ' of the foam " because
at the end of it, which is cut off and steep like the comer of a bastion, there is seen high

' The term Clvanavaaki, which has been translated "chief of the ancient house," is a general term applied
also to other casas grandes in the Gila-Salt Valley.

4-i CASA URANDE, ARIZONA (etii. ann. 28

up noar the top a white brow as of rock, which also continues along the range for a good
(lislamc, and the Indians say that this is the mark of the foam of the water which rose
to that height.) That The Drinker went up, and left the dog below that he might
notify hiiu when the water came too far, and when the water reached the brow of the
foam the dog notified The Drink(^r, because at that time the animals talked, and the
latter carried him up. That after some days The Drinker Man sent the Rose-sucker
(Chuparosas) to Coyote to bring him mud; they brought some to him and of the mud
he made men of different kinds, and some turned out goo(J and others bad. That
these man scattered over the land, upstream and downstream; after some time he
sent some men of his to see if the other men upstream talked ; these went, and returned
saying that although they talked, they had not undoi-stood what they said, and that
The Drinker Man was very angry because the,-!e men talked without his having
given them leave. That next he sent other men downstream to see those who had
gone that way and they returned saying that they had received them well, that they
spoke another tongue but that they had understood them. Then The Drinker Man
told them that those men downstream were the good men and there were such as far
as the Opa, with whom they are friendly, and there were the Apache, who are their
enemies. He [the governor] said also that at one time The Drinker Man was angry
with the people and killed many and transformed them into saguaros (giant cacti),
and on this account there are so many saguaros in that country . . . Furthermore,
he said that at another time The Drinker Man was very angry with the men and
caused the sun to come down to burn them, and was making an end of them; that he
now begged him much not to bum them, and therefore The Drinker Man said that
he would no longer bum them and then he told the sun to go up, but not as much as
before, and he told them that he left it lower in order to burn them by means of it,
if ever they made him angry again, and for this reason it is so hot in that country in
summer.

He [the governor] added that he knew other stories; that he could not tell them
because the time was up, and he agreed to tell them to us another day; but as we
had laughed a little at his tales, which he related with a good deal of seri'ousness,
we could not get him afterward to tell us anything more, saying that he did not know
any more.'

Legends from Other Sources

In the account of Casa Grande given by Johnston^ lie wrote (1847)
as follows:

The general asked a Pimo who made the house [Casa Grande] I had seen. '-It is
the 'Cara [sic] de Montezuma,'" said he; "it was built by the son of the most beautiful
woman who once dwelt in yon mountain; she was fair, and all the handsome men
came to court her, but in vain; when they came, they paid tribute, and out of this
small store, she fed all people in times of famine, and it did not diminish; at last, as
she lay asleep, a drop of rain fell upon her navel, and she became pregnant, and brought
forth a boy, who was the builder of all these houses."

Capt. F. E. Grossman^ in 1S71 made the following allusions to tlie
Pima legends regarding Casa Grande :

The Pinias claim to be the direct descendants of the chief S6'-ho. The children of
S6'-h6 reinhabited the Gila River Valley, and soon the people became numerous.

1 It will be seen that there are some parts of this story almost identical with a story that lollows, told
I lie writer by Thin Leather in 1907-8.

! Johnston, Journal, in Emory, Notes of a Military Reconnoissant-e, Washington, 1848 (Ex. Doc. 41 , 30th
Cong., 1st sess., 1,848).

3 Smithsonian Report for 1871, p. 408.

FBWKES]

TRADITIONS 45

One of the direct descendants of So'-ho, King Si'-\ a-no. erected the Casas Grandes
on the Gila River. Here he governed a large empire, before — long before— the
Spaniards were known.

The following quotation is taken from Bandelier's report:*

Mr. J. D. Walker, an old resident in the vicinity of Casa Grande, who lias lieen to
me personally an excellent friend and valualile informant, told me this tale.

The Gila Piraas claim to liave been created on the banks of the river. After residing
there for some time a great flood came that destroyed the tribe, with the exception of
one man, called Ci-ho. He was of small stature, and became the ancestor of tlie present
Pimas. The tribe, beginning to grow in numbers, built the villages now in ruins and
also spread to the north bank of the river. But there appeared a monstrous eagle,
which, occasionally assuming the shape of an old woman, visited the pueblos and stole
women and children, carrying them to his abode in an inaccessible cliff. On one
occasion the eagle seized a girl with the intention of making of her his wife. Ci-ho
thereupon went to the cliff, Init found it impossible to climli. The girl, who was still
alive, shouted down to him the way of making the ascent. When the eagle came l)ack,
Ci-ho slew him with a sword, and thus liberated his people from the scourge. -

The following existhig Pima legends relating to Morning Green,
cliief of Casa Grande, were collected from Thin leather (Kamaltkak),
an old Pima regarded as one of the best informed story-tellers of
the tribe.^ Some of his legends repeat statements identical witli
those told to Father Font, 137 years ago, a fact which proves ap-
parently that they have been but little changed by intervening
generations. The statement whicli recounts how Morning Green
was miraculously conceived by a Hohokam maiden has been verified
by several legendists. The following stories supplement published
legends of tliis chief and other ancients and sited light on the condition
of early society in the settlement over wliich Morning Green is said
to have ruled.

HOW A CHIEF OF ANOTHER " GREAT HOUSE " ENTICED THE WOMEN

FROM CASA GRANDE

Morning Green, chief of Casa Grande, invited Chief Tcernatsing and his women to
visit him. Tcernatsing lived in a great house situated near Gila Crossing, which is so
far away from Casa Grande that he found it necessary to camp one night en route at
the settlement on the Gila River opposite Sacatou. \\"hen the visitors arrived at
Casa Grande a dance was celebrated in the open space north of Compound A, some-
where between it and the circular wall inclosing a reservoir or "well." Here the
women who accompanied Tcernatsing danced with those of Casa Grande, singing the
song:

Ta sai na ivu uH
Sun shade sing with me
My body will become a humming-bird
When Tcernatsing came and witnessed the women dancing he shook his rattle and
sang a magic song, which enticed all the women of Casa Grande to follow him to

1 Bandelier, Final Rep., pt. n, in Papers Arch. Irmt. Anur., iv, p. 463, 1892.

2 For another version ol this talc, see Bancroft, Native Races, vol. iii, p. 79.

3 Many other legends were collected, but these have no bearing on Casa Grande, and some of them have
been published by previous observers, especially Doctor Russell, who obtained many of his stories from
the same authority. It is said that most of these legends are from the Maricopa; several show missionary
influence.

46 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

another fiance place, nearer the Gila. Morning Green, who also sang a magic song,
found it powerless ' to prevent the departure of the women, and he went back to his
house for a more powerful "medicine," after which he returned to the dance and
ordered his women back to their dwellings; but they were so much bewitched by the
songs of Tceniatsing that they could not, or would not, obey him. Farther and
farther from their homes Tcernatsing enticed the women, dancing first in one place
and then in another until they came to his compound. Among the women who
abandoned their home was the wife of Morning Green, who refused to return even
after ho sent a special messenger to her.

The sequel of the legend is that Tcernatsing married Nactci, a daughter of Morning
Green, making her father so angry that he sent a spider to bite his own grandson, off-
spring of the union. When the boy was sick unto death Tcernatsing invited Morning
Green to visithisgrandson before the boy died. Morning Green relented and senthis
daughter an herb (the name of which is lost) powerful enough to cure the spider's bite,
and thus the child's life was spared.^

Another legend of Chief Morning Green, also obtained from Thin
Leather, affords an instructive glimpse of prehistoric thought.

HOW TXJRQUOISES WERE OBTAINED FROM CHIEF MORNING GREEN

One day, long ago, the women and girls of Casa Grande were playing an ancient
game called toka,^ formerly much in vogue at Casa Grande, but now no longer played
by Pima. During the progress of the game a blue-tailed lizard was noticed descending
into the earth at a spot where the stones were green. ^ The fact was so strange that it
was reported to Morning Green, who immediately ordered excavation to be made.
Here they eventually discovered many turquoises, with which they made, among
other things, a mosaic covering for a chair that used to stand in one of the rooms of
Casa Grande. This chair was carried away many years ago and buried, no one knows
where.

Moniing Green also distributed so many turquoises among his people that the fame
of these precious stones reached the ears of the Sun, in the East, who sent the bird
with bright plumage (parrot?) to obtain them. Wlien Parrot approached within a
short distance of Casa Grande he was met by one of the daughters of the chief, who
returned to the town and announced to her father the arrival of a visitor from the Sun.
The father said, "Take this small stick, which is charmed, and when Parrot puts
the stick into his mouth, you lead him to me." But Parrot was not charmed by the
stick and refused to take it into his mouth and the girl reported her failure. The
chief answered, "Perhaps the strange bird would eat pumpkin seed," and told his
daughter to offer these to him. She made the attempt without result and, returning,

' Evidently Morning Green had met his equal in Tcernatsing, whose " medicine "was superior to that he
employed on the first trial of magic power..

= Morning Green (SiaUm Tcutuk) is regarded by the Pima as an historic personage. Ciran is here inter-
preted as a generic name for "eliief,'' not limited to Morning Green alone; all chiefsof the ancients are called
civani. In commenting on the word Siha of Kino and Mange, and on Cibola, Doctor Russell puts this
query: Is the similarity of this term (siba) to Shi'wona or Shi'wina, given by Mr. F. H. Cushing as the
native name of the Zufli country, a mere coincidence? This question assumes a new significance if we
remember that some of the Zufli clans originally came from villages ruled over by the Civani.

3 The players in this game were generally 10 in number, facing each other about 100 yards apart. Eacb
participant had a pointed stick with which she caught a rope having a knot at each end.

< In a legend of the Hopi, turquoises are said to be the excrement of a reptile.

The legend of the "throne" of Montezuma covered wilh turquoises may be of late introduction, but how
the resemblance to the Mexican accoimt is to be accounted for among the Pima does not appear; possibly
by the same means as in the ease of the name Montezuma. In this connection attention is directed to the
"seat" excavated in Clan-hou.se 1 (fig. 19).

FEWKES]

TRADITIONS 47

reported that the bird refused pumpkin seed. The father then said, "Put the seed
into a blanket and spread it before the bird; then perhaps you may capture him."
Still Parrot would not eat, and the father thereupon suggested watermelon seeds.
But Parrot was not tempted by these nor by seeds of cat's claw, nor was he charmed
by charcoal.'

The chief of Casa Grande then told his daughter to tempt Parrot with corn well
cooked and soaked in water, in a new food-bowl. Parrot was obdurate and would not
taste it, but, noticing a turquoise bead of blue-green color, he swallowed it; when the
two daughters of the chief saw this they brought to him a number of blue stones,
which the bird greedily devoured. Then the girls brought valuable turquoise beads,
which Parrot ate; then he flew away. The girls tried to capture him, but without
success. He made his way through the air to the home of the Sun in the East, where
he drank an emetic and vomited the turquoises, which the Sun god distributed
among that people which reside near his house of rising, beyond the eastern moun-
tains. This is the reason, it is said, why these people have many stone ornaments
made of this material.

But when the chief of Casa Grande heard that Parrot had been sent to steal his tur-
quoises, he was greatly vexed and caused a violent rain to fall that extinguished all
fires in the East. His magic power over the Rain god was so great that he was able
even to extinguish the light of the Sun, making it very cold. Then the old priests
gathered in council and debated what they should do. Man-Fox was first sent
by them into the East to get fire, but he failed to obtain it, and then Road-runner
was commissioned to visit Thunder, the only one that possessed fire, and steal his
lighted torch. But when Thunder saw him running off with the torch he shot an
arrow at the thief and sparks of fire were scattered around, setting afire every tree,
bush, and other inflammable object, from which it happens that there is fire in every-
thing.

HOW MORNING GREEN LOST HIS POWER OVER THE WIND GODS AND

THE RAIN GODS

Morning Green is reputed to have had special magic power over two supernatural
beings, known as Wind-man and Rain-man. It happened atone time that many people
were playing a game with canes in the main plaza of Morning Green's settlement [Casa
Grande], on the south side of the compound; among these were Rain-man and Wind-
man. The latter laid a wager that if he lost, his opponent should look on the charms
of a certain maid. When Wind-man lost, in revenge he sent a great wind that blew
aside her blanket, at which indignity she cried and complained of Wind-man to
Morning Green, who wa-i so angry that he made Rain-man blind, obliging him to l)e
led about liy his servant, the wind; he also banished both from Casa Grande. They
went to the San Bernardino Mountains in what is now California and lived at Eagle
Mountain, near the present town of Wadsworth, where as a consequence it rains
continually.

After the banishment of these two the rain ceased at Casa Grande for four years, and
Morning Green sent Humming-bird to the mountains where Wind-man ancF Rain-man
resided. Humming-bird carried with him a white feather, which he held aloft to detect
the presence of the wind . Three times he thus tried to discover Wind-man l)y the move-
ment of this feather, V)ut was not successful. When at last Humming-bird came to a
place where there was much green grass he again held up the feather to see whether it
showed any movement of the air. It responded by indicating a slight wind, and later
he came to the spot where W'ind-man and Rain-man were, but found them asleep.

1 Charcoal, the product of fire, is regarded by the Hopi Yaya, or fire priests, as possessing most powerful
magic ID healing diseases, especially those of the skin in which there is a burning sensation.

48 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ktii. anx. 28

Humming-bird dropped a little medicine on the breasts of Wind-man and Hain-
man, which caused them after a time to move and later to awake. \Mien they had
risen from their sleep Humming-bird informed them that Morning Green had fient him
to ask them to return and again take up their abode with him at Casa Grande. Rain-
man, wholia<l no desire to return, answered. "Why did Morning Green send us away?"
and Wind-man said, "Return to Morning Green and tell him to cut off his daughter's
hair and make from it a rope.' Bring this rope to me and I will tie it about my
loins that Rain-man, who is blind, may catch hold of it while I am leading him. But
advise all in Casa Grande to take the precaution to repair the roofs of their houses
so they will not leak, for when we arrive it will rain violently." Humming-l)ird
delivered the message to the chief of Casa Grande and later brought back the twisted
rope of human hair. Wind-man and Rain-man had barely started for Casa Grande
when it began to rain, and for four days the downpour was so great that every roof
leaked. Morning Green vainly used all his jiower to stop the rain, liut the magic
availed but little.

THE BIRTH OF HOK

Long ago the Sun god sent a messenger on an errand to the settlement now called
Casa Grande. As this messenger proceeded on his way he occupied himself in kicking
a stone ball, and on approaching Casa Grande he gave the ball so violent a kick that
it landed near a maiden who sat on the housetop making pottery. Seeing the object,
the girl picked it up and hid it under her belt. \Mien the man sought the stone it
was nowhere to be found; he asked the girl if she knew where it fell, but she would
not divulge what had become of it. Discouraged in his quest, the man was about to
return to the Sun god, but the girl urged him not to depart but to search more dili-
gently for the ball. She also sought for it, but it was no longer under her lielt; it had
disappeared. Later she was with child and in due time gave l)irth to a girl l)aby,
which, instead of feet and hands, had claws like a bear or a mountain lion. As thia
strange child grew older and played with other boys and girls she scratched them so
often with her claws that they were afraid of her, and ran away whenever she appeared.
The brothers of the girl were hunters of rabbits, but were unsuccessful.. When their
sister grew older she followed them to the hunt and their luck changed, so that thence-
forth they killed plenty of game. As she matured, however, she outgrew all restraint
and became a wild woman. She was then called Hok. and developed into a cannilial
monster, who caiitnred her victinis wherever she went and carried them in a basket
on her back until she wished to devour them.- Hok once met two youths, whom she
tried to capture, but they ran swiftly away and when she made another attempt they
blinded her by throwing sand in her eyes. This monster terrorized the whole country
to such an extent that the ancients sought her life, but in vain. The culture-hero,
Tcuhu, endeavored to kill Hok. He turned himself into a snake and furnished the
children with rattles; when Hok approached them they shook these rattles and
frightened her. Hok first retired to a distant cave in the Santa Catalina Mountains, but
later went south to Poso Verde. The peojile living there were also opjjressed by Hok
and desired to kill her. Tcuhu ' sent word to his uncle that there was to be a dance at
Casa Granule and asked him to invite Hok to attentl. This was a kind of ceremonial
dance in which men and women participate, forming a circle and alternating with
each other. Several invitations were sent to Hok, but she did not accept; at last she
promised to attend the dance and to be there at sunset. Tcuhu danced and smoked
with Hok, and the festivities lasted four days and nights. \\'hile she was absent the

' Ropes were made of human hair up to within a few years l)y the I'ima. who used them on burden-
baskets (kihits) and for other purposes.

2 The Hopi have a similar bogy, who is personated annually at Walpi in February, at which time she
threatens to kill all children. She carries a knife in her hands, and has a basket on her back for the heads
of the victims she declares she will decapitate.

^ The name Tcuhu is sometimes interchanged with Atonlezuma a-s if the two personages were identical.

FEWKES] , TRADITIONS 49

womcr. <;;itlierod wood and made a fire in the cave where Hok lived. When she dis-
covered what had taken jilace she flew to the top of her cave and entered it through
a crack open to the sky. At the opening Tcuhii stood so as to prevent Hok's escape
and slew her as she emerged.

A CREATION LEGEND

In the beginning all was dark and there was neither earth nor sky. Earth Doctor
(Tcuwut M;irka) was the only being then living.'

Earth Doctor t6ok a particle of sweat from his body and made from it a small disk,
which he hold in his hand and started to go to the west. When he stopped, the sweat
showed signs of life, for it trembled; he proceeded and still the material moved. He
halted four times in his course and as he stopped the fourth time the disk, which was
the nucleus of the earth, became stable, and neither trembled nor wavered.- He then
knew he was at the middle point of the universe. Earth Doctor then made a bush and
created small ants to feed on it. lie took a louse from his breast and put it at the root
of the bush. This insect found a ring of soil that kept growing larger and larger as
Earth Doctor danced near it, until it became the earth. In the same way the solid
sky was formed . Earth Doctor pounded ' ' medicine " in a bowl and shortly afterward
there appeared over the surface a transparent substance resembling ice. Earth Doc-
tor threw this substance toward the north, where it fell but shortly afterward rose
again and then sank below the horizon. He then cast another fragment to the west
and it fell below the horizon, never to rise again. He threw another fragment into
the south; this struck the earth or sky and bounded back, whereupon he picked it up
and again threw it to the south. This time it ro.se and passed over the sky. These
fragments became the sun and the moon, both formed in the same way. Earth Doctor
spurted a mouthful of medicine-water into the sky and created the stars, first the
larger and then the smaller, the last of all being nebukie like the Milky Way. Having
formed the celestial bodies, he made seeds of all food used by man, after which he
created men and women from a particle of sweat or grease from his body.

Buzzard Doctor lives in the Underworld, where there are many people similar to
those who inhabit the earth. The entrance [si'pa/)i(] to this underworld is in the east.

As soon as men and women had been created they began to quarrel; this an-
gered Earth Doctor and he put them to death. After he had killed all human beings,
Earth Doctor and Buzzard emerged together from the Underworld and the former
begged the latter to help him re-create men and women. The result was men who
were gray-haired at birth. Earth Doctor again destroyed man because he smoked
too much, but on the fourth trial there emerged from the earth four men who later
became great medicine-men — Land, Buzzard, Tcuhu, and Tohouse.'

The youth Tcuhu became a great warrior and married many women, whom he
deserted before children were born.*

A FLOOD LEGEND

The Pima believed that the flood was caused by Earth Doctor, who stuck his staff *
into the ground, making a hole out of which water issued, covering the earth. Tcuwut,
Tcuhu, and To house crawled into ollas and floated away. \Vhen the earth was

' This legend diCfers from other purely aboriginal creation legends with which the author is acquainted,
in accounting for the origin of earth and sky.

= See Zuni legend of the search for the "middle," or stable, point on the earth (in 13th Ann. Rep. Bur.
Ethnol., p. 373).

2 Because the men were thus destroyed foiu" times some people think there are four worlds.

* The son of Tcuwut went to get his child, but when he took it in his arms he became a snipe and the baby
became what the IMma call a water baby.

^.Several Hopi and Hano legends recount that when the tipoiii, or emblematic palladium, was placed on
the earth a spring was developed.

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 4

50 CASA ORANDE, ARIZONA . I etii. ann. L'8

covered with water, Iluniniinjj-liiid, led by liuzzaid, flow into the sky, cryinn; out
that they wt)uld return after the water should have subsided. lUizzard soareil aloft
to an opening in the sky, throuf;h which he passed, but his companion could not
follow him. Both were caught in the passage and there they hung. Humming-bird
cried because it was cold in the sky region, but Woodpecker made a nest of feathers
to keep them warm. The flood rose until the water reached them and there may still
be seen on the feathers of the woodpecker marks where the water touched him.

The olla in which Tcuhu was concealed floated far away into the southwest, but
that containing Earth Doctor went northwest. The third, in which was Tohouse,
went east. The tracks of the ollas of Earth Doctor and Tohouse Doctor crossed sev-
eral times and as they did so Earth Doctor addressed the other as Elder Brother.
There were seven persons saved from the flood, and these were called brothers. Their
names are Tcuwut, Tcuhu, Tohouse, Buzzard, Woodpecker, Humming-bird, and an
unknown. When the water had subsided these seven brothers held a council to deter-
mine the position of the middle of the earth. Woodpecker was sent to the east and
Humming-bird to the west, to find it. Three times they returned without success,
but on their fourth meeting they reported that they had found the middle of the
earth.

Tcuhu plucked a hair from the right side of his head and, jiutting it in his mouth,
drew it back and forth, stretching it and miraculously forming a snake, which he laid
on the earth at his north side. He took a hair from the left side of his head and, stretch-
ing it out as before, created a second snake, which he laid at the west side. He then
laid one at the south and another at the east.' These snakes prevent the water from
flooding the land and cau.se it to flow in channels or rivers. Tcuhu created ants,
which he put on the wet ground; these threw up hills that became dryland. After
the water had subsided Earth Doctor, Tcuhu, and Tohouse set themselves to re-create
men, having agreed not to inform one another what kind of beings each would make.
To prevent one another from seeing their work they faced in different directions — Earth
Doctor to the east, Tohouse to the south, and Tcuhu to the west. WTaen their crea-
tions were finished it was found that Tcuhu had made men similar in form to those
now living, but that Tohouse's men had webbed fingers like ducks, while those cre-
ated by Earth Doctor had but one leg each and subsisted not on food, but on smells,
which they inhaled. Tcuhu asked Tohouse why he made his men with webbed
fingers. "That they may live in water," responded Tohouse. Tcuhu was dissat-
isfied with the beings made by Tohouse, and he threw them into the water, where they
became ducks. The creations of Earth Doctor became fishes and snakes; he was
much pleased with his children, which descended into the Underworld where he
daily visits them.

When Earth Doctor stuck his staff into the ground to cause the flood and water cov-
ered the earth, most of the people perished, but some escaped and followed White
Feather, who fled to the top of Superstition Mountains. The water rose, covering all
the valley until it was as high as the line of white sandstone which is a conspicuous
landmark. White Feather, surrounded by his followers, tried all his magic in vain to
prevent the further rise of the flood. When he saw he was powerless to prevent this,
he gathered all his people and consulted them, saying, "I have exhausted all
magic powers but one, which I will now try." Taking in his left hand a medicme-
stone from his pouch, he held it at arm's length, at the same time extending his
right hand toward the sky. After he had sung four songs he raised his hand and
seized the lightning and with it struck the stone which he held. This broke into
splinters with a peal of thunder and all his people were transformed into the pinna-
cles of stone which can now be seen projecting from the summit of one of the peaks
of the Superstition Mountains.

' It is thought that dreams come from the east and that the west sends cold.

FEWKKs] TRADITIONS 51

The fcillowcrs of Tcuhu and Tohouse united and built a house. Four days after
this house was begun Tcuhu sent Tohouse to visit a people he had created, in order
to learn what language they spoke. When Tohouse found that they spoke Apache
and so reported, Tcuhu assigned them to the land of cold wind and rain. Tcuhu
again sent Tohouse to discover whether there were other people on the eai-th; return-
ing after a time the latter reported to Tcuhu that he had heard of men speaking
Mohave, Yuma, and Maricopa, but not Pima. After four days Tcuhu again sent
Tohouse to search for any men allied to his people, and he reported finding those
who continually said, <S(on, stoK, ''it is hot." He returned and told Tcuhu he had
found lost brothers, because he had detected in their speech a Pima word. Tcuhu
said they must be his people; he said also, ' ' I will give them dark cool nights in which
they can sleep, and I will send them dreams and they shall be able to interpret these
dreams." All these peoples were gathered into the house Tcuhu had built [Casa
Grande?]. But after a while there were bickerings and quarrels among men. The
Apache left for the mountains where they said they also would have dreams and
thus they became hereditary enemies of the Pima. At this time all the Pima inhab-
ited the Salt River Valley, not far from the site of the present Phoenix.

White Feather and his people lived in a settlement called Sturavrik Civanav^ki,
near Tempe, the site of which is now a large mound. According to some legends,
this chief was the first man who taught the Pima irrigation and he showed them also
how to plant corn. Through his guidance his people became prosperous and all the
Pima congregated at his settlement to trade.

The people of a settlement near Mesa could not build a canal because the ground
in the vicinity was so hard, so they asked Tcuhu to aid them. He sang magic songs
for four days, and at the fourth song the ground softened and the people easily exca-
vated the ditch, but the water would not run in it. Tcuhu found he was powerless
to make it do so and advised them to invite Towa Quaatam Ochse,' an old woman
who lived in the west by the great water, to aid them. She was summoned and
sent word to the Mesa people to assemble in their council-house and await her com-
ing. They gathered and awaited her coming but she did not appear. At night a
man passing that way saw her standing at the highest point of the canal blowing
"medicine" along the ditch. Later there came a great wind that dug out a wide
channel and water ran in the canal. The Casa Grande people, it is said, learned the
art of irrigating from those living on the site of Tempe, who were taught by Tcuhu.

Feather-plaited Doctor was an evil-minded youth who lived at Wukkakotk, north
of Casa Grande. Tonto- visited Feather-plaited Doctor, but the latter would not
notice him, although he made the customary offering of four cigarettes. Three times
Tonto repeated his visit to Feather-plaited Doctor, and on the third visit the latter
accused him of being a gossip and on that account refused to have anything to do
with him. On the last visit he told Tonto that although he did not like him he did
not object to his visits, but he warned him, if he wished to see him, not to gamble at
night and not to have anything to do with women without his permission. At that
time there was a man who wished to gamble with Tonto but, forewarned, the latter
refused. When Tonto was asked the reason, he revealed his promise to Feather-

■ This personage corresponds to Hazrinwuqti, or Woman of Hard Substance (shell, stone, and turquoise)
of the Hopi.

2 The writer's interpreter claimed that tonto is a pure Pima word, hence the fact that in Spanish it
signifies " foolish " would seem to be fortuitous. It appears in the term Totonleac, used bj- early Span-
iards to designate a "kingdom," sometimes regarded as synonymous with Jlfotj. also a Pima word. On
the theory that totonteac is pure Pima, the writer derives it from In-ton, and toac orleac, a termination which
occursinthe name of a mountain (Kihutoac, "mountain of the fciAu, or carrying basket"). The term
Totonteac would mean "mountains of the Tontos."

When first mentioned Totonteac was reputed to be a kingdom of great power; later it was found to be
a hot spring surroundeil by a few mud houses. In the opinion of the writer, the hot springs in the lower
part of the Tonto Basin, near the Koosevelt Dam, may represent the locality of the so-called fabulous
Totonteac.

52 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. ann. 28

plaited Doctor :iiui said lie must gel- |)ermis>sion. Tonto was allowed by Feather-
plaited Doctor to gamble with this man, but was warned not to play again if he were
beaten; but should he win twice he must desist by all means from further playing.

The game at which Tonto gambled was that known as the "cane game, " and on this
occasion Feather-plaited Civan marked the canes. Tonto played and won twice
from his opponent; he would not play a third time, but carried all he had won to the
house of Feather-plaited Civan. Whenever he played with the marked canes, he
won, so that one of his opponents consulted Tcuhu to learn the reason. Tcuhu
informed him that the sticks were endowed with magic derived from the sun, which
gave them supernatural [jower over all others.

Tcuhu then told a maid to search under trees and gather in the early morning the
feathers of eagles, crows, buzzards, and hawks, bind them together, and bring them
to him. After these feathers had been brought Tcuhu instructed her to strip every
feather to its midrib and cut each into short sections. Having roasted the feathers
with meal of popcorn, the girl placed them on a basket tray. She was then instructed
to fill two small bowls with "medicine" and to carry them to a spring near the place
where Tonto was going to play the next game. Before Tonto began this game he
declared he was thirsty and started for the spring, kicking before him the stone ball.
When he reached the spring he perceived the girl and fell in love with her. She prom-
ised to marry him if her parents were willing. The maid handed Tonto a drink of the
"medicine " instead of water; at the first draught he began to tremble; a second caosed
him to shake violently, and at the third feathers began to form all over his body, and
shortly afterward he took the form of a bird resembling the eagle. ^Mien the maid
had witnessed this metamorphosis, she sought the man with whom Tonto had agreed
to gamble and told him Tonto had become a bird, at the same time pointing to an eagle
perched on a rock near the spring. The man tried to shoot Eagle, but he flew away
and alighted on the top of a peak of the Superstition Mountains, which shook violently
as Eagle landed thereon.' In his flight Eagle carried off the maid, now called Baat,
with whom he lived. He killed many people dwelling near his home and heaped their
bodies in a great pile near the cave in which he made his home. He became so dan-
gerous, in fact, that the survivors asked Tcuhu's aid; he promised to come in four
days but did not do so. A new messenger was sent with the same request and he
again promised to come in four days but again failed to fulfill his promise. Tcuhu
told the messenger to bring him ashes, and the man brought mesquite charcoal, which
he did not wish. Tcuhu procured charcoal from cactus fruit and, having groimd the
seeds into fine meal, he fashioned it into the form of a big knife. He then procured a
flexible stick, such as grows in the White Mountains, and other pointed sticks resem-
bling bone awls. Having made four of the.se sticks, he sharpened them and started
forth to overcome Eagle, leaving word that if he were killed a smoke would be seen
for four days, but that if he killed Eagle, a cloud would hang over the place of
the combat. Tcuhu traveled eastward a long distance and came to the mountain
where Eagle lived, in between perpendicidar precipices, surrounded by deep fissures.
Tcuhu metamorphosed himself into a fly and hid himself in this fissure, where he slept
that night. On the following day he changed himself back into a man, stuck the
sticks into the crevice of the cliff, and by their help climbed up to the crag in which
Eagle had his home.-

• A mountain in the Superstition Range, resembling a monster bird (eagle), is now pointed out from the
Roosevelt Dam road.

2 This story of Eagle seems to be a variant of that previously recorded in whit-h the avian being killed was
the monster Hok. Here Tcuhu found only a captive woman, who said the monster had gone to procure
victims. Tcuhu having revealed his mission, they agreed on a signal, and he changed into a fly. When
Eagle returned, although suspicious, he went to sleep and the woman whistled three times. .\t the last
whistle Tcuhu returned to human form and decapitated Eagle, throwing his head, limbs, and body to the
four world quarters. Then the woman sprinkled "medicine "on a pile of bones, the remains of former vic-
tims, and brought them to life. Thereupon all descended from the mountain over which hovered dense
clouds, the signal that the monster was dead.

FEWKES] HISTORY 53

HISTORY

No prehistoric structure in the Southwest has been more ire-
quently described and figured than Casa Grande. This venerable
ruin is one of the few in what is now the United States that bears
a Spanish name reacliing back to the close of the seventeenth cen-
tury. Some of the more important contributors to its history are
mentioned in the followuig pages.'

It was once believed that this celebrated rum was one of the so-
journing places of the Aztec on their southerly migration in ancient
times, and was generally supjjosed to be identical with the Chichil-
ticaUi (Aztec, "Red House") mentioned by Fray Marcos de Niza
in 1539 and by Pedro de Castaneda and other chroniclers of the expe-
dition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado in 1540-1542. There seems
no foundation for the association of the people of Casa Grande with
the Aztec and considerable doubt exists whether the ruin was ever
visited by Coronado or any of his companions.

Ahnost every Avriter on the Southwest who has dealt with the ruins
of Arizona has introduced short references to Casa Grande, and many
other wTiters have incidentally referred to it in discussing the antiqui-
ties of Mexico and Central America. Among the former are Browne,-
Ruxton,^ and Hinton,* while among the latter may be mentioned Pres-
cott,^ Brantz Mayer," Brasseur de Bourbourg,' Humboldt,^ Miihlen-
pfordt," and Squier.'"

As there are several very complete accounts of Casa Grande, and
as these are more or less scattered through publications not accessible
to all students, it is thought best to quote at least the earliest of
these at considerable length. As will be seen, most of these descrip-
tions refer to the historic building, while only one or two shed light
on the great compounds, which formerly made up this extensive
settlement."

1 The writer is indebted to Mr. F. W. Hodge, ethnologist in cliarge of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology, for some of the historical material used in this portion of the present work.

2 Browne (J. Ross), Adventures in the Apa^-he Country, pp. 114-124. New York, LS09.

3 Ruxton (George Frederic), Sur hi migration des Anciens Mexicains; in Nouvilles Annahfi des VoyagcSf
ome S(5r., t. xxn, pp. 40, 46, 52, Paris, 1850.

< Hinton (Richard J.), The Great House of Montezuma; in Harper's M'eekli/, xxxni, New York, May 18,
1889.

s Prescott (Wm. H.), History of the Conquest of Mexico, ill, p. 38.3, Philadelphia [c. 1873].

« Mayer (Brantz), (1) Mexico, .\ztec, Spanish, and Republican, u, p. 39ii, Hartford, 1853. (2) Observa-
tions on Mexican History and Archaeology; in Smithsonian Contribulions to Knowledge, ix, p. 15, Wash-
ington, 1856.

' Bras.seur de Bourbourg (M. I'Ablj^), Histoire des nations civilis^es du Mexique et de I'Am^rique-
Centrale, t. 2, p. 197, Paris. 1858.

8 Humboldt (Friedrich H. .\lex. de), Essai politique sur le royaimie de la Nouvelle-Espagne. t. i. p.
297, Paris, 1811.

» Milhlenpfordt (Eduard), Versuch einer gelreuen .Schilderung <ler Republik Mejico, Bd. u. p. 4.3.5,
Hannover. 1S44.

loSquier (E. G.), New Mexico and California; in A mtrican Review, Nov., 1S4S.

n See Winship, The Coronado Expedition, in lJ,th Ann. Hep. Bur. Ethnol.

54 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

Jtocent stiulonts of tho route of the C'oronado expedition have
followed Bandelior, who has shown that tho army may have traveled
down the San Pedro River for part of its course, thus heaving C'asa
Grande several miles to the west.

Discovery and Early Accounts

The first known white man to visit Casa Grande was the intrepid
Jesuit Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, or Kuehne, the pioneer mis-
sionarA' among the Opata, Pima, Papago, and Sobaipuri Indians from
1687 until his death in 1711. In 1694 Lieut. Juan Mateo Mange,
nephew of Don Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate, the newly
appointed governor of Sonora, was commissioned to escort the mis-
sionaries on their perilous journeys among the strange and sometimes
hostile tribes of the region. In June of that year, while making a
reconnoissance toward the northeast from Kino's mission of Dolores
on the wes'tern branch of the Rio Sonora, Mange heard from the
Indians of some casas grandes, massive and very high, on the margin
of a river which flowed toward the west. The news was communicated
to Kino and shortly afterward was confirmed by some Indians who
visited Dolores from San Xavier del Bac, on the Rio Santa Cruz
below the Indian village of Tucson. In November (1694) Kino went
from his mission on a tour of discovery, finding Casa Grande to be as
reported, and saying mass within its walls.' The house was described
as large and ancient and certainly four stories high. In the immediate
vicinity were to be seen the ruins of other houses, and in the country
toward the north, east, and west were ruins of similar structures.
Kino believed that Casa Grande was the ruin (Chichilticalli) spoken of
in 1539 by Fray Marcos de Niza,- whose journey was followed in the
next year by Coronado's famous expedition. Ortega, Kino's biogra-
pher, speaks of the ancient traditions of the Mexicans (Aztec), favor-
ably received by all the historians of New Spain, that tliis Gila locaUty,
as well as the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua, was one of the stopping
places on their migration southward to the Valley of ^lexico. This
belief was prevalent during the period, and Casa Grande on the Gila
is frequently marked on early maps as an Aztec sojourning place.
For this reason it was also commonly designated Casa de Montezuma.

Three years later, in the autumn of 1697, Kino, accompanied by
Mange, again started from his mission of Dolores and traveled across the
country to the Rio San Pedro, on which stream, at a point west of the
present Tombstone, the missionary was joined by Capt. Cristobal M.
Bernal with 22 soldiers. Proceeding down the San Pedro, the party
reached the Gila on November 16, and on the ISth arrived at Casa
Grande.

' Mange in Doc. His. Mei., 4th ser., i, 250, 259, Mexico, lS5fl.

' (Ortega.) Apostolicos afanes de la Compania de Jesus, escrito por un Padre de la misma sagrada religion
de su Provincia de Mexico, p. 253, Barcelona, 1754.

PKWKES]

HISTORY

MANGE S NARRATIVE

Fig. 1.

Sketch of Casa Grande ruin
(Mange).

Mange's account ' of the famous ruin (pis. 8, 9) is so interesting and
so important for comparison with the condition of Casa Grande as
it exists to-day that it is here given in full :

On the 18th we continued westward across an extensive plain, barren and without
pasture, and at a distance of 5 leagues we discovered on the other side of the river
other houses and buildings. Sergeant Juan Bautista de Escalante and two companions
swanj across to reconnoiter and reported that the walls
were 2 yards thick, like a castle, and that there were
other ruins in the vicinity, all of ancient workman-
ship. We continued westward and after making 4
more leagues we arrived at noon at the Casas Grandes,
in which Father Kino said mass, having till then kept
his fast. One of the houses is a great building, the
main room in the middle being four stories high and the
adjoining rooms on the four sides of it being three
stories, with walls 2 yards thick, of strong mortar and
clay, so smooth on the inside that they look like
planed boards and so well burnished that they shine
like Puebla earthenware; the corners of the windows,
which are square, being very straight and without any
hinges or crosspieces of wood, as if they had made
them with a mold or frame: and the same is true of
their doors, although these are narrow, whereby it might be known that this is the work
of Indians. The building is 36 paces long and 21 paces wide, of good architecture.

A crossbow shot farther on 12 other houses are seen, half tumbled down, also with
thick walls and all with roofs burnt, except one room beneath one house, with round
beams, smooth and not thick, which appear to be of cedar or savin, and over them
reeds very similar to them and a layer of mortar and hard clay, making a ceiling or
story of very peculiar character. In the neighborhood many
other ruins may be noted and {terremotos?) [heaps of earth], which
inclose two leagues, with much broken pottery of vessels and
pots of fine clay, painted in various colors, resembling the
Guadalajara pots of this country of New Spain, whence it is
inferred that the settlement or city was very large, inhabited
by a civilized race, under a regular government. This is
evidenced by a main ditch which branches off from the
river into the plain, surrounding the city which remains in
the center of it, in a circumference of 3 leagues, being 10
yards wide and 4 feet deep, by which they diverted perhaps one-half of the
river, that it might serve them for defense, as well as to provide water for their
city subdivisions and to irrigate their crops in the vicinity. The guides said
that at a distance of a day's journey there are other edifices [-] of the same kind of work-
manship, toward the north, on the other bank of the river in another ravine which
joins the one they call Verde, and that they were built by people who came from the
region of the north, their chief being called El Siba, which according to their defini-

Fio. 2. Ground plan of
Casa Grande ruin
(Mange).

I Mange, op. cit., pp. 282-284. The original manuscript journal in the Archives of Mexico contains a
slcetch and a ground plan, which are introduced with some changes in an extract from Mange's diary pub-
lished in Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes (ra. SOl-.WS, 1853), from a translation by Buckingham Smith, but
these do not appear in the printed copy of Mange's Diary in Doc. Hist. Mei. The sketch and plan
(figs. 1, 2) reproduced in the present work are from photographs of the original manuscript, procured
through the courtesy of Dr. Nicolas Le6n of the City of Mexico. The accompanying translation is from
the published Spanish account.

' Evidently those now in ruins near Phoenix, Tempe. and Mesa, in the Salt River Valley.— J. W. F.

56 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ann. 28

tion ill thoir language means "the bitter or cruel man," and that through the bloody
wars which the Apache waged against them and the 20 tribes allied with them, killing
many on both sides, they laid waste the settlements, and jiart of them, discouraged,
went off and returned northward, whence they had started years before, and the
majority toward the east and south; from which statements we inferred that it was
very likely that these were the ancestors of the Mexican nation, judging by their
structures and reiics, such as those that are mentioned under the thirty-fourth
degree [of latitude] and those in the vicinity of the Fort of Janos under the twenty-
ninth degree, which are also called Casas Grandes, and many others which, we are
told, are to be found as far as the thirty-seventh and fortieth degrees north lati-
tude. On the bank of the river, at a distance of 1 league from the Casas Grandes, we
found a rancheria in which we counted 130 souls, and, preaching to them on their
eternal salvation, the Father baptized 9 of their little ones, although at first they
were frightened at the horses and soldiers, not having seen any till then.

Early in March, 1699, during a seventli tour of Pimeria, as the
Pima country was called, Father Kino made his final visit to Casa
Grande,' and in 1701 he prepared a map of the countrv, remarkably
accurate for its day, in which Casa Grande is charted for the first
time.

The next visits to the celebrated ruin of which there is record
were made m 1736-37 by Father Ignacio Keller, of the mission of
Suamca, not far from the present Nogales, reference to which is
made in the Kudo Ensayo. Again, in 1744, the Jesuit father,
Jacobo Sedelmair, of the mission of Tubutama, on the Kio Altar,
went to the GUa near Casa Grande in an endeavor to cross the
northern wilderness from this point to the Hopi (Moqui) country.
He describes what was evidently the present main structure as a
large edifice with the central part of four stories and the surrounding
wings of three stories.^

"EUDO ensayo" NARRATIVE

Twenty years later, that is, about 1762, another definite descrip-
tion of the rum is given by the author of the anonymous Rudo
Ensayo,^ attributed to Father Juan Mentuig, or Nentoig, of the
mission of Guazavas, on the Rio Bavispe, a branch of tlie Yaqui.
The author seems not to have visited the ruins himself but to have
gathered his information from other missionaries, notably Father

1 (Ortega,) Apostolicos Afanes, etc.. op. cit., p. 276.

! Documentos para la Hisluria de Miiico,3es6tie, iv, S47, 1S53-57. Sedelmair's account, as Bancroft (Native
Races, iv, 023, 1882) lias pointed out, is a literal copy of Mange's Diary in the .\rchives of Mexico. See
also Orozco y Berra, Geografia, p. 108, 1S64.

3 Rudo Ensayo tentativa de una prevencional dcscripcion Geographica de la Provincia de Sonora. etc.,
por un Amigo del Bien Comun, San Augustin do la Florida, Ano de 17113. This work, the original of
which is in the Department of State of Mexico and a duplicate copy in the Uoyal .\cademy of History at
Madrid, was published by Buckingham Smith. Under the title Descriiwion geografica natural y curiosa
de la Provincia de Sonora (1704) this essay appears in the Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, 3e st^rie,
IV 503. and from it the part pertaining to Casa Grande was translated liy Buckingham Smith and pub-
lished in Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, m. 304-300, 1853. .\n English Ironslalion of the Rudo Ensayo. by
Eusebio Guitfiras, appears in the Records of the American Catholic Historical Society, v. 110-204. Pliila.,
1894.

FBWKES] HISTORY 57

Keller, to whom reference has been made. This interesting docu-
ment says : '

Pursuing the same course for about 20 leagues from the junetion [of the San Pedro],
the Gila leaves on its left, at the distance of 1 league, the Casa Grande, called the
House of Moctezuma be<-ause of a tradition current among the Indians and Spaniards,
of this place having been one of the abodes in which the Mexicans rested in their long
transmigrations. This great house is four stories high, still standing, with a roof made
of beams of cedar or llascal and with most solid walls of a material that looks like the
best cement. It is divided into many halls and rooms and might well lodge a traveling
court. Three leagues distant and on the right bank of the river there is another
similar house but now much demolished, which from the ruins can be interred to have
been of vaster size than the former. For some leagues around, in the neighborhood
of these houses, wherever the earth is dug up, broken pieces of very fine and variously
colored earthenware are found. Judging from a reservoir of vast extent and still
open, which is found 2 leagues up the river, holding sufficient water to sujiply a city
and to irrigate for many leagues the fruitful land of that beautiful plain, the residence
of the Mexicans there must not have been a brief one. About half a league west from
this house a lagoon is seen that flows into the river, and although the surface is not very
large it has been impossible to measure its depth by means of cords tied together, etc.

The Pima tell of another house, more strangely planned and built, which is to be
found much farther up the river. It is in the style of a labyrinth, the plan of which,
as it is designed by the Indians on the sand, is something like the cut on the margin;
but it is more probable that it served as a house of recreation than as a residence of a
magnate - I have heard of other buildings, even more extensive and more correct in
art and symmetry, through Father Ignatius Xavier Keller, although 1 can not recol-
lect in what place of his apostolic visits. He spoke of one that measured in frontage,
on a straight line, half a league in length and apparently nearly as much in depth, the
whole divided into square blocks, each block three and four stories high, though
greatly dilapidated in many parts; but in one of the angles there was still standing a
massive structure of greater proportions, like a castle or palace, five or six stories high.

Of the reservoir, as in the case of the one spoken of above, the reverend father said
that it not only lay in front of the house but that, before its outlet reached there, it
divided into many canals through which the water might enter all the streets,
probably for cleansing purjioses, when such was desired, as is done in Turin and other
cities of Europe and was done even in Mexico in olden times. This last Casa Grande
is perhaps the same as that of which we spoke before and which lies on the other side of
the river, for tho.se who have been there agree that there are ruins not merely of a
single edifice but of a large town.-

GARCES' NARRATIVE

The next recorded visit to Casa Grande is that of Lieut. Col. Juan
Bautista de Anza, accompanied by a force of 239 persons, including
Fathers Francisco Garces, Pedro Font, and Tomas Eixarcli, who were
among the first Franciscans to serve as missionaries in this region
after the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767. During an excursion from
Tubac, in October, 1775, the i)arty ap|)roached the Gila on the 30th,
and on the following day, Anza having decided to rest, an opportunity
was given of "going to see the Casa Grande that they call [Casa] de
Moctezuma." Garces continues : ^

> Translation by Eusebio Guit^ras, op. cit., pp. 127-128.

'It is shown elsewhere (in Amtr. Anlhr., N. s., ix, pp. oI0-ol2, 1907) that this is a misconception.
The Indians did not intend lo suggest a dwelling but the ground plan of a game.— J. W. F.

3 In Coues, On the Trail of a Spanish I'ioneer: The Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Garcfe. . . in
1775-76, I, 66, 1900.

58 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

We [Garcia and Font] traveled about 3 leagues s(juthea8t and arrived at the casa,
whose position is found in latitude 33° 03' 30". For the present condition of this caaa
I refer to the description thereof that Padre Font has given; and in the end will speak
of that which I have been enabled to conjecture from what I saw and learned at
Moqui.

Later, on Julj' 4, 1776, wldle lat the Hopi (Moqui) village of Oraibi,
ill northeastern Arizona, Garc^s, who had been inhospitably received
by tlie natives, learned of the hostility that existed between the Hopi
and the Pima.*

This hostility had been told me by the old Indians of my mission, by theGilefios,
and C'ocomaricopas; from which intormatir)n I have imagined (he discurrido) that
the Moqui nation anciently extended to the Rio Gila itself. I take my stand (fun-
dome, ground myself) in this matter on the ruins that are found from this river as far
as the land of the Apaches; and that I have seen between the Sierras de la Florida
and San Juan Nepomuzeno. Asking a few years ago some Subaipuris Indians who
were living in my mission of Sin Xavier, if they knew who had built those houses
whose ruins and fragments of pottery (losa, for loza) are still visible — as, on the sup-
position that neither Pimas nor Apaches knew how to make (such) houses or pottery,
no doubt it was done by some other nation — they replied to me that the Moquis had
built them, for they alone knew how to do such things; and added that the Apaches
who are about the missions are neither numerous nor valiant; that toward the north
was where there were many powerful people; "there went we," they said, "to fight
in former times (antiguamente) ; and even though we attained unto their lands we did
not surmount the mesas whereon they lived." It is confirmatory of this that I have
observed among the Yabipais some circumstances bearing upon this information; for
they brought me to drink a large earthenware cup very like the potsherds that are
found in the house called (Casa) de Moctezuma and the Rio Gila. Asking them
whence they had procured it, they answered me that in Moqui there is much of that.
Ab I entered not into any house of Moqui, I could not assure myself by sight; but from
the street I saw on the roofs some large, well-painted ollas. Also have the Pimas
• Gilenos told me repeatedly that the Apaches of the north came anciently to fight with
them for the casa that is said to be of Moctezuma; and being sure that the Indians
whom we know by the name of Apaches have no house nor any fixed abode, I per-
suaded myself that they could be the Moquis who came to fight; and that, harassed
by the Pimas, who always have been numerous and valiant, they abandoned long ago
these habitations on the Rio Gila, as also have they done this with that ruined pueblo
which I found before my arrival at Moqui and of which I have made mention above;
and that they retired to the place where now they live, in a situation so advantageous,
BO defensible, and with such precautions for self-defense in case of invasion.

font's NARRATIVE

It is unfortunate that Garcfe did not describe Casa Grande inde-
pendently of his companion, Father Font, but most fortunate that
the description and plan of the latter exist, as they afford valuable
data for comparison with Mange's account of 1697 and with the
present condition of the ruin. Font's narrative reads as follows:^

1 Ibid., n, 386-387.

« Diario 4 Monterey por et Rio Colorado del Padre Fr. Pedro Font, 1775. The original manuscript is in
the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, R. I. A recent copy of it, from which the accompanying
traaslation was made and the plan reproduced, is in the archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
See also Notice sur la grande raaison dite de Moctecuzoma, in Ternaux-Compans, Voyages, ix, app. vu,
383-386, 1838.

FEWKES]

HISTOEY

NOKTE

Slst day [of October, 1775], Tuesday. I said mass, which some heathen Gila Indians
heard with very quiet behavior. The senor comandante decided to give his men a
rest to-day from the Ion,? journey of yesterday, and in this way we had an oppor-
tunity of goinp; to examine the Casa Grande which they call the house of Moc-
tezuma, situated at 1 league from the River Gila and distant from the place of
the, lagoon [Camani, where they had camped] some 3 leagues to the east-southeast;
to which we went after mass and returned after midday, accompanied by some
Indians and by the governor of Vturitiic, who on the way told us a history and
tradition which the Pima of Gila River have preserved from their ancestors concerning
said Casa Grande, which all reduces itself to fictions mingled confusedly with some
catholic truths, which I will relate hereafter. I took observations at this place of
the Casa Grande, marked on the map which I afterward drew, with the letter A,
and I found it to be without correction in 33° 11' and with correction in 33° 3J';
and thus I say: In the Casa Grande of the River Gila, 31st day of October of 1775,
meridional altitude of the lower limb of the sun, 42° 25'. We examined with all
care this edifice and its relics, whose ichnographic plan [fig. 3] is that which here I
put, and for its better understanding I give the description and explanation which
follow. The Casa Grande, or Palace of Moctezuma, may have been founded some
500 years ago, according to the stories and scanty notices that there are of it and

that the Indians give; because, as it
PU„u M,.i..,.i.,. J. t- Ca» t...n.f. J« t R,c Ciu appears, the Mexicans founded it

when in their transmigration the
devil took them through various
lands until they arrived at the
promised land of Mexico, and in
their sojourns, which were long,
they formed settlements and built
edifices. The site on which this
casa is found is level in all direc-
tions and distant from Gila River
about 1 league, and the ruins of the
houses which formed the settlement
extend more than a league to the
east and to the other points of the
compass; and all this ground is
strewn with pieces of jars, pots,
plates, etc., some plain and others
painted various colors — white, blue,
red, etc. — an indication that it
was a large settlement and of a
distinct people from the Pima of
the Gila, since these know not how
to make such pottery. We made an
exact inspection of the edifice and
of its situation and we measured it
with a lance for the nonce, which
measurement I reduced after-
ward to geometrical feet, it being
approximately the following: The casa is an oblong square and laid out perfectly to
the four cardinal points, east, west, north, and south, and roundabout are some ruins
which indicate some iuclosure or wall which surrounded the house, and other buildings.

n=D

/ 1 3*sCrt9>»'
iT-ri 111 I i't }

S fits.

sva

Fig. 3. Ground plan of Compoiind A ( Font).

60 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etit. ann. 28

particularly at the torncrs, where it seems there was some strutture like an interior
castlo, or watch tower, for in the corner which lies at the southwest there is a piece of
ground floor with its divisions and an upper story. The exterior inclosure [fig. 3] is
from north to south 420 foot long and from east to west 2t)0. The interior of the casa
is composed of five halls, tho three equal ones in the middle and one at each extremity
larger. The three (middle) halls have a length from north to south of 26 feet and a
width from east to west of 10. The two halls of the extremities (one at each end) are
from north to south 12 feet and from east to west 38. The halls are some 11 feet high
and all are equal in this respect. The doors of communication are 5 feet high and 2
feet wide and are all about equal except the four first of the four entrances, which it
appears were twice as wide. The thickness of the interior walla is 4 feet and they are
well laid in mortar, and of the exterior ones 6 feet. The casa is on the outside from
north to south 70 feet long and from east to west 50 feet wide. The walls have a smooth
finish on tho outside. In front of the door of the east, separated from the casa, there
is another building with dimensions from nc.irth to south 26 feet and from east to west 18,
exclusive of the thickness of the walls. The woodwork was of pine, apparently, and
the nearest mountain range that has pines is distant some twenty and five leagues, and
also has some mesquite. The whole edifice is of earth, and according to the signs it is
a mud wall made with boxes of various sizes. From the river and quite a good dis-
tance there runs a large canal, by which the settlement was supplied with water. It
is now very much choked. Finally, it is known that the edifice had three stories,
and if that which can be found out from the Indians is true, and according to the indi-
cations that are visible, it had four, the basement of the casa deepening in the manner
of a subterranean apartment. To give light to the apartments there is nothing but the
doors and some circular ojicnings in the midst of the walls which face to the east and
west, and the Indians said that through these openings (which are pretty large) the
Prince, whom they call El Hombre Amargo [The Bitter Man] looked out on the sun
when it rose and set, to salute it. There are found no traces of staircases, from which
we judged that they were of wood and were destroyed in the conflagration which the
edifice suffered from the Ai)ache. The story which the governor of Vturitiic related
to us in his Pima language, which was interpreted to us by a servant of the seiior coraan-
dante, the only interpreter of that language, is as follows: He said that in ^ery olden
time there came to that land a man who because of his evil disposition and harsh sway
was called The Bitter Man; that this man was old and had a young daughter; and
that in his company there came another man who was young, who was not his relative
nor anything, and that he gave him his daughter in marriage, who was very pretty,
the young man being handsome also; and that the said old man had with him as
servants the Wind and the Storm-cloud. That the old man began to build that Casa
Grande and ordered his son-in-law to go and fetch beams for the roof of the house.
That the young man went far off; and as he had no ax, nor anything else with which
to cut the trees, he tarried many days and at the end he came back without bringing
any beams. That the old man was very angry and told him that he was good for
nothing; that he should see how he himself would bring beams. That the old man
went very far off to a mountain range where there are many pines and that, calling on
God to help him, he cut many pines and brought many beams for the roof of the house.
That when this Bitter Man came, there were in that land neither trees nor plant>;;he
brought seeds of all and reaped very large harvests with his twoservants, the Wind and
the Storm-cloud, who served him. That by reason of his evil disposition he grew angry
with the two servants and turned them away, and they went \ery far off ; and as he could
no longer harvest a»ny crojjs through lack of the servants, he ate what he had gathered
and came near dying of hunger. That he sent his son-in-law to cull the two ser\-ants
and bring them back but he could not find them, seek as he might. That thereupon
the old man went to seek them and, having found them, brought them once more into
his service; with their aid he once more had large croi>s and thus he continued for

FEWKES] HISTORY 61

many years in that land; and after a long time they went away and nothing more was
heard of them. He [the governor] also said: That after the old man there came to that
land a man called The Drinker and he grew angry with the people of that place and
sent much water, so that the whole country was covered with water, and he went to a
very high mountain range, which is seen from there and which is called The Mountains
of the Foam (Sierra de In Espunia), and he took with him a little dog and a coyote.
(This mountain range is called "of the foam " because at the end of it, which is cut of^
and steep like the corner of a bastion, there is seen high up near the toj) a white brow as
of rock, which also continues along the range for a good distance, and the Indians say
that this is the mark of the foam of the water, which rose to that height.) That The
Drinker went up, and left the dog below that he might notify him when the water came
so far, and when the water reached the brow of the Foam the dog notified The Drinker,
because at that time the animals talked, and the latter carried him up. That after
some days The Drinker Man sent the Rose-sucker (Chuparosas) and the Coyote to
bring him mud; they brought some to him and of the mud he made men of different
kinds, and some turned out good and others bad. That these men scattered over
the land, upstream and downstream; after some time he sent some men of his to see
if the other men upstream talked; these went and returned, saying that although
they talked they had not understood what they said, and that The Drinker Man was
very angry, because those men talked without his having given them leave. That
next he sent other men downstream to see those who had gone that way and they
returned, saying that they had received them well, that they spoke another tongue,
but that they had understood them. Then The Drinker Man told them that those
men downstream were the good men and that these were such as far as the Opa. \vith
whom they are friendly; and that the others upstream were the bad men and that
these were the Apache, who are their enemies. He [the governor] said also that at
one time The Drinker Man was angry at the people and that he killed many and trans-
formed them into saguaros [giant cacti], and that on this account there are so many
saguaros in that country. (The saguaro is a tree having a green trunk, watery, rather
high, and uniformly round, and straight from foot to toj), with rows of large spines from
above downward ; it usually has two or three branches of the same character, which look
like arms.) Furthermore he said: That at another time The Drinker was very angry
with the men and that he caused the sun to come down to burn them, and that he was
making an end of them; that the men begged him much not to burn them and that
thereupon The Drinker said that he would no longer burn them; and then he told the
sun to go up but not as much as before, and he told them that he left it lower in order
to bum them by means of it if ever they made him angry again, and for this reason
it is so hot in that country in summer. He [the governor] added that he knew other
stories, that he could not tell them because the time was up and he agreed to tell them
to us another day; but as we had laughed a little at his tales, which ho related with
a good deal of seriousness, we could not get him afterward to tell us anything more,
saying that he did not know any more. This whole account or story I have reproduced
in the dialect here given, because it is more adapted to the style in which the Indiana
express themselves.

Grossman's narrative

Regarding the story of the origin of Casa Grande, it may be well to
incorporate here the Pima myth regarding the ruin and the descrip-
tion of the structure as given by Capt. F. E. Grossman in 1871:'

The Pimas, however, claim to be the direct descendants of the chief S6'-ho above
mentioned. The children of S6'-ho inhabited the Gila River valley, and soon the

' In Smithsonian Report for 1871, pp. 408-409, Washington, 1873.

62 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

poo))Ie became numerous. One of the dirert descendants of S6'-h6, King Si'-va-no,
erected the Casas Grandes on the Gila River. Here he governed a large empire,
before — long before — the Spaniards were known. King Si'-va-no was very rich and
powerful and had many wives, who were known for their personal beauty and their
great skill in making pottery ware and ki'-hos (laaskets which the women carry upon
their heads and backs). The subjects of King Si'-va-no lived in a large city near the
Casas Grandes, and cultivated the soil for many miles around. They dug immense
canals, which carried the water of the Gila River to their fields, and also produced
abundant crops. Their women were virtuous and industrious; they spun the native
cotton into garments, made beautiful baskets of the bark of trees, and were particularly
skilled in the manufacture of earthenware. (Remains of the old canals can be seen to
this day, and pieces of neatly painted pottery ware are scattered for miles upon the
site of the old city. There are several ruins of ancient buildings here, the best pre-
served one of which is said to have been the residence of King Si'-va-no. This house
has lieen at least four stories high, for even now three stories remain in good preserva-
tion, and a portion of the fourth can l>e seen. The house was built square; each story
contains five rooms, one in the center, and a room on each of the outer sides of the inner
room. This house has been built solidly of clay and cement; not of adobes, but by
successive thick layers of mortar, and it was plastered so well that most of the plastering
remains to this day, although it must have been exposed to the weather for many years.
The roof and the different ceilings have long since fallen, and only short pieces of
timber remain in the walls to indicate the place where the rafters were inserted. These
rafters are of pine wood, and since there is no kind of pine growing now within less than
50 miles of the Casas Grandes, this house must either have been built at a time when
pine timlier could lie procured near the building site, or else the builders must have
had facilities to transport heavy logs for long distances. It is certain that the house
was built before the Pimas knew the use of iron, for many stone hatchets have been
found in the ruins, and the ends of the lintels over doors and windows show by tlieir
hacked appearance that only l;>hmt tools were used. It also appears that the builders
were \vnthout trowels, for the marks of the fingers of the workmen or women are plainly
\'isible both in the plastering and in the walls where the former has fallen off. The
rooms were about 6 feet in height, the doors are verj' narrow and only 4 feet high;
round holes, al>out 8 inches in diameter, answered for windows. Only one entrance
from the outside was left by the l)uilders, and some of the outer rooms-even had no
communication with the room in the center. There are no stairs, and it is believed
that the Pimas entered the house from above by means of ladders, as the Zuni Indians
still do. The walls are perfectly perpendicular and all angles square.)

Early American Reports

The first American visitors to the Gila-Salt Basin appear to have
been trappers, who found beaver fairly abundant, especially on the
river and its tributaries. In 1825 the Patties,' father and son, were
in the neighborhood of Casa Grande, and Paul Weaver, a trapper, is
said to have mscribed his name on its walls in 1833. One of the most
renowTied of all the pathfinders anil explorers of the West. Kit Car-
son, led a party of Americans from New Mexico to California in
1829-30. It may "be safe to say that every traveler who rested a
longer or shorter time at or near the neighbormg Pima village of
Blackwater visited Casa Grande. These earlier visitors left no record

' Pattie, Personal Narrative. See also J. Ross Browne. Adventure.'! in the Apache Country, p. 118. New
York, 1869. A ligureof Casa Grande as it appeared in 1859, somewhat modifled in Nadaillai'. L'.VmiTiiiue
Pr<5historique, is given in Cozzens, The Marvellous Country, London, 1S74.

FEWKES] HISTORY 63

of tlicir visits, liowcver. or made at the most only meager references
to tlie ruin. Tlie most important accounts of Casa Grande in the
middle of the nineteenth century are found in the ofHcial reports of
the expedition to California led by General Kearny, in 1S46, at the
time of the ^h^xican war.

In 1846 Brantz Maj'er erroneously ascribed the discovery of Casa
Grande to Fathers Garccs and Font in 1773. He also mistook Font's
measurements of the wall of tlie surrounding compound for that of
the main etlifice, for he WTites: '

Liku most of the Indian works, it was built of unbiirned bricks, and measui-ed
about 4.50 feet in length, by 250 in breadth. Within this edifice they found traces
of five apartments. A wall, broken at intervals by lofty towers, surrounded the
building, and appeared to have been designed for defence.

The error of confounding the dimensions of the main structure
with tliose of the surrounding wall, which Font gave with fair
accuracy, lias misled several later ^Titers on the ruin.

Emory's narrative

In 1846 the ruins were visited by Lieut. Col. William II. Emory,
with the advance guard of the "Army of the West." Under date of
November 10 of that year Emory makes the following entry in liis
journal and includes an illustration which shows that the main
building had not suffered greatly from the elements during the .70
years immediately following the time of Font and Garces:-

November 10. — . . . along the whole day's march were remains of zequias
[acequias], pottery, and other evidences of a once densely populated country. About
the time of the noon halt, a large pile, which seemed the work of human hands, was
seen to the left. It was the remains of a three-story mud house, 60 feet square, pierced
for doors and windows. The walls were 4 feet thick, and formed by layers of mud, 2
feet thick. Stanley made an elaborate sketch of every part; for it was, nt) doubt, built
by the same race that had once so thickly peopled this territory, and left behind the
ruins. [Fig. 4.]

We made a long and careful search for some specimens of household furniture, or imple-
ment of art, but nothing was found except the corngrinder, always met with among the
ruinsand on the plains. The marine shell, cut into various ornaments, was also found
here, which showed that these people either came from the seacoast or trafficked there.
No traces of hewn timber were discovered; on the contrary, the sleepers of the ground
floor were round and tmhewn. They were burnt out of their seats in the wall to the
depth of 6 inches. The whole interior of the house had been burnt out, and the walls
much defaced. \\Tiat was left bore marks of having been glazed, and on the wall in
the north room of the second story were traced the following hieroglyphics [appar-
ently not ."^hown.]

From a Maricopa Indian Colonel Emory learned a version of tlie
Pima tradition of the origin of Casa Grande :

I asked him, among other things, the origin of the ruins of which we had seen so
many; he said, all he knew, was a tradition amongst them, that in bygone days, a woman

> Mexico. As it Wa.s and .\s It Is. p, 239, Philadelphia. IS47.

2 Notes of a Military Reconnoissance, from Foi t Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California,
etc.; Ex. I)oc. No. 41 , 30th Cong., 1st sess., Washington, 1848.

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[KTII. ANN. 28

of surpassing beauty resided iu a green spot in the mountains near the place where we
were encamped. All the men admired, and paid court to her. She received the trib-
utes of their devotion, grain, skins, etc., but gave no love or other favor in return. Her
virtue, and her <lelermination to remain unmarried were equally firm. There came
a drought which threatened the world with famine. In their distress, people applied
to her, and she gave corn from her stock, and the supply seemed to be endless. Iter
goodness was unbounded. One day, as she was lying asleep with her body exposed, a
drop of rain fell on her stomach, which produced conception. A son was the issue,
who was tlie founder of a new race which built all these houses.

Fig. 4. Casa Cirande in 1S46 (after a drawing by Stanley).

Johnston's narrative

Capt. A. R. Jolinston's account of the ruin, iiccompanied by a
sketch of the elevation and a ground phm,' which is pubhshed with
Emory's, reads as follows:

November 10. — Marched about 8, and after marching G miles, still passing plains
which had once been occupied, we saw to our left the "Cara [Casa] de Montezuma."
I rode to it, and found the remains of the walls of four buildings, and the piles of earth
showing where many other had been. One of the buildings was still quite complete,
as a ruin. [Fig. 5.] The others had all crumbled but a few pieces of low, broken
wall. The large cara [casa] was 50 feet by 40, and had been four stories high, but the
floors and roof had long since been bunit out. The charred ends of the cedar joists
were still in the wall. I examined them, and found that they had not been cut with a
steel instrument; the joists were round sticks, about 4 feet [sic] in diameter; there were
four entrances — north, south, east, and west; the doors about 4 feet by 2; the rooms aa
below, and had the same arrangement on each story; there was no sign of a fireplace in
the building; the lower story was filled with rubbish, and above it was open to the sky;
the walls were 4 feet thick at the bottom, and had a curved inclination inwards to the
top; the house was built of a sort of white earth and pebbles, probably contairung lime,
which abounded on the ground adjacent; the walls had been smoothed outside, and

' Reprinted in Sciuier, New Mexico and Calitornia; in American Review, Nov., 1848.

FHWKES]

HISTORY

plastered inside, and the surface still remained firm, although it was evident they had
been exposed to a great heat from the fire; some of the rooms did not open to all the rest,
but had a hole a foot in diameter to look through; in other places, were smaller holes.
About 200 yards from this building was a mound in a circle a hundred yards around;
the center was a hollow, 25 yards in diameter, with two vamps or slopes going down to
its bottom; it was jirobably a well, now partly filled up; a similar one was seen near
Mount Dallas. A few yards further, in the same direction, northward, was a terrace,
100 yards by 70. About 5 feet high upon this, was a pyramid about 8 feet high, 25
yards square at top. From this, sitting on my horse, I could overlook the vast plain
lying northeast and west on the left bank of the Gila; the ground in view was about 15
miles, all of which, it would seem, had been irrigated by the waters of the Gila. I
picked up a broken crystal of quartz in one of these piles. Leaving the "Cara," I

Fig. 5. Casa Grande in 184(1 (Johnston).

turned toward the Pimos, and traveling at random over the plain, now covered with
mesquite, the piles of earth and pottery showed for hours in every direction. I also
found the remains of a sicia [acequia], which followed the range of houses for
miles. . . . The general asked a Pimo who made the house I had seen. "It is the
Cara de Montezuma," said he; "it was built by the son of the most beautiful woman
who once dwelt in yon mountain; she was fair, and all the handsome men came to
court her, b>it in vain; when they came, they paid tribute, and out of this small store
she fed all people in times of famine, and it did not diminish; at last, as she lay asleep,
a drop of rain fell upon her navel, and she became pregnant, and brought forth a boy,
who was the builder of all these houses.

Shortl_y after the visit to Casa Grande of Lieutenant Colonel Emory,
Lieutenant Colonel Cooke, in command of a battalion of Mormons,
made his way to California via Tucson and the villages of the Pima,
but there is little in his official report concerning the ruin. In 1848
Maj. L. P. Graham, of the dragoons, followed; although he must have
passed near Casa Grande he says but little about it.
20903°— 28 ETH— 12 5

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[BTII. ANN. 28

BARTLETT-S NARRATIVE

Six years after the advance guard of the "Army of the West"
crossed southern Arizona the ruins were visited by members of the
Mexican Bounchiry Survey, one of whom, John Russell Bartlett, was
the author of an excellent account, accompanied with a sketch
(fig. 6). Under date of July 12, 1852, Mr. Bartlett wrote of Casa
Grande as follows:'

The "Casas Grandes," or Great Houses, consist of three buildings, all included
within a space of 150 yards. The principal and larger one is in the best state of preser-
vation, its four exterior walls and most of the inner ones remaining. A considerable
portion of the upper part of the walls has crumbled away and fallen inwards, as appears
from the great quantity of rubbish and disintegrated adobe which fills the first story
of the building. Three stories now stand and can plainly be made out by the ends

Fig. 0. Casa Grande niin in 1S52 (Bartlett).

of the l)eams remaining in the walls, or by the cavities which they occupied; but I
think there must have been another story above, in order to account for the crumbling
walls and rubbish within. The central portion or tower rising from the foundation,
is some 8 or 10 feet higlier than the outer walls, and may have been several feet, pn)l>-
ably one story, higher when the building was complete. The walls at the ba.'se are
between 4 and 5 feet in thickness; their precise dimensions could not be ascertaineil,
so much having crumbled away. The inside is perpendicular, wliile the exterior
face tapers toward the top, in a curved line. These walls, as well as the di\ ision
walls of the interior, are laid with large square blocks of mud, prepared for tlie pur-
pose by pressing the material into large Vioxes about 2 feet in height and 4 feet long.
When the mud became sufficiently hardened, the case was moved along and again
filled, and so on until the whole edifice was completed. This is a rapid mode of
Vmikling; but the Mexicans seem never to have applietl it to any purpose but the

I Personal Narrative, etc., ii, 272-277, New York, 1S54. Cozzens' account, in his Marvellous Country, is
practically a quotation from Bartlett here given. In the map of his "route" Casa Grande is located
north instead of south of the Gila.

FEWKES]

HISTORY 67

erection of fences or division walls. The material of this building is the mud of the
valley, mixed with gravel. The mud is very adhesive, and when dried in the sun,
is very durable. The outer surface of tlie wall appears to have been plastered roughly;
but the inside, as well as the surface of all the inner walls, is hard finished. This is
done with a composition of adobe, and is still as smooth as when first made, and has
quite a polish. On one of the walls are rude figures, drawn with red hues, but no
inscriptions. From the charred ends of the beams which remain in tlie walls, it is
evident that the building was destroyed by fire. Some of the lintels which remain
over the doors are formed of several sticks of wood, stripped of their bark, but showing
no signs of a sharp instrument. The beams which supported the floors were from 4 to
5 inches in diameter, placed about the same distance apart and inserted deeply in
the walls.

Most of the apartments sire connected by doors, besides which there are circular
openings in the upper part of the chambers to admit light and air. The ground plan
of the building shows that all the apartments were long and narrow without windows.
The inner rooms, I think, were used as store-rooms for corn; in fact, it is a question
whether the whole may not have been built for a similar purpose. There are four
entrances, one in the center of each side. The door on the western side is but 2 feet
wide, and 7 or 8 high : the others 3 feet wide and 5 in height, tapering towards the top—
a peculiarity Ijelonging to the ancient edifices of Central America and Yucatan. With
the exception of these doors, there are no exterior openings, except on the western
side, where they are of a circular form. Over the doorway corresponding to the third
storj', on the western front, is an opening, where there was a window, wliich I think
was square. In a line with this are two circular openings.

