Skip to main content

Full text of "Annual report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution"

See other formats









3'yt^ ^faj (^ji > 

2^- «3^/ 


'-z ^ 96 ' ^ 



Vol- 33 


Smithsonian Institution, 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C, August 4, 1912. 
Sir: I have the honor to submit hel•e^^ith the Thirty- 
third Annual Report of the Bureau of American Eth- 
nology, for the fiscal j'ear ended June 30, 1912. 

With appreciation of your aid in the work under my 
charge, I am 

Very respectfully, youi's, 

P. W. Hodge, 
Ethn ologist-in-charge. 
Dr. Charles D. Walcott, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 

3 . 





Systematic researches 9 

Publications 33 

Illustrations 34 

Library 35 

Collections 36 

Property ..'. 36 

Recommendations 37 

Note on the accompanying papers 39 


Uses of plants by the Indians of the Missouri River Region, by Melvin Ran- 
dolph (iilmore (pis. 1-30) 43 

Preliminary Account of the Antiquities of the Region between the Mancos 
and La Plata Rivers in Southwestern Colorado, by Earl H. Morris (pis. 
31-75; figs. 1-11) 155 

Designs on Prehistoric Hopi Pottery, by Jesse Walter Fewkes (pis. 70-90; 

figs. 12-112) 207 

The Hawaiian Romance of Laieikawai, by Martha Warren Beckwith (pis. 
91-95) 285 

Index 667 






F. W. Hodge, Ethnologist-in-Charge 

The operations of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
during the fiscal year ended June 30, 1912, were conducted 
in accordance with the act of Congress approved March 
4, 1911, making appropriations for sundry civil expenses 
of the Government, which act contains the following item : 

American ethnology : For continuing ethnological researches among 
the American Indians and the natives of Hawaii, including the ex- 
cavation and preservation of archa'ologic remains, under the direction 
of the Smithsonian Institution, including salaries or compensation 
of all necessary employees and the purchase of necessary books and 
periodicals, including payment in advance for subscriptions, forty- 
two thousand dollars. 


The systematic researches of the bureau were conducted 
by the regular staif, consisting of eight ethnologists, and 
with the aid of specialists not directly connected with the 
bureau, but the results of whose studies were procured for 
publication. These operations may be summarized as 
follows : 

Mr. F. W. Hodge, cthnologist-in-charge, was occupied 
with administrative affairs during the greater part of the 
year, but from time to time, as opportunity afforded, he 
was engaged in the preparation of an annotated Bibliog- 
raphy of the Pueblo Indians, with the result that almost 


1,100 cards bearing titles, descriptions of contents, etc., 
of writings pertaining to the Pueblos were completed. 
Knowledge of the Pueblo Indians commenced ^vith the 
year 1539, and these people have been the subject of so 
much attention by early Spanish explorers and mission- 
aries, as well as by ethnologists and others, in recent years, 
Ihat the literature has become voluminous and widely scat- 
tered. The need of a guide to this array of material has 
been greatly felt by students, and for this reason Mr. 
Hodge has prepared notes on the subject for a number of 
years with the view of their final elaboration in the form 
of a bibliography. 

Late in August Mr. Hodge proceeded to New Mexico, 
and after a brief visit to the archeological sites in the 
Rito de Los Frijoles, northwest of Santa Fe, where ex- 
cavations were conducted in conjunction A\ith the School 
of American Archaeology in 1911, continued to El Morro, 
or Inscription Rock, about 35 miles east of Zufii, for the 
purpose of making facsimile reproductions, or squeezes, 
of the Spanish inscriptions there, which have such an hn- 
portant bearing on the early history of the Pueblo tribes. 
El Morro is a picturesque eminence of sandstone rising 
from the sandy valley, and by reason of the former exist- 
ence of a spring at its base, which is now merely a seep, 
it became an important camping place of the early 
Spaniards on their journeys to and from the Rio Grande 
and the Zuiii and Hopi pueblos. The inscriptions of 
these early explorers were carved near the base of the 
rock, chiefl}^ on the northern and southern sides of the 
highest portion of the mesa, and in the main consist of 
the names of the visitors with the dates of their visits, 
but in a number of cases elaborated with a more or less 
full statement of the object of the journey. 

The earliest of the inscriptions is that of Juan de Onate, 
the colonizer of New Mexico and founder of the city of 
Santa Fe, who inscribed his name and the object of his 
visit in 1606, on his return from a perilous journey to the 
Gulf of California. Others who visited the rock and left 


a record are, in order of date : Gov. Francisco Manuel de 
Silva Nieto, who escorted the first missionaries to Ziiiii in 
1629; Juan Gonzales, probably a member of the small 
military escort accomiDanying the same party, and bearing 
the same date (1629) ; Lujan, who \dsited Zuui in 1632 to 
avenge the murder of Fray Francisco Ijetrado, one of 
the missionaries who accompanied Silva Nieto; Juan de 
Archuleta, Diego Martin Barba, and Agustin de Ynojos, 
1636; Gov. Diego de Vargas, 1692, the conquerer of the 
Pueblos after their rebellion in 1680 which led to their 
independence of Spanish authority during the succeeding 
12 years; Juan de Uribarri, 1701; Ramon Paez Hurtado, 
1709; Ju. Garcia de la Rivas, Feliz Martinez, and Fray 
Antonio Camargo, 1716; Joseph de Payba Basconzelos, 
1726; Juan Paez Hurtado and Joseph Truxillo, 1736; 
Martin de Elizacochea (bishop of Durango) and Juan 
Tgnacio de Arrasain, 1737; and others of the eighteenth 
century. These inscriptions were all carefully photo- 
graphed by Mr. Jesse L. Nusbaum, with whose aid Mr. 
Hodge made paper squeezes which were brought to Wash- 
ington and transferred to the National Museum, where 
Mr. Nusbaum later made plaster casts of the paper nega- 
tives, insuring the permanent preservation of the insci'ip- 
tions in this manner. This work was accomplished none 
too soon, since deterioration by weathering is progressing 
in some parts of the cliff face bearing the inscriptions, 
while vandalism is perhaps playing an even more serious 
part in the destruction of these important historical 
records, notwithstanding the fact that El Morro has been 
created a national momnnent by Executive order. 

Early in September Mr. Hodge joined Dr. Edgar L. 
Hewett, director of the School of American Archaeology, 
and his assistants, in the Jemez Valley, about 65 miles 
northwest of Albuquerque, for the purpose of conduct- 
ing excavations, under the joint auspices of the bureau 
and the school, in an extensive ruined pueblo on a mesa 
1,800 feet in height, skirting the valley on the west. This 
village was occupied mthin the historical period by the 


Jemez people, by whom it is knowna as Kwasteynkwa. The 
ruins cover an area approximately 850 by 600 feet, and 
even on j)artial excavation exhibited distinct evidence of 
occupancy at two different periods. The original pueblo 
was considerably larger than the one later inhabited, 
although the latter was built on the ruins of the older 
and of the same materials. The walls were of tufa 
blocks, rudely shaped and set in adobe mortar ; the rooms 
were small, the masonry crude, and practically none of the 
walls remain standing above ground. A large artificial 
reservoir in a northwestern angle of the ruin furnished 
tlie water supply, and various smaller depressions prob- 
ably mark the sites of kivas. The later inliabitants — those 
within the historical period, or about the first half of the 
seventeenth century — buried their dead in and beneath 
the debris of the older part of the pueblo. The mortuary 
accompaniments were of the usual character, speaking in 
genera] terms — pottery, traces of textiles, stone and bone 
implenn'uts and other objects, and a few ornaments. 
The finding of glass beads with the remains of a child, 
and an iron nail in another grave, bear testimony of the 
comparatively recent occupancy of the village by the 
Jemez Indians. It was the custom of the inhabitants to 
throw large stones into the graves, resulting in the break- 
ing of almost all the pottery deposited with the dead. 
The fragments were carefully preserved, however, and 
will be repaired by the National Museum. A noteworthy 
specimen of pottery bears in its decoration a feather 
design almost identical vdth feather symbols found on 
ancient potter}^ of the Hopi, and therefore tending to 
verify traditions of the latter people that some of their 
ancestral clans came from the Jemez. 

Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, ethnologist, was engaged in 
field work from July to October, having especially in 
view the determination of the western limits of the an- 
cient Pueblo culture in Arizona. Outfitting at Jerome, 
m that State, he proceeded to certain large ruins on the 
upper Verde, on Oak Creek, and in Sycamore Canyon, 


where some time was spent at each locaKty in photo- 
graphing and in making plans of these and adjacent re- 
mains, as well as in a study of the formerly occupied 
caves near the mouth of Oak Creek. Crossing the rough 
country separating the upper course of Oak Creek and 
the great sandstone cliffs known as the Red Rocks, Doc- 
tor Fewkes revisited and further studied the large cliff 
dwellings, known as Honanki and Palatki, excavated by 
him iu 1895. Several hitherto undescribed ruins were 
added to the list of ancient remains in this general 

From the Red Rocks Doctor Fewkes returned to the 
Verde and followed that stream upward to the Jordan 
ranch, where cliff houses of an instructive character 
were photographed and studied. He also investigated on 
the hills back of Corn\alle certain large stone structures 
of the tj'pe known to Spanish-si^eaking people as trin- 
cheras, rude but massive fortifications that here begin to 
assume importance. A number of ruins hitherto unre- 
corded belonging to the cave or cliff-dwelling t^-j^^o were ob- 
served in the walls of Sycamore Canyon, or Dragoon Fork, 
and the outlines of stone houses were seen above the river 
terrace near the junction of Sycamore Creek and Verde 
River. A large aboriginal fort, with walls well preserved, 
was found on a height overlooking the \''erde, above the 
mouth of Granite Creek, and others more nearly de- 
stroyed were seen at the Baker ranch and in Hell Canyon, 
not far from Del Rio Station. Near the Baker ranch, 
a mile or two do^^Ti the Verde, are the remains of a cliff 
dwelling, directly in the line of a projected railroad, 
which mil probably be destroyed when the road is con- 
structed. Doctor Fewkes also visited the ruins of several 
fragile-walled habitations, consisting of low mounds, near 
Jerome Junction and Del Rio. Although many evidences 
of such ancient dwellings are here seen, most of the foun- 
dation walls have been carried away by settlers and used 
in their own house building. 


A large fort, with well-preserved walls, occupies a low 
limestone ridge east of Williamson Valley, above the trail 
from Del Rio westward, and commanding a view of the 
valley west of Jerome. This fort is t\7)ical of the trin- 
cheras that, appear more and more frequently as one pro- 
ceeds westward from the upper Verde. Several incon- 
spicuous ruins, hitherto undescribed, were found in "Wil- 
liamson Valley, those situated on the hills belonging to the 
fortification t}^e, w^hile those in the valleys consist merely 
of low mounds of stone and other debris. 

Proceeding westward from Chino Valley, many inter- 
esting ruins were observed along the valley of Walnut 
Creek, referred to in Lieut. A. W. Whipple's report of 
1853 as Pueblo Valley, once noted as the site of old Camp 
Hualapai. This vale, from Aztec Pass to the point where 
the creek is lost in the sands of Williamson Valley, was 
extensively tilled in prehistoric times, as is attested by 
the well-marked remains of ancient irrigation ditches. 
Characteristic petroglyphs were also found in Walnut 

As elsewhere in this region, two types of ruins were o]>- 
served in Walnut Valley, namely, (1) extensive stone 
fortifications with massive walls crowning the hilltops on 
both sides of the valley and commanding a wide view, and 
(2), on the low terraces bordering the stream, clusters 
of small mounds constituting the remains of farm- 
houses, upright posts supporting walls of wattling plas- 
tered wdth mud like the jacales of the Mexicans and evi- 
dently identical in their general character with the dwell- 
ings of certain Yuman tribes. Among the best preserved 
of the forts, called " pueblos " by Whipple, are those near 
Aztec Pass and at Drew's ranch. Shock's ranch, and Peter 
Marx's ranch, while others are found farther down Wal- 
nut Creek. No traces of terraced pueblo dwellings were 
seen in this region. 

In order to shed further light on the relations of the two 
types of ruins described, Doctor Fewkes made an examina- 
tion of the ancient remains along the Agua Fria and near 


Prescott. At both places the ruins were foimd to be of the 
same dual character. In a few instances, as at Frog Tanks, 
near the mouth of the Agua Fria, the ruins suggest the 
great houses or compounds of the Salt and Gila Valleys, 
but here also trincheras and fragile-walled houses are the 
more common. 

The observations made by Doctor Fewkes during this 
field season indicate that the ruins in the region referred 
to are the remains of buildings so different in architecture 
from that of true pueblos that it is probable the culture of 
their occupants was also different. Doctor Fewkes reached 
the conclusion that the ruins of the forts and smaU dwell- 
ings referred to were constructed and used by a Yuman 
people whose descendants, more or less mixed with Apache 
and other nonrelated tribes, are represented to-day by the 
Walapai, Yavapai, and Havasupai Indians. Although 
the jacal domiciles of western Arizona were probably struc- 
turally similar to certain ancient houses in the Pueblo re- 
gion of New Mexico, the river-terrace houses of Walnut 
Valley resembled certain habitations of the lower Gila 
River more than they did the jjueblos of the Rio Grande. 

On returning to Washington, Doctor Fewkes prepared a 
report on his observations in this interesting archeological 
tield, which, with suitable illustrations, is now in press as 
one of the accompanying papers of the Twenty-eighth 
Annual Report. 

Doctor Fewkes also gave considerable time to reading 
the proofs and arranging the illustrations of his memoir 
on Casa Grande, which likewise is to appear in the Twenty- 
eighth Annual Report. 

On the comi^letion of the above work Doctor Fewkes 
commenced the preparation of another paper relating to 
" Designs on Prehistoric Hopi Pottery," a subject to 
which he devoted much attention in connection with his 
studies of the Hopi Indians for 20 years. This memoir, 
which was well advanced toward completion at the close 
of the fiscal year, accompanied by numerous plates and 
text figures, is designed as a key to the interpretation 


of the decoration of ancient Hopi earthenware. The 
great multij)licity of life designs appearing on the pot- 
tery of ancient Sikyatki is treated in the paper, in 
which modifications in decorative devices derived from 
feathers, birds and otlier animals, and conventional fig- 
ures are likewise discussed. One object of Doctor 
Fewkes's treatise is to meet a growing desire of those 
interested in primitive sjanbolism, and another is to de- 
fine the peculiarities of one ceramic area of the Pueblos 
as a basis for comparison with others, thus facilitating 
the study of Pueblo culture origins and prehistoric migra- 
tion routes. 

As the construction of the Panama Canal has tended 
to stimulate an interest in aboriginal remains in the 
West Indies, and as many archeological specimens differ- 
ing from those of the Antilles previously known are now 
being brought to light, the time for a scientific study of 
them, as well as of the aboriginal sites of the West Indies, 
has arrived. Much of the interest recently manifested 
in early Indian life in the West Indies may be ascribed 
to Doctor Fewkes's memoir on " The Aborigines of Porto 
Rico and Neighboring Islands," which appears in the 
Twenty-fifth Annual Report. Since the j)ublication of 
this paper the new material has become so abundant that 
plans have been made for Doctor Fewkes to resume his 
study of West Indian archeology. The most note- 
worthy collection of aboriginal objects from this area in 
recent years is that of George G. Heye, Esq., of New 
York, who courteously has placed his material at the dis- 
posal of the bureau as an aid to these investigations. 
This collection has been studied bj'' Doctor Fewkes, and 
the most important objects contained therein are now be- 
ing drawn for illustrative purposes. 

Doctor Fewkes's researches thus far indicate that the so- 
called Tainan culture of Porto Rico and Santo Domingo 
was rej^resented in the Lesser Antilles by an agricultural 
people, probably Arawak, who were conquered and ab- 
sorbed by the marauding Carib. Study of the collections be- 


fore noted tends to show that several of the Lesser Antilles 
were marked by characteristic types of pottery, indicating 
their occupancy by a people superior in culture to the 
Carib and to those found there at the time of the discovery 
by Columbus. New light has been shed on the relations 
of these early Antillean people and the Orinoco tribes, 
which, although generally called Tarib, were probably an 
antecedent people of higher culture. 

Mr. James Moouey, ethnologist, spent the first three 
months of the fiscal year in continuing investigations 
among the East Cherokee of western North Carolina, and 
in locating and investigating mixed-blood remnant bands 
in the eastern part of that State. The Cherokee work 
consisted chiefly of a continuation and extension of the 
study of the aboriginal sacred formulas of the priests and 
doctors of the tribe, with the accompanying ceremonies 
and prescriptions. Although the former dances and tribal 
gatherings have fallen iuto disuse, the family rites and 
medical ceremonies still hold sway among the full bloods. 

The so-called " Croatan Indians " of southeastern North 
Carolina were found to be an important and prosperous 
community numbering about 8,000, evidently of Indian 
stock with admixture of negro and white blood and closely 
resembling the Pamunkey Indian remnant tribe in Vir- 
ginia, but with no survival of Indian language or custom 
and with almost no knowledge of their own history. After 
years of effort they have secured definite State recogni- 
tion as an Indian people. There is no fovindation in fact 
for the name " Croatan Indians," which they themselves 
now repudiate, and in all probability they represent the 
mixed-blood descendants of the aboriginal tribes of the 
region which they now occupy. The existence was also 
established, and the location ascertained, of several smaller 
bands of similar mixed-blood stock, but without official 
r-ecognition, in the eastern section of the two Carolinas. 

The remainder of the year was devoted by Mr. Mooney 
to the compilation of material in connection with his pend- 
ing study of Indian population. By reason of the shift- 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 2 


ing, disintegration, and new combinations of tribes, no 
one section can be treated separately or finally as apart 
from others. Considering the difficulties met in a study 
of this kind, the work is making satisfactory progress. 

Dr. John R. Swanton, ethnologist, devoted most of the 
year to field researches among the Creek Indians in Okla- 
homa. These investigations continued from the middle of 
September, 1911, to the middle of May, 1912, during which 
period excursions were made into Texas to visit the 
Alibamu Indians and for the purpose of endeavoring to 
trace remnants of other Texas tribes, and to the Caddo 
Indians of southwestern Oklahoma. No remains of Texas 
tribes of ethnologic value, other than the Alibamu, were 
located, but a considerable mass of material was obtained 
from the latter. Doctor Swanton 's visit to the Caddo 
was with the view of learning how many of the old Caddo 
dialects were still spoken, and some valuable documentary 
material was obtained in Xatchitoches, Louisiana. No 
words of Haiish, supposed to hv quite distinct from the 
other Caddo dialects, could be gathered, but evidence was 
obtained that it resembled Adai. In the course of his 
Creek investigations Doctor Swanton visited and made 
photographs of evei-y busk ground of the Creeks and 
Seminole still maintained, and information was gathered 
regarding the organization of the " big house " in each, 
as well as in those that have been abandoned. Doctor 
Swanton devoted July and August, 1911, mainly to the 
study of the Hitchiti and Natchez languages, and the 
period subsequent to his return to Washington in May, 
1912, was occupied in copying his field notes and in inci- 
dental work on the Timucua language of ancient Florida, 
as preseiwed in Father Pareja's writings, with the view 
of determining whether Timucua bears any relation to 
the languages of the Muskhogean stock. 

On his way from Oklahoma to Washington, Doctor 
Swanton stopped at Bloomingtou, Indiana, for the purpose 
of representing the bureau at the fifth annual meeting of 
the Mississippi Valley Historical Association, before 


wliich lie read a paper on " De Soto's line of march, from 
the point of view of an ethnologist." 

Mrs. M. C Stevenson, ethnologist, continued her field re- 
searches of the Tewa tribes of New Mexico throughout the 
fiscal year, devoting attention particularly to those of San 
Ildefonso and Santa Clara, and incidentally to the Tewa 
of Nambe and San Juan. The pueblo of Pojoaque is now 
i^ractically extinct as an Indian settlement, only about six 
Tewa remaining in that village. Special attention was 
devoted to the religious, political, and social organizations 
of these people, which, owing to their extreme conserva- 
tism, are difficult to detemiine. The Tewa are divided not 
only into clans with patrilineal descent, but each tribe con- 
sists of a Sun people and an Ice people, each with its 
own kiva, or ceremonial chamber. At San Ildefonso the 
kiva for the Sun people is known as Po'tee, " Squash 
kiva," and that of the Ice people is Kun'iya-tee, "Tur- 
quoise kiva. ' ' The element tee signifies ' ' round, ' ' hence 
indicating that originally the Tewa kivas were circular. A 
third kiva of San Ildefonso is called Teepoa^'te, meaning 
"Round gathering or sitting place," and symbolizes a 
lake. Although from its trim condition this kiva appears 
to be modern, it is in reality very old, and within the 
memor}'- of the older men of San Ildefonso it was used 
whenever the Sun and Ice people met together, because of 
its large size. Large councils are still held in the Tee- 
poa°'te, and it is used also as a dressing room for the 
dancers participating in ceremonies. The kivas are also 
the meeting places of the sacred fraternities. The Squash, 
Summer Bear, and Fire organizations of San Ildefonso 
hold their ceremonies in the kiva of the Sun people. The 
Fire fraternity was adopted in the ancient past from a 
people in the north who lived in skin ti])is, wore clothing 
of dressed deerskin, and si^oke a strange tongue. Tliis 
fraternit}" fuially became extinct, and wishing to reestab- 
lish it, the San Ildefonso people sent four men to the Sun 
people of Zuiii (whose Fire fraternity, according to tradi- 
tion, had a similar origin), who initiated them into their 


order, thus enabliug them to revive the fraternity at San 
Ildefonso. The Galaxy and Turquoise fraternities meet 
in the Turquoise kiva. The members of the former or- 
ganization have a fraternity chamber adjoining this kiva, 
and at the great Buffalo festival its members frequent the 
chamber as well as the kiva. 

Each fraternity at San Ildefonso has a tablet altar, 
which is erected on the western side of the kiva, while 
the participants in the ceremonies sit facing eastward. 
These people have interesting animal fetishes and many 
human images of stone rejiresenting their anthropic gods. 
They appeal to their zooic deities to heal diseases inflicted 
by sorcery, and all ceremonies connected with these sup- 
plications are dramatic in character. Anthropic gods, 
principally ancestral, are invoked for rain and the fruc- 
tification of the earth. The present priest of the Sun 
people is director of the Simmier Bear fraternity, and 
he is also the keeper of the calendar. He must observe 
the daily rising and setting of the sun and must watch the 
rising and setting of the moon. Elaborate solstice cere- 
monies are performed. Those for the summer solstice are 
held in the kiva of the Sun people. The Ice people join 
the Sun people in the smnmer ceremonies, and the Sun 
people join the Ice people in the ceremonies of winter. 
In each kiva the two rain priests sit side by side, the 
priest of the Ice people alwaj^s at the right of the priest 
of the Sun people, while officers associated with each 
priest sit in line with him. The prayers of the priest of 
the Sun people are for the purpose of bringing rain, and 
in order that they may be answered he must live an exem- 
plary life. The same beliefs control the functions of the 
priest of the Ice people, who, through the ceremonies 
which he directs, is expected to induce cold rains and 
snow that the earth may not become hot and destroy the 
vegetation. All male children are initiated, either volun- 
tarily or involuntarily, into the kiva of the Sun oi' of the 
Ice people. When a husband and his wife belong to dif- 
ferent sides, the kiva to which the child shall belong is 


selected by mutual agreement, and a representative of that 
kiva is chosen as his ceremonial father iimnediately after 
the birth of the child. From birth to death the lives of the 
Tewa are almost a continuous ceremony. The ceremonial 
father ties native cotton yarn around the wrists and ankles 
of the new-born child, that its life may be made complete. 
The initiation ceremonies of the young men are very elabo- 
rate, and many miles are traveled on foot to the summit 
of a high mountain where the final ceremonies are per- 
formed. Although the Tewa are professed Christians, they 
adhere tenaciously to their native religion and rituals ; and 
while the church performs marriage and burial services, 
the Indians still cling to their native marriage feasts and 
mortuary ceremonies. 

The cosmogony of the Tewa is elaborate and compli- 
cated and bears closer resemblance to that of the Taos 
Indians than to that of the Zuiii. The original sun and 
moon are believed always to have existed, but the present 
sun and moon were born of woman after the woi'ld and 
all the people were destroyed by a great flood. The myth 
associated with the creation of these deities and with their 
exploits is of great interest. 

The masks of the anthropic gods are never seen outside 
of the kivas of San Ildefonso. There is a great variety 
of these masks, many of them similar to those of the 
Zuni. They are held in great secrecy. 

Rattlesnakes, sacred to the fraternities, are captui*ed 
when young and are reared in rooms adjoining the kivas. 
A fluffy eagle feather is attached to the head of the snake 
when caught, and the srjake is held captive with a string 
sufficiently long to allow it considerable freedom until 
it becomes accustomed to its new surroundings, when the 
string is removed. Small openings in the chamber allow 
the snakes to pass in and out. In one ceremony, which 
takes place at daylight, the snakes are handled outdoors, 
but on such occasions the pueblo is so patrolled that spying 
by outsiders is impossible, although iNlexieans live almost 
in the heart of the village. The Santa Clara people lilve- 


wise make use of live snakes in certain ceremonies, and 
lliey also have a large owl which they keep secreted as care- 
fully as are the snakes. 

The government of the TeAva differs somewhat from that 
of the Zuni. While the governor of the Zufii has to do 
with civic matters only, a Tewa governor has absolute 
power over all matters concei-ning his tribe except those 
controlled exclusively by the rain priests and the war 
priests. Mrs. Stevenson's studies of the natal rites of 
the Tewa indicate that they are more like those of the 
Sia than of the Zuni, while the religious ceremonies con- 
nected therewith more closely resemble those observed bv 
the Taos people. The child is baptized in accordance 
A\4th aboriginal custom before the baptismal rite of the 
church is performed. At the present time the infant is 
usually carried in the arms instead of on the back of the 
mother, but the small, flat cradle, with top, and headrest 
with turquoise setting, is made as it was centuries ago. 

The material culture of the Tewa is in many respects 
similar to that of the Zuni. They were adept in the 
textile art in the early days when cotton, milkweed, yucca, 
and the hair of native animals were employed in weaving, 
but this industry became lost after the introduction of 
sheep by the Spaniards, for the Tewa, like the Taos people, 
came to depend upon the Zuni and Hopi traders for 
woven garments, and also for textile paraphernalia for 
use in ceremonies. One or two Tewa have revived the 
weaving industry to some extent — a San Ildefonso man 
learned the process from Santo Domingo, and a man of 
Santa Clara acquired it from the Navaho. The dainty 
baby moccasins are now seldom seen, but the women still 
wear moccasins with heavy leg wrappings during cere- 
monies, while at other times a well-dressed sheepskin 
boot tied below the knee is worn, for deerskin has be- 
come rare. Native beads are now very seldom seen. 
]\Irs. Stevenson's study of Tewa ceramics has convinced 
her that those who decorate their pottery apply their de- 
signs, especially the conventional patterns, with little un- 


derstandin^ of their symbolism, the significance of wliich 
has become extinct. When questioned the potters always 
have a read,v answer, hence students are often deceived. 
With the exception of the black ware of Santa Clara, the 
jiottery of the Tewa has greatly deteriorated. 

Mrs. Stevenson has been enabled to record the names of 
the sacred mountains of the Tewa people, as well as the 
myths associated with them. In their general beliefs and 
customs the Tewa are found to be intermediate between 
the Taos and the Zuni. 

Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, ethnologist, was engaged through- 
out the year in office work, continuing the editing and 
copying of the legends, traditions, and myths of the 
Seneca, collected b,y the late Jeremiah Curtin in 1884-85. 
Of the original list of 120 items composing this manu- 
script collection, 85 have been edited and typewritten, 
exclusive of two items which were translated from un- 
edited texts. While this work is now practicalH' com- 
plete, the apparent discrepancy in the number of edited 
and tyep written items (about 35) is due to the fact 
that the original list contained a number of texts of 
little ethnological value, being merely narrations of local 
and personal adventures of modern Indians with ghosts, 
and the like, and tales about modem witchcraft. The two 
items completely translated were difficult of rendering, 
as they were partly illegible and had been left unedited. 
Two or three texts of similar character remained to be 
translated, and on these ]\Ir. Hewitt was engaged at the 
close of the fiscal year. The Seneca material collected by 
Mr. Curtin and placed in condition for publication by 
Mr. Hewitt now comprises 1,350 pages. 

In addition Mr. Hewitt undertook the work of trans- 
lating a nmnbr of unedited and uncorrected manuscripts 
bearing on Seneca traditions and legendary lore recorded 
by himself in 1896. Thirteen of these items were trans- 
lated, aggregating 410 pages. 

As in the past, Mr. Hewitt devoted considerable time 
to collecting and preparing data for replies to corre- 


spondeuts on linguistic, historical, sociological, and tech- 
nical subjects, and served also as custodian of manu- 

The beginning of the fiscal year found Dr. Ti'uman 
Michelson, ethnologist, engaged in an investigation among 
the Fox Indians near Tama, Towa, with whom he remained 
until the middle of August, when he proceeded to Okla- 
homa, where he initiated reseai'ches among the Sauk 
Indians of that State. Doctor Michelson was very suc- 
cessful in recording the myths and tales of the Poxes, 
which covered about 2,300 pages of texts. He obtained 
likewise some notes on the ceremonial and social organiza- 
tion of that tribe, but these are neither full nor complete, 
as the Foxes are, without exception, the most conservative 
of the Algonquian tribes within the United States. While 
among the Sauk Doctor Michelson, with the aid of a native 
interpreter, translated some of the Fox myths and tales 
collected in Iowa, but his chief work in Oklahoma con- 
sisted in gaining an insight into the Sauk ceremonial and 
social organization. He also translated, with the as- 
sistance of a Sauk, the Kickapoo texts collected by the 
late Dr. William Jones, subsequently correcting the vei'- 
sion with a Kickapoo informant. The dialectic differences 
between Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo are not great, and as 
few of the Mexican Kickapoo now speak any but broken 
English, a Sauk was employed in making the first draft 
of the translation. 

Among the Sha'wnee of Oklahoma Doctor Michelson 's 
work was primarily linguistic. The results confinned his 
opinion, gathered from the late Doctor Gatschet's notes 
and texts, that the Shawnee language is most intimately 
connected mth Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo, on the one hand, 
and with the Abnaki dialects on the other. He also 
gathered some Shawnee myths, partly in texts, partly on 
the phonograph, and a beginning was made on the Shaw- 
nee social organization. It was found that, a^jparently, 
the larger divisions are not phratries, nor are their clans 
exogamous, as already noted by Doctor Gatschet, despite 


the .ordinary view. Tlie question of exogamy or endogamy 
among the Shawnee is fixed merely by blood relationship. 

Among the Mexican Kickapoo Doctor Michelson gath- 
ered some additional texts, corrected the translations of 
Doctor Jones's Kiclvapoo texts, as above noted, made ob- 
servations on Kickapoo clan organization, and gathered 
also linguistic data which shed further light on the rela- 
tions of the Sauk, Fox, and Kickapoo dialects. 

Doctor Michelson returned to Washington about the 
middle of December and commenced the elaboration of his 
field notes. In January he visited the Carlisle Industrial 
School, where he procured linguistic data on Ottawa, Tur- 
tle Mountain Chippewa, Potawatomi, Abnaki, Menomi- 
nee, Sauk, and Arapaho. The most important result ob- 
tained is the fact that the so-called Turtle Mountain Chip- 
pewa is really Gree — at least such is the language of the 
pu]3ils at Carlisle. Whether the entire band is Cree is 
another question. Doctor ]\Iichelson's opinion that Arap- 
aho is the most divergent Algonquian dialect was con- 
firmed and it was made more nearly certain that Menomi- 
nee distinctly belongs with Cree, not with Chippewa. Doc- 
tor Michelson returned from Carlisle in the following 
month, when he was compelled to submit to an operation 
for trachoma, which apparentlj^ had been contracted dur- 
ing his field researches of the previous suimner. On re- 
suming his duties it was found advisable to incorporate 
the linguistic notes obtained in the summer and fall of 
3911 and the winter of 1911-12, so far as i^racticable, in 
his memoir on the Linguistic Classification of the Algon- 
quian Tribes, then in galley proof preparatory to pub- 
lication in the Twenty-eighth Annual Report. The value 
and completeness of this paper were thereby greatly en- 

A^Tiile in the office Doctor Michelson was frequently 
called on to furnish data for answering letters of inquiry, 
and he also found opportunity to furnish notes of addenda 
and corrigenda for a future edition of the Handbook of 
American Indians. 