The southeni front has fallen in in several places, and is much injured l_iy large
fissures, yearly becoming larger, so that the whole of it must fall ere long. The other
three fronts are quite perfect. The walls at the base, and particularly at the corners,
have cnimbled away to the extent of 12 or 15 inches, and are only held together by
their great thickness. The moisture here causes disintegration to take place more
rapidly than in any other part of the building; and in a few years, when the walls
have become more undermined, the whole structure must fall, and become a mere
rounded heap, like many other shapeless mounds which are seen on the plain. A
couple of days' labor spent in restoring the walls at the base -with mud and gravel,
would render this interesting monument as duralile as Ijrick, and enable it to last for
centuries. How long it has been in this ruined state is not known; we only know
that when visited by the missionaries a century ago it was in the same condition as
at present.

The exterior dimensions of this building are 50 feet from north to south, and 40
from east to west. On the ground floor are five compartments. Those on the north
and south sides extend the whole width of the building, and measure 32 Ijy 10 feet.
Between these are three smaller apartments, the central one being within the tower.
All are open to the sky. There is no appearance of a stairway on any of the walls;
whence it has been inferred that tlie means of ascent may have been outside.

On the south-west of the principal building is a second one in a state of ruin, with
hardly enough of the walls remaining to trace its original form. . . . The central
portion, judging from the height of the present walls, was two stories high; the outer
wall, which can only be estimated from the debris, could not have been more than a
single story.

Northeast of the main building is a third one, smaller than either of the others, but
in such an utter state of decay that its original form can not be determined . 1 1 is small,
and may have been no more than a watch tower. In every direction as far as the
eye can reach, are seen heaps of ruined edifices, with no portions of their walls standing.
To the north-west, about 200 yards distant, is a circular embankment from 80 to 100
yards in circumference, which is open in the center, and is probably the remains of

68 CASA GRANDK, ARIZONA [etii. ann. 28

an iiiplosuro fur rattle. For milow around those in all directions, the plain is strewn
with br()k(Mi pottery and metates or coru-ijrinders. The pottery is red, white, lead-
color, and black. The figures are usually geometrical and formed with taste, and in
character are similar to the ornaments found on the pottery from the ruins on the
Salinas and much farther north. Much of this pottery is painted on the inside, a
peculiarity which does not belong to the modern pottery. In its texture too, it is
far superior. I collected a quantity of these fragments, from which I selected the
larger pieces.

HUGHES's NARRATIVE

Casa Grande was thus described by Lieut. John T. Hughes ' in his
account of Doniphan's expedition in 1847 :

After a march of 6 miles on the 10th of November, passing over plains which had
once sustained a dense population, they came to an extensive ruin, one building of
which, called the "Hall of Montezuma," is still in a tolerable state of preservation.
This building was 50 feet long, 40 wide, and had been four stories high, but the floors
and the roof had been burned out. The joists were made of round beams 4 feet in diam-
eter [si'c]. It had four entrances — north, ea<it, south, and west. The walls were built
of sun-dried brick, cemented with natural lime, which aboimds in the adjacent coim-
trv, and were 4 feet thick, having a curved inclination inwards toward the top, lieing
smoothed outside and plastered inside. Aliout 150 yards from this building to the
northward is a terrace 100 yards long and 70 wide, elevated about 5 feet. Upon this
is a pyramid, 8 feet high and 25 yards squai-e at the top. From the top of this, which
has no doubt been used as a watch-tower, the vast plains to the west and north-east, for
more than 15 miles, lie in plain view. These lands had once been in cultivation, and
the remains of a large ascequia, or urigating canal, could be distinctly traced along the
range of dilapidated houses.

About the same day they came to the Pimo villages on the south side of the Gila.
Captain Johnston observes: "Their answer to Carson when he went up and asked for
provisions was, 'Bread is to eat, not to sell — take what you want.' The general asked
a Pimo who made the house I had .seen. 'It is the Casa de Montezuma, 'said he, 'it was
buQt by the son of a most beautiful woman, who once dwelt in yon mountain. She
was fair, and all the handsome men came to court her; but in vain. — When they came
they paid tribute and out of this small store she fed all people in times of famine, and
it did not diminish. — At last as she lay asleep a drop of rain fell upon her navel, and
she became pregnant and brought forth a son, who was the builder of all these houses.' "

Later American Reports

hinton's description

The observations of a party of which Mr. Richard J. Ilinton was a
member, who visited Casa Grande on December 13, 1877, are thus
recorded by him,= the description being accompanied with a full-page
lithograph illustration of Casa Grande:

The Casa Grande itself is the remains of a lai^e building, the walls of which are
composed of a species of gray concrete or groat. They still stand in a crumbling and
almost disjointed condition, for a height of from 30 to 45 feet, the inside wall being
the highest. The exterior walls at their thickest part are 4 feet 6 inches thick. The
interior walls at different points are well preserved, and show a uniform thickness of

» This account is taken largely from Capt. .\.. R. Jolinston's narrative, given on pp. 64-<)S.
2 Richard J. Hinton, Hand-book to Arizona.

FEWKES) HISTORY 69

nearly 4 feet. At the north-east comer there is a great rent, and the walls are
entirely separated; the opening here is about 5 feet and occupies the whole of that
angle. In the center of each .side there are crumliled, out-of-shape openings, which
on the north and west sides indicate old doors or entrances, but on the other sides
appear to have resulted from the crumViling away of the walls. The interior shows a
length of 52 feet north and south, and a width of 36 feet 6 inches east and west, while
the exterior walls show in the same way a length of 61 by 45 feet 6 inches. Of course
the exterior walls are much worn, furrowed and crumbled. In all probability they
were originally not less than 6 feet thick. The interior walls still show above the
debris traces of three stories, rows of small round holes indicating where the rafter poles
had rested. In one room on the west side we were able to count them, and found 28
holes each side of the apartment, showing an average of 6 inches apart, vnth holes of
4 J inches diameter. The interior room or compartment is the best-preserved part
of the structure. It is entered only on the ea-st side and on the lower story as now
Aisible, by a small window or aperture originally about 2 feet 4 inches wide, and about
4 feet 6 inches high, rather narrciwer at the top than at the base. This is the case with
the other openings. There are six in all — two each on the interior walls to the north
and south, one on the east wall, and one forming the entrance to middle rooms, with
none at all on the west side. As to the exterior entrances, they appeal- to ha\'e lieen
on the north and south fronts; tliose on the east and west being ajiertures liroken Ijy
time and decay. There are several apertures in the interior walls, the purpose of
wliich can not be ascertained. One is about 10 inclies each way, though it is some-
wliat irregular in form: the other two would be aliout 7 inches each way. These
apertures do not face each other, and consequently were not used to rest beams or
rafters upon. The interior walls have been coated with some sort of cement or ^-arnish
which has a reddish-orange hue, and which at the present time can be peeled off by
a penknife. There are a number of names scrawled on the inside walls, but none of
special note. The accumulated d6bris almost forms a mound on the exterior, while
inside the floor is verj' uneven. The interior room gives out a hollow sound . Outside
tne rains and winds are rapidh' undermining the base of the walls; unless something
be soon done to roof the s^tnicture and prop the walls, the Gila Casa Grande will be
altogether a thing of the past.

bandelier's account

Bandelier's account of Casa Grande is one of the most instructive
of later descriptions. This explorer was the first, since Father Font,
to give a ground plan of what is styled in the present report Com-
pound A (Bandeher, p. 454) in which is represented the relation of
the surrounding wall to tlie main structure. He gives likewise a
plan of the mounds and ])latform of Compound B, before excavations,
showing the two pyramids.

Bandelier's description is as follows:'

The walls of the Casa Grande are unusually thick, measuring 1.22 m. (4 feeti, and
even the partitions 0.92 m. (3 feet). At the Ca-sa Blanca their thickness is only 0..50 m-
(22 inches).

As already said, and in otlier ruins between Casa Grande and Florence, 0.02 and
0.60 m. (3 and 2 feet) were measured l>y me. . . .

The doorways are higher and wider than in northern ruins, so are the light and air
holes. The roof and ceilings, as far as traceable, belong to the usual pueblo pattern,

' Final Report of Inve-stigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Part n; in
Papas of the Archs-ological Institute of America, .\merioan Series, rv', Cambridge, 1S92.

70 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA Ieth, anx. 28

that IS, they consist of round beams supporting smaller poles, on which rested a layer
of earth. All the woodwork is destroyed except the ends of the beams, V)ut I was
informed that a few posts of cedar wood were still visilile some years ago. Cedar only
grows at some distance from t'asa Grande, but this was no obstacle to the patient and
obstinate Indian. I could not find any trace of stairways or ladders. It wa.s remarked
in the last century, that the Apaches were the destroyers of the woodwork in the
building and something similar was told me; but to what extent this is true, I am
unable to determine.

Of the other shapeless mounds surrounding the Great House, or composing the
northern cluster of the ruins, I am not in a position to say anything except that they
indicate two-story edifices, long and comparatively narrow. Their size without
exception falls short of the dimensions of northern communal pueblos, and, not-
withstanding the extensive area occupied by the ruins, the population can not have
been large. I doubt whether it exceeded a thousand souls. Almost every inch of
the ground is covered with bits of pottery, painted as well as plain, and I noticed
some corrugated pieces. They all resemble the specimens excavated by Mr. C'ushing
from the vicinity of Tempe, and what I saw of those specimens con\'inces me that
they belong to the class common to the ruins of Eastern and Central Arizona in general.
There was among the potsherds which I picked up myself a sprinkling of pottery
that closely resembled the modern ware of the Pimas and Papagos; but as I had
already noticed the same kind on the Rio Verde, and had l)een forced to the conclu-
sion that they were ancient, I am loath to consider them as modem at Casa Grande.
Of other artificial objects, I saw Ijroken metates, and heard of the usual stone imple-
ments. The culture, as indicated by such remains, offers nothing at all particular.

The profusion of pottery scattered far beyond the area covered by the buildings
has caused the imjiression that the settlement was much larger than I ha^■e repre-
sented it to be; I have, however, no reason to modify my opinion. I have already
stated that clusters of ruins are numerous about the Gila, and at no great distance
apart. Intercourse between these settlements, if they were contemporaneously
inhabited — of which there is as yet no proof — must have been frequent, and the winds
and other agencies have contributed toward scattering potsherds over much larger
expanses than those which they originally occupied. The acequias which run parallel
to the Gila in this \Tcinity, and of which there are distinct traces, are usually lined
with pieces of pottery which leads the untrained observer to draw erroneous impres-
sions.

On the southwestern comer of the northern group of the Casa Grande cluster stands
the elliptical tank which is indicated on plate i, figure 59 [here pi. 5, "well "]. Its
greatest depth is now 2| meters (8J- feet), and the width of the embankment surround-
ing it varies between 8 and 10 feet. A large mezquite tree has grown in the center
of this artificial depression. As the tank stands on the southwestern extremity of
the northern, and not 100 meters (300 feet) [sic] from the southern group, it was prob-
ably common to both.

Bandelier's references to the use of the "great houses" of the Gila
are instructive. He writes (p. 460):

I have no doubt they may have been used incidentally for worship; still it was
probably not their exclusive object. It should be remembered that we have in the
first half of the seventeenth century descriptions of analogous buildings then actually
used among some of the natives of Central Sonora. Those natives were the Southern
Pimas, or "N6bomes, " kindred to the Northern Pimas, who occupy the banks of the
Gila near Casa Grande, Ca.sa Blanca, and at intermediate points. Father Ribas, the his-
toriographer of Sonora [1645], says that the villages of the N6bomes consisted of solid
houses made of large adobes, and that each village had besides a larger edifice, stronger,
and provided with loopholes which served, in case of attack, as a place of refuge or
citadel. The purpose of this building was not merely surmised by Father Ribas,

FBWKES]

HISTORY 71

who had means of acquiring personal knowledge, having been one of the early mis-
sionaries in Sonora. The Spaniards had an opportunity of experiencing its use to
their own detriment, and the edifice was so strong that its inmates had to be driven
from it by fire. Such a place of retreat, in case of attack, the Casa Grande and analo-
gous constructions in Arizona seem to have been. The strength of the walls, the
openings in them, their commanding position and height, favor the suggestion. That
they may also have been inhabited is not impossible; Mr. Cushing's investigations
seem to prove it.

After mentioning certain Pima traditions, Bandelier continues
as follows:

The gist of these traditions is that the Pimas claim to be the lineal descendants
of the Indians who built and inhabited the large houses and mounds on the Gila
and Lower Salado Rivers, as well as on the delta between the two streams; that
they recognize the Sonoran Pimas as their kindred, who separated from them many
centuries ago; that they attribute the destruction and abandonment of the Casa
Grande and other clusters now in ruins to various causes; and, lastly, that they claim
the \-illages were not all contemporaneously inhabited. Further than that, I do not
at present venture to draw conclusions from the traditions above reported ; but enough
is contained in them to justify the wish that those traditions may be collected and
recorded at the earliest possible day, and in the most complete manner, in order that
they may be critically sifted and made useful.

Regarding the kinship of the inhabitants of Casa Grande, Bandelier
writes:'

Here the statements of the Pimas, which Mr. Walker has gathered, are of special
value; and to him I owe the following details: The Pimas claim to have been created
where they now reside, and after passing through a disastrous flood, — out of which
only one man, Ci-ho, was saved — they grew and multiplied on the south bank of the
Gila until one of their chiefs, Ci-va-no, built the Casa Grande. They call it to-day
"Ci-va-no-qi" (house of Ci-va-no), also "Vat-qi" (ruin). A son of Ci-vS-no settled
on Lower Salt River, and built the villages near Phoenix and Tempe. At the same
time a tribe with which they were at war occupied the Rio Verde; to that tribe they
ascribe the settlements whose ruins I have visited, and which they call "O-ot-gum-
vatqi" (gravelly ruins). The Casa Blanca and all the ruins south of the Gila were
the abodes of the forefathers of the Pimas, designated by them as "Vi-pi-set" (great-
grandparents), or "Ho-ho-q6m" (the extinct ones). (Ci-va-no had 20 wives, etc.
["each of whom wore on her head, like a headdress, the peculiar half-hood, half-basket
contrivance called Ki'-jo. " — Papers Archxol. Iiist. Amer., iv, 463.]) At one time the
Casa Grande was beset by enemies who came from the east in several bodies, and who
compelled its abandonment; but the settlements at Zacaton, Casa Blanca, etc., still
remained, and there is even a tale of an intertribal war between the Pimas of Zacaton
and those of Casa Blanca after the ruin of Casa Grande. Finally, the pueblos fell
one after the other, until the Pimas, driven from their homes, and moreover, decimated
by a fearful plague, became reduced to a small tribe. A portion of them moved
south into Sonora, where they still reside; but the main body remained on the site
of their former prosperity. I asked particularly why they did not again build houses
with solid walls like those of their ancestors. The reply was that they were too weak
in numbers to attempt it, and had accustomed themselves to their present mode
of living. But the construction of their winter houses — a regular pueblo roof bent
to the ground over a central scaffold — their organization and arts — all bear testimony
to the truth of their sad tale^that of a powerful sedentary tribe reduced to distress
and decadence in architecture long before the advent of the Spaniards.

' In Fifth Annual Report of the Archxological Institute oj America, 1883-84, pp. 80, 81, Cambridge, 1884.

72 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA |etii. ann. 28

In liis Final Report Banddier gives a figure or ground plan of the
walknl inelosuro in whicli Casa Grande is situated, the only modern
representation of the outside wall of Compound A with which the
present writer is familiar. There is also an illustration of the two
mounds of Compound B.

gushing' S RESEARCHES

Cosmos Mindeleff thus speaks of ¥. II. Cushing's researches relating
to ruins similar to Casa Grande: '

In 1888 Mr. F. H. Gushing presented to the Congres International des Am^ri-
canistes ^ some "Preliminary notes" on his work as director of the Hemenway south-
western archeological expedition. Mr. Gushing did not describe the Casa Grande,
but merely alluded to it as a surviving example of the temple, or principal structure,
which occurred in conjunction mth nearly all the settlements studied. As Mr.
Cushing's work was devoted, however, to the investigation of remains analogous to,
if not identical with, the Casa Grande, his report forms a valuable contribution to
the literature of this subject, and although not everyone can accept the broad infer-
ences and generalizations drawn by Mr. Gushing — of which he was able, unfortunately,
to present only a mere statement — the report should be consulted by every student
of southwestern archeology.

FEWKES'S DESCRIPTION

In 1892 the following description of Casa Grande by the present
writer was published : ^

A short distance south of the Gila River, on the stage route from Florence to Casa
Grande station on the Southern Pacific Railroad, about 10 miles southwest of the for-
mer town, there is a ruin which from its unique character has attracted attention from
the time the country was first ^'^sited. This venerable ruin, which is undoubtedly
one of the best of its t>'pe in the United States, is of great interest as shedding light on
the architecture of several of the ruined pueblos which are found in such numbers in
the valleys of the Gila and Salt Rivers. The importance of its preservation from the
hands of vandals and from decay led Mrs. Hemenway and others, of Boston, to petition
Congress for an appropriation of money for thin purpose. This petition was favorably
acted upon, and an appn^priation was made to carry out the suggestions of the
petitioners.* . . .

As one approaches the ruin along the stage road from the side toward Florence,"
he is impressed with the solidity and massive character of the walls, and the great
simplicity of the structure architecturally considered. Externally, as seen from a dis-
tance, there is much to remind one of the ruins of an old mission, but this resemblance
is lost on a closer examination. The fact that the walls of the middle (central) cham-

i In ISth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol, p. 297.

' Berlin meeting. 1S8.S: Comptc-Rcndu. Berlin. 1890. p. 1.50 et seq.

3 In Journal of American Ethnology and Archseology, n, Boston and New York, 1892.

* The repairs and other work carried on by means of this appropriation have been described at length by
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff (in tSth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol.).

Later a corrugated iron root was erected over Casa (irande to protect it from the elements. This feature
detracts somewhat from the picturesqueness of the ruin, but is necessary for the preservation of the stand-
ing walls. The bases of the walls, undermined and about to fall in several places, have been strengthened
with cement and with iron rods strung from wall to wall. This roof was repainted in 1907 out of the
appropriation for the repair of the building.

6 The WTiter visited the ruin from this side, but one coming from the Eastern States would probably find
it more convenient to make the station of Casa Grande on the Southern Pacific the point of departure.

FEffKES]

HISTOKY

ber rise Bomewhat above tlioae of the peripheral is evident from a distance, long before
one approaches the ruin. Tliis architectural feature imparts a certain pyramidal out-
line to the pile, rendering it somewhat difficult to make out the relationship of the
different parts. The departure of the outer face of the external walls from a vertical
line, which deviation is probably d\ie in part at least, possibly wholly, to atmospheric
erosion and natural destruction, the falling in of the material of which the upi^er courses
are made, is a marked feature of the vertical liue-i of the external walls on all sides.
[Fig. 7.] The d^lwis within the chambers on the present floor ' is evidently iai part

Fig.

Casa Grande ruin, from the south.

the result of the falling in of roofs and floors of upper stories, but no large fragments
indicating the character or position of such in place could be found.

The orientation of the ruin corresponds to the cardinal jioints. From my want of
instruments of precision, I was not able to determine its true position or to state accu-
rately the exact orientation of the ground plan; but by means of a pocket compass, it

1 Several persons have told me that it was but a few years ago when wooden beams and lintels were to
be seen in situ in the building. These informants have also told me that within a short time the walls
were much better preserved than at present. As far as I have examined the ruin, not a fragment of wood
still remains, although the holes from which the vigas [beams] have been tal^en can still be readily
seen in several places.

74 CASA GRANDE, AKIZONA [kth. ann. 28

was seen that the variation of the bounding walls from north-south, east-west lines was
not very great. It seems evident tliat it was the intention of the builders to align the
walls with the cardinal points.

It may be convenient to consider the chambers of the ruin as if seen by a bird's-eye
view, without reference to the different stories which were once found in the building,
and gave its elevation. Practically, at present, indications only of these stories
remain.

The plan [see pi. 6] given at the close of this article shows the general arrangement of
the rooms, and may be of use in understanding the description of the separate chambers
which follows. Examining this plan, it will be seen that the bounding walls of the
ruin inclose five cliambers which fall in two groups: Twin chambers, one at either end,
and triplets in the interval between them. The rooms from their position may very
conveniently be designated, from the side of the ruin in which they are: The north,
south, east, west, and central chambers. The north and south are alike, and extend
wholly across their respective sides of the ruin, so that their east and west walls are por-
tions of the eastern and western external walls of the building. With the east and
west chambers, however, it is somewhat different. Whereas three of the walls of the
north and south chambers are external walls of the building wholly or in part, there is
but a single wall of either the east or west rooms which is external. None of the walls
of the remaining member of this triplet, the central chamber, excepting possibly those
belonging to upper stories, are external. All the cliambers of both kinds have a rectan-
gular form, and their angles are as a general thing carefully constructed right angles.
The vertical and horizontal line^ are seldom perfectly straight, although much truer
than is ordinarily the case in more northern ruins. [Fig. 8.]

Let us take up for consideration the different chambers which have been men-
tioned, in order to call to mind any special features in their individual architecture.

North Room (A)

This room occupies the whole northern end of the ruin, and has all the bounding
walls of the lower stories entire, with the exception of the northeast corner and a small
section of the adjacent northern wall. As one approaches the ruin from the side
toward Florence, it is through this broken-down entrance on the northeast corner
that one enters Casa Grande. Although, as will be seen presently, there are several
other entrances to the ruin, this passageway is in fact the only means of entrance into
the chamber.

The greatest length of the room is from the eastern to the western wall. There are
good evidences in this room of at least two stories above the present level of the ground
which now forms the floor of the chamber.' As the floors are destroyed these former
stories now form one room with high bounding walls. On the northern side in the
second story of this chamber, there is an artificial break in the wall which indicates
that there had once been a passageway. The walls of this opening are not perpendic-
ular, but slightly inclined, so that their upper ends slightly approach. The eastern
wall of this passageway is now cracked, and will probably fall in a short time. The
position of the lintel is well marked, but the lintel itself, which was probably of
wood, has been removed from its former place, and cavities alone remain, plainly
showing, however, its former size at the two upper corners of the opening. A groove
on the inner side of the northern wall, which marks the lines of the flooring of an upper
chamber, is well shown, although broken and gapped in many places. Near the

•It would not be possible to demonstrate how many stories Casa Grande formerly had without excava-
tions. Even if the lower floor should be laid bare, there would always remain the difficulty in the deter-
mination ot how many upper stories have been destroyed by the weathering of the walls. I think that it
is not difficult to find evidences of four stories at certain points. The observations which I could make on
the present condition of the ruin do not justify my acceptance of the theory that there were more. There
is good evidence that there were three stories.

FEWKES]

HISTORY

western end of the northern wall, not far from the corner, there is an opening just
above the line of the second floor. The line of insertion of a possible third floor can
be easily traced above the northern passageway. . . .

The western wall of the room ia pierced by a single circular and a rectangular
window, situated in the same story as the northern passageway above mentioned,
about on a level with the top of the door or opening on the northern side. [Fig. 9.]
This single opening lies midway between the northwestern and southwestern corners
of the room.

Fig. 8. Interior of room, showing doorway and lines of floor.

The Bouthem wall of the north room (A) shows certain architectural details in con-
struction which are characteristic. Two openings lead from the chamber A into
adjoining rooms. One of these opens into the eastern chamber D; the other into the
western, B. There is no passageway from room A into the middle chamber, C, but
through the wall into chamber B is a broad opening through that portion of the wall
which forms the second story. This is undoubtedly artificial, as the sides of it are
smooth and resemble similar jambs in doorways and windows of inhabited i)ueblos.
Their surface wall i.s smooth, and they are nearly vertical. Below this opening the

CASA GKAKDli, AKIZONA

I KTll, ANN. ^8

chamber wall is more or lees broken and onlarpied, its edjjes are rough, and in them are
rounded cavities. It is next to iniixw.siblo now to say whether tho openinp; is the
result of an enlargement of a previously existing doorway, or simply the result of a
breaking away of the wall. Tho upper portion of the doorway on the second story
is broken and destroyed. A passageway from A inio the east room, D, situated in the
second story, is very conspicuous. Its sides slo])e slightly, one side being more out
of perpendicular than the other. The width of the opening is thus greater at the base.
Between the openings from the north room into chambers B and D, the floor groove

Fig. 9. Interior of north room, looking west.

of the second story can be easily traced, and well preserved impressions of the ends
of the small sticks which were probably placed above the beams can be readily seen.
In several instances it was possible to pick out of the adobe a few small fragments of
woody remnants of the ends of the small sticks which formerly filled these holes, but
as a rule these fragments are very small. The impressions in the adobe, however,
whererods formerly existed are as well shown as if the sticks or reeds had been extracted,
but a few weeks ago.

WTiile room A is by no means the best pre.'^erved of the five chambers which compose
Casa Grande, its walls are still in a fair condition for study. There are but few van-

FEWKES]

HISTORY . 77

dalistic markinirs upon it, and aside from (he fact that the northeast corner is broken
down, the walls are i\\ tolerably ijood condition. Possibly the thing most to be regret-
ted in the recent mutilations of this j)art of the ruin is an attempt by some one to dis-
cover by excavation how far the foundations extend below the surface of the ground
by undermining the northwest corner of the ruin on the outside. This excavation
reveals the amount of weathering of the wall at the surface of the ground, but it has
been left in such a condition that it weakens the whole corner of the building, for it
affords an all too good opportunity for additional undermining by the atmosphere,
rains, and like agents of erosion.

Room B, West Room

This chamber, which belongs to the middle triplet of rooms, being the most western
member of the three, like its two companions has a rectangular shape, its longest
dimension being from north to south. It has an external entrance on the west side,
and there are indications of former artificial passageways into chambers A and E.
There is an opening into the central chamber C, but no passable way through. The
opening tlurough the wall into room A, as seen from that room, has ali-eady been men-
tioned. On this side it is very much broken iu the first story, but on the second, the
upright walls of the former passageway are smooth and little broken, except in the
upper part, near where the lintel formerly was. The wall of the chandler on the
north side, above the former passageway, is more or less broken and looks as if it would
tunilile in at no distant date.

The eastern wall of chamber B is higher than the western, making the additional
story, which forms the western wall of a central chamber. WTiile there is no passage-
way into the central chamber C large enough to enter from this side, there are two
openings, one above the other, in the wall. The lower of these is rectangular in shape,
with the larger dimension horizontal; the upper is elongated, rectangular, with the
side vertical. The size of rooms B, (!', and D is about the same, 24 feet long by a
little over 9 broad.

The single opening from chamber B into the south room E appears to be the enlarge-
ment of two passageways, one on the first, the other on the second story. The former
is almost wholly clogged up by fallen debris strewn over the floor of the chamber.
A portion of the wall above the latter has fallen into the opening so neatly that it would
seem to have been placed there. The upper part of the west chamber on the south
side is very much broken, and traces of the upper story which probably once existed
are difficult to discover.

Room D, E.\st Room

The chamber on the east of the ruin, like its fellow B on the west, is elongated in
a north-south direction, and plainly shows at least two stories above the present
level. One can enter this room from the side, and from it one can readily pass into
the central chamber C. It seems in kee})ing with what is known of ceremonial inclo-
sures used by Indians at certain times, that if the central room was a sacred chamber
or used for religious ceremonials, it very properly had an entrance from the eastern
room and not from the others. [Fig. 10.]

The exterior entrance to room D is enlarged by the breaking of the walls, and
affords e\ddence that it was one of the principal entrances into the building. It
opens into the chamber about midway in its length and shows well-defined lintel
marks. On the second story the walls are more or less broken on the eastern side,
both externally and internally. A generous passageway from the second story of room
D into room A occupies about a fourth part of the width of the north wall. The wall
is intact with this exception, and the position of the flooring of the chamber above
the surface of the ground can be readily seen. The "floor groove" of the second story
is pronounced, that on the east wall being a little lower than that on the west. The

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

lETII. ANN, 28

south Willi o{ llie first story of room D is intat-t; an opening which would seem to iiuli-
•cate the position of the i)asHageway into the south room has its vertical jamlis still
well preserved, but its to)) lias fallen and is very much broken.

Room E, South Room

The south chamber of the ruin, like the north, extends across the whole end of
the ruin. Its greatest length is thus east and west. Its northern wall forms the
southern side of the east, west, and central chambers B, D, and C, just as the southern

\ -

Fig. 10. Casa Grande ruin, looking norlhwest.

wall of the northern chamber A separates this room from the same members of tlie
middle series. As with its northern fellow, there are openings into the lateral
chambers B and D, the western and .eastern rooms, but no signs of the existence of an
entrance at any time into the central chamber C. The southeastern angle of room E,
which is at the same time the southeastern corner of the ruin, is liroken down so that
a gap is formed, by which alone one can enter the room. Possibly tliis opening is
not wholly the product of natural destruction. Two great gaps break the continuity
of the southern wall, but the southwest corner of the chamber is entire from the ground
to a considerable height.

FBWKES] HISTORY 79

The supposed former passageways into chambers B and D have already been de-
scribed in my consideration of these rooms. When seen from the south room they do
not materially differ from what has already been said of them. The western wall of
room E is pierced by a small, square, windowlike opening high up in the second
story. Upon this side of the room one can without difficulty make out two stories and
the remnants of the third above the present level of the ground. The line of holes in
which the floor logs formerly fitted can be traced with ease, and a row of smaller
cavities can be readily seen between the passageway into room B and a middle ver-
tical line of the north wall. Vandalistic scribblings of varied nature deface this
room, and ambitious visitors ■n-ith no claim for complimentary notice have cut their
names upon the smoothly plastered walls. There are also spiral markings resembling
forms of pictographs common on the sides of the mesas inhabited by the Tusayan
Indians.

Room C. Centr.\l Room

The central chamber of Ca.sa Grande, like the other rooms, the eastern and the
western, is elongated in a north-south direction. It differs from the others in that it
shows the walls of an additional story on all four sides, and has but one entrance.
This entrance is from its eastern side. The walls are very smooth and apparently
carefully polished. There are well preserved evidences of the flooring, and the
smaller sticks which formerly lay upon the same are beautifully indicated by rows
of small holes in the northern wall. The eastern opening by which one enters has
already been described, as well as the windowlike openings leading into the western
chamber.

The walls of the third story on the western side are pierced by three circular
openings about 5 inches in diameter, which preserve theii' ancient outline. The rim
of these openings is smoothly polished, which would indicate that thej' were never
used for floor joists; indeed, theu- position seems to point in the same direction. They
were possibly windows or lookouts. On the north and south wall there are similar
openings, one on each wall. The round hole in the south wall is situated about on
the middle vertical line of the wall, while that on the north is a little to the east of the
middle. On the east wall there are three of these small round holes, placed one to
the north of the doorway and one to the south. These openings are at times placed
as high as the head of a person standing on the floor of the third chamber, but there
are some which are only a few feet above the probable level of the floor. They appear
to be characteristic of the central room and of the third story.

COSMOS mindeleff's description

The most comprehensive description of Casa Grande is by Mr.
Cosmos Mindeleff. (Pis. 8-10.) As this is available to all who have
access to the reports of the Bureau of American Ethnology, it is not
here cjuoted in its entirety, but reference is made to certain pouits,
some of which were first brought out hj this talented author.

The name Casa Grande has been usually applied to a single struc-
ture standing near the southwestern corner of a large area covered
by mounds and other debris, but some WT-iters have applied the term
to the southwestern portion of Compound A, while still others have so
designated the whole area. The last-mentioned seems the proper
application of the term, but throughout this paper, in order to avoid
confusion, the settlement as a whole will be designated the Casa

80 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ktii. ann. 28

Gnuulo Group, and tlie single striK-ture, with standing walls, the Casa
Grande ruin, or simply Casa Grande.

Probably no two investigators would assign the same limits to the
area covered by the group, as the margins of this area merge imper-
ceptibly into the surrounding country.

The bird's-eye views here used (pis. 11, 12) to illustrate the relation
of Casa Grande to the surrounding mounds are in general correct,
although not entirely in agreement with the results of the excavations.
According to Mmdelefl', the area covered by the Casa Grande Group
"extends about 1,800 feet north and south and 1,500 feet east and
west, or a total area of about 65 acres."

The following description of Casa Grande is from Mindeleff : '

The Casa Grande ruin is often referred to as an adobe structure. Adobe construc-
tion, if we limit the word to its proper meaning, consists of the use of molded brick,
dried in the sun but not baked. Adobe, as thus defined, is very largely used through-
out the Southwest, more than 9 out of 10 houses erected by the Mexican population
and many of those erected by the Pueblo Indians being so constructed; but, in the
experience of the writer, it is never found in the older ruins, although seen to a limited
extent in ruins known to belong to a period subsequent to the Spanish conquest.
Its discovery, therefore, in the Casa Grande would be important; but no trace of it
can be found. The walls are composed of huge blocks of earth, 3 to 5 feet long, 2 feet
high, and 3 to 4 feet thick. These blocks were not molded and placed in situ, but
were manufactured in place. The method adopted was probably the erection of a
framework of canes or light poles, woven with reeds or grass, forming two parallel
surfaces or planes, some 3 or 4 feet apart and about 5 feet long. Into this open box
or trough was rammed clayey earth obtained from the immediate vicinity and mixed
with water to a heavy paste. When the mass was suiHciently dry, the framework was
moved along the wall and the operation repeated. This is the typical pis6 or rammed-
earth construction, and in the hands of skilled workmen it sulBces for the construc-
tion of quite elaborate buildings. As here used, however, the appliances were rude
and the workmen unskilled. An inspection of the illustrations herewith, especially
of 'Plate Lv [here pi. 10], showing the western wall of the ruin, will indicate clearly
how this work was done. The horizontal lines, marking what may be called courses,
are very well defined, and, while the vertical joints are not apparent in the illustration,
a close inspection of the wall itself shows them. It will be noticed that the builders
were unable to keep straight courses, and that occasional thin courses were put in to
bring the wall up to a general level. This is even more noticeable in other parts of
the ruin. It is probable that as the walls rose the exterior surface was smoothed with
the hand or with some suitable implement, but it was not carefully finished like the
interior, nor was it treated like the latter with a specially prepared material. . . .
The floors of the rooms, which were also the roofs of the rooms below, wore of the
ordinary pueblo type, employed also to-day by the American and Mexican popula-
tion of this region. . . . Over the primary series of joists was placed a layer of
light poles, IJ to 2 inches in diameter, and over these reeds and coarse grass were
spread. The prints of the light poles can still be seen on the walls. . . .

The walls of the northern room are fairly well preserved, except in the north-
eastern corner, which has fallen. The principal floor beams were of necessity laid
north and south, across the shorter axis of the room, while the secondary series of poles,
IJ inches in diameter, have left their impression in the eastern and western walls.

1 In ISth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol, p. 309

I-
I
o

LLl

LlJ

a
m

FEWKES]

HISTORY 81

There is no setback in the northern wall at the first floor level, though there is a very
slight one in the southern wall; none appears in the eastern and western walls. Yet
in the second roof level there is a double setback of 9 and 5 inches in the western
wall, and the northern wall has a setback of 9 inches, and the top of the wall still
shows the position of nearly all the roof timbers. This suggests — and the suggestion
is supported by other facts to be mentioned later — that the northern room was added
after the completion of the rest of the edifice.

The second roof or third floor level, the present top of the wall, has a decided pitch
outward, amounting to nearly 5 inches. Furthermore, the outside of the northern
wall of the middle room, above the second roof level of the northern room is very
much eroded. This indicates that the northern room never had a greater height
than two stories, but probably the walls were crowned with low parapets. . . .
The walls of the western room were smoothly finished and the finish is well preserved,
but here, as in the northern room, the exterior wall of the middle room was not finished
above the second roof level, and there is no doubt that two stories above the ground
were the maximum height of the western rooms, excluding the parapet. . . .

The walls of the southern room are perhaps better finished and less well constructed
than any others in the building. The beam holes in the southern wall are regular,
those in the northern wall less so. The beams used averaged a little smaller than
those in the other rooms, and there is no trace whatever in the overhanging wall of
the use of rushes or canes in the construction of the roof above. The walls depart
considerably from vertical plane surfaces; the southern wall inclines fully 12 inches
inward, while in the ncjrtheastem corner the side of a doorway projects fully 3 inches
into the room. . . . The walls of the eastern room were well finished, and, except
the western wall, in fairly good preservation. The floor beams were not placed in
a straight line, but rise slightly near the middle, as noted above. The finish of some
of the openings suggests that the floor was but 3 or 4 inches above the beams, and that
the roughened surface, already mentioned, was not part of it. . . .

Openings. — The Ca.?a Grande was well pro\-ided with doorways and other open-
ings arranged in pairs one above the other. There were doorways from each room
into each adjoining room, except that the middle room was entered only from the east.
Some of the openings were not used and were closed with blocks of solid masonry-
built into them long prior to the final abandonment of the ruin.

The middle room had three doorways, one above the other, all opening eastward.
The lowest doorway opened directly on the floor level, and was 2 feet wide, with
vertical sides. . . . The doorway of the second story is preserved only on the northern
side. Its bottom, still easily distinguishable, is 1 foot 6 inches above the bottom of
the floor beams. It was not over 2 feet wide and was about 4 feet high. ... In
addition to its three doorways, all in the eastern wall, the middle tier of rooms was
well pro\'ided with niches and holes in the walls, some of them doubtless utilized as
outlooks. On the left of the upper doorway are two holes, a foot apart, about 4 inches
in diameter, and smoothly finished. Almost directly above these some 3 feet, and
about 2 feet higher than the top of the door, there are two similar holes. Near the
southern end of the room in the same wall there is another round opening a trifle
larger and about 4i feet above the floor level. In the western wall there are two
similar openings, and there is one each in the northern and southern walls. ... In
the second storj', or middle room of the middle tier, there were no openings except
the doorway in the eastern wall and two small orifices in the western wall.
20903°— 28 ETH— 12 6

82 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. ann. 28

PRESENT CONDITION

Main Building

The following description of the Casa Grande ruin (pis. 8-10)
contains new facts derived from the author's observations and exca-
vations made in the winters of 1906-7 and 1907-8:

construction

The walls of Casa Grande are of a fawn color slightly tinged
with red. Externally they are rough and veiy much eroded, but
the interior walls are plastered, still showing places that formerly, in
the words of Father Kino, were as smooth as "Puebla pottery."

The walls. are constructed of a natural cement, commonly called
calicJie by the Mexicans, composed of lime, earth, and pebbles; this
was made into blocks, which were laid in courses. These blocks are
supposed to have been made in position, the materials therefor being
rammed into bottomless baskets or wooden frames, that were raised
as the work progressed, until the wall reached the desired height.
The blocks are not of uniform size, consequenth' the horizontal
joints of the courses are not always the same distance apart. Although
clearly shown in the outside walls, these joints are not visible in
the interior walls on account of the plastering.

The exterior faces of the walls are not perfectly plumb, the thick-
ness of the walls at the top being much less than at the base.
Impressions of human hands appear in places in the plaster of the
north and the west room. Posts were used to support some of the
narrow walls, and stones employed for the same purpose are found
in their foundations.

ROOMS

The ground ])lan of the main building shows that its walls form
five inclosures, which may be termed the north, west, south, east,
and central rooms. \Mien the walls had reached the height of about
7 feet, these inclosures Vv'ere filled solitl with earth, the upper surface
forming the floors of the rooms of the first storj^. In the north, west,
south, and east inclosures there were two rooms above each ground
room; the central room had three stories, being one story higher than
the rooms which surrounded it.'

' Many conflicting statements regarding the former height ot Casa Grande are on record, most authors
favoring three or four stories. There were undoubtedly four stories counting from the level of the plain
to the top of the highest wall, as could be seen from the outside as one approaolied the structure, but the
lowest story was fdled solid with earth, so that inside the building there were really only three tiers of
rooms, one above the other in the central part of the ruin and two on each of the four sides. The entrance
■into the lowest room was on a level with the roofs of the surrounding buildings, forming a terrace that
surrounded the base of Casa Grande. Entrance to the upper rooms was elfected by means of ladders from
the outside and by hatchways. The positions of the outside doonvays indicate that there were entrances
on all four sides, but the middle room had only one doorway, which was situated on the east side.

KEWKES]

PRESENT CONDITION
WALLS

The interior walls of the north rooms in both stories are well pre-
served except in the southeast corner (fio;. 11), where there was prob-
ably a connection with six rooms which exttuided to the north wall of
the indosure. As imlicatetl by a series of holes in the eastern and
western walls, the floor beams extended north and south. The posi-

FiG. II. Southeast comer of ruin, showing part of east wail.

tion of the floors is also indicated by ledges, or setbacks, one of the
best of which a|)pears on the level of the roof in the north wall of
the first story; there is also a narrow ledge on the south wall. The
east and west wahs in both stories are true to the perpendicular
from base to top. The tops of the north and west walls of tlie second
stoiy show setbacks, and the apertures where the beams were inserted
are clearly marked. Small holes indicating that rushes were used

84 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. axn. 28

in tho construction of tlie roof aro well marked in the east and west
walls of the second story. The outer face of the north wall is much
eroded near the top, exhibiting no evidences of continuation into a
third stor}'. There was a low parapet rising slightly above the roof
on the north, as well as on the east and west walls of the north room.
Both lower and upper stories of the west room have smooth walls,
but the exterior surface of the walls of the central room, above the
line of the second floor, is rough, indicating that the western inclosure
never had more than two stories. The east wall of the west room
is slightly curved, while the west wall of the same room is straight.
Rows of holes in the east wall, which formerly received the floor beams,
are arranged somewhat irregularly. The inner faces of the walls of
the south room are finely finished, jiarticularly on the south side,
although the wall itself is in places more broken than the north or
west walls. The holes for beams in the south wall are less regular
in arrangement than those in the north wall.

A fragment of the east wall of the south room remained standing
up to within a few years, when the repairs were made by contractors.
At one time the south room was excavated far below its original
floor, as indicated by the line of erosion on the surface of the north
wall and a corresponding line on the opposite sitle walls. There were
formerly two doors, one above the other, in the south wall, but the
lintel between them has disappeared, the south wall remaining in the
form of two very unsteady sections. The interior walls of the east
room are finely finished, while the exterior surface of the east wall of
the central room is ver}' much eroded. The exterior surface of the
east wall of the central section shows the effects of exposure to the
weather, suggesting that there were l)ut two stories to the eastern
part. The north wall of the central rooms runs through the east
wall, without bonding, suggesting later construction of the latter. A
wide crack left in the east wall where the north wall joins is snioothl3'
plastered over for part of its length, a condition which imjjlies earlier
construction. The inner walls of the central rooms are smooth; the
marks of reeds, grasses, and rafters indicate the former existence of
floors in this part of the building. The roughness of the plaster above
the line of the floor of the second story indicates that there was once
a low banfjuette about the room. The row of lioles that accommodated
the beams of the roof of the third story is not flush with the top of
the wall but somewhat below it, indicating that the walls there were
formerly continued into a low parapet.

FLOORS

The floors of the second and third stories served as ceilings of tho
first and second stories, respectively, and resemble those of the ordi-
nary adobe houses of the Southwest. The beams were small cedar

FEWKKS] PRESENT CONDITION 85

logs, most of which were laid across the width of the room, their
extremities being inserted for support in the walls, or in some in-
stances laid on a ledge or in a recess. The rows of holes that accom-
modated the ends of the beams are to be seen in most of the rooms;
some of these holes are not strictly in line. Each roof was covered
with mud firmly packed down ami hardened by exposure to the air
and to the constant pressure of human feet; in places appear the prints
of reeds and grasses which were formerly laid on the rafters. Many
Americtuis have told the writer that when they first saw Casa Grande
the ends of burnt timbers protruded from the walls. Logs were
found in several rooms, some of which were charred, while others
had been untouched by fire.

DOORWAYS AND WINDOWS

The external entrances into most of the rooms of each story of Casa
Grande were lateral, and there is reason to suppose that the rooms
in which no openings appear iii the side walls were entered by hatch-
ways. As the floors have all disappeared, it is impossible, of course,
to know what or where the entrances to rooms from the roof were.
In the lowest story was a doorway about midway in each side. Open-
ings appear in about the corresponding positions m the stories above,
except the third, where the only entrance to be seen is on the east
side. As its threshold was on a level with the roof of the second
story^, this doorway probably opened on the roof of the east rooms
in that story. In addition to these external openuigs there were
passageways between the north, south, east^ and west rooms, in the
first and second stories.

The doorway of the middle room in the first story was on the
east side.

All the doorways were constnicted on the same pattern. They
averaged about 2 feet m width, and some were slightly narrower at
the top than below. This decrease in width may be a survival of the
times when the conical, or beehive, form of arcliitecture prevailed.

The masoniy over the doorways is now, as a rule, more or less
broken, but it stOl shows holes for the insertion of logs that formed
the lintels, which were arranged in series one above another. Wliile
most of the lintels which supported the adobe have been WTenched
out, some remain, holdmg m place the heavy material of which this
part of the wall was built.

The doorway between the west and tlie south room has been closed
with large solid blocks of masonry.

The sills of most of the doorways are l)r<)ken, but the jambs are
entire and smoothly plastered.

86 CASA GRANDE, AKIZONA [eth. ann. 28

There are several rmiiul apertures in tlie walls that may have served
for lookouts. In the east wall of the central room to the left of the
upper doorway are two such openin<;^s, each about 4 inches m diameter,
and near the south end of this room in the east wall is another. Two
similar apertures are found in the west wall of the inner room, one in
the up])er stoiy of the north wall, and another in the south wall.

Cosmos Mindeleff makes the following statement : '

The frequency of openings in the upper or third story and their absence on lower
levels, except the specially arranged openings described later, supports the hypothesis
that none of the rooms except the middle one were ever more than two stories high
and that the wall remains above the second roof level rejiresent a low jjarapet.

CASA GRANDE MOUNDS
General Description

It is evident to anyone who visits Casa Grande that the historic
structure called by this name is only one of many blocks of buildings
which formerly existed in the immediate vicinity. While it is now
difficult to determme whether all these structures were contempora-
neously occupied, it is evident that the Casa Grande Group, m its
prime, was no mean settlement. Evidences of former habitations
cover much of the surface of the reservation- anil extend on all sides
far beyond its boundaries. The lunits of this prehistoric settlement
are difficult to determine. The whole plain was dotted at intervals
with houses similar to those of Casa Grande, from the point where the
Gila leaves the mountains to its junction with its largest tributaiy,
the Salt, the valley of which is also marked by the remains of many
similar prehistoric buildings. Not all the mounds on the Casa
Grande Reservation, however, contain rums of great builduigs; many
walled structures, fonnerlj^ homes of the mhabitants, have fallen,
leaving but slight traces of their existence — no vestiges of walls
above the surface of the ground, merely broken metates or frag-
ments of pottery scattered over a limited area. This destruction was
inevitable, owing to the fragile character of the wattled walls. Even
the foundations of heavier walls of many of the builduigs are buried
in the debris from the upper courses.

Two types of mounds occur in the Casa Grande Group: (l) Those
containhig walls of houses and (2) those consistuig entu-ely of earth
and debris not includuig buried walls. The former are composed of

1 ISth Ann. Rep. Bur. Elhnol., p. 314.

' As is well known, this reservation, through the efforts of many public-spirited men and women, has
been placed under the supervision of a resident custodian. The present custodian is Mr. Franli Tinckley.

FEWKES]

CASA GRANDE MOUNDS

earth or clay, which lias fallen from the walls, burying the founda-
tions, augmented by sand blown by the winds. Mounds of the sec-
ond class are composed solely of debris; when opened, some of these
show stratification, as if formed of mud or soil deposited artificially
on them from time to time in clearing out reservoirs or making
other excavations, while others contain ashes and fragments of pottery
scattered through the soil from the surface to a considerable depth.
Certahi of these mounds are devoid of features suggesting artificial
origin.

Mounds of the first class admit of still further classification into
two kinds: (a) Those
ari'anged in clusters,
each restmg on a i)lat-
form, bounded by a
surrounding w all —
these are remains of
compounds; (b) com-
pact blocks of rooms,
each without a sur-
rounding wall, known
as clan-houses. Wliile
the name Casa Grande
is here apjilied to the
main building of one
compound (A), the
designation Casa
Grande Group of
mounds includes all the
clusters of adjacent
mounds situated on
the reservation. For
many years the main
building and a few
outlying walls (fig. 12) were the only structures projecting above the
surface, but now it is known that the historic Casa Grande is but one
of many aboriginal buildmgs in this neighborhood. Excavations
have established the fact that many mounds of the Casa Grande
Group are rcmams of former houses, and that there are as many
others composed of the debris of fomier habitations.

For convenience of study and reference the large walled inclosures
constituting the first class of mounds, called compounds, are desig-
nated A, B,C, D, and E. These will be considered in order.

Fig. 12. West wall of Font's room (about 1S80).

88 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ann. 28

Compound A

Compound A (pis. 7, 11, 12) is not only the largest' of the Casa
Grande compounds, but is also the most '.m])ortant, containing as it
does the iiistoric ruin and a few otiier walls of rooms standing above
ground when excavations began. The following description is quoted
from the writer's preliminary repoit on the excavations at Compound
A, in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections for 1907.

The following buildings, plazas, and courts were excavated in Compound A :
(1) Southwest building; (2) northeast building; (3) rooms on west wall; (4) six cere-
monial rooms; (.5) central building; (0) Font's room; (7) rooms between Casa Grande
and Font's room; (8) rooms adjoining ceremonial rooms on north wall; (9) northwest
room; (10) room near east wall ; (11) northeast plaza; (12) central plaza; (13) east plaza;
(14) southwest plaza; (15) south court.
[The most important block of rooms is of course (16) Casa Grande.]

1. SOUTHWEST BUILDING

Father Font wrote of Casa Grande as follows: "The house Casa Grande forms an
oblong square facing to the four cardinal points, east, west, north, and south, and
round about it there are ruins indicating a fence or wall, which surrounded the house
and other buildings, particularly in the corners, where it appears there has been some
edifice like an interior castle or watch-tower, for in the angle which faces towards the
southwest there stands a ruin with its divisions and an upper story. " This southwest
building is undoubtedily one of the "other buildings" referred to. [Pis. 13, 14.]

In Font's plan (fig. 117) [here, fig. 3] of Compound A, a single chambered room is
represented in the southwest corner. Bartlett gave a plan of the cluster of rooms in this
angle, but neither Bartlett's nor Font's plans are complete, for there are in reality six
rooms in this corner of the compound, not counting an adjacent rectangular room sepa-
rated from this cluster by a court. Several later authors have mentioned and figured
these two fragments of walls standing above a mound southwest of the main building,
and one or two have suggested that they were formerly connected with Casa Grande
by walls. The best view of these pinnacles appeared in Cosmos Mindeleff's valuable
account of the ruin.

The author's excavations of Compound A were begun at the base of the more western
of these two standing walls, at the level of the ground, where it was found that the
wall was so eroded as to be seriously undermined. It was recognized that extensive
filling in was necessary at that point, and that other repairs were imperative to keep this
fragment from falling. The fragment east of the last mentioned was, if anything, in
a worse condition, and also required protection.

Digging down below the eroded jiortion, there came into view a fine smooth-faced
wall, which extended several feet still lower. The excavations were then continued
north and south, following the face of the wall to the northwest and southwest angles,
laying bare the whole west wall. . . . After having traced this wall, attention was
directed to the general character and arrangement of the walls hidden below the mound
near the bases of the two fragments of walls where the excavation started. It was
found that the southwest corner of the compound is occupied by a cluster of six
rooms . . . the most picturesque of all those uncovered during the winter.

1 The dimensions of Compoimii A are as follows: The length of the west wall is 419 feet : of the east wall,
420feet; of the north wall, 223.3 feet; and of the south wall, 215 feet. The west wall bearsnorth :!° ()()' east; the
south wall, south 81° 3.5' east. The west wall of the main buildinR bears north 4° 30' ea-st, or south 4° :!()'
west, i. e., 1" .10' out of parallel with the compound. The dimensions of the various rooms may be seen
from the ground plan (pi. 6), which is drawn to scale.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 13

FROM THE SOUTHWEST (PARTIALLY EXCAVATEDJ

FROM THE NORTHEAST

SOUTHWEST BUILDING OF COMPOUND A

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 14

PARTIALLY EXCAVATED

FULLY EXCAVATED

SOUTHWEST BUILDING OF COMPOUND A, FROM THE NORTH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 15

FROM THE SOUTHWEST

FROM THE EAST

NORTHEAST ROOMS, COMPOUND A

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 16

FROM THE WE.

FROM THE NORTHWEST

FROM THE NORTHEAST

NORTHEAST ROOMS, COMPOUND A

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 17

BEFORE EXCAVATION

AFTER EXCAVATION _H'JiVINl. NjHIHEAST BUILDING
AREA ADJOINING CASA GRANDE ON THE EAST

FEWKEs] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 89

" 2. NORTHEAST BUILDING

As may be seen from the ground plan (plate xxiv) [here, pi. 6], the first historic
building, Casa Grande, was not the largest in Compound A, The combined length
of the six ceremonial rooms is double that of the main building, although their width
is much less. A building standing northeast of Font's room [pis. 15, 16] is the
largest yet excavated and contains many more rooms, some of which are larger than
any in the historic building.

The arrangement of the rooms in the northeast building ... is different from
that of Casa Grande . . . but is typical of others, especially the extra-mural
clan houses. This similarity would lead one to suspect that this building was not,
like the main building, a ceremonial, but rather a residential house. The typical
form, to which reference is made, is that of a carpenter's try-square, or that of two
sides of a rectangle — a form that reappears in the most southerly situated of the two
clan houses on the east and the cluster of rooms in the southwest comer of Com-
pound B. The six ceremonial rooms, together with those extending eastward from
the most northerly of these along the inner surface of the north wall, make also a
group of the same try-square shape. Since one arm of the northeast cluster is formed
by the east wall of the compound, it follows that this arm extends approximately
east and west, and necessarily the other arm of the try-square lies at right angles, or
north and south. . . .

There are five rooms in the east-west arm of the northeast cluster . . . two at
each end, separated by a single room. All of these rooms have comparatively massive
walls, and in most the superficial covering, or plastering, is fairly well preserved.
[PI. 16.]

Room A, at the west end of the eastern arm of this try-square, had been partially
excavated before the Government began work at Casa Grande, but was left in such a
bad condition that parts of the east and south walls were practically destroyed. The
author repaired them, filling in the badly eroded oles and walls with adobe bricks
and restoring the wall as best he could to its original condition. [PI. 17.]

Room B is one of the best-preserved rooms of those excavated. It was opened down
to the level of the floor, which was found to be hard and well plastered. Midway
through the center of this room ... at equal distances from east and west walls,
there are two holes, a, a, in the floor, in each of which was a log, charred by fire,
but still standing erect. These vertical logs once supported a horizontal rafter extend-
ing from the east to the west wall, resting on both and on the vertical supports. Side
rafters were supported by this middle log, with ends resting on the north and south
walls. Upon these smaller rafters was the roof covering of reeds and clay.

The other three rooms, C, D, E, of the east-west arm of the northeast building were
excavated to their floors. Their walls were found to have good surface finLsh, "as fine
as Puebla pottery," and in one instance, D, .showed superficial painting. These
rooms, D and E, have no lateral doorways, a significant fact, which strengthens the
belief that their former entrances were hatchways on the roof. None of the above-
mentioned rooms open into one another. Large stones were found to have been used
in the construction of the foundations of the north wall of room D.

The rooms of the east section . . . vary in size, and apparently some had lateral
doors, others hatchways. The narrow wall of the small room, G, was supported by
upright logs. A section of the fallen roof was laid bare in room H, in which the raft-
ers and the clay upon them were well preserved. Apparently the rafters in this
room had simply fallen against a side wall, the ends that formerly rested on the east
wall having decayed. . . .

The walls of rooms J and K show plainly the action of fire, for large quantitiea of
charcoal filled these rooms. G has a good floor and fine surface finish on the walla.
The partiliiins between the.se rooms are, however, much broken down. In view of
their suppo.«ed domiciliary character, it is interesting to point out the absence from
these rooms of domestic utensils.

90 CASA GRANDE ARIZONA (ktii. ann. 28

3. ROOMS ON THE WEST WALL

Between the cluster of rooms occupyinp; the southwest alible of the compound and
the single "bastion" or "castle" at the northwest corner, there are several rooms, the
walls of which appeared when the soil was removed from the inner or east side of the
west wall.

The most characteristic of these dependent rooms, G, is separated by a narrow
court from the northern wall of the southwest cluster. Unfortunately, one corner of
this room was cut down before its existence wa.'i detected, but wherever its four walls
were revealed they indicated a room of large size. ... In one comer there
stood a large vase, too fragile to remove, which was consequently left in the jilace
where found. The Casa Grande-Florence stage route formerly crossed the compound
over the corner of this room directly above this vase.

On the west side of Casa Grande, or directly between the main building and the
west wall of the compound, there were excavated several rooms, H, I, and J, the
walls of which are low and single-storied. One of these rooms, J, is situated on the
northwest corner of the ruin, and has its west wall continuous with that which forma
the retaining wall of the north terrace. There are also two rooms on the southwestern
corner which bear the same relation to the terrace wall of the south side. These two
are separated by a court . . . and have low walls. There does not seem to
have been a building directly west of the main ruin and no sign of a terrace now
remains on that side. . . . The exact connections of the rooms along the west
wall, southwest of the main ruin, with those on the southwest corner can be made
clear only by continuation of the work in the unexcavated part of the compound.
As shown in the ground plan, . . . there are walls standing in that part of the
compound; there is also a level space called the southwest plaza, situated between the
wall of the most southerly room at the southwest angle of the main ruin and the
northern wall of the room on the west wall adjacent to the building in the southwest
angle.

4. SIX CEREMONIAL ROOMS

Linear arrangement of rooms is exceptional in this compound. This row extends
from the northeast corner of the main building to the north wall of the compound, with
which the most northern room is united. The line of these rooms is not parallel with
either the east or west walls of the compound, and their longest measurements vary,
although the widths of the rooms are about uniform. Although the connection which
formerly bound these rooms to the main building has been destroyed, there is no doubt
that such a union once existed and that they were probably united to a solid terrace
which we must suppose existed on the north, east, and south sides of the main building.

Before excavations were begun, the row of ceremonial rooms was indicated only by
a ridge ... of earth extending from the northeast corner of the main building
northward. It is evident that the roof of these rooms was on a level with the floor
of the lowest rooms of Casa Grande, which communicated with the roofs of these
ceremonial rooms on the north, east, and south by means of the basal terrace, of which
mention has been made. In this way one could pass directly into these rooms
through the doorways in the middle of the sides of the main building.

The form, size, and general appearance of the walls of these six rooms are shown in
the accompanying plan (plate 24) [here, pi. G] and in plate xxx, a and b [here, pis.
18, 19]. All these rooms were excavated to their floor-, the soil from them being
removed beyond the surrounding wall of the compound. Earth was likewise taken
from the west side, opening the east portion of the northwest plaza, so tliat the walls
on that side now average five feet in height.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 18

FROM THE SOUTH

WALL SHOWING EFFECTS OF EARLY EROSION

SIX CEREMONIAL ROOMS, COMPOUND A

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 19

SIX CEREMONIAL ROOMS, FROM THE WEST

NORTHWEST PLAZA, EAST SIDE, SHOWING WORK OF EXCAVATION
CEREMONIAL ROOMS AND PLAZA, COMPOUND A

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 20

BEFORE EXCAVATION

AFTER EXCAVATION
WEST WALL OF FONT'S ROOM, FROM THE SOUTHEAST

FBWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 91

5. CENTRAL BUILDING

When work was begun on Compound A the central building was a low, regular
mound . . . situated near the southeast angle of the main building, orrupying
a somewhat similar relation to that corner that the first of the six ceremonial rooms
does to the northeast angle. This mound was opened to the base, revealing several
intersecting walls and rooms (plate xxiv) [here, pi. 6]. ^^^len one stands at the
north wall of the compound and runs his eye along the east side of the six ceremonial
rooms, it is found that the middle wall of the central building is in the line of the eye,
which also follows the supposititious retaining wall of the east terrace of the main
building and the east boundary wall of the southwest plaza. The southeast comer
of the main building, Casa Grande, is broken in much the same way as the northeast
angle near the six ceremonial rooms, possibly from the same cause.

6. font's room

Mange states that Father Kino said mass in the Casas Grandes, and it is generally
believed that this ceremony was performed in one of the rooms of Casa Grande. As
there were at the time of Kino's visit several other rooms in the group, some of which
were more commodious, it is interesting to speculate on the possibility of one of these
being that referred to.

Just east of Casa Grande was a large building (plate xxiv) [see accompanying pi.
20], formerly two stories high, which was apparently in a fair state of preservation
when Father Font visited it in 1775. So accurately has this zealous priest described
. . . and mapped this room, that it is called after him and is referred to as
"Font's room" in this article.

Mange states in his diary that "a crossbow shot farther on 12 other houses are seen
half tumbled down, also with thick walls and all with roofs burnt except one room
beneath one house, with round beams, smooth and not thick, which appear to be
cedar or sa\-in, and over them rush reeds very similir to them and a layer of mortar
and hard clay, making a ceiling or story of very peculiar character."

Font, 70 years after, wrote: "In front of the east door, separated from the Casa,
there is another building with dimensions from north to south 26 feet and from
east to west 18, exclusive of the thickness of the walls." . . .

Although it was possible in 169-4 for the observer, standing on the roof of Casa
Grande, to see the walls of all the buildings which were excavated by the author,
the best preserved of all, judging from Font's account, was that named after him.
At that time this was apparently the only two-storied building in good preservation
east of the main one, which could be designated as "one room beneath one house."
The general appearance of this building last October (1906) is shown in the accom-
panjing plate (xxxiv, a, b,) [here, pi. 21]. The upright wall of this room was
the only fragment besides the main building above ground, with exception of the
two walls at the southwest angle. The condition of the base of this wall necessitated
immediate repair; for, although 3 feet thick, it was so undermined that light was
\-isible through holes in the base. The author erected on its east side a buttress
of adobe bricks to strengthen it, and took other precautionary measures to keep
what was left from falling. The row of holes in which were formerly inserted the
ends of the rafters of the upper chamber can still be seen in the east face of the wall.

Directly west of Font's room is a passageway communicating with the central
plaza. The floor of this passageway is hard and very compact, and on one side there
were excavated an eagle skeleton and bones of several rabbits.

92 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

7. ROOMS BETWEEN CASA GRANDE AND FONT's ROOM

East of Casa Grande there were several large rooms, A-E (plate xxxii, 6) [here,
pi. 21], with low massive walls, evidently of one story. It would appear that in
ancient times these rooms joined the terrace at the base of Casa Grande, and we
may suppose that their roofs were on the level with the floor of the lowest room of
the historic building. Apparently these rooms were not all constructed at the same
time, the two at the north showing evidences of being older than the southern
pair. . . .

One of these rooms, C, was found to contain much debris, consisting of pottery
fragments, charred basketry, cloth, maize, mesquite beans, . . . marine shells, and
other objects. It appears to have been a dumping place, and as it has every ap-
pearance of having once been a room, we may suppose that it was deserted while
some of the otherrooms of Compound A were still inhabited.

8. ROOMS ADJOINING THE MOST NORTHERLY OF THE SIX CEREMONIAL

ROOMS

Adjoining the most northerly of the six ceremonial rooms on its east side, there lies
a room or court, G, surrounded by walls, which appears to have been without a
roof. . . . Its floor is hard, as if made so by the tramp of many feet; its walls are
massive, with smooth surfaces. A walled-up doorway, recalling a similar feature in
the west room of the main building, occurs in the wall separating this room from the
most northerly of the six ceremonial rooms.

In the surface of the west wall of this room, at the level of the floor, there is a deep
erosion of the wall (plate xxix) [here, pi. 22, a], due to former weathering. The south
wall of this inclosure was evidently built since the erosion took place, for its end is so
constructed that it extends into the eroded region, following the imperfection in
the surface without being itself weathered at that level. The five rooms, G-K,
forming the west building are large and have massive walls. No evidences of roofs
occur, and lateral doorways are absent except in the east side of I. K shows evidence
of an east wall, and the narrow enclosure H is more of a court than a room. A pile
of wooden hoes or planting sticks (plate xxxix, g) [here, pi. 76] was found on the
floor of room I.

9. NORTHWEST ROOM

The dimensions of the room [pi. 22, 6] occupying the northwest angle of Compound
A [pi. 23] appear in the accompanying plan [here, pi. 6]. . . . This room is single
storied with free walls on two sides, the other sides being the walls of the compound.
An entrance into the compound on the north side is situated near this corner room.

The excavations revealed many ceremonial objects on the floor, which would appear
to indicate that the room was used for other than secular purposes. Household utensils,
as grinding stones, which would be expected in a living chamber, were absent. No
soot or other evidences of a fire were observed on the walls, and there were no charred
logs or rafters.

10. ROOMS NEAR EAST WALL

South of the plaza which lies to the eastward of the two-storied building known
as Font's room are situated the remains of some massive walls which formed a large
square enclosure separated from the east wall only by a narrow passage. . . .

This building was e\'idently formerly one story high. Its size is so great that it
is doubtful whether or not it was roofed, but if it had a roof it would be one of the
largest rooms of Compound A.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 22

a, NORTH ROOMS

h, NORTHWEST CORNER

ROOMS AND CORNER, COMPOUND A

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 23

NOHIHWEST CORNER, COMPOUND A

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 24

FROM THE EAST

FROM THE NORTHEAST
NORTHEAST CORNER, COMPOUND A

FBWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 93

11. NORTHEAST PLAZA

The removal of earth to a depth necessary to show the original height of the walls
about this plaza was a work of some magnitude, but was accomplished in a short
time. . . . The plaza (plate xxviii, a) [here, pi. 24] was not apparent until after the
position of the northeast angle of the compound had been determined and the walls
of the northeast building had been excavated.

The situation of this plaza and the fact that no doorways opened into it or terraced
roofs looked down upon it imply that it was not a favorite one for ceremonial dances
or spectacular performances. As the walls about it are, as a rule, massive, the plaza
may have served as a safe place to which to flee for protection, and it is probable that
cabins, not unlike the Pima huts of the last generation, were temporarily erected in
this and other plazas.

12. CENTRAL PLAZA

The centrally placed, and on that account probably the most sacred, plaza ... of
Compound A is surrounded by buildings, the roofs of which no doubt served as eleva-
tions from which spectators could witness the sacred dances and games. The floor of
this plaza was solid, apparently hardened by constant tramping of feet. The labor
involved in cutting down the earth in this plaza to the former floor was considerable,
it being necessary to remove many cubic yards of grout that had fallen from the thick
walls of the northeast building and the six ceremonial rooms. The southwest comer
of the plaza was not excavated, because of a la:^e stake to which is attached the iron
rod that serves as a guy for the northeast comer of the roof built over the ruin.

The plaza appears to have been used as a burial place, for a human skeleton waa
dug out of the floor near its southeast comer; but the body might have been buried
after the compound had been deserted.

There were excavated from this plaza, near the passageway west of the tall wall of
Font's room, the skeleton of an eagle and several rabbit bones. It was probably cus-
tomary at Casa Grande to domesticate eagles for their feathers and to keep them in
confinement.

13. EAST PLAZA

This plaza was almost wholly surrounded by rooms, and from its position was evi-
dently one of the most popular of all the inclosures of this kind. From the roof of the
main building one could probably look over Font's room into this plaza. Although
the plaza is a small one, its eastern pasition would give it considerable ceremonial im-
portance. The accumulated earth was cut down to the original level and removed
outside the compound. There does not seem to be sufficient evidence that there was
an eastern entrance way to this plaza, although it was looked for when excavations
were made. . . .

14. SOUTHWEST PLAZA

This plaza [pi. 14, upper] adjoins the west wall of the compound, extending from the
rooms southwest of the main ruin to the first of the cluster of rooms in the southwest
angle. Although large quantities of earth were removed from this enclosure, it has
not been wholly leveled to the floor, especially on the east side, near a wall which is a
continuation of the rooms at the southwest comer of the main ruin. This wall was
exposed along its whole length, but showed no rooms on the west side, although proba-
bly there are several on the east, or unexeavated, side. . . .

15. SOUTH COURT

A long court extends across the whole south end of the compound from the southwest
cluster of rooms to the east wall. Its form suggests a ball court or course for foot races.
In connection with the former suggestion it is interesting to note that several stone

94 C'ASA UKANUE, AKIZONA |ETn. ANN. 28

balls, such as were used, according to Pima legends, in a game of kicking ball, wore
found in this court; this gamo is still practiced by the Pimas. Near one end thtre
was excavated a square perforated stone, recalling that through which balls were
thrown in the Nahuatl game of pelote.

As mil be seen from the accompanying plan (pi. 6) of Compound
A, the whole inclosure has not been completely excavated, but enouf;;h
d6bris has been removed to show its general character. There are
no large unexcavated mounds remaining in this compound, and the
level space in the southeastern part was either a plaza or, more proba-
bly, the site of many habitations, whose fragile walls liave fallen, rais-
ing the surface to a uniform height. On tliis supposition we should
look here for the remains of houses in wliich the majority of the peo-
ple lived.

From the study of Compound A we can get an idea of the structural
character of one of these Gila Valley prehistoric settlements. The
people lived in clusters of houses surrounded by a common wall, which
inclosed also massive houses that served as temples or as citadels for
pr9tection. Eegarding the sociologic condition, whether eacli com-
pound housed and protected many famihes unrelated bj' blood, or
clans related to one another, can not be determined from the infor-
mation available. That the compounds may have been built at
different times appears probable, but it can hardly be supposed that
one compound was completely deserted at one time and that the inhab-
itants might have moved to another site a few hundred feet away. If
these compounds were inhabited at the same tune, it may be readily
supposed that there was considerable intermarriage of clans and there-
fore intermingling of blood. As no known legends sjieak of more
than one cliicf of Casa Grande, the supposition is that the inhabitants
recognized only one head. There is gi'ound for the belief that the
age of Compound A is not so great as that of Compound B, although
it is of considerable antiquity. Casa Grande itself seems to have
been constructed at different times, as it shows evidences of growth
by a series of additions. There are no known data by which its age
can be computed and tione to determine wliich compound was the last
to be deserted. It is known that Compound A was a ruin in 1694, but
from the earliest accounts nothing can be ascertained which would
show liow long before that date the ancients occupied the buildings.
The indications afforded by the rate of wear of the walls since the
beginning of the eighteenth century lead to the belief tltat a few gen-
erations before that time Casa Grande was a populous settlement.

The orientation of the surrounding walls of the compounds and of
the buildings witliin them is well-marked, this feature appearing very
significantly in Compound A. The greatest length of all the com-
pounds is north and south. The doorways of the builduigs, when
practicable, open toward the east.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25

l-KOM THE WEST

FROM THE EAST, SHOWING TERRACE

COMPOUND B, BEFORE EXCAVATION

a.
s
o
o

z
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o
a:

i; * - i

I'.

pre «

I i I'll
= 5 S ^ =

rH t4 ?; in i;

FBWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 95

In certain walls is found evidence contradicting tJie theory that
they were built by stamping caliclie into bottomless baskets or boxes,
as generally taught, and as indicated by the joints on tJie west side
of the main ruin. At various places in the walls may still be seen
masses of clay patted into sliape by human liands, the imprints of
which are clear. Some of these masses, which are just large enough
to have been handled by one workman, were evidently dumped on
the wall and subsequently were not so stamped tJiat they lost tlieir
original shape.

Compound B

When work on it began (pi. 25) Compound B consisted of two
mounds resting on a platform, the bases around both mounds being
so fdled in' mth earth that the surrounding wall formed the edge of
•a platform or terrace. The most extensive of tliese inclosed mounds
(Pyramid B) occupied the southwest corner of the platform. The
largest and most massive (Pyramid A) has a flat top, from wldch the
visitor can see, in clear weather, the cupola of the courthouse in
Florence, 12 miles away.

Compound B (fig. 13) is 840 feet northeast of Compound A. Its
excavated surrounding wall on the east and north sides, respectively,
measures 299 feet and ISO feet; the west side is 297 feet long and the
south side 167 feet. The compound is oriented approximately north
and south (pis. 26, 27).

When the excavation of Compound B began no part of the sur-
rounding wall was visible, its existence being indicated only by a
slight rise above the level of the surrounding plain. The firet work
attempted was the determination of the angles or cornei-s of this
compound. This work brought to light a massive wall surrounding
the whole inclosure. It is evident from the amount of debris that
had accumulated on the outside of tliis wall that it must have been
formerly at least 7 feet lugh. The accumulated earth was removed
to a depth of 4 feet, the present average height of the wall. This wall
was found to be much liigher on the west side than on tiie east, south,
or north, and in order to obtain a level for the drain constructed
around the compound to carry awaj- the surplus water, it was neces-
sary to remove debris on tlie west wall to a depth of at least 9 feet.
Below that depth many circular depressions, sinailar to those used by
Pima in mixing mortar for the walls, were found, and it is behoved
that the former level of the foundation of the compound was reached
on that side.