Mr. Francis La Flesche, ethnologist, was engaged during 
the year in the further study of the tribal rites of the 
Osage Indians in Oklahoma, These rites are regarded by 
the Osage as mysterious, and being held in great awe by 
the tribe are very difficult to obtain, even by their own 
members. Instances are pointed out where, in the belief 
of the Osage, persons in officiating at ceremonies made 
mistakes in the form or in the recitation of the rituals and 
in the singing of the songs, and have therefore become 
insane, or blind, or have met with violent death. The mur- 
der of Saucy Calf, a man of high standing in his tribe, 
and the burning of his house last winter are attributed by 
his people to the fact that he gave away certain rituals 
and songs of the sacred tribal ceremonies. From Saucy 
Calf Mr. La Flesche had obtained the entire first degree 
of the Xo°ho°zhi°ga rites, and while the two were together 
the old seer frequently expressed the fear that some harm 
might come to him for parting with these religious secrets. 
By reason of the superstitious awe in which these sacred 
lites are held, Mr. La Flesche 's studies in this particular 
have been necessarily slow, since it was essential for him 
first to gain the full confidence of those versed therein. 
Notwithstanding this difficulty, he has been fortunate 
enough to procure the full ritual of the Hibernating of 
the Black Bear, which pertains to the origin of the seven 
and six war honors of the tribe, and is recited by the men 
members of the No°ho°zhi°ga of the Black Bear clan at the 
sacred-bundle ceremony when the warrior chosen recounts 
liis war honors and takes up the seven and six mllow sap- 
lings to count and the songs of this part of the ceremony 
are being sung by the officiating priest. A related ritual, 
which tells of the rearing of a cliild to the completion of its 
life, is recited when a widow is being initiated into the 
No"ho°zhi°ga to take the place of her husband; but Mr. 
lia Flesche has not yet been able to record this, owing to 
the dread inspired by the death of Saucy Calf. However, 
after considerable difficulty he succeeded in obtaining six 
rituals from Waxrizhi, whose father, who died about a 


j^car before, is said to have been the last of the No°ho°zhi''ga 
men thoroughly versed in the ancient rites. 

Another ritual obtained is the Dream Ritual, with 
literal and free translations. This is a narration of a 
No°ho''zhi°ga's dream, during a fast, of the sacred packs, 
a number of whicli have been procured and transferred 
to the National Museum. 

Still another ritual, known as the Wigie Pahogre, 
" First of the Rituals," with literal and free translations, 
was recorded. This tells of the coming of the Ho°ga of 
the Seven Fireplaces, or clans, to the earth from the sky 
by pemiission of the Sun, Moon, and Morning and Even- 
ing stars, and ^vith the aid of the Winged Ho°ga, or 
" Spotted Eagle "; of their finding the earth covered with 
water when they descended; their having to rest on the 
tops of seven red oak trees, until, by his magic power, the 
Elk dispersed the waters and made dry land appear ; their 
meeting with the crawfish, which brought from out of the 
earth clays of different colors to be used by the jDeople of 
the Ho°ga clan for symbolic purposes in their No°ho°zhi"ga 
rites. The No°ho"2;hi°ga are said to be exceedingly care- 
ful not to recite this ritual to anyone unless given large 

The ritual of the Birth of the Sacred Bird, also recorded 
and translated by Mr. La Flesche, relates to the adoption 
of the hawk as a war symbol and is in form of a legend 
telling of the birth of the bird, as of a human being, to 
the sister of four brothers who attended the delivery of 
the child. The story begins with the birth, gives the de- 
tails of each stage of growth, and tells of the prediction 
of the four brothers that their nephew was destined to 
become a great warrior. The child becomes fretful and 
wails ceaselessly until the skins of seven prey animals and 
a bow with a bit of scalp attached are brought to it by its 
uncles. For this reason no one can be initiated into the 
order of the No^ho^zhi-ga unless he furnishes the skins 
of these seven animals. 


The ritual of the Symbolic Painting was likewise re- 
corded. This relates to the symbolic painting of the man 
who acts as the initiator in the initiation of a new mem- 
ber of the ]Sro°ho°zhi°ga order. The paint is sjonbolic of 
the dawn and the rising sun. 

Another ritual, that of the Approach to the House of 
Initiation, is recited by the officiating priest while he, the 
initiator, and the votary ceremonially approach the j)lace 
of meeting of the No"ho°zhi°ga for performing some of 
the ceremonies. It relates to the Tsi'wako°dagi, or 
" mysterious house," of the Iio°ga clan. 

The ritual of Feeding of the Fire relates to the cere- 
monial building of the sacred fire at the place of gather- 
ing of the ]Sro°ho°zhi°ga to perfonn one of the ceremonies. 
It is an appeal to the supernatural for aid in obtaining 
deer for the sustenance of life and also for help to over- 
come the tribes which menace the lives, the peace, and 
the happiness of the people. 

While these rituals are in themselves complete, each one 
forms a part of the great No"ho"zhi"ga rite, which Mr. 
La Flesche is endeavoring to record in its entirety. 

Aside from the rituals and songs, Mr. La Flesche has 
procured stories of the irako'"dagi, or medicine men, and 
of the strange animals from which they obtained super- 
natural powers; he has also recorded love stories, stories 
of those who had died and returned to life, war stories, 
and m}i;hs. Some of these have been transcribed in final 
form. In aU, the text of these stories aggregates about 
250 pages. Mr. La Flesche, however, has given com- 
paratively little attention to legends and stories of this 
kind, having devoted his energies chiefly to the secret 
rites that at one time meant so much to the Osage peo- 
ple, and which are so rapidly disappearing. 

By agreement with Mr. Karl Moon, noted for his work 
in Indian photography, the bureau is to receive a series 
of Osage photographs, taken with the aid of Mr. La 
Flesche, who made the necessary arrangements with the 
Indians to pose for them. Mr. La Flesche received as a 


gift from Wano^shezhi^ga the sacred bundle of the Eagle 
clan, to which he belongs. This fine specimen has been 
transferred to the National Museum, where it is placed 
^Yith the other Osage bundles that he has been so fortunate 
as to obtain. 

Dr. Paul Radin, ethnologist, was among the Winnebago 
Indians of Wisconsin at the opening of the fiscal year, 
ha^dng resumed his investigations of this people in the 
preceding month. These were continued to completion, 
and in October, 1911, Doctor Radin returned to Wash- 
ington and continued the preparation of a monograph 
on the ethnology of the Winnebago tribe, which was 
brought to completion and submitted in the latter part of 
March, 1912. The medium of publication of this memoir 
has not yet been determined. 

Dr. Franz Boas, honorary philologist, continued the lin- 
guistic researches outlined in previous reports, the imme- 
diate object of which is the completion of part 2 of the 
Handbook of American Indian Languages, which is to 
contain sketches of the native languages of Oregon and 
Washington, with some additional material on the extreme 
northwestern part of the continent. An account of the de- 
velopment of the plan and object of this Handbook was 
set forth in my last annual report. 

The printing of the sketch of the Takehna grammar, by 
Dr. Edward Sapir, for this Handbook, has been completed, 
and the separates thereof have been issued. The work 
of Dr. Leo J. Frachtenberg unfortunately suffered delay 
owing to protracted illness. His revision of the Coos 
grammar, however, has been almost completed, and it 
is expected that the manuscript of the Siuslaw grammar 
will be in the hands of Doctor Boas, as editor of the 
Handbook, by August of this year. The necessary final 
revision of the subject matter of both sketches was made 
by Doctor Frachtenberg at Siletz, Oregon. 

Doctor Boas rewrote a grammar of the Chukchee lan- 
guage, with comparative notes on the Koryak and Kam- 
ehadal, by Mr. Waldemar Bogoras, and added references 


to the published Russian and English series of Chukchee 
texts, which had been published previouslj^ by Mr. Bo- 
goras. In the course of the year this manuscript was also 
typewritten and prepared for the printer. In the sum- 
mer of 1912 Doctor Boas met Mr. Bogoras in Berlin and 
discussed with him the revised form of the grammar. At 
the close of the year the results of these discussions were 
being incorporated in the grammar, and it is expected that 
the manuscript will be ready for the printer early in the 

Doctor Boas has followed out the policy of printing 
texts illustrating the grammatical sketches in a series 
which according to the original plan were to have been 
published as bulletins of the bureau, but this plan was 
abandoned for administrative reasons. During the pres- 
ent year the series of Tsimshian texts, illustrating the 
Tsimshian dialect, was published as Volmne III of the 
Publications of the American Ethnological Society, and 
the series of Maidu texts as Volume IV of the same 
series. These iUustrate languages contained in part 1 
of the Handbook, so that now texts for all languages 
therein treated are available to students. 

The printing of the Coos texts, by Doctor Frachten- 
berg, which are to appear as Volume I of the Columbia 
University Contributions to Anthropology, has almost 
been completed, and the printed matter has been utilized 
to illustrate the sketch of the language. 

The research in Indian music by Miss Frances Dens- 
more was characterized by the completion of her studies 
among the Chippewa and the beginning of investiga- 
tions along similar lines among the Sioux. Miss Dens- 
more 's field work comjorised one mouth with the Sioux 
on the Sisseton Reservation in South Dakota, about two 
months on Standing Rock Reservation in North Dakota, 
and a few days on the White Earth Reservation in Min- 
nesota for the final revision of some descriptions and 
translations in her Chippewa manuscripts. The finished 
results submitted during the year comprised material on 


both Chippewa and Sioux music. Two papers on Chip- 
pewa studies were presented, one entitled " Further 
Analyses of Chippewa Songs," the other bearing the 
title " Deductions from the Analysis of Chippewa 
Music." In addition Miss Densmore finished about 100 
pages that included additional reference to the bibliog- 
raphy of the subject, a more complete explanation of 
minor points, some linguistic analyses, and slight changes 
in the analysis of individual songs to confonn with pres- 
ent methods — all this was complete for publication when 
submitted. Her paper on "The Sun Dance of the Teton 
Sioux," including 33 songs, could be published in its pres- 
ent form, but it is deemed desirable to add a structural 
analysis of the songs similar to that accompanying the 
Chippewa material. 

Additional illustrations for the Chippewa studies have 
been submitted during the year, also adequate illustrations 
for the paper on the Sun dance of the Sioux. With few 
exceptions these illustrations are photographs taken 
especially for the work, many being pictures of old cere- 
monial articles used in the Sun dance. Considerable at- 
tention also has been given to the collecting of specimens 
having an interest in connection with the work. 

Mr. W. H. Holmes, head curator of the department of 
anthropology of the United States I^ational Musemu, has 
continued, as opportunity afforded, the preparation of the 
Handbook of Archeology commenced by him while chief 
of the bureau. The main body of the research work in 
connection with this Handbook has been completed, but 
much remains in the way of literary investigation and in 
the preparation of illustrations. While no time can yet 
be fixed for the comi^letion of the work, Mr. Holmes hopes 
to finish the manuscript and the illustrations for the first 
volume before the smnmer of 1913. 

Good progress has been made in transcribing the manu- 
script French-Miami dictionary, by an unknowTi author 
but attributed to Pere Joseph Ignatius Le Boulanger, in 
the John Carter Brown Library at Providence, Bhode 


Island. The coj)ying has been made possible through the 
courtesy of Mr. George Parker Winship, librarian, who 
not only has placed this valuable manuscript at the dis- 
posal of the bureau for this purpose, but has kindly per- 
mitted his assistant, Miss Margaret Bingham Stillwell, 
to prepare the transcript, and personally has supervised 
the making of photostat copies of part of the manuscript, 
especially that devoted to the text portion. During the 
year Miss Stillwell finished and submitted the transcript 
of 295 pages, representing pages 20 to 77 of the original. 

Pi'of. Howard M. Ballon, of the College of Hawaii, has 
continued the search for titles for the proposed List of 
Works Relating to Hawaii, especially those of works pub- 
lished locally in the native language, many of which are 
very rare. In this work Professor Ballon has had the 
generous assistance of the Rev. Mr. Westervelt. 

There has long been need of a revision of the Catalouge 
of Prehistoric Works East of the Rocky Mountains, pre- 
pared by the late Dr. Cyrus Thomas and published as a 
bulletin of the bureau in 1891, but which passed out of 
print several years ago. In the fall of 1911 steps were taken 
toward undertaking this revision, and the bureau was 
fortunate at the outset in engaging the services of Mr. 
D. I. Bushnell, jr., of University, Virginia, as compiler of 
the work. Circular letters were dispatched to county 
clerks east of the Mississippi, who not only supplied direct 
information respecting aboriginal sites, but furnished the 
names of hundreds of collectors and others having per- 
sonal knowledge of the subject, and to these special let- 
ters were addressed. By this means so much information 
of a local character was received in regard to the location 
of mounds, village and camp sites, shell heaps, quarries 
and workshops, pictographs, etc., in addition to that re- 
corded in the Catalogue of Doctor Thomas, that the re- 
vised work gives promise of being a fairly complete Hand- 
book of Aboriginal Remains East of the Mississippi. Be- 
sides finishing the collation of this material and of other 
data already in possession of the bureau, Mr. Bushnell 


has made good progress in extractiBg the information con- 
tained in various publications devoted to American arche- 
ology, notably those by Mr. Clarence B. Moore on the 
mounds of the South. In this compilation the bureau has 
had the generous cooperation of Mr. Arthur C. Parker, 
State archeologist of New York, and of Mr, Warren K. 
Moorehead, curator of the department of archeology of 
Phillips Academy, Audover, Massachusetts, while others 
have kindly offered their aid. Xo date for the publication 
can yet be given. 


The editorial work of the bureau has been conducted 
under the immediate charge of Mr. J. G. Gurley, editor. 
The proof reading of the Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 
the accompanying paper of which is a monograph en- 
titled " The Omaha Tribe," by Alice C. Fletcher and 
Francis La Flesche, was completed and the report pub- 

The manuscript of the Twenty-eighth Annual Report 
was edited and transmitted to the Public Printer. At the 
close of the year about one-third of this report was in 
page form, and the remainder was in process of paging. 
This report includes the following papers: Casa Grande, 
Arizona, by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes; Antiquities of the 
Upper Yerde River and Walnut Creek Yalley, Arizona, 
also by Doctor Fewkes, and Preliminary Report on the 
Linguistic Classification of Algonquian Tribes, by Dr. 
Truman Michel son. 

The series of bulletins was increased by the addition of 
Bulletin 47, A Dictionary of the Biloxi and Ofo Lan- 
guages, Accompanied by Thirty-one Biloxi Texts and Nu- 
merous Biloxi Phrases, by James Owen Dorsey and John 
R. Swanton. 

Bulletin 49, List of Publications of the Bureau, was 
issued in a third impression. 

Bulletin 40, Handbook of American Indian Languages, 
Part 2, was carried toward completion under the editor- 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 3 


ship of Dr. Franz Boas, as elsewhere stated, ^^ith the re- 
sult that two sections, comprising 418 pages, dealing with 
the Takelnia and Coos languages, are in substantially 
final form. 

Toward the close of the year steps were taken to ad- 
vance the work on Bulletin 46, Byington's Choctaw Dic- 
tionary, edited by Dr. John R. Swanton. 

Considerable time was given to the editing and proof 
reading of Bulletin 52, Early Man in South America, 
by Ales Hrdlicka, in collaboration with W. H. Holmes, 
Bailey Willis, Fred. Eugene Wright, and Clarence K 
Fanner. At the close of June the work was nearly 
through press. 

The last bulletin to receive attention was No. 53 — 
Chipj)ewa Music — II, by Frances Densmore. Substan- 
tial progress on the preparation of the author's material 
for the press had been made at the close of the fiscal year. 

The demand for the publications of the bureau con- 
tinues to increase, and their distribution, numbering 
15,003 copies during the year, necessitated extended cor- 
respondence. The distribiation of the bureau publications 
has been under the immediate care of Miss Helen JNIunroe 
and Mr. E. L. Sj)ringer, of the Smithsonian Institution. 

A concurrent resolution authorizing the reprinting of 
the Handbook of American Indians was introduced in the 
Senate and passed on May 11, 1912, and subsequently was 
favorably reported by the Conunittee on Printing of the 
House of Representatives, but it had not been passed at 
the close of the fiscal year. 


The preparation of the illustrations for the publications 
of the bureau and the photographing of the members of 
visiting delegations of Indians were conducted imder the 
charge of Mr. De Lancey Gill, illustrator. In connection 
with this work 90 photographic negatives of Indians and 
123 of ethnologic subjects were prepared; 196 films ex- 
posed by members of the bureau in the field were devel- 


oped ; 1,322 prints were made for publication and for ex- 
change or distribution ; and 110 pen and brush drawings 
were prepared. At the request of ]\Ir. Wilberforce Eames, 
of the New York Public Library, a collection of 118 pho- 
tographs of representative Indians, covering 55 tribes, 
was furnished by the bureau as a part of a loan exhibition 
opened at that library in May and was still on view at the 
close of the fiscal year. 

Mr. Gill had the usual assistance of Henry Walther 
until February 16, 1912, when his services in behalf of the 
bureau for many years came to a close with his death. 
Mr. "VValther has been succeeded by Walter A. Stenhouse. 


Under the supervision of Miss Ella Leary the work of 
the library has made satisfactory progress. During the 
year 720 volumes (103 by i)urchase) and 300 pamphlets 
were received ; in addition 620 periodical publications, of 
which 606 were acquired by exchange and the remainder 
by subscription, were accessioned. The recataloguing of 
certain serial publications in the library has been con- 
tinued and attention given to the preparation of a subject 
catalogue of the large collection of pamphlets, many of 
which had been stored and therefore were inaccessible for 
three or four years. Successful effort has been made to 
complete the sets of certain publications of scientific so- 
cieties and other learned institutions. For the use of the 
members of the staff the librarian has prepared and posted 
copies of a monthly bulletin of the library's principal 
accessions ; and in order that the large number of scientific 
serials received might also be made readily accessible the 
current issues have been displayed on a table provided for 
that purpose. 

Notwithstanding the increasing value of the bureau's 
library, it was found necessary, from time to time, to 
make requisition on the Library of Congress for the loan 
of books, the volumes thus received for temporary use 
]iumbering about 250. The volumes bound during the 


year numbered 492. At the close of the year the library 
contained approximately 17,970 volumes, about 12,500 pam- 
phlets, and several thousand periodicals. Although main- 
tained primarily as a reference library for the bureau's 
staff, it is constantly consulted by students not connected . 
with the Smithsonian Institution and by officials of the 
executive departments and the Library of Congress. 


The following collections were made by members of the 
staff of the bureau during their field researches : 

By Mr. F. W. Hodge: Twenty-two paper squeezes of 
early and recent Spanish inscriptions on El Morro, or 
Inscrij)tion Rock, in New Mexico. Objects of stone, 
bone, clay, etc., from the cemeterj^ of the ancient ruined 
pueblo of Kwasteyukwa on the mesa above the Jemez Hot 
Springs, New Mexico. Ten barrels of pottery and human 
skeletal remains from the same locality. These collec- 
tions were made under a joint expedition conducted by 
the bureau and the School of American Archaeology. 

By Dr. John R. Swanton : Tw^o ball sticks, one ball, one 
breechcloth and belt, one tiger tail, from the Creek In- 
dians at Coweta, Oklahoma. 

By Mr. James Moone}': Four dance masks, two jjairs 
of ball sticks, two toy baskets, two wooden spoons, one 
ox muzzle, one stone ax, one small celt, three arrow- 
heads, from the Cherokee Indians of North Carolina. 

By Mr. Francis La Flesche: Two sacred packs of the 
Osage Indians. 


The most valuable part of the property of the bureau 
consists of its library, manuscripts (chiefly linguistic), 
and photographic negatives. The bureau possesses also 
cameras, phonographic machines, and other ordinary ap- 
paratus and equipment for field work ; stationery and office 
supplies ; necessary office furniture ; typewriters, etc., and 
the undistributed stock of its publications. The amount 


of $342.27 was expended for office furniture during the 
year, while the cost of necessary books and periodicals 
was $396.42. 

As in the past, the manuscripts have been under the 
.custodianship of Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt. Those Avithdra\vn 
by collaborators of the bureau during the year numbered 
234 items. The new manuscripts acquired are those 
hitherto mentioned in this report as having been prepared 
by members of the staff or by collaborators and designed 
for eventual publication. Negotiations have been entered 
into with the heirs of the late Senor Andomaro Molina, of 
Merida, Yucatan, for the return of Henderson's ISIaya 
Dictionary, a manuscript of six volumes lent to Selior 
Molina a number of years ago for use in connection with 
certain linguistic studies then contemplated in behalf of 
the bureau. 


I desire to repeat the recommendations submitted in 
my last annual report, respecting the extension of the 
researches of the bureau and for other purposes, and ui-g- 
ing the appropriation of the necessary funds for con- 
ducting them. These include the following projects : 

The exploration and preservation of antiquities in the 
arid region. 

The extension of ethnologic researches in Alaska and 
among the tribes- of the Mississippi Valley. 

The preparation of a completely revised edition of the 
Handbook of American Indians. 

Additional editorial assistance in preparing the publi- 
cations of the bureau for the press. 

A small sum to meet the expense of supplying photo- 
graphs of Indian subjects to schools and colleges, and for 
other educational purposes, and for systematically mak- 
ing photographs in the field to illustrate the daily life and 
the ceremonies of the Indians. 

In addition it is recommended that the systematic ex- 
cavation and studj^ of certain archeological sites in the 


South and "West be conducted in order that archeological 
research may go hand in hand witli tlie ethnological studies 
now being pursued in the same fields. 

The reasons for extending the work of the bureau in the 
directions indicated are set forth more fully in the esti- 
mates of appropriations for the year 1914, in connection 
with which the sums regarded as necessary to the work 
are given. 

F. W. Hodge, 
Dr. Charles D. Walcott, 

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 


With the exception of the article by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, " De- 
signs on Prehistoric Hopi Pottery," no mention has been made in 
previous administrative reports of the papers here published which 
are in lino with existing plans of the bureau. 

The paper by Dr. Melvin Randolph Gilmore on " Uses of Plants 
by the Indians of the IMissouri River Region *' belongs to the same 
series as " Ethnobotany of the Zuhi Indians*' (Thirtieth Report of the 
Bureau of American Ethnologj'), and " Ethnolx)tany of the Tewa 
Indians" (Bulletin 55). Intensive studies of the nature of food and 
medicinal plants of our Indians have come to be recognized as of 
practical and economic value. The American Indian has contributed 
many plants to the dietary of European nations, and there is every 
reason to believe that there are many more that could be adopted from 
him were their value as a food resource known ; and although the 
customs of the natives of America are rapidly changing it is not too 
late to rescue from them a knowledge of the uses to which plants have 
been put by our aborigines. Doctor Gilmore's paper is based upon 
original observations. In the opening chapter of his article he points 
out the value of ethnobotanic study and shows some of the influences 
of the flora on the human activities in the region considered. 

There is no more fascinating study in ethnology than that of the 
pi-ehistory of the aborigines of this continent. The possibility of 
rescuing from the night of time unwi-itten chapters of Indian history 
by a study of Indian remains has attracted the attention of the staff 
of the bureau since its foundation, and to a long line of publications 
is now added an important contribution entitled a " Preliminary 
Account of the Antiquities of the Region between the Mancos and 
La Plata Rivers in Southwestern Colorado," by Mr. Earl H. Morris. 

In this preliminary report Mr. Morris considers many house re- 
mains, stone structures of a cruder masonry than those of the adja- 
cent Mesa Verde National Park, and lays the foundation of what may 
later be recognized as evidences of a new type indicating a pre- 
puebloan culture. He points out that the region studied belongs 
culturally within the horizon of the Mesa Verde area, finding many 
of the remains almost identical in character in the two areas. 

Two kinds of remains were left by prehistoric people from which 
may be drawn an imperfect picture of the manners and customs of 
an unlettered people living at an epoch before their written history 
began. These remains may be called major and minor antiquities, 
and the most importaht of the former are buildings, those of the latter 



pottery. As a preliminary to a correct interpretation of the chrono- 
logical development of man in the area before we had documentary 
history to guide us it is important to classify these buildings and pot- 
tery and arrange them in such groups as would enable us to determine 
their chronological sequence. These different groups are either dis- 
tinct geographical regions called culture areas, or are sometimes 
superimposed one on the other by stratification in the same area. In 
coordinating the classification and arrangement of groups geographi- 
cally or stratigi-aphically the archeologist follows the same methods 
as the paleontologist. Geographical ceramic areas or distribution of 
pottery are determined by the form, technique, colors, and symbolic 
or other decorative elements of pottei-y. Chronological ceramic 
strata are determined by superimposition. Of the several character- 
istics of pottery, technique, color, and symbolic decoration, the last 
mentioned is the most highly specialized, and in its highest develop- 
ment most localized and distinct. Pottery of the same form, color, 
and technique is, on the other hand, most widely distributed. Al- 
though a determination of ceramic areas from the data afforded by 
symbolic decorations is a tedious work, these symbols open the door 
to an understanding of the inner life of a long-forgotten people. A 
small fragment of a bowl may, through picture writing, become a 
means by which the thoughts of a people are transmitted, even as in 
the case of inscriptions on ostraca. 

The article entitled " Designs on Prehistoric Hopi Pottery," by Dr. 
J. Walter Fewkes, is an attempt to define from ceramic symbolism 
and in a certain manner the culture of the prehistoric Hopi in north- 
eastern Arizona who reached the highest phase of development in 
aboriginal ceramic art. 

The first fruits of the effort to make more widely known the ethnol- 
ogy, native songs, and rich poetry of the Hawaiian Islanders, for 
which appropriations have been made by Congress, was a valuable 
article published as Bulletin 38 under the title " Unwritten Literature 
of Hawaii: The Sacred Songs of the Hula," by Dr. Nathaniel B. 
Emerson. This is now followed by a second of the series, entitled 
" The Hawaiian Romance of Laieikawai," by Miss Martha Warren 
Beckwith. Thia work, undertaken as the author says in her preface, 
" out of love for the land of Hawaii and for the Hawaiian people," 
is not only a monument to her enthusiasm, but also indicative of the 
literary attainments of Haleole, a highly gifted Polynesian, eager 
to create a genuine national literature. Aside from its great ethno- 
logical value the plot of this fascinating story will appeal to lovers 

of fiction. 

Jesse Walter Fewkes, 

August, 1918. 








The results contained in tlie following paper are born of the desire 
to ascertain so far as possible the relation of the native people of the 
plains to one phase of their indigenous physical environment — its 
plant life — and their ingenuity in supplying their necessities and 
pleasures therefrom. It must be borne in mind that the sources of 
supply available to any of the tribes of the American race were 
greatly restricted as compared with the field from which our Eu- 
ropean race draws its supplies. Many of the plants of this continent 
utilized by its native people, however, might well be useful acquisi- 
tions for our i^eople if made known to us. 

Another potent reason for gathering such information while it 
may still be obtained, befoi-e the death of all the old people who 
alone possess it, is that it is only in the light of knowledge of physical 
environments that folklore, ritual, ceremony, custom, song, story, and 
philosophy can be interpreted intelligently. The intellectual and 
spiritual life of a people is reflected from their material life. The 
more fully and clearly the physical environment of a people is known 
the more accurately can all their cultural expressions be interpreted. 
The old people themselves ai^preciate this and have expressed them- 
selves as glad to give me all the information they could in the matters 
of my inquiry, in order that, as they said, future generations of their 
own people as well as the white people may know and understand 
their manner of life. To this end my informants in the several tribes 
have taken pains and have shown great patience in instructing me in 
their lore. 

The information here collated has been obtained at first hand from 
intelligent and credible old persons, thoroughly conversant with the 
matters which they discussed. The various items have been rigor- 
ously checked by independent corroborative evidence from other indi- 
viduals of the same tribe and of different tribes through a protracted 
period. The work of the interpreters employed has also been verified 
by comparison and by my own study of the languages of the vauious 
tribes interviewed. 

The information was obtained by bringing actual specimens of 
each plant to the observation and identification of many inform- 
ants, and the names, uses, and preparation in each case were noted 
on the sjjot at the dictation of the informant. 



I have met uniform courtesy, kindness, and hospitality at the 
hands of Indians of the several tribes in the pursuit of my in- 
quiries, and my sincere thanks are due to very many men and 
women of the tribes, their great number preventing acknowledg- 
ment to them here by name. Special mention for conspicuous 
service rendered the author should be made of Dr. Susan La Flesche 
Picotte and her sister, Mrs. Walter T. Diddock, of Walthill, Xebr., 
daughters of Chief Iron Eye, otherwise JosejDh La Flesche, of the 
Omaha tribe. Of the same tribe should be mentioned "Wajapa, 
White Horse, George Miller, Daniel Webster, Amos AValker, and 
Richard Robinson. 

Penishka, of the Ponca tribe, enrolled on the Government rolls 
as Jack Penishka, Niobrara, Nebr., has given much useful infor- 
mation of his tribe. 

Of the Teton Dakota, mention shoidd be made of Fast Horse and 
his wife, Joseph Horncloud, Otto Chiefeagle, and the well-known 
Short Bull. 

Of the Pawnee, special thanks are due Mr. James R. Murie, Mr, 
Alfred Murie and his wife. Chief White Eagle, Mr. David Gil- 
lingham, Mrs. Rhoda Knife-Chief and Mr. Charles Knife-Chief. 

My thanks are due also to Dr. Charles E. Bessey, of the University 
of Nebraska, for suggestions and encouragement in carrying on the 
work and to him and Mr. James Mooney for reading the manu- 

I wish to acknowledge also my obligation to Mr. W. E. Safford 
for his painstaking aid in arranging and verifying the botanical 



Introduction 53 

Neglected opportunities 54 

Ethnic botany 55 

Influence of flora on human activities and culture 56 

Influence of human population on flora 58 

Taxonomic list of plants used by Indians of the Missouri River region — 61 

Ancient and modern phytoculture by tlie tribes 136 

Conclusion 13" 

Glossary of plant names mentioned in this monograph 139 

Bibliography 153 



' I'age 

Plate 1. a. Pulsatilla patens (Pasque flower), b. Typha latifolia 64 

lA. a. Sagittaria latifolia. 6. A sluggish stream growing full of arrow- 
leaf (Sagittaria latifolia) 64 

2. a. A mass of Stipaspartea bent under the ■\Tind. In the background 

can be seen a number of plants of Echinacea angustifolia in 
bloom, b. Bunch of Stipa spartea; bunch of long-awned seeds 
of Stipa s]3artea; a hairbrush made from awns of Stipa spartea. 66 

3. a. Zizania aquatica (wild rice). Herbarium specimen of straw, a 

few grains not hulled, and a handful of hulled grains as pre- 
pared for food. b. Zizania aquatica, habit 66 

4. a. Arisaema triphyllum. 6. Habit picture of Arisaema triphyllum. 

Panax trifolium may also be seen 70 

5. a. Tradescantia virginica (spiderwort). b. A circle of cottonwood- 

leaf toy tipis as made by Indian children of Plains tribes 70 

6. a. Erythronium mesochoreum, entire plant, bulbs, and flowers. 

b. Erythronium mesochoreum, liabit of growth on the prairie.. 70 

7. a. Yucca glauca in bloom. 6. Yucca glauca in fruit 70 

8. a. A bundle of yucca leaves bound up to demonstrate use as drill 

in flre making. 6. A piece of yucca stem prepared to demon- 
strate use as hearth piece in fire making, c. A dry joicca plant . 70 

9. Iris versicolor 72 

10. a. Tubers and fruit of Nelumbo lutea. b. Nelumbo lutea, liabit. . . 80 

11. a. Thalictrum dioicum (early meadow rue), b. Aquilegia cana- 

densis 80 

12. a. Sanguinaria canadensis, detail. 6. Sanguinaria canadensis, 

habit 84 

13. a. Wild strawberry native to wild meadows of Nebraska. 6. Woman 

of the Teton Dakota pounding chokecherries (Padus melano- 
carpa) to dry for winter supply 84 

14. a. Foliage and fruit of Prunus besseyi (sand cherry), b. Branch of 

Prunus besseyi showing prolificness of this fruit 88 

15. Herbarium specimen of Psoralea esculenta (tipsin) 92 

16. A string of roots of Psoralea esculenta (tipsin) peeled and dried 

to preserve for winter supply 92 

17. a. Vine of Glycine apios (Apios tuberosa). b. Tubers of glycine 

apios (Apioa tuberosa) 94 

18. a. Specimen of Falcata comosa showing leafy branches ■with pods 

and small beans produced thereon from the petaliferous flowers. 
6. Leafless branches which grow prostrate on ground surface 
and four large beans produced undergroiind from the cleisto- 
gamous flowers of these leafless branches 94 

19. a. Clusters of fruits of Rhus glabra. 6. Cordage made from inner 

bark of Tilia amcricana (basswood); a bundle of raw fiber and 

a piece of cord made by hand from the fiber 100 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 4 49 


Plate 20. a. A cactus native to Nebraska. 6. Gathering buffalo berries (Lep- 

argyraea argentea) 104 

21. Heracleum lanatum 108 

22. Corn us amomum in bloom 108 

23. a. Asclepias syriaca, flowers, b. Habit of Asclepias syriaca 108 

24. Asclepias s\Tiaca, fruits 108 

25. Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory). An entire plant, show- 

ing the large root, about 4 feet long ] 10 

26. a. Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory), a perennial flowering 

plant native in the sand hills of Nebraska, showing habit. 