None of the outside walls of Compound B laid bare by excavation
were found to be straight and none were exactly perpendicular.
The tliickness of the surrounding wall varies; in some places it is

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[ETH. ANN. 28

as much as 5 feet and is, on the avorago, about 3J foct. Outside
tlio wall, about 7 feet from the former foundation, was dug a shsxllow
ditch surrounding the whole compound. This ditch was continued

/ao'

2 '6

Tb"

.7'

■> .

1 »

..^

^4_^

^ 11^.'

^-6

r6"

-J

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•0

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Zb'

=^'i>" z

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Fig 13. Ground plan of Compound B (made before completion of excavation), shuwint; heiglit of walla

in feet.

into deeper ones extending froni the northwest ami southwest corners
(])1. 35) in order to carry all superfluous water from tlie foundations
of the walls into a natural depression some 50 feet from the com-
pound. (PI. 28.)

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 25

BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF COMPOUND B, FROM THE EAST

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 29

INTERIOR
NORTHEAST CORNER, COMPOUND B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 30

<l. SOUTHEAST CORNER

I'. ROOMS EAST OF PYRAMID B
CORNER AND ROOMS, COMPOUND B

I
I-

X
C5
UJ

I-

s
o
o

o
o

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 32

INSIDE THE WEST WALL

ROOMS WEST OF PYRAMID A

LOOKING SOUTHEAST FROM PYRAMID A

WALLS AND ROOMS, COMPOUND B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 33

NOHTH PLAZA OF PYRAMID A

SOUTH WALL

,< >. ' ♦

^H^^K

l^^iS

^gj^^

HMK4

■J0-L

^^^^^^^

^.^i

^K ^jm

b^.> -.

A—

I -'■ .."' ■ ■

PLAZA AND WALLS, COMPOUND B

FBWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 97

A subterranean room provided ^\^th a cemented floor, walls, and
firejilacc, was discovered near tlie northeast corner, under the foun-
dation of the exterior wall.' Tliis was evidently a pit-house inhabited
before the massive wtJI had been constructed and antedating the
structures built above it. Traces of similar subterranean r(jums are
found \vithin the compound, near the same corner (pi. 29) .

Tiie outside wall of Compound B was constructed, like that of
Casa Grande proper, of huge blocks of natural cement, which were
made where they now rest, the marks of successive blocks being
visible at several points where the union is not perfect. Evi-
dences that this Widl had been repaired by ancient builders are seen
in many places, and it appears that the form and direction of the
original wall have been modified bj' its enlargement at the southeast
corner (pi. 30) . Witliin the mclosure surrounded by the massive exterior
wall were found evidences of two kinds of buildings : First, those made
of cement blocks, characteristically massive; second, those having
fragile walls supported by upright posts. Some of the walls of build-
ings of the former class still remain upright, but those of the latter
have fallen, their positions being indicated oidy by decayed stumps.
To the first type belong also well-plastered floors, in which are present
circular depressions that served as fireplaces. If we interpret budd-
ings of the first type as temples used for ceremonial purposes, the
fragile-waUed buildmgs ma}^ be regarded as habitations of the people
comparable with those in which the Pima have lived since known to
history.

PYRAMID A

The two large pjTamidal elevations, occupying mucli of the inclosure
of Compound B, were found on excavation to be remarkable struc-
tures, suggesting a style of architecture common in Mexico. It
appears that the larger and most northerly of these structures, desig-
nated on the map as A (pis. 31, 32, 33), was a pjTamid, formerly
marked by the presence of two or three terraces, the massive walls of
wluch stUl rise at one point to a height of more than 10 feet. The top of
tliis pyramid (pi. 31) is square and level. A deep excavation made in
its north end revealed a long chamber, suggesting the north room of
Casa Grande. On the southwest side of this pjTamid shallow exca-
vations revealed several cemented floors, one below another, and verti-
cal walls indicated by decayed posts which formerly supported them;
each of these floors contains a well-made fire pit. The shape of the
rooms (pis. 32, 33) , as shown by the positions of the stumps, was rec-
tangular; the length was double the ^ndth. A doorwaj^, indicated by
the absence of upright logs from one side, was just in front of the fire-

* The diagonals of none of the rooms at Casa Grande are exactly equal in length.
20903°— 28 ETH— 12 7

98 CASA GBANDE. ARIZONA |eth, ann. L'8

place, which itself was situated not in the center of the room but
slightly nearer one side. The existence of these floors, or evidences
of rooms situated one above the other, would seem to indicate that a
consitlerable portion of this pyramid was formed by accumulations
of earth resulting from the decay of habitations; the supposition
is that this accumulation continued through a long period, and
that new habitations were built on the debris of those below. Exca-
vations extended in the southwest angle of the pyramid to a level
with the outside plazas showed that there were in this mound seven
layers of floors, indicating by the above theory seven successive con-
structions or times of habitation.

PYEAMID B

Pyramid B (pi. 34), which is situated in the southwest section of
Compound B, is separated in part from the west wall of the compound
by a plaza 100 feet long by 50 feet wide. The pjTamidal form, so
well seen in Pyramid A, does not appear in Pyramid B (pi. 36, h),
the shape of which is trisquare, a mound extending north and south
with a western extension. On the top of this mound, as on P^Ta-
mid A, were found floors of houses whose upright walls were indi-
cated by decayed posts; below were other floors, resembling those
found on top of Pyramid A. There were remains of a shiine (pis.
26, 35) at the southwest corner of the top of Pyramid B; in it were
found fragments of copper and many strangely-formed stones. The
north end of P3Tamid B (pi. 35), extending toward the west w;dl
of the compound and forming the north wall of the southwest plaza,
was occupied by two rooms, the massive walls of which are 8 feet
high and average 4 feet thick. The groimd plan of these rooms
resembles m shape a trisquare. Their common west wall is separated
from the west wall of the compound by a passageway, through which
one formerly could enter the southwest plaza from the central plaza.'
The walls show no indication of a side entrance, and no proof was
obtained that the rooms were roofed; the most logical supposition
is that they were entered from the top of the adjacent mound by
means of ladders or notched logs. Each of these rooms had a
fireplace near the middle of the room, well-plastered floors, and
vertical walls; they have no lateral openings for commtuiication
with each other.

In one of these rooms was found a mass of caliche about the size
of a small keg, which had a cavity in one end, wliile the opposite
extremity was rounded. This object resembled a rude stove or

• These narrow passageways exist also in Compound A, as between Font's room and the massive-walled
structures east of the main building.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGV TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 34

JiiTHtAsT Cv'h'NER >JF PYRAMID B

~>j-l(IVLl,.^,t1

Jt- *■ ,

PYRAMID B. FROM THE SOUTHWEST

SOUTHWEST CORNER OF PYRAMID A
VIEWS OF PYRAMIDS A AND B, COMPOUND B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 35

SOUTHWEST CORNER

NORTHWEST CORNER
CORNERS OF COMPOUND B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 36

II, SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST PLAZAS OF FrRAMID B

h. ROOMS NORTH OF PYRAMID B
PLAZAS AND ROOMS, COMPOUND B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 37

a. SOUTH PLAZA

li, ROOMS OF SOUTHEAST CORNER

PLAZA AND ROOMS, COMPOUND B

FEWKES] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 99

oven,' the cavity being used formerly for storage of fuel. A some-
what similar object was found buried under or near the west wall of
Compound C (see fig. 14). The other objects found in these rooms
are evidentlj' ceremonial and perhaps serveil somewhat the same
pui'pose as those found in the large rooms of Casa Grande.

In the floor of what appears to have been either a room or a small
plaza, on top of Pyramid B at its southwest corner (pi. .3.5), was found
a sliallow pit or depression about a foot in diameter, wluch had a
hemispherical cover made of caliche; tliis cover, which was perforated
by two holes, fitted accurately into the depression. The purpose of
this pit and cover was not a.scertained, nothing being found that
afforded any clue to their use.

ROOMS EAST OF PYRAMID B

The inclosm'e east of Pyramid B and south of Pyramid A forms
a large plaza, in the southern part of which are several buildings
of massive proportions. These (]ils. .30; 36, a; 37, 6, c) have been
excavated to their floors, which are well preserved. Two of these
rooms are especially noteworthy. These were formerly a single story
in lieight and show no evidence of ever having been higher. Although
separated by a narrow court or passageway, both rooms open into
the same court through well-made doorways the jambs and thresholds
of which are smooth and well preserved, '\^^^en these rooms were
uncovered it was found that their floors were made of hardened
adobe upon which, when first brought to light, could be seen impres-
sions of matting, laid upon them when the room was inhabited.
This would seem to show that the ancient people of Casa Grande
used a Idnd of sleeping mat, similar to that employed by the Pima
Indians. The preservation of these impressions for so long a time is
certainly remarkable.

The walls of these rooms are covered witli several layers of smooth
plaster, each very carefully applied. The size and shape of the
rooms lead to the belief that they were connected with ceremonial
rather than with domestic life. In the open places (pi. 37, h, c) adjoin-
ing these chambers, the former existence of rectangular rooms is
indicated by rows of holes in which were found decayed fragments
of wooden posts that had formerly supported the fragile walls,
long since fallen. Wliere possible, these were carefully replaced by
new logs. The number of these habitations could not be determined.
Their floors may be traced by the remaining cement, hardened by
the tramping of many feet, but no fireplaces were found in these
floors or in the walled l>uildings east of Pyramid B.

' Like the pits the Hopi use in liaking their ceremonial pudding (pigume).

100 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [urn. ann. 28

SOUTHEAST PLAZA

In the southeast plaza (pi. 30, h) of Compound B evidences of several
rooms were brought to light, although for the greater part their once
massive walls were very much broken down. Here were fovmd
indications of fragile-walled rooms, tlicir floors situated one above
another, separated by a few inches of soil. There had evidently
been a change of plan in this quarter which had led to secondary con-
struction, thus modifying more or less the original architecture.
The exterior walls of the compoimd at this point and for about 50
feet north along the east wall are double. Witliin the inclosure
near the southeast angle ' appeared rows of decayed posts, remains
of walls, arranged in quadrangular form, indicating the former
existence of several fragile-waUed dwelhngs.

East of Pyramid A, between it and the east wall of the compound,
were traced portions of the massive walls of a large biulding, very
much mutilated. To the north of this building are remains of three
fijie rectangular buiklings ha\'ing well-formed floors, fii-eplaces, and
walls.

NORTH PLAZA

Due north of Pyramid A, between it and the north wall, from
which it is separated by a narrow passage, was found a large building
fully 40 feet long; the floor is partially subterranean and the door-
way opens to the south. Between this building (pi. 41, a, b) and
the northeast corner of the compound were other massive rooms
the walls of wliich are destroyed to so great an extent that their
groiuid plan can not satisfactorily be traced. In this region reoc-
curs evidence of successive strata of floors (pi. 41, a), suggesting
repeated occupancy of the same site by the rebuilding of new houses
on the debris formed by the destruction of older ones. Almost all
the nortlx side of tlus compound is occupied by a room 15 feet wide
and extending in length about SO feet eastward from the north-
west angle. The use of a roona of this shape and size is conjectural.
There is no evidence of the former existence in this area of rooms
of fragile construction.

WEST AREA

The west area of the inclosure (pis. 36, h: 38; 39, b), or the section
north of Pyramid B, was wholly covered with fragile-walled build-
ings, the remnants of which show that they were built along streets
and around courts, wluch can still readily be traced. Here occur also
remnants of thick walls, indicating dwellings of moderate height but
without large rooms. It would seem from the arrangement of the
rows of holes in which the upright supports of the former walls stood ,

' It was not possible to trace the rooms by means of the remaining walls in the southeast angle of this
inclosure, owing in pari to the clilapidnteii condition of these walls.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOQV

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 38

^'fe'- jt

-v^/

yiv/*,

RESERVOIR

ROOMS NORTH OF PYRAMID B

TYPICAL ANCIENT RESERVOIR, AND ROOMS OF COMPOUND B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 39

, WEST WALL, LOOKING SOUTH

■■. f- T [ ■.[< ■ t NORTH WALL
WALLS OF COMPOUND B

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 40

PICTOGRAPHS FROM CASA GRANDE AND VICINITY

FEWKES]

CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 101

tliat a street, extending north and soutli, bisected this section of the
compoiuid and that rooms were arranged along both sides. These
rooms were rectangular, with a fire-pot or fii-eplace in the floor of
each, at or near the center; the doorways are in the longer side,
about midway.

Attention should be called to a room of tliis row, on the north
side of the street about west of the middle pyramid. West of the
great Pyramid A was an inclosure in the walls of a liouse, containing
three small stone idols (pi. 26, shrine) and a number of oddly
formed stones, all suggestive of shrine deposits.'

"VMien the workmen who had excavated this shrine and removed its
contents ceased work, one of the. Pima made a symbol called tcuhuJci
("house of Tcuhu, " fig. 52) on the ])ile of excavated sand. Although
disclaiming any knowledge of connection between tlus figure and
the contents of the shrine, he gave reason to believe there was some
meaning not yet discovered. The same symbol was found by
iMindeleft' on a wall of C'asa Grande (see pi. 40).

The collection of stones from this shrine is among the most re-
markable the writer has ever seen, being ec^ualed only by the con-
tents of certain shrines of the Ilopi. Most of these stones had been
brought from a distance; they consist of bowlders and pebbles
from the Gila, twisted and contorted fragments of lava, jietrified
wood, and objects of sandstone and other rocks, botryoidal in form.
There are also pigments of various colors — green copper ore, wliite
kaoHn, and black shale, with fragments of red iron oxiile.

The general appearance of Compound B after excavation leads
to the beUef that it contained fewer massive-walled buildings tlian
Compound A, and that the number of more perishable habitations
was much larger.

The character of the mounds of Compound B and the evidence
of great erosion (greater than in Compound A) they exhibit suggest
considerable age, an idea confirmed by the superposed strata of
floors and the subterranean walls and "pit-rooms" under the boundary
walls. Compound B is believed to be much older than Compound
A, but wliether it was abandoned before tlie latter was erected is
a question which can not be answered. The age of Compound B
as compared with tliat of the other compounds is also hypothetic;
few (lata remain that can be used in such comparisons. -

' These objects are described on pp. 120, 121. The significance to be attached to these stones is not quil e
clear, but the custom of collecting ditlerent forms in an inclosure is recorded from many pueblo ruins and
still survives in several modern pueblos. In searching for an explanation of their significance the mind
naturally ascribes to the Casa Grande shrines and their contents the same meaning as to the i>ueblo
counterparts, but simibr collections of odd-shaped stones having other meanings attached thereto are
widespread among prehistoric peoples.

2 The two compounds, A and B, with Clan-house 1 (pis. 11, 12, 27, 44), were modeled Ijy Mr. II. W.
Hendley, of the U. S. National Museum, vmder the writer's direction, for the Alaska-Vulvon-I'acific
Exposition, at Seattle. These models, now in llie National Museum, illustrate more graphically lliaa
can any descriptions the resemblances and d;fferences between these structures.

102 CASA GHANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ann. 28

SUBTERRANEAN ROOMS

Siihtorrancan rooms wove found near tlie, northeast corner of Com-
])oun(I B,. ajjparontly filling tlie whole of that section. The best-
preserved of these (pis. 29; 41, b, c) Hes directly under the east wall,
M'hich passes over it at an angle. It seemed im])ortant to protect
this room by erecting a roof over it, as shown in plates 29; 41, c.
The position of the wall, of the floor beneath, and of the fireplace
several feet below it and the level of the plain, indicates that these
subterranean structures were made before the wall of the compound
was constructed (pi. 41, c).

The presence of subterranean rooms under the walls of Compound

B proves that the people of tliis region lived in pit-dwellings on that

site before they constructed the wall. Tills fact points to a belief

that the pit-dwelling is the oldest form, and if so search for the kin

of the original inhabitants of the Gila-Salt Valleys may be made

among those dwelling in similar habitations. Taken in connection

with the existence of cremation, this clue serves to direct attention

to California tribes, thus adding weight to a legend that the i)re-

historic peopling of southern Arizona was by migi'ation by way of the

mouth of the Gila.

Compound C

Compound C, situated due west of B, is, on account of its moder-
ate height, the least conspicuous of all the compounds. As there are
no mounds within the inclosure it seems never to have had extensive
buildings, but to have been merely a rectangular area surrounded by
a wall, in which was clustered a large number of fragile-walled rooms
that once served for dwellings but are now destroyed. (Fig. 14.) The
outside dimensions of the compound are not far from 300 feet long
by 40 feet wide, and the surrounding wall in places was 4 feet in
tliickness and probably breast high. There ap])ears to have been
a gateway about midway in the west side, and at the northwest
corner was once an opening of consitlerable size. The shape of the
compound is not perfectly rectangular, the whole northern portion
having been much more eroiled by the elements than the southern
end. In the southern section still remain fragments of walls, some
of which were a part of buildings of considerable size, possibly of
communal nature. Most of the walls of buiklings in Compound C
were supported by upiight posts, the stumps of some of wliich still
remain, notwithstanding the walls themselves have fallen. In the
southeast corner rose a small square tower, or lookout, the founila-
tions of which are well jireserved, although the jjortion of the walls
above ground is entirely destroyed.

The greater part of Compound C was covered with rows of houses,
the floors and fragments of the walls of which, although present in

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 41

NORTHEAST CORNER

h. WALLb L,F oUETERRANEAN ROOM, NORTHEAST CuRNER

c, EAST WALL AND ROOF OVER SUBTERRANEAN ROOM
SUBTERRANEAN ROOMS AND CLAY-PITS

FEWKES]

CASA GRANDE MOUNDS

103

several places, are now very much dilapidated. All the evidence
indicates that this compound was of much later construction than
Compounds A and B and that it was not inhabited long enough to
have temples or specialized rooms for ceremonial purposes.

Not far from the west side of tliis compound can be traced for a
considerable distance the remains of an irrigating ditch, which extends
from the Gila to a
point west of the Casa
Grande Group of ruins.
Tliis ditch entered the
Gila at a point higher
up, about 3 miles from
the ruin

Near this compound,
averaging about 2 0
feet distance from the
surrounding walls, is
a succession of low
mounds resembling
the refuse-heaps found
in the vicinity of the
other compounds.
From the numerous
fragments of pottery
that are found on them,
it may be inferred that
some of these mounds
were perhaps places
where pottery was
fired; others of cir-
cular shape show on
their surface c h a r -
coal and wood ashes.
These elevations may
possibly have been
used in some instances
for the cremation of
human bodies. Exca-
vations in mounds of
this kind revealed al-
ternate layers of charcoal and ashes, with drifted sand deposited
upon each. From the relatively large number of pottery fragments
and stone implements in this mound it appears that the place
was formerly inhabited by a large number of persons. The inclos-
ing wall served as a protection for the buildings within it that have
long since fallen.

FiQ. 14. Ground plan of Compound C.

104

casa grande, arizona
Compound D

[ETn. ANN. 28

Compound D (fig. 15), which is situated about the same distance
east of Compound B as is Compound C in tlie o]>posite direction, is

/^9

Fig. 15. Ground ]ilau of ConipuiiJi'i D.

i-ectanguhir in shai)e and oriented about north and south, as are other
Casa Grande compounds. It was of apparently the same general

FEWKES]

CASA GRANDE MOUNDS

105

charartpf as the ofhors, containing a massive building centrally
placed, the walls of which have been greatly eroded by the elements.

Witliin tlie surrounding wall were also numerous rooms whose
fragile walls have fallen, l)ur_ving their floors two or three feet below
the siu'face. At the perijihery of one of the floors a row of holes in
wliich upright ]iosts fornieily stood could readily be traced, show-
ing that the room was rectangular in form and had a doorway on
one side. The fireplace, a round depression in the floor just in
front of the doorway, still contained ashes. The conditions here are
similar to those in
Compound B. The
m a s s i V e - w a 11 e d
buildings doubtless
served as granaries
or possibly were
devoted to religious
purposes; the frag-
ile-walled struc-
tures were the
dwellings of tlie
people. The eroded
appearance of tliis
compound suggests
great age, stamping
it as one of the
oldest of the Casa
Grande Group.

In the character
of the masonry the
massive-walled
buildings of Com-
pound D closely
resemble those else-
where described.
They are not as-
liigh as the corre-
sponding structures
of Compounds A and B. Jiaving been greatly weathered. The sur-
rounding wall was low, in no place above the surface of the ground,
and its course could not be traced by excavation. The central
building was apparently connected by a wall with one side of the
wall of the compound.

On the ])lastering of one of these buildings are black impressions
of human hands (fig. 16). The rooms were excavated to their floors,
but no objects of importance were found.

Fig. 10. IlanJ-prints ami eroded base of wall of house in Compound D.

106 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ktii. ann. 28

Compounds E and F

Remnants of lar<^e walls identified as boundaries of several other
compounds were traced at various places in the reservation, the most
conspicuous being those of Compounds E and F, which could be
followed for a considerable distance west of Compound A. These
inclose low wliite mounds, sparsely covered with mesquite and other
growth, which seem to contain the remains of massive buildings, the
walls of which have fallen or have been worn down by rains to a level
with the jilain.' In this vicuiity there are numerous other low mounds
without walls which bear outward resemblance to refuse-piles.

No excavations were made in these mounds, althougli there is evi-
dence that some of them would repay exanunation. The presence
of fragments of pottery, and broken stone objects, apjiarently worked
by hand, suggests sites of many former habitations.

Clan-house 1

In addition to the compounds, or structures inclosed by a com-
mon wall, there is a type of tliick-walled buildings at Casa Grande from
which this wall is absent or at least has not yet been discovered. The
best example of this ty^^e is the so-called Clan-house 1 (pis. 43, 44),
one of the most striking group of rooms excavated during the writer's
field work in the second year.

Clan-house 1 is 740 feet due east of Compound A. The group of
rooms brought to light by excavation possibly belonged to a large
compoimd the boimdary walls of which had been practically buried or
totally destroyed. Wlien work on Clan-house 1 began, two ash-
colored treeless mounds rising a few feet above the level of the plain
were all that was visible, the space between the mounds bemg covered
with scattered trees, bushes, and cacti. The results of the excava-
tion appear in the accompanying plan (fig. 17), in the bird's-eye view
(pi. 43), and in the illustration of the model (pi. 44).

Clan-house 1 has 11 rooms (A-J, M, fig. IS) inclosmg a plaza, its
outside measurements, exclusive of the annex (L, K), being 113
feet long and 49 feet wide. The longer walls extend east and
west, instead of north and south as in the compounds. In addi-
tion to the 11 rooms which form the main portion of the struc-
tures excavated, there are three low-waUed rooms on the east side,
which we may call the annex; one of the main puq>oses of tliis struc-
ture was to contain the grave (fig. 18) of the former chief , possibly the
owner of the whole building. From various circumstances it is believed
that the walls of this annex were built later than the remainder.
The walls of Clan-house 1 are massive (pi. 45), averaging 4 feet in
thickness; the altitude of the highest is 10 feet. As shown in

' The appearance of the tops of walls of Gila ruins, before excavation, is shown in plate 42.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE -12

APPEARANCE OF COMPOUND-WALLS BEFORE EXCAVATION

ilie (■olir>L-s of the walls iiiny he traced by the while " imths" on the surfiu-e, whii-h are j)rartie:illy

devoid 01' vegetation.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 43

Jit,>Vr»aJ**. ^iiL , .

BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF CLAN-HOUSE 1, FROM THE NORTHEAST

z
<

FEWKKS]

("ASA GRANDE MOUNDS

107

broken sections, those walls were supported in ])art by upriglit logs
(l)ls. 44, 45), but were constructed of huge cubes of rammed natural
cement, in the same way as the walls of Casa Grande. The arrange-
ment of the 11 rooms composing Clan-house 1 is as follows: On both
the north and south sides there is a row of rooms the breadth of which
is about uniform, wliile the length varies ; the room at the east end of
each series is the largest. There are five rooms (F-J) in the series on
the north and four (A-D) in the series on the south. To the west of
the plaza, between these rooms and connecting them on this end, are
two rooms (E, M), which have the highest walls and were apparently
the most important rooms in Clan-house 1. These rooms occupy

//J<5"
Fig. 17. Ground plan of Clan-house 1.

about half of the space between the north and south series of rooms,
the remaining area consisting of a plaza, or open space, having an
entrance from the room on the west side. The several rooms in the
series on the north side (F-J) do not communicate, nor have they
external passageways except in two instances (G, J) ; also, room D
in the southwest corner communicates with a large room (M) at the
west end of the plaza. In the middle of the centrally placed (M; of
the 11 rooms above mentioned was found a seat (figs. 19, 20) facing
the south, made of a great block of natural cement.

It is suggested that Clan-house 1 was a structure similar to Casa
Grande proper and pertained to the worsliip of the six primary

108

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

I KTII. ANN. i;8

points — north, west, soiitli, cast, nbovo, juid hclow. It is an intcT-
csting fact that tlio number of rooms in Clan-Iioiise 1, oxcopting tlio
annex, is exactly the same as in Casa Grande. In the former, how-
ever, the 1 1 rooms are one story in heiglit, wliereas in Casa Grande
there were iive rooms in each of two lower stories and one room in
a third.

Perhaps the most remarkable of the several rooms in Clan-
house 1 are the two massive-walled inclosures (K, L) on the north

side, which have
been designated
"the annex" (pi.
46). One of these
(K) seems to have
been merely an open
space surrounded by
thick walls formerly
higher than at ])res-
ent. In this inclo-
siire were found the
remains of a walled-
up cyst of natural
cement, one side of
which was l)uilt con-
tinvious ^Yit\\ the
south wall ; the other
sides of this cyst, vis-
ible from the room,
were decorated with
figures' of birds and
other animals,
painted red.

In the interior of
this cyst, or rude
sarcophagus (fig.

Fig. 18. Sarcophagus in room K of annex to Clan-house 1. . q\ ,iri« fniind

human skeleton extended at full length with the liead directed to the
east; near the head was a receptacle for mortuary offerings. From the
nature of the objects associated with this skeleton and the special
receptacle apparentl}' made for them, it is supposed that the remains
were those of an old priest, possibly of a cliief, wlio once occupied
these rooms. The mortuary objects are figured and described later
(see pp. 124, 127, 130) and their s])ecial significance, so far as can now
be determined, is discussed. They appear to be priestly paraphernalia,
similar to tliose now used in ceremonies by priests of tlie Pueblo

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 46

a. FROM THE NORTHEAST

'' NUH rhWEST CORNER

ANNEX TO CLAN-HOUSE 1

CAS A GRANDE MOUNDS

109

Indians. All the facts gathered show that this burial chamber was
built after the main building was constructed, but its age, as compared
with that of the other compounds, is unknown. In the sand outside
the walls were found one or two clay vessels containing burnt human
bones, covered with clay disks, which are sui)posed to be the partially
cremated remains of inliabitants of this building. The two methods

Fig. 19. Seat in room M, Olan-house 1, looking norttieast.

of disposal of the dead — uiliumation and cremation — were practised
in all the compounds of Casa Grande.'

It is sometimes stated that the priests of the Gila compounds were
alwaj's buried in houses while the less-favored classes were cremated,
their calcined bones being deposited in cinerary urns or vases that later
were buried on the borders of the mounds where they had been com-
mitted to the flames. While not able to prove or disprove this theory,

* At the present day the Pima bury their dead, and the graves of the shamans are different from those of
other people. The custom of burning the dead does not now exist among these people.

110

CASA GBANDE, ARIZONA

|ETH. ANN. 28

it is believed tliat the griive of the chief of Clan-liouse 1 has an impor-
tant bearing on this question. Here, as stated, a man was found
buried with care in a rude sarcophagus evidently constructed for the
purpose. This is the only example known to tlie writer of an intra-
mural grave of this character, although other burials within house
inclosures have been found, namely, in the floors of one of the rooms

i'lG. a). Seat in room M, Clnn-house 1, looking southwest.

of the block in the southwest corner of Compound A. A human
skeleton was also excavated from the plaza west of the northeast
building of the same compoiuid, at the point marked "skeleton" in
the ground plan (pi. 6) of that compound.'

' The writer is inclined to reearii this burial as having been matle long after the aliimdonment of the
ronipound, and the same may be true of the " Eagle burial" also, near the northwest angle of Font's room.
Near the latter, however, were found fragments of deeayed posts, as if part of the corral in which the eagle
bad been confined. The ends of these posts were inserted in holes below the general le\ el of the pUua.

fkwkes] casa grande mounds 111

Refuse-heaps

The large structures, especiiill_y compounds A, B, and C, are sur-
rounded by refuse-heaps, the surfaces of which are strewn in some cases
sparingly, in others plentifully, with fragments of pottery and with
ashes and other evidences of human occupancy. No remains of
house walls were found in these mounds and their structure shows
that they may be regarded as dumping places for the habitations in
the vicinity. Some of those heaps were thrown up from neighboring
depressions, or reservoirs, and their stratification indicates that layers
of earth were deposited on them at different times. A vertical
section exhibits beds of ashes and other refuse alternating with sand
and soil, showing how the mounds increased in size.'

Distinct from these are the small mounds or elevations, rising a
foot or two above the plain, that like\\isc mark man's presence.
These mounds indicate the f(jrmer existence of dwellings in the open,
and it is reasonable to suppose that outside the compounds, espe-
cially along the irrigation ditches, there were isolated dwellings some-
what resembling the modern Pima houses. Wliile these may have
been shelters used by farmers only while planting or watching tlieir
crops, they show that the country around the compounds had its
quota of inhabitants. Within and near the compounds these houses
may have been very numerous, so closely arranged as to give the
appearance of a village, in the middle of which rose the great com-
munal structure that served as a place of refuge in great emergencies
or for ceremonies when desired.

A mound situated a short distance east of Compound B was exca-
vated to the depth of 9 feet. Trenches were dug across it at right
angles, bisecting the mound east and west, north and south. This
mound was found to contain fragments of potterj-, sticks, charcoal,
and other refuse; also the remains of several skeletons, extended at
length, the skulls of one or two being in fairly good condition. It
thus appears that the inhabitants of Casa Grande buried some of
their dead in mounds and others in the floors of houses and plazas.
As will presently appear, they also cremated the dead here as else-
where in the Gila and Salt Iliver Valleys.

Reservoirs

It has been already mentioned that, scattered over the area occu-
pied by the Casa Grande Grouj) of ruins, there are several depressions
into which drains from the comj)ounds have been run. The largest
and deepest of these is found northeast of Compound B. These
depressions, which have no masonry walls, appear to be the places

• One of the largest of these refuse-heaps lies between Compound A and Clan-house 1, nearer the former.
This mound, which extends about parallel with the east wall of Compound A, contains many fragments of
pottery.

112 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ETH. ANN. 28

from wliich was ()l)tiiinc(l tlio ciilicho of whii'li the buildings are
iiuulo. One or two of tlie (l('])rcssions are, so sitaated with respect
to (he hxrgest buildings tliat llie adobe of wliich the houses were built
mav have been eai'rieil at times a (•onsi(leral)I(> distance.

Similar areas inclosctl by artificial circular ridges of earth are found
in several of the clusters of mounds in the Gila and Salt River
^'allcvs, among wliich may be mentioned the one in the group near
Adamsville and the reservoir at Casa Blanca. The Escalante Group,
situated near the Phoenix-Florence Railroad, also contains a similar
reservoir. In the country south of the Southern Pacific Railroad,
inhabited by a group of Indians of Pimaii stock called the Qua-
hatika (Kwahadt), similarly shaped depressions are recorded, some
of which are still used as reservoii-s at certain seasons. This is hke-
wise true of so-called Indian tanks (Pima, vasliki), to the east of Casa
Grande, near the Santa CataHna Mountains, and elsewhere (pi. 38) .

Certain areas marked by no mounds or depressions maj- have
served as race courses or dance places, the existence of wliich is men-
tioned in legendary accounts of Casa Grande.

On the southwest side of the large reservoir is a depression from
which were obtained the sand and earth out of which walls were
made, and a similar depression on the east side may, have been due
to a similar cause. There are depressions in the surface near Clan-
house 1 and Compound D, and those near the western clan-houses '
served the same purpose.

From remains of ancient irrigating ditches in the neighborhood of
the several compounds it is evident that water from the Gila River
was conducted over the plain west of Casa Grande. Here and
there, especially near the large mounds, occur numerous depressions
in the earth's surface, some of which are possibly reservoirs, or places
where the water was stored for irrigation, drinking, and other purposes.
Most of these depressions are surrounded by a ridge of earth, l>y which
their capacity was increased and the chance of overflow chminished.
Their prevailing shape is oval. The incUcations are that they have
been filled to a considerable extent with drifting sand since Casa
Grande was deserted.^ The largest is situated about midway of a
line extending from the northwest corner of Compound A to the south-
east corner of Compound C. It was supposed that this reservoir was
lined with a cement wall, but a section exposed through the rim on the
south side, which was solid sand throughout, revealed no such condi-
tion. It is interesting to note that the floor of this reservoir is now
thickly overgrown with trees and bushes, although without water.

• There are mounds west of Compound A. which are here referred to as "western clan-houses," but these
were not excavated . although traces of caliche walls were found in them. Potsherds were abundant.

2 Many of the casas grajidcs in tlte Cila-Salt region have similar reservoirs, or circular depressions with
raised rims. Cushing's excavation of one of these depressions convinceii him that it was not a reservoir
but a ceremonial chamber.

PBWKES] CASA (iRANDE MOUNDS 113

At one end of this reservoir may still be seen a trail along which
the women toiled with water jars from their dwellinj^s near b}'.
The shapes of the water jars and certain ligad-rests that have been
found indicate that the vessels were carried on the head, as at Zuni,
rather than on the back as at the Hopi pueblos. There is strong
evidence that the people of Casa Grande were >vell supplied with
water by means of reservoirs and irrigation ditches. This need was
not so pressing as in northern Arizona. It does not appear from
sj'mbolism on the pottery or from other evidences, which it must
be confessed are scanty, that rain ceremonies occupied the prom-
inent place in the Morship of the inhabitants that they do among
the present Pueblos. The people depended for water less on rain
than on the Gila ; the river was tj^pified by the plumed serpent, which
was worshipped.

There are indications of small mounds in the neighborhood of these
reservoirs, a fact from which it would seem that every reservoir had
a cluster of habitations around it and that houses were built along
the courses of the irrigation ditches. Nothing now remains to mark
these houses except the mounds upon which are found fragments of
pottery and broken stone implements, including now and then a
well-worn metatQ. Excavation of one of these mounils revealed a
hardened floor surrounded by holes in which are found decayed
stumps of the posts that formerly supported the walls. The resem-
blance of these houses to those now built by the Pima and Papago
Indians is striking. They resemble also the remains of rooms of the
ancient people in the various compounds of Casa Grande.

Irrigation Ditches

The evidences of prehistoric irrigation in the neighborhood of
Casa Grande are many, but it is difficult to trace any cUtch very far.
The main canal which supplied the fields with water extended along
the left bank of the river, from a point 3 miles higher up; this was
probably provided with lateral ditches along its entire length. It
approached Casa Grande about midway between Compound B and
the river, on the north side of the compound, and, extending west-
ward, turned to the south, sending oflF smaller branches toward the
east and west. Although the main ditch can not be traced through-
out its entire course, traces of it appear at intervals; in some places
it is clearly marked by walls of earth containing small stones simi-
lar to those found in stretches of its bed nearer the river. In places
the canal is 20 feet wide, adecjuate for canying a great amount of
water.

The construction of the Casa Grande ditch was not difficult, as the
earth is not hard to dig and no considerable elevation was encoun-

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 8

114 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ann. 28

tercd throughout its entire course. The canal divided probably
shortly after it left the river, sending a branch that runs east of
Clan-house 1 to supply the fields on the east side of the compounds.
From the point of bifurcation the remains of a smaller canal can be
traced for some distance.

As above stated there is evidence that buildings once stood on the
banks of these ditches, where their former presence is now indicated
by low mounds on which are scattered fragments of pottery and a few
broken stone implements (metates, or grinders). Irrigation <ljtches
are more apparent elsewhere in the Gila and Salt River Valleys than
at Casa Grande. The settlement near Poston Butte was supplied
with water by one of the best-preserved of these ancient ditches in
the Gila-Salt Valley. This follows the right bank of the Gila from a
point several miles higher up the river and extends to the neighbor-
hood of the Escalante ruin, where it is lost in laterals or minor
branches. Near Poston Butte, the southern side of which it skirts,
the banks of this prehistoric ditch are head high and can be traced
for many hundred feet without difficulty. The writer has been in-
formed by an old Mexican who lives in Florence that when a boy he
saw stumps of old logs in this ditch at the point where the banks are
highest; he believes these were remains of a prehistoric head-gate.

In the following quotation H. C. Hodge refers to a prehistoric irri-
gation ditch on the north side of the Gila near Poston Butte :^

About 2 miles west of Florence, on the north side of the river, between the homes of
Mr. Stiles and Mr. Long, is a stretch of hard, stony land, through which another of
the large irrigating canals was cut, and where, for several hundred yards, one can ride
on horseback in the canal, which is yet so deep one can not look over its banks on
either side, when sitting on his horse.

Some of the best irrigating ditches in the Gila-Salt Valley were
found near Phoenix and Mesa when the country was first en-
tered by Americans. That near Mesa was utilized by the Mormon
farmers who settled this region; others have been filled or destroyed
by modern agriculture. The lines of many of the new ditches fol-
low substantially the lines of the prehistoric canals, showing the
skill of the primitive farmers. The irrigation ditches in the neigh-
borhood of Phoenix have been traced and mapped by Mr. H. R.
Patrick,^ under whose guidance the writer has visited certain remains
still visible near that city. These can now be traced only at inter-
vals, and in manj" instances nothing remains but ridges of earth or
rows of stones.

It appears from Mr. F. H. Cushing's studies of the irrigation d itches ^
near the ruins of Los Muertos in the Salt River Valley that some

' Arizona As It Is; or, The Coming Country, p. 182, Boston, 1877.

2 The \ncient Canal Systems and Pueblos of the Salt River Valley, Arizona, Phoenix. .\riz., 1903.

3 See F. W. Uodge, in A mtricaii Anlliropologist, vi, 323, Washington, ISW.

FBWKBS] CASA GRANDE MOUNDS 115

parts of these wore well-])rescrve<l. The existence of a narrower
channel in the bed of a large ditch, through which the water could run
when the supply was small, was seen elsewhere by the present writer.
The main ditches were large enough for irrigation when fidl of water
and doubtless were used for that purpose. Not far from Blackwater
is a hill, surrounded by a prehistoric ditch above the level of the plain,
around which the ditcli was dug to avoid a too rapid descent.

The testimony of the old men consulted supports the theory that
the ancient irrigation ditches were dug by means of wooden shovels
similar to those mentioned and figured later in this report, tlie earth
probably being carried to a distance by the women and cliildren.
The present Pima say that they now organize to construct irrigation
ditches in a way somewhat similar to that of the ancients. As all
clans enjoy the advantage of the water thus obtained, everj' clan has
its representatives in constructing the canals, and failure to work
mvolves loss of water right, although a clan may be represented by
members of other clans. The amount of labor necessary in the con-
struction of new ditches is settled in council, in which all clans inter-
ested take part.

The construction by the ancients of the great irrigation ditches led
to greater cooperation of labor in the Gila-Salt Valley than anywhere
else in the prehistoric Southwest. This union of manj' men under
a chief, with equal representation in council, led to an advanced social
organization and culture, a degree of culture which would not have
been realized so soon under less favorable conditions. This coop-
eration and resultant organization made possible also the buikling of
the great compounds and the massive structures they inclosed.

Excavation of one of the banks of an irrigation ditch near Casa
Grande shows successive layers of soil and small stones, indicating
repeated clearing out of tlie canal. The layers of stone may have
been necessary to prevent the earth washing into the channels.
These were also contmually filling up mth mud and detritus from
the river, the amount of which was considerable when the Gila was
swollen. The head-gates were probably made of posts and brusli,
not unlike the gates constructed at the present day by the Puna and
the Maricopa.

Closely connected with the irrigation ditches are the reservoirs
(vashhi), of which there are one or more near every large group of
compounds in the GUa-Salt Basin. These reservoirs are shallow
depressions in which rain water collects, but were not always con-
nected with the irrigation ditches. Drinking water was probably
obtained from these and other receptacles.

116 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ANN. 28

Mescal Pits

Scattered at intervals over the reservation, not fni' from the com-
ponnds, l)iit never within them, one finds here and there circles of
blaokiMU'd soil, the smi'aces of most of whicli are on a level wth, or
slightly depressed below, the snrrounding phuTi. No considerable
quantity of vegetation of any kind flourishes within these cii-cles,
and exanrination of the soil reveals the existence of charcoal and
other evidences of fire. One of tlie circular areas was dug into
and as excavation progressed the eft'ects of fire became more appar-
ent, until at a depth of about 5 feet there was found a number of
stones affected by fii-e in a marked degree. Below tliese stones was a
layer of cinders and charcoal resting on a surface made of cla}' well
tramped down. The evidence of the action of fire on this floor is
unmistakable. The clay walls of these pits also show the effect
of intense heat. It is evident from excavations that these pits
are similar to those still constructed b}" the Quahatika (Kwahadt)
for roasting the tender leaves of tlie agave.' Tlie method of using
these pits is as follows: Great fires are fii-st kindled in them, after
which heated stones are thrown in; on these stones are laid
agave leaves, sometimes to a depth of 2 or 3 feet. Fire is kindled
over this accumulation and by action of the heat below and above,
the leaves are roasted without being burnt. The number of these
large pits found indicates that mescal was a favorite food with the
people of Casa Grande, each compound seeminglv having had its
own mescal ovens.

One of these pits was thoroughly dug out and the burnt stones
were removed; they were then carefully replaced in their former
position. The broken wall of the depression was made of clay burnt
in place. This was carefully repaired, sho^\'ing the type form of
these structures. One of the best examples of a mescal jnt is
situated close to the road to Casa Grande station, not far from the
southwest corner of Compoimd A, and can readily be seen from a
wagon by one apjiroaching the ruin from the south. Most of the
mescal pits were found south and east of the compounds. It
can hardly be possible that the pits were placed so that the smoke
would give the least trouble to the inhabitants of the houses, as
that consideration is rarely taken into account by Indians. Prob-
ably it was more convenient to place them on the sides where they
were found in greater numbers. -

' Similar ancient mescal pits are found at the ruins near Tempe, Mesa. Phoenix, and elsewhere in the
Salt and Gila Valleys.

2 It is instructive to note en passant that the greater erosion ia the walls ot the large blocks of buildings
of Compound A is on tlie east side. This side of Font's room was so worn down that the east wall was
level with the ground. Ail tlie east walls of the southwest building were much eroded and the corre-
sponding wall of tlie historic Casa C.rande ruin is more eroded than is the nortlnvest or the soutli wall. This
unequal wearing of tlie walls is ascribed to the rain beat ing on tlie east side. Possibly the buildings were
terraced toward the east for priests engaged iu sun worship.

fbwkbs] casa grande mounds 117

Methods of Disposal of the Dead

Considering the large jiopulation that must have Hved at Casa
Grande, it is strange that in all the writer's excavations so few
human skeletons were foun<l. There is evidence of two kinds of
burial, inhumation in houses and mounds, and cremation, an in-
stance of which was discovered not far fi"om the north wall of
Compound B.'

Wliethcr or not tliis difference in the manner of disposal of the
dead was due to the rank of tlie deceased is not clearly evident, but
the nature of the objects buried with a skeleton in Clan-house 1
would seem to indicate the grave of a priest. Skeletons unaccom-
panied by mortuary objects were found in the plazas of Compound A
and in rooms of the soutliwest angle, but whether these are ancient
or modern is not positively known.

The absence, so far as kno\vn, of evidences of cremation from the
cemeteries of the Little Colorado region, including those of Zuni, and
of Sikyatki, Awatobi, and other Ilopi ruins, has been used as an argu-
ment against associating the former inhabitants of these pueblos mth
the Hohokam of the Gila-Salt Basin. Moreover, the Pima do not
burn their dead, nor have they tlone so in historic times. It may
be said in reply to this objection tiiat the Hohokam inhu mated
as well as cremated, thus furnishing a double precedent for their
descendants. Moreover, there is gooil evidence that cremation was
practiced in the eastern and northern Pueblo region, at Mesa
Verde for instance. According to Castaneda, the Cibolans - burned
their dead.

The human bodies buried in the earth at Casa Grande were laid at
full length, no remains of an inhumated boil}' in a flexed position hav-
ing been found. It is usual to find in pueblos and cliff-dwellings^
skeletons burieil in both ways. The manner of interment may liave
had in some cases an esoteric meaning, but in most instances it had
no special significance.

Several theories have been suggested to account for burial in the
contracted position. It has been asserted by some authorities that
the corpse was so disposed to represent the embryonic position.
According to a second theory the body was deposited in the squat-
ting position as suggestive of a state of rest.

' It would appear that a people who burned their dead did not believe in a resurrection of the body,
and the same may be true of those who buried their dead. The placing of offerings in the grave indi-
cates faith in the continuation of life, but does not prove, of course, belief in immortality. The practice
of burning the dead, which was widespread in the Southwest in prehistoric times, was abandoned when
the teachings of the missionaries were followed.

3 Cibola is identified by the be.«t authorities as ancient Zuni, but no evidence of cremation has yet
been found in Zuni ruins.

5 .V clilT-dwelling is practically a pueblo built in a cave, and what is true of one probably holds true for
the other, with slight modification.

118 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

It has been pointed out also that a body m tlio contracted
position can be more readily carrietl on tiie back, than when it is
extendetl. In house burials, in which the bodies were carried only a
short distance, they were coninioiily laid on tlie side in the extended
position, perhaps in the same position as at death.'

As a rule, the few bodies uncovered from mounds by the writer were
extended at full len<;th, but one or two had the knees brouglit to the
chest (contracted position), as is common among many Indian tribes.
Mortuary offerings were found with most of the skeletons.

It is believed that cremation is the oldest and most general manner
of disposal of the dead and that it was formerly widespread in the
Pueblo area. Even when cremation and inhumation coexist, it is
possible that one of these practices may have been introduced much
later than the other. They may also suggest the existence of a former
dual sociologic composition.

The interments found near Compound B were in several instances
about 9 feet below the surface. Other human skeletons, however,
were found just below the surface.

In the cases in which human remains were cremated the calcmed
bones and ashes were placed in oUas or vases- over which were luted
cu'cular clay or stone disks.

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

The two seasons excavations at Casa Grande revealed instructive
objects, some of which shed light on the former culture of the people
of this valley; but consitlering the amount of earth removed in that
time, comparatively few objects were found. This may be due to
the fact that no cemeteries were discovered and hence the number of
mortuary objects was small.

The collections consist of objects of stone, clay, shell, bone, and
wood, and fabrics of various kinds, including cloth, string, and net-
ting. The stone and clay objects, being the least perishable, are
naturally the most numerous.

Similar specimens fountl in many of the ruins in the Gila and Salt
River Valleys exist in a number of museums and private collections,

1 The Hopi now bury in the contracted position, and it is customary for the oldest male relative to
carry the body down the mesa side on his back and deposit it in the sand at the base of the foothills.
House burials among modern Hopi have long since ceased, but when Sikyatici and Awatobi were in
their prime they were not uncommon.

Among the modern Pima the graves of medicine-men are apart from cemeteries, and have a somewhat
different character. a.s described by Doctor Uussell. It is instructive to note that the body of a medicine-
man is said to be placed in a sitting posture, while the Pima generally now bury the body extended.
Such shaman burials are not common and by this time may have been wholly abandoned, since through
the zeal of missionaries and other teachers the Pima are practicallyno longer pagans. Still. the survival
into the present generation of two forms of inhumation is noteworthy.

' Similar vases with calcined human bones have been found along the San Pedro and throughout the
Pueblo Viejo Valley, especially in association with the ruin at San Jos6.

PEWKES]

MINOR ANTIQUITIKS

119

but few of these came from Casa Grande. These collections embrace
many types not found at Casa Grande and manj' beautiful specimens
illustrating the same types as tliosc referred to in this report. It is
onl}- necessary to refer to the magnificent material in tlic Peabody
Museum, Cambridge, collected at Los Muertos and elsewhere in the
Salt River Valley, by the Ilemen way Southwestern Expedition under
Mr. F. 11. Cushmg, and to tlie private collections made at Phoenix,
Arizona, by the late Doctor Miller.

ilr. Benham formerly had installed in his shop at Phoenix a fine
collection of Gila Valley antiquities, containing specimens owned by
several persons.

Some of the objects above mentioned have been described by other
archeologists,' but it may be said that there is no comprehensive
account of the antiquities of the Gila-Salt area. Although the
present article will not supply this deficiency, it is the intention to
include in it all olijects found by Government officers at Casa Grande
and now deposited in the National Museum at Washington.

A fist of these specimens with brief notices and measurements of
most of them is appended to tliis report. As wall be seen by consult-
ing this fist, more than 1,300 objects have been obtained and cat-
alogued. It is unnecessary to do more than to refer to the more
striking of these, but there are added notices of one or two objects
from neighboring ruins, and of a few collected at Casa Grande before
the writer's excavations began.

MiNDELEFF COLLECTION

The specimens deposited in the National Museum as the result
of the repair work in 1891, referred to in Mindeleff's report,- are as
follows:

National
Museum
number

Bureau

of Eth-
nology
number

.\rticle

Num-
ber of
speci-
mens

Remarks

155088
1S50S9

155090
155091
155092
155093
155094

595
596

597
598
599
GOO
601

Fragments of large earthenware vessel .
Large bowl

Large vase

Pottery fragments

Pottery vase Ctoy)

Pottery bowl (toy)

Pottery disk or spindle .

Lot.

Plain red on both sides.

Red outside: black, polished inside;

stored.
Decorated outside; restored.
Decorated.
Small, dark brown.
Small, black.

* Mr. Warren K. Moorehead has figured and mentioned in his "Stone Age" and other writings many
Instructive archeologic objects found by him near Phoenix, Mesa, and Tempe.

» The Repair of Casa Grande Ruin. Arizona, in 1891 ( Fifteenth A nn. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1S97). This
report, as its title indicates, deals with the details of the repair of the ruin, and likewiseof excavations thai
were found necessary; it contains also a short description of the ruin as it was in 1.891. Several good
views, reprinted from a former report, are introduced. In the course of the excavations made in
preparation for the repair of the ruin at that time, a portion of the east wall near the south comer fell,
and tlie connection of the six ceremonial rooms with the main building was destroyed.

120

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[KTH. ANN. 2S

National
Museum
number

155095

Bureau
of Eth-
nology
number

(J02
003

004
005
000
607
608
C09
filO
611
612
613
614

615
610
617
618

619
620
621
622
623
624

625
626
627
62S

Article

Pottery toy (moiinfain j^oal )

Adobe

Small shells

Small shells (Conns)

Small shells (cut and perforated ) . .
Small shells, l)eads, and pendants. .

Bone awls

Bone fragments

Chalk, obsidian chips, and brown adobe
Charred wood, 2 nuts, and a corncob

Charred textiles, cloth

Wooden-joist fragments

Reed

Stone axes

Pounding-stone and fragment

Stone pestles

Stone inullers

Stone hammers

Stone mullers, flat

Stone mortar, flat

Stone mortar

Stone, polished

Stone hoes or chopping knives

Limestone ornament

Small stone vessel

Stone arrowheads

Num-
ber of
speci-
mens

Remarks

Lot.

Lot.
3
6

Lot.
4
2
3

Dark brown.

Lumps: 1 showing im])ression of
cloth, the other of a himian foot.

For use as pendants.
1 string and 2 fragments.

Partly charred.

3, 6, and 9 inches long; 4 inches diam-
eter.

12 inches long.

And 3 broken, grooved.

Of sandstone, with ring-shape handle.

One VZh inches long, XJ inches diam-
eter; one 9\ inches long, U inches
diameter; also a fragment.

1 pitted.
5 broken.
6J by 12 inches; 2 inches thick.

13 by 22 inches; 6 inches thick.

22 inches long; 6J inches diameter
restored.

Carved, fragmentary.
Serpent carved on the outside.
1 of obsidian, very small, and 1 of
flint; also a broken specimen.

PiNCKLEY Collection

Mr. Frank Pinokley, the present custodian of Casa Grande, has
made a valuable collection, now installed at the ruin, which can be
inspected by visitors.'

It is to be hoped that a museum for Casa Grande antiquities may
be erected 1 ter near the ruin and that in it may be placetl not only
all specime s gathered from the reservation and its neighborhood,
but also such books, maps, and other materials as pertain to the
ruin, in order to increase the educational value of this example of the
culture of the former people of the Gila Valley.

1 The writer basseen in private hands one or two specimens which their owners claim were foimd at Casa
Grande. In view of the fact that there is doubt as to the provenance of some of these objects, and as
thej' are in no way exceptional, it is thought best not to include a description of them in this report.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 47

(No. 2.i44o7)
IN HUMAN FORM

(No. -Jol^oS)
FROG-SHAPED

STONE IDOLS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL P^EPORT PLATE 48

COILED SERPENT I N". -r.li;"

UNKNOWN ANIMAL ( Nn. 2.>U22 1

BIRD-SHAPED— FRONT (N". 2.i44ftG)

BIRD-SHAPED— SIDE (No. 2.")44.')())
STONE IDOLS

PBttKES] MINOR ANTIQUITIES 121

Fewkes Collection
stone idols

Several small stone idols (pis. 47, 48) ' were found durinj; tiie exca-
vation and repair of Casa (Jrande, among wiiich are rejiresented a
human being, a lizaril, and a bird. Tiiese objects are as a rule rudely
made and exhibit no traces of ])igment. As most of them were found
in a shrine, we may suppose they were used ceremonially. The
sculpturing of these objects does not indicate a high degree of art.
The best image is made of diorite, evidently taken from an arroyo
or a river bed. It is instructive to note that the shrine in wliich
the images were found was situated within a compound and was not
extra-mural.

Human figure . — This iilol (pi. 47) evidently represents a female.
The carving is very rude; the arms and legs are closely approximated
to the body, the former in low relief, the latter indicated by slight
ridges. The posture of the lower part of the body would seem to
indicate that it was the intention to represent the figure in a sitting
position. There is no mouth; a low ridge indicates the position of
the nose, at right angles to one end of which are scratches show-
ing the ])osition of the eyes. There are no eyebrows. The surface of
the idol is smooth, and it evidently was made from a river stone,
which was but slightly worked.

Reptile. — It is impossilile to identify the genus of reptile or batra-
chian intended to be represented in plate 47, which is suggestive of
some tailed species, possibly a turtle or a lizard. The amount of
working in tlie case of tliis specimen is somewhat greater than in
that of the human figure. The rear and fore legs are drawn to the
sides of the somewhat inflated body, suggesting the attitude of a
frog. The head is slightly fractured. The top of the body is occu-
pied by an elliptical depression, ^ in which are traces of red ])igment.

Bird. — One of the most interesting stone idols in the Casa Grande
collection, found in a shrine of Compound B with the human and rej)-
tilian images, is that representing a bird, shown in the accom])anying.
illustration (pi. 48). The identification of this bird is not possible,
but the occurrence of a bird-form image in a Casa Grande shrine is
unusual. No similar stone idol'' is known from the Gila-Salt Basin,
and the few bird fetishes from the Little Colorado differ in form
considerably from tlie Casa Grande sj)ecimen.

Mountain sheep. — The idol identified as a mountain sheep (fig. 21)
on account of the large curved horns is of lava loughly fashioned.
The body is quite long, the tail short; the legs appear as stumpy

' The numbers beneath the illustrations on the plates, beginning with plate 47, correspond to the
U. S. National Museum numbers in the table on pp. liU-179,

2 An idol found in a ruin on the San I'cdro by Mr. Childs, of Mammoth, has a similar depression in the
back. This idol resembles a niouiUain sheep, the liorns licing well represented. There is a similar stone
idol in the museum of the I'niversity of Arizona, at Tucson.

3 Several bird fetishes made of shell are known to the writer, but these bear no resemblance to the stone
image above mentioned.

122 CASA GEANDE, AKIZONA tBTH. ann. 28

ap})on(la<};es. In other collections from the Gila-Salt region are sev-
eral idols in tlie form of mountain sheep, a fact wiiicli h^ads to tlie
belief that this aniniiil iignrcd conspicuously in tlu^ myths and rituals
of the inhabitants of Casa Grande.

Serpent. — One of the most remarkable stone idols from Casa Grande
is a spiral sj)ecimen (pi. 4S) representing two snakes twisted together.
The heads of the reptiles are obscurely shown;' cross lines on the
body indicate the markings or the scales. It has been supposed that
this object is a fetish. The form, which is rai-e in Arizona, suggests
serpent images from Mexico.

Among many carved shell objects seen in collections from the Gila
Valley are several representing serpents, suggesting that the sei-pent
assumed an important place among Casa Grande fetishes.

UnJcnown animal. — This object (pi. 48), while bearing little resem-
blance to an animal, was evidently fashioned with care for a purpose,
and suggests certain animal fetishes found among the Pueblo Indians.
The image is of lava, has a rough surface, and is unique in the col-
lection.-

Fig. 21. Stone image ot mountain sbeep.
STONE IMPLEMENTS

A fairly large munber of stone implements was found at Casa
Grande, the section near Clan-house 1 being especially rich in such
objects. The specimens (pis. 49-71) consist of axes, hammers,
mauls, perfoi'ated stones, paint grinders, mortars, corn grinders,
sinkers, disks, beads, ceremonial stones, polishers, crystals, and
other cult objects. Considering the. extent of the excavations at
Casa Grande, a greater number of stone objects was expected. The
implements range in hardness of material from diorite to friable
sandstone. While most of the implements are smoothly polished,
several are rough and unfinished, showing marks of chipping com-
bined with jiolishing. Several stone implements were picked up on

'Among tlie interesting specimens from Casa Grande recorded in Mindelcfl'slist is a "small stone vessel
with a serpent carved on tlie outside." The nTiter has referred this specimen to "Magic Tablets," a similar
specimen having been recorded from the Tonto Basin.

» As a rule there are more of these figurines in Ciiia Valley ruins than in Mher places in .\rizona where the
writer has worked.

■J"

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 51

I No 'iVJIllL"! iXo. M2324)

c d

GROOVED STONE AXES

FBWKES]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

123

tho surface, but the majority were found ])romiscuously during tlio
excavations, or came from graves, evidently having been deposited as
offerings with the dead. Several were found on the floors of rooms
in the compound.

The ancient inhabitants of Casa Grande were adept in the manufac-
ture of cutting implements, which are made of very hard stone. The
favorite stone for mortars and meal grinders was a volcanic rock of
close texture which is very abundant in the lulls not far from the ruins.
As a rule the stones from which implements were made came from
the river bed.'

Axes. — Most of the axes (pis. 49-55; also figs. 22-27) are grooved
on two faces and one edge, the groove not extending over the
remaining edge, a form tj'pical of Gila Valley axes. In one or two

Fig. 22. Stone ax.

Fig. 23. Stone ax.

examples (pi. 55 and fig. 2.3) the groove completeh" surrounds the ax,
and there are specimens without a groove, its place being taken by
a nick in one edge. One end of these axes is sharp, the other blunt.
There are also several double-edged examples; these are finely made,
their edges being curved and showing little evidence of use. Each
of two specimens has a groove on one side as if for the insertion of
a wedge to strengthen the hafting.

The beautiful double-bladed axes shown in plate 51 are grooved
on the faces and one edge. Specimen a is not grooved on the sides
but has a notch on one edge. This ax is one of the most beautiful
in the collection. Specimen b has a deep groove with a ridge on each

• The modern Piraa make use of the ancient stone implements, finding it easier to procure these from niins
than to manufacture them. Their stone metates and manos. or grinding stones, are coarser than the
ancient specimens, a fact sometimes cited to prove that the rima are not descended from the Uohokam.

124

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[BTH. ANN. 28

sido !iii(l resembles specinicns from uorlhern Arizona. Another
partially fjrooved ax is shown in iignre 24. The specimen figured as
c of plate 51 shows the effects of fire, being much splintered. This
was once a fine implement, sharpened at each end, with a shallow
groove on two sides and the rim. Specimen d is likewise a double-
bladed ax but is not so finely polished as that last mentioned. The
specimen shown in figure 25 was found in the grave of the chief of
Clan-house 1. With one exception none of the axes show marked
ridges above or below the groove, a feature common to grooved axes
from Hopi nuns.

Plate 52 shows four typical stone axes which
differsomewhat inform; the differences are more
in the shape of the poll and in the cross-section,
the groove for hafting being nearly uniform in
all. Specimen a is somewhat pointed and h
is smoother at the edge than on the sides ; c is
deeply grooved while in d the groove is shallow.
The two specimens figured in plate 53 are ex-
ceptional, one side being flat and the opposite
side convex ; the groove is confined to the latter
side, extending in b from a point near one
edge to the other edge.

One of the axes (pi. 54, i) was too large, per-
haps, for use as such; its surface shows marks
of pecking, and in some places the original
smooth surface. Possibly this is an imfinished
implement. Specimens a and d in this plate
are almost circular in section, while c is nearly
rectangular.

The remarkable ax figured in plate 55 viewed
from the side and the front, is of unusual char-
acter, although in general form it is not very
dift'erent from the typical Casa Grande ax.
One face and a part of the groove show de-
cided roughness, ascribed to secondary chipping.
Grooved liammers or mawZs.— There are in the collection many
grooved stone hammers more or less battered on their ends by long
and hard usage. Most of them are regular in shape. Some of the
hammers were originally axes which, becoming greatly worn or broken
at the edge, were adapted for use in pounding. Several hammers
are illustrated in plates 56 and 57 and figures 26 and 27.

Some of tlie hammers are circular in cross section, elongate,
grooved on tlu-ee sides and convex at the ends, or are dumb-
bell shaped, short and stumpy. Others are almost scjuare in
cross section. The two ends may be of equal size, with the groove

Fig. 24. Stone ax.

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 56

(No. 2A2330I

(Xo. :;."ij:iL;{i

STONE HAMMERS

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FBWEBS]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

125

midway in the length, or of unequal dimensions, with the groove
nearer one end. A typical hammer of dumb-bell shape is shown in
figure 27. The hammers shown in plate 57, a, b, are very much worn
at what was formerly tlie sharp edge, and the polls are very flat; c is
much worn down on both enils; d is without groove; and in e the
groove is inconspicuous.

Problem at ical implements. — XTnder this head may be mentioned the
long, thm, flat stones (as pi. 58, d), some of which are sharp at one ex-
tremity and blunt at the other. One of these specimens (b) is broad
at one end antl tapers uniformly, while another (c) is shovel-shaped.

In this category may be mentioned a broken implement having
two deep marginal incisions, which, perhaps, should more strictly be
assigned to objects of the hoe
or shovel tj^pe. This unique
specimen (pi. 58, a), which is
of slate, has incised mark-
mgs on the fiat face.

Of the specimens figured
in plate 59 it is probable that
a and d represent pestles; b.
f, and i, grinding stones ; and g
and J), pecking stones. The
purposes for which c and e
were used are not clear.

One of the object s(f)shown
in plate 66 probably served
as a paint-grinder, while d
and e of the same plate may
have been used as pecking
stones.

Plummet-like object. — A remarkable stone object (fig. 28) from C'asa
Grande, found deejily buried in the earth covering Compound B, is a
cylinder provided with an eyelet in the top, like a plumb-bob, the
whole resembling in form an object of unknown use from Mexico.
On account of its form it has been suggested that this object was
employed as a plummet hy the ancient masons. Although the valid-
ity of this theory is regarded as very doubtful, no suggestion is here
made of the meaning of this most exceptional specimen.

Tablets. — Certain flat rectangular stones, called tablets, most of
which are of slate, have smooth margins; the ornamentation of
their borders varies considerably, in some specimens takmg the form
of parallel lines arranged in clusters. One of these tablets (pi. 60, d)
is typical of many found in ruins in the Gila-Salt Valley, qnd suggests
a pigment slab.'

Fig. 25. Grooved doulile-eilge ax.

» This specimen resembles certain slai'S of animal shape, one of which was figured years ago in the
writer's report on the antiquities of the upper (!ila (see .'.'d Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Elhnol., pp. ISii-lSB).

126

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[BTH. ANN. 28

ArroiD-shaft polishers. — Several grooved stones, iclentifietl as arrow-
shaft polishers, two of which (pi. 61) are fine specimens, were (kig
lip at C'asa Grande. The best specimen has a double groove and a
surface ornamented with incised lines. Another, of equally fine
workmansliip, is smaller and considerably broken. Both are made
of a black stone, the surface of which is highly polished, es])ecially
along the grooves. One of the specimens is oval in shape; the other
rectangular.

Grinding stones. — Slabs and disks used for grinding purposes are
fairly common at Casa Grande. The several specimens found vary
in size, shape, and other characters. They are circular or rectan-
gular, with or without a
marginal groove; many are
provided with a knob. These
objects (pi. 62) are ordinarily
made of lava or other hard
rock. It is not clearly known
whether they served for grind-
ing pigments, seeds, or other
substances. Corn grinding
was accomplished by means of
larger implements, as metates
and manos, many forms of
which are found in tlie col-
lections.

The metates (pi. 60, /) are
in no respect exceptional.^ As
a rule these are made of lava;
they are flat or concave on one
side, many are rough on the
opposite surface, and some
have marginal ridges. The manos, or hand stones (pi. 63) , vary in size
and shape as well as in the material of which they are made. A com-
mon form is flat on one side, rounded on the opposite, with edges and
ends rounded. The grinding surfaces of others have two planes at
an angle forming a ridge along the middle. None of the metates were
found set in boxes as among clifi'-dwellings and pueblos, and it is
probable that when used they were simply placed on the floor, the
women kneeling while employed in grinding.

Stones used as paint grinders (pis. 64, 65 ; 67, f ; and figs. 29, 30) , many
showing traces of pigment on their surfaces, var}' in size ami shape

1 None of the metatos found have legs, although Doctor Russell speaks of metates provided with three
legs, and the writer has found examples of this type elsewhere, hut not at Casa Grande. They were
apparently laid on the floor and moved from place to place as needed.

Fig. 2b. Stone hammer.

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 64

(Xo, ■jr.i:;71i
«

MORTARS AND PESTLE

FEWKES]

MINOK ANTIQUITIES

127

from a small slab containing a slight superficial depression to a well-
formed mortar. Pigments ground in these utensils were used for
decoration of face and body and for ornamentation of pottery.

To the surface of one of the
best of these grinders still adhere
stains of green paint that had
been ground on it. This (pi. 60,
a), the most interesting perhaps
of all the paint grinders, is made
of hard blackish stone; it is rec-
tangular, about 10 inches long.
There is a slight symmetrical de-
pression on one side: the rim is
decorated. With this specimen
was found a finely made pestle
(fig. 30), also of hard stone, with
smooth finish, its grinding end
slightly flaring. Both these ob-
jects were exhumed from the
burial cyst of Clan-house 1 , ac-
companying the skeleton of the
priest, or possibly chief. The fin-
ger bones of the right hand, when
found, still held fragments of paint,
and there were arrow-points anil
spear-points in the left hand.

Plate 62, a, shows one of these rubbers of oval shape with a knob-
Hkeprojection at one side. In b the rubbing part is more massive,
while the handle, which is not very prominent, occupies a similar
position. In c the handle is more elevated and the
rubbing portion of the stone relatively smaller,
while in d the handle is greatly depressed and the
rubbing part elongate. Specimen e represents a fine
rubbing stone belonging to the series having the
knobs between the center and the periphery, wliile
in / the handle is centrally placed and the body is
circular and thin; the latter is one of the best made
of all the rubbing stones in the collection. In g the
diameter of the knob is only slightly less than that
of the body of the grinder.

Mortars. — These range in form from circular to
rectangular; some are deeply concave, some have nearly a plane sur-
face. One of the simplest specimens (pi. 64, c) is of irregular shape,
concave on one side; d is almost rectangular, considerably longer

Fig. 27. Dumb-bell shaped stone maul.

Fig. 2.S. Plummet-like
object.

128

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[ETH. ANN. 28

than broiul; d ;uid h sliow no siijju of concavity; and e is barely more
than a flat stone.

From the simple mortars last mentioned we pass to those more
elaborately made, shown in plate 60. Specimen h is rectangular, with
a thin border surrounding a shallow smooth concavity. The rim of
the depression is raised at each end, difl'eriug in this respect from/,
which is practically a metate. S])ecimen e is much longer than
broad, the depression resembhng a groove rather than a concavity,
while figure d in addition to a raised rim has bars across the rim,
approximating in form a tablet (p. 125). Specimen c resembles a
miniature metate but may be a concretion of symmetrical shape.

Fig. an. Tool for rubbing or grinding pigment.

The two mortars shown in plate 65 are typical, the one (a) oval, the
other (b) circular in shape. They were doubtless used as at present
among the Pima ui bruising mesquite beans and in crushing seeds.
The cavity was either worn out by constant use or it may have
been worked out with pecking stones. The lava of which these mor-
tars were made, both a soft ]>orous kind and a hard compact variety,
is found in the mountains near Casa Grantle.

Although there are in the collection no wooden pestles to use with
these mortars, the native ironwood was well adapted for the purpose
and no doubt was so emj)loyed.

I-

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 66

(Nn. 231 6S0)

PROBLEMATICAL STONE OBJECTS

FBWKES]

MINOK ANTIQUITIES

129

Perforated stones. — Among the proi)lematic stones from Casa
Grande are several specimens (pi. 66, a, h), measurinsj; from a few
inches to 2 feet in length, with a largo per-
foration near the margin. None of these
stones are polished, and their rough exterior
shows no signs of decoration. The use to which
these objects were put is unknowni, but their
presence in all collections from the Gila and
Salt River ruins indicates that they were im-
portant.'

An UTegular stone slab having an ovoid
perforation (fig. 31) may be merely a dis-
carded paint or seed grinder, the hole tlu'ougli
it being the result of wear. The suggestion
that it was used in a ball game as the per-
forated stone through which a stone ball was thrown is hardly' tenable.

Perforatetl disks of stone (fig. 32) are among the rare objects found
at Casa Grande. These have the same general shape as the perforated

Fig. 30. Paint pestle from
burial in annex room M, Clan-
house 1.

Fig. ;il. Perforated stone slab of unknown use.

pottery disks which are common throughout the Pueblo area. It is
supposed that these objects were employed in games, but some speci-
mens were undoubtedly used as spindle whorls. The larger stone
disks, of which there are several in the collection, varymg in size and
degree of finish, were probably used as covers for mortuary jars.

* It has been suggested that these objects were hung from rafters of houses or from trees or bushes and
ser\-ed as sounding stones, or gongs, to call the people together, but the fact that many of them are of soft
nonresonant lava would seem to preclude their employment for such purpose.

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 9

130

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[ETH. ANN. 28

A rin<j-shii|)0(l stoiio was ])rol)al)ly used in a jjamp. It is not unlike
one tlescril)0(l ami ligured by Doctor Russell.' Of the use of such
stones he is doubtful, but says:

A few riii^s of porous lava have been found about the ruins which have been
called " head rings" because of their resembhuice to the ordinary head rings of cloth
or bark in common use among the Pimas. . . . However, as most of them are too
.«imall and the material is extremely unsuited for such a purpose, it is much more proba-
ble that they were employed in some game with which the present race is unacquainted.

Medicine stones. — The Arizona Indians, especially the Hopi, make
use of a variety of stones in tlieir medicine ceremonies; these differ
in shape, color, and degree of liardness, properties considered im-
portant by the priests. To this category belong rock crystals, botry-
oidal stones employed in treating disease or by sun priests in rain
ceremonies. Any strangely formed stone, as agatized wood, a fossil
or concretion, a fi-agment of lava, was regarded, no doubt, by the

priests of Casa Grande as efficacious in
sacred rites.

Crystals of quartz (pi. 67, a) are prized
by many of the Southwestern tribes for
medicinal purposes. These cr3'stals are
found in several ruins in northern Ari-
zona, where the}' had, no doubt, the same
significance. Numerous cjuartz crystals
were found at Casa Grande. It is
known from legends of the Pima as well
as from Pueblo tratlitions that such
crystals were employed hi the ])ractice
of medicine; specimens have been found in fetLsh bags of the dead.
Pigments. — From their constant use in ceremonial proceedings,
stones and minerals suitable for pigments are highly prized by all
Indians. The same pigments were employed by the natives of Casa
Grande as by the northern Pueblos. The most common of these
appear to have been various oxides of iron, carbonates of copper,
black shale, and gypsum. These were prepared hy grinding, in
much the same waj' as the Pueblos prepare tlieir jtaint materials.
A medicine outfit containing several different pigments was found
with what is herein descrilted as a priest's skeleton, in a room in the
northwest corner of Compound A.

Arrow-Tieads and spear-points. — The author has seen a considerable
collection of fine arrow-lieads jiicked up at Casa Grande. These
objects differ in no respect from other arrow-heads found throughout
the Southwest. Most of them were gathered from the surface of the
ground and may have been dropped by those who built the Casa
Grande compounds or by other people.

Fig. 32. Perforated stone disk used In
game.

' Twentysizth Ann. Rep. But. Amer. Elhnol, p. 181.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 67

1 :

/?^t ^

(Xo. 252168)
b
MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS

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FBWKKS]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

131

Miscellaneous utones. — Several fragments of obsidian and a few
flint flakes, water-worn pebbles, squared pieces of lava of unknown
use, baking stones, an object shaped like a whetstone, and various non-
descript objects (pi. 67, h, d) are contained in tlie collection. A single
specimen of knife or projectile point (fig. 33) was found in the ruins.
Many specimens of fossil wood were taken from one of the shrines,
and concretions were uncovered from various places in the compounds.
Among other problematic specimens are elongate or cubical objects
of coarse sandstone, a hemispherical object of pumice, and a small
pointed stone used perhaps as a drill.

Fragments of artificially worked mica, asbestos, galena, and chal-
cedonj' are also in the collection fromCasa Grande. Like the ancient
people who inhabited the northern pueblos, those of the south prized
petrified wood, obsidian, any stone of grotesque shape, fossils, and
water-worn pebbles. Many of these specimens must have been
brought a considerable distance, as they are different from stones
found in the immediate vicinity.

Disls and halls. — Stone disks (pis. 68 ; 69, (?) and balls (pi. 69, a, c, and
fig. 34) of various sizes were found in consider-
able numbers. These were artificially worked
and are supposed to have belonged to gammg
paraphernalia, but they may have been used as
weapons. In the latter case, it maybesupposed
they were fastened to handles with thongs of
skin. These balls should not be confounded
with the small smooth pebbles used for polish-
ing pottery or with ceremonial stones used in
making medicine. There are several stones
similar to those used in the Hopi foot race,
"kicking the stone," in the collection.

Beads and pendants. — Several stone beads
and pendants (figs. 35-38) of various sizes and
shapes are contained in the collection. Some are spherical, many
are perforatefl cylinders, while others consist of fragments of tur-
quoise perforated for use as ear or neck ornaments.

A piece of carved red jasper (fig. 37), eyadently an ornament, may
be appropriately mentioned m this place. Fragments of mica were
probably used for a similar purpose. Little squares of turquoise
show evidences of having once been portions of mosaic, like the mosaic
frog from Chaves Pass, figured elsewhere.' Fig. 38 is a tooth-shaped
stone ornament.

Shovels and hoes. — There is a number of flat implements of slate
(pis. 70, 71), sharp on one edge and blunt on the opposite, identified

Fig. 3:!. Knife or projectile
point.

1 Twenty-second Ann. Rep. But. Amer. Ethnol., pi. XLiv.

132

CASA (iHANDE, AKIZONA

[DTII. ANN. 28

as shovels and hoes. Some were probably attached to handles (fig. 39),
or even held directly in the hand. One or more of tliese are shaped
like spades, an extension on one side serving for attachment of a
hantilc; others are elongate, circular, or semicirculsir.

Slate a])pears to iiave been the material most commonly emjjloyed
in the manufacture of these implements, obsitlian being better
adapted for cutting tools.

Fig. 34. Stone balls.

Several hoe-like implements, especially those without indication of
attachment, are chipped along the sharp edge, the opposite edge be-
ing thicker and smooth. These (pi. 71) are more like scrapers than
shovels, and may have been used in dressing skins.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 72

MORTUARY URN (N(i. 254605)

(No. i54l'.13

(No. 254615)

SCOOPS

(X... -5
TRIPOD DISH

iN". --"1 1626 I
BIRD-SHAPED VASE
POTTERY

I No, 2'>I(V_"-1
SPOOL-SHAPED OBJECT

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 73

■■

^^^^

I^H

^^^p

\Z^ -, \

^^^1

CUP BEARING GEOMETRIC ORNAMENTATION ( Nn. -'iJlilt'O

FOOD-BASIN

FOOD-BOWL iXo. -iSJlUS)

MEDICINE-BOWL (No. 2516S1)
POTTERY

FIWKSS]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

133

POTTERY

Pottery objects of almost every form known among Pueblos,
inehuling food basins or bowls (pi. 73), vases, ollas, ladles, spoons,
anil cups, are found in Gila Valley ruins. The Casa Grande pottery
resembles that found in the other ruins of this region. Unfortunately
it consists for the greater part of fragments, only a few pieces being

Fig. 37

Fig. 35. Stone bead.

Fig. 36. Stone ornament.

Ornament of
jasper.

entire when found. Some of the more fragile VjowIs show signs
of repair, an indication that cracked vessels were not immediately
discarded.

Specialized Forms

Spoolr-sTiaped object. — This specimen (pi. 72) is different from any
other in the collection; the use to whicli it was ])ut is not known.

Medicine-howl. — This bowl, illustrated in plate 73, is cylindrical
except for the slightly flaring rim. In the middle of the upper sur-
face is a circular depression, between the raised rim of which and the
outer margin of the lip the surface is concave. Any decoration this
surface may once have borne has become obliterated.
The ornamentation of the sides, now more or less
obscure, consists of a series of vertical parallel lines
alternating with crooks, or terraces, as shown in the
illustration. The rim of tliis bowl is broken in places,
a result no doubt of hard usage since it was dis-
carded. One form of these bowls resembles a pot-
tery rest, the depression consisting merely of a
shallow concavity in the surface. Several examples
of these vessels, made of undecorated ware, were found (see spool-
shaped object, pi. 72).

Spoon-shaped scoops. — Several pieces of pottery liave the form of
scoops (pi. 72) ; the handles are formed by prolongation of the rim.

Dishes. — There are several small shallow dishes (pi. 72 and fig. 40),
undecorated, each mounted on three stumpy legs.

Water jar. — In a corner of a room in Compound A, directly under
the old stage road from Casa Grande to Florence, was found a very
large jar, or olla. Hundreds of people have driven over the spot
beneath which this jar was buried. The object was left in place,
being too large to move without breaking.

Fig. 38. Tooth-shaped
pendant of stone.

134

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[BTH. ANN. 28

Mortuary urn — The specimen here illustrated (pi. 72) is of tyjncal
form. A stone disk luted in place with adohe served as a cover.

In addition to those above mentioned there are various earthenware
objects in the collection. Among these is a vessel with slanting sides,
a Hat bottom, and a hooked handle. Another spechnen (pi. 73) is a
cup provided with a handle looped on one side. This cup bears
geometric ornamentation in the form of triangular designs in red.

Most of the vessels when found were
empty. One contamed a number of shells,
however, while in a few were fragments
of paints of various colors.

The presence in the collection of several
fragments of pottery afi'ords evidence that
relief figures and effigy vases were not rare
at Casa Grande. One of the best of these
is a fragment (fig. 41) from a bowl on which
a face is painted ; it resembles a bird's head,
with the beak in relief. The specimen as
restored by a Pima potter is shown in
figure 42.

Bird vase. — A vase (pi. 72) having the
form of a bird, with rudimentary wings
and broken tail represented m relief, sug-
gests sunilar pottery from the Little
Colorado ruins and vases from Sikyatki,
elsewhere figured. Its small size would
seem to indicate that it served as a recep-
tacle for salt, sacred meal, or other sub-
stance. This is the only receptacle of this
form that was found iii the coui-se of the
excavations at Casa Grande, but similar
vessels are reported from several other
ruins in the Gila region. In this vase only
the rudiments of the wings appear as low ridges on the opposite sides,
the avian form being greatly conventionalized. There is no sign of
pauit on the surface, but it is probable that the \vuags at least were
once decorated with paraUel Imes, as is customary in bird effigy vases
from the Little Colorado.'

Images of animals. — One or two small clay effigies of animals
(pi. 67, c) were found at Casa Grande. These are rudely made,
their forms not being sufficiently well modeled to admit of identi-
fication.

Flu. 3'.). Shovel Willi hanille.

1 See S2d Ann. Rep. But. Amcr. ElhnoL. p. 68.

FEWKBS]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

135

Fig. 40. Three-legged earthenware dish.

It seems to have been a universal custom among the people of the
Gila compounds, as among those elsewhere in the Southwest, to make
animal images for
sacred or secular
use. These objects
may have served
at times as play-
tliings but often
may have had a
ceremonial use, for
it is probable that
they were manu-
factured to deposit
in shrines, thus
serving as prayers
for the increase of
the animals they represent, just as a few years ago (possibly to-day
also) the Hoj)i deposited in the corner of their sheep corrals clay imi-
tations of sheep and in certain shrines wooden eagle eggs.' These
efligies may be classed as pi-ayer objects, to the use of wliich in Hopi

ceremonies attention has been drawaa else-
wliere.

The prayer objects are not regarded as
symbolic representations of sacrificial offer-
ings (as similar figurines are interpreted by
some authors), but as material representa-
tions of animals desired. The sheep efligy
of the modern Hopi is not a sacrifice to the
god of growth, but a prayer symbol employed
to secure increase of flocks. The painted
eagle egg has a corresponding significance.

Pil}e or cloud-Uower. — TheCasa Grantle peo-
ple used in smoking perforated tubes of clay or
The cane cigarette also was commonly used,
as showTi by rejected canes found in great abundance in some of the
rooms of Compound A. A large number of these canes are found
also in shrines or other sacred places of the Hohokam, where they
were placeil by the ancients. -

A broken pipe made of clay was excavated at Casa Grande and
another was found on the ground. The former object has a slight
enlargement of the perforation at one end. Although much of the
stem is missing, there is no doubt that this pipe belongs to the type

' Many clay figurines of quadrupeds have been taken from ruins on the Salt River.

' The ends of these canes are invariably burnt, as if after use. The canes were deposited in shrines, fol-
lowing the custom which still holds in the New Fire and other ceremonies at Walpi. The a.shes made by
sacred fire and those from the sacred pipe are not thrown to the winds, but are placed in appropriate
shrines.

Fig. 41. Pottery fragment bear-
ing bird's head.

stone resembling pipes.

136

CASA (JKANDE, AKIZONA

[ETH. ANN. 28

called the straight-tiibo viiriety, whioli is considered by tlie best
authorities to be the prehistoiic form in the Soutiuvest.

It has been suggested that the fragnaent of stone shown in plate
61, containing a cavity worketl in the side, is an unfinished pipe, but
it is so slightly shaped that its final function can not bo definitely
determined.

Spindle whorls. — The spindle whorls from Casa Grande resemble
those of Mexico. This form of spinning whorl has never been
recorded north of the Mogollon Mountains or on the Colorado
Plateau, but is found southward from the Gila into Central America.

Fig. 42. Bowl bearing bird's head daoration (restored).

Many of the specimens are very much worn on the edges and one is
exceptional in being grooved on the rim (fig. 43).

Perforated disl's. — In atldition to the spindle whorls above de-
scribed wcFe found many perforated pottery disks, some of which
bear ornamental designs. The character of the decoration on some
of these shows that they are simply fragments of pottery cut into
disk form, while in others the disks were evidently ornamented after
they were made. Small pointed rods associated with these whorls
are also represented in the collection. Among the finest of the per-
forated disks are those made of slate. Several clay disks have no
central perforation, a fact which leails the writer to ascribe to them
uses other than those connected with the perforated variety.

Shhs. — The writer is unable to explain the purpose of several
fragments of clay slabs (pi. 74 and fig. 44), some bordered by a

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 74

(Xn. -.-.1627)
FRAGMENT OF FLOOR, SHOWING IMPRESSION OF REEDS

(No. 252395)
FRAGMENT OF SLAB, SHOWING IMPRESSION OF BASKETWARE

CLAY OBJECTS

FEWKES]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

137

low ii(l<;e and beaiiiifj basketwarc markings on the surface, made of
course while the clay was soft. Others do not have the peripheral
ridge and the rectangular surface markings. In no instance is there
any trace of smoke or evidence that the slabs were used in cooking.
The basketware imjM-cssions are not unlike tiiose observed on the
floors of several rooms, especially the room designated O, east of
Pyramid A in Com])ound B.

Decoration of Casa Grande Pottery

As a rule the decoration of Casa Grande pottery partakes of the
sunplicity characteristic of ceramic ware found elsewhere in this
region. We miss in it the pictorial clement, or representation of life
forms, that is so marked a feature of the pottery of the Little Colorado

Fig. 43. Spindle whorls.

and of true Hopi or Tusayan (Sikyatki) M'are, rectilinear patterns
predommating. It is almost impossible to distmguish some of the
geometric designs on Casa Grande ware from decorations on pottery
found in the cliff-dM-ellings of northern Arizona and southern Colo-
rado. This is especially true of the graj'-and-black ware, which is
one of the most ancient and widely distributed varieties in the South-
west. The designs on the pottery from the Gila-Salt drainage have
only a remote likeness to decorations on that from the Casas Grandes
in Chihuahua, although the potter}' from ruins on the upper Santa
Cruz, one of the tributaries of the Gila, resembles well-known Mexican
forms. As a whole, however, the ornamentation of the pottery from
Casa Grande may be classed as Mexican rather than Southwestern
notwithstanding many pieces show northern characteristics.

While a characteristic polyclirome ware is the most abundant
at Casa Grande, there are found Hkewise vases of black-and-white '

1 The potters of Casa drande had made the important discovery, universal among cliff-dwellers and
common in many pueblos, that a smooth surface can be secured by covering a rough pot with a white slip,
producing what, after decoration, is commonly called black-and-white ware.

138

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[ETII. ANN. 28

and of rcd-and-brown ware; also several food-bowls decorated in
white-anil-black, or bcarino; red-and-brown patterns. Most of the
pieces are of red ware, nndecoratcd. Several scooj)s are rod, lined
with black, resembling pottery from the Little Colorado niins.
There is likewise a gray ware decorated with black or brown pig-
ment ajiparently somewhat changed by long burial. Coiled ware
is not as common at Casa Grande as in the cliff-dwellings, but rough,
unpolished ware is often found.

Many of the geometric figures used in the decoration of Gila pottery

are found also on
the pottery of
other regions in
the Southwest ; the
writer has yet to
find any such fig-
ures peculiar to
G a s a G r a n d e .
There are several
designs from the
Pueblo region
w h i c h a re not
found in the Gila
area. This is in-
terpreted to mean
that culture of the
Gila area affected
that of the Pueblo
region, but was not
affected by it.

The decoration
consists mainly of
terraced and zig-
zag figures, but
broken spirals are also represented. The so-called "line of life," or
broken encircling line, occurs on several fragments.

As mentioned, stepped, or terraced, figures are found on specimens
from the Casa Grande region, but are not as numerous as on that
of true pueblo ruins of the San Juan drainage. Comparatively few
figures are frmged with rows of dots, but short parallel lines are not
uncommon.

One of the characteristic decorations of potterv found in the ruins
along the Gila and its tributaries is the triangle having two or more
parallel lines extending from one angle, which form generally a contin-
uation of one side. (Figs. 45, 46.) This design is common also to
pottery from the ruins of dwellings along the Little Colorado, most of

Fig. 44. Fragment of burnt clay having lines incised in surface.

FEWKES]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

139

which were once inlialiited hy clans from the northern tributaries of
the Gihi and the Salt, but is found only sparingly in the northern
Arizona ruins and those of New Mexico and Colorado. Among the
Hopi ruins no example of this ornament was found at Sikyatki and
but one or two at Awatobi.'

The triangle design above described is not commonly found on
the Mesa \'erde pottery and is rare in the Rio Grande region. In
the opinion of the writer this may be safely regarded as one of the
symbols (figs. 45, 46, 47) of prehistoric pottery derived from southern
Arizona; it has been identified as head feathers of the cjuail, and is
found not only on pottery but also on other objects. The outside wall

Fig. 4.5. Earthenware bowl decorated with triangle pattern.

of the sarcophagus discovered in Clan-house 1 is decorated with a series

of these triangles having quail-feather decorations in red pigment.

The use of the swastika ^ in the decoration of prehistoric pottery

is so rare that mention of a single specimen from Casa Grande is

1 Sikyatki pottery shows no signs of Little Colorado influence, a tact which is in harmony with tribal
legends, but former contact with culture of the south is evident in Awatobi ceramics, as would lieexpected.
The Plba (Tobacco) clan, that once lived atChevlon ruin, may have brought from the Little Colorado the
triangle design above described. In the Keam collection there are one or two pieces of pottery with this
decoration, but their provenance is indefinite — either Canyon de Chelly or Tusayan, two distinct ceramic
areas.

' This design, now so freely used in the decoration of Navaho blankets, silverware, and other objects,
has been foimd on pottery from mins on the Little Colorado, and variant forms occur at Sikyatki, but it
seldom appears on cliff-house pottery. The old Ilopi priests do not give a cosmic interpretation to the
swastika, nor do they identify it as a "good luck" symbol. Some of the Pima suggest tliat it represents
the four claws of the eagle.

140

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[ETH. ANN. 28

imi)ortant. Amoiijj all th(> Indians of the Southwest none surpass
the Pinui in the number antl variety of the examples of this symbol,
which is especially elaborate on their basketry. It is used on their
pottery also, particularly on specimens made by the Kwahadt
(Quahatika), near Quijotoac'

The single example on their jiottery and one or two examples on
fragments of basketry show that the swastika was not unknown
to the Casa Grande people.

One looks in vain on Casa Grande pottery for representations of
the feather symbol of Sikyatki, or the "sky band" with dependent
bird forms highly conventionalized, symbols so common on prehis-
toric Hopi earthenware. Likewise absent are the fine geometric fig-
ures so well represented in the ceramics of ancient Ilopiland. Wliile
there is a likeness between the pottery of the Gila drainage and that
of the Little Colorado and the Colorado Plateau, there is only the

Fig. 46. Triangle design decorating bowl (see fig. 43).

most distant resemblance of the life figures of the pottery first
named and that of the San Juan and Rio Grande areas .^

The relative predominance of geometric figures in Casa Grande
ceramic decorations alUes the ware to that of the San Juan and Rio
Grande drainage rather than to the pottery of the ancient Hopi and
Little Colorado. In the old Ilopi ware life forms predominate over
geometric figures, as may be reailily seen by an examination of the

1 A comparison of modern Pima pottery witii ancient Casa Grande ware does not reveal a very close
resemblance in symbolism, but the collection of the former is too small to ser\'e as a basis for extensive
studies. Modern Pima ware is marlced by the presence of but few life fonns, while many geometric decora-
tions (bands, straight and curved, and a number of other designs) are used. Terraced designs, so common
on Pima pottery, are not utilized to any considerable extent on Gila ware.

The Kwaliadt , a group of Indians related to the Pima, living south of Casa Grande, seem to have preserved
to a greater extent than the Pima or the Papago the ancient potters' art, although the Pima are good potters.
Kwahadt pottery has a fine luster, which is not found on the Casa Grande ware, and bears characteristic
symboUc decorations. The designs on this pottery differ radically from the symbols on Pima i>ottery and
basketry, and often suggest symbols on ancient vessels from Casa Grande, combined with features taken
from other tribes.

At the present day Sala (Sarah) Hina, of Kwahadt ancestry, is regarded as the most expert Pima potter.
She spent considerable time at Casa Grande while the excavations were in progress and copied many designs
from the ancient ware.

2 Although we might predict that the pottery of the Verde and Tonto Basins closely resembles that
of the Gila, no assertion as to the resemblance can yet be made, as there are no collections of pottery
from these river valleys.

FKWKES]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

141

beautiful bowls and vases from Sikj-atki, Awatobi, and Shongopovi.
Life motives predominate also in pottery from the Little Colorado
re<rion, but they are rare in cliff-dwellers' pottery, where the propor-
tions are reversetl.'

There is every reason to believe that all the Casa Grande pottery
and the decoration connected therewith are tlie work of women,
and tlie imlustry still sur^avcs in feminme hands among both Pueblos
and Pima. In a pueblo such as Sikyatki, where symbolism in pre-
historic times reached highest development in the Southwest, we find
a great predominance of bird designs, but in the Casa Grande pot-
tery there are only one or two such patterns.

A number of the more striking specimens of pottery from the
Pueblo Viejo Valley are figured in color elsewhere. - Stray specimens
of Gila Valle}^ ware are found
in tlie luins along the Little
Colorado, where, however, it is
not indigenous. Many frag-
ments, most of which bear geo-
metric designs, were brought
to light at Casa Grande, but no
life forms with exception of a
bii'd's head in relief on a smaU
fragment (fig. 41).

The designs on the Pueblo
and other Southwestern pot-
tery, ancient antl modern, are
decidedly idealistic rather than
reahstic. The hfe forms rarely
represent real animals but
rather those which the native potters conceived of as existing. The
varied pictures of hving beings wliich, as alreadj^ stated, constitute
so important a feature in the decoration of Sikyatki potterj', were
not copied from nature but are highly conventionahzed.^

Although some of the common symbols, as tlie rain cloud, which
can be recognized without difficulty among the Pueblos, have not
yet been traced among Casa Grande tlecorations, it may be that
water symbols of another kintl were regarded as more important.
The fields of the Casa Grande farmers were watered b}' irrigation, and

iln modem Pueblo pottery life fonns play a conspicuous r61e, as may he seen -by examination of
modem Keres or Tewa ware.

2 In Wd Ann. Rep. Bur. Amir. Elhnol.

' The sjTnbols on Sikyatki ceramic objects were imdoubtedly made by women and it is probable that
they understood their significance. These sjTiibols afford a good idea of woman's prehistoric art in one
locality of our Southwest and show that it is conventional in the highest degree and largely mythologic,
two features that characterize the art products of other Pueblos.

Fig. 47. Design dec'Orat ing vase.

142 CASA GRANDE, AEIZONA [ktii. ANN. 28

allliougli rain ceremonies were no doubt common, the river cult may
have been more prominent. There are reasons to believe that the
phnned serpent was to tliom syml)olic of the Gila and it is possible
that zigzag figures employed m decoratmg their pottery have refer-
ence to this animal.'

BEAMS AND RAFTERS

The roof of a section (room H) of the Northeast Building having
fallen in almost entire, the writer was enabled to ascertain the man-
ner in which roofs and floors were constructed. The construction of
the former seems to have been not unlike that of Pueblo houses.
On the rafters, transversely, were placed cedar poles over which were
laid sticks supporting clay firmly stamped down. Several fragments
of adobe from roofs and floors, showing impressions of logs, branches,
and reeds, are in the collection brought back to Washington. Many
of the poles and rafters in tins building show the effects of fire, being
superficially charred or, in some cases, converted completely into
charcoal.

Wliile the roof was supported for the greater part by beams laid
from wall to wall, it was strengtliened by perpendicular logs set in
the floors of the rooms. The holes in which these supports were
placed were found to be filled with decayed remnants of the logs.
Some of these logs must have been dragged from the forests on tlis-
tant hills.

CANE CIGARETTES

Along the Gila River in prehistoric times and long after the dis-
covery of Casa Grande there grew great quantities of a species of
reed out of which the ancient Gilenos made cigarettes, by filling
short sections, generally between nodes, with tobacco. Some of
these sections are found wrapped with fragments of cotton and in
most instances they are cliarred. It would appear that when these
cigarettes were used, the smoke was blown through them. An unus-
ually large number of these canes was found in one of the six cere-
monial rooms that extend from the northeast corner of Casa Grande
to the north wall of Compound A. Cigarettes were uneartlied also
in rooms of Compound A, but not in Compounds B, C, and D. They
are found also in shrines, in the hills north of Casa Grande, not far
from Superstition Mountains. They may be considered sacrificial

1 The nopi cult of the plumed serpent Is said lo have been derived from Palatkwabi, the land of the
giant cactus. The writer has seen vases from Casiis Grandes in Chihuahua on which arc tlepicled
serpents bearing horns and feathers on their heads, iike those introduced into Walpi by the Patki clans
of the HopL

z
>

3.5.

S'3

s «

FEWKEs] MINOR ANTIQUITIES 143

objects, deposited because they had been used for ceremonial pur-
poses. Tliis form of cei'emonial cigarette has been discovered in
some of the ruins aloho; tlic Little Colorado and is still used among
the Ilopi in kiva exercises, although now almost wholly superseded
by cigarettes wrajiped in cornhusk.

A small dish containing native tobacco (Nicotiana attenuta) was
fountl in one of the rooms.

SHELL OBJECTS

From the number and variety of marine shells found in the exca-
vations at Casa Grande it is evident that the ancient inhabitants
prized these objects and either obtained them directly from the sea-
shore, or carried on an extensive trade in them w^th other tribes.
All the genera of marine shells found are indigenous to the Pacific
Ocean or the Gulf of California; there is not a single specimen that
can be traced to the Gulf of Mexico. These shells in prehistoric
times must have been widely distributed, for they are found through-
out Arizona and New Mexico and far into Chihuahua. We find the
shells both entire and cut into various ornamental forms, in imitation
of birds, reptiles, frogs, and other animals, the specimens in the last-
named group presenting fine examjiles of art in shell.

The esteem in which shells were held is explained in part by their
supposed magic power to bring rain, wliile the great brilliancy of the
pearly layer of certain genera, as the abalone, or ear shell* (Haliotis),
made them especially attractive ornaments.

The most common gcmus of mollusk found at Casa Grande is Peo-
ianculus, the Pacific ('oast clam, which was cut into a variety of orna-
ments, among which may be mentioned wi'istlets, armlets, carved
frogs, and ear pendants. The largest s]iecimens of Pectunculus were
always chosen for armlets, the smaller being made into wristlets.
Armlets were prepared by grinding down the convex surface, leaving
a rim about the knob, which was perforated. As many as seven of
these armlets were found on the humerus of a single skeleton exliumed
from a mound near Compound B. Some armlets and bracelets (see
fig. 48) are ornamented exteriorly with incised lines into which
were rubbed colored paints, as red and yellow. The surface of one
of the most beautiful specimens of incised finger rings was thus dec-
orated with red figures representing rain clouds and lightning. This
specimen (pi. 75, a) is large enough for the middle finger of an adult;
it was found, together with bones of a human hand, in a grave. (See
also fig. 49.)

' Specimens of this shfU were found t-iitin; and in fragments; some of the latter weiQ cut into orna-
ments and perforated.

144

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[ETH. ANN. 28

Fig. 48. Bracelet of Pectunculus shell.

Several sj^ocimons of Pectunculus were perforated in the mirldio,
but were not suilicientl_y ground down to make bracelets or armlets.
These, which were found near the base of a human skull, may have
been parts of necklaces or of strings of shells worn about the neck,

resembhng those which have
been described from ruins in
northern Arizona.

An artistic example of .shell
carving found at Casa Grande
represents a frog cut out of a
Pectunculus. In this specimen
(pi. 75, h), which is one of the
best shell carvings known to
the author, from the South-
west, the legs, head, and body
are in relief, the eyes especially
being artistically made. (See
also fig. 50.)
One specimen (pi. 75, c) of these shells explains
how the frogs were made. The legs and arms are
indicated by scratches on one side, the backbone of
the animal also being marked out by scratches on
the surface of the shell. These markings were fol-
lowed in cutting out the parts of the body.

Several perforated Pectunculus shells (pi. 75, d)
similar to those found in Little
Colorado ruins were brought to light at Casa
Grande.

A single shell fragment, bearing on the back
remains of rows of turquoises, was also found at
Casa Grande. Although it woukl appear from
several broken specimens that turquoise mosaics
representing animals were not uncommon in the
Gila-Salt region, it is doubtful whether these re-
markable objects were manufactured in Ai-izona.'
Among the more numerous marine shells which were found in
Compound B of the Casa Grande Group of ruins are many large
conchs, the points of the spires of nearly all of which were ground off
and perforated as if for trumpets. Judging from known ceremonies
of the Ilopi, it is highly jirobable that these trumpets were used in
dramatic celebrations in which elligies of the great serpent were intro-
duced, the priest using the instruments to imitate the supposed roar
of this animal. More than a dozen complete specimens, and many

> The turquoise frog found in the ruins at Chaves Pass is figured in S3d Ann. Kep. Bur. A met. Elhnol.,
pi. XLTV.

Fig. -19. Shell finger
ring (Conus) deco-
rated with incised
design.

Fig. 50. Shell frog.

FEWKKS] MINOR ANTIQUITIES 145

fragments of conch shell that may have been parts of trumpets, were
foinul in the course of the excavations at Casa Grande, the greater
number being obtained on the west side of Compound B. All these
shells came originally from the Pacific coast.

In addition to the worked shell objects mentioned above, there
were found a few fragments carved to represent various animals,
among them lizards, birds, serpents, rabbits, and certain creatures
the itlentification uf which is impossible. Similar small shell carv-
ings exist in all collections from the Gila ruins and are classified as
fetishes. These small carvings, which give evidence of considerable
artistic skill, were apparently personal amulets. Several had evi-
dently been worn, many being perforated as if formerly suspended
about the neck or fastened to the ears or to some other part of
the Ijody. These were picked up on the surface, apparently having
been washed out of the ground by rains. The number found was
com])arativcly small.

Other shell fragments and shell objects vary from small perfor-
ated disks to spherical or oval beads or small flakes. No cord was
found by which these beads were strung together.

Shells of the genus Conus (pi. 75, e) were cut into tinklers, which
were either attached to sticks, forming rattles, or to the edges of
kiltlike fabrics or garments. Those objects were made by cutting
off one end of the shell, generally the pointed extremity; in some
cases the whole spire was removed and the pointed end perforated,
the shell thus becoming a conical bell open at the side. The tin-
kling was produced by rattling several of these attached shells
against one another.'

It was suggested by one of the old Pima that the lip of the Peden
shell was used in making zigzag or other designs on the cheeks, which
had previously been covered with pigment. The shell, he explained,
was drawn down the cheek, its lip being pressed against the skin.
Nearly all the Pima formerly painted their faces for ornamentation
or for protection against the rays of the sun.

BONE IMPLEMENTS

A comparatively small number of bone objects was found, most
of them very good specimens. One of the best was taken from
the collar bone of an adult, having been placed on the shoulder with
the point toward the heart. "Wliile most of the bone implements
are needles, awls, and pins, tliis object has been identified as a dirk.

I Rattles of this kind are abundant in ruins north of the rim of the Mogollones and are still used by
the Hopi and other Pueblos. We sometimes find shells replaced by tinklers made of metal, the best
known examples of which arc those on the margin of the kilts of the Snake priests at Walpi.

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 10

146 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA Feth. ann. 28

A tube mado of a turkey hone perforated about midway in its length
was doubtless used as a whistle. It is similar to objects useil by the
Hopi in some of their ceremonies, to imitate bird calls. Several arti-
ficiall}' pointed bones are charred at the end.

Among the bones recognized are those of the antelope, turkey,
rabbit, and bear. Bird bones are the most common, but the speci-
mens have been workeil to so great an extent as to make identifica-
tion impossible. Most of them are simply pointed, rarely decorated,
but some are perforated for use as beads or needles.

WOODEN IMPLEMENTS

Although there were few trees suitable for building purposes in the
immediate neighborhood of Casa Grande, in the distant liills were
trees of sufficient size to yield good boards. In rooms which have
been excavated are found long beams of considerable size and flat
boards the surfaces of some of wliich are as smooth as if they had
been planed. Some of these beams may have been hauled to Casa
Grande from localities at least 5 miles or even farther away; they
are squared and their surfaces bear evidence of having been worked.
They were extensively used to support roofs and floors and in some
of the smaller buildings as studding for the walls. In the latter case
they held in place withes or osiers upon wliich was laid the plaster.
The trees most commonly used for tliis purpose were the pine and
cedar.

Ironwood, which is very hard and extremely difficult to cut, was
shaped into planting sticks for cultivating the soil. These (pi. 76)
are saber-shaped, being long and thin-bladed ; most of them are pro-
vided with a short handle at one end, wliile the curved rim is
sharpened. In one of the rooms of Compound A* was a pile of five
of these objects- averaging 4 to 5 feet in length, that had evidently
been deposited there when the place was deserted. Dibbles and
planting sticks were found also in excavations, especially in the
mound south of Compound B.

Several very good specimens of paddles (pi. 77) of ironwood, of
practically the same shape as modern Pima pottery paddles, were
unearthed at Casa Grande; these vary in form, some being knife-
shaped, others spatulate. They were evidently used in the manu-
facture of pottery, for finishing the outer surface of the vessel. As

1 See ground plan of room 1, near northeast plaza (pi. 6).

2 There was some difEerenee of opinion among Pima workmen and others regarding the use of these imple-
ments, but the statement of the older men that in their youth they had seen similar objects used as shovels
is accepted as the most probable explanation. Another theory, that they were implements used in war,
after the manner of broadswords, is rejected on account of the exceptional character of such weapons
among the Southwestern tribes.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 76

(Nos. 2o'2134-2.=i'2138)
WOODEN SHOVELS OR SPADES

_]
Q
Q
<

a
o
o

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 78

(No. 2S2r39)
WOODEN STAMP

<'XV /

BALL USED IN KICKING GAME

MODERN OBJECTS FOUND ON SURFACE

FEWKEs] MINOR ANTIQUITIES 147

there is no evidence whatever tliat the ancients of Casa Grande had
knowledge of the potter's wheel, paiklles of this kind were necessary.
Smootliing was hkewise accomplished by means of stones, after the
clay had dried, in the same way that the fuie glossy surface is often
imparteil to earthenware by modern Pima potters.

Among other wooden objects are small pointed sticks of ironwood,
a few inches long, which served probably for needles, possibly for
weaATng. Decayed fragments of a prayer-stick painted green also
came to light; this was used possibly in prehistoric ceremonies.

The two objects showai in plate 78 were found on the surface and
are motleni. The ball was used possibly in the ball game, which is
still played at times by the Pima.

BASKETRY

The women of Casa Grande were skillful basket makers. Jilany
fragments and several small whole pieces of their work have been
found in the excavations in the houses. The specimens of Casa
Grande baskets obtained are of two kinds, one of which is loosely
woven of ^\'illow twigs, flat in form, more like a Hopi plaque than an
ordinary basket. While varying in size, most of these baskets are
quite large, the remains of one indicating so great a capacity that it
might have been used as a bin for the storage of corn or other grain
in much the same way that a similar granary is used by the modern
Pima. The other type of flat basket belongs to the coiled variety,
being made from the fiber of raffia wound over bunches of the same
material. Most of these baskets are small and bear evidences of
ornamentation, the strands of which they are composed being vari-
ously colored. One specimen of this type was found covered with
a thin deposit, possibly pitch, as if to render it serviceable as a water
jar. Similar waterproof baskets are not uncommon among the
Apache and other Indians of northern Arizona.

A large fragment of coarse matting was unearthed in one of the
rooms; this is evidently part of a mat that was used in much the
same way as the ancient Pima used their sleeping mats. Impressions
of one of these mats were seen iipon the adobe floor of one of the
rooms of Compound B, elsewhere mentioned (p. 99). These mats
were made of a rush which, according to historians, formerly grew
abundantly along the banks of the Gila and Salt Rivers, but which
in late years has become rare in the vicinity of Casa Grande.

FABRICS

From the number of fragments of cloth excavated at Casa Grande
there is little doubt that the preliistoric inhabitants of this settlement

148 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

wore fainiliar with native cotton and had also fabrics made of other
vegetable libers." They likewise wove the hair of certain animals
into articles of wearing apparel. Of all varieties of fiber used in
weaving the most abundant and most readily obtained was that of
the agave, which grows luxuriantly everywhere in southern Arizona
deserts. A combination of this fiber with that of cotton was com-
mon, and the manufacture of feather garments was not unknown.
A small skeleton found in one of the rooms was wrapped in a
garment of this kind and in another room similar wrappings were
found around a small bowl containing green pigment. There were
unearthed also fragments of a belt decorated with rectangular and

zigzag patterns, similar to designs on fabrics
discovered among cliff-dwellings in northern
Arizona ; one end of this belt was embroidered.
Worthy of mention also is a lace-like fabric,
a large piece of which was unearthed in the
refuse that formerly almost filled one of the

Fig. 51. Copper bells. . . f n r« 1 r»

rooms just east or Casa brande. On ac-
count of the great heat, thick clothing was not made by the people
of this community.

COPPER BELLS

The inhabitants of Casa Grande appear to have been ignorant of all
metals except float copper, a specimen of which was found in the
excavations (pi. 67,/). Two copper bells (fig. 51) were picked up on
the surface of the ground. These bells do not dift'er in shape or size
fi'om those found in ruins along the Little Colorado and elsewhere in
the Southwest and may have been obtained in trade from Mexico,
•although there is no evidence that they were not made by the Casa
Grande people.

PICTOGRAPHS

Casa Grande is situated in a plain and in the immediate neigh-
borhood there are no outcroppings of rocks available for pictographs,
although it is probable that certam pictures on rocks distant about a
mile date back to the time when Casa Grande was inhabited. As
a rule, these pictographs are pecked into the rock, paintings, if any,
having been washed or worn away. The largest cluster of picto-
graphs lies in the outcropping lava on the north side of the Gila,
opposite the settlement of Pmia, called Blackwater.

There are also many pictographs on the "pictured rocks" a few
miles east of Florence, and still others in the Casa Grande Mountain

• Many of the fragments of doth found were charred, and on that account some of the best specimens
fell to pieces when handled.

FEWKBS]

MINOR ANTIQUITIES

149

Ranj^e west of the ruins. The pictographs near Sacaton are perhaps
the best known in this section, ahhough those farther down the GiJa
are more extensive. There is a general similarity in all these picture
writings, some of which are regarded with reverence by modern
Pima.

The pictures impart but slight information respecting the life or
customs of the prehistoric people who made them, being much the same
as pictographs found elsewhere in the Southwest. Symbols that may
be clan totems or even rude
representations of mytho- . .^

logic beings are found in •'.• :-'.i';- ■.■'■'■ .■

the neighboring hills; these _ . ■■■ •;■•-:;■.■.?..•''>,•' ;:■.••■

may indicate camping places,
shrines, or other sites, but
beyond this we can offer no
suggestion as to their mean-
ing. They tell no connected
story of the ancients.

The walls of Casa Grande
formerly bore names of many
American visitors and a few
markings that can be as-
cribed to Indians. One of
the best of these, shown in
the accompanymg illustra-
tion (fig. 52; see also pi. 40), is
sometimes called tcuhuki, or " the house of Tcuhu." Its resemblance
to a figure in an early Spanish narration has been commented on
elsewhere.' Several pictographs found in the vicinity of Casa Grande
are also shown in plate 40.

In a speech in the House of Representatives (Mar. 2, 1865) Colo-
nel Poston said:

Incised pictograph of "the House of Tcuhu.'

The oldest living trapper in Arizona, at this day, is old Pauline Weaver, from ^^'hite
County, Tennessee. Ilis name is carved on the Casa Grande, near the Pima villages
on the Gila River, under date 1832.

Although not disposed to doubt that Weaver may have visited the
ruin at that early date, the writer has not been able to find his name
or the date on its walls.

1 See American ^n/ftropoZoj/w/, N. s., IX, 512, 19<>7. The account previously quoted from the Rudo
Ensayo is that here referred to. The tcuhuki was not a ruin, as the author understood the Pima, but a
game in which the figiu-e mentioned was marlied out on the sand. This game, now about extinct, has becD'
played within the memory of one of the writer's informants.

150 CASA fiRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. ANN. 28

SEEDS

In inw of the rooms east of Casa Grande were found seeds of several
kinds — corn, beans, and mesquite beans. The corn grains wore often
encountered in masses, generally charred, some being so much burnt
that they were recognizable only with difficulty.

Some of these seeds were found in pottery vessels, many of which
were in fragmentary condition; most of this pottery came to light in
the rooms east of the main building of Compound A, wliich was
evidently used as a dumping place long after the rooms were aban-
donetl. The presence of many fragments of textiles, pottery, corn
stalks and leaves, charcoal from sticks or beams, and ashes in quanti-
ties suggested that possibly fires were once built here.

RELATIOX OF COMPOUNDS TO PUEBLOS

The architecture of the compounds of the Gila-Salt Basin is suffi-
ciently characteristic to distinguish them from pueblos, making pos-
sible the assumption that the sociology of the peoples was also
chflferent. In compounds and pueblos we recognize buildings of at
least two types, apparent^ devoted to two distinct purposes, secular
and ceremonial. The homoiogue of the massive house with its sur-
rounding wall is unknown among pueblos, and the I'iva of the latter
is not represented architecturally in the Gila VaUe}^ ruins.'

It is instructive to note that the ruins in the valley of the Little
Colorado, where the influence of the Gila Valley culture was marked,
contain no true kivas. Their ceremonial rooms were JciJius, morpho-
logically different from, although functionally the same as, kivas.
The Zuni Mmtse architecturally resembles a kihu rather than a kiva,
and is i)robably a survivor of the ceremonial room of the Little Colo-
rado ruins. Among the Hopi there are both kivas and kihus, the
former traceable to northern and eastern influence. The reason kivas
have not been found in the Little Colorado drainage is that there the
ceremonial rooms were kihus, which are difficult to distinguish from
other rooms in the house masses.

It is hard to reach a definite conclusion regarding the relative ages
of the Gila Valley compounds and the pueblos of northern Arizona,
or to compare as to age the Arizona ruins with those of Now Mexico
and Colorado. If we rely on traditions for that comparison, they
teach, in the opinion of the writer, that both are older than the Little
Colorado pueblos, to which group the Zuni ruins belong.

> These two architectural fonas of Pueblo ceremonial rooms are so dilTerent that one can hardly have
been derived from the other. They are analogous but not homologous, and their relations are dilEcult to
.determine.

FEWKEsl RELATION OF COMPOUNDS TO PUEBLOS 151

Culturally, all northern' and central Arizona ruins, ancient and mod-
ern, seem to show a dual composition, having connections on the one
side with the Rio Grande pueblos and on the other with the habitations
of the Gila Valley. Wliether the pueblos of Xew Mexico in the Rio
Grande drainage were derived from the compounds of the Gila or
vice versa, is an open question, but there seem to have been two foci
of cultural distribution m the Southwest.

Hopi traditions suppoi-t tlu* theory that the ruins in the Verde and
Tonto Valleys were settled by offshoots from the "great house"
builders of tlie Gila and Salt Valleys in prehistoric times, and that the
ruins along the Little Colorado were peopled in part by clans from
the same river valleys. There appears to be no way of ascertaining
the sources or the relative age of the Rio Grande culture, whether
derivative or autochthonous. -

The geographic limits of the ruins called "compounds" appear to
be the plains of the Gila-Salt Basin. Following up the tributaries of
the GOa-Salt, these ruins give place to pueblos and clifT-houses, and
even where there are extensive plains, as in the Little Colorado Basin,
the construction of "great houses" likeCasa Grande does not appear
to have been undertaken. The so-called Casas Grandes ruins in
Chihuahua, however, belong to the same type as the compounds in
the Gila-Salt Valley of Arizona, although larger and apparently more
ancient. The environmental conditions of the deserts of southern
Arizona and northern Mexico, like the ruuis, are quite similar.

Although without Ivivas, the cliff-houses in the Sierra Madre of
northwestern Mexico resemble in many features those of Arizona,
Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah, and stand in somewhat the same
relation to the casas grandes along the river of the same name as do
the cUff-dwel lings near Roosevelt Dam to Casa Grande. This in-
dicates the existence of a homogeneous culture, and shows that,
where similar environmental conditions existed, the inhabitants con-
structed similar dwellings. By this method of reasoning, the conclu-
sion is reached that the Sierra Madre and the Arizona cliff-dwellings
were not derived one from the other, but arose as independent modi-
fications of a similar culture.'

Thus, it would appear that while architecturally there is con-
siderable difference between the compounds and the pueblos, some
of the latter may have housed descendants of the inhabitants of the
former None of these pueblos, however, are found in the neighbor-

* Except possibly those on the San Juan and its tributaries.

2 There is evidence that some of the oldest Hopi villages were settled by clans from this region.

3 The circular subterranean kiva, so constant a feature of the cliff-houses of northern Arizona, southern
Colorado, and the Rio Grande and San Juan drainage, does not e.xist in the elifl-houses of southern Ari-
zona, nor in the Sierra Madre in Mexico. This form is not found in the cILff-houses of the Red Rocks, on
the Verde, or on any tributary of the Gila; it originated in the eastern part of the Pueblo area, and its influ-
ence was not suflicient to be felt in any prehistoric pueblo on the Colorado River.

152 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

hood of tho "groat liousos" of tlie (Jila-Salt Basin; Ihero aro no
nioilorn jiuoblos in southern Arizona. Wlion Europeans entoretl the
Gihi Valley they found tribes living in isolated dwellings not very
diflferont from tho houses of modern Pima and Papago, who are sup-
posed to be the descendants of tlie builders of Casa Grande.

The appearance of the great walled compounds like Casa Grande
suggests tho warlike rather than the peaceful character of tho inhab-
itants. Thej' were constructed for defense and their presence implies
that their builders had enemies they feared. It is hardly possible
that any considerable number of distant enemies could have menaced
Casa Grande at the time tliis structure was built, but its inhabitants
were fearful of their own neighbors, of warriors of their own stock,
perhaps speaking their own language. Judging from what we know
of the Pueblos, there was little unity of action among the people of
the compounds. The conditions were feudal, each community for
itself; the people did not unite to resist a common foe. Constant raid-
ing led to a union of relatetl clans, which erected thick-walled dwell-
ings for protection. Possibly sometlring akin to what has been called
the "megalithic era" influenced these ever-growing communities.
The "unconscious aim at expression of abstract power" by huge
buildings may also have had its influence. An American feudal sys-
tem developed in the Gila-Salado Basin, marked by the erection of
buildings belonging to some chief (civan), aro;md which wore clus-
tered small huts in which the common people lived. There was
nothing like tliis condition among the Pueblos or even probably
among the cliff-tlwellers, but such a condition existed in Mexico in
the days before tlie advent of the European concjuerors.

But if it be true that ancestors of the Pima built Casa Grande, why,
it may be asked, have the Pima lost the art of building "great
houses," and why did they inhabit only small huts when the Spanish
explorers came?' In reply it may be said that they were forced to
abandon their great structures, being unable to defend them on
account of their unwieldy size. Hostile invaders found these con-
spicuous structures easy prey and broke up this phase of Pima cul-
ture, overcoming the chiefs and driving out the defenders of the com-
pounds. But, although scattered, the common people naturally con-
tinued to occupy inconspicuous huts similar to those in which they
hatl always lived. (See fig. 5-3.) This apparent change of culture is
paralleled among sedentary tribes in Mexico. Although forced to
desert their temples and great buildings, the ancient Mexicans still
lived in huts, in which nothing remained to tempt the cupidity of
their enemies.

■ "Great houses" are said by Bandelier, quoting Father Ribas (Final Report, pt. ii, p. 460), to have
been occupied liy southem Pima in historic times.

FEWKES]

RELATION OF COMPOUNDS TO PUEBLOS

153

Summary of Conclusions

The preceding roncliisioiis may be summarized as follows: In
ancient times the whole drainage of the Gila and its tributaries from
the points where they leave the mountains as far at least as Gila
Bend was inhabited by an agricultural people in a homogeneous stage
of culture. Throughout this region existed minor divisions of a
common stock. The Pima name Hohokam may be adopted to des-
ignate this ancestral stock, to whom may be ascribed the erection
of the casas grandes on the Gila. These "great houses" were places
of refuge, ceremony, and trade. They were inhabited and ruled by
the chiefs whose names they bear among the present Pima. The

Fig. 53. Model of Kma circular hoase constructed south of Compound A .

people dwelt in small huts of perishable character, not unlike Pima
jacales of historic times, a few of wluch still survive. In the course of
time a hostile faction bent on pillage came into this region from east
or west and drove the agriculturists out of their casas grandes or at
least broke up the custom of building such structures. But although
dispersed, the ancient house l)uilders were not exterminated; some of
them became refugees and migrated south into Mexico, some followed
the course of the Verde and the Tonto into the northern mountains,
but others, perhaps the majority, gradually lost their former culture
but still remained in the Gila Valley, becoming ancestors of the present
Pima. Papago, and Kwahadt (Quahatika). Those who went north-
ward later built pueblos (now ruins) in the Little Colorado Valley.

154

CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA

[ETIt. ANN. 28

Their descendants ultimately joined the Ziiiii and the Ilopi, \v'ith
whom, acooi-dinfi; to legends, they still live.'

Historians have paid little attention to these migrations, for they
occurred in prehistoric times, but vague legends still survive among
both Zuni and Ilopi bearing on the life of some of their clans in the
south. These migration legends are supported by archeologic evi-
dence and are supplemented by Pima traditions.

One objection that has been repeatedly urged against acceptance
of the traditions of the modern Pima that they are descendants of the
inhabitants of Casa Grande is that the former do not now construct
great massive-walled houses like the buildings here described, but

Fig. 54. Typical modern Tima rectangular dwelling.

live in thin-walled houses supported by posts. The Pima have
not constructed habitations of the former type in liistoric times.
The excavations in Compound B show that many fragile-walled
houses of rectangular form once stood ^\'ithin tliis inclosure and there
is good evidence that they existed in the other compounds also.
The people of Casa Grande, or at least some of them, inhabited the
same kind of houses as the modern Pima. These great buildings
are not habitations; they are sacred edifices or communal citadels.
But it may be objected that the typical Pima houses were round,

' These legends call for new researches on the character of the prehistoric cultiu-e along the northern
tributaries of the Salt River, the Verde, the Tonto, and other streams. Accurate information on the fol-
lowing, among other, points is needed; (1) What relation exists between the symbolism on pottery from
these valleys and on that from the Gila and the Little Colorado? (2) Was cremation practised along
the Verde and the Tonto in prehistoric times? Is there any evidence of cremation in ruins on the Lit He
Colorado?

FEWKEsl RELATION OF COMPOUNDS TO PUEBLOS 155

while those of Casa Gnimk^ were rectanguhir.' (Figs. 53, 54.) This
objection at present seems unanswerable, but attention may be drawn
to the fact tliat some of the Pima dwelHngs are rectanguhir. Objec-
tion is made also because of tlie tlilVerence in the manner of (bsposal of
the dead. As is well known, the Pima do not burn their tlead, whereas
cremation was a common custom at Casa Grande. Evidence has
been presented already, showing that the inhabitants of Casa Grande
sometimes interred their dead as well as burned them and that both
customs existed side by side in the same compound.

In traversing the Gila region one finds mounds of earth, reservoirs,
and remains of irrigation ditciies similar to those above considered.
Examination of these structures reveals a morphologic resemblance
which leads us to regard this region as a single culture area. On
comparison of the arcliitecture of Casa Grande with that typical of
cave or pueblo constructions the differences seem to be so marked
that they can not be included in the culture area of which the first-
named style of arcliitecture is a type. The Pueblo culture area is
arcliitecturally different. But when Casa Grande is compared with
buildings farther south, including those in the northern States of
Mexico, striking resemblances appear. The Gila Valley culture area
is limited on the north by the plateau region, but extends to an as yet
undefined bortler on the south.

There are similar limitations and extensions in physiographic condi-
tions. The environment changes as we pass out of the culture area of
which Casa Grande is a type into the region of Pueblo culture. It is
not illogical to suppose, therefore, that Casa Grande affords another
striking example of intimate relationship between human culture and
en\'ironment , under a law intimately connected with a more com])re-
hensive one, namely, the relation of geography and human culture
history.

As pointed out by the late Doctor KusseU, the Pima have legends
that tliey came from the east, but he does not state that all the Pima
clans have identical legends. Some clans claim that their ancestors
built Casa Grande; here tiie legends may refer to those clans living in
the Gila Valley before the arrival of the eastern contingent mentioned
by Russell. Like most of the Southwestern tribes, the modern Pima
show evidences of being a composite tribe and it is not unlikely that
ancestors of some of the components may have come from one direc-
tion, others from another. The craniologic differences between the
budders of the GiJa-Salt compounds and the modern Pima may be
accounted for b}^ this fact.

» None of the wattle-walled hiits, the floors and decayed posts of which can be so well traced in Com-
pound B, were circular in form. When the I'inia were first visited nearly all their huts were circular.
Only a few of this type now remain.

156 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ann. 28

In tlio light of tho various objects found iit ('asa Grande, already
described, the inliabitants of tlie, prehistoric settlement may be con-
sidered as people of the Stone Age, notwithstanding tlieir accpiaint-
ance with copper. There is no evidence that they were familiar
with any other metals, as iron, bronze, silver, or gold. But even
in this stage they must have developed a comparatively high social
organization. Every student of the "great houses" of the Gila-
Siilado Basin must marvel at their relatively enormous size and the
evidences of cooperation and intelligent direction of labor that they
show. The erection of such structures requires many workmen and
an able director, a sociologic condition not found elsewhere in North
America outside of Mexico. In another place the writer ascribes
the origin of this cooperation to the necessity of union of labor in
the construction of the irrigation ditclies essential for successful agri-
culture in this region, one of many examples that might be cited of
the influence of climate on culture liistory in the Southwest.

These buildings were constructed on a characteristic plan, which was
adhered to everywhere in the Gila VaUey. As already stated, the
builders evolved two distinct types of architecture: "Great houses"
with thick walls, apj)arently constructed by many persons, features
wliich point' to these structures as. devoted to public purposes; (2)
one-room habitations with wattle walls, provided with a central fire-
place in the floor, and with a doorway in the miiklle of one of the
long sides.'

The presence of stone idols indicates a weU-developed idolatry
and ceremonial system. While the inliabitants possessed eiTective
weapons in tlie form of spears, and bows and arrows, they were
essentially agricultural, cultivating fields of corn and possibly beans,
squashes, and tiie like. They also gathered mesquite beans.

They wove fibers into belts or into cloth which was colored with
bright ])igments. They raised cotton and utilized tlie fibers of agave
and other plants in weaving. They maile basketry and pottery,
which they decorated with symbols, but did not glaze. As potters
they were inferior to their neighbors atCasas Grandes, in Chihuahua,^
and to the aboriginal artists of Sikyatki and Awatobi in tlie Hopi
country. In disposing of their dead they practised both cremation
and inhumation.

A conclusion arrived at in the writer's studies of the habitations,
sometimes called pueblos, of sedentary peoples in the Southwest, is

1 It is probable tliat the doorway served also as a smoke vent, as in modem Pima houses, which are not
provided with an opening in the roof.

2 The pottery from this Mexican State sliares with tliat from Sikyatlii and other ancient Ilopi ruins, the
reputation of being the best painted ware of prehistoric Norlli America, exclusive of soutlicrn Mexico and
Central America. The relation of the polychrome ware from these two regions is close so far as colors are
concerned, but diverse as regards symbols.

FEWKES] RELATION OF COMPOUNDS TO PUEBLOS 157

that they form two clistmct architectural types — tlie true pueblos ami
the compounds — ^differini;; radically from each other. These indicate
two centers of cultural distribution, one of which was in the east, the
other in the south, or, broadly speaking, in what is now called Colo-
rado and New Mexico on the one hand, and southern Arizona on the
other. Between these centers lies the great valley of the Little Colo-
rado, which was a meetuig ground of prehistoric people, wherein a
mLxed cultural type was formed and distributed. It has a composite
type of pottery showing features of the Colorado-New Mexican and the
southern Ai-izonian ware, sometimes one, sometimes the other, pre-
dominating.

The aboriginal migrations of man in the Southwest may be rouglily
likened to the spread of vegetation or to the stocking of regions by
animals from a center of cUstribution. There was a slow passmg of
clans from one place to another, largely uifluenced by the scarcity or
abundance of water and food. Tlie pressure of incomuig hostUes
played a part in determining the directions of the migrations, but not
the most important part, the main cause beuig failure of water, due
to desiccation of the land, and increased sahnity. The situation of
streams was an important factor in these migrations, as it determmed
the location of the trails which man followed. The routes of the pre-
historic migrations are indicated by rums left along the banks of these
streams. In these movements sites that could be readily defended
were generally adopted, but each group of clans acted independently:
there was little unity of action and at times open hostility among
members of the same group. Clusters of clans were continually
unitmg and groups of families were as constantly divergmg from the
main body. Two great movements can be detected, one settmg from
the Rio Grande toward the west and south, and the other from the
Gihi toward the north and east. An objective region for both was
the valley of the Little Colorado, which offered an attractive home
for all the tribes.

The Grand Canyon of the Colorado, situated north and west of the
Pueblo region, served to keep back from the Little Colorado Valley
the inhabitants of the country in those directions, so the immigrants
entered this region in prehistoric times mainly from the east and
south. One stream of colonists followed down the San Juan, another
went up tlie northern tributaries of the Salt. The ruins at Black
Falls mark the southern limit of the people passing west and south
from the San Juan; those on the Little Colorado above Black Falls
can be traced to the southern colonists.

The advent of the southern colonists into the Little Colorado Basin
was at a late day ; their influence was widely spread. The tributaries
entering the Salt from the north served as pathways by which the
culture of the south spread from the Gila north and northeast.

158 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. ann. 28

Of tlie various tributaries tJiat have served for the triiusmission
northward of the culture of the Gihi-Salt region tlie Tonto and tlie
Verde were the most important routes. Along their banks are
many ruins of former liouses of the clans from tlie south that migrated
northward, a few reaching Tusayan, as traditions of the Hopi declare.
MindelefF ' reached tlie conclusion, from which the author dissents,
that there was a migration in the Verde Valley from the north to the
south, as shown in the following quotation:

The internal evidence supports the conclusion that the movement [along the Verde]
was southward and that in the large ruin near Limestone Creek the inhabitants of the
lower Verde Valley had their last resting place before they were absorbed by the
population south of them, or were driven permanently from this region.

The existence of many large ruins and the small amount of arable
land in the southern part of the Verde Valley would seem to mdicate
that the clans traversed the valley seekhig better agricultural lands,
the soil improving as one goes north. They crossed the mountains
from south to north, eventually descendmg into the valley of the
Little Colorado, wliich was uninhabited. An exammation of
the narrow lower Verde Valley shows that it was not fitted for the
support of so large a population as that indicated by the re-
mains of the great settlements along the Gila. The ruins of
the pueblos built in this region bear inlaerent evidences that the}^
were not long inliabited; the clans drifted farther north, where
the valley afforded better soil and more abundant water. With
progress northward the number of ruins increases, showing that the
land was more thickly populated and the length of occupancy greater.
When the emigrants above mentioned met the eastern clans they
became assimilated with them and the faither they went from the
Gila the more they lost resemblance to the parent type. .The sphere
of influence of the southern culture can be fairly well traced, its
northern limit being not far from the mesas of the Hopi, who have
been somewhat modified by it. It can be traced as far as the upper
Verde and extended eastward to the pueblo of Acoma.^

The ruins directly ascribed to the southern culture show little
influence of Keresan or Tanoan clans but suggest the blocks of build-
ings in the Gila compounds. These ruins contain no circular subter-
ranean kivas. The pottery of these southern pueblos has character-
istic symbols traceable throughout the regions to wliich its influence
extended.

The pottery of the first-settled pueblos of the Hopi, as Sikyatki,
is distinctly allied to that of the eastern culture type and shows little
resemblance to that from the south. Hopi pottery was never pro-

' In ISthAnn. Rep. But. Ethnol., p. 259.

2 Pneblo ruins like Kintiol, north of Navaho Springs, show strongly this southern influence and marked
resemblance to Ziini Valley ruins.

FEWKEs] RELATION OF COMPOUNDS TO PUEBLOS 159

foundlv affected hy clans from that direction. Prehistoric Ilopi
pottery symbols are Kcresan. The influx of Tewa and Tigiia in com-
paratively modern times has radically modified the symbols so that,
as elsewhere pointed out, modern Hopi pottery is practically Tanoan.

At Zuhi, however, prehistoric pottery is more closely related to
that of the southern clans, by whom the valley was first settled, and
belongs to the Little Colorado ceramic area.' Modern Zuni pottery,
however, is radically different from the ancient, resembling that of
modern Hano or of the so-called modern Hopi.

If, as the character of the pottery seems to indicate, Ziiui culture
is more modern than Ilopi culture, the earliest colonists in the Zuni
Valle\' were clans related to those that peopled the Little Colorado
Basin later than the time of the founding of Sikyatki and other pre-
historic Hopi pueblos.

A comparative study of Acoma pottery sheds no light on the age
of Zuni as compared with that of the abandoned pueblos of the
Little Colorado and the ancient Hopi ruins. ' ^"ery little archeologic
data regarding Acoma has been gathered, and few clan or migration
legends of this pueblo have been published, but judging from ceramic
decoration it appears that Acoma pottery bears little resemblance to
that peculiar to southern clans; it is distinctly Keresan and resembles
more closely the pottery of ancient Hopi than it does that of ancient
Zuni or Little Colorado ware, by which it does not apjiear to have
been affected. Certain known facts bear on this question. Acoma
is the oldest pueblo on an ancient site in the Southwest. Since its
settlement it has been in continual conflict with other peoples. When
its clans came into the country they were forced to defend themselves
and chose as the site of their home a high rock, from which other
clans could not dislodge them. Acoma is regarded, then, as the east-
ern limit of southern, or Gila, influence and marks one })oint on a line
of demarkation of the dual influences which merged at Hopi and Zuni.
According to Hopi legend, it was settled by clans allied to the Snake
and the Horn, from Tokonabi on the San Juan, which united with
those from the far eastern region, possibly of Keresan parentage, as
the present language indicates.

The Hopi Snake legend tells of clans called the Tcamahia that left
the Snake clans at Wukoki on the Little Colorado and made their way
east to Acoma, ^ where they met other clans from the east. These
two groups were kindred, and as Tcamahia is a Kcresan term we
may conclude that they were Keresan in kin. The relations of the
Tcamahia of Acoma and the Snake clans at Walpi were never com-

' From the relation of the ancient Zuni pottery to that of the Little Colorado and the Gila the writer is
led to hel'eve that the first colonists of that valley came from the south and west.

2 In estimating the extent of the influence of Gila Valley cullure in the northeastern part of the pueblo
region, especially in the neighborhood of Acoma, it is desirable that ruins ascribed to ancestors of Acoma
Clans be studied in the light of their traditions.

160 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eth, ann. 28

plotel}' broken, unci at every Snake festival one of the Tcamahia
from Acoma is a guest. This is the asperger, who chants the words
Tcamalna, Awahaia, etc.

In considering the preliistoric migrations of agricultui'al peoples
in the Southwest, especially with respect to changes in culture and
to diminution of population, we must not lose sight of the influence
of increased salinity due, directl}' or indirectly, to long-continued
prehistoric irrigation. This cause was perhaps more effectual than
human enemies or increased aridity in breaking up tlie prehistoric
culture. If barrenness of the soil, due to the cause mentioned, led
to the abandonment of populous aboriginal compounds, this fact
has an important bearing on the future of the white farmers in the
Gila and Salt River Valleys.

APPENDIX

CATALOGUE OF SPECIMENS FROM CASA GRANDE

FoUowang is a list of specimens collected from Casa Grande in
1906-7 and 1907-8, prepared by Mr. E. P. Upliam, of the United
States National Museum, who has introduced measurements of many
of the objects. The objects bearing accession number 48761 were
obtained mainly from Compound A in 1906-7, and the remainder,
under No. 49619, are from Compounds B, C, D, and Clan-house 1,
collected in 1907-8. A few specimens were picked up on the surface
of the ground between the compounds or dug up in the mounds east
and south of Compound B, midway between Compound A and Clan-
house 1.

The whole number of specimens obtained is approximately 1,300,

exclusive of fragments and objects gathered from the surface, some

possibly not belonging to the ancients. The brief references to the

Casa Grande specimens in the following lists are supplementary to

the more complete descriptions, accompanied with illustrations, of

some of the more striking examples that appear in the preceding

pages.

Accession No. 4S761, Casa Grande, Arizona

V. s.
Nat.
Mas.
No.

Bur.

Amer.

Eth.

No.

251669

477a

251670

478b

251671

479c

251672

480d

251673

481e

251674

482t

251675

483g

251676

484a

251677

485b

251678

486c

251679

487d

251680

48«e

251681

489f

251682

490g

252001

252002

252003

252004

252005

252006

252007

Lots

20903''

Fragment of clay vessel with painted bird's head; length, 4J inches

Wooden pottery paddle; iS\ x 2 J inches

Double-edged stone ax; length. 4i inches; width, 2J inches ,

Stone shovel; length, o\ inches; width, 4 J inches

Stone ball used in game; diameter, 2i inches

Stone paint grinder; height, 2J inches; diameter, 4 inches

Wooden hoe; length, 3 feet 2h inches; width, 4| inches

Pectunculus shell, carved to represent frog (surface); length, 2 inches

Clay saucer with three legs; height, 2^ inches; diameter, 5 J inches

Carved stone serpents (surface); length, 2J inches; diameter, IJ inches

Stone slab forpahit grinding; length, 3 inches; width, 1^ inches

Problematical stone (surface); length, 3J inches

Clay bowl; height, 3 inches; diameter, OJ inches

Perforated Pectunculus shell; diameter, 2 inches

Fragments of potten,'

Earthenware bowl, containing six Pectunculus shells

Earthenware vase ',

Earthenware disks

Pieces of large earthenware vessel with charred bones of birds and small animals

attached

Pieces of charred shell

Charred bone implements, fragments of pottery, shells, quartz, crystal, etc

28 ETH— 12 11 161

162 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [btu. ann. 28

Accession No. 48761, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

U.S.
Nat.
Mus.
No.

Bur.

.\iiier.

Eth.

No.

252008

252009

252010

252011

252012

252DI3

252014

252015

252010

252017

252018

252019

252020

252021

252022

252023

252024

252025

252026

252027

252028

262029

252030

.30

252031

252032

252033

252034

252035

252036

252037

252038

252039

252040

252041

252042

252043

252044

252045

252046

252047

252048

262049

252050

252a51

262052

252053

252054

262055

252056

Articles

Lots

Charcoal cylinders, paint sticks

Mass of charred com

Shell, Pecten

Piece of cliarred sea shell

SLoneax, double-bitted, showing effects of fire; length, 5 g inches

Grooved stone ax, showing effects of fire; length, 6i inches

Piece of charred beam; length, 14 inches

Pieces of wooden beams or posts; lengths, 13^, IGJ inches

Fragments of wooden hoes; Mound 6, east of Compound B

Stone mortar, slab; 12J x lOA x 4} inches

Rubbing stones, mainly rectangular in outline; lengths, 2| to 5i inches

Hammer stones, irregularly shaped pieces, with battered edges

Stone disks, natural forms, some with fracturod edges; diameters, 3\ to 5J inches. .

Stone pestle in form of tapcrhig cylinder; length, 5f inches

Arrow-shaft polisher (broken); length, 3 inches

Irregularly shaped natural forms

Fragment of pottery, leg of tripod vase: length, 2 inches

Earthenware pot. suspension holes near rim, plain ware; height, 5i inches; diameter,

7 inches; Mound 6, Group B

Fragment of earthenware vessel, plain ware

Earthenware bowl, painted decoration; height, 5 inches; broken but can be restored ;

Mound 6, Group B

Fragments of pottery, vases, some decorated; Mound 2, Group B

Fragments of pottery, handle of vase, decorated

Shell bead and pendants, Conus \

Concretion; length, 5 inches

Piece of obsidian ( waterworn): length, 5 inches

Earthenware bowl, plain ware; diameter, 6J inches; height, 3 J inches

E arthen ware bowl , fragment

Fragments of decorated pottery

....do

.do.

Fragments of tripod dish (small) '. ,

Clay disks made from broken vessels; 7 perforated, 5 not perforated ,

Animal figurine, baked clay; length, IJ inches ,

Charred bones, fragments ,

Charred shells

Pitted stone (lava), oval outline; length, 4^ inches ,

Pitted stone (lava), globular outline; diameter, 3 inches -.

Piece of red ocher( paint)

Polishing stone; 31 x i x J inches

Concretions used as polishers (small)

Obsidian flake, knife; length, 3 inches i

Piece of bluish clay, paint ,

Concretions and (|uartz crystals

Digging tools of iron i (spade-like): length, 7 inches; (evidently Spanish; not pre-
historic)

Mealing stone; 7x4x2 inches

Hammer stones; lengths, 3i and SJ inches

Rubbing stones, small, lava; lengths, 3 and 3J inches

Piece of adobe (cylindrical); length, 5 inches; diameter, 4J inches

Piece of adobe, irregular shape

1 These were
near the ruin,
long after the

FBWKES] APPENDIX

Accession No. 4S761, Casa Grande, Arizona — Conlinuetl.

163

u. s.

Nat.
Mas.
No.

Bur.

Amer.
Eth.
No.

252057

252058

252059

252060

2520lil

252062

252063

252064

252065

252066

2S2007

252068

252069

252070

252071

252072

7*'

25207.'5

252074

252075

252076

252077

252078

252079

252080

252081

252082

252083

252084

252085

252086

252087

252088

252089

252090

252091

252092

252093

252094

252095

252096

252097

252098

252099

252100

100

252101

101

252102

102

252103

103

252104

104

Articles

Lois

Piece of adobe, incised design

Part of large disk of clay, bearing stamped design

Globular and irregularly shaped concretions; shrine offerings

Squared pieces of lava, mealing stones

Squared pieces of lava, with pits on two surfaces; 5i x 4 x 2J inches

Pitted stone, oval outHne, lava; length, 4^ inches

Rubbing stone (lava), disk with rounded upper surface; diameter, 4J inches

Fragment of implement (lava), originally with perforation

Pestle (lava) with expanding base; length, 3J inches

Rubbing stone; 5x3x2 inches

Hammer stone, cylindrical; length, 21 inches; diameter, IJ inches

Hammers, irregularly shaped, with abraded edges

Fragment of metate

Fragment of baking plate

Water-worn pebbles, slight evidences of use; rubbing stones

Disk-like natural forms

Chipped blade, digging implement; oj x 4^ x | inches

Piece of stone, flat surface, with traces of paint

Sharpening or abrading implement, made of sandstone, with squared edges;

5 i X 5 X 1 i inches

Sharpening or abrading stone, made of sandstone, witli squared edges; OJ x 3^ x 1}

inches

Sharpening or abrading stone; 4 x 2 x | inches

Sharpening or abrading stone; 3i x2J x i inches

Sharpening or abrading stone; 3x1^x1 inches

Sharpening or abrading stone; sandstone, with longitudinal groove in one surface;

5* X 4i X li inches ,

Sharpening or abrading stone, tufa; oj x 32 x 2J inches

Slab for mixing paint; oV x 3J x g inches

Whetstone, oval section; 8 x 1 J x 1 J inches

Lot of charred and much weathered pieces of wood, beams, lintels, etc., from the

northwest court, Compound A

Lot of charred timbers, etc

Ilammer stones; irregularly shaped pieces with battered edges

Rubbing implement (lava); section, rounded prism; length, 4\ inches

Rubbing implement; irregular shape, with one flat surface; length, 4i inches

Rubbing implement; irregular shape, with one flat surface; length, 4 inches

Small pestle (lava); conical; length, 4 inches

Rubbing implements of tufa; nearly disk-shaped; diameters, 2^ to 2J inches

Sharpening or abrading implement, sandstone, with squared edges; 6^ x 4i x

1 J inches

Sharpening or abrading implement (fragment)

....do '....

Sharpening or abrading implement (fragment ; sandstone)

Stone with much worn depressions, grinding stone for implements; BJ x 6 x 1

inches

Small paint mortar, oval outline: 4 x 2| x IJ inches

Grooved stone, shaft rubber; irregular outline ,

Water-worn pebbles; no signs of use ,

Fragment of obsidian ■. ,

Piece of ore

Mass of quartz crystals ,

Concretions of unusual forms ,

Piece of baked clav

16-4 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ann. 28

Accession No. 4S761, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

2521(KJ
252107
252108
252109
252110
252111
252112
252113
252114
252115
252116
252117
252118
252119
252120
252121
252122
252123-
252124
252125
252126
252127
252128
252129
252130
252131
252132
252133
252134
252135
252136
252137
252138
252139

252141

141

252142

142

252143

143

252144

144

252145

145

252146

146

252148
252149

252150

105

106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139

148
149

Fragments of charred textile, garment, room west ot Father Font's room, Com-
pound vV

....do

Charred basketry

Charred com and fragments of hasketry

Mass of cliarred thread

Charred com

Piece of charred reeds wrapped with twine

Charred seeds

Charred basketry

Shell, PectuncuUis

Sliell, Cardita

Unworked shells, Conus

Pendant made from Pecten shell

Pendant (fragment), section of shell

Shell pendant

Shell pendant, made from Conus shells

Shell bead

Fragments of decorated pottery

Pottery ladle, toy

Pottery head, representing animal

Pottery disk, perforated; diameter. 1 \ inches

Piece of red ocher, from room west of Father Font's room. Compound A

Fragment of cement

Quartz crystal

Piece of obsidian

Piece of fossil wood ■.