6. Ipomoea leptophylla (bush morning-glory) 110 

27. a. Pepo foetidissima (wild gourd) in bloom. 6. Strikes Two, an 

aged man of the Arikara tribe, gathering his tobacco 114 

28. Varieties of squashes and pumpkins cultivated by tribes of Indians 

of Nebraska from immemorial time 116 

29. a. Staminate and pistillate flowers of watermelons grown from 

seed obtained from Penishka, an old man of the Ponca tribe. 

6. Unit of vine of above 120 

29A. Watermelon grown from seed obtained from Penishka, an old man 

of the Ponca tribe 120 

30. a. Echinacea angustifoUa interspersed with Stipa spartea. b. Tops 

and tubers of Helianthus tuberosus 132 

30A. Lacinaria scariosus 132 


1. All vowels are to be given their continental values. 

2. Superior n (") gives a nasal modification to the i^reeeding vowel. 

3. A consonant sound approximating the German ch is shown 

4. A lengthened vowel is shown by doubling, e. g. htiude, pakskiisu, 

5. Unless indicated as a diphthong, vowels do not unite in sound, 
but each vowel forms a syllable. 




By Melvin Eandolph Gilmore 


During the period which has ehipsed since the European occupancy 
of the continent of North America there has never been a thorough- 
going, comprehensive survey of the flora with respect to the knowl- 
edge of it and its uses possessed bj' the aboriginal population. Until 
recent 3'ears little study had been made of the ethnobotany of any of 
the tribes or of any phytogeographic region. Individual studies 
have been made, but the subject has not claimed a proportionate 
share of interest with other phases of botanical study. The people 
of the European race in coming into the New World have not really 
sought to make friends of the native population, or to make adequate 
use of the plants or the animals indigenous to this continent, but 
rather to exterminate everything found here and to supplant it with 
the plants and animals to which they were accustomed at home. It 
is quite natural that aliens should have a longing for the familiar 
things of home, but the surest road to contentment would be by way 
of gaining friendly acquaintance with the new environment. "Wliat- 
ever of good we maj' find in the new land need not exclude the good 
things we may bring from the old, but rather augment the sum total 
contributing to our welfare. Agi'iculture and horticulture should 
constantly improve the useful plants we already have, while discovery 
of others should be sought. 

We shall make the best and most economical use of all our land 
when our population shall have become adjvisted in habit to the nat- 
ural conditions. The country can not be wholly made over and ad- 
justed to a people of foreign habits and tastes. There are large tracts 
of land in America whose bounty is wasted because the plants which 
can be grown on them are not acceptable to our people. This is not 
because these plants are not in themselves useful and desirable, but 
because their valuable qualities are unknown. So long as the peo- 


54 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

pie of the country do not demand articles of food other than those 
to which our European ancestors were accustomed those articles will 
be subject to demand in excess of production, with consequent en- 
hancement of cost, while at the same time we have large land areas 
practically unproductive because the plants they are best fitted to 
produce are not utilized. The adjustment of American consumption 
to American conditions of production will bring about greater im- 
provement in conditions of life than any other material agency. 
The people of any country must finally subsist on those articles of 
food^ which their own soil is best fitted to produce. New articles of 
diet must come into use, and all the resources of our own country 
must be adequately developed. 

Dr. J. W. Harshberger has well stated the practical uses and the 
correlations of ethnobotanic study : 

Phytogeography, or plant geography in its wi<Iest sense, is concernerl not 
only with the distribution of wild plants, but with the laws governing the 
distribution of cultivated plants. In order to determine the origin of the lat- 
ter — that is, the original center from which the cultivation of such plants has 
spread — it is necessary to examine the historic, archeologie, philologic, eth- 
nologic, and botanic evidence of the past use of such plants by the aboriginal 
tribes of America. This investigation affords interesting data which can be 
applied practically in enlarging the list of plants adaptable to the uses of civi- 
lized man. . . . Ethnobotany is useful as suggesting new lines of modern 
manufacture, for example, new methods of weaving gootls, as Illustrated by 
the practical application of the careful studies of pueWo fabrics by Frank H. 
Gushing. It is of importance, therefore, to seek out these primitive races and 
ascertain the plants which they have found available in their economic life, 
in order that perchance the valuable properties they have utilized in their 
wild life may fill some vacant niche in our own, may prove of value in time 
of need or when the population of America becomes so dense as to require 
the utilization of all of our natural resources.' 


That we have had in the past exceptional opportunities for ob- 
taining aboriginal plant lore, which we have failed to recognize, 
disdained to accept, or neglected to improve, is well shown by an 
incident narrated in his journal by the great botanical explorer, 
Bradbury, in the beginning of the nineteenth century. How much 
information might then have been obtained which is no longer avail- 
able! In 1809 Bradbury accompanied a trading expedition up the 
Missouri River as far as the villages of the Arikara. 

I proceeded along the bluffs [in the vicinity of the Omaha village which was 
at that time near the place where Homer, Dakota County. Nebr.. now is] and 
was very successful in my researches, but had not. been long employeil when 
I saw an old Indian galloping toward me. He came up and shook hands with 

' Har.shberger, Phytogeographic Influences in the Arts and Industries of American 
Aborigines, p. 26. 


me ami, pointing to the plants I had collected, said, "Bon pour manger?" 
to which I replied, " Ne pas bon." He then said, "Bon pour medicine?" I re- 
plied, " Oui." He again shook hands and rode away. ... On my return 
through the village I was stopped by a group of squaws, who invited me very 
kindly into tlieir lodges, calling me Wakendaga^ (physician). I declined ac- 
cepting their invitation, showing them that the sun was near setting, and that 
it would lie night before I could reach the boats. They then invited me to stay 
all night; this also I declined, but suffered them to examine my plants, for all 
of whlcli I found they had names.' 


In savage and barbarous life the occupation of first importance 
is the quest of food. In the earliest times people had to possess a 
practical working knowledge of plants with regard to their utiliza- 
tion for food; those which were edible, those by which shift could 
be made at need to avert famine; and those which on account of 
deleterious properties must be avoided at all times, came to be known 
by experience of all the people in their range. 

In the process of experiment some plants would be found which, 
though not proving useful for food, would disclose properties which 
could be used as correctives of unhealthy conditions of the body; 
some would be found to allay fevers, some to stimulate certain func- 
tions, others having the effect to stop hemorrhage, and so on. 

Certain persons in every tribe or social group, from taste and 
habit, would come to possess a fund of such knowledge, and to these 
all simpler folk, or those more occupied with other things, would 
resort. These wise ones then would know how to add the weight 
and dignity of ceremony and circumstance so that the laity should 
not fail to award due appreciation to the possessors of such knowl- 
edge; thus arose the rituals connected with the uses and the teach- 
ing of the same. Persons who desired to acquire such knowledge 
applied to those who possessed it, and if of approved character and 
prudence they, upon presentation of the customary fees or gifts, 
were duly instructed. These primitive professors of botany would 
then conduct their disciples on private excursions to the haunts of 
the plants and there impart to them the knowledge of the charac- 
teristics and habits, ecologic relations, and geographic distribution 
of the plants, together with their uses, methods, and time of gather- 
ing, preserving, and preparing for medicinal use. and the proper 
way to apjaly them. 

^ Bradbury must have been mistaken as to the moaning of the people or have misun- 
derstood the term used, because the Omaha word for " physician " is iva:atlie. The 
word irakn''dnpi means "something supernatural." This may be the word Bradbury 
heard and has given as wakendaga^ or he may have misunderstood some other word. 
No such word as wakendaqa has been found by me in the Omaha language. 

- Bradbury, Travels in the Interior of America, p. 75. 


Besides this body of special plant lore there was also a great deal 
of knowledge of plants in general and their common uses, their 
range, habits, and habitat, diffused among tlie common people. 
There was also a body of folk sayings and mj'ths alluding to plants 
commonly known. 



The dominant character of tlie vegetation of a region is always an 
important factor in shaping the culture of that region, not only 
directly by the raw materials which it supplies or witliholds, but 
indirectly also through the floral influence on the fauna. Tlie chase 
of the buffalo with all that it entailed in habits of domestic life, in- 
strumentalities and forms of government, industrial activities, and 
religious rites, was directly related to the prairie and plains forma- 
tions of vegetation. The food staples, the style of housebuilding, 
and forms of industry were quite different in tlie prairie region from 
what they were in the eastern woodland regions, and in the desert 
region of the Southwest they were different from either of the first 
two regions. 

The Dakota came into the prairie region from the east in the lake 
region, impelled by the onset of the Chippewa, who had the ad- 
vantage of firearms acquired from the French. In the lake region 
they had as the most important article of vegetal food the grain of 
Zizania aquatica. As they migrated westward the quantity of 
Zizania diminished and the lack had to be supplied by substitution 
of something which the prairie might afford. One of the food plants 
of greatest importance they found on the prairie is Psoralea escu- 
lenta^ The Dakota name of the wild rice, Zlzwnia aquatica, is ■psi'^ 
and of Psoralea esculcnfa is tipsi"na. From the etymology of these 
two names Dr. J. R. Walker, of Pine Ridge, has suggested that the 
second is derived from the first, indicating the thought of its useful- 
ness as a food in place of what had l)een the plant of greatest im- 
portance in the food supply of the region formerly inhabited by this 
people. Doctor Walker offers this suggestion only as a possible ex- 
planation of the derivation of tipsi^rui. Ti'^ta is the Dakota word 
for "prairie"; na is a suffix diminutive. It is suggested, then, that 
in h'psi"na we have a compound from fi^ta-psi^-Tia. This seems a 
plausible explanation. It need not imply that Psoralea was thought 
to be like Zizania, but only that it was a little plant of the prairie, 
^^"te, which served a use like to that of Z/3an««./>sJ". This is probably 
a case in point, but whether so or not, instances could be cited of the 
influence of vegetation on language, as in case of some names of 


months, W ozhushtecha-shM-wi, Red Strawberry moon — i. e., the 
moon (hmar month) when strawberries are red ripe, the name of 
the month of June in the Dakota calendar. 

The prevalence of certain plants often gave origin to place names. 
As examples of such names may be cited the Omaha name of Logan 
Creek, tributary of the Elkhorn River, TaspaP^-hi-hate-ke (meaning 
river where clumps of Crataegus are) . Another instance is the Omaha 
name of I^oup River, which is Nib-ta!^-lie (river where nn abounds). 
Nu is the Omaha name of Glycine apios. The Omaha name of Little 
Blue River is Maa-ozhi-ke (river full of cottonwoods, maa). 

The character of the flora of a region has its effect on the style 
of architecture. The tribes of the eastern woodlands had abundance 
of timber for building, so their houses were log structures or frames 
covered with bark. In Nebraska, where the forest growth was very 
limited, the dwelling was the earth lodge, a frame of timbers 
thatched with prairie gi'ass and covered with earth. 

A people living with nature, and largely dependent upon nature, 
will note with care every natural aspect in their environment. Ac- 
customed to observe through the days and the seasons, in times of 
stress and of repose, every natural feature, they will watch for every 
sign of the impending mood of nature, every intimation of her favor 
and every monition of her austerity. Living thus in daily asso- 
ciation with the natural features of a region some of the more not- 
able will assume a sort of personality in the popular mind, and so 
come to have place in philosophic thought and religious ritual. 

Throughout the range of the Plains tribes they saw everywhere 
the Cottonwood, the willow, and the cedar. These trees by their ap- 
pearance impressed tlie imagination of the primitive mind. The 
cedar, appearing to be withdrawn into lonely places, and standing 
dark and still, like an Indian with his robe drawn over his head 
in prayer and meditation, seemed to be in communion with the 
Higher Powers. The willow was always found along the water- 
courses, as though it had some duty or function in the world in 
connection with this element so imperatively and constantly needful 
to man and to all other living forms. The cottonwood they found 
in such diverse situations, appearing always so self-reliant, showing 
such prodigious fecundity, its lustrous young leaves in springtime 
by their sheen and by their restlessness reflecting the splendor of the 
sun like the dancing ripples of a lake, that to this tree also they 
ascribed mystery. This peculiarity of the foliage of the cottonwood 
is quite remarkable, so that it is said the air is never so still that 
there is not motion of cottonwood leaves. Even in still summer 
afternoons, and at night when all else was still, they could ever hear 
the rustling of cottonwood leaves by the passage of little vagrant 

58 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

currents of air. And the winds themselves were the paths of the 
Higher Powers, so they were- constantly reminded of the mystic 
character of this tree. 

The Sacred Pole, an object of the greatest veneration to the 
Omaha Nation, was made of cottonwood. 

These three trees will serve as examples of plants to which mys- 
tery is ascribed and which had symbolism in the rituals of religion. 
In the chapter on the aboriginal uses of plants, where the plants are 
listed according to taxonomic order, several others will be found. 

It will be found that the sense of beauty and the pleasure-giving 
arts will, with every jieople, find outlet and expression by means of 
the natural products of their own region. Much of the enjoyment 
of art arises from association. The tribes of Nebraska found within 
their range many plants yielding pigments- to gratify the love of 
color; they also found many plants whose leaves or seeds yield 
fragrance. All of these scents are clean and wholesome and redolent 
of the pure outdoors and freshness of breezes from nature's garden 
and the farthest removed from any suggestion of hothouse culture 
and of the moiling of crowds. By a whiff of any of these odors one 
is mentally carried, by the power of association and suggestion, to 
the wide, quiet spaces, where the mind may recover from throng- 
sickness and distraction of the multitude and regain power and 

Native plants of the region also furnished the materials for per- 
sonal adornment, although it is noteworthy that it has not been found 
that flowers were used for this purpose by any of the tribes of the 
plains. It was often remarked that the people admired the wild 
flowers in their natural state, but they never plucked them. How- 
ever, beads and pendants were made from many seeds. 


It would be most interesting if we could detennine with any degree 
of accuracy the efficient factors in the redistribution of vegetation 
over the ice-devastated region after the glacial retreat. We should 
like to know the distance, velocity, and direction, and the active 
agents, eolian, hydrographic, faunal, and anthropic, of the various 
currents in the resurgence of floral life over the region formerly ice 

We see the results of human agency as a factor in plant migration 
very clearly in the introduction into tliis State of a number of j^Iants 
since the advent of Europeans. Some species introduced here are 
indigenous on the Atlantic seaboard, some have been brought from 
Europe and naturalized in the Eastern States, and thence brought 


here by immigrants from those States; other species, for instance 
Saholapestlfer (Russian thistle), have been introduced directly from 

Verbascum thapsus (mullein), Arctium Tninus (burdock), Leon- 
todon taraxacum (dandelion), and many other weeds now very com- 
mon, are of recent introduction by this means, besides many plants 
purposely introduced by the white settlers, such as Nepeta catarm 
(catnip), Roripa armoracia (horseradish), and other herbaceous 
l^lants, and fruit and timber trees, vines, and shrubs. 

Although these sources of plant immigration into Nebraska are 
recognized, the human factor in plant distribution prior to the 
European advent is not so obvious and may not have suggested itself 
to most of my readers. But the people of the resident tribes traveled 
extensively and received visitors from distant tribes. Their wants 
required for various purposes a great number of species of plants 
from mountain and plain and valley, from prairie and from wood- 
land, from regions as remote from each other as the Rio Grande and 
the Great Lakes and St. Lawrence. 

Their cultivated plants were all probably of Mexican origin, com- 
prised in the Cucurbitaccae (squashes, pumpkins, gourds, and water- 
melons), Phaseolus vulgaris (garden bean) in 15 or more varieties, 
Zea mays (corn) in five general types aggregating from 15 to 20 
varieties, and their tobacco, Nicotiana guadrivalvis. 

But besides these known plant immigrants already carried into Ne- 
braska by human agency before the advent of Europeans, certain facts 
lead me to believe that some plants not under cultivation, at least in 
the ordinai-y sense, owe their presence here to human transporta- 
tion, either designed or undesigned. Parts of certain plants, and in 
most cases the fruits or fruiting parts, were desired and used for their 
fragrance, as the seeds of Aqullegia canadensis, the fruiting tops of 
I'halictnim purpurascens, the entire plant of GaUum tnforum, the 
fruits of Zaiithoxylwn a7)ierica7iitm, and leaves and tops of Monarda 
ftstuJosa. Any of these easily might be, and probably were, imde- 
signedly distributed by the movements of persons carrying them. 
Desirable fruits were likely carried from camp to camp and their 
seeds dropped in a viable condition often in places favorable to their 
growth. Mains ioensis is found in Iowa and on the west side of the 
Missouri River in the southeast part of Nebraska, but nowhere higher 
up the Missouri on the west side except on a certain creek flowing 
into the Niobrara from the south near the line between Knox County 
and Holt Count,v. The Omaha and Ponca call this creek Apple 
Creek on that account. The original seed, so far from their kind, 
probably reached this place in camp kitchen refuse. 