Concretion

Flakes of jasper (1) and obsidian (2) ^

Small rubbing stone; 2J x IJ inches

Implement of wood, hoe; northwest court, Casa Grande; length, 19 inches

Implement of wood (part of); northwest court. Casa Grande; length, 6J inches

Implement of wood; northwest court, Casa Grande; 72 x 2 inches

Implement of wood : northwest court. Casa Grande; 5x2 inches

Implement of wood: northwest court, Casa Grande; 8 x 2 J inches

Implement of wood; northwest court, Casa Grande; height, 6 inches; diameter,
32 inches

Shell pendant ornament, Pectunculus; Moimd 2, Group B, Casa Grande; diam-
eters. 11 and 21 inches

Shell pendant ornament , 'furritella; length. 2} inches

Shell ear pendants; fragments; Pectunculus

Shell pendants. Conus

Conus shells, not worked

Fragment of decorated pottery

Fragment of pottery vessel; shallow dish; northwest room. Compotmd A. Casa
Grande; tliameter. 4 inches

Piece of float copper, found free in soil, 1906; north room of Casa Grande; 3} x 1
inches

Earthenware bowl, plain ware; height, 4 inches; diameter, 7} inches

Earthenware bowl; interior has painted design; height, 4 inches; diameter, OJ
inches

Earthenware bowl, compressed globular, plain ware; height, 4 inches; diameter.
6 J inches

APPENDIX

Accession \o. 4S761, Casa Grande, Arizona — Contimiccl.

165

U.S.
Nat.
Mus.
No.

Bur.
.\mer.

Eth.
No.

Articles

Lots

252152
252153

252154
252155
252156
252157
252158
252159
2.52100
25211)1
252162
2521(i3
252104
252165
252160
252167
252168
252169
252170
252171
252172
252173
252174
252175
252176
252177
252178
252179
252180
252181
252182
252183
252184
252185
252186
252187
252188
252189
252190
252191
252192
252193
252194
252195
2.52196
252197
252198
252199
252200
252201

152
153

154

155
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
179
180
ISl
182
183
184
185
186
187
188
189
190
191
192
103
194
195
196
197
198
199
200
201

Earthenware vase, compressed, globular.body, short neck; height, 0 inches; diam-
eter, 7 inches

Pectunculus shells, found in vase No. 252151

Small earthenware vase, containing small shells (Nassa), Conns shells, bits of
turquoise, deer tooth, etc.; diameter, 3i inches; height, 2.^ inches

Fragments of decorated potterj', various designs

....do

Fragments of fleeorated pottery, various designs; fragment with swastika design.

Potti'ry disks, made from broken vessels; diameters, IJ to3 inches

Potter>' disks, made from perforated vessels; diameters, 1 J to 2 inches

Fragments of pottery, representing head of parrot

Fragments of pottery, representing animal head

Grooved stone ax; length, 7 inches

Grooved stone ax; length, (H inches

Polished stone implement, chisel(?); 7 x IJ x i inclies ,

Abrading implement , sandstone, squared edges; 6x23x1 inches ,

Mealing stone: 5 x 3 J x 3 inches ,

Stone implement; length, 3} inches

Abrading implement, grooved surfaces; length, 2\ inches

Abrading implement, tool sharpener (?); length, 3i inches ,

Stone implement; 4| x 3J .\ i inches

Stone implement, polisher (?); 4J x2J x -V inches

Stone implement; length, 4J inches; diameter, \ inch

Rubbing stone, with handle, tufa; diameter, 4 J inches

Stone pestle flava); length. 3J inches -.

Stone disk; diameter, 5 inches: thickness, f inch

Stone disk, partly perforated; diameter, 3J inches; thickness, g incli

Stone disk; perforated; diameter, 2 inches; thickness, J inch

Stone implement, oval outline, thin flat pebble; 3J x 2t x % inches

Stone balls; diameters. 1| to '2\ inches _

Hoe, thin blade, chipped; length, 5J inches

Hoe, one edge showing wear: length, 6.J inches

Hoe, one edge showing wear; length, 4^ inches

Hoe, one edge showing wear: length. 5J inches

Concnnion resembling grooved implement; length, 3 inches:

Obsidian chips.

Worked flake of obsidian; length, 2J inches.

Arrow-point, flint, triangular; length, 2J inches.

\rrow-points, flint, stemmed; lengths, 2i and \\ inches.

Perforator or drill, chalcedony; length, 1| inches; diameter. J inch.

Fragments of turquoise.

Turquoise beads.

Piece of carved red jasper (amulet)

Small watcr-wom pebbles of rare forms.

Concretions, stone chips.

Quartzcrystals,

r>argc shells (Cardium), unworked

Small shells, Pectunculus, unworked 7. !

Shells, Conus, unworked

Shells, Olivella, some worked

Shell pendants, Turritella

Fragments of shell ear pendants made from sections of Pectunculus.
Shell i>endants, Pecten

3
4

lU
9
3

166 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. ann. 28

Accession No. 4S761, Casa Grande, Arizona — Conlinued.

u. s.

Nat.
Mus.
No.

Bur.
Vmer.
Eth.
No.

252202

202

252203

203

252204

204

252205

205

252206

206

252207

207

252208

208

252209

209

252210

210

252211

211

252212

212

252213

213

252214

214

252215

215

252216

216

252217

217

252218

218

252219

219

262220

220

252221

221

252222

222

252223

223

252224

224

252225

225

252226

226

252227

227

252228

228

252229

229

252230

230

252231

231

252232

232

252233

233

252234

234

252235

235

252236

236

252237

237

252238

238

252239

239

252240

240

252241

241

252242

242

252243

243

252244

244

252245

245

25224G

246

252247

247

252248

24S

252249

249

252250

250

252251

251

252252

252

252253

253

252254

254

Articles

Shell beads, made from entire shells, Nassa

Shell pendants, small Glycymeris

Bone perforator; length, 4i inches ,

Bone perforator, part of deer antler; length, 2\ inches ,

Tooth of deer

Mass of vegetable substance

Piece of vegetable substance

Fragment of fabric made from vegetable liber

Mealing stone for metate; 7J x31 inches

Mealing stone for metate; 1\ x 3} inches

Mealing stone for metate; 8 x3J inches

Mealing stone for metate: 7 x3J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 7 x3i inches

Mealing stone for metate; 7J x 3i inche^s

Mealing stone for metate; 6 x3J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5J x3A inches

Mealing stone for metate; 6 x 3J inches

Mealing stone for metate: 6J x 3| inches

Mealing stone for metate: "} x3i inches

Mealing stone for metate; 7J x 4 inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5^x3 inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5h x3J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 6 x 32 inches

Mealing stone for metate; 6i x 3-J inches

Mealijig stone for metate; b\ x3J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5 J x3i inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5i xSJ inches

Mealing stone for metate; 8x4 inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5 x 2J inches

Broken mealing stones

Shallow paint mortar; 6^ x 2J inches

Stone mortar; diameter, 9^ inches; height, 4^ inches

Stone pestle (part of); height, 4i inches

Rubbing stone; 5x4 inches

Rubbing stone; 5 x3i inches

Rubbing stone; 4^ x25 inches

Rubbing stone; 4 x 3J inches

Rubbing stone; 4i x3J inches

Rubbing stone; A\ x2i inches

Hammer stones

Mealing stone (broken)

Stone disk; diameter, 3i inches

Rubbing stone, natural form; f>\ x 41 x 1} inches

Rubbing stone; Kh x 2| inches

Stone implement, pestle, expanding base; height, 2J inches..

Natural form resembling handled implement

Natural form resembling handled implement; 6^x7* inches.

Flint cores or nuclei

Chips of obsidian

Bits of turquoise

Small stone, polished; length, 2J inches

Quartz crystals ^--■

Rounded pebbles, small

I^ots

12
2

FEWKES] APPENDIX

Accession No. 4S~61, Ciisn Grande, Arizona — Continiiccl.

167

U.S.
Nat.
Mus.
No.

Bur.

Ainer.
Eth.
No.

252255

255

2522,if.

256

252257

257

252258

258

252259

259

252260

260

252261

261

252262

262

252263

263

252264

264

252265

265

252266

266

252267

267

252268

268

252269

269

252270

270

252271

271

252272

272

252273

273

252274

274

252275

275

252276

276

252277

277

252278

278

252279

279

252280

280

262281

281

252282

282

252283

283

252284

284

252285

285

252286

286

252287

287

252288

288

252289

2S9

252290

290

252291

291

252292

292

252293

293

252294

294

252295

295

252296

296

252297

297

252298

298

252299

299

252300

300

252301

301

252302

302

252303

303

252.W4

304

252.305

305

252306

306

252307

307

Articles

Lots

Small piecps of mica

Shell, slightly workcl. Pectimculus

Conus shells, iinworked

Shell pendants, Conus

Shell disk, drilled on edge for suspension; diameter, 1| inches

Fragments of shell pendants

Shell pendant : length , 1 J inches

Shell pendants; small shells (Pecten)

Fragments of various shells

Spurs of fowl

Bone awl; length, 41 inches

Bone needle; length, 2| inches

Fragments of painted pottery, handle of vase

Pottery disk made from broken vase; diameter, 2 inches

Small baked clay vessel; diameter, 1^ inches

Leg of tripod dish

Fragments of i)ottery showing various decorations

Long wooden hoe; length, 36 inches

Long wooden hoe; length, 34 inches

Long wooden hoe; length, 31 inches.

Long wooden hoe; length, 36^ inches

Wooden posts of beams, showing marks of stone-cutting tools

Mealing stone for metate; 82 by 3^ inches

Mealing stone for metate; 8x3^ inches

Mealing stone for metate; Sf x3J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 8 x 3 J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 7J x 3§ inches

Mealing stone for metate; 6J x 3^ inches

Mealing stone for metate; Gi x 4i inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5 x 3J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 6J x 3J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 6i x 3 inches

Mealing stone for metate; 7i x3 inches

Mealing stone for metate; 7^ x 4J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 7 x 3| inches

Mealing stone for metate; (if x3i inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5i x 31 inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5J x 3 J inches

Mealing stone for metate; 5J x 2^ inches

Small mortar; 5V x3J inches

Mortar; diameter, lU inches; height, 7^ inches

Mealing stone; 9J x 4 inches

Mealing stone; 8 x3J inches

Mealing stone; 7J x3J inches

Mealing stone; S{ x 31 inches

Mealing stone; 7i x3| inches

Mealing stone; 7} x3i inches

Mealing stone; 6J x 3i inches

Meahng stone; 5i x 31 Inches

Mealing stone; 5| x 31 inches

Mealing stone, recently worked edges; OJ x 2J inches

Natural form ; fi x 1 3 x 2 inches

Grooved stone ax, large ruin near iiUoreucej Arizona; length, 6^ Inches

168 CASA GKANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ann. 28

Accession No. 4t^761, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

252308
252309
252310
2523 U
252312
252313

252315

315

252316

316

■mau

317

252318

318

25-2319

319

252320

320

25-2321

321

252322

322

252323

323

252324

324

252325

325

252326

326

252327

327

252328

328

252329

329

252330

330

252331

331

252332

332

252333

333

252334

334

252335

335

252336

336

252337

337

252338

338

252339

339

252340

340

252341

341

252S42

342

252343

343

252344

344

252345

345

25-2346

346

252347

347

252348

348

252349

349

252350

350

252351

351

252352

352

252353

353

252354

354

252355

355

252356

356

252357

357

252358

358

308
309
310
311
312
313

314

Grooved stone ax. large ruin near Florence, Arizona; length, CJ inches

Grooved stone ax, large ruin near Florence. Arizona; length, 0^ inches

Grooved stone ax, large ruin near Florence, Arizona; length, 6J inches

Grooved stone ax, large ruin near Florence, Arizona; length, \\ inches

Grooved stone ax, large ruin near Florence, Arizona; length, 4 inches

Grooved stone ax, found by Mr. Schultz near an abandoned corral at Casa Grande;

length , 1\ inches

Grooved stone ax; room northeast cluster, Compound A, Casa Grande; length, 5g

inches

Grooved stone ax; length, 8 inches

Grooved stone ax; length, 8J inches

Grooved stone ax; length, 5| inches

Grooved stone ax; length, 5J inches

Grooved stone ax; length, 5 inches

Grooved stone ax, length, \\ inches

Grooved stone ax; length, 4J inches

Grooved stone ax; length, 4 inches

Grooved stone ax (squared sides); length, \\ inches

Grooved stone ax, double-bitted; length, h\ inches

Grooved stone ax, red jasper; length, 5 inches

Grooved hammer: broken ax, showing use as hammer; length, 5| inches

Grooved hammer; broken ax, showing use as hammer; length, SJ inches

Grooved hammer; broken ax, showing use as hammer; length, 5^ inches

Grooved hammer; broken ax, showing use as hammer; length, 5 inches

Grooved hammer; broken ax, showing use as hammer; length, 4^ inches

Grooved hammer; broken ax, showing use as liamraer; length, 5 inches

Grooved hammer; broken ax, showing use as hammer; length, 4i inches

Grooved hammer: broken ax, showing use as hammer; length. 4 inches

Grooved hammer: broken ax, showing use as hammer; length, 4i inches

Grooved ax; length, 1\ inches

Hammer stone; diameter. 3^ inches

Hammer stone; diameter. 1^ inches

Rubbing stone (lava); 3| x 2^ inches

Kubbing stone, natural form utilized; length. 31 inches

Thin slab, sharj^ening stone; 4J x 21 x \ inches

Stone disk (natural form); diameter, 2 inches

Arrow-shaft rubber (2 grooves); length, 2J inches

Arrow-shaft rubber ( fragment)

Fragment of drilled ceremonial stone; 1\ inches

Piece of tufa

Piece of quartz (pale green)

Quart? CHi'stals

Concretions, various shapes; shrine offerings

Obsidian cores and flakes

Chipsof flint and jasper

Bits of turquoise

Paint stone

Piece of yellow ocher

Arrow point, flint; stemmed; length. 2 mchcs

Fragments of largo marine shells

Cardium shells

Pectmiculus shells, slightly worked

Conus shells

15
1
I
1

Itj

6
29

FEWKES] APPENDIX

Accessinn No. 4S761, CasaGrande, Arizona — Continuetl.

169

252359

359

252360

3(in

252361

361

252362

362

252363

363

252364

364

252365

365

252366

366

252367

367

25236$

3fiS

252369

309

252370

370

252371

371

252372

372

252373

373

252374

374

252375

375

252376

376

252377

377

252378

378

252379

379

252380

380

252381

381

252382

382

252383

383

252384

384

252385

385

252386

386

252387

387

252388

388

252389

389

252390

390

252391

391

252392

392

252393

393

252394

394

252395

393

252396

396

252397

397

252398

398

252399

399

252400

400

252401

401

252402

402

252401

403

252404

404

252405

405

25240*i

406

252407

407

252408

408

252409

409

Ventjs shell; used as paint cup

Shell pendant, Pectunculus, drilled for suspension :

Fragment of ear pendants, sections of Pectunculus

Shell pentlant^, made from Conus shells

Shell pendant, Pecten

Shells. Olivi'lla, some worked

Shell beads, made from Nassa shells

Shell pendant, Turritella

Shell i,>endant, Cerithhun

Small shell, GlycjTneris

Shell ring, made from Conus

Fragments of charred shells

Bone perforator, moundeast of Group B, Casa Grande, found on breast of skeleton,

point resting on right shoulder; length, 10 inches

Bone perforators; 2 to 4\ inches

Fragments of bone, implements

Fragmf-nts of charred bone

Bone point, charred, antler tip; length, 3 inches

Small cylinder of wood, showing tool marks, nmch weathered; length, 2J inches;

diameter, | inch

Fragments of wooden implements

Branch or stem; length, 5^ inches

Mass of charred beans; mesquite ,

Charred reeds

Pottery disks; height, 3 inches; diameter, 4} inches

Pottery bowls, plain ware; diameters, 1| to 3 inches ,

Fragments of small tripod dish ,

Legs of tripod dish

Fragments of decorative pottery, swastika scroll and other designs

Fragments ofcoarse heavy eatl hen ware dish ,

Fragments of decorated pottery vases, large lot ,

Hammer stones

Mealing stones (fragments)

Fragments of sharpening stones

Digging implements, large tliin flakes with more or less chipped edges

One-half of stone ball (lava); diameter, 3 J inches

Large mass of baked clay

Implements of baked clay, pestlelike; length, Si inches; diameter, 2i inches

Fragments of large baked clay disk showing stamped markings

Lump of adobe with markings of reeds on one surface

Lump of adobe with markings

Fragment of potterj*

Perforated stone, with squared sides, worn out mortar; KU x llj xG inches --.

Large stone raetate; ISJ x 12^ x 7 inches

Hammer stones

Half of sandstone disk; diameter, 4 J inches

Thuislab with one smoothed surface: 4J x 3 x J inches

Fragment of stone hoe .,

Fragment of thin stone disk

Smoothing implement: 2f x J x A inches

Leaf-shaped arrow -point

Arrow-point, stemmed

Chips and flakes of flint, etc

1
1

10
3

1
2
1
1
1
1
3
1
2
4
2
1
4

3
2

170 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [eth. ann. 28

Accession No. 4^761, Casa Grande, Arizona — Conlinuod.

252410
252411
252412
252413
252414
252415
252416
252417
252418
252419
252420
252421
252422
252423
252424
252425
252426
252427
252428
252429
252430
252431
252432
252433
252434
252435
252436
252437
252438
252439
252440
252441
252442
252443
252444
252445
i52446
252447
252448
252449
252450
252451
252452
252453

252454

252455

252456
252457
252458
252459
252460

410
411
412

413
414
415

416 j

417 1

418 I

419 I
420
421 '
422
423
424
425

426 j

427 i
428
429

430 I

431 I

432 I
433
434
435
436
437
438
439
440
441
442
443
444
445
446
447
448
449
450
451
452
453

454

455

456
457
458
459
460

Chips and flakes of obsidian '.

Small water-worn pebbles

Piece of chalky substance (paint)

Quartz crystal

Bitot turquoise

Concretions

Fragments of animal bones. 2 pieces worked

Fragments of charred bones ,

Bone points, charred

Fragments of animal tooth (deer)

Fragments of shells, Venus; valves more or less broken

Fragments of shells, Cardium; valves more or less broken

Fragments of massive marine shell

Fragments of shell, Abalone

Fragments of shell, Strombus

Fragments of charred shell

Shells, Conus

Shells, Olivella .' ,

Shells, Pecten, 1 valve

....do

Shell pendant, drilled valve of Pecten

Fragments of pendants, section of Pectunculus

Charred seeds

Charred vegetable substance

Charred com

Charred seeds

Jar containing earth and Nassa shells -

Shaft or handle for stone implements: length, 17 inches

Pottery disks, made from broken vases; diameters, 11 to 3i inches

Pottery disks, perforated (broken) ."

Fragments of large pottery disk, stamp markings

Fragments of pottery dish, shallow

Part of pottery vase, angular outline, plain ware

Part of pottery vase, compressed globular

Part of bowl

Part of vase, straight sides

Fragments of pottery bowl, polished black ware

Fragments of pottery vase, decoration in red and green

Handles of vases

Legs of tripod vases ,

Fragment of pottery bowl, hole near edge

Fragment of painted vase, showing coils on exterior

Fragment of pottery, white or pale yellow slip wash, hundreds of pieces, decorations

in black, large lot ■

Fragments of pottery, gray slip wash, black decorations

Fragments of pottery, pale yellow slip wash, decorations in black, with solid areas

of red

Fragments of pottery, pale yellow slip wash, decorations in red

Fragments of pottery, plain undeeoratcd ware, large lot

Polishing stone: length, 21 inches: width, U inches •

Rubbing stone (sandstone); 3 x 2J x g inches

Rubbing stone (sandstone), part of

18
2
3

FEWKES] APPENDIX

Accession .Vo. 48761, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

171

2S2461

252462
252463
232464
252465
252466
252467
252468
252469
232470
252471
232472
252473
252474
252475
252476

461 Rubbing stone (sandstone), oval outline: length, 2J inches

462 Digging tool, large flake, oval outline: length, 5i inches

463 I Digging tool, large thin flake, irregular outline: length, 6i inches

464 do

465 Digging tool, large thin flake, irregular outline; length, 5 inches

466 , Fragments of large marine -shell, charred *.

467 1 Fragment of large marine shell

468 I Fragments of shells, some showing use as paint cups

469 1 Fragment of pendant, section of Pectunculus

470 Mass of charred corn

471 I Charred seeds

472 1 Piece of adobe showing impression of reeds

473 j Implement of wood (part of): length, 6J inches

474 ; Painted potterj' bowl, with bits of shell, modern ware: diameter, 4| inches

473 ! Painted pottery vase, with glass beads, modern ware; length, 21 inches

476 Gambling sticks, modern

Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona

254301

254302

254303

254304

254305

254306

254307

254308

254309

254310

254311

254312

254313

254314

254315

25431G

254317

234318

254319

234320

254321

254322

254323

254324

254325

254326

254327

254328

254329

254330

254331

254332

Large unfinished stone ax, natural form, showing shaping process of grooving and

surfacing by pecking: 12 x 3^ x 4 inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 8 x 3 x 2i inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 7J x 2^ x U inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 7 x2J x I J inches

Grooved stone ax, intemipted groove; 7 x2i x 1| inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; G} x2j x2i inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; GJ x22 x 2 inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 5 J x 3 x 2} inches

Grooved stone ax, intemipted groove; 5\ x 2J x U inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 6 x2i x2i inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 6 x 2J x 2 inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 6 J x 2^ x 1^ inches

Grooved stune ax, interrupted groove; 5i x2i x IJ inches

Grooved stone ax. interrupted groove; GJ x2J x IJ inches

Grooved stone ax. interrupted groove; 6 x2i x 1 J inches

Grooved stone ax, intemipted groove; 5 x2J x IJ inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 4J x 1} x 1 J inches

Grooved stone ax, interrupted groove; 3i x 2J x 1 J inches

Grooved stone ax, double-bitten encirch'ng groove; 5 x 3J x li inches

Broken ax blade, upper portion roughened; 3 x 2 x 1 J inches

Grooved stone hammer or siedge; 8 x 3 x 2i inches

Grooved stone hammer or sledge; 7 x 3 x 2i inches

Grooved stone hammer; 6J x 2 x 1 J inches

Grooved stone hammer; 5 x 2 { x U inches

Grooved stone hammer; 4 J x 3J x 2 inches

Grooved stone hammer; 4J x 2i x IJ inches

Grooved stone hammer; 4 x 2^ x 2J inches

Grooved stone hammer; 3i x 2i x 1^ inches

Grooved stone hammer; 3J x2 x J inches

Grooved stone hammer (broken); 4Jx3 x2J inches

Grooved stone hammer (broken); 4J x2i x IJ inches

172 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [bth. ann. 28

Accession No. 49619. Casa Grande, Arizona — Conliiuipd.

254333
25 4334
254333
25433C
254337
254338
254339
254340

254341

254342

254343

254344

254345

254346

254347

254348

254349

254350

254351

254352

254353

254:i54

254355

254356

254357

254358

254359

2543(»

2543til

254362

Hammer stone, cylindrical; 4} x 21 x 2 inches

Hammer stone, rouKhly spheroidal; diameter, 3J inches

Hammer and nibbing stone; 3i x 2A x U inches

Hammer stone, square, with roimdcd edges; diameter. 2 inches

Rubbing stone; 3J x IJ x 1 inches

Pairft muller, conical outline; length, 3 inches: diameter, 1 J inches

Paint muller, conical outline: length, 3 inches; diameter, 2} inches

Chalcedony concretion; cylindrical outline, surfaces slightly polished by use; lengtli.

3i inches; diameter, 1| i aches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (lava); 8} x 3J

X 1-^ inches

Rubbing stone formetate, having i>aral]el edges with rounded ends (basalt); 8x3J

X 1 J inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (lava); 6J x 3J

x 1 J Inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (basalt); 7 x

3i X 1 5 inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (basalt); 7 x

3 J X 1 inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel edges with rounded ends (basalt); 7i x

3i X 1 inches

Rubbing stone for metate-, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

7 X 3 J X 1 } inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt):

6J X 3 X I J inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

6 J x3J X 1 inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with roimded ends (basalt):

53 x 34 x 1 i inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with roimded ends (basalt):

6J X 3 5 x 1 S i nchos .'

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

6J x3\ X 11 inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with roimded ends (basalt);

5J x3 X I finches

Rubbirig stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

5 X 3 J X 1} inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

5 J X 3 J X 1 1 inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava);

6 J X 3 1 X 1 J i nches .-

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

I) X 3 J X 1 1 i nches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with roimded ends (lava):

61 x3J X IJ inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava);

4.\ X 4 X 11 inches ,

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (baealt);

5^ X 3A X 1 1 inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

iii X 3^ X 1 inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

si X 35 X 3J mches

FEWKES] APPENDIX

Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

173

U.S.
Nat.
Mus.
No.

Bur.

Amer.
Eth.
No.

.\rticles

Lois

2343(i3

2o43M

2o43lJ5

254360

254367

254308

254369
254370
254371
254372
254373
254374
254375
254;i76

254392

254393

254394

254395

254396

254397

254398

254378

254379

254380

254381

254382

254383

254384

254385

254386

254387

254388

. 88

2543S9

254390

254391

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava);

7i x3i X IJ inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

7i x^ K U inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

8 X :U X 1 \ inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava):

7 x^ X li inches 1

Rulibing stone for met-ate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (basalt);

6i x:U X IJ inches

Rubbing stone for metate, having parallel sides, edge with rounded ends (lava);

5x3 X 2 1 inches

'Rubl)ing stone for metate, having edge slightly curved (basalt); 5x3x1 inches. ,

Rubbing stone for metate (basalt); 3J x 21 x IJ inches

Rubbing stone, irregular outline; 6^ x 5 x 1 inches

Ruhl)ingstone, natural fonn, semi-lunar outline; 5^ x3xl inches

Grinding or polishing stone, rectangular outline; 4| x 3 x J inches ,

Grinding or polishing stone, reddish sandstone; 3] x 3i x J inches

Grinding or polishing stone, approximately disklike, lava; 3 x2i x 1 inches

Rubbinghammerstone, natural form, approximately diskUke outline; diameter, 4

X ] J inches

Mortar, large slab, with one slightly concave suifBce, evidently used for grinding

pigments; 10 J xSJ x2^ inches

Grinding stone, rectangular outline (sandstone); 6J x 4^ x IJ inches

Grinding stone, rectangular outline (sandstone); 4J x 4 x IJ inches

Grinding stone, rectangular outline (sandstone); 3^ x3 x 1^ inches - . . .,

Grinding stone, rectangular outline (sandstone); showing narrow grooves, possibly

sharpening tool for wood and bone awls; broken piece, 4 x 3i x IJ inches

Grinding stone (broken), sandstone; 4 x2J x IJ inches

Grinding stone (broken), sandstone; 21 x 2 x i inches

Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use lor grinding pigments; 7i x 3 x i

inches

Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 6 x 4} x i
inches

Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 6i x 4 x |
inches

Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 5 x31 x^ inches.

Thin, irregularly shaped pieces, showing use for grinding pigments; 3 x2 x i inches.

Fragment of polishing stone; 2^ x 2^ x 3 inches

Paint mortar, rectangular outline (sandstone); 6J x 4^ x 1 inches

Irregularly shaped piece of sandstone, with pit in one surface, paint mortars; 5J
X 3 } X 1 J inches

Irregularly shaped piece reddish sandstone, with pit in one surface, paint mor-
tar; 5 x5 X IJ inches

Irregularly shaped stone with pit in one surface, basalt; 41 x 3} x 2^ inches

Sliarpeningstonof?), thin slab, with depression in one surface; (>J x 41 x H inches .

Small shallow mortar (?), rectangular outline with rounded ends, paint mortar; S-i
X 2J X 1 1 inches

Sharpening stone,irregularlyshaped piece, with depressions on two surfaces; 5 x 3 x
I inches

Sharpening stone, irregularly shaped piece, with depressions in two surfaces; 5x21
x 1 inch

Small natural(?} form, with shallow depression; 2J x2xi inches

174 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [ktii. ann. 28

Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

254399
264400
254401
254402
254403

254404

254405
254406

254407

25440S

254409

254410
254411

254412
254413
254414
254415
254416
254417
254418
254419

254420

254421

121

254422

122

254423

123

254424

124

254425

125

254426

126

254427

127

254428

128

254429

129

254430

254431
254432

99
100
101
102
103

104

105
106

107

108

109

110
111

112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119

120

131
132

Stone mortar (lava), oval outline, mortar cavity , IJ inches deep; 9 x 6 x 3J inches. .

Brolien pitted stone (lava), pits in two surfaces; 3 x 3 x 1 J inches

Broken pitted stone (lava), disk outline; diameter, 3J inches; thickness, IJ inches-. .

Small, Ijrokon mortar, with hole in one edge; 15x2 inches ,

Grinding slone, irregularly shaped piece, with slight depression inonesiu-face; 5 x IJ

X 12 inches

Sharpening stone, thin slab, with long, narrow grooves; H x 4i x J inches

Sharpening stone, thin slab, with long, narrow grooves; 3J x 2 x J inches

Large stone slab, with depression in one surface made by grinding; the center has

been broken out, forming an oval aperture 5 J x3f inches ;.. .

Natural form, conical outline, grinding stone; base diameter, 3^ inches; height,

12 inches

Natural form, conical outline, grinding stone; base diameter, 2J inches; height,

1 J inches

Stone disk, one surface showing depressions as if for grinding or polishing; diame-
ter, 2| inches; thickness, 1 inch

Rubbing stone, outline nearly square (tufa) ; 4^ x 4 x 1 J inches

Rubbing stone, disk-shaped (part of), tufa; diameter, i\ inches; thickness, IJ

inches

Rubbing stone, oval outline; 5J x 32 x IJ inches

Rubbing stone, disk-shaped; diameter, i\ inches; thickness, | inch

Rubbing stone, broken, oval; length, 3} inches; thickness, J inch

Rubbing stone, oval outline; 3} x 2J .x 2 inches

Rubbing stone, cylindrical (tufa); length, 2J inches; diameter, U inches

Fragment of stone ring, implement (lava)

Rubbing stone, oval outline (tufa); 5 x4x IJ inches

Rubbing stone, disk-shaped, with knob handle; diamecer, 4 inches; height, 2

inches -.

Rubbing stone, disk-shaped (lava), incurved edge, convex base; diameter, 3J

inches; height, 12 inches

Rubbing stone, roughly shaped piece of tufa, with slight groove; length, 3} inches.

Roughly shaped carving, with animal head (?); height, 2J inches

Toy bowl; diameter, 1 J inches: height, | inch

Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish

from use; length, 9i inches; width, 5J inches; i inch thick at the back

Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from

use: length, 8* inches; width 3 inches; h inch thick at the back

Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from

use (broken); 6 inches wide; i x h inch thick at the back

Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from

use; 6i inches wide; 4 x A inch thick at the back

Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from

use, on three sides; 6J inches wide: 4 x § inch at the back

Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone with one edge showing a polish from

use; hoe, notched at upper end; length, 5J inches; width, 4J inches; thickness,

2 inch

Digging implement, large, thin flake of stone, with one edge showing a polish from

use; hoe, notched at upper end; length, 6} inches; width, 3i inches; thickness,

J inch .,

DiggLag stone implement, large, thin flake of stone with one edge showing a polish

from use, or knife, semilunar shape; 6 inches; width, 3i x } inch

Diggingimplement, hoe(see 124, above); length, 4incbes; width, 3} Inches; thick-
ness at back, 2 inch

FKWKESl APPENDIX

Accession Xo. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

175

254433
254434
254435

254436
254437
254438
254439
254440
254441
254442
254443
254444
254445
254446
254447
25444$
254449
254450
254451
254452
254453
254454
254455
254456
254457

254461
254462
254463
254464
254465
254466
254467
25446S
254469
254470
254471
254472
254473
254474
254475
254476
254477
254478
254479

133

134
135

136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157

264458 ' 158

254459 159

254460 160

161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
179

Digging implement (brolcen): 4} x 3 x |

Digging implement, lioc (broken), notched; 3J x3 x J inches

Long stone nibbing implemimt, with two edges, showing transverse grooves (12),
section square with rounded edges; length, 11 ^ inches: thickness, 1 J inches

Stone pestle, cylindrical; length, 10 inches; diameter, 21 inches

Stone pestle, roughly shaped; length, 12} inches; width, 3 x IJ inches

Stone pestle, roughly shaped; length, 15 inches; width, 2} x 1} inches

Natural form implement; length, 81 inches; width, 1 J x | inch

Natural form whetstone; length, 51 inches; width, 11 x J inch

Natural form charm stone; 5J x 1 1 x 1 inches

Natural form charm stone, prism section; 4^ x 1 x 1 inches

Natural form charm stone; length, 4J inches

Natural formcharai stone; length, 41 inches

Natural form charm stone; length, 3| inches; width, 1 J inches

Natural form charm stone; 3J x 2 x J inches

Natural form chann stone; 3^x2 inches

Natural form chann stone; 33 x J inches

Natural form charm stone; 3x2 inches

Stone with longitudinal groove; artificial groove, k inch deep; 4} x 11 inches

Cone-shaped piece of tufa, for drilling in shell; length, 2^ inches; diameter, J inch . .

Water-worn pebble, fiat; 4x3x2 inches

Stone disk, thin; diameter, 3J inches; thiclmess, } inch

Stone disk, thick; diameter. 2J inches; thickness, f inch

Thin pebble, oval outline; length, 2J inches; width, 1| inches; thickness, J inch . . , .

Stone carving, bird-shaped; length, 3J inches; height, 31 inches; width, 35 inches. . .

Stonecarving. conventionalized female figure; length, 82 inches; width, 2J inclies;
thickness, IJ inches

Stone carving, lizard (?); mortar cavity on back for grinding pigments; length, 7}
inches; width, 41 inches; thickness, 1 inch ,

Stone car\'ing, part of thin piece with three triangular indentations on one edge;
41 X 4 X J inches

Ax-shaped stone, with shallow groove; ends and edges with ground faces at differ-
ent angles; flat surfaces marked with incised lines; charm stone; length, 31
inches; width, 2J inches; thickness, 2 inch

Stone Ijalls used in games; diameters, I inch to 2J inches

Concretions more or less spheroidal; charm stones ■:

Stone balls used in games; diameters, 1 inch to 2^ inches

Stone concretions, charm stones

Natural pebbles (small)

Natural forms fragments of concretions, etc., charm stones

Fragments of mineral

Fragments of mineral; turquoise

Obsidian cove and flakes

Piece of ore, used as paint

Small water-worn obsidian pebbles

Piece of specular iron, use<l for paint

Pieceof red jasper ^

Bits of red ocher

Stone flake

Flint flakes

Quartz crystals; charm stones

1
7
4

10
4

10
1

12
5
3
1

10
6
I
1
4
1

176 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA' (ktii. ann, 28

Accfssion No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

U. P.
Nat.
Mus.
No.

Bur.

.\nier.

Eth.

No.

254480

ISO

254481

181

254482

182

254483

183

254484

184

254486

186

25448"

187

254488

188

254489

189

254490

190

254491

191

254492

192

264493

193

254494

194

254495

195

254490

196

254497

197

264498

198

254499

199

254500

200

254501

201

254502

202

254503

203

254504

204

254506

206

254507

207

254508

208

254509

209

254510

210

254511

211

254512

212

254513

213

254514

214

254515

215

254516

216

254517

217

254518

218

254519

219

254520

220

254521

221

185

Articles

Stone disks, spindle whorls, not perforated; diameter, 2i inches; thickness, iV inch

Stone disks, spindle whorls, perforated; diameter, 2J x^V inch

Stone disks, spindle whoris, perforated; diameter, 1 J x -jV i"ch

Stone disks, spindle whorls, perforated; diameter, U x iV inch ' . . .

Carved stone tablet (fragment), reetan^lar outline; upper surface with raised

border, ornamented with incised line design; magic tablet; length, 2 inches;

thickness, J inch

Car\'ed stone tablet (fragment), rectangular outline; upper surface with raised

border, ornamented with incised line design; magic tablet; length, 2 inches;

thickness. I inch -

Arrow-point, triangular, flint; length, 2i inches

Arrow-points, stemmed, flint; lengths, ^ inch to 1 1 inches

Arrow-points, triangular, obsidian; length, ^ inch

Beads, stone 48, turquoise 72, and pendants (5), mainly turquoise

Stone pendant, cylindrical body with loop at one end; length, 1 i inches; diameter.

? inch

Small cylindrical stone tapering at each end; length, 2 inches; diameter, J inch

Stone bead, cylindrical; length, f inch; diameter, f inch

Stone pendant, claw-shaped; length, 1 inch

Small green stone disk; diameter, i inch; thickness, \ inch

Copper beils

Perforated object of lava, irregular outline, use unknown: 9x7x3 inches

Perforated object of lava, small; 4 x .'U x 1^ inches

Fragment of perforated object of lava; 3| x 2J x 1| inches

Fragments of asbestos

Natural form, slightly resembling worked stone object; charm-stone; 4x3x2*
inches

Natural form, slightly resembling worked stone object; charm-stone; 5 x 3}x2,l
inches

Natural form, slightly resembling worked stone object; charm-stone; 3 J x 4 x 2^
inches

Natural form, slightly resembling worked stone object; charm-stone; 3J x 3J x IJ.
inches

l.ots

1
1
4
2
125

Natural form, slightly resembling worked stone object; charm-stone; 3J x 3J x 2
inches

Natural form, slightly resembling worked stone object; charm-stone; 3 x 3 x 1 J
inches -

Concretion (geode); 5x3 x3i inches

Piece of adobe with perforation; 2 x 21 inches

Roughly worked stone implement; 4^ x 3 x 25 inches.

Roughly worked stone hammer; 4 x 2J x 2 inches

Roughly worked stone implement

Flint flake; 3 x2Jx J inches

Piece of petrified wood; 21 x Ig x I inches ^

Water-worn pebble

Piece of galena

Shell, Strombus; length, 7i inches

Shell; length, 8 inches

Shell^ength. 7 inches

Shell; length, 6 J inches

Shell; length, 6 inches

Shell, Murex; length, 5i inches

Shell. Haliotis; length, 7 J inches

u. s.

Nat.
Mus.
No.

L'oM22
254.123
254524
254525
234526
254527
25452S
25452<1
254530
254631
254532
254533
254534
254535
254530
254537
234538
254539
254540
254541
254542
234543
254544
254543
25454(1
254547
234548
234549
234550
254531
254552
254553
254534
234555
254356
234557
254538
254559
234560
254561
234562
234563
254504
254365
23456(i
254567

254508
254509
254370
254371
234572

Bur

.\iner.
Eth
No.

222
233
224
225
226
227
22S
229
2:i0
231
232
233
2:14
2.35
236
237
238
239
240
241
242
243
244
245
^46
247
248
249
250
251
252
253
234
255
250
257
258
259
200
201
202
203
204
2(a
2Mi
207

2rp8
209
270
271
272

APPENDIX
Accession No. A9619, Casa Grande, Arizona — (.'otitinued.

Arliclos

177

Lots

Shell: length. 5J inches

Shell; length. 55 inches

Shell; lenpth, 5\ inches

Shell; length, 5 inches

Shell (broken); length, 4| inches

Shell (brokrn); length, ;JJ inches

Shell (broki-n); length, 3} inches

Shell (broken); length, 43 inches

Shell; length, 43 inches

Shell; lengt h, 4\ inches

Shell (broken); length, :i\ inches

Shell, Pecluncnhis; diameter, 3 J inches

Shell, Pectiuieulus, slightly worked; diameter, 3J inches

Shell, Pectimcuhis, slightly worked; diameter. 2^ inches

Shell, Pcetunciilus, slightly worked; diameter, 2 inches

Shell, Peetunculus. sliirhtly worked; diaineter, 2 inches

Shell, Peetunculus, slightly worked; diameter, 15 inches

Shell, Peetunculus, perforated; diameter, 2 J inches

Shell, Peetunculus, perforated; diameter, 21 inches

Shelly Pectimculus. perforated; diameter. 2 inches

Shell, Pectimculus, fragment, worked

Sliell, Peetunculus, showing frog partly finished: diameter, 2J inches..

Sliell carving, frog, Pectimculus; diameter, liinchps

Shell carving, pendant earring, Peetunculus; diameter, 2 inches. .

Shell car\'ing, pendant earring, Peetunculus; diameter, 1 inch

Shell carving, pendant earrin.?, Pectimculus; diameter, ^ inch

Shell pendant, Peetunculus; length, 1^ inches

Shell ornament; length, I inch

Small shell, partly worked; length, h inch

Shell ring, incised decoration; diameter, 2 inch

Small shells, worked; lengths, A to J inch

Shell lieads. Olivella; lengths, g to J inch

Shell beads, Dentalium; lengths. J inch to 1 inch

Shell disk, TIaliutis; diameter, 1 inch

Shell disk; diameter,^ inch

Shell ornaments, ear pendants, Pectimculus shells

...do

.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.
.do.

20903'

Fragments of shell ornaments, ear pendants, Peetunculus shells; average diam-
eter, 2 J inches ,

Shell ornament; length, 4J inches

Shell ornament; length, 2f inches

Shell omament(broken); length, 1} inches

Shell ornament; length, \\ inches

Shell pendant made from tonus; lengths, J to 1| Inches

—28 ETH— 12 12

178 CASA GRANDE, ARIZONA [etii. ANN. 28

Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, ylmorm— Continued.

254573

25457'!
254575
254576
254577
254578
254579
254580
254581
2545S2
254683
254584
254585
254586
254587
25 4588
254589
254590
254591
254592
254593
254594
254595
254596
254557
25459S
254599
254600
254601

254602

254603

254604
254605

254606

254607

307

254608

308

254009

309

254610

310

254611

311

254612

312

254613

313

254614

314

254615

315

254616

310

254617

317

273

274
275
276
277
278
279
280
281
282
283
284
285
286
287
288
289
290
291
292
293
294
295
296
297
298
299
300
301

302

303

304
305

306

Conus shells, mainly imworked; lengths, 3 to 2 inches

Shell pendant: length, 2t inches

Sheli pendant : length. 2^ inches

Shell pendant; length, 2 inches

Shell pendant; length, 21 inches

Shell pendant; length, 1 J inches

Fragments ofshell

Animal bone; length, 2\ inclies

2 fragments of jawbones: lengths, 3 and 4} inches

Animal tooth

Bones of small animal

Bone awl; length. 51 inches

Bone awl; leiigl h, 5 } inches .,

Bone awl: length, 5 J inches

Bone awl; length, 4 J inches

Bone awl: length, 4 inches

Bone awl, 3 pieces

Bone whistle; length. 2\ inches

Part of wooden implement; length, 6i inches

Part of wooden implement: length, 51 inches

....do

Part of wooden implement: length, 7^ inches

Paddle-shaped wooden implement: length, 8} inches

Basket tray; diameter, 14 inches

Corncob; length, 3 J inches x . . .

Stripsof fiber for basket work; t)undle

Stripsof fiber for weaving; bundle

Gourd; length, 141 inches

Earthenware bottle, roimded bottom, angular sides, wide mouth; height, 71 inches;

diameter, 61 inches

Earthenware vase (broken), flat bottom, conical outline, looped handle on one side;

height, 45 inches: diameter, 43 inches .'

Earthenware vase, gloliular body, wide mouth, handle looped on one side, painted

decorations, triangular designs in red; height, 4 inches; diameter, 4J inches

Earthenware pot (liroken), plain ware; heiglit, 31 inches; diameter, 4J inches

Earthenware jar, angular outline, wide bottom tapering to mouth, plain ware;

height. 4 J inches; diameter, 8 inches

Earthenwarepot(broken),globularbody, plain ware; height, 3i inches; diameter,

5 inches

Earthenware bowl, plain ware; height, 4 inches; diameter. 6} inches

Earthenware bowl, plain ware; height, 4 inches; diameter, 71 inches

Earthenwarejar, flat bottom, nearly straight sides, wide mouth, plain ware; height,

6 inches; diameter at base, 5 inclies

Fragments of bottle (restored)

Earthenware bowl, plain ware; height, 3 inches; diameter, 5i inches

Fragments of bottle

Earthenware ladle, plain ware; length, 8J inches; diameter, 5J inches; depth, 3

inches

Earthenware ladle, plain ware; 63 x 4} x 3 inches

Earthenware ladle, plain ware: 41 x 3 x IJ inches

Earthenware ladle, plain ware: 31 x 2i x J inches

Earthenware ladle, plain ware: 3J x 2 x J inches

FEWKEs) APPEKDIX

Accession No. 49619, Casa Grande, Arizona — Continued.

179

U. S. ' Bur.

Nat. .\nier.

Mus. Kih.

No. No.

Articles

Lots

354618 318

254619 319

254620
2S4621
254622
254623

254624

254625

254626 326

254627
^4(i28

254629
254630
254631
254632
254633
254634
254635
254636
254637
254638
254639
254640
254641
254642
254643
254644
254645
254646
254647
254648
254649
254650
254651
254652

320
321
322
323

324

325

327
328

329
330
331
332
333
334
335
336
337
338
339
340
341
342
343
344
345
346
347
348
349
350
351
352

Earthenware bowl, exterior red painted, interior dark; diameter, 4 inches; height,
2 inches

Earthenware bowl, plain ware; diameter, 3^ inches; height, 2i inches

Earthenware disli, tripod: diameter, 4 inches; height, 1^ inches

Earthenware dish, tripod; diameter, 3i inches; height, 2 inches

Earthenware dish, tripod; fragment, massive; length, 3i inches; height, IJ inches.

Earthenware bowl, conical outline, painted; interior black, exterior butf, with line
and triangular decorations in red; diameter, 31 inches; height, 2 inches

Earthenware bowl, flat bottom, straight flaring sides; exterior reddish brown, in-
terior black, polished; diameter, 3 J inches; height, U inches

Earthenware bowl, decoration and outline ditto; diameter, 31 inches; height, IJ
inches

Earthenware efhgy vessel, bird form; length, 3J inches; body, 3 inches wide by 2}
inches high

Mass of adobe showing imprint of reeds; length, 4 inches: thickness, 2^ inches ....

Earthenware stand for holding round-bottom vessels; diameter, 2 mehes; height,
U inches

Legs of tripod vases

Disks of pottery made from broken vessels: diameters, IJ inches to 3 J inches

Disks of pottery, perforated: diameters, 1 to 2J inches

Earthenware spindle whorl, double convex outline; diameter, 1 } mehes

...do

Earthenware spindle whorl, diameter, IJ inches

....do

Eartlienware pipe, tubular; 2i x 1 inches

Fragment of pottery vessel with bird's head

Fragment of pottery vessel, looped handle ',

....do

Fragment of pottery, olla

Fragment of pottery; decorations in red

Fragment of pottery; necks and rims of painted vessels, decorated in red

Fragment of pottery, ladle, gray with Ijlack decorations ,

Fragment of pottery, large vase, t)art of rim

Fragment of pottery, large bowl, interior decoration ,

Fragment of pottery, large bowl, interior decoration symbolic

Fragment of pottery, large bowl, interior decoration

Fragment of pottery, large olla, exterior decoration

Fragment of pottery, bowl, interior decoration

Fragment of pottery, showing luted handle ....l

....do ;

Fragment of pottery, with hole in one edge

ANTIQUITIES OF THE UPPER VERDE RIVER
AiND WALNUT CREEK VALLEYS, ARIZONA

BY
JESSE WALTER FEWKES

a--

181

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction 1S5

Ruins on tlie upper Verde River 187

Ruins at the mouth of Oak Creek 188

Cliff-houses of the Red Rocks 194

Cliff-house at the mouth of Black's Canyon 197

Ledge-houses near Jordan's ranch 198

Ruins in Sycamore Canyon 199

Ruins in Hell Canyon 200

Ruins near Del Rio 201

Ruins near Baker's ranch house 201

Ruin near the mouth of Granite Creek 202

Limestone Butte ruin 204

Ruins on Wahiut Creek 206

Historical account 206

Fort below Aztec Pass 210

Ruins near Drew's ranch house 211

Ruins near Ainsworth's ranch house 211

Ruins near Shock's ranch house 211

Ruin near Marx's ranch house 213

Ruin near sheep corral, lielow Marx's ranch '. . . . 214

Ruins six miles below Marx's ranch 215

Fort on Indian Hill near Prescott 215

Forts near Frog Tanks, Agua Fria River 215

Conclusions 216

Kinship of early inhabitants of Walnut Creek and upper Verde Valleys 216

Age of Walnut Creek and Verde Valley ruins 219

1S3

ILLUSTRATIONS

Page

Plate 79. Montezuma Castle and outlet of Montezuma Well 187

80. Montezuma Well .' 187

81. Ruins at the mouth of Oak Creek 188

82. Cavate rooms overlookinc; Oak Creek 188

83. Cavate rooms overlookina; Oak Creek 188

.84. Cavate rooms overlooking Oak ("reek 188

85. Ruin below Marx's ranch, and Palatki 196

86. Palatki, and basalt columns on the upper Verde River 196

87. Cliff-houses on the upper Verde River 197

88. Cliff-houses on the upper Verde River 198

89. Limestone Butte and Cornville ruins 204

90. Limestone Butte ruin 204

91. Limestone Butte ruin 204

92. Old Camp Hualapai and Mount Hope 206

93. Views in Walnut Valley 207

94. Views in Big Burro Canyon 209

95. Ruins of two ancient forts 210

96. Fort below Aztec Pass 210

97. Fort below Aztec Pass 210

98. Terrace-ruins in Walnut Valley 211

99. Walnut Valley ruins 211

100. Ruin six miles below Marx's ranch 215

101. Fort and picto<;raphs 215

102. Trincheras at Frog Tanks ruins 216

Figure 55. Ground plan of pueblo on bluff overlooking Oak Creek 189

56. Ground plan of cave rooms on Oak Creek (western end and middle). 191

57. Ground plan of cave rooms on Oak Creek (eastern end) 193

58. Ground plan of Palatki 196

59. Ground plan of Honanki 196

60. Ground plan of cliff-house at the mouth of Black's Canyon 197

61. Ground plan and section of ledge-house near Jordan's ranch 199

62. Ground plan of cliff-dwelling at Baker's ranch 202

63. Ground plan of fort near the mouth of Granite Creek 203

64. Ground plan of Limestone Butte ruin 205

65. Ground plan of fort below Aztec Pass 210

66. Ground plan i>f fort overlooking Shook's rant h 212

67. Ground plan of terrace-ruin near Shook's ranch 213

68. Ground plan of terrace-ruin on Mai-x's ranch 214

184

ANTIQUITIES OF THE UPPER VERDE RIVER AND
WALNUT CREEK VALLEYS, ARIZONA

By Jesse Walter Fewkes

INTRODUCTION

The lollowiiif^ jxigcs are more in the nature of a jn-ehminary report
than an exliaustive account of the antiquities of the valleys of the
upper Verde Kiver and Walnut Creek. Tliis report deals w-ith areas
little known archeologically, although, bj"- reason of their geograi)hic
positions, presenting to the student of the prehistoric culture of
Arizona most interesting problems. The aim is to consider ty]ies
rather than to enumerate many examples of the same kind of ruins.
The present discussion is confined for the greater part, though not
entirely, to arcliitectura! features.

The reader is reminded that the anticjuities of these valleys have
not been wholly neglected by former students. Ruins believed to
be preliistoric were rejiorted from the Verde many years ago, and
those on the lower Verde have been described monograpliically by
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff.'

The antiquities of the region bordering the Verde River from
Camj) Verde to the point where it discharges its waters into the Salt
naturally resemble those of the other tributaries of the latter, although
the geologic conditions on the ui^i^er Verde have led to certain
architectural diilerences. The locahty of the i-uins here considered is
the western frontier of the ancient Pueblo country. The inhabitants
of tliis region, an agi'icultural people, were subject to attack by power-
ful nomadic tribes. Here, where defensive structures were necessaiy,
we should naturally look for a relatively large number of forts or for-
tified hilltops. The upper Verde River and Walnut Creek flow through
a part of Aiizona occupied to witliin a few years by the Yavapai,
a more or less nomadic tribe of mixed blood, who reasonably may be
regarded as descendants of the jirehistoric house builders. Descend-
ants of other sur\avors of preliistoric times may be looked for among
several groups of modern Indians of Yuman stock — the Walapai and
the Ilavasupai, especially the latter, now living in the depths of
Cataract Canyon, a branch of the Grand Canyon of the Colorado,

1 In ISIh Ann. Rep. But. Ethnol.

185

186 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VEHDE AND WALNUT CREEK I ktii. ann. 28

where they roiincrly wore driven lor protection. According to
Major Powell, these peoi)le have legends that their ancestors inhabited
villages and clifT-houses, and they claim to be descendants of the
aboriginal iniiabitants of the cinder-cone dwellings near Flagstaff.
There is said to be a ruin north of SeUgman, Arizona, which they
likewise claim as remains of a former home.

The records available constituting the written history of tliis
part of Yavapai County are not very extensive and shed little or no
light on its archeology. Western Ai-izona was visited in 1.5S.3 by
Antonio de Espejo and was traversed nearly a quarter of a century
later by Juan de Onate, who penetrated as far as the mouth of the
Colorado River. Forty years before Espejo the explorer Alarcon
at the farthest point reached on his trip up the Colorado heard of stone
houses situated in the mountains to the east, and no doubt Father
Garces in 1776 visited some of these villages in liis journey from the
Colorado to the Hopi villages. The routes of the early Sj^anish
explorers in this region have not yet been very accurately determined ;
but it is probable that they made use of old Indian trails, one of
wliich ran from the Verde to the Colorado, followed Walnut Creek,
and went over Aztec Pass to the sources of the tributaries of the Santa
Maria and the Bill Williams River, wliich flow into the Colorado.
Although the accounts of these early travelers are vague, one fact
stands out in reUef, namely, that the region was populated by Indian
tribes, some of whom wore agriculturists and sedentary, who con-
structed stone houses of sufhcient size to attract the attention of the
explorers. But it was not until early American explorers visited the
Southwest that knowledge of tliis region took more definite form.
The Government reports of Sitgreaves in 1S5.3, of Wliipple and others
in 1853-1854, and of the Wheeler Survey in the '70's drew attention
to the ruins, and the establishment by the War Department of a
fort on the Verde (moved in 1861 to a near-by site and abandoned in
1891) opened tliis interesting region to students of archeology con-
nected with the Ai'my. The presence of the camp at Fort Huala-
pai seems to have led to no scientific results so far as archeology is
concerned, although situated in the midst of a valley containing
many ruins.'

' Consult the following:

Sitgreaves, L., Report of an Expedition down the Zuni and Colorado Rivers. Sen. Ei. Doc. 59, :J2d
Cong., 2d sess., Washington, 1853.

Reports of Explorations and Surveys . . . from the Mississippi River to the l^acific Oce.in, vol. ni,
Washington, 1S5G. ("Whipple Survey.")

U. S. Geographieal Survey.s of the Territory of the United States West of the IMth Meridian. .Innuat
Reports, Wasliington, 1S75-7S. ("Wheeler Survey.")

IIolTraan, Walter J., MLscellaneous Ethnograpliic. Observations on Indians Inhabiting Nevada, Califor-
nia, and Arizona. In Ttnlli Ann. Rep. Hayden Survey, Washington, 1.S7S.

Mearns, Edgar A., Aneient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley. In Pop. Sci. Mo., xx.wn, New York,
Oct., 1890.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 79

MONTEZUMA CASTLE lABOVE' AND OUTLET OF MONTEZUMA WELL

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE fiO

MONTEZUMA WELL

FEWKESj RUINS ON THE UPPER VEKDE KIVER 187

The biiildiiip;s herein considered have few points of likeness to New
Mexican pueblos;' in details they are more nearly related to the ruins
of habitations called jacales, on the Gila and its tributaries. The
forts or fortified hilltops suggest the trincheras of Sonora and Chi-
hualuia, in northwestern Mexico, and present arcliitectural features
(lislinguishing this tyjie from true pueblos of New Mexico, Colorado,
northern Arizona, and Utah, the fort or fortified hilltop being a
southern and western rather than a northern and eastern type of
structure.

Comparison of the ruins along the upper Verde with those on
or near Walnut Creek shows clearly the mfluence of environment
on human habitations. In the former region cliff-dwellings and
cave habitations predominate, the latter because they could be
easily excavated in the soft rock, whereas in the Walnut Creek
basm the formations consist of granite and basalt. The con-
struction of cliff-houses or cave-ilwellings here being impossible,
they are replaced by forts. Judging from the size and number of
these forts, the conflicts between the inhabitants and the hostile
tribes must have been severe.

RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER

All evidence indicates that the upper part of the Verde Basin,
like the middle and lower sections, had a considerable aboriginal
population in prehistoric times. The valleys of the tributaries of
the Verde also show evidences of former occupancy, almost every
high hUl being cro\med by a ruin. The walls of some of these struc-
tures are still intact, but most of them are broken down, although not
to so gi-eat an extent that the gi-ound plan of the rooms can not
be fairly well traced. Many river terraces, or elevated river banks,
where agriculture was possible, are the sites of extensive ruins, as
indicated by rows of foundation stones.

The most important and typical ruins along the middle Verde
are Montezuma Castle and the aboriginal shrine, Montezuma Well,
which are so well known that the author has merely introduced
illustrations (pis. 79, 80) of them for comparative purposes.

The present record of unpublished studies begins with the con-
sideration of cave-dwellings at the mouth of Oak Creek, from an
archeologic pomt of view one of the least known groups of cave-
dwellings in the Verde Valley.

1 The author has repeatedly pointed out a distinction between the type of ruin called jacaUa, char-
acteristic of southern and western Arizona, and that known to archeologists as "pueblos," so abundant in
New Mexico.

188 A.NTKHiriKS OF THE VEUDK AND WAI.XU'J' CKKICK I r.nr. A\x. US

Ruins at the Movth oi- Oak Creek

Tlie cavate rooms (pis. 81-84) in tlie hliitt' ovcrlookinf]; Oak (Vcek
are good examples of cave domiciJes artiiicially excavated in cliffs.
This cluster of rooms, accompanied by a building above, is situated
in the angle formed by Oak Creek and the Verde, about 50 yards
from the Cornville-Verde road, having a wide outlook across the
valleys of both streams. Although not so extensive as the cavate
lodges found lower down the Verde, and somewhat smaller than
most similar caves in the Rio Grantle region, tliis cluster is repre-
sentative of Verde Valley cavate lodges.

The rock of which the bluff is composed is a friable tufaceous
formation, superficially much eroded by weathering. This rock is so
soft that it could be readily worked with stone implements, as shown
by certain peckings on the vault of the roof and on the walls Df the
rooms. Judging from the nature of the rock, it is probable that the
face of the bluff above the river has been worn away considerably
since the caves were deserted ; the front walls have changed somewhat
even in modern times.

Although these artificial caves have been known for some time,
especially to people living in the vicinity, little detailed study has
been given to them by archeologists. In his re]>ort on the lower
Verde ruins, Mindeleff does not mention or figure them, and they are
not discussed in other accounts. In 1898 the present author directed
attention to the interesting character of these caves.'

A marked feature of cavate rooms m Ai'izona- is the almost unex-
ceptional association with them of buddings constructed on the talus
at their bases or on the mesa above them. Associated with the Oak
Creek caves, as with the cavate dwellings of Clear Creek, lower down
the Verde, there is a buildmg (pi. 81) on the mesa above but none
on the talus below. Althougli at present much broken down, this
building presents strong indication of long habitation and is believed
to have been occupied contemporaneously with the caves below, pos-
sibly by the same clans.

If the cavate rooms and the pueblo on the mesa were inliabited
synchronously, the suggestion naturaUy occurs that they may liave
had two distuict uses: possibly one was for ceremonial, the other
for secular, purposes; or one was for storage of food and the other
for dweUing purposes. The author inclines to tlie belief that each
of these two types was devoted to a distinct use, but he is unable
definitely to substantiate tliis hypothesis. The ruin (jil. 81) on top
of the bluff overlooking Oak Creek was an extensive village resem-
bling a pueblo; some of its walls are well preserved. One can hardly

> In ITthAnn. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.

2 similar caves found on Clear Creek resemble in general those on <>ak Creek, anil there is no reason to
doubt the tribal identity of the inhabitants of the two localities.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 81

.^^6^-

ipP^" ^ *A^^

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•'.% it-

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U RUIN UN THE bLUTF AbOVL UAK CREEK CAVES

/), OAK CREEK CAVES

RUINS AT THE MOUTH OF OAK CREEK

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 82

a. MIDDLE SERIES

6, EASTERN END
CAVATE ROOMS OVERLOOKING OAK CREEK

tr
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KKWKKsl

RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER

189

suppose this structure to have been inluibitccl by ])eople Ixostile to
those occupying the cliffs below, nor is it reasonable to regard its
walls as of a later or an earlier jieriod of construction. It is known
that a division of rooms into kivas and living cjuarters is a constant
feature in most modern, and in some ancient, pueblos.' Possibly
there was a corresponding duality in this cluster, the cavate lodges
and the pueblo on the bluff liavmg different functions.

While most of the walls of the Oak Creek pueblo have fallen, a
few of the rooms arc fairly well jM-cscrved. These are situated on the
south side, rising from the rim of the precipitous bluff'; the descent

OePRETSSION

IS*"'

^l.!"^.'!!'i"!!!!f^i'l(R!i#Mi^';vi;:,^ ■• ■•"■ ■ - -■■■ "••■

i'\a. 55. Ground plan of pueblo on UluU overlooking Oak Creek.

on the north side is more gradual. xVn examination of the ground
plan (fig. 55) shows that the total length (measured east and west)
is 231 feet and the breadth 135 feet. Most of the rooms are fairly
large; their walls are of undressed reddish-colored stones, bearing evi-
dences that they were formerly plastered. The lughest waU stiff
standing is about 20 feet, wliile several walls are 15 feet, in height.
The ]>ositions of projecting floor beams and of apertures which for-
merly received such beams indicate that the structure in its highest
part originaUy contained three stories and was a pueblo.'

* It is known tliat there are no circular kivas in Verde ruins, and the rectangular ceremonial rooms
(kibus) in tills vaile3* have not yet been dilTereu tinted from liabitation,s.

s A pueblo is a compact community building, generally more than two stories liigh and terraced, the
stories above the first having lateral entrances.

li)() ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [etii. ann. 28

In all the outlines of rooms that have been traced there arc no
evidences of kivas (subterranean chambers specialized for ceremonial
purposes), but at the northwestern corner, outside the walls, is a
circular depression suggesting a former reservoir. Viewed from
below or from the left bank of Oak (^reek, the ruin with the line of
cavate rooms beneath and the wall of the pueblo crowning the bluff
forms a striking ])icture, as shown in the accomi)an)ang illustrations
(pis. 81, h; 82). The caves below — that is, the rooms excavated in the
side of the bluff — will be considered first.

The openings into these cavate lodges appear at two levels, those in
the lower row being the more numerous. The front wall of the upper
row has been almost completely destroyed by the elements. Three
sections may be distinguished in the lower or main line of cavate
rooms — western, middle, and eastern. While in general style of con-
struction the rooms of all three sections are similar, the chambers
vary to so great an extent in size, depth to wliich excavated, antl in
other particulars as to suggest that they were used for different pur-
poses. The rooms of the western end (pi. 83), which are larger than
those of the other two sections, are more easily approached. The
cluster of rooms at the eastern end (pis. S3, 84) can not be entered
from the others, but is approached by climbing the bluff (pi. S4) above
the CornviUe road. The broken openings of the western and middle
sections face southward beyond Oak Creek, wliile those at the east
face more toward the east.

In order to comprehend more fuUy the character of the site of these
excavated rooms, let us consider a high cUff or bluff (pis. 83, 84) with
a river flowing along its base, bordering which is a low talus of
fallen stones, the debris from the wall above. From the top of
tills talus to the level of the floors of the cavate rooms is about 15
feet. The pathway follows a low bench in the cliff a few feet below the
floor level, at too great a distance, however, for one to climb to the
rooms, except at two points. Viewed from a level jdace across the
creek the lines of cavate rooms appear as rows of irregularly shaped
holes in the side of the chff (pi. 81, h). The jagged openings indicate
former entrances of caves artificially excavated in the rock, the marks
of the workers' tools being visible on the walls.

The average depth to wliich these caves are excavated is 20 feet,
and the whole length of the western and middle parts is about 207
feet, the former being 183 feet and the latter 24 feet. Attention is
drawn to the fact that each of the 10 rooms composing the western
series of cavate rooms is rudely circular or oval in form, none of
the corners forming right angles. The floors of most of the rooms
are approximately on the same level; their roofs are formed bj'
the roof of the cavity, wlule the partitions consist of walls of the

FEWKES]

BUINS ON THE UPPER \TERDE KIVER

191

rock left in place. There was evidently once a passageway (pi. S3, b)
alonsj the ledges in front of the line of entrances into the cavate
rooms, and it hkewise a])pcars that many walls formerly closed the
fronts, whose positions are now indicated by great jagged apertures.
Wliile only fragments of these front walls remain, it appears from
one (in the middle series) still standing (pi. 81,&) that walls of tliis
kind formerly extended along the whole length, from floor to roof,
and were pierced for entrance.

There is no evidence that a builtling once stood on the talus in front
of tills line of cavate lodges (pi. 83, h), as found in connection with
some similar habitations. The situation of the caves with relation
to the cliff above would seem to afford evidence against such sup-

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o to 20

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Fig. 56. Ground plan of cave rooms on Oak Creek (western end and middle).

position. It is doubtful also whether there were any rooms on the
river bank, wliich was flooded regularly at liigh water.

The rooms of the western and middle series of Oak Creek caves are
indicated on the ground plan (fig. 56) by the letters A-M, East of
room J the partition separating the rooms of the western series from
those of the middle series approaches so close to the edge of the chfl
that it is impossible to pass around it from one room to another. The
entrance to tins series of rooms Ues at the point A; the aperture is small
and bounded by broken walls (pis. 81, i; 83, h). Once on the ledge,
however, one can walk on a projection the whole distance from room A
to room J without inconvenience, passing through many connecting
passages. Room B, wliich is somewhat more spacious than A, has in
one corner a small closet or niche ; in C there are two of these niches, once
used for containing food or water. No sign of front walls appears in

192 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK linii. ann. 28

A, B, or C. Kdoni 1) is now, us it probably always has been, really an
arched passageway ; in its floor is a mortar-like depression in which pos-
sibly grain may have boon pounded. A solid rock support left by the
prehistoric workman, in front of tlus arched passage, shows on its
sides the marks of the builder's stone tools. Room E was apparently
an open area, perhaps a recess or court rath(>r tlian a living room,
and, as there are no signs of a front wall, probably served as a porch
for room F. At the edge of tliis porch is a shallow groove cut in the
floor, exteniUiig at right angles to the edge of the cliff, in which it
may be supposed the ancients rested their weapons before they
discharged them at the enemy below.' The front wall of room F is
well preserved, making tlus room the best in condition in the western
series; it has a window and a closet, or niche, in the rear. The
pear-shaped passageway into the adjoining room (G) is cut through
a solid rock partition, the opening being just lai-ge enough for the
passage of the human body. The remaimng rooms (G, H, I, J),
wliich are open in front, are comparatively large. There is an
elevation in the floor forming a platform between rooms F and
G, wliich maj" be hkened to the bancpiettes in some other cavate
lodges.

The middle series of cavate lodges at Oak Creek has three rooms
(K, L, M) ; these are merely a continuation of the western series
from wliich the room first mentioned (K) is separated by undisturbed
rock. This room is almost circular in shape; the curve of the roof
extends from the liighost point (about 6 feet), in the middle, to the
floor. The distance on the floor across the broken entrance (there is
no front wall) measures 11 feet, and from the face of the chfT to the
rear waU 15 feet. . The surface of the floor, composed of the natural
stone considerabty worn, is smooth, almost poUshed. There are three
small niches in the rear of the room, the bottoms of wliich are slightly
below the floor level.

Room L is the only one in the middle series retaining a remnant of
the front wall that once closed the entrances of those caves. The
distance from tlus wall to the rear wall is 10 feet, the width of the
entrance 14^ feet, and the height of the room 5 to 7 feet. There
are two niches in the rear of tliis room and a shallow groove on
the ledge in front, which projects beyond the wall at right angles to
its length. Here also are two circular shallow depressions in the rock
floor that might have been used as mortars for pounding corn or other
seeds.

The doorways or passages betw'een rooms L and K and L and M
apparently remain in about the same conchtion as when the rooms

1 Similar grooves aiv found on the East Mesa of the Hopi, overlooking the trail near Hano, which early
warriors are said to have used for the same purpose.

FEWKES]

EUINS ON THE UPPER VEKDE EIVER

193

were inliabited. Room M has one small mche and two large niches;
the open front shows no vestige of masonry.

Excavated in the northeastern corner (pi. 84) of the bluff, some-
what to the east of the middle series of rooms and separated therefrom
by an impassable chfT, are the eastern caves, which open toward the
east, overlooking the CornviUe-Vcrde road and Oak Creek. There
are but llu-ee rooms (N, O, P) in tliis cluster (fig. 57). Room N
faces more to the southward than the remainder. Tliis room is irreg-
ular in shape. The rear wall is 21 feet from the edge of the cliff at
the floor level ; the dome-shaped roof, wiiich is blackened with smoke,
slojies imiformly backwartl, the highest pomt bemg near the entrance;
the average height is 5 feet. A peejjhole cut through the rock par-
tition looks out over Oak Creek, on the southern side. One of the
walls contams a niche. Room N opens into rooms O and P. The

Fig. 57. Ground j)lan of cave rooms on Oak Creek (eastern end).

former is about 8 feet liigh; this can be entered by a jjassageway
from front and side. The roof is vaulted; the floor on the north side
is shghtly raised. Passage tlu'ough the narrow opening from one of
these rooms to another can be effected only by crawling on all fours.
Room P has a vaulted roof, averaging 7 feet in height; there are two
niches at the floor level, the openings of which are ])ear-shaped.

In their general features the Oak Creek cavate lodges,' as show^l in
the preceding jxxragraphs, arc not unlike structures of similar char-
acter in the Verde VaUcy. They closely resemble inhabited caves in
various parts of the world, excavated in similar rock formations by
people of the Stone Age.

' No sufficient reason to reject the word "cavate" occurs to the writer nor docs he know of any better
term that has been suggested by those who object to its use to designate caves of this tj-pe. Most of these
artificial caves are found in cUffs and may l^e properly called clill-dwellings, especially those which have
buildings in front of them. They undoubtedly grade into other types, as natural caves having houses
buill in them, but the term is the most e.xpressive yet suggested for cliff-rooms artificially excavated.

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 13

194 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CKEEK Fetii. ann, 28
Cl-IFK-lIOl'SES OF THE ReD RoCKS

The cavato rooms of Oak Crook here describod and illiistratod
are not the only form of chfT-dwolhnfjs in the upper Vorde region.
Wo find tliero also wallod housos built in caves or in recesses pro-
tected by an overhan<^ of the cliff, in wliich little or no artificial
excavation is apparent. The largest known cliff-houses of this type
along the upjicr Verde are situated in the Red Rocks, which can
easily be seen across the valley from Jerome, Arizona. The geologic
character of these rocks and the peculiar structure of the caves in
which they occur impart to these cliff-houses a form rescmblmg the
cliiT-dwollings of the Navaho National Monument in northern Ai'izona,
the characteristic feature being that the rear wall and in some cases
the side walls of the rooms consist of the cave wall. The latter walls
are built so that their ends join the rear wall of the cave, unlike
pueblos, which are independent of cliffs for support so far as lateral
walls are concerned. This type, like the ledge-houses in the Mesa Verde
National Park, Colorado, forms a connectmg link between cavate
lodges and cliff-dwellings, the essential differences being that the
former are artificial excavations while the latter are constructed in
natural caves.' In some of the rooms of cliff-houses of the most
independent construction, the walls of the cliff constitute rear or side
walls of the dwellings, so this feature can hardly be said to indicate any
cultural difference; it is rather an expression of geologic environment,
a difference that is worth consideration and may be convenient in
classification.

The aboriginal habitations discovered by the author in 1895 in
the Red Rocks ^ belong to the type of cliff-houses rather than to that
called cavate lodges, the latter being represented on Oak and Clear
Creeks.

Some of the smaller cliiT-houses on the upper Verde and its tribu-
taries have a characteristic form, approximating more closely those
in Walnut Canyon, near Flagstaff, than they do those of the San
Juan drainage.^ Tliis difTerence is due largely to the character of the
rock formation and the erosion of the cliffs in wliich the first-men-
tioned dwellings are situated, but is also in part traceable to the com-
position of the clans that once inhabited them.

In Montezuma Castle (pi. 79), the typical clifl'-dwelling in the Verde
Valley, there are a main building and several smaller houses, which
are duplicated on the Sycamore and other tributaries of the upper
Verde.

1 Several of the Verde cliff-dwellings are simply natural caves whose entrances have been at least par-
tially walled up. The external differences between these and artificial caves closed liy a front wall are too
slight perhaps to be considered. The method of formation of the cave, whether by nature or by artificial
means, is more important as a means of classification.

2 See 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amcr. Ethnol.

' The author regards tliese as closely related to the ledge-houses of the Mesa Verde, although exteriorly
they are closely allied to cavate lodges and may be situated in artificially excavated caves.

FEWKES] RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER 195

The cliff-dwellings of the Rod Rocks, built as they are in a rock
formation different from that in wliich Montezuma Castle is situated,
have certain architect ural dissimilarities wliich are evident from com-
parison of the illustrations.

Ilonanki and Palatki, the ])rincipal cliff-houses in the Red Rocks,
may be visited from Jerome, Arizona, by a more direct road than that
from Flagstaff. This road passes through the valley settlements to
Cottonwood, near which place it crosses the river. Above and just
beyond a ford there are low mesas on which are situated ruins,' the
walls of which can be seen fi'ora the crossmg. (PI. 89.) From the
ford the road is fairly good as far as Windmill ranch, and thence is
passable with wagons to Black's ranch, at the mouth of one of the
canyons of the Red Rocks. As there is always water in this canyon,
the mouth of which lies midway l)ctween Honanki and Palatki, a
short distance from each, it is a favorable place for a permanent
camp. The canyons in which the two ruins are situated are waterless.

Several small cliff -houses are found in this and neighboring canyons,
and there are many caves showmg evidences of former occupancy as
mescal camps by Apache or others, but the main interest centers in
Honanki and Palatki, the largest cliff-houses yet discovered in the
Verde region with the ])ossible exception of Montezuma Castle.

As already stated, it is evident that the character of the rock of
the cave in wliich these two great ruins are situated is different from
that in wliich Montezuma Castle stands. Like the latter, the small
cliff-house in Sycamore Can3^on is literally built in a recess in the
cliffs, the roof of the houses being a short distance below the roof of
the cavity.- In Honanki and Palatki, however, the opening is large
and more in the nature of a cavern with a slight overhanging roof
high above the tallest building. In these ruins there is no refuse-
heap back of the inner rooms, the wall of the precipice serving as the
rear wall of the room.

The cliff-dwellings of the Red Rocks are more closely related archi-
tecturally to those of the Navaho National Monument,^ in northern
Arizona, than to Montezuma Castle. They differ also fi'om the ruin
at Jordan's ranch, which is in reality a ledge-ruin, being built in
a natural cave following the line of softer rock strata, having the
front closed by an artificial wall extending from base to roof.*

The two ruins, Honanki and Palatki, discovered by the author in
1895, were the first cliff-dwellings in this part of the Verde i-egion
made known to science.^ At that time photographs of these ruins were

1 There are two niins on the mesa above this ford, on the lelt bank of the river. These can be seen from
Jerome with the aid of a field glass.

' The author has not yet determined whether the cave at Montezuma Castle is wholly natural.

' See Bull. 10, Put. .4 mer. Elhnol.

< Several ruins of this type occur in the rock under Montezuma Castle; the ruins in Walnut Canyon,
near Flat'statT. also l-eiong to this type.

'•ntli Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Elhnol.

196

ANTIQUITIKS OK TllK VERDK AND WALNUT CREEK [eth. ANN, 28

published, acconipaMiod by (Uvscriptioiis of the various rooms and
minor anti(iui(ies. Tlio author adds \\evv but little to his former
description of the ruins, but has introduced better ground plans (figs.
ns, r>fl) of them tluxn any yet published. Although reports of ruins

Fig. 58. Grouud plan of I'alalki.

much larger than these of the Red Rocks, situated higher up on the
Verde, were brought to the author in 1895, he is convinced that there
is but slight foundation for them. There are undoubtedly several
small cliff-houses and many natural caves, as "Robber's Roost,"

Fic. .'J9. Grounil pluii of llonanki.

in the Red Rocks, but no cliff-dwellings of great size are to be found
between the Red Rocks and the Chino Valley. Palatki (pis. 85 : 86, a)
lies in the canyon east of Black's ranch, a short distance therefrom,
and Honanki about the same distance to the west.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 85

iif

RUIN BELOW MARX'S RANCH (ABOVE', AND PALATKI

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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 87

AT THE MOUTH OF BLACK'S CANYON

NEAR JORDAN'S RANCH
CLIFF-HOUSES ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER

FE« ICES]

KUIX3 ON THE UPPER VEEDE RIVER

197

On approaching Palatki from Black's ranch by the trail at the
base of tlic cUlf a number of natural caves are encountered that evi-
dently were formerly used by the Apache, as their smoke-blackened
Willis are decorated with characteristic Apache pictographs.' No
iiulications of house walls were discovered in these caves, and there
is only scanty evidence of occupancy prior to that of the Apache,
wliich was clearly very recent.

Cliff-house at the Mouth of Black's Canyon

The small cliff-house at the entrance to Black's Canyon, on the west
side, is one of the interesting forms of cliff-houses in the Red Rocks,
differing from any yet described in the Verde region. The ruin (pi.
87) spans a narrow crevice, resting partly on the top of a detached

■-^-v^-.

^g OF c/Cv^- Ffoor

Fig. 60. Ground plan of cUfl-house at the moulh ot Black's Canyon.

bowlder and partly on a ledge under the wall of the cliff above; in
other words, the house is situated in part of a recess out of which the
bowlder has fallen.

Many pictographs, consisting of zigzag figures, dots, and parallel
lines, resembling "counts" and rude faces, occur in the neighborhood
of tliis ruin; these are not pecked in the rock surface, as are most
ancient Pueblo pictographs, but are painted in white, red, or other
pigments. The ground plan of this ruin is shown in the accompany-
ing illustration (fig. 60) and its general ajjpearance \'iewed from the
hills back of the camp in plate 87. This ruin is much dilapidated,
most of its walls having fallen; a considerable section, however,
containing a doorway or window, can still be seen. The house is

> Most ol the clia-dwcUers' pictographs are incised, wtiile ttiose made by Apache are painted..

198 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VEKDE AND WALNUT CREEK [ktii. ann. 28

of stone, but there iire ulso fraji^nuMits of julobc* wnJls luul sections of
plastered clay floors adlierinjjj to the ledjijo and adjacent parts of t\w
bowlder. As before stated, between clilf and bowlder is a crevice once
bridged by the biiildhigs. Two or three beams project from the top
of the bowlder opposite the ledge, indicating that the space between
the bowlder and the sides of the cliff was formerly floored or roofed,
the ends of the supporting beams resting on the bowlder and the ledge.
Tliis floor was evidently supported in part by a stone wall built in the
cre\nce, remains of wliich are shown in the ground plan. Possibly
tliis wall formerly served as a partition between two small basal
rooms occup^nng the crevice, the remaining walls of wliich are no
longer traceable.

A row of shallow pits cut in the surface and sides of the bowlder
occupy approximately the position indicated in fig. 60; these served
as footholds and apparently furnished the only means by winch the
inhabitants of this building could gain access thereto.

Lebge-houses near Jordan's Ranch

The small cliff-dweUings near Jordan's ranch, about 6 mUes from
Jerome, belong to the type known as ledge-ruins, i. e., natural caves
of small extent having the fronts closed by walls of masonry. There
are several similar ledge-ruins in the valley, but the Jordan ruins are
probably the best preserved. Several ruins of this type are found in
the cliffs below Montezuma Castle, as shown in plate 79.

The Jordan ruins are situated in the cliffs on the right bank of the
Verde about 50 feet above the river bottom and can be reached
by an easy climb over fallen stones. There are several ledge-houses in
this locality, three of which face east and the fourth north, all over-
looking the river. The soft limestone composing the clifl' is here
stratified, the strata being slightly tilted and in places very much
eroded; the formation is colored white and red. The cave walls are
much blackened with smoke. It was possil)le to enter reailily all but
one of these houses ; the trail leading to the fourth has been obliterated
by erosion.

The largest of the Jordan ruins (pis. 87, 88), which is 175 feet in
length, extends approximately north and south. ' About half the front
wall and two end walls are still intact but the intermediate section of
the front wall is broken. The cliif slightly overhangs the house, form-
ing a roof; the walls extencl from the edge of the cliff to the roof. The
rear wall of the cliff forms the corresponding wall of the rooms, as
indicated in the ground plan (fig. 61) — a characteristic feature of
Verde VaUey cliff-houses.

On a lower level of the cliff, just beyond the Jordan ruins, are two
rooms, with blackenetl walls, connected by an almost cylindrical

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FEWKBS]

RUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER

199

passagewav through the intervening partition. The front wall of
one of these rooms is pierced l)v a round peephole, which commands a
view upstream. The walls of this ruin are thick except in front, where
they are badly broken down. On their inner plastered surfaces marks
of human hands appear.'

TALUS

Fk;. hi. Ground ijlan and section o( ledgu-house near Jordan's ranch (height of front wall about 50 feet).

Ruins in Sycamore Canyon

The presence of ruins in Sycamore Canyon (Dragoon Fork of some
of the older maps) was reported, but on mvestigation the author was
unable to find any large buildhigs on this tributary of the Verde
River, although he examined several ruins — forts, cavate rooms, and

' These are the ruins about which an imaginary story was pul)lished in a Jerome {.\rizona) newspaper,
later copied into journals of wider circulation, that they were still Inhabited.

200 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CHEEK I btii. a.vn. 28

wiUled-up caves or cliir-ilwcllings. lli<^her up the canyon is called
Sycamore Basin; this also is reputed to contain cliff-dwellings and
other e\'idences of former hal)itation, but was not visited.'

In Sycamore Canyon, about a mde from the jimction of the Sycamore
and the Verde, a fine spring bubbles out of the ground, the outflow from
wliich formed a considerable stream at the time of the author's visit.
Half a mile farther up the canyon is a well-preserved but inaccessible
cliff-house, having an upper and a lower fi-ont wall, as shown in the
accompanying illustration (pi. 88). This ruin is situated in a cave
in the side of the cliff", the approach to which is worn away. The
stones of the upper front wall of the inner building are supported by
upright logs.

About 2 miles from the junction of Sycamore Creek and the Verde,
on both sides of the canyon, even where the walls are steepest, are
natural caves showing evidences of former occupancy.^ For the
greater part the waUs in these caves have tumbled down, but rem-
nants of front walls are still standing. Here and there the volcanic
rock is of columnar form. (PI. 86, h.) The formation of the cUff
in wliich the caves are situated is uniformly soft and tufaceous; the
color is commonly reddish, in places almost white.

Apparently the preliistoric population of Sj^camore Canyon was
small and the area that could be cultivated was meager.

On a level place to the left of the road from Jerome as one descends
to the mouth of the Sycamore there is a pueblo ruin wliich is much
dilapidated.

Ruins in Hell Canyon

Hell Canyon is a branch of the Verde Canyon and the small
stream flowing through the former discharges into the Verde a short
distance from the mouth of Granite Creek. The author had been
informed that there were extensive ruins of cliff-dweUings in Hell
Canyon, but although there are here several stone ruins of the fortress
type, referred to by ranchmen as "corrals," there are few remains of
cliff-houses. One ranchman declared the Hell Canyon ruins to be the
largest on the upper Verde ; this may be true, but no ruins of great
size were visited by the author. Not far from the junction of this
canyon with the Verde is a low bluff of soft stone, suggestive of the
Oak Creek formation, which looks as if it once might have been
honeycombed with cavate rooms. These have now disappeared, only
a hint of their former existence remaining. The rock here is suitable
for cavate houses like those at the mouth of Oak Creek, and there is
level land adjacent that would serve for agricultural purposes.

1 There is evidence of the existence of a large ruin on the rim of the mesa or the point of the tongue of
land between the Verde and the mouth of the Sycamore, 25 miles from Williams, but this ruin was not
visited.

2 It is impossible to drive up this canyon, but the trip can easily be made on horsebaclc.

fewkes] ruins on the uppee verde river 201

Ruins near Del Rio

The ruins in the neighborhood of Del Rio, most of which are on the
summits of low mounds, have the same general form. Three of these
ruins, one on the Banghart ranch, described by Ilinton,' were visited.
Walls of ruined houses, of small size and inconspicuous, are to be
seen to both the right and the left of the railroad, near the station.

The ground plan of these ruins has been almost obliterated, as the
stones from the fallen walls have been carried away for use in the
construction of modern buildings in the neighborhood. Most of
these buildings seem to have consisted of small clusters of rooms.
Few of them are situated very far from tlie streams, and the more
copious the supply of running water the more extensive are the signs
of former aboriginal life. The ruins at Del Rio belong to the Chino
series, the characters of which they possess in all essential particulars.^

Ruins near Baker's Ranch House

The Baker ranch lies on the right bank of the Verde about 7 mUes
above the mouth of Sycamore Creek. Several forts, cave habitations,
and gravelly terraced mesa ruins (pi. 99) exist near the house now
owned by Mr. Perkins.*

Following up the stream about 2 miles to the Government road,
the author observed on a malpais hill, about a mile from the river,
obscurely outlmed walls of what was formerly a large fort. Within an
inclosure bounded by the fallen waUs are the remains of several rooms.
Although this is not one of the best-picserved or largest forts on the
upper Verde, its walls ai-e still breast high. About 2 miles down the
Verde from the Baker ranch house is a cave on the walls of which
is a circular pictograph painted in black, probably Apache.

A nule down the Verde from Baker's (Perkins') ranch house, on
the right bank of the river, are the remains of a cliff-house of con-
siderable size, the ground plan of which is shown in figure 62. A
few years ago the walls were in good condition and the structure was
then regarded as a fine example of a chff-house. Owing to the fact
that this ruin lies in the surveyed route of the proposed railroad
from Cedar Grove to Jerome, most of its walls will have to be de-
stroyed when the road is built. The cave in wMch the ruin is situ-
ated is about 40 feet in deptli and about 34 feet in width (from north
to south wall) at the entrance; the height of the floor above the creek
is 50 feet. On the plain in front of the cave, between the talus and
the river, are fallen walls of a small pueblo from which many stones

' Hinton, Handbook to Arizona, p. 419.

- Del Rio, sometimes called Chino, is not a town but consists merely of a section house on the Santa F6,
Prescott & Phoenix Railroad.

^ .Mrs. Baker, who formerly lived here, is reported to have made a collection of archeologic objects, among
which is said to have been an obsidian ax.

202 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [eth. ann. 28

have bepii removed recently for use in the construction of a neigh-
borinfi wall, but enough of the foundation stones remain to enable
tracing the general ground plan.

jVlthough this cave is a natural formation, in the rear are niches or
cubby-holes evidently artificially excavated. The roof is about 15
feet above the floor of the rooms. The cave floor is covered with
fallen stones upon some of wliich tlie foundations of the remaining
walls still rest. Evidently this ruin has been considerably dug over
by relic seekers, for in the fine dust which covers the floors are
found charcoal, fragments of pottery, stones showing artificial work-

S lO 15 20 ZiFf.iO

scale: §^

Fig. 62. Ground plan of ilill-dwelling at Baker's ranch.

ing, fragments of corncobs, twine, and other objects. It is said that
a few fine specimens have been removed from this debris, but noth-
ing of value was found by tlie author. The remnants of several
plastered walls painted red can still be traced.

Ruin near the Mouth of Granite Creek

Granite Creek, on which the city of Prcscott is situated, discharges
its waters into the Verde not far from Del Rio. About 2 miles down
the Verde from the mouth of Granite Creek, the stream makes an
abrupt bend by reason of a volcanic cUff rising perpendicularly from
the river. This cliff is crowned by a large fort (pi. 95) of aboriginal

FBWEES]

BUINS ON THE UPPER VERDE RIVER

203

construction. The ruin ' is situated almost due north of Jerome
Junction, from which it can be reached by the road which turns at

O 15 3o ^S 60 75 90 FEET-

Fig. 63. Urouud plan of fort near tlie mouth o: Granite Creek.

Del Rio at right angles to the railroad and continues eastward to
the mouth of Granite Creek. A visit can be readily made by wagon

' This is proliably one of the ruins mentioned by Hinton, in his Handbook to Arizona.

204 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK Iktii. ann. 28

IViini Del Rill l)y following the Ix'd of tiic Verde. Tlio great trachyte
clifi" rises precipitously about 300 to 400 feet above the river on the
eastern, northern, and western sides, but on the south the approach,
although steep, is more gi-adual; even here access is difficult. Ap-
proached from the river, the ruin presents the appearance of a cas-
tle towering above and commanding a view of the stream.

The general ground plan (fig. 63) of the ruin is roughly oval, with its
longer axis extending north and south. The northern part is without
a high wall, tlie precipice, from the edge of which it rises, serving the
purpose of defense in that direction; but the southern part is protected
by a high massive wall 320 feet long, fairly well preserved, and provided
with an entrance at the southern extremity. The short axis of the
ruin, measured from one extremity of the south wall to the other, is
about 125 feet in length.

The northern and southern sections of the ruin are separated by a
row of several rectangular rooms. The distance of these structures
from the southern entrance is 87 feet, and from the nearest point of
the northern section, 65 feet. The section south of these rooms
appears to have been an enclosed plaza, without houses. In the
northeastern part of the northern section are several rooms the com-
bined length of which is 61 feet.

The walls of this fort and of the included buildings average 6 feet
in thickness ; they contain no mortar.

This ruin is evidently the one mentioned by Hinton, as follows
(pp. 419-20):'

Four miles below the place described, there is a hill overluoking the Verde River,
with a series of ruins of stone houses, inclosed by a stone wall on the south side, which
in places is 20 feet high and 12 feet wide. The other sides of the hill are abrupt and
precipitous, and 200 to 300 feet perpendicular.

LIMESTONE BUTTE RUIN

The Limestone Butte ruin (pis. 88-91), situated about 6 miles west
of Jerome Junction and 16 miles north of Prescott, is one of the best
preserved of the hilltop forts. It crowns a limestone ridge com-
manding fine views of the valleys to the east and west and of the
distant Juniper Mountains to the northwest, with the Cliino Valley
and the distant peak called Pichacho. To the west Ues Williamson
Valley and to the south the mountains surrounding Prescott. The
approach to this ruin on the east is more abrupt than that on the
west. All old Government road which runs through Aztec Pass
lies at the base of the ridge on top of which the ruins stand. This
ridge rises 500 to 600 feet above the neighboring valley.

The general plan (fig. 64) of the Limestone Butte rum is rectan-
gular, the orientation slightly east of north. The walls are solid

' Hinton, Richard J., Handbook t» Arizona, San Francisco and New York, 1878.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 89

LIMESTONE BUTTE 'ABOVE' AND CORNVILLE RUINS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTV-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 90

a. FROM THE NORTH

h, FROM THE SOUTH

c, WESTERN WALL
LIMESTONE BUTTE RUIN

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 91

a, INTERIOR

/;, WESTERN SIDE 'FROM BELOW i
LIMESTONE BUTTE RUIN

FEWKES]

LIMESTONE BUTTE RUIN

205

masonry, well preserved, averaging about 8 feet in height and 4^ feet
in width. On tlie western side the foundations conform more or less
with the edge of the cliff, tlie face of wluch is sinuous; the other
walls are fairly straight. The inside north-south. measurement is 69
feet; tlie oast-west, "27^ feet.

-■:S§' (^"£;?O^°0^ ?^°-'?'? ^c'^f^P.^-^L^?"'

c::,^.<!i!>i

Fig. 64. (Jrouiid plan of Limestone Butte ruin.

No trace of mortar remains and the component stones of the
walls are rougldy dressed. The northern angle is almost wholly
occupied by a small low-walled room, but the rest of the inclosure is
Avithout debris: tlic floor is solid rock. At a southwestern angle of
the surrounding wall there was originally a crevice in the floor, since

206 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK Iktii. ANN. 28

walled up, suggesting tiic former j)reseiU'o of an entrance from below,
hut the adjacent walls have fallen to so great an extent that its
purpose is difllcult to determine. Below the western wall, the curve
of which is shown in the accompanying views (pis. 90, c; 91, b),
is a rude wall suggesting a cave-room, the other walls of which are
obscurely indicated.

Viewed from the nortli, almost entire walls are seen, the founda-
tions of which at certain places are large projecting bowlders. (See
pi. 91, a, h.)

RUINS ON WALNUT CREEK

Walnut Creek is a small stream the waters of which at times flow
into the Chino, but which, on the occasion of the writer's visit, were
lost in the sands about 8 miles below old Camp Hualapai. In the
report of Wliipple's reconnoissance the stream bears the name of
Pueblo Creek, from certain "pueblos" on the hills overlooking it,
which he described, but the name is no longer apphed to it. The
ruins of Walnut Creek are of two kinds, one situated on the low
terrace bordering the creek, the other on the hilltops. The stream
is formed by the junction of two branches and the valley is continuous
from Aztec Pass to the point where it merges into Chino Valley.

There is evidence that Walnut Valley had a considerable aboriginal
population in preliistoric times. A number of forts and many remains
of settlements strewn with pottery fragments and broken stone arti-
facts were found. Here and there are mounds, also irrigation ditches
and pictographs.

A few years ago Walnut VaUey had a number of white settlers
and a post office/ but the families have now dwindled in number to
three or four, and the place is characterized chiefly by abandoned
houses. Camp Ilualaj^ai is deserted, the adobe houses shown in the
accompanying illustration (pi. 92) being almost the only reminder
of its former existence.

Historical Account

Whipple was the first to mention the numerous ruins (' ' pueblos ' ' and
forts) and other evidences of a^ former aboriginal population in Walnut
Creek Valley. Subsequent to his \nsit no new observations on them
appear in published accounts of tlie ruins of Arizona, and no arche-
ologist seems to have paid attention to this interesting valley, a
fact wliich gave the author new enthusiasm to visit the region and
inspect its antiquities. These seemed of special interest, as Whip-
ple's account was inadequate as a means of determining their rela-
tions with other aboriginal ruins in the Southwest. Who built the

' The post office wm removed to Simraous, in Williamson Valley.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 92

OLD CAMP HUALAPAI AND MOUNT HOPE

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 93

NEAR AINSWORTH'S RANCH

AZTEC PASS

VIEWS IN WALNUT VALLEY

FEWKES] RUINS ON WALNUT CREEK 207

structures and wlio arc the descendants of the builders, are impor-
tant questions.

In ancient times there was a well-worn Indian trail from tlie
Colorado River, past Mount Hope, through Aztec Pass, down Walnut
Creek, and across Williamson and Chino Valleys to the Verde. Tliis
trail, used by later American explorers, was doubtless the one fol-
lowed by some of the early Spanish missionaries in their efforts to
reach the Ilopi Indians from the Cahfornia side. Although the route
taken by early Spanish travelers in crossing the country west of the
Hopi villages is more or less problematical, it would seem that Onate,
in 1604, may have crossed the divide at Aztec Pass (pi. 93, h) , and that
Father Garces, 172 j^ears later, may have followed this trail past Mount
Hope and down Walnut Creek. The Yavapai ("Yampais") were
ninnerous in this region at that time and much later, as indicated on
the few maps and descriptions wliich have come down to us.

In 1S53 Sitgreaves followed the same Indian trail over Aztec Pass,
crossing the country afterward traversed by Whipple, but, although
he must have seen several ruins in this region, he mentions none, nor
do others who followed approximately the same route, namely, Beale's
road, known also as the Government road.

There is considerable arable land lying along Walnut Creek (pi. 93),
which is continually sliifting, owing to the inroads made by the stream,
hence it is hardly probable that the flats now seen are those once
cultivated by the Indians. It may be for this reason that tlie ancient
farmhouses were built on the tongue-shaped terraces or on gravelly
mesas bordering the stream, where the ruins are now found.

The forts were built on the summits of the highest prominences
both for protection and for the sake of obtaining a wide \new up and
down the stream, and it is an instructive fact in this connection that
one rarely loses sight of one of these hill forts before another can be
seen. By means of a system of smoke signals news of an approacliing
foe could be communicated from settlement to settlement from one end
of Walnut Valley to the other, giving the farmers in their fields skirt-
ing the stream opportunity to retreat to the forts for protection.

The ruins in Walnut ("Pueblo") Creek Valley' are thus referred to
in Wlujjple's report :

Five mile.s beyond Turkey Creek we came upon Pueblo Creek, so called on account
of exteni^ive ruins of houi^es and fortifications that lined its banks . . . Wide
Indian trails and ruins of extensive fortifications constructed centuries since upon
the heio;hts to defend it showed that not only present tribes but ancient races had
deemed Aztec Pa.ss of great importance.

> The names ''Turkey Creek" anri " Pueblo Creek," mentioned by Whipple, do not seem to have been
generally adopted by white settlers. The stream called by Whipple " I'lieblo Creek " is now called Wal-
nut Creek. "Aztec Pass" also is a name but little known to settlers in this region.

208 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK Ietii. axx. 28

The only iiwuuiits known to (lie author, of tlic ruins in Walnut
Valley are tlic rc[)orts of Lieutenant Whipple and Lieutenant Ives/
wliich unfortunately contain but meager descriptions of tliese antiqui-
ties. Most of the writers on the ruins of Arizona do not refer to
those found in this valley.

Whipple spealvs of several ruins on Walnut (Pueblo) Creek, but
his references are too brief even for identification. One of these,
said to be situated on Turkey Creek, he characterizes (op. cit , pt. 1,
p. 92) as-
dilapidated walls of a tower. The ground-plan was an ellipse, with axes 25 and 15
feet, partitions dividing it into three apartments. The walls must have been large,
as they yet remained 5 feet in height, and 6 feet wide. The hill is 250 feet above the
river.

This description does not correspond with respect to size, elevation,
or general appearance with any ruin visited by the author in tliis
region.

Alarcon ascended the Colorado to the point where it forms a
"straight channel between high mountains," possibly the mouth of
BiU Williams River, the mountains being situated, as pointed out by
Professor Turner, not far from the junction of this stream with the
Colorado.

Whipple found near his camj) (No. 105) a ruin similar to those
here mentioned, of wliich he wi-ote (p. 94) as follows:

To obtain a still more extensive view, Mr. Campbell climbed a steep hill, several
hundred feet above the ridge of the pass, formed by a short spur from the abrupt ter-
mination of the northern mountain chain, and found upon the top ruins of another
fortification. Its length was 100 feet. It was 25 feet wide at one end, and 20 at
the other. The wall was well built, 4 feet thick, and still remaining 5 feet high. It
commanded a view of the pass, and, with proper armament, was well situated to defend
and keep possession of it from an enemy. The entrance, 6 feet wide, was from the
steepest side of the hill — almost inaccessible. From a fancy founded- on the evident
antiquity of these ruins, we have given the name of Aztec Pass to this place.

A ruin supposed to be that just described was visited by the
author, the results of whose observations, however, differ so much
from Wliipple's account as to suggest doubt regarding the identity
of the remains.

From Walnut Creek the old Indian trail followed by Whipple
ascends Aztec Pass, becoming a rough wagon road bordering gran-
itic rocks. West of the pass tlie country is comparatively level,
sloping gradually to a sheep ranch on the Baca Grant, called Oaks
and Willows. The high mountain seen from the road for some dis-
tance west of Aztec Pass is called Mount Hope (pi. 92).- Beyond

I Reports of Explorations and Surveys to Ascertain the Most Practicable and Economical Route for a
Railroad from tlie Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. Made under the direction of the Secretary of
War in 185.'i-4. Vol. in. parts i-iv. Extract.s from the [preliminary] report of Lieut. A. W. Whipple
[assisted by Lieut. J. C. Ives], Corps of Topographical Engineers, upon the route near the thirty-fifth
parallel.

'This mountain is incorrectly located on the Cnited States Land Office map. It stands on the Baca
Grant.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 94

VIEWS IN BIG BURRO CANYON

FEHKKs] RUINS ON WALNUT CREEK 209

Oaks and Willows, keeping tliis mountain on the right, a fairly clear
trail continues to a deserted ranch, marked by a ruined stone chim-
ney and a corral, at the head of Burro Creek. Here, at the terminus
of all wagon roads, among magnificent pines, is a pool of water;
beyond, the traveler may continue on horseback to the Big Burro
(pi. 94), one of the large canyons of this region.

Following Bill Williams River westward to its junction with the
Colorado, no ruins on hilltoi)s were seen by Wheeler's party, but
at Yampai Sjjring, near the former river, the lower side of a liigh
slielving rock forms, according to Wliipple's report, a cave the walls
of wliich are "covered" with ])ictographs.

The former habitations of the Walnut Creek aborigines were doubt-
less constructed after the manner of jacales, supported by stone or
adobe foundations, a common feature of most of the ruins herein
described. Entrance to these inclosures must have been difficult,
as the doorways no doubt were guarded and many of the pas-
sages wei'e de\'ious, a defensive measure quite commonly adopted
in the pafisaded houses of the tribes bordering the Colorado River.
The In(hans along tliis river, mentioned by Don Jose Cortez in 1799
as the Cajuenche and the Talliguamays (Quigyuma), erect their huts
in the form of an encampment, inclosing them with a stockade.
According to the same author, the Cuabajai (Serranos), another
tribe, built their towns ("rancherias") in the form of great squares,
each provided with two gates, one at the eastern, the other at the
western end; here sentinels stood. The dwellings consisted of huts
constructed of limbs of trees.

A typical ruin of the Walnut Creek Valley is thus referred to by
Wliipple (op. cit., pt. 1, p. 93).:

Lieutenant Ives and Doctor Kennerly to-day ascended a peak 300 or 400 feet
high, the last in the ridge that bounds and overlooks the valley of Pueblo [Walnut]
Creek, some 3 miles below camp, and found upon the fop an irregular fortification of
atone, the broken walla of which were 8 or 10 feet high. Several apartments could
be distinctly traced, with crumbling divisions about 5 feet thick. From thence to
the pueblo, upon the gravelly slopes that lie slightly elevated above the bottom lands
of the creek, there are, as has before been noted, vast quantities of pottery, and what
appear to be dim traces of the foundations of adobe walls.' It would seem, therefore,
that in ancient times there existed here a large settlement, and that the inhabitants
were obliged to defend themselves by strong works against attacks from a powerful
enemy. ^

No excavation was attempted by the author in the Walnut Creek
region but his attention was drawn to human bones that had been

* \Ti important obser\'alion, as most of the dwellings were built on stones which formed their founda-
tions. The adol)e walls and the posts and wattling supporting them have now disappeared, the founda^
tion stones tjeing all that remain of the buildings.— J. W. F.

' The "old chief" told Alarcon of great houses of st«ne inhabited by a warlike race. These people were
said to live near a mountain and to wear long robes sewed with needles of deer bone. Their fields of
maize were small.— J. W. F.

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 14

210 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT (^EEK Iicrii. asn. 28

found in flio ruins on the river terrace above Mr. Ainsworth's ranch
anil in the neighborliood of Mr. Peter Marx's house. Al -hou^li, as
is commonly the case, the fragments of skeletons are locally supposed
to have belonged to giants, the few bones examined by the author
were of the same size and had the same general characters as those
found elsewhere in the Southwest. Rings of stones indicating human
burials are prominent just outside the fort above Mr. Shook's house
and in the gravel of the river terrace not far from the residence
of Mr. Ainsworth.

Fort below Aztec Pass

A short distance from Mr. William Johnson's ranch house on the
road to Drew's ranch, on the right bank, rises a steep hiU, 100 feet
high, on which is situated the best-preserved fort in the Walnut Creek
region. This is probably the "pueblo" mentioned by Whipple, pos-
sibly one of the structures that gave the name Pueblo Creek to the

O 6 lO 15 ZO

'f-o reET

Fig. 65. Ground plan of fort below .\ztec Pass.

stream now called Walnut Creek. The fort commands a view up
and down the valley from Aztec Pass to the fort near Shook's ranch,
and beyond.

The accompanying illustrations (pis. 95-97) show tlie present ap-
pearance of this fort anil the stee[)ness of the hill from the side toward
Walnut Creek; on account of the trees on the summit the ruin is
almost invisible.

The walls are oriented east and west (fig. 65), the northern and
southern sides being the longer. Although seemingly rectangular
in outline, the northern side, measuring (inside) SO feet in length, is
5 feet longer than the southern side. The eastern and western sides
are respectively 30 and 25 feet in length. The average thickness of
the walls is 4 feet and their height 6 feet.

At present the walls are in almost the same condition as when con-
structed. Except at the northeastern and northwestern corners,

o
z
<

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 96

FORT BELOW AZTEC PASS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 97

HOKT BELOW AZTEC PASS

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE

NEAR AINSWORTH'S RANCH

ON MARX'S RANCH

TERRACE-RUINS IN WALNUT VALLEY

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGy

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 99

FORT OVERLOOKING SHOOK S RANCH

FORT OVERLOOKING SHOCK'S RANCH

RUIN ON MESA AT BAK. ■■; . :; .\CH
WALNUT VALLEY RUINS

FEWKES] KUINS ON WALNUT CKEEK 211

where the entrances to the inclosure were situated, only a few stones
have fallen. All the walls are made of snaall rough stones laid with-
out mortar, the largest stones for the greater part forming the
foundation; the walls slant slightly inward, as is noticeable in the
corner shown in plate 96 (bottom) . A cross section of the broken wall
reveals the fact that large stones were used in construction on the
inside and the outside facings, the intermediate section being filled
in with smaller stones — a common mode of mural construction in
the Walnut Creek and other regions.

Ruins near Drew's Ranch House

A short distance from Mr. Drew's ranch house,' now (1911) de-
serted, are several level terraces on which are small stones arranged
in squares in rows, and other evidences of former aboriginal habita-
tions. A considerable quantity of pottery fragments is also to be
found, indicating that the few level areas in this vicinity were once
occupied by man. Rings of stones like those near the Ainsworth
ranch house, from which fragments of human bones had been exca-
vated, are supposed to mark the sites of burial places.

Ruins near Ainsworth's Ranch House

It may safely be said that wherever in the Walnut Creek Valley
land well situated for cultivation may be found, there may be expected
also evidences of occupancy by former inhabitants, either remains
of houses or irrigation ditches, or pictographs. Most of these habi-
tations are situated on the low river terraces or tongue-shaped grav-
elly mesas that project into the valley. The sites of the ancient
farms are difficult to determine, for the reason that, as before explained,
the continually changing stream has modified more or less the bottom
lands along its course.

From some of the best of these ruins (pi. 98), situated near Mr.
Ainsworth's house, human skeletons, fragments of pottery, and other
evidences of former human occupancy have been obtained. The sites
of the houses are indicated by rows of bowlders,- which in some places
are arranged in circles.

Ruins near Shook's Ranch House

One of the largest forts in the Walnut Creek region overlooks
Shook's ranch, from the summit of a lofty hill on the left bank of
the creek. This fort (pi. 99), which is visible for a long distance up

» Drew's ranch is the last wliite man's home encounterpd on the way up the valley, before the road
ascends the hill to -Vztec Pass. Walnut Creek divides at a point near level areas showing evidences of
cultivation. The coimtry is well wooded, forming part of the PrescoU National Forest, the ranger of which
lives near old Camp Hualapai.

= Resembling the so-called ''bowlder sites" in the middle and lower Verde Valley, described by Cosmos
Mindelell.

212 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK (hth. ANN. 28

aiul down tlu^ streaiu, is tlio first of tlie series seen on entering Walnut
Valley from Simmons ]iost oilice.

Tliis ruin (dg. 6G) is nearly rc^ctangular in shape, moasuiing 103 feet
on the western si(U', 87 feet on tlve eastern, 118 feet on the northern,
and on the southern, the side overlooking the river, 100 feet. The

7s re^r.

Fig. 60. Ground plan of fort overlooking Shook's ranch.

inner antl outer faces of the walls are composed of large stones, the
space between them being filled with rubble.

The fallen walls wthin the inclosure indicate the former presence
of many buildings, some circular in form. Rings of stones, averaging
16 by 13 feet in diameter, aic found just outside the fort, on the side
facing the river, where the ground is level.

FEWKES]

KUIXS ON WALNUT CREEK

213

Directly across Walnut Creek from Shook's ranch house, not far
from the ford and overlooking the valley, on a low, gravelly river
terrace, are the remains of a quadrangular wall, oriented approxi-
mately north and south (fig. •

lOO FT

17 FT-

L ^

.?5

•9.

67). The northern side of
this quadrangle is 100 feet in
length, the southern 93 feet,
the western 125 feet, and the
eastern 143 feet. The walls
are composed of rows of stones,
rising at no point very high
above the present surface of
the ground. Mr. Shook, the
owner of the ranch on which
this ruin is situated, informed
the author that formerly this
wall was higher, stones having
been removed for use in the
construction of buildings across
the stream.

Tn the middle of this cpiad-
rangle is a low, flat-topped
mound, about 4 feet in heiglit,
measuring 94 feet in length by
17 feet in width. The relation
of this interior structure to the surrounding wall suggests the
massive-walled building of a compound, as described in the
author's account of Casa Grande, in this volume.

*^!

"'iW

93 rr.

i
V

Fig. 07. GrounJ plan of terraoc-ruin near Shook's ranch.

Ruin near Marx's Ranch House

Artificial mounds are found on terraces among the cedars on the
right bank of Walnut Creek almost to its mouth. One of these
mounds, opposite Mr. Peter Marx's house, is particularly interesting.

This ruin (pi. 98) consists of two parts — a rectangular inclosure,
oriented north and south, and a nearly circular mound about 100 feet
to the west. The former (fig. 68) measures 28 feet on the northern
and 2.3 feet on the southern side; the eastern side is 6.5 feet long, and
the western 63 feet. The two axes of the mound measure, respectively,
72 and 77 feet. Large ancient cedars grow on the mound and also
within the rectangular inclosure.

The decorated pottery found here varies in color and design. For
the greater part it consists of white ware bearing black decorations.
The designs are geometrical patterns, mostly terraced figures, squares,

214 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK fETii. ann. 28

and parallel lines. Fragments of coiled ware, which is veiy rare in
the Walnut Creek region, have been unearthed in these ruins. There
are also many fragments of coarse, undecorated ware.

Manj^ artificial mounds are found in the cedars on terraces on the
riglit bank of the creek. One of these is situated on the bank of the
creek opposite Mr. Marx's house.

Not far from the terrace on which these mounds are situated the
course of a prehistoiic irrigation ditch can be traced about 100 feet,
and several distinct pictographs (pi. 101) may be seen.'

LOi^ /^0<JA/0

■is 3o +5 rcET

Fig. 68. Ground plan of terrace-ruin on Marx's ranch.

Ruin near Sheep Corral, below Marx's Ranch

About a mde and a half from the Marx ranch stands a ruin about
50 feet above the creek, on a tongue of land projecting eastward,
overlooking a deep canyon on the south and a more gradual decline
toward Walnut Creek on the north. The remains indicate the
former presence of a block of rooms, or row of houses, 52 feet long
by 17 feet wide. Four rooms with low walls, none of which was
more than a single story in height, can be plainly traced.

The numerous fragments of pottery strewn over the ground outside
the walls afford evidence of the occupancy of this structure for a
considerable period; it served as both a post of defense and a perma-
nent residence.

• The pictographs of western and southern Arizona are characteristii', diflering from those made by
Pueblos. In places are piles of rocks, each bearing one pictograph.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIQHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 100

^*>'^^^^^.^;*^'-

FROM THE NORTH

FROM THE SOUTH

RUIN SIX MILES BELOW MARX'S RANCH

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 101

PICTOGRAPH ON BOWLDER AT MARX'S RANCH

FORT NEAR BATRE'S RANCH

^•'^

PICTOGRAPHS NEAR BATRE'S RANCH

FORT AND PICTOGRAPHS

fewkes) forts neak frog tanks 215

Ruin Six Miles below Marx's Ranch

A ruinod fort (pis. 85, 100) occupies a low limestone hill a short
distance from the right bank of the river, where the valley widens
somewhat before opening into Chino Valley. There was no running
water in the stream in October, and possibly this condition exists at
other times. On account of the level <'haracter of this region the
fortification is visible a considerable distance from every direction.

The walls, which are more or less broken down, cover the whole
top of the hUl. The general ground plan of the surrounding wall is
rouglily oval, its longer axis extending north and south; there is an
entrance at the north. The periphery of the wall measures approxi-
mately 227 feet. Wliile a large part of the walls of rooms witliin
the inclosure have fallen, so that they can not well be traced, a con-
siderable section still remains, forming near the doorway what ap-
pears to have been an entrance.

The habitations dependent on this fort can be traced nearer the
creek bed. On an island farther down stream are walls of another ruin.

FORT ON INDIAN HILL NEAR PRESCOTT

On the summit of a s3Tnmetrical eminence, known as Indian
Hill, not far west of Prescott, is a fort similar in construction to
the forts overlooking Walnut Creek. The walls are extensive and
in places weU preserved, but a considerable section has fallen. No
fragments of pottery were found here.

In the vicinity of Thumb Butte, another eminence near Prescott,
are pictographs not unlike those found in the Walnut Creek region.

Remains of other Indian structures and settlements occur at
various places near Prescott; these show that the aboriginal culture
of this vicinity had many points in common, if it was not identical,
with that of Chino Valley and the Walnut Creek region.

Along Hassayampa and Granite Creeks and in Agua Fria and
other valleys is found the same type of ruins, none of which are
those of true pueblos.

FORTS NEAR FROG TANKS, AGUA FRIA RIVER

There are many forts and river-terrace ruins on the Agua Fria
and other streams that head in the mountains about Prescott and
flow into the Salt and the Gila. Those on the Agua Fria near Frog
Tanks are tyj^ical.

About a mile up this stream, near the Batre mineral claim, where
the valley widens into a level area, or bar, rises a prominent hill
crowned by the remains of an old fort (pi. 101). The walls here
have fallen to so great an extent that it is almost impossible to trace
the ground ])lau of the ruin. There appears to have been a citadel.

216 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VERDE AND WALNUT CREEK [eth. ANN. 28

or central building, liigher than the surrounding structure, at the very
top of the hill, in the midst of a level inclosure, protected by a wall,
while fragments of other walls are found on the sitles of the hill.

About 3 miles down the river from Frog Tanks stand several ruins
still more important than that just mentioned. One of the most
imposing of these is on the right of the road to Glendale, on an
upheaval of rocks the tops and sides of which are surrounded by many
walls of stone, as shown in plate 102. These walls are nowhere very
high, but the sides of the outcrop are so steep and the walls so numerous
that it is evident the place was a well-fortified stronghold.'

Near a ranch about a mile away are many mounds, evidently
remains of houses and surrounding walls, indicating the former exist-
ence of an inclosure of stone, resemblmg a compound. Many speci-
mens of stone implements, fragments of pottery, pictographs on
scattered bowlders (pi. 101), and other examples of aboriginal handi-
work are said to have been found in this locality. The site of these
mounds is a gravelly river terrace like that of the rancherias of Walnut
Creek. Each locality has a place of habitation, and a fortified place
of refuge in case of attack — the two essential features of ancient
aboriginal settlements in this part of Arizona.

CONCLUSIONS

Kinship of Early Inhabitants of Walnut Creek and Upper

Verde Valleys

Very little is known of the kinslup relations of the aborigines who
inhabited the caves and erected the buildings now in ruins in the upper
Verde and Walnut Creek Valleys. From traditional sources it seems
probable that some of their descendants, of mixed blood, are to be
looked for among the Yavapai, W^alapai, and Havasupai tribes. The
Hopi also claim, however, that certain of their clans once Uved in the
Verde Valley, and there are archeological e\'idences Jn support of this.
The structures whose ruins lie to the west of the upj^er Verde, and
those situated in the Chino, Williamson, and Walnut Creek Valleys,
are probably too far west to have been the product of Hopi clans;
but although their former inhabitants were not Pueblos they built
dweUings similar in type to those of the latter.

According to Wliipple, Ewbank, and Turner ' (Pacific Railroad
Report, vol. iii, pt. 3, pp. 14-16, Wasliington, 1856) —

The vast region toward the south [of San Francisco Mountains], lying between Rio
Verde and the Aztec Range of mountains, is occupied by Tontos; while west and
northwest of that range, to the mouth of Rio Virgen, are found a tribe calling them-
selves Yabipais, or, as sometimes written, Yampais. Their numliers are estimated
at 2,000 each. Leroux and Savedra believe these three to be allied tribes; but there
exists some doubt upon the subject. The language of the latter proves that they have

I The writer's attention w;is drawn to this ruin by Mr. Batre, who has extensive mineral claims in this
neighborhood.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY

TWENTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE 105

,.,-,^ -

■V.

. -', ,

.-.jtfr

'■

■S.

/'T- " . ^,

jfjC-

■ ■■-' ■- jSk

^^fi.

, ■^.--. '

K^-a

^^H«>v-"

•

B|>K>f^"'''v

mk. '''''■■'

t'\

* ■ ■ !k

- ^ c- a

~;<j

4.»

• (CT¥*^, ' fit— *«

.J^/:

/'■ ^ ■• ..•>!«

TRINCHERAS AT FROG TANKS RUINS

FKWKEs] CONCLUSIONS 217

an aflSnity with the Mojaves and Cuchans of Rio Colorado; while, according to Don
,Ios^ Cortex, the Tontos belong to the Apache Nation. I have myself found Tonto
villages intermingled with those of Pinal Lenas, north of Rio Gila, with whom they
lived on frienilly terms, with like customs and haliits; except that they sulisisted
almost exclusively upon mescal and piiiones . . . and possessed none of the
fruits of agriculture. Yet the country they now occupy shows traces of ancient
acequias, and has extensive valleys of great fertility . . .

The tribe that now occupies the region from Pueblo Creek to the junction of Rio
Verde with the Salinas is called Tonto. The word in Spanish signifies stupid, but
Mexicans do not apply that signification to these Indians; on the contrary, they con-
sider them rather sharp, particularly at stealing. Therefore, as it is not a term of
reproach, we may reasonably suppose that, as is frequently the case, it is the Indian
name corrupted, perhaps, by Spanish spelling. . . . Don Jos6 Cortez, as may
be seen in chapter vi, calls them Apaches; but Sevedra [sic], who is a well-informed
Mexican, and, having been much among wild tribes of Indians, is generally considered
authority in whatever relates to them, says that Tontos are Indians of Montezuma,
like those of the puelilos of New Mexico. Pimas, Maricopas, Cuchans, and Mojaves,
also, he adds, lielong to the same great nation. In proof of this, he asserts that they all
have one custom — that of cropping the front hair to meet their eyebrows, . . .
suffering the rest, back of their ears, to grow and hang down its full length.

In the present uncertainty as to the ancestors of the three or more
tribes that inhabited the Walnut Creek region from the time the first
Spaniards entered the country to the advent of the exploring parties
whose reports are here quoted, it is not possible to reach a final opin-
ion with regard to the kinsliip of these people. The sedentary tribes
that once lived in the region have been modified, in so far as their
consanguinity is concerned, by intermixture with nomadic peoples
(Apache and other tribes). The archeologic evidences indicate tliat
they had close affinity to the Mohave and Colorado River tribes and
to those living about Prescott and along the northern tributaries of
the Salt River. In order to estimate the value of this evidence, a
few fortified hills near Prescott were visited and a preliminary exami-
nation of similar structures at the mouth of Agua Fria was made.

The ruins on the terraces along Walnut Creek are similar to those on
the Verde, the "bowlder sites " of Mindeleff , who thus refers to them : '

It seems quite likely that only the lower course or courses of the walls of these dwell-
ings were of bowlders, the superstructure being perhaps sometimes of earth (not adobe)
but more probably often of the type known as "jacal" — upright slabs of wood plastered
with mud. This method of construction was known to the ancient pueblo peoples
and is used today to a considerable extent by the Mexican population of the south-
west and to a less extent in some of the pueblos. No traces of this construction were
found in the bowlder-marked sites, perhaps because no excavation was carried on;
but it is evident that the rooms were not built of stone, and that not more than a small
percentage could have been built of rammed earth or grout, as the latter, in disin-
tegrating leaves well-defined mounds and lines of debris.

It is probable that the bowlder-marked ruins are the sites of secondary and tem-
porary - structures, erected for convenience in working fields near to or overlooked
by them and distant from the home pueblo. The character of the sites occupied by

' Mindelefl, Cosmos, Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona, in tSlh A nn. Rep. But. Ethnol. , p. 237.
2 It seems to the author more probable that these were permanent dwellings, as viewed in the light of
correspondinK structures on Walnut Creek. — J. W. F.

218 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VEBDE AND WALNUT CREEK [kth. an.n. 2S

ihciii and the ))laii of Ihe slructurea themselves support this hypothesis. That they
woro coiuiectod with the permanent stone villages is evident from their comparative
abundance about each of (he larger ones, and that they were constructed in a less
substantial manner than the home pueblo is shown by the character of the remains.

Tilt' resemblances of forts and accompanying habitations of the
upper Verde and Walnut Canyon to those about Prescott, on Granite
Creek, the Hassayampa, Agua Fria, and in other valleys of northern
and central Arizona, and to similar structures in the valleys of the
Gila and Salt and their tributaries, have led the author to include the
structures of the first-named group in a culture area which reached
its most specialized development in the neighborhood of the present
towns of Phoenix and Mesa City, and at Casa Grande.

It is the autlior's conviction that the people who built the forts and
terrace habitations ' on Agua Fria, Hassayampa, and Granite Creeks
were the "frontiersmen" of those who occupied formerly the Gila and
Salt River Valleys, where they constructed the great compounds, or
communal buildings, like Casa Grande.

Clans of these people migrating northward met other agricultural
tribes wliich had drifted from the Rio Grande pueblo region to the
Little Colorado and its tributary, Zuiii River, and became amalga-
mated with tliem. Lower down the river they settled at Homolobi,
near Winslow, wliich later was abandoned, some of the clans continu-
mg northward to the Hopi mesas. These people, the ancestors of the
so-called Patki clans of the modern Hopi, followed in their northern
migrations the Tonto and Verde Rivers. Some of those who went up
the Verde branched off to the Little Colorado, but others continued
along the banks of the former stream, sending offshoots along its upper
tributaries, and at last entered the Cliino Valley, where thev met
clans moving eastward. Many northern migi'ants followed the Has-
sayampa and the Agua Fria. As these clans entered the mountain
canj'ons, naeasures for protection necessitated construction of the
many liiUtop forts and other defenses whose remains are stUl found.

The general characteristics of the tnncheras on Walnut Creek and
the upper Verde suggest similar structures overlooking the valleys of
the Gila and Salt. There are of course in the Walnut Creek area no
large "compounds" with walls made of natural cement (caliche), for
this region does not furnish material adapted to such construction.

The trincheras,^ Uke those near Caborca and Magdalena in Sonora,
or Chakyuma near Tucson, closely resemble the fortified hilltops along
the Agua Fria, at Indian Hill near Prescott, and in the Chino, upper
Verde, and Walnut Creek sections. Associated with these defenses
are found on the terraces along the rivers in these regions rows of
foundation stones, from which once rose walls of mud on a frame-

1 There are also remains of irrigation ditches in this neighborhood.

' The "fort" is for the greater part a more compact structure tliau tlie Irinchfra; it is more nearly rec-
tangular iu form but the walls of the two types are practically identical in character.

FKWKES]

CONCLUSIONS 219

work of posts and wattling, the remains of houses not unlike in con-
struction certain former habitations at Casa Grande.'

In other words, the ancient people of these regions seem to have
constructed two kintls of buildings — forts on the hilltops and fragile
habitations on the river terraces, which differed structurally and were
occupied for special and distinct purposes. The former were defen-
sive retreats for use in case of attack, the latter permanent domiciles
or habitations, conveniently situated on terraces adjacent to farms.
The same or an allied people erected also houses in natural caves or
excavated them in soft rock. Dwellings of the latter kind are found
particularly in the area on the border of the Pueblo region, especially
where the character of the rock lent itself to their construction. The
inhabitants apparently had no kivas (rooms especially devoted to
rehgious ceremonies), but they probably had a comphcated ritual.
Terraced ruins are rare or unknown.

It appears that the dwellings of these people belong to a special
type distinct from the terraced compact community houses, or pueblos,
still represented among the Hopi, the Zufid, and the numerous Pueblos
of the Rio Grande, although identical with some ancient houses in
New Mexico. It is not strange if some of the descendants of clans
formerty peopling tliis area have become amalgamated with the Hopi.
In ancient times, however, the two cultures were as distinct, for
instance, as are the present Havasupai and the Hopi, and in certain
areas one of these cultures antedated the other. The Hopi and the
Havasupai are friends and visit each other, and at times the Hopi
allow some of the Havasupai to enter their kivas.

The two types of artificial caves used as domiciles have been dis-
tinguished elsewhere as those with vertical and those -with lateral
entrances. Both types may possess waUed buildings above or in front
of them, the cave becoming in the former case a storeroom, in the
latter a rear chamber, possibly devoted to ceremonies.

The association of waUed buildings with artificial caves is quite
general, the former being found either on the talus below or on the
cliff above the latter, as well shown in the cavate dwellings on Oak
Creek. A similar duality in cave-dweUings occurs in the case of
some of the larger cliff-houses, as, for example, those in Canyon de
ClreUy. This duality is parallel with that existing in the forts and
rancherias or terrace (bowlder) sites on Walnut Creek. -

Age of Walnut Creek and Verde Valley Ruins

It does not appear from evidences presented thus far that any con-
siderable antiquity can be ascribed to the aboriginal structures in
the Walnut Creek region, wliiclr were probably in use in the middle

' See Prehistoric Ruins of the Gila Valley, in Smithsonian Miscellaneous CoUeeliojis, vol. 52, pt. 4.
Massive-walled buildings for protection and fragile-walled habitations exist together within the iuclo-
sures of Gila Valley compounds, presenting the same dual combination, architecturally speaking.

220 ANTIQUITIES OF THE VEBDE AND WALNUT CREEK riorii. ann. 28

ol' tlic s(>Y('iit('cntli (•cnturv- 'I'licro aro no oxtonsivo, ])ilea of debris in
connection with most of tlic ruins;, and tlic hnildinfjs are not very
different from those which were inliabited in otiier ])arts of tlie South-
west, as in tlic San Peth'o Valley, when Father Kino passed through
it in 1610.' Nothing found in these ruins indicates a development
of arts superior to those of the tribes that inhabited western Arizona
when they first were visited by wlute men.

The sup])osition that the forts herein described were built by nomads
does not rest on satisfactory evidence. Moreover, the manufacture of
pottery is not an industry of wandering tribes, and the designs on
fragments found in tliis region, although tUfferent in minor details,
belong, as a whole, to a sedentary people alhed to ancient Pueblos
and cliff-dwellers. There seems no reason to question legends of the
Walapai that their ancestors built and inhabited the now-ruined
buildings scattered over the region herein treated, and were driven
out by tribes with wliich they afterward amalgamated. It appears
that the ancient inhabitants did not burn their dead, for unburned
human bones have been found at several points in Walnut Valley.
So far as it may be accepted as evidence, absence of cremation seems
to connect them with certain modern Pueblos rather than with cliff-
dwellers and with those of Yuman stock and the ancient people of
the Gila, who both inhumated and burned their dead.

It is hardly ])QSsible that the former inhabitants of these valleys
were completely destroyed by invaders, although it is probable that
they were conquered, a condition which may have led to an admix-
ture of Athapascan blood with a corresponding change in physical
features. Their language, customs, and beliefs were similar to those
of the Yuma or kindred Colorado River tribes; their buildings, pottery
fragments, and other artifacts point to a sedentary rather than to a
nomadic people ami connect them with both the Pueblos and the in-
habitants of the Colorado Valley. Wliile the relationship with the
Pueblos is apparent, it is more distant tlian their kinshij) with the
ancient inhabitants of the valleys of the Gila and the Salt. A duality
of building types occurs throughout the Pueblo region of New Mexico,
where are found domiciUary structures hke those along Walnut Creek.
At times, and not without good reason, these have been interpreted
as pre-Pueblo buildings, and some have gone so far as to designate
them as belonging to a pre-Pueblo culture. Their likeness to the
buildings of the western region is ap])arent, and they well may be
regarded as representing a lower culture stratum. Trincheras are
rare in the Pueblo region, and true pueblos (compact terraced commu-
nity houses) have not yet been found west of the upper Verde, facts
sufficient to divide the two regions into distinct culture areas.

1 The pueblos on the Little Colorado west of Zuni were inhabited in the middle of the seventeentli cen-
tury. In 1604 Oiiate found Mohoce (the Hopi pueblos) 12 to 14 leagues west of Zufli, and in 1632 the
missionary Letrado wa? murdered on his way to the Ciplas (Tsipiakwe), who apparently Uved at the
mouth of Chevlou Fork, west of Cibola (Zuii).

PRELIMII^ART EEPORT ON THE LESTGUISTIC

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQULAN"

TRIBES

TRUMAN MICHELSOlSr

221

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction 225

Notes on pronunciation 226

Algonquian linguistic groups 229

Blackfoot (Siksika) 229

Cheyenne 232

Arapaho 234

Eastern-Central 237

Central subtype 237

Cree-Montagnais 238

Cree 238

Montagnais 247

Menominee 249

Sauk, and close linguistic cognates 252

Shawnee 256

Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo 258

Oj'ibwa, and close linguistic cognates 261

Ojibwa, Potawatomi, Ottawa, and Algonkin 262

Peoria 270

Natick 272

Delaware 275

Eastern subtj^pe 280

Summary 289

Appendices 290

1. Comparative table of the Cree (Moose and Fort Totten), Menominee,

Fox, Shawnee, Passamaquoddy, Abnaki, Ojibwa, Algonkin, Peoria,

Natick, and Delaware independent mode, present tense 290

2. Comparative table of the Cree (Moose and East Main), Fox, Shawnee,

Oj'ibwa, Algonkin, Peoria, Natick, and Delaware subjunctive mode,

present tense 290

3. Comparative table of the Fox, Shawnee, Micmac, and Peoria conjunc-

tive mode 290

ILLUSTRATION

Plate 103. Map showing the distribution and interrelation of the Algonquian

dialects . at end

223

PRELIMI^TARY REPORT ON THE leGUISTIC CLASSI-
FICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES

By Truman Michelson

INTRODUCTION

In order to determine the linguistic classification of the Algonquian
tribes, the wTiter visited in the season of 1910 the Piegan of Mon-
tana, the Northern Cheyenne of Montana, the Northern Arapahn
of Wyoming, the Menominee of Wisconsin, and the Micmac of Resti-
gouche, P. Q., Canada. Later in the year the Ojibwa of White
Earth (Minnesota) sent a delegation to Washington, and the occasion
was utilizetl to procure a few grammatical notes from them. During
the season of 1911 he visited the Fox of Iowa, and the Sauk, Kicka-
poo, and Shawnee of Oklahoma. In the winter of 191 1-12 he spent a
few weeks at the nonreservation school at Carlisle, Pa., and there had
an opportunity to obtain some notes on Northern Arapaho, the Cree
of Fort Totten (listed officially as Turtle Mountain Chippewa),
Menominee, Sauk, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Abnaki. The
results of the field work of 1911 and 1912 could be incorporated only
in the proof-sheets of the present paper. For some Algonquian
languages dependence has also been placed on the unpublished
material of the Bureau, some manuscripts of the late Dr. William
Jones (for Kickapoo) and of Mr. W. Mecliling (for Malecite) , and the
published material. Prof. A. L. Kroeber verj^ kindly furnished some
of his Arapalio texts to supplement those of the writer. Prof. J.
Dyneley Prince generously oflfered the use of his collection of conso-
nantic clusters in Passamaquoddj^ and Abnaki. Owing to unforeseen
circumstances these can not be published here, but they have been of
assistance in determining the general character of Eastern Algon-
quian, and his helpfulness is appreciated. Thanks are due also to
Dr. Robert H. Lowie, of the American Museum of Natural History,
for the privdege of using some Northern Blackfoot texts. Dr.
Etlward Sapir, of the Geological Survey of Canada, with character-
istic liberality, placed his fiekl-notes on Croe, Montagnais, Abnaki,
Malecite, and Delaware (collected in the season of 1911) at the
20903°— 28 ETH— 12 15 225

226 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES rRni. ann. 28

writer's ilisj)osal; but tlioy wore rticoivod too lato to make ])ossible
the insertion of extracts, except in the proof-sheets.

While it is too early to publish in detail the results of tlie writer's
investipitions (this applies esperially to Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and
Arapaho), still in view of the purely geograpliic classification by
Mooney and Thomas in the Handbook of American Indians,' C. C.
Ulilenbeck in Anthropos (iii, 773-799, 1908), and F. N. Finck in
his Die Sprachstamme des Erdekreises (Leipzig, 1909), a preliminary
linguistic report may be acceptable.

The linguistic classification of Algonquian tribes in the present
paper is based essentially on the occurrence of consonantic clusters
and a few other phonetic phenomena, and on the jironominal forms
of the verb.

It wiU be seen that the various tables introduced tliroughout
tlus paper to illustrate grammatic forms are rather uneven, because
in many cases the writer has not ventured to abstract the personal
terminations proper from the examples given in the authorities. It
will be remembered that none of the older anil only a few of the recent
writers take into account instrumental particles; the result (com-
bined with inaccurate phonetics) has been that often it is too haz-
ardous to venture an opinion as to what the form actually was.
Likewise the exclusive and inclusive first persons plural are frequentty
not distinguished, and here the writer has had to foUow his own
judgment.

In conclusion, his thanks are due his colleague, Dr. John K . 8 wanton,
for assistance in preparing the accompanying map (pi. 103).

Notes on Pronunciation

It is believed that the reader will have little trouble in understanding the symbols
employed in this paper, as much the same system is employed as in the Handbook of
American Indian I,anguages (Bulletin 40, B. A. E.). However, the following notes
may prove useful.

Piegan:

X is post-palatal, approximately between German eh in ich and ch in bacli.

X is post-velar.

There are no sonant stops.

Cheyenne:

w is a voiceless semivowel.

i' is bilabial.

X is the surd velar spirant.

c is the surd alveolar spirant.

e and 6 (employed by R. Petter) represent whispered vowels.

Arapaho:

X is the siird velar spirant.

X is the same, weakly articulated.

'Bull, so, But. Amer. Ethnol.

MICHKI.SON]

IXTRODUCTION 227

tc is an intermediate with predominating surd quality, approximately between
English ch in church andj in judge.

6 is a pure sonant.

g is post-palatal; its sonanoy is not so marked as that of b.

The surd stops are ordinarily unaspirated; when aspirated, the aspiration is indi-
cated by (").

I is very open.

0 is a surd spirant articulated between the tongue and upper teeth, nearly on the flesh.

(") indicates aspiration.

^ indicates the glottal stop.

n indicates the nasality of the vowel.

('ree(Fort TOTTENI:

/ has the sound of obscure i.

e is long and close.

(") indicates an aspiration; it is approximately a weak .r; 't is apt to be heard as dl.

Pure surd stops are easily distinguished, but the corresponding sonants are stronger
than those of English; final g gives almost the impression of aspirated k (k').

Cree (Rvpert's House: .see p. 247):

ts' is alveolar, between ts and tc.

g is close and short.

Cree (Moose):

d has the sound of long close e.

MoNT.\GXAis (from Doctor Sapir's notes):

ts' is palatized, between ts and tc.

i is long and very open.

Meno.minee:

e I and 6 u are nearly indistinguishable.

g is very strong; finally it gives nearly the same impression as aspirated k tk').

Fox, Sauk, and Kickapoo:

For Fox, see Handbook of American Indian Languages {Bull. 40. B. A. E.), pt. 1,
pp. 741-745.

Here it may be remarked that in all three dialects there are no true .sonants; they
are much stronger than in English.

'k, 't, and 'p among the younger people are but feebly to be distinguished from /■, I,
and p, respectively.

(r in Fox and Sauk is intermediate, nearly between ch in chill and ; in judge; in
Kickapoo it is a pure tenuis, approaching ts.

The final vowels are spoken much more faintly by the younger generation than by
those advanced in years.

The writer believes Doctor Jones's hw is simply voiceless iv (iv).

Shawnee:

Surd and sonant are difficult to distinguish.

0 is the surd interdental spirant.

e I and o u are extremely difficult to distinguish.

The final vowels are somewhat more easily heard than in Fox. Sauk, and Kickapoo.

tc among the older generation is pronounced as such; among the younger people it
resembles more nearly ts in sound.

« and ™ are consonants that are hardly sounded — merely indicated — in words by
themserves; a vowel preceding renders them full sounding.

(■) indicates an arrest.

Ojibwa (of Baraga):

d has the sound of ii.

Algonkin (of Lemoine):

a has the sound of d.

228 CLASSIFICATION OF AUJONQUIAN TRIBES I kth, ann. 28

Ottawa:

i is long and close.

Surd and sonant (espc'cially whon final) are difficult to distinguish; final f/ has
nearly the same sound as /,'.
T) is jiost-palatal.
Delaware:

n', etc. of Zeisberger indicates u followed by an obscure vowel.
Abnaki (of Sapir):
/ has the sound of i.

0 has the sound of close o.

4 has the sound of nasalized obscure a .

Malecitb (of Sapir):

$ is long and very open.

P has the sound of p weakly articulated.

Passamaquoddy :

u has the sound of oo in good.

m is syllabic.

MiCMAc:

g has the sound of velar (/.• apt to be heard as r.

1 and n are svllabic.

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS

The AJgonquiaii tribes linguistically fall into four major divisions,
namely: Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Eastern-Central. Each
division is discussed in the following pages under the appropriate
head.

Blackfoot (Siksika)

This division includes the Piegan, Bloods, and Blackfeet proper.
According to Wissler,' the linguistic differences among the tribes
are mainly m the choice of words and idioms. The same authority
states that the Northern Blackfeet seem to differ more from the
Piegan than the latter do from the Bloods. The present \vriter can
describe only the language of the Piegan of Montana from personal
observation. It is characterized by an abundance of harsh conso-
nantic clusters and long consonants. The latter occur usually
between vowels but may occur in clusters. The first of the following
tables shows all the clusters - of two consonants found in one of the
writer's longer texts; the second, all the clusters of three consonants
in the same text:

Initial

Second member of cluster

naot

k
t

tic

sis

sic

Isk

tsp

Iss

ztc

Social Lite of the Blaclifoot Indians, p. 8, New York, 1911.
2 In this and similar tables some combinations are given which are not clusters in the strictest sense of
the word, but they are introduced here for convenience and on account of their importance.

229

230

CLASSIFICATION OP ALGOKQUIAN TRIBES

lETII. AXN. 28

Initial
consonant

2d conso-
nant

3d conso-
nant

s
k

\ "

1 '

1 :

1 ;.

1 ^

SUMMARY

Consonants permitted initially: k, i, p, n, s. Is, x, x.
Consonants permitted medially: q,k, t,s, Is, i.
Consonants permitted finally: k, I, p, s, Is.

It is likely that ts and tc represent a sound intermediate between
these two. The following clusters also were noted in the same text:
xqtt, skies, stspss.

The following are all the clusters of two consonants found in three
texts of Northern Blackfoot taken down by Dr. Robert Lowie:

Initial
conso-
nant

Second member of cluster

:.«

sis

Its

tsk

tss

It is clear that xg is due to mishearing.

MICHELSOX]

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS

231

The followiii':^ tahle shows all the clusters of tliree consonants
in the same texts:

Initial
consonant

2d conso-
nant

3d conso-
nant

I 1

k
ts

\ :

\ P
t

The following cluster of four consonants occurs in the same texts:
xkst.

It will be seen b}^ com]>aring the tables of such other Algonquian
languages as have numerous clusters that such a condition as obtains
in Blackfoot (Piegan) is unique. So far as the writer can judge,
the clusters are genuine, not ])seudo. The origin of most of them
is obscure.' Some are due to the assibilation of t before i.^ It is
likely that the cluster sk is original, as can be demonstrated for st
in certain cases. For the latter, note nestoa^ i (chances not to occur
in the writer's texts); Cree nista i also; and the mstrumental st in
nitcitAnistav/^ i said to him (ni — dw^ i — him; stem Ani) is to be asso-
ciated with a similar instrumental in Cree.^

However, the formation of the verbal compounds is tj^iically
Algonquian and most of the personal terminations of the present
independent mode are patently Algonquian. The terminations in
-pinndn'^ (e. g., ni — pinnan'^ we [excl.]) are to be associated with
Fox -penP', Passamaquoddy -l)An. Similarly, Tci — fuwdwa ye, is to
be connected with Fox and Shawnee -pvf-, Passamaquoddy -ha. The
form lei — dwdw" te — him has an exact ecjuivalent in Cree and Meno-
minee. The forms ni — aw°, M — dvf' i^him, thou — him, respectively,
agree mth Cree, Fox, Menominee, and Delaware (one form) as
opposed to Ojibwa, Algonkin, Shawnee, and Eastern Algonquian.

Forms Uke lei — oxpinndn'^ we — ^thee, you (not in writer's texts;
based on Tims; of. Uhlenbeck, op. cit., p. 8, bottom) certainly sug-

' For one or two probable sources liesides those given here, see p. 232.

! Thisthange has been already noted by C. C. Uhlenbeck, Original BlackJoot Te.xts, p. 95, Amsterdam,
1911.
s J. W. Tims, Grammar and Dictionary of the Blackfoot Language, London, 1889.
< J. Horden, Cree Grammar, p. 99, London, 1881.

232

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES

[ETII. ANN. 28

gest Passamaquocldy Jc — Ipen, which might be taken for Ic — ulpen, l)iit
as a inattor of fact the u has nothing to do wiili the termination;
owing to the plionetics of the hxnguage if a vowel following I is elimi-
nated, thereby causing the I to become final or immediately to pre-
cede a consonant, the preceding vowel takes an o or a u tinge (see
the discussion of East<n-n Algonquian, p. 283). Now is it not possible
that there is a similar phenomenon in Piegan and that the termina-
tion should really be given as lei — xpinndn'^ , in which the x represents
a secondary change of original n, as does the I of the Passamaquoddy
form ? * The same query would apply to certain other forms not
dealt with here.

To judge from Tims, the termination for ?i'f (excl.) — hm agrees in
formation with Cree and Ojibwa. The agreement with the latter is
no doubt purely fortuitous.

Forms like nestoa (Tims) i show agreement with Cree.

According to the writer's information some demonstrative pronouns
have reference to the state of the object designated, that is, whether
at rest or in motion; but some informants contradict this. It is a
matter that deserves special attention.

Summing up, we may say that though Blackfoot must be classed
apart from Eastern-Central Algonquian, it has the closest affinities
to Fox, Eastern Algonquian, and Cree.

Cheyenne

Cheyenne possesses consonantic clusters, though not in so great
profusion as Piegan. By consulting the various tables it will be seen
that some of the clusters are peculiar to the language. As is men-
tioned more than once in this paper, the fact that such Algonquian
languages as have numerous clusters differ with respect to the types
of clusters tends to show that most of these are unoriginal.

The following clusters of two consonants were noted in three of
the writer's Cheyenne texts:

Initial

Second member of cluster

sonant

IIS

(

sis

tsk

Isn

xls

' Or it may be that the original sound is lost and that the z is an accretion, as x in kl—iipuwaw" ye—
ME (cf. Fox ke—ipw).

MicHKi.soM ALUONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 233

The cluster tsn so far as noted is a pseiulo-cluster, but the others,
so far as the writer lias been able to analyze them, are genuine.
The foUowang clusters of three consonants were noted in the same
texts: nst, xst, mst, nsts, stn, the last being certainly a false one.
The following clusters were noted as occurring finally: sts, ns, 7ists
xs, vs. A single cluster (st) was observed initially, and that but
once; hence it is likely an initial vowel was not heard.

The origin of the clusters that apparently are genuine is practi-
cally unknown. One case of xp seems merely to have developed
from /), e. g., woxpi white (Fox wdpi). The clusters sh and st are
probabl)^ original (see discussion of Cree, p. 238. Unfortunately the
writer has not been able to find corresponding expressions in Cree
for such Cheyenne words as possess these clusters).

There are a number of words of patent Algonquian origin. Exam-
ples are: woxin white, mahd'mw'^ wolf, nic two, 7nve four,
mataxtit" ten, matama"' old woman, nd and, misi eat, mi give,
ami move.

It should be noted that under unknown conditions Central Algon-
quian n appears as t (compare the treatment in Cree, p. 239; but the
two languages do not agree wholly in the usage) ; fm-thermore, this
secondary t, as well as original t, becomes ts before a palatal vowel.
Examples are hitan"^ man (Fox ineniw'^), nitnndwitatsi'm,'^ let us
gamble together (tsi = Fox, etc., ti). Original I- under unknown
conditions appears as n. Tliis, together with the other phonetic
changes stated above, renders most of the forms of the independent
mode intelligible. Thus, ni — ts i — thee; ni — tseme i — you; ni —
tsemeno WE(excl.) — thee; ni — emend thou — us(excl.).' It will be
noted that the structure for i — yoi^, we (excl.) — thee agrees with
Natick, Algonkin, and Peoria. The terminations for we (excl. and
incl.), intransitive, approximate the Ojibwa type. The termination
for YOU (intrans.) is ni — w° (Fetter ni — me), which phonetically
approximates Algonkin, Ottawa, and Ojibwa rather than Peoria.
(It may here be mentioned that Peoria, Ottawa, and Ojibwa all
belong to the same division of the Central Algonquian languages.)
The termination for WE(excl.) — him {7ia — on, Fetter) has a corre-
spondent in Natick and Eastern Algonquian. The terminations with
the third person singular animate as subject are obscure. Those
with the inanimate plural as objects patently are to be connected with
the nominal suffix for the inanimate plural. With the assumption
that original intervocalic g is lost, some additional forms take on a
more Algonquian appearance. So violent a change is paralleled by
the apparent change of -p{A)m- to -m- and -p{A)t- to -xt-.