60 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

Acorus calamus and Lobelia cardinalis are both found in certain re- 
stricted areas within the old Pawnee domain. Acorus is exceedingly 
highly prized by the Pawnee, and also by the other tribes, for medici- 
nal use, and by the Pawnee especially for ritualistic religious use. 
Also its seeds were used for beads. Seeds obtained originally at a 
place far distant might have been lost in the margins of streams, and 
so have been introduced unwittingly. Moreover, seeds or living roots 
might have been brought purposely and set by the priests and doctors 
without the knowledge of the laity. Thus this plant may have been 
introduced to the few places where it is now to be found in Nebraska 
either with or without design. At all events it appears most probable 
that it was introduced by human agency. It is significant that the 
isolated areas where it is found are comparatively near old Pawnee 
village sites. Lobelia was a plant to which mystic power in love af- 
fairs was attributed. It was used in making love charms. Of course 
the methods and formula; for compounding love medicines were not 
known to everyone, so a person desiring to employ such a charm must 
resort to some one reputed to have knowledge of it and must pay the 
fees and follow the instructions of his counsellor. In order to have the 
medicine convenient the wise ones might very naturally think of try- 
ing to introduce it to grow in their own countrj'. Quite naturally, 
too, its introduction, if accomplished, would be secretly effected. Ad- 
vertising is contrary to the professional code. 

In another place the recent dissemination of MelUofus is discussed. 
When the Pawnee were removed from Nebraska to Oklahoma they 
carried with them seeds from Nebraska, their mother country, to the 
land, foreign to them, which circumstances they had no power to con- 
trol caused them to colonize. Besides the seeds of their cultivated 
crops they carried stores of dried fruits as part of their food supply. 
Among these were quantities of dried plums, often dried entire with- 
out pitting. At the jDresent time there are thickets of Prunus ameri- 
cana wherever are seen the lodge rings of the original earth lodges 
which they first occupied when they went to Oklahoma. This fact I 
observed when I visited that tribe in pursuit of information in their 
plant lore. From consideration of such facts as are here demon- 
strated I am of the opinion that human occupation and activities 
were more or less efficient factors in the distribution of plants in Ne- 
braska as found by the first comers of the European race. 

The most casual observer can perceive that Europeans, since their 
advent, have greatly changed the flora by introducing new species 
and depleting the numbers of some and augmenting the numbers 
of certain other species. A very great depletion has occurred in the 
grassland flora by reason of the large areas in which the original 
flora has been completely exterminated by the plow. Other areas 


have been OA'ergrazed until the original balance of vegetation has 
been destroyed by the unnatural competition induced among the 
native species as well as by the added competitive factor of intro- 
duced species. Thus many pasture lands may now be seen in which 
hard and bitter si:)ecies, such as SoUdago Hgida and Yerna-nki 
fascicidata, not desired by grazing animals, have inordinately in- 
creased. Not only have some species of the natural prairie flora 
been thus decreased and others increased, but the woodland flora 
lias been considerably augmented not only by artificial planting, 
but also by attendant protection of the natural increase, which 
protection has been in some instances intentional and in others only 

The introduction and dissemination of species by human agency 
in aboriginal time has been discussed already. It remains to notice 
the human factor in depletion of certain species and augmentation 
of others prior to European advent. Probably the chief means 
employed by the tribes, affecting the floral balance, was that of 
fire. Their habit of firing the grasslands was effective in retarding 
the advance of woodland with all its associate flora and very 
probably even drove back the forest line and exterminated some 
areas which, previous to any human occupancy, had been possessed 
by forest growth. 


Protofhtceae and Ztgophyceae 

Without specification of genera or even of orders it is sufficient 
to say that a green stain for decoration of implements made of 
wood was obtained from masses of the green aquatic vegetation pop- 
ularly known as "pond scum " or " frog spit." The green substance 
used by the people of the tribes for the purpose of making a green 
stain, obtained by them from sluggish streams and ponds, doubtless 
consisted of colonies of Protococcus, Ulothrix, CJiaetophora, Spiro- 
gyra, etc. 


Pleurotus ulmaeius Bull. Elm Cap. 

This fungus is used for food by the tribes acquainted with it. 
When young and tender it is most delicious. It grows in decayed 
spots on Acer negundo and Ulmus sp. The writer discovered its use 
for food among the people of the Dakota Nation. Some women were 
gathering it in a grove of boxelder near the place where the Cannon- 
ball River flows into the Missouri River, and they gave information 

' See glossary of plant names, p. 139. 

62 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

as to its use. They were looking for it in decayed spots caused by 
tapping the trees for the purpose of sugar making, for these people 
still make sugar from the sap of the boxelder. 



Cha^ na.''lcpa (Dakota), "tree ears" {cha'^, wood or tree; na"kpa, 

The Dakota use this fungus for food when young and tender, ex- 
cept specimens gi-owing on ash trees (Fraiciniis) , which they say 
are bitter. They are prepared by boiling. 


UsTiLAGo MATDis (DC.) Cda. Com Smut. 

Wahaba fit hi (Omaha-Ponca) ; literally, "corn sores" or "blis- 
ters" {wahaha, corn). 

This fungus was used for food by both Omaha and Pawnee. For 
this purpose the spore fruits were gathered as soon as they appeared, 
while firm and white, and boiled. They were said to be very good. 

Lycoperdaceae puetballs 

Lycoperdon gemmatum Batsch., Calvatia cyathaformis (Bosc.) 
Morg.. BovisTA PLUMBEA Pers. Puffball. 

Eokshi chekpa (Dakota), "baby's navel" {ho/cshi, baby; chekpa, 

The Pawnee name is Kaho rahik {kaho, the name + raMk, 
old), descriptive of it in the stage when it is used as a styptic. 

The prairie mushrooms, commonly designated puflballs, were 
gathered and kept for use as a styptic for any wounds, especially 
for application to the umbilicus of newborn infants. From its uni- 
versal application to this use among the Dakota is derived their name 
for the puffball. In the young stage it is used for food. It is used 
also as a stj'ptic by the Ponca and the Omaha. While white and 
firm, before the spores formed, it was sometimes roasted for food 
by the Omaha, but this use was unknown to my informant among 
the Dakota. 


MoRCHELLA EscuLENTA (L.) Pers. Morel. 

Mikai Kthi (Omaha-Ponca), "star sore" (mikai, star; Kthi, sore). 
They are much esteemed for food and are eaten boiled. 

oilmobe] taxonomic list of plants 63 


Parmelia borreri Turn. Lichen. 
Cha" wiziye (Dakota). 


TJsNEA BARBATA Hoffm. Lichen. 

Cha." toiziye (Dakota). 

This lichen and the preceding one are by the Dakota used in the 
same way and given the same name. They were used to make a 
yellow dye for porcupine quills; for this purpose the lichens were 
boiled and the quills dipped in the resulting liquid. 


Equisetum sp. Horsetail, Scouring Rush, Snakegrass, Joint Rush. 
3Ia"de idhe shnaha (Omaha-Ponca), " to-make-a-bow-smooth " 
{7na"de, bow ; shnaha, to smooth : idhe carries the idea of pur- 
pose or use). Designated also shangga wathate because horses 
{sJiangga) eat it with avidity. 
Pakarut (Pawnee). 

It was used by these tribes for polishing, as we use sandpaper. 
Winnebago children sometimes made whistles of the stems, but the 
older people warned them not to do so lest snakes should come. 


PiNus MTTRRATANA Oreg. Com. Lodgepole Pine. 

Wazi (Dakota). 

AViiile not indigenous to Nebraska, this tree was known and prized 
for use as tipi poles. The tribes of eastern Nebraska made trips to 
obtain it in its habitat or traded for it with their western neighbors. 
JuNiPERtJS viKGiNLiNA L. Cedar. 

Hante or Jiante sha (Dakota) ; sha, " red." 

Maazi (Omaha-Ponca ) . 

Tawatnaaho (Pawnee). 

The fruits are known as Kante itika, " cedar eggs." The fruits 
and leaves were boiled together and the decoction was used internally 
for coughs. It was given tt> hoi'ses also as a remedy for coughs. 
For a cold in the head twigs were burned and the smoke inhaled, tlie 
burning twigs and the head being enveloped in a blanket. Because 
the cedar tree is sacred to the mythical thunderbird, his nest being 
'• in the cedar of the westei'n mountains," cedar boughs were put on 


the tipi poles to ward off lightning, " as white men put up lightning 
rods," my informant said. 

In the year 1849-50 Asiatic cholera was epidemic among the Teton 
Dakota. The Oglala were encamped at that time where Pine Eidge 
Agency now is. Many of the people died and others scattered in a 
panic. Red Cloud, then a young man, tried various treatments, 
finally a decoction of cedar leaves. This was drunk and was used 
also for bathing, and is said to have proved a cure. 

The Omaha-Ponca name for the cedar is nuiazi. Cedar twigs 
were used on the hot stones in the vapor bath, especially in purifica- 
tory rites. J. Owen Dorsey ^ says, " In the Osage traditions, cedar 
symbolizes the tree of life." Francis La Flesche ^ says : 

An ancient cedar pole was also in the keeping of the We'uhVshte gens, 
and was lodged in the Tent of War. This venerable object was once the 
central figure in rites that have been lost. In creation myths the cedar is 
associated with the advent of the human race ; other myths connect this tree 
with the thunder. The thunder birds were said to live " in a forest of 
cedars ..." There is a tradition that in olden times, In the spring after 
the first thunder had sounded, in the ceremony which then took place this 
Cedar Pole was painted and anointed at the great tribal festival held while 
on the buffalo hunt. 

As a remedy for nervousness and bad dreams the Pawnee used 
the smoke treatment, burning cedar twigs for the purpose, 


Typha latifolta L. Cat-tail. (PI. 1, b.) 

Wihufa-hu (Dakota) ; ■wlhuta, "the bottom of a tipi " {hu, plant- 
body, herb, shrub, or tree; in a Dakota plant name hti signifies 
" plant," as does hi in the Omaha language). 
Wahab^ igaskonthe (Omaha-Ponca); wahaba, corn; igaskonthe, 
similar, referring to the appearance of the floral spikes syn- 
chronously with the maturing of the corn. 
Esho-hi!' (Winnebago) ; ksho, prairie chicken, A.i", feather. The 
plucked down resembles in color and texture the finer feathers 
of the prairie chicken. 
Eatoahawa (Pawnee). 

Kirit-tacharush (Pawnee), "eye itch" {kirit, eye; fachamsh, 
itch) ; so named because the flying down causes itching of the 
eyes if it gets into them. 
The down was used to make dressings for burns and scalds; on 
infants, to prevent chafing, as we use talcum; and as a filling for 
pillows and padding for cradle boards and in quilting baby wrap- 
pings. Pieces of the stem were essential elements in making the 

1 Slouan Cults, p. 391. 

a Fletcher and La Fleache, The Omaha Tribe, pp. 457-458. 



Photo by courtesy of Public Museum of Milwaukee, Department of Education 



Photo by courtesy of Public Museum of Milwaukee, Department of 



ceremonial object of the Omaha and Ponca known as nmiba weawan, 
used in the Wawan ceremony. In a family in which the birth of 
a child was expected the women busied themselves in collecting a 
great quantity of the down of Ti/pha, in a mass of which was laid 
the newborn infant; that which adhered after drying the motliei- 
remoTed by manipulation after moistening with milk from her 
breasts. Cotton fabrics were unlcnown to the Plains tribes previous 
to the coming of white ti'aders, hence, instead of cotton diapers, pads 
of cat-tail down were used for the purpose by the mothers in these 


Sagittabia latifoll\ Willd. An-owleaf. (Pi. lA.) 

Pshitola (Dakota). 

Si" (Omaha-Ponca). 

Si^-poro (Winnebago). 

Eirit (Pawnee), "cricket" (from the likeness of the tuber to the 
form of a cricket) ; known also as kits-kat, " standing in water," 
the tuber being termed kirit. 

By all these tribes the tubers were used for food, prepared by boil- 
ing or roasting. The Pawnee must have some other use for the plant 
because an old medicine-man showed excited interest when he saw a 
specimen in my collection, but he did not communicate to me what 
the use is. 

In the Omaha myth, " Ishtinike and the Four Creators," Sagit- 
taria (Si") is mentioned,^ also in the myth " How the Big Turtle 
Went to War." = 

Peter Kalm ^ in 17-19 mentions Saglttaria as a food plant among 
the Algonquian Indians: 

Katniss is another Indian name of a plant, the root of which they were 
likewise accustomed to eat, ... It grows in low, muddy, and very wet 
ground. The root is oblong, commonly an inch and a half long, and one inch 
and a quarter broad in the middle ; but some of the roots have been as 
big as a man's fists. The Indians either boiled this root or roasted it in 
hot ashes. . . . Their katniss is an arrow-head or Sagittaria, and is only a 
variety of the Swedish arrow-head or Sagittaria sagittifolia, for the plant above 
the ground is entirely the same, but the root under ground is much greater 
In the American than in the European. Mr. Osbeck, in his voyage to China, 
mentions that the Chinese plant a Sagittaria, and eat its roots. This seems 
undoubtedly to be a variety of this katniss. 

' Dorsey, ^cglha. Language, p. 554. 

"^ Ibid, p. 256. (The translator mistranslated s-i" "wild rice." Si" Is Sagittaria ; wild 
rice is .Si" iraninde.) 

' Peter Kalm. Travels into North America, vol. i, p. 386. 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 5 



Spartina michattxiana Hitchc. Slough Grass. 

Sidu-hi (Omaha-Ponca). 

This i^lant, which grows in all the swales of eastern Nebraska, 
was used as thatching to support the earth covering of the lodges in 
the permanent villages. 

Savastana odorata (L.) Scribn. Sweet Grass. 

Wachanga (Dakota.) 

Peshe zonsta (Omaha-Ponca). 

Manusha (Winnebago). 

Kataaru (Pawnee). 

Sweet grass is found in northeastern Nebraska, and more abun- 
dantly northward and eastward. It was used for perfume and was 
burned as an incense in any ceremony or ritual to induce the pres- 
ence of good influences or benevolent powers, while wild sage, a 
sjjecies of Ariemisia, was burned to exorcise evil influences or malevo- 
lent j)owers. It was an essential element in the objects used in the 
Wawan ceremony of the Omaha and Ponca. According to J. Owen 
Dorsey, tvachanga is one of the plants used in connection with the 
sun dance.^ 

On Palm Sundays old Dakotas, members of the church, when they 
have received palms at the church, carry them home and tie sweet 
grass with them when they put them up in their houses. At the 
present time, it is said, some of the old people still carry sweet grass 
to church for the Palm Sunday service. This is from the old-time 
association of sweet grass with sacred ceremonies and things holy. 

When Chief Welkie, of the Pembina band of the Chippewa tribe, 
made a treaty of peace with the Dakota tribe the ceremony included 
the smoking of a pipe of tobacco mixed with sweet grass. This was, 
no doubt, with the idea of summoning all good powers as witnesses 
and helpers in concluding the desired peace. 

Panicxjm virgatum L. Switch Grass. 

Hade wafhazhninde (Ponca). 

On the buffalo hunt, in cutting up the meat the people were careful 
to avoid laying it on grass of this species in head, because the glumes 
of the spikelets would adhere to the meat and afterwards would stick 
in the throat of one eating it. 

Stipa spartea Trin. Porcupine Grass, Spanish Needles, Needle 
Grass. (PI. 2.) 

Mika-hi (Omaha-Ponca), " comb plant" {mika, comb). 

Pitsuts (Pawnee), "hairbrush"; or Paari pitsuts, Pawnee hair- 

1 Siouan Cults, p. 454. 








^^,fe -oPT^ 



& '■ ^^1^^ >' i-^^ttr^'flB^*"'^*^^''^ 

^- '^^'^^^-■- 







s.a?f' ' 








Photos by courtesy of Department of Botany, Iowa State Agricultural College 



Photo by courtesy of Public Museum of Milwaukee, Department of Education 


Tlie stiff awns of this grass were firmly bound into a bundle, from 
which the pointed grains were burned off, leaving a brush used for 
dressing the hair. This brush was used also in a certain part of the 
ceremony heretofore mentioned as the Wawan of the Omaha-Ponca, 
the Hako' of the Pawnee. 

ZizANiA AQUATiCA L. Wild Ricc, Indian Rice. (PI. 3.) 

Psj" (Dakota). 

Si''ivaninda- (Omaha-Ponca). 

Sv' (Winnebago). 