' The last three forms arc taken from Rodolphe Fetter's Sketch of the Cheyenne Grammar, in Mem.
Amer. Anthr. Ass,, I, pt. 6, 1907.

234 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES fErii, axx. 2R

Che3-enne possesses a mode that is frequently used in narration as
an indicative; it happens that but few of the forms occur in the
writer's texts. The third person singular animate, intransitive, ends
in -s: the third person plural animate, intransitive, in -wus (the initial
sound is represented by w merely for convenience. The writer has
been unable to determine its exact value; it is heard now as v, now
as w; the only thing absolutely certain is that it is bilabial) ; he — him
is -us; THEY (an.) — him -owns; to distinguish third persons, the intran-
sitive third person has an obviative -niwus. Assuming the phonetic
change of tc to s, it will be seen that the forms resemble the Fox,
Shawnee, and Peoria conjunctive. The ni of -niwus corresponds to
the ni of Fox -nitci, etc.

The termination of the plural inanimate can be derived from the
normal Central Algonquian termination by the phonetic laws stated
above. At the same time it greatly resembles the Natick and Piegan
forms, which apparently can not be derived from this source.

Summing up, we may say that although Cheyenne must be classed
as a distinct major branch of Algonquian languages, yet it has close
affinities with the Ojibwa division of the Eastern-Central major divi-
sion; but as consonantic clusters beginning with a nasal and followed
by a stop are not permitted, and the clusters sTc and st occur, we
must assume rather a more northern origin. If the Moiseyu really
are the Monsoni, as James Mooney thinks {Mem. Anthr. Ass., i,
369, 1907), there is historical support for this assumption. The
fact that Natick in the ending of the termination of the present
indepentlent mode resembles the Ojibwa type probably led Petter
(ibid., 447) to consider Cheyeiuie ' closer to Natick. The latter
does permit consonantic clusters with a nasal as the prior member
and a stop as the second member, but it does not agree entirel}' with
Ojibwa in tliis usage; note especially the present suppositive (sub-
junctive) mode. But it should be noted that the cluster st is not
permitted, though sic is; and the cluster st is a distinct trait of
Algonquian languages of northern origin (cf. Eastern Algonquian,
Montaguais, Cree, Blackfoot).

Arapaho

This division includes Arapaho proper, Gros Ventre (Atsina), two
dialects that are on the verge of extinction, and one dialect that at
present is either absolutely extinct or is spoken by only very few indi-

1 According to the writer's present information there are two Sutaio (a tritje that Ijecame incorporated
with the Cheyemie) who can still spealc their own Umguape, namely, White Bull (Icoj of the Northern Chey-
enne and Left Hand Bull of the Southern Cheyenne. Unforttmately the former ceased work before any texts
could be secured from him, and the wTitcr has heard only recently of the latter's ability to speak his own
language. For this reason no accurate idea of the language can be given here. Cheyenne traditions are
unanimous, however, in stating that the language was intelligible to the Cheyenne.

MKHKLSOM AUiONQUIAN LINUUISTIC GROUPS 235

Antlunls. The writor can ilescribe fi(im personal investigation only
Arapaho proper; he has been informeil by members of this tribe that
Gros Ventre is reaility understood by them. According to Dr. A. L.
Kroeber, the dialect mentioned as possibly absolutely extinct closely
resembled Blackfoot ; according to information received, the Piegan of
Montana say a boily of them joined the Arapaho and still speak their
own language. This matter requires careful investigation. It is to be
hoped that Doctor Kroeber will publish at an early date liis compara-
tive vocabularies of the dialects and also those phonetic laws of
Arapaho proper that he has discovered and courteously communicated
to the writer.

That Arapaho is an Algonquian language is shown b}' such words
as Mne'n man, ni^se^e my elder brother, no'^Hane^ my daughter,
fie'sV MY' GRANDCHILD, ms' TWO, ndsd three, ye^n' foxjr, batdtAx ten,
hatehi old woman, netd my' heart, hu'sitd^" it is hot; as well as by
the .system of the possessive pronouns. Some of the more radical
phonetic changes that the author has observed (some of these had
been anticipated by Doctor Kroeber) are tc becomes d: -nid, Fox -nitc';
J) becomes 6: netc' water. Fox nej/, netc my arrow. Fox mpV h be-
comes li: hi- THY', Fox Ice-, Jidw° not, Ojibwa Tcdwin; p becomes gQc):
slslgd^ DUCK, Fox deip"; w becomes n: no^lcu rabbit, Ojibwa wd'pos;
m becomes 6 (and w1): bdteM old woman, Fox metemd'", hdtdtAx ten;
slciv becomes x': wax'" bear, Cree iuasIcwa, Fox ma'kw". With the
assumption that y becomes n, and gr + , a final whispered vowel, becomes
^, a number of verbal pronominal forms grow clearer in formation.
(How these changes may distort words almost beyond recognition
may be shown by niHcebgdhuf he runs by: m(^) is a common verbal
prefix (?); tceb = Fox perni; gdhu = Fok -paho-; -f the pronominal
ending.) Doctor Kroeber has already remarked that in nominal
forms the inanimate and animate plurals are not distinguished, though
they are in verbal forms.' The exclusive and inclusive first person
plurals are not distinguished in verbal forms, according to information
received by the writer, but they certain!}' are in the possessive pro-
nouns. It is thus seen that Arapaho has become verj' specialized.
In the writer's judgment, no Algonquian language has deviated
farther from the normal.

Arapaho is characterized by very weak nasal vowels, which when
pronounced rapidly, however, betray scarcely any nasality. The
glottal stop is extremely common. There are a number of conso-
nantic clusters, but none of more than two consonants.

1 See Bulletin of the American Miiseum of Natural History, vol. xviii, p. 5, 1902.

236

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES Ii;tii. asx. 28

Tho following table shows all the consonantic clusters louiul in the
winter's Arapaho notes of 1012:

Initial
conso-
nant

Arapaho

Second member of cluster

(

irt

xlc

It has not been feasible to separate genuine and pseudo clusters.
The X before t and tc is exceedingly weak. The clusters in the
writer's Arapaho notes of 1910 were of the same general character
but contained 6g, dd, 6n, and vn also. No clusters begin or end a
word.

It will be seen that the clusters differ fundamentally in character
from those of Piegan, Cheyenne, and Eastern Algonquian. This fact
points decidedly to the clusters, with certain exceptions, in all of these
languages as secondary in nature and not original.

The grammatical analysis is extremely difficult. It is clear that
many secomlary phonetic changes have taken place in the welded
verbal compound, and so have obscured the stems. However, a
sufficient number are clear enough to warrant the assertion that the
general structure of Arapaho agrees essentially with the general
analysis of Algonquian given by Dr. WilHam Jones. The instru-
mental particles occur in the correct position. Of these the writer
has been able to recognize b (Fox, etc., m; no ?h exists in Arapaho),
n, It, t, w.

The personal pronouns of the independent mode (with certain
apparent exceptions in the negative verb) are suiFixed. Here is a
very striking difference between Arapaho and normal Algonquian.
The fact that the terminations are suffixed (not jjartially prefixed and
partially suffixed) suggests that in origin they are conjunctive endings
(compare Micmac), and so far as the writer has been able to find cog-
nates at all for them (in only a decided minority of instances), it has
been with the termmations of this mode. Doctor Kroeber, al)ove cited,
has noted that Cheyenne th- as the prefix of the second person singu-
lar, indei>endent mode, apparently corresponds witli Arapaho -n.
This the writer considers imjirobable, as it would be incredible that in
Arapaho a verbal pronoun that in all other Algonquian languages is
prefixed, should be suffixed.

MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 237

There are some formations that seem tlioroughly un-Algonquian;
e. g. heOo"hofc he, she told him, hek, them (an.), the obviative of
wliich is hede'hok. This formation is rare; the writer has met it but
a few times, always in words of the same, or approximately the same,
meaning. The stem of the examples given is hok; M is allied with
hei; so far as known at present there are no phonetic equivalents for
the incorporated pronominal elements in any other Algonquian lan-
guage. The i)refixing of the termination for he — him, her, them (an.)
before the initial stem is thorougUy im -Algonquian, and can not be
jiarallcled elsewhere in these languages. The occurrence of the
objective pronominal elements immediately after an initial prefix ( ?)
is another anomaly.

To sum up, Arapaho seems to have become specialized at an early
pei'iod, but it is likely that when the phonetics of the language are
better understood more points in common with Eastern-Central
Algonquian will become apparent; and it is possible that borrowing
from a non- Algonquian stock may be shown.

Eastern-Central

Although the Eastern branch presents considerable differences
from the Central branch — cliiefly in the abundance of consonantic
clusters — it is perfectly obvious that, compared with Blackfoot,
Cheyenne, or Arapaho, it belongs intimately with the Central group.
See the discussion of Eastern Algonquian (p. 280).

central subtype

All these dialects are very intimately connected. To say that one
dialect is not closely connected with another means merel}' that the
relations between the two are not so close as between one of the
dialects and a third. The lexical correspondence is very marked and
the correspondence in the grammatical terminations is close. In the
independent mode (or indicative mode) the correspondence is not so
close as in the subjunctive. The reason for this is probably that in
the latter case there is nothing to connect the personal endings
with, and that in transitive forms the single pronouns (which are
always suffixed) expressing both subject and object are so specialized
that it is not possible readily to analyze them into their component
elements, whereas the pronominal endings of the independent mode
are imquestionably to be associated with the possessive pronoims
and therefore vary more. (The Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo forms
in -pena, the Shawnee forms in -pe, and the Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo,
and Shawnee forms in -pwa are wholly anomalous.) However, in
the case of the independent mode, the analysis is far clearer than in

238 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [eth. an.\ i!S

other niddcs. Tlui transitive forms are based mainly on the combin-
ation of intransitive ones, sometimes part being prefLxed and i)art
suffixed, <ir both parts are suffixed. In certain forms it is necessary
to assume certain pronominal elements which are totally imconnected
with the possessive or independent pronouns, but which nevertheless
reoccur in other modes than tlio independent.

The writer's classification of tJie dialects of the Central subtype is
based on a study of the present independent and subjunctive modes,
together with phonetic and a few other considerations.

It is possible to formulate certain subdivisions of the group. These
are —

Cree-Montagnais.

Menominee.

Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, together with Shawnee, the last-named being
somewhat removed from them.

Ojibwa, Potawatomi, Ottawa, Algonkin, with Peoria somewhat
removed from them.

Natick.

Delaware.

It may be further noted that Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk,
Fox, Kickapoo, and Shawnee collectively form a unit as compared
with any other of the subdivisions.

Cree-Montagnais

Cree is characterized by the maintenance of the clusters sic, sp, si
{ch, cp, cf), which in other members of the Central group (with certain
limitations noted below) are converted to 'k, 'p, 't, respectively.' It is a
special point of contact with Eastern Algoncjuian that these are like-
wise retained in them. Examples are Cree amisl- (Lacombe) beaver,
Stockbridge (Edwards) amisque, Ojibwa am.il:, Delaware amochlc.
Fox ame'kw'^ (Shawnee hamakwa, Gatschet), Peoria amdhwa, Abnaki
pep8n-emesl-8 (Rasles) winter beaver, Micniac pul-umsTcw beaver
OF THIRD year;- Cree miskawew he finds him, her, Malecite mus-
Icuwan he found her, Natick miskom he finds it. Fox me'kmndw'^
he finds him, her; Cree ishwe'u woman, Micmac l-esigo-eshic'^ old
WOMAN, Natick squaw, Fox i'hwdtv^, Ojibwa i'kwd, Delaware
uxkwciu (Sapir); Cree niAsTcwA bear. Fox ma'l'w'^, Shawnee ™A-u'o,
Peoria maxkwa, Ojibwa ma'Jctua, Natick mosq: Cree islipimik above,
Ojibwa ishpiming, Menominee icpdmiyA above, Penobscot spumJci

I Moreover, under unknow-n conditions a sibilant is retained before k in Fox, Ojibwa, etc., and these agree
in the retention or loss of the sibilant.
' Rand, Dictionary of the Language of the Micmac Indians, Ualifax, 1SS8.

MiCHELsoxl ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 239

HEAVEN, Abnaki spemk, Passaniaquoddy sperneh high, Shawnee
spemegi above (in the sky), Fox a'pemegi, Peoria pdmingi; Ci-ee
micpun it snows. Fox mepu- to snow, Natick muhpoo it snows;
Cree midig wood, Fox me'tegtvi, Shawnee ™tegtri, Menoniince meHig
(probable mishearing for me tig), Ojibwa mi' tig (Jones), me'^tig (Turtle
Mountain, ^lichelson), Natick mehtug, Delaware inehittuclc, Minsi
michtulc.^

It should be noted likewise that Cree t{tt) coiresponds uniler
unknown conditions to n (or its phonetic correspondent) in the other
Central Algonquian languages as well as in Eastern Algonciuian. Thus
Cree atal: star. Fox Andgw'^, Shawnee alagwa, Peoria alangwa,
Ojibwa anang, Delaware allanque, Natick anoglcs; Cree atim dog,
Fox Anemo'^, Natick anum, Delaware allum, Ojibwa animosh, Malecite
ulamus (the last two really are diminutives). -

Below \k\\\ be found tables for the Cree present indicative and sub-
junctive-jiarticipial modes. ^ The phonetic laws stated above should
be kept in mind to see the correspondence with other Algonquian
languages.

» It is gathered from Doctor Gatschet's notes on the pronunciation and his grapliic fluctuation of fc, 'k,
ifc in the same words when corresponding to Cree sk, that the tnie value in Peoria is 'fc . By this is inferred
the same regarding p. Examples are lacking to show the correspondent to Cree at, but the inference made
at any rate is plausible. The writer's conclusions regarding Fox, Sauk, Kickapooare based on Doctor Jones's
and his own texts; those on Shawnee are from Doctor Gatschet's graphic variants as well as the author's
own notes (but apparently there are also some secondary changes in Shawnee); those on Menominee rest
on the writer's own notes; those on Ojibwa are formed mainly from a study of Doctor Jones's texts, though
partly from the writer's notes; in other cases the assumption rests on analogy. The quotations from the
manuscripts of the late Doctor Jones are available through the liberality of the Carnegie Institution of
Washington. Most of the Ojibwa wordscited in this paperare from naraga;theyareeasily distinguished by
lack of most diacritical marks and by 1 he use of sh for c. Similarly, the Cree of the writer can be easily
distinguished from that of Horden or Lacombe. Such words and grammatical terminations as are taken
from or based on Doctor Sapir's field notes on Cree, Montagnais, Abnaki, Malecite, and Delaware, are
expressly noted as such.

-Abnaki wdamis his dog, Passamaquoddy ndemis MY DOG, both cited by Prince, are forms ptizzling to
the writer. See American Anthropologist. N. s.. iv, 316, 317, 324, 6S4. Even so, the statement that Cree
( can correspond to n, etc., of the other dialects, will stand.

3 These are extracted from Horden (Cree Grammar, London, 1,S81) with the exception of the inani-
mate forms both as subjects and objects, which are extracted from Lacombe. The latter forms are not
readily found in Horden and the t^ble in Lacombe is highly confusing in other forms. That the forms
exist in Moose Cree is shown by the texts in Uorden's Grammar.

240

CLASSIFICATION OK ALGONQUIAN TKIBES [irni. ann. 28

■SI 1

g 1 § 3 1 -M

ttTtTII i

. 1 i f 1 L 1 1 L 1 ^ i 1 «

S .f 1 1 1 £ 3 11 5 ^ 1 1 1 1 ^

s g 1

s i 1

-« ■« ^ ^ ^

S S ^ ^ ^ '? '? ?

S> s ji = ^ ^ j;

1 ^ 1

1 1 1 1 1 i i 1
f f ! T T

*
>>

•L

gill •§

.s 1 lis

II III

1 1 ' ' ',111

•a

1 1 1 1 1 i i i i

a B ' . '

1 1 1

1 1 1 1 |- . s

1 ?1 f

1 1 1 a S s e K

Ills g

III ^1

1 1 1 11 1

t-4

' ' '.Li .

T T 1 1 1

111 •S s

s J « i 1

. ^ '■ . . . 5 B

• Si . e i
¥ S » 1 § .§ 1 S

e s a ■S >. s: S .-s

1 11 1 1 1 H

MicHELsoxj ALGOXQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 241

While nt Carlisle in the winter of li)ll-r_' the writer had an oppor-
tunity of studying for a brief period the Cree spoken at Fort Totten,
North Dakota. Below' are tables for the present independent mode
and for wliat was intended (by the wTiter) to be the subjunctive of
the same tense. Apparentl}' there was some misunderstanding, for
the forms of the latter correspond with Lacombe's "suppositif" of
the ''subjonctif" and Horden's future tense of the subjunctive.
20903°— 28 ETH— 12 l(j

242

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES

(ETH. ANN. 28

S 3

I .1

5 5 S ^

S =S S <* ca. ^

o. o. a -^ -; 2

11 I a S S

s e

I I .!

S
'8
S a

I .1

I 1 I

S S g

T T :?

s s .„

■e t5r -e 'e a

»» ai ^ to) i

I I I

I I 1

I I

M ^ M

I I .§

! ! !

'^ '.a .it

I I I e e e K s

f fl!!

.id ^ s e ^

I I I I I

I 1 I

'9 s

s = =

5 ^ S u I

'^ S S ^ 7

Ml Is?

e g s s e

1 1 ! ! !

At I« e s s

I I I

s »

g B

3 g S ■"

MiCHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 243

Wo w-ill first discuss the indicative forms. In the following Mon-
tagnais is loft out, as tlio relations of Crec and Montagnais arc treated
speciallj' below. Here it is sufficient to say that the two with plio-
netic differences are essentially a linguistic unit. Statistics follow:

I — YOU (pi.) no correspondent ; composed of the intraus. forms for
I and YOU with phonetic changes.

I — HIM agreement with F., Men., D. (one form).'

I — THEM an. agreement witli F., Men., D. (one form).

I — IT agreement with Men., A., Oj.

I — THEM inan. agreement with Men., S.

WE (excl.) intrans. agi-eement with D. (one form).

WE (excl.) — THEE agreement with D. (one form).

WE (excl.) — YOU agreement with D. (one form).

WE (excl.) — HIM agi'eement with Oj., A., D. (one form).

WE (excl.) — THEM an. agreement with Oj., A., N.

WE (excl.) — IT agreement with A.

WE (excl.) — THEM inan. formation same as we (excl.) — it.

WE (inch) intrans. (Hordeu) no correspondent.

WE (inch) intrans. (Fort Totten) agreement with Oj., A.

WE (incl.) — HIM (Hordcn) ; cf. Men.^

WE (incl.) — HIM (Fort Totten) agi-eement Oj., A.

WE (incl.) — THEM an. (Horden) no correspondent, cf. Men.^

WE (incl.) — THEM an. (Fort Totten) agi'eement with Oj., A.

WE (incl.) — IT (one form, Lacombe) no correspondent.

WE (incl.) — it (one form, Lacombe; Fort Totten) agreement
with A.

WE (incl.) — THEM inan. formation same as we (incl.) — it.

thou^us (excl.) no correspondent; composed of thou intrans.
+ i + ndn: cf. Fox l-e — ipena for the formation.

THOU — HIM agreement with Men., F., D. (one form).

THOU — THEM an. agreement with Men., F. D.

THOU — IT agreement with Men., Oj., A.

THOU — THEM inan. formation the same as thou — it.

ye intrans. no correspondent; same formative elements found in

YE ME.

YE — ME no correspondent; composed of the intrans. form for ye +i.

YE — us (excl.) no correspondent; formation precisely the same as
THOU — us (excl.).

YE — HIM agreement witli ]\Ien., D. (one form); cf. also Oj., A., S.,
N., Pass.

" The followng arc the principal abbrevialions usod in this paper: A., Algonkin; an., anhuate; C,
Cree; D., Delaware; excl.. exclusive; F., Fox; inan., inanimate; inci., inclusive; M.. Miemac; Men.,
Menominee; Mont., Montagnais; N.. Natick; Oj., Ojibwa; Ot.. Ottawa; P., Peoria; Pass., Passama-
quoddy; Pot., Potawatomi; S., Shawniee.

2 Lacorabe gives a variant that agrees absolutely with Menominee.

244 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [eth. axn. 28

YE — ^THEM an. agroemout with Men., 1). (one form); cf. also ()j.
A., S., N.

YE — IT no coiTosiiondent; of. Oj., A., S.

YE — THEM inan. formation the same as ye — it.

HE — us (excl.) agreement with F., Oj., A., D. (one form).

HE — us (inch; Horden) agreement with Men.

HE — us (ind.; Fort Totten) agreement with F., Oj., A. (D.?).

HE — YOU agreement with F., Men.

HE — ^HiM agreement with F., Men. (N.?).

HE — THEM an. agi-eement with F., Men.

HE— IT agreement with F., Men., P., Oj. (one form).

HE — THEM inan. agreement witli F., Men., P.

THEY an. — US (exel.) agreement withF., Oj., A., N., D. (one form).

THEY an. — us (inch; Horden) agreement with Men.

THEY an. — us (inch; Fort Totten) agreement with F., Oj., D.

THEY an. — YOU agi-eement with F., Men., D.

THEY an. — -HIM agi-eement with F., Men.

THEY an. — THEM an. agreement with F., Men.

THEY an. — -IT agi-eement with F., Men., P.

THEY an. — THEM inan. agreement with F., Men., P.

THEY inan. no correspondent.

Common Central Algonqnian agreements are naturally not included
in the above statistics. Phonetic changes have caused certain termi-
nations to resemble Ojibwa rather than Fox, e. g., he — me, thee, but
these are not included, as the formation is identical. The customary
final n is not here added to the forms for i and thou when intransitive,
as it seems to be purely a phonetic product. The forms for they
an. — ME, thee look strange in comparison with other Algonquian
languages, but in the writer's opinion a phonetic archaism is the dis-
turbing factor.

It maj'' be mentioned here that in the statistics given in the dis-
cussion of other Central Algonquian languages they inan. intrans. is
not noted, as all agree (so far as material is available), as opposed to
Cree. It \\all be seen that the greatest number of agreements is with
Menominee, with Fox (Sauk and Kickapoo) second, and Delaware,
Ojibwa, and Algonkin about equal, in the third place. The statistics
likewise show that the unity of Cree-Montagnais, ilenominee, Sauk,
Fox, Kickapoo, and Shawnee mentioned on page 238 applies espe-
cially to Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo. It
is due almost entirely to the very intimate relationship between Sauk,
Fox, Kickapoo on the one hand and Shawnee on the other (see
pj). 252, 258) that the last-mentioned language must be attached to
the group. (Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo are practically one language, with
slight variations (see pp. 252, 258). In the entire discussion of the

MiciiELSON] ALGONQVIAN UXGL'ISTIC GROUPS 245

statistics throughout this ])aj)or it is undorstood tliat .ill arc in agree-
ment, unless the contraiy is expresslj- stated.)

Tiie discussion of the subjunctive-participial does not recjuiie such
elaborate statistics.

The variant forms of the thii'd person ])ka'al anunate both as sub-
ject and object, ending in -tv, are stated b^^ Horden to be distinctive of
East Main Cree, Avith the exce])tion of the variants for they an. — him,
THEM an. which occur elscAvhere as well. The forms under discussion
closely resemble the correspondents in Menominee, Algonkin, Ojibwa,
and (to a lesser extent) Ottawa. (In Ojibwa they an. — us excl.
has different formation, but has the characteristic ending.) More-
over, the respective forms of the second table of Fort Totten Cree
(which is discussed below) show the same general structure. The
other forms of the third person an. plural as both subject and object
(except HE — THEM an., whicli is a true subjunctive) correspond to the
Fox, Shawniee, and Ojibwa partici]nal — not subjunctive. Even so,
THEY an. — us (excl.) agrees wath Fox (and approximates the Shawnee
form), not Ojibwa. i — y'ou agrees with Menominee, Ojibwa, and
Algonkin. we (excl.) — thee, y'ou is a true active common Central
Algonquian form as opposed to the Ojibwa (and probably Potawo/-
tomi) correspondents, which are passives in structure.

Outsiile the abdve, excluding phonetic differences, as the presence
of the nasal in Ojibwa (also in Delaware), the agreement between
Cree, Ojibwa, and Fox in this mode is remarkable. It is a matter
of great regi'ct that hardly a single transitive form of the Peoria sub-
junctive or participial is found among Doctor Gatschet's papers. The
terminations of the participial, subjunctive, and conjunctive modes
are closely allied in Algonquian (compare the tables in the Hand-
book of American Indian Languages). Fortunately Doctor Gatschet
has left examples of transitive forms of the Peoria conjunctive, so
we can make some conjectures concerning the subjunctive. It pos-
sessed the nasal as in Ojibwa, and the forms for the third person
plural animate, both as subject and object, corresponded exactly
with tiie exception of we inch — them an., they* an. — him, them
an., to Cree. The personal terminations for we — thee, you (pi.)
were the true active ones; he — us (excl.) agreed with Fox and Cree,
as also that for they an. — us (excl.). (For the last two cf. Shaw-
nee, Algonkin, and Menominee.) The form for i — you (pi.) agreed
with Ojibwa, Algonkin, and Cree. Herein we find an important
point of contact with Peoria. (See, however, p. 271.) It should be
noted that the Micmac conjunctive agrees partially with Peoria in
having forms for the third person plural animate both as subject
and object that corres])ond to the F'ox participial, not conjunctive.
We may accordingh- conjecture that the Micmac subjunctive agrees
partially with Cree in the same way. This together with the reten-

246 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [etii. axn. '^

tion of the consonant ic clusters ,vA-, ,sy*, st constitute important i)oints
of contact between (Vee and Eastern Algontjuian. The Natick present
subjinictive api)roxiniates closely to the Fox present subjvinctive and
so agi'ees to a certain extent with Cree, but it should be noticed that
practically all the forms with the third person animate, singular and
plural, as subject are entirely diii'erent in structure from either the
Cree or the Fox correspondents. The Delaware subjunctive shows
marked peculiarities of its own and therefore presents few points of
agreement with Cree, none in fact which are not shared by other
Central Algonquian languages.

The discussion of the second table of Fort Totten Cree must neces-
sarily be brief, as the sole object of its introduction is to illustrate
the variant forms of East Main Cree with the thii'd person plural as
subject and object in the present subjunctive, and the correspondents
in Menominee and Ojibwa. As is stated abov(*, the table really corre-
sponds with Horden's future tense of the subjunctive and Lacombe's
"suppositif " of the "subjonctif." The forms for he, they an. —
us (excl. and inch), you are certainly passives in formation (cf. the
Ottawa correspondents of the subjunctive) ; but in every case
Lacombe gives variants which are actives, and Horden gives these
alone. Agamthe variants given by Lacombe for we (excl. andincl.)
— HIM, THEM an.; ye — him, them an. (which alone are given by
Horden) in structure have the same formation as the correspond-
ents of the present subjunctive. The Fort Totten Cree forms are
composed of the respective intransitive subjects combined with the
common objective form of the third person animate, namely a, which
undergoes phonetic change before the initial y of the suffixes (the
forms given by Lacombe do not show this change). The forms of
the Fort Totten Cree in which the animate objects are plural exliibit
the identical formation but have the characteristic w suffix. (The
form given in the table for ye — them an. is reconstructed by the
WTiter; the form -Atwdwi, obtained by direct questioning, is surely
due to some misunderstanding, as it patently is the form for thou —
them an. It should be noticed that in the forms for we (excl. and
incl.) — him; we (excl.) — thee, you; thou, ye — us (excl.) Lacombe's
Cree terminates in -?', not -u as Fort Totten Cree does. In the forms
for WE (excl. and incl.) intransitive, we (excl. and incl.) — it, them
(inan.), Lacombe gives forms with both -i and -u. Horden gives
only the forms with -a (his transcrijjtion for long close |) corre-
sponding to Lacombe's -i. Fort Totten Cree in these personal
terminations has -u, and this only. It should be mentioned that
corresponding to Horden's t before -a (his symbol for long close
I), the Cree of Lacombe and of Fort Totten have tc {tj in Lacombe)
before -i tliroughout. Again, Horden's Cree in the form for ye

MicHKLSoxl ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 247

intrans. ends in -;/'(7. wluM-cas Lacoinbc's and Fort Totten Cree end
ill -u. It should bo added tliat Lacombe in the forms for he — them
an. and they an. — it, them inan. gives variants whicli resemble the
corresponding subjunctive (participial) ones in structure, as well as
forms wliich agree with the Fort Totten correspondents. It need
scarce be said that neither Lacombe nor Horden distinguishes surd
and sonant, nor 'Jc from 1-, in his paradigms.

The formation of a preterite with a suffix pun in both the indica-
tive and the subjunctive is an important point of contact with Ojibwa
(see the discussion of that language, p. 269).

Another special point of contact with Peoria that should be noted
is that the inanimate plural, nominative, ends in -a; yet notwith-
standing these points of contact with Cree, Peoria (as will be shown
later) belongs rather with Ojibwa.

The dialectic variations as nlna i, nlra, nlya, nWa are well known
and need no discussion. However, it should be mentioned that the
so-called Cree of Rupert's House ^ is not Cree at all, but Montagnais.
This the writer infers from a comparison of Doctor Sapir's notes on
the Cree of Rupert's House with his notes on Montagnais, as well as
with Lemoine's Dictionnaire Franfais-Montagnais (Boston, 1901).
The following (taken from Sajnr's manuscripts) will illustrate the
point under consideration: inA'slcwAts' bears, nilcA'm^ats they
SING, ts' inikA'tngn thou singest. (See the discussion of Montagnais
below.) According to Skinner (loc. cit.), the Fort George Indians
speak the same dialect as those at Rupert's House.

MONTAGNAIS

As was stated above, excluding phonetic changes Montagnais is
practically the same language as Ci'ee. Some of the phonetic changes
which Montagnais has suffered are: fc (Cree h, Fox Ic) becomes tsh
before i (Fox e and I, Cree e), tshi- thou (verbal). Fox Tee-, Cree Tee-,
tshi- initial stem meaning completion, Fox l-i{ci\-, Cree Tee-; k (Cree Ic,
Fox g) becomes ts before final i and e, even if these are lost, -uts
(ending of animate pi. of nouns), Cree -uk, Fox -Ag^, -uts (third person
pi. animate, independent mode, intransitive), Cree -wuJc, Fox -WAg', -ts
(sign of locative singular animate), Cree -Ic, Fox -g^, -iats (first i)erson
pi. excl. intransitive, subjunctive mode), Cree -yak, Fox -yag"; sk before
i becomes ss; Cree askiy land, Montagnais assi (Fox a'k') ; tsh[i]t (Fox
k[e]i) becomes st, stuk:i thy ear, as compared with utuki his ear, tshiiu
thy body, kutaui thy father, staiamiau thou prayest, as compared
with ntaiamiau i pray; t[ti]k becomes ts before e, -tse (sign of the dubi-
tative), Cree -tokd, Fox -tugc; k[e]sh becomes tsh, tshiuelin thou art
HUNGRY for ke -\- sh-; tc[i]k[i] becomes ts, -ats (subj . mode ; third per-

' Skinner, Notes on the Eastei^ Creo and Northern Saultcaux, p. U, New York, 1911.

248 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES rETH, ann. 28

son pi. an. suhj., third person sing. an. ()l)jcct) ns compared with
Cree -ateiJc, Fox (particii)ial) -ateig': ,sli[i]]c[i] becomes ss, -ss (subj.
mode, third p\. an. subj., second person sing, object), Cree -shik, Fox
-'Jcig' (part.). Further, it may be noted that final -w", w' after con-
sonants, has a history in Montagnais different from that in Cree.
Observe Montagnais ni — hu he — me (independent mode), Cree ne — 1c,
Fox ne — gu/', tshi — hu he — thee (imlependent mode), Cree ke — Ic,
Fox Ice — gwa, -%ku (first person pi. ind. of subjunctive), Cree -yuk,
Fox -yAgW. These phonetic changes are of extremely wide appli-
cation. It is unnecessary to give tables showing the verbal termina-
tions as they agree with those of Cree. It may be noted that -v.
corresponds to Cree -w and -au to Cree -ow, except in the first person
pi. inch, where we find -u. The reason for the latter is not clear.

After emphasizing the essential unity of Cree and Montagnais it
may be well to point out some individual traits of the latter. In the
first place though there is a pan (Cree pun) preterite, it is confined to
the indicative and does not occur in the subjunctive. Another point
is that the "suppositif" of the mode "subjonctif" is clearly allied
to the Fox potential subjunctive for which there is no correspondent in
Cree (compare Mont. -■iatuiue we iexcl.),-i7cua]cue'WE (incl.), ^ekuelcue
YE with Fox-yAgdge'', -yAgAgu^, -ydgdgu", respectively). The other
intransitive persons in Montagnais have the characteristic ku but
have no correspondents in Fox. The transitive forms do not corre-
spond closely, though there are resemblances between the two lan-
guages; hence tables are not given. In closing, it may be added that
the Montagnais on — me, etc., has the appearance of a passive in
structure, but there are several points which are not clear. (The
above examples of Montagnais and Cree are taken, respectively, from
Lemoine and Horden, wth the exception of Cree askiy, wliich is from
Lacombe. It will be seen by consulting the tables of Fort Totten
Cree that the terminal k of Horden is doul)tless the strong (impure)
sonant g of the former, Fox, Sauk, Kickapoo, Ottawa, etc. A couple
of examples of Sapir's Montagnais, ts'inipahd'vjAts thou killest
them an. (Fox kenepaJimvAg'-) , is-lnipaM'tVAts he killed them an.
(Fox klcinepahdwAg') , ickwe'wAts women (Fox i'kwdwAg*), illustrate
the ]>rinci])les mentioned al)ove. The WTiter suspects that Skinner's
ta a (Rupert's House Cree) thou is reaUy fs'iya. The initial is' at
once classes the word as Montagnais. It is true that according to
Lemoine the ordinary Montagnais correspondent has 7, not y; but it
should bo noticed that in Cree dialectically k'li/a occurs (see Horden,
Cree Grammar, p. 3, London, 1881 ; Lacombe, Dictionnaire de la
Langue des Cris, p. xv, Montreal, 1874). The Rupert's House Cree
then wo\ild oorrespontl to tliis.)

In discussing the relations of other Eastern-Central Algonquian
languages, it is understood that Montagnais agrees Adth Cree unless

MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 249

the contnny is expressly mentioned. Hence tlie f.ict that Montag-
nais sometinies is not mentioned merely means tliat it agrees with
Cree.

Menominee

Menominee is eharaoterized by peculiar consonantic clusters due
to the elimination of the final i of initial stems; thus, wdpmd'wAg

THEY BEGAN TO CRY (FoX tVapi-) , tVdpkctcptpA'xtaw" HE BEGAN TO

RUN SWIFTLY (Fox u'dpi-, l'e'(ci-), inl-e&ndifd'wAg i have seen them
(Fox neHnndwdwAg') , l-dtcmd'vMg they are crying hard (Fox
TcetdmaiyowAg'), IcesinW he has come (Fox Jctdpydw'^) , Jcilcesine-
l-dmgundv'Ag they fought us (Fox l-eHcumgdiThe gundriAg'). This
elimination may cause a double consonant, as plplvamelcdtdwAg they'
fought as they went along {Yojl pemi + pydmlgdilxuAg'^), pipivaui-
esew'^ HE WENT PAST EASING HIMSELF (Fox pemi + pydmwiw"') ,
icdpinpA'xfaw" he began to run (Fox wdpi + pyd-). The combi-
nation of the subordinating particle as with initial stems also
gives rise to clusters — for example, AspemdtiseyA we shall live.
The only true consonantic clusters that occur within the same mor-
phologic division of a word are st and sp; the latter alone is impor-
tant in determining the general relations of Menominee. Examples
are: fcespin perhaps, Cree Iclspin, Ojibwa Icishpin; k-pdmiyA above,
Cree ishpimilc, Ojibwa ishpimm^, Fox apemigi (see discussion of
Ojibwa, p. 261). The combination xt agrees with Micmac, e. g. [n-
/uxtair" he is coming on the run, Micmac poxtAmMsid he went
on. Surd and sonant are exceedingly difficult to distinguish; like-
wse e and 1. The writer was unable to determine these with abso-
lute acciu'acy; the sounds are given as taken down. Whisi)ered
vowels are easy to hear after w; in other cases it is questionable
whether they actually exist. A peculiarity of Menominee is that
Central Algonquian s under unknown conditions becomes n; thus
no'nee^ my father (Fox nose), na^ne' my elder brother (Foxnesese),
ponindw'^ he stopped in his flight (Fox pdnisdw'^, -ond- walk (Fox
-UrSd-) .

A table of the independent mode follows.

250

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES

[ETH. ANN. 28

a S 3 3 S Ch Ch

^^ ^^ » ^

I s

E£ ^ .V .V ,S£

.g 3

1 1 1 .1 :

ES ^ a: l^d '

g I

J T
5 is

I I I

T'T

1 i I

.1 I

T'T

r "^ "^

i .i .i

Ue ^ •u

I I I I I ,1

S 5
I 1

ji ji e c e

I I I

.g S = e

t T ! .! I

J2 j2 e e S

^ .3

S. 'O » 3

e s

0.§£

>. s: is

E 5

It will ho. seen that Menominee has
many forms quite peculiar to itself, and
that the agreements wdth Cree-Montag-
uais are far more numerous than with
any other languages of the Central sub-
division; those with Fox are next in
order of number. For the agreements
with Delaware, see the section on that
language. Details follow:

I — YOU no correspondent; nearest N.

I — HIM agreement with C, F., D.

I — THEM an. agreement with C, F.,
D. (N.?).

I — IT agreement with C, A., Oj., Ot.

I — THEM inan. agreement with C.

WE (excl.) intrans. no correspondent;
nearest P., Oj., A., Ot., N.

WE (excl.) — ^THEE no correspondent;
nearest P., N.

WE (excl.) — YOU no correspondent;
nearest N., A., Ot. (P.?).

WE (excl.) — HIM no correspondent;
structure as we (inch) — him.

WE (excl.) — THEM an. no correspond-
ent; cf. WE (incl.) — THEM an.

WE (excl.) — IT no correspondent.

WE (excl.) — THEM inan. no corre-
spondent.

WE (mcl.) intrans. no correspondent;
nearest P., Oj.; cf. also C.

WE (incl.) — HIM; cf. C

WE (incl.) — THEM an.; cf. C

WE (incl.) — IT no correspondent.

WE (mcl.) — THEM inan. no corre-
spondent.

THOU — us (excl.) no correspondent.

THOU — HIM agreement with ("., F., D.

THOU — THEM au. agreement with C,
F.,D.

THOU — IT agreement with C, A., Ot.,
Oj.

THOU — THEM kian. agreement with C.

1 Lacombe gives a Cree variant which is the exact corre-
spondent.

MKHELSOX] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 251

YE, intraixs. no con'espoudeut; nearest P., N.; cf. also Oj., Ot., A.;
for last syllabic cf. C

YE — ME no correspondent; nearest N.; cf. also A., Oj., Ot.

YE — us (excl. ) no correspondent.

YE — HIM agreement with L\, D.

YE — THEM an. agreement with C"., D.

YE — IT no correspondent.

YE — THEM inan. no correspondent.

HE — us (excl.) no correspondent; for the structure cf. he — us
(incl.)

HE — us (incl.) agreement \vith t'. *

HE — YOU agreement with C, F.

HE — HIM agreement with C, F. (N. ?).

HE — THEM an. agreement with C, F. (N. ?).

HE — IT agreement with. C, F., P., N., Oj. (one form).

THEY an. — us (excl.) no correspondent; cf. they an. — us (inch).

THEY an. — us (incl.) agreement with V.

THEY an. — YOU agreement with C, F., D.

THEY an. — HIM agreement with C, F.

THEY an. — THEM ail. agreement with C, F.

THEY an. — IT agreement with C, F., P.

THEY an. — THEM inan. agreement with C, F., P.

Where all agree with or without phonetic changes, no record has
been made. In certain cases it is impossible to be sure whether
phonetic changes have not disguised agreements.

THEY inan., intrans., looks strange as contrasted with the common
Central Algonquian form (on the Cree coiTespondent, see p. 244) ; how-
ever, it is merely because the word from which it is taken chances
to have a vowel before the termination, and not a consonant. The
same is to be observed in Kickapoo, and doubtless other dialects;
thusKickapoo tetejn/dAn', i. e., tetepydwAn' (see p. 258) they inan. are
ROUND (analysis: tetepi circle, initial stem; -a- secondary connective
stem, inan. copula; -wau' termination of the tliird person inan. pi.
intrans. independent mode after a vowel as contrasted with -oni
after a consonant). [Note -niwAn^ in Fox as compared with -on', the
ordinary termination of the tliird person pi. inan. intrans. independ-
ent mode; see Handbook of American Indian Languages {Bull. Jfi,
B. A. E.), pt. 1, p. 8.33.]

It should be specially noted that Menominee, Cree, and Fox
agree m having the objective forms of it and them inan. expressed
by a smgle fomi as opposed to Ottawa, iVlgonkin, Ojibwa, and
Shawnee. It is a common Algonquian feature that in subordinate
modes the forms are expressed by single pronouns.

A table for the sul)junctive mode is not available; however, the
writer can give some information concerning the relations indicated

252 CLASSIFICATION OF ALUONQUIAN TBIBES | ktii. anx. 28

by it. Many of tJu^ forms seem pecuiiai' to Menominee and arc
difficult to iuialyze. i — you agrees with C, Oj., A., Ot., in structure
and presunuibly also with Peoria, he — us (excl.) has no correspond-
ent (the form is -lyAme), but distinctly approaches the correspond-
ents of C, F., S., A., and presumably P. The forms of the third
person plural animate both as subject and object closely resemble
the correspondents in Oj., A., the East Main C'ree of Horden, certaua
variants given by Lacombe in his Grammaire dc la Langue des Cris
(Montreal, 1874), and to a lesser extent the coiTcspondents in Ottawa.
The corresponding forms of Horden's future of the subjunctive, and
Lacombe"fe "suppositif" of the "subjoncttf," as well as the supposed
present subjunctive of Fort Totten C'ree also closely resemble them.
It goes without sayuig that the Menominee forms lack the nasal of
the Ojibwa, Algonkin, and Ottawa. On the other hand the various
forms of C'ree possess an extra syllable with w.

To sum up, we may say that although Menominee must be classed
by itself, yet it is perfectly clear that it belongs intimately with
Cree-Montagnais, etc., on the one hand, and with Sauk, Fox, and
Kickapoo on the other.

Sauk, and Close Linguistic Cognates

The differences between Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo consist of a
trifling modification of pronunciation, vocabulary, and idiom. Shaw-
nee is slightlj' removed from them. To facilitate the discussion of
the relations of the last-named language to them as well as the rela-
tions of the entire group, tables for the independent, conjunctive,
and subjunctive modes in Fox, and for the same modes in Shawnee,
are given.

MICHKI.SON]

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS

253

a
o
s

Q
Z
(d
Pli

Q
g

■1

3
1

'S,

■5 -a '1

frrfrttt

S S ^ ^ ^ ^9 '? ■?

2 = 1
S s ,2

«§'§=! 1

S 3 S S 3 i

i lT \ r i i g

g g ^ ^ ^ :, :? 7;

, e 1 1 1 c = =

is s 3 s

Q. Q. ft. a a.

•ft 'iTT

•it

T t T T T

1
1

1 1 1 1 1 « a «

e: e e

s. s, 5.
! ! '!

.id ^ -v

1 1 1 1 § 2 s 2

2- 1 I 1 1

T T n T

^ .« e e e

111 s '^

' ' '.III

! irn

j« ji 5 8 e

■11 ■ ■ ■ = i
B 3 3 5 g. II .-■

•a;

i
1

■^

:i s 1 III

1 2, ? ~ § S s

.Jl 1-.-

III 1

II if

11;

ll ^^

1 1 1 1 1 1
Is

1 1 1

1 .1 1 1

? 7 T "^

1 1 1 » ._
1 1 - 1

f ^ "? T

p s

• : ^ ^ : : 1 i

„ £ .S g 3 g 5
S s a ■S p^ a S

254

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES

[KTir. Axs. 28

«
^

£ 1 S S B 1

■1 2. ?■ i t i i

I
1

1 s § 1

111

3 ^ ^ ■§•

III

i
1

1 1 1 1 1 1
a 1

T 1=

III

^ l.« t

■O ■? o. S

? ? T 7

I-H 1

'1 i ?T

S g

_• a

" - J ■ 'la

g = g 3 £ 5

2 m » S o .5 -
E 3 3 S >> J5 —

.•s

3
V

._ t 't t = 3 g g

!{.r!.rffff

^ ^ .a .a ^ to "^ 'O "^

i s § i ,5 .« ■« 1

.r.r.r.r.rTTTf

e e Jd .« -« 'o 'o 'o 'o

g 1 1 1 e 't 1 1
1 « a s i 5

T t T T .1 .i

-S

III

if il.!!

Ua ^ ^ ^ \ii M

1 1 1 1 1 . „ . ;

=i. ::. a. =1.

! .! ! !

a; .« a: Ai

' ' 1 "u %j «j *j w w

=i. n. o. n. n, n,

f 7 'T T T T

i5 ^ 5 a s c

III 1 - «

T?Tf?f

3 S e S e 5

t-4

■ i s = : -■ E ■ E

2 ®

SlICHELSON]

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS

255

1 .| 1 3 f 1 1

■5

^ s .§■-.-

1 . ' ' ' . ^

III
•1 1 f 1

1
1

1 1 1 1 1 1
ll

fc.

Ill

§.|'tt

1 1 1

us excl. . . .
us iiicl. . . .

Ihec

you

him, them, an. .
it, them.inan. .

•^

1 "Si <w "c

s 1 U til

1 .f .& :^ a a .| ?

•^ .=> :j g. .S :| ?

0
>>

. ill 1

1 1 1 1

thou
-ydne

III

s t ~ s

1 1 1 1 1 1

■3

'II

,& s =• s

2 a ■;: -J

1 1 1

.Hi

§ g

a -s

• « 1 • ■ "- .§

256 CLASSIFICATION Ol' ALGONQUIAN TRIBES rivrii. a.nx. 2?

SHAWNEE

The forms' i — iiiM, them an., them man.; thou — him, them an.,
THEM iiian.; ye — him, them an., it, them inan.; he — you (pi.),
him, them man.; they an. — you (pi.), him, it, them inan. agree
with Ojibwa, etc., m structure. For the probable noteworthy agree-
ments with Peoria, see the discussion of that language. It is quite
clear that one of the Delaware dialects agrees ui the formation of he—
us (excl. and inch), they an. — us (excl. and inch), even if there is
but the form he — us (excl.) in the table to support the assertion.
Passamaquoddy agrees in the forms for i — you (pi.) him, them an.;
thou — him, them an.; ye intrans.; ye — me, him; he — us (excl.
and mcl.); he — you (pi.), him; they an. — him. It is probable
that the forms for he — them an. and they an. — them an. are
shared by Passamaquotldy (and Algonkm) but the phonetics are not
certain. The forms correspond nearly to the Fox possessive pronouns
for HIS (an. pi.) and their (an. pi.). It is unfortunate that the
inanimate forms of Passamaquoddy are not available, as they might
show further agreements with Shawnee. However, it may be noted
that I, THOU, YE — them (man.), ye — it agree also with Cree.
Natick curiously shows apparent agreement in he — us (inch), and so
presumably would he — us (excl.). However, they an. — us (excl.)
shows a different formation, and hence presumably they an. — us
(inch) would also. The agreement with Delaware, in the form for
he — -him may be noted in addition to the one already mentioned.
(For another one, see the discussion of Delaware, p. 277.)

The forms with the termination -pe, though unique, are certainly
to be associated with the Fox -pena even if the two do not entirely
coincide. Those with the termination -pwa make it certain that Shaw-
nee is related very intimately to Fox, etc., for no other Central Aigon-
quian languages have the termination, though it is found (modified
phonetically) ui Eastern Algonquian, and an allied form occurs in
Piegan. The forms for i, thou — it point also in this diiection.

The terminations of the two subordinate modes giveji agree with
Fox, Cree, and Micmac in lacking the nasal of Ojibwa and Peoria,
and Delaware, and the terminations are to be associated TOth those of
Fox. The w of the forms for he, they (an.) — you is unique at present,
otherwise the forms are normal. The forms he, they an. — us (excl.)
are to be associated distmctly with the Fox correspondents, though
the syllable -ge- suggests the Ojibwa correspondents. The fii-st
person singular intransitive agrees with Delaware and'^Iicmac. i —
thee at present is unique, but if complete schedules were available
for the various Delaware dialects and for the eastern subdivision of
the Eastern-Central branch, correspondents would doubtlessly be
found. I — IT, them inan. agrees with Delaware.

< In giving these statistics no account is taken o( such forms as are common Central .\lgonquian.

MICHBLSON] . ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 257

Phonetically Shiuviiee differs somewhat from Fox. The sibilant
is retained in the cluster sp, which appears as 'j) in Fox though
retained in Ojibwa (but not in Peoria) : spcmegl on high, Fox a'pemegi
(see the discussion of Crec and Ojibwa, pp. 238, 261). The combina-
tion -w" is lost after i and a, as in Ojibwa: Shawnee hileni man.
Fox ineniw'^; Shawnee hugirnd chief. Fox ugimdw'^.^ It may be noted
that -w"' is lost after e under unknown conditions when corresponding
to Fox: pemde (Fox pemusdw") he walked on, piew" (Fox {pyavfi)
HE came. The combmation -wa- is lost medially under unknown con-
ditions: pyegi they went (Fox pyawAgi) as contrasted with hiwaki
(Gatschet, confu-sion of surd and sonant; Fox hkvAgi) they said. The
sound s of Fox is replaced by the mterdental surd spirant and the pre-
cedmg vowel is ordmarily syncopated: noda my father (Fox nosa),
TcdlcomderM our (mcl.) grand.iother (Fox Ico'lcomesendna) , "Oeda
MY elder brother (Fox nesesa). Corresponding to Fox, Ojibwa,
Menominee, etc., n, Shawnee has I and n under unknown conditions,
agreeing, however, with Peoria, Delaware, and (partially) Eastern
Algonquian m this use.

To sum up, we may say that while Shawnee has certain features
of its own, it stands nearest to Fox, and next to Eastern Algonquian;
in fact it stands nearly halfway between the two. It will be seen
that Ojibwa shares but these persons of the indejjendent mode,
namely, ye — them an., they an. — you (pi.), which are not shared
by Passamaquoddy. (No account is taken of the agreements
in the inanimate objective forms, as we have no correspondents
available m Passamaquoddy by which to test them.) On the other
hand, Passamaquoddy shares the followuig forms with Shawnee
which are not shared by Ojibwa: i — you (pi.), ye mtrans., ye — me;
THEY an. — HIM. The forms for he — us (excl. and incl.) presumably
are phonetic correspondents; those for he — them an. and they
an. — THEM an. probably are equivalents. The Passamaquoddy
forms for we (excl. and inch, intrans.), we (excl.) — thee, you;
thou — us (excl.); ye — us (excl.), coincidmg phonetically with the
respective Fox forms, are closely sinular to the corresponding Shawnee
forms. Accordingly, it may be that many of the apparent points of
contact with Ojibwa are due merely to the latter having certain points
in common with Eastern Algonquian antl Cree (this last has reference
particularly to the inanimate objective forms above noted). The
fact that Ojibwa in the independent mode shares only the ter-
minations for HE — us (excl. and inch), and they an. — us (excl.
and inch), with Fox as opposed to Passamaquoddy, while the latter
shares numerous terminations with Fox as opposed to Ojibwa, and at

' It is possible that tlie last cliange may account for tlie differences in certain persons of the independent
mode in Fox on the one hand and in Ojibwa and Shawnee on the other; but it is also possible to consider
the terminations as differing in morphologic structure. The same point occurs in certain other cases.

20903''— 28 ETH— 12 17

258 CLASSIFICATION OF AUiONQUIAN TRIBES [eth, ann. 2)!

the same time a goodly number of terminations with Ojibwa as opposed
to Fox — certainly points in the same direction. For Cree (Fort Totten)
likewise shares the terminal ions for he — us (excl. and incl.) and they
an. — us (excl. and incl.) with Ojibwa and Fox. Now Ojibwa shares
in the independent mode no terminations with Fox as opposed to Cree,
while the latter shares a number with Fox as opposed to Ojibwa
(see below), at the same time having some points in common with
Ojibwa as opjiosed to Fox (see the discussions of Cree and Ojibwa,
pp. 247, 267, 268). Therefore the fact that Ojibwa shares with both
Cree and Fox the terminations mentionetl ma}^ be j)ure chance. Now
if Ojibwa and Fox are only remotely connected, it is improbable on
the face of it that Shawnee, which is most intimately related to Fox,
should be closely connected with Ojil)wa also. Consequently, there
remain but few points of contact between Ojibwa and Shawnee
that are certain.

SAUK, FOX, AND KICKAPOO

We have seen above that Sauk, Fox, anil Kickapoo ' differ from
one another by very trifling modifications of pronunciation, vocabu-
laries, and idioms, and that Shawnee is intimately related to them.
The close connection of the Eastern Algonquian dialects is to be
noted. It may be well to show that the Shawnee forms for they an.
— us (excl. and inch), you (pi.) are much closer to the Fox forms than
the corresponding forms of Passamaquodily are to the latter, even
if the Shawnee forms are not absolutely identical with the Fox corre-
spondents. On the other hand, Passamaquoddy shares absolutely
with Fox the terminations in -pena which Shawnee onl}' approxi-
mates. Yet Passariiaquoddy shares the han preterite of Ojibwa (see

1 The first two are somewhat more closely related than either is to the third. In the disciLssions of the
interrelations of Algonquian languages it is to be understood that Sauk and Kickapoo.agree with Fox,
though this is rarely mentioned.

Characteristic of Sauk is the use of thcsingular for the plural alsoin the obviative (objective) ease, and in pos-
sessive pronouns of the third person (singular and plural). Thus Sauk u^4 7ifm6A.in"pyon;u'/ini means either
HIS noG IS COMING Of HIS DOGS -\RE COMING. The Fox expressions for these are, respectively, ut.inemohe-
m.ini pydniw An' , ul.incmdhema i pydniica'i (by chancein the phrase Sauk «M nfraoA.ini lacks the ;n sufHx
which Fo.x has; but even in Sauk the writer has heard the word with them sufBx, though (purely by acci-
dent) not in this particular phrase). Note, too. Sank /7.-M'a«'a neslcinaivdiro ncniwAni cemaincg'^ ant' tAmagutci
uslmchAn', which means either the wom.\n hated the uxs because her younger brother had been

SLAIN BY HIM. or the WOMAN H.\TEDTHE MAN BECAUSE HER YOUNGER BROTHERS HAD BEEN SLAIN BY IIIM.Or
THE WOMAN HATED THE MEN BECAUSE HER YOtrNGER BROTHER HAD BEEN SLAIN BY THEM, Or THE WOM.\N
H.\TED THE MEN BECAUSE HER YOUNGER BROTHERS HAD BEEN SLAIN BY THEM. In Fox SUch ambiguity

is impossible. See sections 34, 4,5 of the Algonquian sketch in the Handbook of .Vmerican Indian Lan-
guages (BuUetin iO, part I. of the Bureau of American Flhnology). Her younger brother and her
YOUNGER brothers are distinguished by the respective terminations -Ani and -a'>: the ob\iative,s man
and MEN would be kept apart by the identical respective suffixes: but the subordinate verb would never-
theless have the ending -t£i.

Kickapoo agrees with Fo,x against Sauk in these respects, and so miLst be counted as nearer the former
than the latter. Nevertheless in phonetics Kickapoo is further apart from them than either is from the
other. In Kickapoo a special feature is a weak «■ which is either heard as full sounding, as (i, or not at all.
Doctor Jones's and the writer's texts exhibit these variations, and strangely enough agree in such varia-
tions for the greater part. .Vn example is ngiindwtj, ugimiiha, ujimd" chief fselected from Doctor Jones's
texts; Sauk and Fox ugimdw). lu their native syllabary Kickapoo exhibit the variation of recording
and not recording the w.

MiriiEi.sox] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 259

the discussion of tliat language, p. 269), and this feature forces us to
rank it as more distant from Fox than is Shawnee. The consonantic
chisters of Passama([uoddy, even if for the greater part these are
secondary and due to the phonetic ehmination of vowels (see the
discussion of Eastern subtype, p. 283), also point in this direction.

The fact that Picgan in certain persons of the independent mode
shows distinct affinities to Fox has been briefly mentioned above
and is treated more fully in the discussion of Piegan (p. 231).

We have seen that Ojibwa is connected only remotely with Fox,
but it may be noted that the Ojibwa subjunctive mode of the dubi-
tative conjugation corresponds to the Fox interi-ogative subjunctive;
but to what an extent the transitive forms agree is questionable, as
these are not given by Doctor Jones.

Peoria undoubtedly belongs with the Ojibwa group of Central
Algonquian languages; still there are some points of contact with
Fox. It should be noted that the sibilant is not retained before j)
as in Ojibwa, e. g. Ojibwa islqnming, Shawnee spemegi, Fox a'pemegi,
Peoria pdmingi above, in the sky. The fact that Peoria is in cer-
tain respects phonetically' more archaic than Ojibwa makes certain
terminations of the intlicative seem to resemble Fox i-ather than
Ojibwa (see the section on Ojibwa, etc., pp. 267, 271) ; but there is one
termination, namely, that for tiiey an. — it, them inan., in whicli the
question of phonetics does not arise and which agrees entirely with
Fox as opposed to Ojibwa.

The relation of Natick to Fox is not particularly close. In the
discussion of the former language it is pointed out that most of
the present suppositive mode corresponds to the Fox present sub-
junctive and that certain persons of the "praeter" suppositive mode
correspond to the Fox potential subjunctive.

From the statistics given in the discussion of Menominee it mil be seen
that there are no certain agreements with Fox (Sauk, Kickapoo) that
are not shared also by C'ree and Montagnais, while Menominee shares
quite a few t erminations with Cree and Montagnais wliich are not shared
by Fox. The forms that are pecuhar to these four languages, with the
possible exception of Natick in the first two — the orthography is not
clear — are he — him, them an., they an. — him, them. The agree-
ment of. Delaware (one form) with these four dialects in the forms
for I — HIM, them an., thou — him, them an. is noteworthy. The
fact that the inanimate plural in the objective forms of the inde-
pendent mode in Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo
is expressed by the same forms as the inanimate singular as opposed
to Ojibwa, Algonkin, Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Sha^\^lee, is remark-
able. Peoria presumably agrees with the first group.

The agreement of Ojibwa, Fox, Cree, and Montagnais in the form
for they an. — us (inch) of the independent mode may be noted, as also

260 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES Trth. ann. 2S

the agreement of Fox, Ojibwa, Cree, Montagnais, and Delaware (one
form) in the t ermination f or he — us (excl.). (Note that Fort Totten
Cree agrees with Fox and Ojibwa in the forms for he, they an. — us
(excl. and inel.).)

Fox, Shawnee, Cree, Montagnais, and Natick lack the nasal in the
present subjunctive whicii Ojibwa, Peoria, and Delaware have. It
will be seen that Cree agrees with Fox, as opposed to Ojibwa, in the
forms WE (excl.) — thee, you; he — us (excl.). Note that Algonkin
agrees with Fox and Cree in the first two instances and approaches
them in the last. Presumably Ottawa agrees with Algonkin in the
last form as it does in the first two. Few transitive forms of the
Peoria present subjunctive are available, but it is certain that Peoria
is in substantial concord with Algonkin and Ottawa. The Cree
forms with the third person plural as subject or object correspond to
the similar Fox participial forms. In some of these forms therefore
Ojibwa seems close to Fox, but most of them are entirely different in
structure from both Cree and Fox. Cree and Ojibwa agree in the
form for i — you (pi.) as opposed to Fox. The remarks made concern-
ing Cree apply with certain limitations to Montagnais. (For these, see
the discussion of that language, p. 248.) It is a matter of great regret
that so few Peoria subjunctive forms are to be found among Doctor
Gatschet's papers; for the Peoria conjunctive agrees in the forms for
the third person plural animate as both subject and object (with the
apparent exception of the forms we (inch) — them an. and they an. —
IT, THEM inan.) with the Fox participial rather than with the Fox
conjunctive, resembling Cree in the case of the present subjunctive.
Now, as may be seen by reference to the Algonquian sketch in the
Handbook of American Indian Languages, the ternunations for the
conjunctive, subjimctive, and participial are closely allied; hence it
is very jirobable that the Peoria subjunctive is in similar agreement.
(See, however, p. 271.) It is remarkable that Micniac in the con-
junctive, though lacking the nasal, agrees with Peoria in that many
forms in which the third person animate plural is either subject or
object coincide with the Fox participial rather than with the sub-
junctive; but the forms for ye — them, he — them, they — yov cor-
respontl to the Fox conjunctive, not participial. The forms for
HE — him; they an. — him, them an. differ in structure. (See the dis-
cussion of the Eastern subtype of Eastern- Central major division of
Algcmquian languages, p. 287.)

In the discussion of Montagnais it has been pointed out that the
"suj)p()sitif " of the "motle subjonctif " is allied with the Fox poten-
tial subjunctive. It is repeated here to emphasize the northern
affinities of Fox.

The relations of Fox to Delaware may be briefly dismissed. That
Delaware shares in the independent mode the forms for i — him,

MI0HEI.SON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 261

THEM, and THOU — HIM, THEM ail. with Fox, Menominee, Montag-
nais, and Crce has been already pointed out as well as the agreement
(one form) with Fox, Ojibwa, Cree, and Montagnais in the termina-
tion for HE — us (excL). The concord of Delaware, Fox, Cree, and
Montagnais in the ending for they an. — us is of importance in that it
shows the northern relationsliips of Delaware, but a striking simi-
larity is to be found in the fact that Delaware has a correspondent,
though altered considerably phonetically, to Fox -pena. As noted
above, this termination is found alone in Fox but has correspond-
ents in Eastern Algonquian and Piegan, and Shawnee approximates
it. The forms which have the equivalent oi -pena in Delaware are:
WE (excl., and inch?), intransitive; we (excl.) — thee, you (pi.),
him; THOU — us (excl.); YE — us (excl.). In all these, however, Dela-
ware has another form as well. The forms for we (inch) are not
given by Zeisberger, but it is reasonable to beheve that they would
be the same as the inclusive forms, that is where they would occur,
with the substitution of h' for n' . It may be added that Delaware
has a correspondent to the Fox conjunctive mode. (For other
points, see the discussion of Delaware, p. 277.)

Ojibwa and Close Linguistic Cognates

The following compose this group: Ojibwa, Ottawa, Potawatomi,
Algonkin,and (somewhat removed from them) Peoria, etc. A feature of
the gi-oup is the accretion of a nasal. Delaware agrees with the group
in this respect and this is to be considered a special point of contact with
the Ojibwa group. Examples are: Fox utci whence, Ojibwa, Peoria
ondji, Otta.-w a undji (Gatschet), Delaware untschi; Fox aneta some,
Cree atit (for the phonetics, see the discussion of Cree, p. 239), Ojibwa
anind, Peoria alenda, Delaware alinde; Fox Andgw"- star, Cree atalc,
Shawnee alagwa, Peoria alangwa, Ojibwa and Algonkin anang, Dela-
ware allanque. Other examples can be readily found by consulting
the tables of verbal terminations. The formation of the negative
verb by means of a sufl&x ssi (or slightly varying forms) apparently
is found in no other Algonquian languages. Examples are: Ojibwa
Tcdwin Tciwdbamigossi he does not see thee, Jciwdbamigossig they
DO not see thee; Peoria wapamissolco do not look at me, kikdlin-
dansiwa she did not know (Fox Tce'Tc + dne + ita-), Ottawa Tcawimshe
kikikdnedissiwalc (Gatschet) they are not yet acquainted with
each other {^oyikl-\-Tce"k + dne + t%-[-wAg'^ they had known each
other), a sibilant is retained before p (as in Menominee and Shaw-
nee) in Ojibwa, Otta-wa, and Algonkin, though not in Peoria (the
writer can give no information about Potawatomi on this point) : Cree
Tclcpin (klspin) if, Ojibwa kishpin, Ottawa klcpin; Algonkin kicpin;
Cree ishpimik above, Ojibwa ishpiming, Peoria pdmingi, Shawnee

262 CLASSIFICATION OK ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [ktii. ann, 28

spemegi, Fox a peine gi (cf. Menominee icpdmiyA ovEii and above).
It is pointed out in the section on Sauk, etc., that Shawnee shares
the loss of -wa with Ojibwa after i and a, e. g.. Fox ineniwa, Menom-
inee itianiwa, Cree (Moose) ileliw, Shawnee hileni, Ojibwa ineni,
Ottawa nine, Potawatomi nene (Peoria Idni-a; see below) ; Fox
ugimdw'^, Menominee olcemdw", Cree okimaw, Shawnee hugimd,
Ojibwa ogima, Algonkm okima, Ottawa ugima (Gatschet), Peoria
Icimd. Final wa is lost after e{a) in Ojibwa, Algonkin, Ottawa, and
Potawatomi: Fox i'kwdw'^ woman (Shawnee ^'kwaw'^), Cree iskwe'U,
Ojibwa i'hwd, Algonkin ilcwe, Ottawa 'kue (Gatschet), Potawatomi
kwa (Gatschet).

OJinWA, POTAWATOMI, OTTAWA, AND ALGONKIN

According to Dr. William Jones, Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi
are very closely related. This opinion is confirmed by Doctor
Gatschet's notes and by personal information. Doctor Jones makes
the observation that Potawatomi has a tendency to slur over sylla-
bles; this also can be confirmed from Doctor Gatschet's notes and the
writer's persojial information (e. g., nenwAg men, Ojibwa neniwAg).

Following is the table for the Ojibwa independent and subjunctive
modes, taken from Bishop Baraga's Grammar of the Otchipwe Lan-
guage (second edition, Montreal, 1878). The second n of nin in the
independent mode is the accretion spoken of above. Under certain
conditions it is omitted. Presumably Algonkin agrees in the usage.
(It may be noted that apparently the dialect of the Mississippi band
of Ojibwa at White Earth, Minn., does not completely agree with
the usage given by Baraga in his paradigms.)

The very close relationsliip of Algonkin may be seen from the tables
showing the Algonkin present, independent, and subjunctive modes,
extracted from Lemoine's Dictionnaii'e Fran^ais- Algonkin (Quebec,
1911).

MICBELSON]

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS

263

r r 1 1 1 § s ^ 8

i i 1 1 1 7 T 7 7

r =

i r

.i 1

^ .AC <ia .££

e s

J J

I I I

S § g g

n T 7

sill

1 1

•a -a

a C3

I I

T 7

I I I I I

e 8

a «

e s

e a

I I

8 e
i S

7 7

I I I

I I .S .S

.J2 -3 8 e

I I

I I I

a a S2 S2 .n o .=
HH I c 9 P -^ >^ x;

-o

S 2 S

EU 0)

« 'a

■S > Ea

.- ^ Q

[>-. 3 in

CJ CJ —

S3 ^-2

i 9.

■S s

s s

?• r

° 2

? T

-w

I I I

•« ■s s

I I I I I

3 §

I I I

.S .Si a. to, ^
S o e 8 s

I I I

3 S ?3 f-, fl

264

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN • TRIBES [eth. axn. 28

o
S

a
iz;
N

I— t

S5
O
O
>:)

e 5 ^ e i

is 1 f^ S S

S^^^oooo

c c

^,^

e i S S

ni—go
ki—go
ki-k
ki—go
o—an
o—d.
0 — an
0 — an

B e

1 ' ' ' 1 1 i 1

T T T T T

a; ^ ,« ^ ^

"m ^

a 1 1 1 e

■**

■It '*J

g Ji e 8

T T T T T

,S£ a: ^ ^ rV

•^ i

•S

f f f f

.:« .^ ^ .3^

u a 8

•S -s c a a a

II 1 1 1 1

f f T T T T

j< U* s s s e

l-t

1 1 e ^1

f T it T T

ji 5 5 a a 8

•"

2 -3 § g E i .1

= Di3 >.^ii.^cj

G
03

.31 1 ^ a 1

1 i 1 i &i i i

•T ■? ■? ■^ ? ? ? ?

all 1 a a §•

.2^

1 1 1

t :| & 1 1

1 1 1

8 §■ g §
.5 1 S S g
■? ■? ? ? ?

r 1 1 1 1

g f

til

7 ? ?

Ill

S a a 8 a

a
2

1 1 1

f HI i

■11 • • pi

1 § S 5 g. S 5 £

MICBEI.SOX] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 265

Tho independent mode will be discussed first, we (excl.) — thee,
YOU a<;;rees in structiu'e ^^^th the correspondents in Ottawa, Potawa-
tomi, Natick, and Peoria (the writer hicivs a form to prove this for
Peoria in the form we (excl.) — you, but the inference is justifiable).
They approximate the Menominee correspondents, we (excl. and
incl.) — IT agrees in structure with Ottawa and the Cree of Fort Totten;
WE (excl. antl mcl.) — them man. agrees with Ottawa (it will be
remembered that in Cree the third person plural inanunate coincides
with the singidar). he — them an., and they an. — them an. agree
with Passamaquoddy in formation.

The subjunctive mode now ^\t11 be taken up. we (excl.) — thee,
YOU agree in formation ^^^lth Cree, Fox, Shawnee, Natick, Delaware,
and presumably also with Peoria. (The correspondent in Ottawa
for WE (excl.) — you is not absolutely certain: see below.) The
Ojibwa correspondents are passives in structure; the same may be
said of the same forms of the Ojibwa mdependent mode, we (excl.) —
him, thou — HIM, HE intrans., he — me, he — us (excl.), he — him,
HE — THEM an., they an. intrans., they an. — me, they an. — him,
they an. — them an., they an. — it, them inan. are conjunctives in
structure and agree (with the regidar phonetic differences) absolutely
•with the corresponding forms in Fox, and with the exception of
HE — us (excl.) and they an. — us (excl.) (which differ slightly in struc-
ture, though exhibiting the same type of formation) also with those of
Shawnee. Peoria agrees with the Algonkui forms under discussion
m the terminations for we (excl.) — ^him, thou — him, he intrans.,
HE — me, he — HIM, THEY an. intrans., they an. — him, they an. — it,
THEM inan. The Algonkin form for they an. — us (excl.), though
agreeing with Ojibwa in the final syllable, nevertheless agrees with
Fox (and partially with Shawnee and Cree) m morphological forma-
tion. It should be noted that the structure of he — us (excl.) and
they an. — us (excl.) is fundamentally the same m the corresponding
forms of the Fox, Shawnee, Cree (and Peoria?) subjunctive; the
Fox, Shawnee, and Peoria conjunctive; the Fox and Shawnee
participial.

With the exceptions noted above, Algonkin agrees completely with
Ojibwa in the present tense of the independent and subjunctive modes.

The writer's personal experience with Ottawa was confined to a few
hours at Carlisle; hence but a brief description can be given.
S3'Ilables are slurred over as in Potawatomi, though probably not to
so great an extent. Examples are kwdbAmim ye see me, Jcminin i give
THEE. Final n is almost inautUble; compare the suppression of final
m, n, I in Nass (Handbook of Ameiican Indian Languages, part 1,
p. 288). In some cases the writer has consistently recorded the sound
as a mere aspiration, e. g. in the independent forms for we (excl. and
incl.) — HIM, HE — us (excl. and mcl.). In the objective forms of

266 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES Fkth. ann. 28

THEM iium. iho wiitiT has consistently recorded the terminal n as
full-sounding, as also in the forms for i — it, thou — it, he — him,
HE — them an., he — it, they an. — him, them an., they an. — it. In
the remaining cases wliere final n is to be expected in the independent
mode, excepting the form for i — thee, the writer has been inconsistent
in the recording and non-recording of the sound in question. The
problem is furtlier complicated by the fact that the informant likewise
spoke Ojibwa, and gave certain forms with the terminal n as Ojibwa
and the correspondents without them (at least to the writer's ear) as
Ottawa. Hence it is possible that confusion of dialect may account for
the apparent inconsistency noted above. It may be mentioned that the
late Doctor Gatschet's notes on Ottawa show forms without terminal
71 when etymologically expected; but the writer can not say whether
the former was consistent in his usage. Another point in phonetics
worth noting is that the terminal vowel in the forms i — him, thou —
HIM, y'E — him is distinctly aspirated. Surd and sonant when terminal
are extremely hard to distinguish. This applies especially to d and t.
The writer is convinced that with the possible exception in the forms
HE — thee, it, they iuan., intransitive, of the subjunctive, Ic does
not occur terminally, and that forms which sound as if containing
this really end in strong (impure) sonant g. Medially surds and
sonants are far easier to keep apart. Corresponding to Ojibwa and
Algonkin terminal ng in the subjunctive the writer consistently heard
a post-palatal y without a following stop.

Turning now to the verbal forms of the present independent and
subjunctive which show the general relationship of Ottawa to other
members of the group: In the independent mode the forms for we
(excl. and mcl.) — it, them inan.; we (excl.) — thee, you agree in for-
mation with Algonldn as opposed to Ojibwa. (The form for we (excl.)
— thee, you Tc — ninim is noteworthy for the difference in plionetics as
compared with the Algonkin correspondent.) In the same mode Ot-
tawa agi'ees with Ojibwa as opposed to Algonkin in the forms for he —
them an., they' an. — them an. Distinctive of Ottawa (apparently) is
the fact that the form for they an. — it is the same as they an. — them
inan. In the subjunctive it may be noted that the forms for we
(excl.) — him, thou — him, he intrans., he — me, he — him, he — them
an., THEY' an. intrans., they' an. — me, they an. — him, they an. — them
an. are subjunctives (cf. Ojibwa) and not conjunctives (cf. Algonkin).
The forms that the writer received for he — us (excl.), they an. — us
(excl. and inch), they an. — thee, they an. — you are passives in
formation, probably due to some misunderstanding. The structure
of WE (excl.) — THEE (and presumably we (excl.) — you) agrees with
Algonkin as opposed to Ojibwa. It should be noted that the form
for THEY an. — it, them inan., andwdd, apparently is absolutely
unique, but the form evidently is to be associated with it, them iuan.
in objective forms of the independent mode.

MICHKLSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 267

The writer's personal information on Potawatomi is too slight for
him to make very tlcfinito statements concerning its precise relation-
ship with Ojibwa, Ottawa, and ^Vlgonkin. As stated above, all are
very intimatety related. Potawatomi agrees with Algonkin and
Ottawa in the structure of the form for we (excl.) — thee, you of the
independent mode as opposed to Ojibwa. On the other hand it agrees
with the latter language in the formation of we (excl., and presum-
ably inch) — IT, THEM inan., of the same mode as opposed to Ot-
tawa and Algonkin. Potawatomi possesses some marked charac-
teristics of its own in the formation of the independent mode; we
(excl.) — HIM {n — dmin) and we (incl.) — him (k — dmin) have no corre-
spondents in any Central Algonquian language noted thus far. The
forms resemble strongly the inanimate correspondents, but the instru-
mental m (not t) distinctly proves that they must be animate. The
component elements are the respective intransitive correspondents
combined with the common objective pronoun, third person animate,
a. The plurals of the forms under chscussion must have had a similar
structure, they an. — you (t — gom) is unquestionably a passive in
formation. Apparently they an. — it has the same termination as
THEY an. — them inan.

Owing to phonetic differences, Cree, Menominee, Ojibwa, Algonkin,
Ottawa, Delaware, and Passaraaquoddy seem to agree in the forms
for he — ME, THEE as opposed to Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, Shawnee, and
Peoria, but Penobscot and Montagnais demonstrate that the phonetic
change, though the same in the dialects mentioned, is merely a parallel
development and has no significance in deteiTnining the ethnic rela-
tions of the tribes. The umlaut of Passamaquoddy in the fonns
demonstrates that the change in that dialect at least was a very recent
one. In the same way Ojibwa -dm is merely the phonetic equivalent
of Fox xmw" and Peoria -amwa.

The Ojibwa present, of both independent and subjunctive modes
wiU now be discussed. Bearing in mind the comments made above
on Algonkin, Ottawa, and Potawatomi, tliis will make clear the
general linguistic relations of the entire group. The special points
of Peoria are considered below. It may be mentioned here that
ortUnarily in the statistics of linguistic agreements given tlu'oughout
this paper the agreement of Algonkin, Ottawa, and Potawatomi with
Ojibwa is not noted. Where the agreement of Peoria is important,
the fact of the agreement is noted. We will begin with the inde-
pendent mode.

As noted in the discussion of Fox, Ojibwa shares no terminations
with that language which are not shared by Cree except the termina-
tions for HE, THEY' an. — us (incl.) which are allied to the forms for
HE, THEY an. — us (excl.) and they inan. intrans. (Fort Totten
Cree agrees mth Ojibwa and Fox in they an. — us (mcl.).) For

268 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [eth. ann. 28

tills reason wo can definitely state that Ojihwu lias few, if any, special
points of contact with Fox. As is pointed ont in the discussion of
Shawnee, Ojibwa shares the following fonns with that language:
I — HIM, THEM an.; thou — HIM, THEM an.; ye — HIM, THEM an.; he —
Tou (pL), him; they an. — you (pi.), him. It will be observed
that Passamaquoddy likewise shares these fonns except that for
YE — them an. It should be noted that the Shawnee forms for
I, thou, ye, he, they an. — them inan.; ye, they' an. — it certainly
are closely connected with the Ojibwa correspondents. It is unfortu-
nate that the Passamaquoddy equivalents are not available. How-
ever, it should be noted that Cree agrees in general structure with
Shawmee in these forms with the exception of he, they an. — them
inan., they' an. — it. On account of the unsatisfactory material at
our disposal, it is best to abstain from a discussion of the relations of
Ojibwa to Delaware regarding the independent mode here and refer
the reader to the section dealing with Delaware. It will be noted
that Ojibwa and Natick show some very marked agreements in the
independent mode, namely, in the terminations for the first (excl.,
and inch ?) and second persons plural as both subject and objects.
Owing to the deficient orthography, it is difiiciUt to establish other
close relations with Natick, but it is clear that in a considerable
number of cases Natick cUffers from Ojibwa. With Cree, Ojibwa
shares no forms that are not shared also by other Algonquian
languages outside the Ojibwa group. (Forms are lacking to prove
this for WE (inch) — him, them an.; but the inference can be made
with certainty.) The same applies to Menominee. The Menominee
forms for we (excl. and inch), ye intraiis., ye — me approximate the
Ojibwa correspondents, but it should be noted that in these cases
Natick likewise resembles them. The same applies to i, we excl. —
Y'ou. (The form w^e (inch) intrans. is lacking, but the analogy of we
(excl.) intrans. permits us to infer the form.) The agreement of Cree
and Menominee with Ojibwa in the forms of i, thou — it, and their
approximation in the forms for y'e — him, them an. should be noted;
as also the approximation of the Cree form for ye — it.

We will now proceed to discuss the subjunctive. The presence of
the nasal as in Algonkin, Ottawa, Potawatomi (?), Peoria, and Dela-
ware will be noted. But Ojibwa has little in common with the last
language in tliis mode outside the presence of the nasal. The ter-
minations of the third person animate, plural, as both subject and
object, for the greater part are in -wa. It should be noted that Peoria
differs most from Ojibwa in the same persons of the conjunctive
and hence presumably (see below) in the subjunctive. Algonki^
and Ottawa agree with Ojibwa in this formation. It is a matter of
regret that a table for the Potawatomi present subjunctive is not
available, as it would be of great assistance in determining the pre-

MiCHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 269

cise relations of that language to the other members of the division.
A similar formation is found in Menominee and also in CYee (East
Main). See the section on ^lenominee. Owing to phonetic changes,
Ojibwa and Cree seem to agree often as opposed to- Fox, Peoria, and
Shawnee, but this is quite accidental. The terminations for we
(excl.) — THEE, YOU are really passives in formation; Algonkin and
Ottawa represent the original type. The formation of the termi-
nations of HE — ITS (excl.), THEY an. — us (excl.) is characteristic of
Ojibwa, ([uite irrespective of the fact that the last ends in -wa. The
forms are certainly allied to the forms for we (excl.) — him, them
an. The termination for i — you agrees with Cree and Peoria as
opposed to Fox. Exclusive of the formations mentioned, the agree-
ment between Ojibwa, Cree, and Fox in this mode is remarkable.

There are a few other points to be considered. Ojibwa can form a
preterite in han. Cree and Delaware have a correspondent and the
formation of past tenses of subordinate modes by means of tliis
suffix is an important point of contact between these languages. It
'is remarkable that Montagnais, though sharing the formation m the
indicative, apparently lacks it in subordinate modes. Penobscot and
Malecite likewise share the formation in the indicative, but the writer
can not say whether they use it in the formation of past tenses of
the subordinate modes. However, here we find a point of con-
tact with Eastern Algonquian. Peoria has a similar formation but
with a suffix pa. So far as known to the writer, its use is confined
to the mdependent mode. Delaware possesses the same formation
and it is also used to build up past tenses of subordinate modes. It
is found also in Xatick but seems to be confined to the independent
mode. In Micmac it is attached to the conjunctive mode (which
is used as an indicative) to form a past tense of the indicative;
it is used in the subjunctive also, to judge from I'Abbe Maillard's
Grammaire de la Langue Mikmaque (New York, 1869). On the same
authority it may be added that Micmac apparently has the equivalent
of the Ojibwa ban preterite, but only in the subjunctive, not else-
where. These features make the Micmac forms seem so strange.

To sum up, Ojibw'a cliief linguistic relations are with Ottawa,
Potawatomi, Algonkin, and (somewhat removed) with Peoria (see
below). It has relations also with Eastern Algonquian and Cree;
it is apparently but distantly related to Fox (also to Sauk and
Kickapoo); it apparently has important pouits of contact wdth
Shawmee, but, as stated in the discussion of that language, these, for
the greater part, may be due to the fact that Shawnee has much in com-
mon with Eastern Algonquian. Ojibwa and Delaware, exclusive of
the nasality and the ban preterite (both of which are striking), have
not very much in common, but the trouble may be with our material.
Ojibwa is not closely related to Menominee.

270

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES

[ETH. ANN. 28

PEORIA

It was noted above that Peoria ' certainly belongs to the Ojibwa
group, as is shown by the accretion of a nasal and the formation of
the negative verb. However, it possesses some strongly marked
traits of its own. First of all, it has both n and I corresponding to
Ojibwa, Menominee, Fox, etc., n imder unknown conditions, and it
agrees with Shawnee and Delaware in tliis use and to a certain extent
with Eastern Algonquian. Further, a sibilant is not retained before
p as it is in Ojibwa, e. g., pamingi, Ojibwa ishpiming, Fox a'pemcgK
Below appear the tables of the Peoria independent, conjunctive, and
subjunctive modes so far as the writer has been able to construct them
from Doctor Gatschet's notes and texts. The transitive fonns of
the indejjendent mode are all taken from texts. Apparently Doctor
Gatschet mistook the conjunctive for the independent. The confusion
of surd and sonant has been left imchanged.

PEORIA INDEPENDENT MODE

we excl.

we incl.

thou

they an.

Intrans. . .

mmf

ki—miTM

ki-

ki—mwa

-v)a

-waki

mc ...

—

ni — kwa

n — koki

us excl. . .

—

ki — gona

us incl. . .

—

thee . . .

ki— lamina

—

ki — kwa

you . . .
him . . .

ki—limwa
nd — a

—

-a

them an. .

ni — aki 2

it, tliem inan.

-amwa

-amoki

PEORIA CONJUNCTFV'E MODE

Intrans.

me . .

us excl. .

us incl. .

thee . .

you . .

him . .
them an.

it . . .

we excl.

-yangi

-lani
-lakoki

-aki

-akiki

-amani

I -langi

-langi
I -akinci

-akinciki

we incl.

-yangun

-angwi
•angwi

thou

-yam

-lyam
-iyangi

-adji
-adjiki

-yikwi

-dji

-iyikwi
-ianyi

-ekwi
-ekwiikit)

-ita

-iaminda

-langwa

-atciki

•lakwa

-ata

-atciki

a-ngi

they an.

-wadji

-itciki

-iaminciki

-langwiki

-kiki

-}akwiki

-atciki

amowatct

PEORIA SUBJUNCTIVE MODE

we excl.

we incl.

thou

they an.

Inti-ans. . .

-yanii

-yangiii

-yangwii

-yand

-yikwa

-<d

•waia

him . . .

■aka

-angwa

■atd

-akwd

-atd

-awatd

' The writer has not sufBcient material to warrant dealing with the question of the exact relation of
Peoria to Miami, etc., beyond stating that they all seem intimately related.
2 Miami.

MICHEI.SON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 271

Owing to the fact that Peoria phonetioaUy is more archaic than
Ojibwa in some respects, some of the forms of the indepemlent mode
seem to reseml)le more closely Fox than Ojibwa (the same applies to
the conjunctive mode). But passing these over, Peoria lias at least
.these formations wliich have no correspondents in Ojibwa: i — tou
(pi.); WE (excl.) — thee; they an. — rr, them inan. The first two
agree with Algonl^in, Ottawa, Potawatomi, and Natick, the last
with Fox, Cree, and Menominee. It is a matter of regret that
Doctor Gatschet made no systematic collection of indicative forms,
as some of them might prove to be important in establishing the
relations of Peoria. However, from the meager terminations that
the WTiter has been able to collect, it is possible to infer with cer-
tainty the forms for i — thee, thou — hem, thou — them an., ye — me,

YE — HIM, YE — them an., he — YOU, THEY an. — THEE, THEY an. YOU;

and these confirm us in maintaining that Peoria belongs with Ojibwa,
Ottawa, Algonkin, and Potawatomi. The form for he — us (excl.) is
extremely interesting: unless there is a phenomenon similar to that
in Ottawa, and unfortunately we have not sufficient material to deter-
mine tliis, we have a point of contact with Shawnee (which geo-
grapliically would not be surprising) . If the form in question is really
identical mth the Shawnee form, then we can infer with absolute
surety that the forms for he — us (inch), they an. — us (excl. and
inch) agree with their Shawnee correspondents.

The Peoria conjunctive and subjunctive are discussed in the sec-
tions dealing witli Cree and Sauk. The terminations of the con-
junctive, in wliich the tliii'd person plural animate is subject or object,
correspond to the Fox, Shawnee, and Ojibwa participial mode. Now,
as in Algonquian the terminations of the conjunctive, participial, and
subjunctive are verj' closely alhed, we may infer that the Peoria sub-
junctive in these persons agreed with the conjunctive. It will be
observed that, with the apparent exception of the terminations for
he — them an. and we (inch) — them an., these forms would agi-ee
(as do those of the conjunctive) with the Cree subjunctive. (Inreading
Doctor Gatschet's texts the writer has met with -atci antl -awatci, the
terminationsfor he — him, them an., they an. — him, them an., respec-
tively. These are true conjunctive forms. The question hence arises
to what an extent his notes giving the forms in the table should be
accepted. The true conjunctive forms agree with the Fox and Shaw-
nee correspondents of the same mode, and with the Algonkin corre-
spondents of the subjunctive mode.) Even substituting the Ojibwa
participial for the subjunctive in these persons, they an. — us (excl.)
represent a different structure from that of the Ojibwa correspondent;
note also the same difference exists in the form for he — us (excl.) (see
the discussion of Algonkin and Menominee, pp. 252, 265) . they an. —
IT, them inan. is a true conjunctive and agrees exactly with the Fox
and Shawnee form of the same mode, and the corresponding Algon-

272

CLASSIFICATION OK ALUONtiUIAN TRIBES

tKTH. ANN. ;i8

kin form in tlu> sul)juiictive mode. It should bo notiood that iV[ic-
mac partially shares the feature of the Peoria conjunctive. In the
other forms of the conjimctive Peoria agrees with Fox (Shawnee
nearly), Algonlvin, Cree, and Micmac (treating conjunctive and sub-
junctive as interchangeable) in the terminations for we (excl.) —
THEE, you; he — us (excl.) ; (with Natick also in we (excl.) — thee,'
you); withOjibwa, Algonkin, and Cree in the form for i — you (pi.).
The other forms call for no comment.

From its phonetics Peoria, as said aliove, seems to resemble Fox
closely in some particulars. But its more northern relationships are
shown by the fact that the nominative plural of the inanunate noun
ends in a, agreeing absolutely with Cree, and also by the fact that it-
shares with Cree and Montagnais a set of terminations that correspond
to the Fox interrogative conj unctive and subj unctive, but lack the final
syllable ni, whereas Ojibwa and Algonkin have the n even if the final
vowel may be lost.

In closing the discussion of Peoria it should be mentioned that
this language, together with Fox, Sauk, Kickapoo, and Shawnee, are
the only Algonquian languages in which every animate noun and
inanimate noun are known positively to end in the nominative singu-
lar in a and i, respectively (excluding cases in which wa is lost pho-
netically in Shawnee). It is possible that others also may share tliis
feature. Menominee and Ojibwa should be especially investigated
with a view to securing additional information on this point.'

Natick

That Natick belongs to the Central subdivision and not to the East-
ern subdivision of the Eastern-Central major division of Algonquian
languages is patent from the personal terminations of the verb in the
present tense (aflirmative form) of the inchcative and suppositive
(subjunctive) modes. Compare the following tables, extracted from
EUot:^

we excl.

we incl.

thou

they an.

Intrans. . .

71-

iir—mun

k—mwco

3
•U

-wog

me ... .

k-eh

k—imwo)

n~k

n—kquog

us excl. . .

—

k—imun

n—kqunncmog

us incl. . .

—

k—kqun

thee . . .

k—sh

k—numun

—

k—k

k—kquog

you . . .

k — numwo

k—numun

—

k-ka>

k—kwoog

him . . .

«-[?]

n — oun

!:-(?]

k—au

-uh

-ouh

them an.

n—dog

n — Mtnonog

k—a>g

k—oag

■uh

-ouh

it,theminan.(?)

n—umun

7? — umumun

k—umun

k—umumuio

-umun

\-umwog

' Though the writer worked with the Mississippi band of Ojibwa (living at White Earth. Minn.)
only a short time, he was able to dctennine the fact that in the independent mo<ie the termination for
THOU — ME in the same mode hi\s a final whispered -i.

2 In Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.. 2d ser.. ix, Boston. 1832.

3 Tal£en from forms in J. H. Trumbull's Natick Dictionary (Bull. ?.i, Bur. A met. Elhnol.').

MICHBLSON]

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS

273

we oxcl.

we incl.

thou

thoy an.

Intrans. . .

-on

-og

-an

-6g

-09?

-oheUitt

me ....

—

-ean

-e6g

-it

-hettit

us excl. . . .

—

-eog

-kgueo'g

-kgueog

usincl. . . .

—

thee ....

-non

-nog

—

-kgutan

-kquean

you ....

■ndg

-nog

—

-kquebg

him ... .

-og

-ogkut

avdl

-dg

-ont

them (an.). .

-og

-ogkut

-adl

-bg

-ont
-ahettit

-a'hettit

It, them inan.C?)

-umnn

-umog

-uman

-umdg

-uk

-umohettit

We will first take up the terminations of the intiicative. i — you,
YE intrans., ye — me resemble the correspondents in Peoria and
Menominee. Owing to the deficient orthography, a positive conclu-
sion as to which of these Natick most closely resembles in the forms
under discussion is not possible. It is probably the latter, we
(excl., intrans.); we — thee, you; thou, ye — us (excl.); ye — him
patently are to be associated with the Algonkin equivalents (and
hence partly the Ojibwa ones), i, we (excl.), thou, ye — them an.
presumably have the same affinities, he — us (incl.) resembles the
Shawnee (as certain others do as implied by the agreement with
Algonkin) and Passamaquoddy (possibly also Peoria), he — him
apparently is to be cormected with the Cree, Menominee, and Fox
equivalent, but the phonetics are uncertain; they an. — them an.
prol)ably is to be associated with the Algonkin and Shawnee corre-
spondent, we (excl.) — him has a counterpart in Passamaquoddy.
The forms with the inanimate object (s) are plainly composed of the
intransitive forms and the pronominal element to be seen in Fox
-Amw'^, -Amowate, etc.: see section 34 of the Algonquian sketch in the
Handbook of American Indian Languages {Bulletin Ifi, B. A. E.), pt. 1.
The final n in i — it, thou — it, he — it presumably is a purely phonetic
accretion.. It should be mentioned expressly that -umwog they an. —
IT is not to be directly connected with Cree -AinwAg, as is shown by
the forms of they an. — me, thee (Cree ni — gwAg, hi — gwAg, respec-
tively). The corresponding inanimate forms of Delaware should be
compared.

It should be noticed that the personal terminations of the suj)posi-
tive mode do not have the n as do the Ojibwa group and Delaware,
thus agreeing with Fox, etc. ,Ciee-M<)ntagnais, Menominee, and Micmac.
A detailed discussion is uncalled for. Most of the forms have the
closest correspondence to Fox. The following find their clo.sest corre-
si)ondents in Delaware: he — thee, he — you, he — them (one form)
an., THEY an.; intransitive, they an. — me, they an. — thee, they
an. — you, they an. — him, they an. — them; he, they an. — us
(excl.) resemble the Delaware correspondents.
2090:3°— 28 ETH— 12 18

274

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES

[KTH. ANN. 28

The terminations of the "jjia-.ter" tense of the suppositive mode
are patently alUed to those of tlie present tense of the same mode.
Tlu' distinctive mark is a final s. It will be observed from the
ft)llo\ving table that the endings for he — me, he — him, he — them
an. correspond to the Fox potential subjunctive:

we excl.

we incl.

thou

they an.

Intrans. . .

-o»

-ogkis

-as

-dgkis

-ogkis

-ohetlis

me ... .

-ras

-cdgkus

-is

-(e)hcttis

usexcl. . .

—

-ragkus

us inel. . .

—

-kqueogkus

thee . . .

-nos

-nogkus

—

-kqueas

you . . .

-ndgkus

-nogkus

—

-kquebgkus

-kqueogkus

him . . .

-nogkus

-nogkutus

-as

-dgkus

-OS

-alitllis

them . . .

-nogkus

-nogkutus

-as

-Agkus

-OS

-abctfis

it, them in-

-umos

-umogkus

-umosa

-umdgkus

-ukis

-umahetlis

an.(?)

The negative verb is formed by the insertion of -oo- (o), wliich
apparently corresponds to Delaware -ml-. Examples are: Natick
Icujrpaumuncop i did not pay thee, Delaware atta Ic' pendolowip i did
NOT hear thee.

The inanimate plural of nouns resembles the Piegan and Cheyenne
forms.

The cluster sic is kept as in Cree and tlie Eastern subtype of the
Eastern-Central major division of Algonquian languages; the com-
bination of a sibilant + p and t presumably become 'p and 't, respec-
tively, though this is not certain, owing to the deficient alphabet:
Cree micpun it is snowing, snow, Fox me'pu- to snow, Natick
rmihpoo it snows; Cree mictig wood. Fox me'tegiin tree, Shawnee
^tegwl, Ojibwa meHig (Turtle Mountain), Natick mehiug, Delaware
meJhiiiucTc, Minsi michtuk; Cree mis^awew (Lacombe) he finds him,
Fox me'k- to find, Malecite muskvwan he found her, Natick
m.iskom he finds it; Cree niAskwA bear. Fox ma'kwd, Shawnee
'"'kwa, Ojibwa ma'kwa, Peoria maxkwa, Natick mosq. (There are
also cases where a sibilant apparently is retained before p in Natick.)
The characteristic consonantic clusters of the Eastern subtype are
wanting, and it should be noticed that I also is lacking, confirming
the opinion that Natick belongs to the Central type.

Owing to the deficient alphabet it is diiiicult to determine the true
consonantic clusters of the language. The groups -dt- and -gl-- and
-bp- are merely graphic for strong sonants so characteristic of many
American Indian languages. The accretion -n-, -7n- occurs but does
not agree with Ojibwa in usage, now having it where lacking in
Ojibwa, now lacking it where Ojibwa has it. Thus, wompi avhite.

MicHELSOs] ALGONQUIAX LINGUISTIC GROUPS 275

Ojibwa wdhi, Fox wdpi; wonkqussis fox (really a diminutive), Ojibwa
UHi'guc: anogqs star, Ojibwa anang, Delaware aljanque, Peoria
ahuigwa. Fox AiiagW", Cree atak (for the phonetics, see the discussion
ofCree, p. 239).

The lexical corres])ondence with the dialects of the Central subtype
is far greater than is indicated in Trumbull's Natick Dictionary.
(The same may be remarked of the Pequot-Mohegan material pub-
lished by Speck and Prince.) However, at the present time it is
impossible to say in which language the greatest number of corre-
spondents are to be found.

Delaware

Zeisberger's material as contained in his grammar ' is not good : ^
The forms of the various dialects are given without assigning each
form to its proper dialect (see Zeisberger, p. 11.3, footnote); in the
same paradigm some transitive forms have instrumentals, while
others lack them; the spelling of one and the same personal termi-
nation is frequently absolutely inconsistent (e. g., -que, -Ice); some
passives are given as active transitive forms, and in at least one
instance (possibly in more; see below) an inanimate objective form is
given as animate. Under these unfortunate conditions the tables
here given for the present indicative and subjunctive are bound to
contain errors, for in the absence of Delaware informants represent-
ing the three dialects the writer has had to use discrimination as to
the rejection or retention of certain forms. For this reason it is
impossible to make very definite statements concerning the general
relationships of Delaware among Algonquian languages. Yet the
tables will have one result at least, albeit a negative one, namely, that
the common supposition that Delaware is intimately connected with
Eastern Algonquian (Micmac, Malecite, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot,
and Abnaki) is certainly a mistaken one. On the possibility that
the three Delaware divisions, Munsec, Unami, and Unalachtigo, were
really separate tribes, each having special points of contact with
different Central-Algonquian languages, though mutually intelligible,
and that the apparent unity was only political, see page 279.

' A Grammar of the Langiiage of the Lenno Lenape or Delaware Indians, Philadelphia, 1830.
2 others also have criticized Zeisberger adversely (see Brinton, The Lenape, p. 105, Philadelphia, 1885,
who holds that the criticisms were unnecessarily severe. Correct his last reference to 1SG9-70, p. 105 ff ).

276

CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES (eth. ann. 28

J;^

-«

e 1 i
e S g.

Si. 1

tu 3 o e

s s

ii^

O tu e«
Qt e3> Ot

s t - ^ -

~ 1 i

9 e J -3

1 ? i f £
1 J 1 -g J s

|_?_3

c £.

^d£, Ji!

'^ ^

7 ? S f"

7 s ? "?■ a ?

.!£

e e

3 3

^ -Si

iSi (3i

^L^

"«

= r 1

e a "3

a J s

s ?

? ? ?•

? s ?

■g i

« = J

s 1

e 1 e S

5U -*- Su 3

1 1

a 1

a a =

g S

.S S S g

a 8

CS C3.

11 °

1 s-

i =1

1 1

- i i

j::

e Ei

1 1

i B i

i i 1

I i

1 I

c ^

- 2

e 3

e a 3 a S

1 i

1 g g

3 £

S g

awun
awun
awaw
awaw

tmohh

e "^

,2 5

S 5

S =

' — i — '

■ j '

f 1

■id

'e e

'"'

s s

;s 3
e a s

ii. i

J<i

1 1

c
2

-rj

a t

f~-

■= s

>-<

3 5

5 :i

MICHELSON]

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS

277

-achtite

-achtite
-awachtite

-amichtite

III .^ i .

1 1 1

II Hli I

III g

s ^ « K ^ 1 i

II illii

•3

„

§• i

rg. Is

Ill

V U U -M -V (4

c
• «

s< d ^ C —

8 3 35^1 1 - .

We will first discuss the in-
dependent mode. The first
thing that will be noticed is
the diversity of forms for one
and the same person as sub-
ject and object. Such diver-
sity is not found among other
Algouquian languages and at
once arouses suspicion that
the multiplicity of forms is
due to the fact that the dif-
ferent forms really belong to
separate dialects. Wlien we
note further that the different
forms point to contact with
different Algonquian lan-
guages, the probabihty of this
inference is heightened. Thus,
n' — neen we (excl. intrans.),
t' — loneen we (excl.) — thee,
Tc' — i/i few THOU, YE — us (excl.),
agree with Cree-Montagnais;
n' — hheriawK (excl., intrans.),
Ic' — loTihena we (excl.) — thee,
h' — ihhena thou, ye — us
(excl.) agree with Fox and
Passamaquoddy; n' — a i —
HIM, F — a THOU — HIM agree
with Passamaquoddy, Shaw-
nee, and Ojibwa; n' — awa i —
HIM, F — mva THOU — him with
Fox, Menominee, and Cree-
Montagnais ; n'- — guna he — us
(excl.) agrees with Passama-
quoddy, Shawnee, and Peo-
ria(?); n' — guneen he, — us
(excl. ) with Fox, Cree-Montag-
nais, and Ojibwa; n' — nneen
WE (excl.) — him agrees with
Ojibwa and Cree-Montagnais;
n'- — ohhena we (excl.) — him
agrees with Fox.

The cognates of the remain-
ing forms so far as available

278 CLASSIFICATION OF ALOONQUIAN TRIBES fuTH. ann. 28

will now bo <:;! veil : n\ — awak, k'- — uwak i — tiiem an., thou — them an.,
rospiH-tivcly, have correspondents in Fox, Menominee, and Cree-
Montagnais; k' — aiuawa ye — him agrees with Menominee and Cree-
Montagiuiis; («,' ?) — gunanak, (F ?) — gunanak they an. — us (excl.
and incl., respectively) agree wath Fox, Fort Totten Cree, and Ojibwa
(tlie former also with the Cree of Horden and Montagnais) ; ¥ — guwa
HE — YOU (pi.) has a correspondent in Shawnee, Passamaqnoddy, and
Ojibwa; V — guwawak in^Y a.i\. — you (pi. ), one in Fox, Menominee,
and Cree-Montagnais ; n' — gun, k' — gun have counterparts in the Mon-
tagnais forms for on — me, te, respectively; w'- — he (intrans.) has a
correspondent in Eastern Algonquian, -u he intrans. corresponds to
Fox, Shawnee, and Peoria -wa, Cree -w, Montagnais -u; -gok they
an. — them an. is a passive and corresponds to Fox -gogi; tlie forms
n'-, k' — II, len; k'-; k' — i; -wak; n' — k, k' — k, n' — gook; k'- — gook are
common Central Algonquian ; k' — ihenook ye — us (excl.) is a plural-
ized form of k' — ihhena: t' — awawak ye — them an. agrees with
Menominee and Cree-Montagnais and illustrates the same formation;
-awall they an. — him (with phonetic differences) is close to the
Ojibwa correspondent: if w'- is to be restored, it coincides exactly;
as it stands it agrees with the Passamaqnoddy correspondent; the
forms n — gchhena, k' — gehhimo are palpably passives and really should
not have been included; -gol he — him, to judge from Sliawnee and
Passamaqnoddy, is really a passive; as a plural they an. — him,
it seems an extension of this; cf. n' — geneen (graphic variant for
n' — guneen); the same applies to k' — geneen (Fox ke — gundna;
there are correspondents in Ojibwa and Cree) ; w' — anawak (pre-
sumably a variant of w' — anewak) in its last part decidedly resembles
Cree mowanewun they (indefinite third person plural animate) are
eating them (third person plural animate) ; '■ so it is clear that the
terminations witli newo are built up on some such sj'stein, though it
is possible that some of the forms contain inanimate objects, not ani-
mate objects as given in the table (see the tables of the Ojibwa and
Algonkin independent mode, pp. 26.3, 264). The forms n' — an. k' — an,
w' — an are clearly of the same formation as Malecite kfian thou
tellest him; tian, otian he tells him (stem ti); unfortunately there
is no example available in Malecite for i — him. The forms with inani-
mate object(s) show the same type of formation as the Xatick corre-
spondents. The conjectural initial k' restored by the -writer is con-
fiirmcd by Sapir's notes. In closing the discussion of the independent
mode it may be pointed out that it is impossible for one and the same
dialect to contain both k' — guwa and {k' ?) — guwawak (see the tables
for Fox, Cree, Shaw^loe, and Ojibwa).

The present subjunctive does not require so detailed a report. It
has the nasal as have Ojibwa and Peoria, but otherwise the forms are

'Horden, p. US.

MKHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 279

far closer to Fox and Natirk. The forms witli the third jierson
animate, singuhir and plural, as subject are the same in structure as
those of the latter in nearly all cases and represent a formation other-
wise unknown in Central and Eastern Algonquian. Some of the
terminations seem peculiar to Delaware.

The forms -inke they an. — me, -inde we (excl. or inch ?) — them,
whicli, ft)Ilowing Zeisberger, one would be forced to consider transi-
tive forms of the sulsjunctive, in reality are indefinite passive con-
junctives (Fox -igi, -etci, Peoria -ingi, -anda, respectively). Again
following Zeisberger, -geyenke, -geyane, -geyeque they an. — us
(excl.), THEE, YOU, respectively, would have to be considered transi-
tive forms, but they are simple passives. The termination -amanque
WE (excl.) — THEM an. really contains an inanimate object (see
the tables for Fox and Ojibwa). Observe that i — it has an exact
correspondent in Shawnee. Certain persons have n' and fc' prefixed
indiscriminately in the same forms and have been omitted from the
above scheme as unreal {n and A'' are suggestive of the indicative).

Delaware has a p, and panne preterite. The former is shared by
Peoria, Natick, and Micmac; the latter is found in Ojibwa, Cree,
Montagnais, Malecite, and Penobscot (for the combination of both in
the subjunctive mode, see the discussion of Ojibwa, p. 269).

The suffix of the future -tsch is presumably the same as Fox -ted*

VERILY.

It should be mentioned that Delaware has a relative mode that
corresponds to the Fox, Shawnee, Micmac, and Peoria conjunctive.
The forms given are too few to constitute a complete series but the
important point that the first person singular intransitive ends in
-ya, as in Shawnee (cf. Micmac), is certain.

Delaware has consonantic clusters but to what an extent is not
clear from the inadequate phonetic system employed by Zeisberger.
Some of these clusters are due to changes of a sibilant with a voice-
less stop, e. g., u'xkwdu (Sapir) woman, Cree isJcwe'u. Others are
patently due to the ehmination of vowels, e. g. , n' milguneen he gives
us (excl.), Fox neimnegundn", tulpe titrtle, Abnaki tolha, Scaticook
tiUlpds (really a diminutive), Natick tmnuppasog (pi.). Others are
due to tlie combination of the signs for the preterite with the final
consonant of the present. A nasal before stops agrees with Peoria
and Ojibwa in this use as opposed to Fox, Shawnee, Cree, Montag-
nais, and Menominee. The origin of other clusters is quite obscure.
It is doubtful whether there are true long consonants in Delaware;
there is reason to suspect that their apparent existence is due merely
to a faulty or deficient phonetic system.

It was .shown above how Delaware exhibits great diversity in
points of contact with other Algonquian languages; attention may
here be drawn to the fact that since Fox and Shawnee are closely

280 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [etii. ann.28

related to each other and both to the Eastern Algonquian languages
{see the discussion of Sauk, Fox, etc., p. 258), agreement on the part
of Delaware with any of these would imply a certain amount of agree-
ment with the others, and as Fox has some decided points of contact
with Cree, a similar state of affairs exists as to the latter language.
However, these generalities do not answer specific questions. Though
it is hazardous, as noted above, to give an opinion on the subject, the
writer ventures to believe that Delaware as Zeisberger has presented
it is not a single dialect but a composite. The facts of the case prob-
ably will be best satisfied by assuming one dialect the closest relation-
ship of which was with Shawnee, but which shared with Fox (the pho-
netic representative of) -'pena (Shawnee -fe), and another the closest
relationship of wliich is mtli Cree-Montagnais, both of which assumed
dialects had points of contact with Ojibwa and Natick. In the opinion
of the writer there is not sufficient evidence at present to warrant the
belief that another dialect had especially close relations with Eastern
Algonquian, though it is possible there was a dialect that shared a
few forms with Eastern Algonquian that were not shared by the
other Delaware dialects. But all these theories must remain con-
jectures more or less plausible till all the Delaware dialects shall have
been entirely restudied with tlie aid of living informants.

EASTERN SUBTYPE

The existing dialects composing this group are Micmac, Malecite,
Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, and Abnaki. As mentioned above,
these are all characterized by peculiar consonantic clusters and by
certain grammatic terminations. However, as compared \\\t\\ Black-
foot, Cheyenne, or Arapaho they belong in the Central group, for
there are numerous patent correspondents to the latter in vocabu-
laries and in the discussion of Sauk, Fox, etc., it has been shown how
intimately they are related to Fox and Shawnee in the verbal termi-
nations. The correspondence in vocabulary with the Central type
is far more general than has been supposed. Tlie peculiar termi-
nations are not very startling and show no more specialization than
those of other Algonquian languages of the Central subtype. The
pecuhar terminations of the Micmac verb are due to the fact that the
supposed indicatives are really correspondents to the Fox conjimctive.
So in its last analysis the consonantal clusters are the distinguishing
feature of the group. Below is a list of consonantic clusters in
each of the following: Micmac (from one of the ^Titer's longer texts),
Malecite (from one of Mr. Mechling's longer texts), Passamaquoddy
(from one of Doctor Gatschet's texts, of moderate length), and
Penobscot (from Prof. J. Dyneley Prince's glossary in his article on
Penobscot in Amer. Anthr., n. s., xu, No. 2, 183-208, 1910) :

michelson]

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GEOUPS
MICMAC

281

Initial

Second consonant of cluster

nant

kic

kLr

mtc

nti

ntc

nij

■lb

1m.

lie

tck

djk

djm

djn

djl

xtc

' Probable mishearing for rik; nk in the Malecite and Passamaquoddy tables likewise is rf:.

The semivowel w occurs after b, d, Tc, g, n, I, s, M-, pi:, tl', nl', sl\ tch.

Tlie only long consonants observed are tt and 1:1-. These are of
rare occurrence.

It has not been possible as yet to determine whether all these clus-
ters occur in the same morphologic parts of words or are due to com-
binations of different morphologic components. The same statement
applies to the clusters of the other languages discussed.

In the text the following clusters occur finally: tk, pic, mlc, nlc, lie,
tck, djk, sk, kt. Initially only kl occurs; w in initial combinations
occurs only after k.

■ MALECITE

Second member of cluster

Initial

consonant

■pi

•p

kte

■ tt

tck

282

CLASSIFICATION OP ALdONQUIAN TKIBES

[BTH, ANN. 2S

The somivDWol ir occurs after b, k. g, s, tl.\ t<i, jd-, sk\
The folio wiiif^ clusters of three consonants occur: nisi-, stele, std.
The initial clusters that occur in the text are: sic, sp, hn, Icn, ib,
ps, si, tl. The semivowel w in initial comhinations occurs only after
Ic and (J. The clusters which occur tcrniinally are: kt, lie, ptc.

PASSAMAQUODDY

Initial

Second member of cluster

nant

P
b
1
d
k

np
sp

kl
ml
It

sk
tck
xk

mn
In

dl
nl
xl

ms
ns

ktc

tsn

The following clustei's of three consonants occur: ntk, nsk, ksk,
psk, stck, xsm.

The semivowel w occurs after k, g, I, sk, xk, tk, Ig.

The following two long consonants occur: ss, II.

These clusters have been observed initially: kt, kp, km, ks, lie.
Finally, the cluster sk was observed. The semivowel w was noted
as occurring after k and g of initial consonants.

PENOBSCOT

Second member of cluster

Initial

consonant

(

m .

nl
It

nd
Id

nk
Ik

ng
Ig

271

tck

MICHKI.SOX] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 283

The semivowel iv occurs after t, g, d, I, m, sk, mk, tc.

The oniy true consonantal clusters observed initially were si', sp.
After initial g and k, w occurs. The only final consonantic cluster
noted was ps.

The following long consonants were noted: kk, pp, II, ss.

Two clusters of three consonants were observed: hsk, nsk.

An examination of the tables will show that the old view that
Micmac alone of Eastern Algonquian dilTered especially from Central
Algonquian by reason of clusters, is incorrect.

The consonantal clusters of such words that have known equiva-
lents in Central Algonquian are due for the greater part to the elimi-
nation of vowels. Thus Micmac kesaptug after he looked at it
(for kesi + din + t + tig: Fox kicdpitAg') , u'^pk in the morning (Fox
wdbAg'). iriAndu devil (Fox mAnitdW), elmied he went on (Malecite
elimialit when he (obs.) went away, Fox initial stem Auemi yon
way); /iflno, Penobscot alno&e Indian (Shawnee TiiZeni, Ojibwa inem,
Fox ineniw^, Cree iyiniw man) ; Penobscot spuniki heaven, Abnaki
spenik heaven (Passamaquoddy spemek high, Cree islvpimxk, Ojibwa
islipinnng, Shawnee spemegi. Fox a'pemeg', Peoria pdmingi (cf. Me-
nominee AcpdmujA) ; Micmac kospemk at the lake (Passamaquoddy
k&spemuk on a lake; Cree kuspamuw road which goes beside tim-
ber where there is water) ; Penobscot pehonkik in the north
(Fox pepdn'+a'kig'); Penobscot ivdhtegua wild goose (for wob- cf.
Fox wdpi-, Natick wompi- white) ; Penobscot n'weweldamen i know
IT {-el- = Fox -dne-) ; Micmac elmodjig dogs ; Malecite ul&mus (really
a diminutive), Delaware aZum; Ojibwa am/ftos/i, Fox Anemo'^, Natick
armm, Cree atim (for the phonetics see the discussion of Cree, p. 239) ;
Abnaki kidaani'm' (Sapir) thy stone (Fox ket a' senium', cf. Abnaki
s/7i' stone) ; Malecite k'Pmi/seha (Sapir) ye run (Fox kepemusdpwa) .
When a vowel is lost after I (corresponding to Fox n, Shawnee and
Delaware I) and a consonantal cluster arises tliis way, or if the I thereby
becomes iinal, the preceding vowel takes an o (m) tinge; if the preced-
ing vowel be i, then o attaches itself thereto. To make clear the
examples of this it is necessary to state that the cluster pw becomes p
or h (note that pw does not occur in the tables given above). Thus
Malecite kAnirmol i see thee (stem nimi; intervocalic instrumental
h lost), Passamaquoddy ktekAinA\ i strike thee {-m- is an instru-
mental ])article) ; compare Fox ke — ne, Shawnee ke — le; for Malecite
kAnim\o\\>a i see you (pi.), Passamaquoddy ktekmvi\pa i strike you
(pi.); cf. Fox ke — nepwa, Shawnee ke — lepwa. (It may be as well to
mention that Fox ke — nepwa is made up of ke — pwa and ne, and is not
a morphologic unit.) Micmac dagAmulkw°- he strikes us, inclusive,
corresponds to Fox -meiiAgwe, in which m is the instrumental particle,
e the phonetic insert, iiAgwe (Shawnee -lagwe) the termination for

284 CLASSIFICATION OK ALOONQUIAN TRIBES [kth. ann. 28

HE — -US (incl.) of the conjunctive mi)(l<'. The participial -ultitcig in
Micniac (and tlie corrosponding forms of the other dialects) corre-
s])onds to Fox -ndUcigi^^in which n is the instrumental particle, e the
phonetic insert, ti the sign of reciprocity, tcigi the third person animate
intransitive of the participial.

It slioukl be noteil that the elimination of vowels sometimes causes
nasals and liquids to become syllabic, a phenomenon which Sanskrit-
ists call samprasdrana, e. g. Passamaquoddy mhwaxsan red stone
(pipe) (cf. Fox meclcw- + Asen^) .

Especially should it be observed that the clusters, consisting of a
sibilant + Icor p, are kept exactly as in Cree (see the discussion of Cree,
p. 238). Thus Cree amisk beaver, Stockbridge (Edwards) a7nisque,
Ojibwa ami'lc, Delaware amochlc, Fox ame'kw"', Shawnee hamakwa,
Peoria amakwa, Abnaki pepSnemeskS winter beaver, Micmac pHl-
urnskiv beaver of third year (Rand) ; Cree miskaweiv he finds him,
her, Fox me'lcawdw" he finds him, heu, Natick miskom he finds it,
Malecite inuskuwan he found her; Cree ishpimilc above, Ojibwa
ishpiming, Fox a'pemegi, Peoria pdmingi, Shawnee spemegi, Menominee
icpdmii/A above, Penobscot spumti heaven, Abnaki spemk heaven,
Passamacjuoddy spemeJc high; Cree huspamuw road which goes
beside timber where there is water, Micmac JcdsTpemk at the lake,
Passamaquoddy kuspemulc on a lake; Cree iskwew w^oman. Fox
i'lcwdw'^, Natick squaw, Delaware ochqueu, Micmac Icesigo-eskw" old
woman. Since sp and sk are original, it is probable that st is like-
wise. The cluster is not common, and the writer has not found in
Central Algonquian analogues as yet to such words as contain it.
Yet it is perhaps possible to establish the claim indirectly. Micmac
Jcesewistodiclj means after they had finished speaking; it is to be
presumed that the std corresponds to Fox 'to (see section 21.7 of the
Algonquian sketch in the Handbook of American Indian Languages,
part 1). The 't points phonetically to an original *st. These clusters
strongly point to a more northern origin than Fox had.

It is true that the origin of many clusters can not be explained
at present, but it is not unreasonable to believe that the application
of the foregoing principles wiU explain many more when our knowl-
edge of the languages shall have increased, and perhaps phonetic
laws yet to be discovered will account for the remainder. For the
consonantic clusters in Piegan, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Eastern
Algonquian are so fundamentally different that it is improbable that
any of their types are original. It may be assumed, then, jirovision-
ally that the Central type, from which true consonantic clusters are
lacking, with certain limitations, shows the most primitive condition
of Algonquian languages.

MICHELSON]

ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS

285

All original o or u under unknown conditions seems to umlaut the
vowel of the preceding syllable to o, u, as does postconsonantal w.
Thus, Malecite tiogul he was told; tliis stands for *tegdV (of. Shaw-
nee otegoV HE WAS told) , in which o — gd¥ is the passive termination
and te the initial stem. Penobscot ¥nanviogona he sees us (inch),
Abnaki F namiogonna are additional illustrations. The terminations
arefor*A:e — guna (cf. Shawnee); -he-, the instrumental + the e insert,
has suffered the changes shown above and the Ji is lost ; the stem is
nami. Passamaquoddy ndelcarmigun he strikes us (excl.) and
Melcamugun he strikes us (incl.) are for *ne — meguna and *]ce — ■
megunxi, respectively; m is the instrumental particle;/ the phonetic
insert which has been umlauted to u. Other examples of this umlaut-
ing will be mentioned in the discussion of the verbal endings. Exam-
ples in which a w (either maintained or lost) has caused umlaut are:
Penobscot namiukw he sees me (for n'n-), Abnaki n'namiok, Passa-
maquoddy Tidekamuk he strikes me (Fox ne — gwa; rest explained
&hQYQ) -jTctelcamulc he strikes thee (Fox te — gwa).

Below are tables of such forms of the Passamaquoddy independent
mode (present tense) and of the Micmac conjunctive (which is used
like the indicative) mode as the writer has been able to extract from
Doctor Gatschet's papers.

PASSAMAQUODDY PRESENT INDEPENDENT MODE

we excl.

we incl.

thou

they (an.)

Intrans. . .

■n-

71 — 6^71

k — bAn

li-

k—ba

-wuk

me ...

k-i

k—iba

n—k

us excl.

—

k~ibAn

k—ibAn

n—gun

n—gunwuk

us incl.

—

k — gun

k — guuwuk

thee .

l-T

k — Ipcn

—

k—k

k—guk

you

k—lpa

k — Ipen

—

k—guwa

k—gua

him .

n—a

n—an

k-a

k—awa.

u — al

-awal

them (an

)

n-ah

k—anwuk

k—ak

k—awa

u — a

u — awa

MICMAC CONJUNCTIVE MODE

we excl.

we incl.

thou

they (an.)

me . . .

■in

-i(

■idjik

us excl.

—

■iek

-iek

us incl.

—

-lk8

-Ikwik

thee .

-I

-lek

—

-si

-skik

you

-lox

-lek

—

■lox

-lox

him .

-uk

-uget

-ox

-adl

■adidl

them (an

)

-gik

-ugidjik

-ox

■aiji

■adidjik

286

CLASSIFICATION OF AUiONQUIAN TRIBES

[KTH. ANN. 28

In comparing the forms with other i\Jgoii(|uiaii languages it is
necessary to keep in mind the phonetic changes hinted at above.
In the Passamaquoddy independent mode the u and w umlaut occurs
in the forms for he — me, us (incl. and excl.), thee; they an. — me,
US (excl. and inch), thee, you. The agreement in the use of I with
Shawnee, etc., in contrast with Fox, Ojibwa, Crec, etc., n should be
noted; also the elimination of vowels and the phonetic changes
involved.

Wliile treating of the linguistic relations of Fox and Shawnee, it
was necessary to treat Passamaquoddy at some length. It was
shown that Passamaquoddy is very closely related to Fox on the
one hand and to Shawnee on the other. The form for we (incl.) —
them an. approximates most closely the corresponding Cree and
Montagnais form, though not identical with them. The relationship
is the same in the case of we (excl.) — him. This last approximates
the form in Cree, Montagnais, Delaware (one form), and Ojibwa; it coin-
cides with the analogue in Natick and by chance with that in Chey-
enne. We say by chance, as Cheyenne has no other special agreements
with Eastern Algonquian, whereas, as was pointed out in the discussion
of Fox, Natick happens to share another termination. The form for
they an. — us (incl.) approximates the Cree, Montagnais, and Me-
nomiiice analogues. The agreement of the last named with Passama-
quoddy is undoubtedly fortuitous, due simply to the fact that
Menominee as well as Eastern Algonquian shows certain aflEinities with
Cree-Montagnais. The form for ye — them an. apparentlj- is the
same as that for y'E — him. The form for they an. — us (excl.) is
based on the same formation as they an. — us (inch). The fact that
Passamaquoddy shares certain persons of the independent mode wdth
Ojibwa was shown in the discussion of Fox. But it should be noted
that all such persons are likewise shared by Shawmee.

There is given below a table of the Abnaki present independent
mode so far as the writer has been able to extract the terminations
from Doctor Sajiir's notes:

we e.xcl.

we incl.

Ihou

they an.

Intrans. . .

ni- («-)

(n)—birm'

ki-(k-)

k—ba'

-woJt'

me. . . .
us excl. . .
us incl. . .
thee . . .
you . . .
him . . .
them an. .

k—i
k—l.ba'

(n)-4'
(n)—Ar)k'

k—lblna'
k—lbina
{n)—Abrna'

k-i
k—ibtna:

k-4
k—Avk-

k—ibitm'

k—A mba'
k—Amba'

[(n)—g(ibina']
0-4'

(.n)—gnk'
k-)Qk'

MICHELSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GKOUPS 287

A (l(>tailed discussion is uncalled for. It should, however, bo noted
that Abnaki ag^rees with Fox as opposed to Shawnee (and Passama-
quoddy) in the forms for ye — him, them an. Initial n apparently is
lost before certain consonants. Tliis accounts for the strange appear-
ance of certain forms. The form for we (excl.) — him agrees with Fox
as opposetl to Passamacjuoddy. he — us (excl.) is the equivalent of Fox
ne — gopena, of the indefinite passive, independent mode. It may be
noted that Malecite agrees with Passamaquoddy in tliis respect.
From Doctor Sapir's notes it would seem that in Malecite a faint final
w is retained after ¥ where etymologically required, which is lost (or
at least not recorded by Doctor Gatschet) in Passamaquodd}^. The
MT-iter's available material is too scanty in the case of Malecite and
Penobscot to give tables for them; but it is certain that they agreed
essentially with Passamaquoddy and Abnaki.

As Eastern Algonquian shows certain points in common with
Cree-Montagnais as opposed to Ojibwa, etc. (see pp. 238, 284) it may
.be that the pAn ])reterite is really a pomt of contact between East-
em Algonquian and the former; but this is forcmg matters, as cer-
tain personal endings of Eastern Algonquian agree with Ojibwa,
etc. (those shared also by Shawnee), as opposed to Cree-Montagnais.
(For additional points of contact between Eastern Algonquian
and Cree-Montagnais, see p. 245, in the discussion of the Micmac
conjunctive.) Despite the usual view of the subject, the I'clations
of Eastern Algonquian with Delaware are not close. On consult-
ing the tables given in the discussion of Delaware it will be seen
how few terminations of the independent mode phonetically coin-
cide with those of Passamaquoddy. There are no agreements be-
tween the two that are not shared either by Fox or Shawnee; as a
matter of fact, Delaware agrees in some cases with Fo.x as opposed
to Shawnee and Eastern Algoncjuian. But, as was shown in the
discussion of Delaware, the existing material is poor, and it is
clear that the several Delaware dialects had different linguistic
relations. At present, however, there is not sufficient evidence to
show that any one of the dialects had especially close relations with
the Eastern branch of the Eastern-Central group of Algonquian
languages.

A table of the Micmac conjunctive from Doctor Gatschet's notes is
here given because the one from the writer's notes and texts contains
too many unfilled schedules. The table is supplemented by the form
for HE — us (excl.), Amet, and these intransitive forms are given:

I WE (excl.) WE (incl.) thou ye he they (an.) it, they (inan.)
-i -ieg -igwa -in -i/o -d -d}i(j

288 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TEIBES Ietii. ann. 28

The forms which Doctor Gatschet gives as -adl and -adidl are con-
sidered broken Micmac at St. Anne de Restigouche. The current
forms are -Adjl, -adidjl, yet one of the informants, a woman upward
of eighty, constantly used the forms given by Doctor Gatschet. The
question of dialectic variation must be taken into account, as Doctor
Gatschet's material came from New Brunswick. Final surds and
sonants are exceedingly hard to distinguish at St. Anne de Resti-
gouche, but this difficulty is not encountered with those occupying a
medial position. In the opinion of the writer there are, finally,
neither true surds nor sonants, only intermediates.

A detailed discussion of the forms is uncalled for. There is I cor-
responding to Fox n, of course, but the forms themselves morpho-
logically approximate very closely the Fox analogues; as was pointed
out in the discussion of Sauk, etc., however, certain terminations
resemble the Fox participial rather than the subjunctive, thus par-
tially agreeing with the Peoria conjunctive and the Cree subjunctive.
The termination for the first person singular intransitive apparently
coincides phonetically with the Shawnee and Delaware analogue.
The form for he — us (excl.) is important as showing the fact that
the relations with Ojibwa, Delaware, and Natick are not close. It
should be noted that the forms with the third person singular ani-
mate as subject suggest relationsliip with the Fox subjunctive rather
than conjunctive. The terminations -adl and -adidl certainly con-
tain the obvialitive I, but though the former is clear enough in for-
mation {-ad + D, the latter is not.

It may be noted that there is another conjunctive form for the
third singular, namely, -tc, e. g., pemietc when he walks along;
this resembles closely the Fox analogue. The other terminations
seem to be based on the ordinary conjunctive mode with the addition
of a suffix ( ?) (J with certain phonetic modifications.

There is a dual, e. g., hispanadidjig they are tired, as compared
with Tcispanedjig they two are tired. The actual terminations
seem to be the same; the -di- on the face of it apparently corresponds
to Fox -tl-, the sign of reciprocity. Tliis is brought out by such
expressions as mAdndidjig they (more than two) fought. The
analysis of the example is niAd to fight, w instrumental particle, -di-
reciprocal sign, -djig terminations. The expression then means
THEY fought TOGETHER, the idea of plurality or duality originally
not being expressed. Then the later restriction of such forms to
plurality would be merely a specialization.

To sum up the general relations of Eastern Algonquian, we may
say that the group is very intimately related to Fox and Shawnee;
next, to Cree-Montagnais; not closely to Ojibwa; and remotely to
Delaware and Natick. The relations with Piegan are not sufficiently
clear to justify a positive statement, but it should be observed that

uiCHBLSON] ALGONQUIAN LINGUISTIC GROUPS 289

certain personal terminations of the independent mode have close
analogues (which are shared by Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and partially
by Shawnee).

The material at the writer's disposal does not permit a strong
characterization of the inilividual traits of the various dialects com-
posing the Eastern subtype of the major Eastern-Central division of
Algonquian languages. According to J. Dyneley Prince and W. Mech-
ling (personal communications), Penobscot, Abnaki, Passamaquoddy,
and Malecite are more closely related to one another than any one is to
Micmac. According to information received, Micmac can under-
stand Malecite without much dilliculty. A characteristic of Micmac
is the apparent lack of forms corresponding to the independent mode
of the other ilialects ; but the latter have forms corresponding to the
Micmac conjunctive. The preterite "indicative" of Micmac is based
on the conjunctive, whereas in the other dialects it is based on the
forms of the independent mode; but the principle of formation is
alike. According to Prince, the differentiation of Penobscot and
Abnaki is comparatively recent. The writer, however, does not
consider Abnaki nasahzed vowels archaic; on the contrary, he
believes the Penobscot pure vowels more original. Passamaquoddy
and Malecite are very similar to each other and may prove to be
practically identical. In closing the discussion of the Eastern sub-
type, the writer thinks it well to add that in his judgment the /' which
appears in the works of the older writers was an intermediate between
r and /.• hence the}' recorded it with the sound with which they
associated it.

Summary

Algonquian tribes linguistically fall into four major divisions:
Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Eastern-Central. The Black-
foot major group shows some unmistakable signs of contact with
Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo of the Central subtype and with Eastern
Algonquian. Cheyenne exhibits affinities wath the Ojibwa subdivi-
sion of Central Algonquian, though it has also some rather northern
affinities. It is premature to venture an opinion with which language
or languages Arapaho is to be most intimately associated. The
Eastern-Central major division is divisible into two subtypes. Central
and Eastern. The Central subtype has further groupings within itself:
Cree-Montagnais, Menominee, Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and Shawnee;
Ojibwa, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Algonkin, and Peoria; Delaware (see
the discussion of this language, p. 279), and Natick. Eastern Algon-
quian may perhaps be divided into two groups, Micmac, on the one
hand, and the remaining extant dialects (which, collectively', may be
designated Abnaki), on the other. The very intimate connection of
Eastern Algonquian with Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo, as well with

20903°— 28 ETH— 12 19

290 CLASSIFICATION OF ALGONQUIAN TRIBES [eth. ann. 28

Shawnee, shoiilil be emphasized. Owing to the pecuharity in Micniac,
noted on page 289, it is not possible to be so confident as to whether
this rehitionship extends as intimately in this language; but the con-
junctive mode points in this direction.'

1 It will be noticed that on the accompanying map showing the distribution and interrelation of the
Algonquian dialects (pi. 103), there are many names of dialects not dealt with systematically in the tt^xts.
This is because the e.xisting material did not make such treatment feasible. The author does not doubt
that Nanticokc, etc., are Algonquian dialects. (I)r. Frank G. Speck, of the University of Pennsylvania,
has kindly made tor the use of the writer extracts from manuscripts in the library of the American
Philo-sophical Society, demonstrating that Nanticoke belongs to Ihe Eastern-Central major division of
Algonquian languages. Unfortunately verbal forms were practically absent; so until our knowledge of
Unami, Unalachtigo, and Munsee shall be more extensive, it will not be possible to settle definitely the
exact posit ion of Nanticoke. Hence it is probable that the other southern Algonquian dialects along
the .\tlantic coast belong to the Eastern-Central division.) In this connection it may _be stated that
Pennacook is assigned to the Abnaki-Micraac group, partly for geographical reasons, partly on account of the
history of the tribe. The early French and English writers can not be relied on regarding the intimate
or remote relationships among the various Algonquian dialects, except where they can be corroborated
by existing dialects. The reason for this is not far to seek. As before stated (p. 237). the Central .\lgon-
quian dialects are very intimatelyrelated, and philology at the time had not reached a point where fine
distinctions could be made. It will be remembered how recently it has been possible for philology to
determine the interrelations of the dialects ^vithin the major divisions of Indo-European languages, and
how deficient even to-day is our knowledge of the interrelations of tlie major divisions of those languages.
Moreover, inaccuirate phonetics would blur out many distinctive points. It is simply a waste of time to
attempt to unravel the vagaries of the orthography of the older ^Titers in the case of dialects existing to-day.
The accompanying map does not attempt to represent the distribution of Algonquian dialects at any one
period. It will be remembered that our knowledge of the various tribes was not synchronous. It would
have be^n feasible to make a map showing their localities, with dates, provided the interrelations were not
shown; but the prime object was to show the interrelations. (A case in point is the localization of the
habitat of the Sauk. They were first kno^vn in the eastern peninsula of Michigan, only later in the localit y
shown on the map.) The authority for the localizations can usually be foimd in the Handbook of American
Iniiajis iSulktin SO, B. A. E.). With respect to the map the following departures from the color scheme
should be noted: Prince Edward Island and Cape Breton formed part of the Micmac territory. Mani-
toulin Island and the peninsula between Georgian Bay and Lake Huron were occupied by Ottawa and
the peninsula between Lakes Superior and Michigan east of the Menominee by Chippewa.

It may be noted that under the name Abnaki, the .\bnaki (properly speaking), Malecite, Passama-
quoddy, and Penobscot are included.

The form Chippewa on the map follows that of the Handbook of .\merican Indians; the form Ojibwa.
in the text conforms to the orthography of the Handbook of .\merican Indian Languages (BuUelin 40,
B.A. E.).

From Edwards' Observations op the Language of the Muhhekaneew Indians, reprinted in Mass. Hist.
Coll., 2d ser., x (Boston, 1S23), p. 81 ff., some notes may be made on the language of the Indians of
Stockbridge, Mass., though imsystematically. The words a mis que skiver, spummuck HE.^VENat once
show the dialect does not belong with Delaware. So does paumscauk we (excl. gr incl.?) walking
(Fox pdmusdyag' or -yigw) by lacking a nasal in the pronominal ending. The words npihtuhquisseh-
nuh WE ARE TALL, nme€ts€hnuh we eat (both exclusive in formation) demonstrate that the dialect is
not to be associated with Natick, Delaware, or the Abnaki group. The termination n—nuh suggests that
the termination for WE incl. intrans. was k—nnh: this last coincides with a variimt Cree correspondent
given by Lacombe. On the other hand n~nuh and k—nuh resemble very much the Menominee corre-
spondents save the lack of the m syllable. On a later occasion the writer will rctiu-n to this particular
point. Here it may be said that the m + vowel is not so vitally important as the other portions of the
termination. The phonetics of metooque wood are also against intimate relationship with Cree. The
word ktuhwhunoohmith i love you resembles closest the Natick form; but nduhwhunuw i love him
has a different look. The phonetics of noj/i my father .suggest affinity with Delaware; cf. jiuiao my
father (Sapir). These notes were made subsequent to the printing of the map (pi. 103).

It is needless to say that all Algonquian tribes and subtribes could not be shown on the map for want
of space.

ADDENDIBI

It was impossible to insert in the text the results of the \vriter'9
field work in the summer, autumn, and winter of 1912, but the most
important results may be summarized briefly here.

Piegan (of Montana) has whispered vowels terminally after w and
nasals; x is distinctly post-velar; final k is distinctly aspirated. Gros
Ventre (Atsina) sheds little light on Araj^aho, sharing with the latter
practically all deviations from normal Algonquian. Potawatomi dif-
fers more from Ojibwa, Ottawa, and Algonkin than these do from
one another. According to communications from Doctor Sapir of the
Geological Survey of Canada and Doctor Radin of the International
School of Ethnology and Arclieology, the Ojibwa dialect at Sarnia,
Ontario, seems to be highly specialized. The intimation given in the
section on Delaware tiiat Zeisberger's material represents no single
dialect was borne out by the writer's experience with the Munsee of
Kansas and the Delaware of Oklahoma. Apparently no distmction
can be tirawn to-day between Unami and Unalachtigo. The pho-
netic system of Zeisberger is very deficient. Every stop occurs as
surd, sonant (after nasals), surd aspirate (terminally), and glottalized.
A^oiceless I occurs medially before consonants in both Delaware and
Munsee, and terminally in tlie latter (where it seemingly is lost in the
former). Long consonants are common, also consonantic clusters,
owing largely to elimination of vowels. Umlaut is caused by w. On
the whole, both Delaware and Munsee have suffered very considerable
phonetic changes from normal Central Algonquian ; Munsee is by far
the more archaic of the two. In Munsee whispered vowels occur
initially, medially, and terminally (after w). In Delaware seemingly
tliey are found medially and terminally after w. In both, s, y, w, and I
occur glottalized as well. The variety of fonns given in the table is
due in part to dialect mixture, in part to phonetic changes. Some of
the forms are due possibly to mishearing; some contain double
objects; others seemingly are to distinguish third persons; still others
owe their origin to causes which are unknown although the forms
exist to-day. The statement that one dialect had the closest rela-
tions with Cree-Montagnais and another with Shawnee, is wrong.
Zeisberger's inadequate phonetics were wrongly interpreted. It is
clear that both Delaware and Munsee are closely related and, though
tliey can not be easily classed with any other large gi'oup, it is clear
that they approximate the Ojibwa group in unportant points, and

290a

•290b ADDENDUM

(Ottawa in particular. Phonetically, however, in some points they
appruxiiiuite more closely Peoria and otlier languages belonging to
tiie same group. (Zeisberger does not distinguisli -F [Fox -g*] and
-kw" [Fox -gw"]: both are written -k; the case of -mvf, wliich remains
in Munsee but undergoes certain changes in Delaware, is somewhat
smiilar.) From Doctor Sapir's notes it would seem that the Dela-
ware of Oklalioma ami that of Canada (Smoothtown) differ in certain
points.

1 Comparative Table
Absaki. Ojibwa

or THE Cree (Moose and Fokt Totten), Menomisee, Fox, Shawnes, pAssamaquoddv.
AuwsKis, Peoria. Natiok, and Delaware Independent Mode, PgESE*T Tense

Al'PISNDIPES

Comparative Table of the (^bee (Moose and East Main), Fox, .Shawnee, Ojibwa. Aluonkin. Peoria,
Natick, and Delaware Subjunctive Mode, Present Tense

3. Comparative Table of the Fox, .Shawsbe, Michac, a»d Peoeia Cow™or.„

Mode

- -

1 1 j -**^-

1 welDol. j thou ! ye

lie

tliey aa.

they ImiD

we Bxol.

welticl.

tbon

they an

(buy loan.

w« ««l.

welncl.

IMu

&«

u,.,.,.

lt,Ul«rlBKi.

■■u

ne- ] IK— non

b—nanou' ,
HI -m.»lM^

k bdn
tt-mirt

tt—ravav

-tf«

-tfUt

-VA9
■w.iti

-wa

-U4n'
■em

' Intniultlve

-iron

.,01

■SHk

-imn

■VOk

-T -ICit

-ft

l-fti

Inlrunsltlve

-mi

■yagt

-fOtt

-Itg
-yunjl

•SAgwr
■yAfvt

■gangwl

■tAtli

■fAni
■yanl

-|>«irf

■tH

•Iti

•waiel

-teOUi

c tr. T.}

«■

nt-Mn
m-oundu-

t,-

kl-pua

S.
OJ.

-rant

■ya

■lan

■sagi

-fAgiet

-VAgipt
■iang

•VAIII
■llAnr
-Ian

■vSgu!.
■lig

-d

■viaii
-waif

■wo-l

■9'
-k

-91

-k

U.
P.

-1
.yam

Mm.
F.

■ylkuii

■4
.4)1

^ 1
-WOJ/I

Pu.

Ab.

OJ.

>U-

oi— fw
nin-min

»-

k-ba
k-ba-

ki-in

('»

■utik
-waJi-
■aae

(')

-on

-tan
■tana

■mg

-Konjli

■og

-•ang
•liantaa

-(on

-yonfi

-an

■itg

■sikwa

■o-l

■la
■ogt

■uale
■wolfi
.ohtlllff

-ft

w. (<«-)

til-mla

kt-min

kt-

tt-m

(lost ptaonell

.irot

(Idtl pho-

-on

\Z..

\y,.U

■van*

■ytqut

■u

•cAIIW

rallrl

ii«ilrally)

|-(ronc

' "'Im.

b-mlno

ti-

ki-miea

"''

■uaki

■•

•-niK

lt-

1 k-mu><n

-u

-IfOJ

-irat

1).

n--

H:nL

*'-

I'-ir

!*■-

"""'

— — —

C.{M.)

C.(F.T.)

Men

F.
S.
Cms

If— in

kr— tnovw

In^-lt

nt-tuuk

! me

■tgun

■€vak

-u

■llctk.-ituiou/

loe

■IfAnt

ki—in

M-indwdua

til—t

ni-ta>A9

; —

—

■IV Ant

•ivOgwc

-lit

■ItcOU

-iyotirt

■Uel

-iHdId

1 ~

ki-i

ti— jinuiduia

n(-j

nl~g„f

—

-iVAnt

-lyatu't

-itt

■IvOU

"'"■""

■ifSg^t

■Uti

HBTdln

! :

kt-i
ki-i

tt—ipaa
ti— tpifa

nt-guxi

nt-969i

r,i-t6f

OJ.
. A.

-lion

-Uia
-i'lg

-id

■luad

4v>ale

-fyanf

-(yiftwl

-ila

-im

-Uaki

Jt-i

t-iba

fl-*

(ii)-ff«l'

1»:

•tan

-to-g

.it

•htlllt

lii-{0

JU-fm

nlH-l

Bin— ju*

—

■ivani

■iyiqut

■\it

•tehtlli

li-(ll last

H-im

nl-k

nr-iWl

' fjbuii«llcally

)

M~kiea

n-tolii

l' "

k-imwo>

n-k

n-kfuos

*■-!

k--ihlilmo

" "jfrun

"■■"

1 (flMI/O

usexcl C. (U.)

jc.(rT.)

Hen.

kt-inan
t.-inan

kt^aan
ti-lndn

ne—kenaa

ni—tunan

ni^ona^kk

luexcl.

tgak

tyak

-tyumfl

{■fj/umi-idk
{■eyurai'lwiiic

us »cl.

■•Vige

-iya*(

■i(ft

■lonffl

-IjAmati

AjAmtM

ki—lwcaai't

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~J^

^7^

i*L HEPOST PT.*T£ ■

/^■^

0'^^

ty p

o w

...-<-.

iA/

L^V

LEGEND

LANGUAGES OF THE CREE TYPE

Cree and Montagnais

Nascapee

Menominee

Sauk Fox. and Kickapoo

Shawnee [Abnaki

Abnaki - Micmac Group / Pennacook

iMicmac
LANGUAGES OF THE CHIPPEWA TYPE_
Chippewa , Ottawa, Potawatomi and Algonkinl
Illinois and Miami

LANGUAGES OF THE MASSACHUSET TYPE
Massachuset .Marraganset.Wampanosg

Nauset.Montauk ect
(Nipmukand Connecticut River Indians)
LANGUAGES THE EXACT POSIT/ON OF WHJCH
/S UA/CEPTAIN

Unami.Unalachtigo.Munsee. Wappinge
V Mahican and Pequot.

SIKSIKA

CHEYENNE AND SUTAIO

ARAPAHO AND ATSINA -

UNCERTAIN

NANTICOKE, CONOY. POWMTAN. WEAPEMEOC
5 E COT AN ETC-

NOTE-

Names in p3
which probably forms one group with that beneath
which it is placed. but they are kept apart for the

Names in parenthesis belong to tribes, each of
arms one
,but they
present for lack of sufficient data

INDEX

Page

Abali^ne shell, ornaments of 143

Abnaki language —

description 280, 283, 284, 285, 286-287, 2S9, 290

examples in comparison with —

Cree 238, 239

Delaware 238, 290

Fox 238, 239

Micmac 238

Natick 290

Ojibwa 238

Passaraaquoddy 239

Peoria 238, 239

Shawnee 238, 239

Stockljridge 238, 290

pronunciation 228

relationships 289

Abnaki tribe—

linguistic investigations among 225

reference to 290

Accompanying papers, note on 21

Ackerman, Thomas, reference to 37

AcoMA Pueblo, references to 158,159-160

Adams\ille , Ariz. . references to 34-35, 112

ADMINISTRATn'E REPORT 9-22

Adobe construction, description of 80

Agave fiber, use of 118

Age or Casa Grande, references to 33, 105

Agua Fru. Valley, ruins in 215-216.218

Ainsworth's ranch—

reference to 210

ruins on , 21 1

Akutchin , ancient Pima settlement 36

Alarcon. route of 186, 20S

Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, refer-
ence to 101

Algonkin language—

conjunctive mode 272

description 261-262, 264-269

examples in comparison with —

Cheyenne 2.'!3

Cree 243, 244,

245, 250, 251, 252, 259, 260, 261 , 262, 272

Cree-Montagnais 259

Delaware 243, 244, 261

Fox ... 244, 245, 252, 259, 260, 261, 262, 271 , 272

Kickapoo 259

Menominee 243,

244.245,2.50,251,252,259,201,262,271

Micmac 272

Montagnais 272

N'atick 233,243,244,250,251,271,273

Ojibwa 243, 244,

245,250,251,252,261,262,271,272,273

Ottawa 233,

245, 250, 251, 252, 259, 260, 261, 262, 271

Page
Algonkin language— Continued.

examples in comparison with— continued.

Passamaciuoddy 24.'i, 273

Peoria 2,33, 245.

250, 251, 252, 260, 261, 262, 271, 272, 273

Potawatomi 259, 262, 271

Sauk 259

Shawnee 243, 244, 245,

251, 252, 256, 259, 261, 262, 271, 272, 273

indicative mode 273

pronunciation 226-228

relationships 238, 244, 289, 290a

subjunctive mode 260

Algonquian languages —

pronunciation 226-228

summary of linguistic investigations. . . 225-226
.\LGONQuiAN TRIBES, linguistic Classification—

memoir on 22,221

linguistic major divisions 229

Alibamu. researches among 12

American Museum of Natural History.

archeologic explorations by 18

Ancients, The. reference to 42

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