The range of wild rice is very extensive throughout the North 
Temperate Zone. It is found in the shallow lakes of the Sand Hills of 
Nebraska, still more northeastward in the lake region of Minnesota, 
Wisconsin, and Michigan, and northward into Canada. This cereal 
was an important part of the dietary of the tribes of Nebraska, but 
not in so great a degree as with the tribes of the lake regions to- 
ward the northeast. It would seem worth while to raise wild rice 
in any lakes and marshy flood plains in our State not otherwise 
productive, and so add to our food resources. From trial I can 
say that it is very palatable and nutritious and, to my taste, the 
most desirable cereal we have. A quotation from a consular report 
characterizes it as "the most nutritious cereal in America."^ The 
most exhaustive treatise on wild rice and its use among the aboriginal 
tribes is that by Dr. A. E. Jenks.' 

Zea mays L. Maize, Indian Corn. 

Wamndheza (Dakota) ; Teton dialect, wagmeza. 

Wahdha (Omaha-Ponca). 

Nikih (Pawnee). 

Maize was cultivated by all the tribes of Nebraska. Native in- 
formants say they had all the general types — dent corn, flint corn, 
flour corn, sweet corn, and poja corn ; and that of most of these types 
they had several varieties. They maintained the purity of these 
varieties from generation to generation by selecting typical ears for 
seed and by planting varieties at some distance from each other. 
They raised considerable quantities, part of which was preserved by 
drying in the green stage, while the rest was allowed to ripen. The 
ripe corn was prepared by pounding to a meal, by parching (some- 
times by parching and then grinding), by hulling with lye from 
ashes to make hominy, and in various other ways. Maize comprised 
a large part of the food 3upply. Corn was regarded as " mother " 
among the Nebraska tribes who cultivated it. 

1 FlPtcher. The Hako, p. 220. 
^Outlook, May 10, 1913. p. 80. 

2 The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes, in \inrtcenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 
pt. 2. 


When the corn was approaching maturity, and blackbirds made 
depredations on the fields, the men of the Wazhinga-thatazhi siibgens, 
of the Omaha tribe used to chew up some grains of corn and spit the 
chewed corn around over the field. This action was supposed to 
keep the birds from doing any further damage.^ 

In the Omaha subgens, the Wazhinga-thatazhi (" those who eat no 
small birds"), the people feared to eat the first mature ears lest the 
small birds, particularly blackbirds, should come and devour the 
rest of the crop.^ 

A white leaf appearing in a cornfield was hailed with joy by the 
Omaha as a portent of a bountiful crop for the year and of abun- 
dance of meat at the next buffalo hunt. 

Among the Omaha if a murderer passed near a field it was feared 
the effect would be to blight the crop. Some time in the latter half 
of the nineteenth century a murderer, having passed his term of 
exile for his crime, was returning to his people. As he approached 
he was warned away fi'om the fields by their owners. This indi- 
vidual was a mystery man (" medicine man ") and as such was consid- 
ered to possess supernatural power, or to be able to enlist the aid of 
supernatural powers by certain prayers and songs; hence as he came 
by the fields he sang a song to the powers to avert the disastrous effect 
on the crop, which otherwise his presence might incur. Of this he 
assured the people to quiet their fears of blight on their crop. 

Corn silks were gathered and, after being dried in the sun, were 
stored away for use as food. To this end the dried corn silks were 
ground with parched corn, and, it is said, gave sweetness to the 

Our European race little appreciates the great number and variety 
of corn food products made by the American tribes. No attempt is 
here made even to give a full list of such products. 

Andropogon fttrcatus Muhl. 

Hade-shkle (Omaha-Ponca), "red hay" {hade, hay; shide, red). 

This grass, the most common in the meadows and prairies of the 
State, was ordinarily used to lay on the poles to support the earth 
covering of the lodges. The stiff, jointed stems are termed in the 
Omaha-Ponca language peska. These were often used by little 
boys in play to make arrows for their toy bows. In making arrows 
of the stems of this wild grass small boys of the Arikara, Mandan, 
and Hidatsa tribes would commonly insert a thorn of Crataegus sp. 
(thorn apple) for an arrow point. With such arrows to their little 
bows they would train themselves to skill in archery by shooting 
frogs. The first field matron to the Omaha taught the women to knit. 
One woman, Ponka-sa°, lost her needles and improvised a set from 

" Dorsey, Omaha Sociology, p. 238. 
= Dorsey, Siouan Cults, p. 402. 



pcska. Wliite Horse, an old medicine-man of the Omaha, told me of 
a remedial use of Andropogon which he had obtained by purchase 
from an Oto medicine-man. A decoction of the lower blades of this 
grass chopped fine was drunk in cases of general debility and lan- 
guor without definitely known cause. The same decoction was used 
also for bathing in case of fevers, for this purpose a cut being made 
on the top of the head to which the decoction was applied. The peo- 
ple had great dread of fevers because of the evil effect they were sup- 
posed to have on the mind ; this no doubt was because of delirium 
which often accompanies fever. 


SciRPTJS VALiDus Vahl. Bulrush. 

Psa (Dakota). 

Sa-hl (Omaha-Ponca). 

Sistat (Pawnee). 

The tender white part at, the base of the stem of the bulrush was 
eaten fresh and I'aw by the Dakota. The stems were used to weave 
into matting by all the tribes. A medicine-man of the Pawnee 
evinced lively interest when he saw a specimen in my collection, but 
did not communicate any information about it, a fact from which I 
infer it has some ceremonial use. 


Arisaema TRiPHTLLUM (L.) Torr. Jack-in-the-pulpit. (PI. 4.) 
Mikasi-Tnaka" (Omaha-Ponca), "coyote medicine." 
Nikso kororik kahtsu nitawau (Pawnee) ; medicine (or herb) 
kcihtsu; that bears, nitawau; what resembles, kororik; an ear of 
corn, nikso. The name is strikingly descriptive of the ripened 
This plant is used medicinally by the Pawnee. When a Pawnee 
medicine-man saw my specimen he evinced lively interest and 
showed me a bag containing the pulverized corm, but was unwilling 
to tell me its use. Another Pawnee medicine-man, however, told 
me of its use in treating headache by dusting on the top of the head 
and on the temples. 

The corm was pulverized and applied as a counterirritant for 
rheumatism and similar pains, as irritant plasters are used by white 

The seeds of this plant were put into gourd shells by the Pawnee 
to make rattles. 

AcoRus CALAMUS L. Sweet Flag, Calamus. 
Si^kpe-ta-wote (Dakota), " muskrat food " {si"kpc, muskrat; wote, 


Maka^-ninida (Omaha-Ponca). 

MaykO'-hereK (Winnebago). 

Kahtsha itu (Pawnee) ; ka/itsu, medicine; ha, in water; iti/, lying. 

All the tribes hold this plant in very high esteem. It was used 
as a carminative, a decoction was drmik for fever, and the rootstock 
was chewed as a cough remedy and as a remedy for toothache. For 
colic an infusion of the pounded root stock was drunk. As 
a remedy for colds the rootstock was chewed or a decoction was 
drunk, or it was used in the smoke treatment. In fact, this part of 
the plant seems to have been regarded as a panacea. When a hunt- 
ing party came to a place where the calamus grew the young men 
gathered the green blades and braided them into garlands, which 
they wore round the neck for their pleasant odor. It was one of 
the plants to which mystic powers were ascribed. The blades were 
used also ceremonially for garlands. In the mystery ceremonies of 
the Pawnee are songs about the calamus. 

Among the Teton Dakota in old times warriors chewed the root- 
stock to a paste, which they rubbed on the face to prevent excitement 
and fear in the presence of the enemy. 


Tradescantia virginica L. Spiderwort, Spider Lily. (PI. 5, a.) 
This is a charmingly beautiful and delicate flower, deep blue in 
color, with a tender-bodied plant of graceful lines. There is no more 
appealingly beautiful flower on the western prairies than this one 
■when it is sparkling with dewdrops in the light of the first beams of 
the rising sun. There is about it a suggestion of purity, freshness, 
and daintiness. 

When a young man of the Dal^ota Nation is in love, and walking 
alone on the prairie he finds this flower blooming, he sings to it a 
song in which he personifies it with the qualities of his sweetheart's 
character as they are called to his mind by the characteristics figura- 
tively displayed by the flower before him. In his mind the beauties 
of the flower and of the girl are mutually transmuted and flow to- 
gether into one image. 

The following song, addressed to Tradescantia, is translated from 
the Dakota language by Dr. A. McG. Beede : 

" Wee little dewy flower, 
So blesserl and so shy, 
Thou'rt dear to me, and for 
M.v love for tbee I'd die." 

E o 








Photos by courtesy of Dr. Elda Walker, University of Nebraska 


Photo by courtesy of Dr. R. J. Pool, University of Nebraska 







Allium mutabile Michx. Wild Onion. 

Pshi" (Dakota). 

Ma''zh.o"ka-)iumtanaha (Omaha-Ponca). 

Sh,i"hop (Winnebago). 

Osidiwa ( Pawnee ) . 

Since the introduction of the cultivated onion the wild onion is 
known to the Pawnee as Osidiwa tsitschiks, " native osidiwa.''^ 

All the species of wild onion found within their habitat were used 
for food by the Nebraska tribes, commonly raw and fresh as a relish, 
sometimes cooked as a flavor for meat and soup, also fried. 

Erythronium mesochoreum Knerr and E. albidum Nutt. Spring 
Lily, Snake Lily. (PI. 6.) 

Uedfe-shufsh (Winnebago). 

I was informed by Winnebago that children ate them raw witli 
avidity when freshly dug in springtime. 

LiLiuM ujibellatum Pursh. 

The flowers of this plant, pulverized or chewed, were applied bj' 
the Dakota as an antidote for the bites of a certain small poisonous 
brown spider. It is said to relieve the inflammation and swelling 

YucdA glauca Nutt. Soapweed, Spanish Bayonet, Dagger Weed. 
(Pis. 7, 8.) 

IlupestuJa (Dakota). 

Duwaduwa-hi (Omaha-Ponca). 

Chakida-hahtsu or C hakila-kahfsu (Pawnee). 

The root was used by the Pawnee and Omaha in the smoke treat- 
ment. By all the tribes the root was used like soap, especially for 
washing the hair. On the high treeless plains the Teton Dakota, 
for want of wood for fire-drills, utilized yucca. The hard, sharp- 
pointed blades were bound together with sinew to make the drill, and 
the stem, peeled and dried, was used as the hearth of the fire-making 
apparatus, just as punk was used in the timbered regions. 

Yucca leaves were macerated till the fibers were cleared, and, 
with the sharp, hard point of the leaf still attached, were twined 
into thread. The sharp point was used as a needle. 

Smilax herbacea L. Jacob's Ladder. 

Toshunuk ahunsKlce (Winnebago), "otter armlet" {toshunuk. 
otter; aJiimshke, armlet). 

The fruits were eaten at times by the Omaha for their pleasant 
taste. They were said to be effectual in relieving hoarseness. 



Iris VERSICOLOR L. Blue Flag. (PI. 9.) 
Mal-a''-skithe'^ (Omaha-Ponca), "sweet medicine" {inaha"^ medi- 
cine; skithe, sweet), or perhaps in this case meaning not " sweet " 
in the sense we use the word, but " stimulating," as the plant has 
a pungent taste. 
The rootstock w^as pulverized and mixed with water, or more often 
with saliva, and the infusion dropped into the ear to cure earache; 
it was used also to medicate eye-water. A paste was made to apply 
to sores and bruises. 


PoptJLtJS sargentii Dode. Cottonwood. (PL 6, h.) 
Wuga cha" (Dakota) ; cha"^ means " wood " or " tree." 
Maa zho'^ (Omaha-Ponca), "cotton tree" {zho"^, wood or tree). 
Natalcaaru (Pawnee). 

The Teton Dakota say that formerly the people peeled the j^oung 
sprouts and ate the inner bark because of its pleasant, sweet taste 
and nutritive value. Young cottonwood branches and upper branches 
of older trees were provided as forage for their horses and were 
said to be as " good for them as oats." White trappers and travel- 
ers have recorded their observations as to the value of the cot- 
tonwood as forage. 

Mystic properties were ascribed to the cottonwood. The Sacred 
Pole of the Omaha was made from a cottonwood. This was an object 
which seems to have had among that people a function somewhat 
similar to that of the Ark of the Covenant among the ancient He- 
brews. Among the list of personal names pertaining to the Ka"za 
gens of the Omaha tribe is that of Maa-zho" lloda^ Gray Cotton- 
wood. Cottonwood bark was employed as a fuel for roasting the 
clays used in making paints for heraldic and symbolic painting of 
the skin. A yellow dye was made from the leaf buds in early spring. 
A very pretty and interesting use of cottonwood leaves was made by 
children in jjlay. They sjDlit a leaf a short distance down from the 
tip along the midrib ; at equal distances from the tip they tore across 
from the margin slightly; then, bending back the margin above the 
rents for the smoke flaps, and drawing together the leaf-margins 
below the rents and fastening them with a splinter or a thorn, they 
had a toy tipi. These they made in numbers and placed them in 
circles like the camp circle of their tribe. The children of all the 
Nebraska tribes played thus. It is interesting to note this manifesta- 

' It should be noted that a number of different plants seem to be known by the 
Omaha and Ponka as maka^-skithe, " swept medicine." 


Photo by courtesy of George R. Fox, Appleton, Wis. 


tion of the inventive genius and resourcefulness of the Indian child 
mind thus reacting to its environment and providing its own amuse- 
ment. Children sometimes gathered the cottony fruits of the Cot- 
tonwood before they were scattered by the wind and used them as 
gum for chewing. In early spring, before the leaves appear, the 
waxy buds of the cottonwood were boiled to make yellow dye. 
Feathers for pluming arrows were dyed a yellowish color by dipping 
in a decoction made by boiling the seed vessels of tliis tree. 

Mention has been made already of the use of cottonwood leaves 
by little girls in making toy tipis. They were also used to make toy 
moccasins. For this purpose a rent was made at equal distances on 
each side of the leaf about halfway from the tip to the petiole. The 
edge of the leaf was now turned down in a line from this rent to the 
base ; then the edges of the leaf from the rent to the tip were brought 
together and pinned with a splinter to make the fore part, the edges 
of the base were brought together and fastened to make the back 
part, and behold ! a tiny green moccasin of the pattern common 
among the tribes of the plains, the top being turned down at the 

Girls and young women made another pleasing use of the cotton- 
wood leaf. The tip of the leaf was put between the lips and the 
sides pressed against the nostrils with the thumb and index finger 
in such a way that one nostril was quite closed and the other partly so. 
Then the breath was expelled through the partly closed nostril, vi- 
brating on the leaf in such a way that very sweet musical notes were 
produced, birdlike or flutelike in quality. The effect is most pleasing 
to the ear. 

The green, unopened fruits of cottonwood were used by children as 
beads and ear pendants in play. 

Salix interior Eowlee. Sandbar Willow. 

The steins of this willow were peeled and used in basketry by the 
Omaha and other tribes. 

Salix sp. 

WaKpe-popa (Dakota), generic name for willow. 

Ruhi (Winnebago). 

Kitapato ( Pawnee ) . 

Poles of willow of various species, overlaid on the heavier timbers 
to sustain the thatch covered with earth, were used in the construc- 
tion of the earth lodge. Small poles of willow were used- to form the 
frame of the saidatory, or bath lodge. Before European customs 
had so far superseded the native tribal customs, willow had its place 
in the funeral customs of the Omaha. On the day of burial, the 
fourth day after the death, at the time of starting from the home for 


the place of interment, young men, friends of the family of the de- 
ceased, appeared at the lodge to accompany the funeral party to the 
grave. They made parallel gashes in the skin of the forearm, and 
lifting the skin between these gashes, they thrust in the stems of 
willow twigs : leaving these thus depending f i"om the arm, the twigs 
were soon bathed in the blood of the young men, who thus attested 
to the living their sympathy and condolence, while they sang the 
tribal Song to the Spirit. This song is one of joyful cadence rather 
than mournful, because it is a song of cheer to the departing spirit, 
while their blood and tears manifest their sympathetic feeling for the 


Jtjglans nigra L. Black Walnut. 

Httui (Dakota) : Teton dialect, guvi; also by the Teton Dakota 
called chxi'^-sapa, black wood. 

rrfa^e (Omaha-Ponca). T'c^a^e-Az, walnut tree. 

Chal- (Winnebago). Chah-hu, walnut tree. 

Sahtaku (Pawnee). 

The nuts were used for food and a black dye was made from the 
root. The black walnut (tdage) is mentioned in the myth of "Ish- 
tinike and the Four Creators." ^ For food the nuts were eaten plain 
or served with honey, or made into soup. 

HicoRiA ovATA (Mill.) Britton. Hickory Nut. 

Cha^su (Dakota). Cha''su-hu, hickory tree. 

iVo"s^■ (Omaha-Ponca). AV'si-Aa, hickory tree. 

Pa"}a (Winnebago), nut. Pa'^'a-A?/, nut tree. 

Sahpakskiisu (Pawnee), skull nut, from the resemblance of the 
nut (saht, nut; pakskiku, skull). 

The nuts were used for food in the same way as walnuts. Sugar 
was made from the sap as from Acer species, and also by boiling 
hickory chips. 


CoRTLus AMERICANA Walt. Hazelnut. 

Uma (Dakota). Uma-hu, hazel bush. 

U"2hin.ya (Omaha-Ponca). V^'zhinga-hl, hazel bush. 

Huks ik ( Wi nnebago ) . 

The nuts were used for food as were other nuts, being eaten raw 
with honey, or used as body for soup. 

1 Dorsey, ^egiha Language, p. 556. 


Bettjla papteifera Marsh. Paper or Canoe Birch. 

Tct/'pa (Dakota). Ta"pa-hu,h\rc\\ir&&. Teton dialect rA(Z"/t(Z .sa", 
pale-bark (cha^-ha, bark; sa" pale). 

The bark, shredded fine, was bound in bundles for torches. It 
was used also as material for vessels to catch the sap from the 
trees in sugar-making time, and for various household utensils. 


QuERCus macrocarpa Michx. Bur Oak. 
Uskui/echa- hu ( Dakota ) . 
Tashha-hi (Omaha-Ponca). 
ChaxJike-hu (Winnebago) . 
Patki-natawawl (Pawnee) ; pafkl, acorn; natawawi, bearing. 

QuERCus rtjbra L. Red Oak. 

Uta (Dakota). Ufa-hu, oak tree. 

Buude-hl ( Omaha-Ponca ) . 

Nahata-pahat (Pawnee), "red-tree" {naliata, tree; pahat, red). 

Acorns, especially of Qitemis rubra, were used for food. The 
bitter and astringent properties were extracted by. leaching with 
wood ashes, preferably the ashes from basswood. The bark of the 
root of any species of oak was scraped otf and boiled and the de- 
coction given for bowel trouble, especially in children. 


Ulmtjs AMERICANA L. White Elm, American Elm. 

Pe (Dakota), " the elm "; pe cha"^, " elm wood "; pe ikcheka, " the 
common elm." 

Ezho"^ zho'^ (Omaha-Ponca), "elm tree," generic name; es/io" zho" 
ska, " white elm " {ska, white). 

Taitsaho taka (Pawnee), " white elm " {taitsako, elm: taka, white). 

The wood was used for fuel ; forked trees were used for the posts 
in building the earth lodge; sections of elm logs were used to make 
huge corn mortars, while the jiestles were also made of this wood. 
Smaller mortars and pestles of this wood were made for grinding 
medicines and perfumes. All these uses applied also to the other 
species of elm. 

Ulmus thomasi Sarg. Rock Elm. 

Pe itazipa (Dakota), "bow elm" {itmlpa, bow). 

Ezho^ zho"^ zi (Omaha-Ponca), " yellow elm " {zl, yellow). 

This species and the preceding were both used for saddle trees. 
It would seem from the Dakota name that it was formerly used for 
making bows, but I have no direct information on that point. 

76 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33" 

Ulmtjs futva Michx. Slippery Elm or Red Elm. 

Pe tututupa (Dakota), or in Teton dialect pe hituHu ""pa. 

Ezho" sMde (Omaha-Ponca), "red elm" {zhide, red) or esho'^ 
zhide gthigtMde, "slippery red elm" {gthigthide, slippery). 

Wakidikldik (Winnebago) . 

Taitsako pahat (Pawnee), " red elm " {pahat, red). 

Tlie bark, when weathered for several years till it glows with 
phosphorescence in the darkness, was used to catch the spark in fire- 
making. The fresh inner bark was boiled and the resulting decoction 
was drunk as a laxative. The Omaha used to cook the inner bark 
with buffalo fat in rendering out the tallow. They considered that 
the bark gave a desirable flavor to the fat and added a preservative 
quality, preventing it from becoming rancid. When the rendering 
was finished the children always asked for the pieces of cooked 
bark, which they prized as titbits. 

The inner bark fiber was also used for making ropes and cords. 

Celtis occidentalis L. Hackberry. 

Yammimnugapi (Dakota), from yamnumnuga, "to crunch," be- 
cause animals crunch its berries. 

Gube (Omaha-Ponca). 

Wake-warufsh (Winnebago), "raccoon food" (wake, raccoon; 
u'andsh^ food). 

Kaapsit (Pawnee). 

Omaha informants say the berries were eaten only casually, but the 
Dakota used them ,as a flavor for meat. For this purpose they 
pounded them fine, seeds and all. When they first saw pepper corns 
of black pepper, and their use as a condiment when ground, they 
likened them to yammimnugapi and so they called black pepper 
yamnumnugapi wasMchu^^ "white man's yamnum,nugapi." 

The Pawnee say they pounded the berries fine, added a little fat, 
and mixed them with parched corn. They described the combination 
as very good. 


ToxYLON poMiFERTJM Raf. Osage Orange, Bois d'Arc. 

Zho"-zi-zhu (Omaha-Ponca), "yellow-flesh wood" (zho", wood; 
zi, yellow: zhu, flesh). 

Nakitsku (Pawnee). 

This tree was not native to Nebraska, but its wood was used for 
making bov.s whenever it could be obtained. It was gotten whenever 
southern trips were made into its range, which is in the southern 
part of Oklahoma; or it was obtained by gift or barter from the 
tribes of that region. 



f'A.ff" ii/nwe (Dakota), but this only means tAvining, iymve, on a 

tree, cha". Since its European use in connection with yeast has 

become Icnown to them they call it wahpe onapoKye; waKpe, 

" leaves"; onnpoJ'uje, " to puff uf)." 

Maka^ sliifhe (Oniaha-Ponca), "sweet medicine." Since learning 

its leavening use it is called in that connection loiurMhiHu. 
The Teton Dakota steeped the fruits to make a drink to allay 
fevers and intestinal pains. A joart of the root down 3 or 4 feet in 
the ground was called maJca'^ skithe, " sweet medicine " ; this was 
chewed and applied to wounds, either alone or in combination with 
the root of Phi/tKiVts lanceolata, " the crooked medicine," and that of 
Anenbone canadensis, "the little buffalo medicine." 


TJrtica gracilis Ait. Nettle. 

Hanuga-hi or manazhiha-hi (Omaha-Ponca). 

The dried stalks were crumpled in the hands or gently pounded 
with a stone to free the fiber from the woody part. The first method 
"was more common. The fiber of nettles was used by Nebraska tribes 
for spinning twine and cordage. Rope of this fiber was generally 
used to hobble horses. It was also used to weave into cloth. It is 
said that cloth of this fiber was used in the Sacred Bundle of the 
Tent of War. 

Small boys gathered the fiber of this plant to use as wadding for 
their popgims. 


BiTMEX crisptjs L. Sour Dock. 

Shiakipi (Dakota). 

Among the Teton Dakota the green leaves, crushed, were bound 
■on boils to draw out the suppuration. The Omaha boiled the leaves 
for food as white people do. This plant is naturalized from Europe. 


Kahts-pirakari ov kahts-pilakan (Pawnee), "medicine with many 
children" (kahtsii, medicine; pira or [/ila, children; kan, 
many), so called because of the sweet-potato-like roots clustered 
at the base of the stem. 
The plant is found indigenous in sandy slopes of river valleys in 
■the region of the Wichita Mountains of Oklahoma and southwest- 
ward. Since the allotment of their lands in severalty, the Wichita 
and Pawnee are bringing this plant into cultivation. The root is 
used as a remedy for diarrhea. 

78 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 


Chenopodium album L. Lamb's-quarter. 

Wa/ipe toto (Dakota), "greens" (wafipe, leaves; tofo, green). 

Kitsariiis (Pawnee), " green juice " {kits, from kitsu, water, juice; 
Jndarius, green). 

This plant is naturalized from Europe, but appears to be so long 
established that tlie fact of its introduction seems now unknown to the 
Indians. Among the Teton Dakota and the Omaha tliis plant, while 
young and tender, was cooked as pottage. A Pawnee informant 
said that it is so used now by the Pawnee, not in former times. It 
was used in old times by the Pawnee for painting bows and arrows 


Alltonia nyctagixea Michx. Wild Four-o'clock. 

Poipie (Dakota). 

Maka"-wasek (Omaha-Ponca), "strong medicine" (vmka", medi- 
cine; waseh, strong). 

Kahtstakat (Pawnee), "yellow medicine" {kahts, from kahtsu, 
medicine; fakat, j'ellow). 

By the Teton Dakota the root was boiled to make a decoction to 
drink in case of fever. Together with roots of Echinacea angusti- 
folia it was boiled to make a vermifuge. The prescription for this 
purpose required the drinking of it four nights at bedtime, after 
which, at the next evacuation, the worms would be voided. My in- 
formant. Fast Horse, of the Oglala tribe, said, " If one has a big 
worm [tape worm?], it comes away, too." Roots of AlJionia and 
Echinacea were also boiled together to make a remedy for swellings 
of arms or legs. Wlien applied, this must always be rubbed down- 
ward on the affected parts to reduce the swelling. Among the Ponka 
the root was used as a remedy for wounds, for this purpose being 
chewed and blown into them. Among the Pawnee tlie dried root, 
ground fine, was applied dry as a remedy for sore mouth in babies. 
A decoction of the root was drunk by women after childbirth to 
reduce abdominal swelling. 


Phytolacca americana L. Pokeberry, Inkberry, Eedweed. 

The plant seems to be unknown to the Omaha, Ponca, and Dakota, 
and known only in recent times to the Oto and Pawnee. It is a 
late introduction from the Eastern States and is reported only from 
the extreme southeastern part of the State. It is rather common in 
Oklahoma, whither the Oto, the Pawnee, and most of the Ponca 
have been removed. So far as I was able to learn, they have there 


used it only for decorative purposes, a red stain obtained from the 
fruit being employed in painting horses and various articles of use 
or adornment. 


Nymphaea advena Soland. Large Yellow Pond Lily. 

Tliere is some dialectic variation in the si:)eech of the four tribes 
of the Pawnee Nation, and by one tribe, the Skidi, this plant is 
called tukauna; by another, the Chawi, it is called tut. It is said the 
seeds were cooked for food. This was the information given, but my 
informants may have mistaken this plant for the next one. 

Nelttmbo ltjtea (Willd.) Pers. Yellow Lotus, Water Chinquapin. 
(PL 10.) 

Teicape (Dakota). 

Tethaice ( Omaha-Ponca ) . 

Tsherop (Winnebago). 

Tuhawiu (Pawnee). 

This is one of the plants considered to be invested with mystic 
powers. It is an important native food plant, both the seeds and the 
tubers being used. The plant was much sought and highly prized by 
the tribes living within its range. The hard, nutlike seeds were 
cracked and freed of their shells and used with meat for making 
BOup. The tubers, also, after being peeled, were cut up and cooked 
with meat or with hominy. It contributes a delicious flavor, unlike 
any other. 

The tubers were harvested by wading into the pond to search for 
them in the mud with the toes. When found, the mud was worked 
away from them with the feet, and they were pulled out by means 
of a hooked stick. In shape and general appearance they much re- 
semble a small banana. This resemblance between the banana and 
Nelumbo tubers was remarked by the Omaha when bananas were first 
brought to their notice, so they were called tefhaire ega", " the things 
that look like tethave^'' which is now the Omaha name of the banana. 
Nelumho tubers might be cooked when first harvested, but to pre- 
serve them for winter use they were dried, being first peeled and 
cut into pieces about an inch long. An anatomical feature of the 
plant body is a ring of tubular air spaces extending longitudinally 
throughout the stem. This characteristic also pertains, natiu-ally, 
to the tubers and gives rise to a droll notion in regard to them. The 
Indians say that one who is digging these tubers must be careful to 
refrain from snuffing throiigh the nostrils, else the cavities of the 
tubers which he digs will become filled with mud and so spoiled. 
Another notion held in regard to this plant is that the tubers gath- 
ered by a tall man will be long, while a short man will get short 


The Osages and other western natives employ the roots [sic] of this plant, 
. . . for food, preparing them by boiling. . . . Fully ripe, after a considerable 
boiling, they become as farinaceous, agreeable, and wholesome a diet as the 
potato. . . . This same species ... is everywhere made use of by the natives, 
who collect both the nuts and roots. 1 


Thalictrtjm dasycarputm Fisch. & Lall. Meadow Eue. (PI. 11, a.) 

Wazimna (Dakota) ; 2vazi, "pine"; mna, "to smell." The name 
seems to signify pinelike odor. 

Nisude-M (Omaha-Ponca), " flute-plant" {nisude,&\xte). 

Skadiks or ska?-iks (Pawnee). 

By the Teton Dakota the fruits on approaching maturity in Au- 
gust are broken off and stored away for their pleasant odor; for 
this purpose they are rubbed and scattered over the clothing. The 
Indians say the effect is enhanced by dampness. This, like all other 
odors used by Indians, is of slight, evanescent fragrance. They used 
no heavy scents; all are delicate and give a suggestion of whole- 
someness and of the freedom of the uncontaminated outdoors? 

The hollow stems were used by small boys to make toy flutes 
{n'lsudc). The Ponca sometimes used the tops as love charms. 
Bachelors rubbed the tops with saliva in the palms of the hands to 
give them power to capture the affections of the desired maidens by 
shaking hands with them. My informants said the plants of this 
species growing in Minnesota are better than those found in Ne- 

The Pawnees used this plant as a stimvdant for horses, causing 
them to snuff it into the nostrils when obliged to make forced 
marches of three or four days' duration in order to escape from 
enemies. For this purpose it was administered by rubbing it mixed 
with a certain white clay on the muzzle of the horse. 

Pulsatilla patens (L.) Mill. Pasque Flower, Twin-flower. (PI. 
1, a.) 
Ilokshi-chel'pa icallcha (Dakota), "Twin-flower." 
As a counter-irritant for use in rheumatism and similar diseases 
the leaves of Puhatilla were crushed and applied to cause a blister. 
This information was given by an old man of the Omaha tribe. 

The people of the Dakota Nation call this plant by a name in their 
language which means " twin-flower," because usually each plant 
beai's just two flow-ering scapes. Indians generally are keenly ob- 
servant of all things in nature and reverent toward them. They 
have reverence and affection for the living creatures, the birds and 
beasts, the trees and shrubs and flowering plants. They have stories 
and songs about most of the plant and animal forms of life with 

' Nuttall, Flora of Arkansas Territory, p. 160. 



Photo by courtesy of Department of Botany, Iowa State Agricultural College 


which they are acquainted. They believe that each species has its 
own particuhir song which is the expression of its life or soul. The 
Song of the Twin-flower here given is translated from the Dakota 
language by Dr. A. McG. Beede. 

" I wish to encourage the children 
Of other flower nations now appearing 
All over the face of the earth ; 
So while they awaken from sleeping 
And come up from the heart of the earth 
I am standing here old and gray-headed." 

PuhatiJla is the very earliest bloomer in the spring, often appear- 
ing before the snow has disappeared. This fact explains the allusion 
in the words " I wish to encourage the children of other flower na- 
tions." The entire plant is hairy, and when ripe the head is white 
and bushy, having the appearance of a full and heavy growth of 
A'ery white hair on the head of an old man. This appearance explains 
the allusion in " I am standing here gray-headed." 

When an old Dakota first finds one of these flowers in the spring- 
time it reminds him of his childhood, when he wandered over the 
prairie hills at play, as free from care and sorrow as the flowers and 
the birds. He sits down near the flower on the lap of Mother Earth, 
takes out his pipe and fills it with tobacco. Then he reverently holds 
the pipe toward the earth, then toward the sky, then toward the north, 
the east, the south, and the west. After this act of silent invocation 
he smokes. While he smokes he meditates upon all the changing 
scenes of his lifetime, his joys and sorrows, his hopes, his accom- 
plishments, his disappointments, and the guidance which unseen 
powers have given him in bringing him thus far on the way, and he 
is encouraged to believe that he will be guided to the end. After 
finishing his pipe he rises and plucks the flower and carries it home 
to show his grandchildren, singing as he goes. The Song of the Twin- 
flower, which he learned as rv child, and which he now in turn teaches 
to his grandchildren. 

The mention of " reverently holding the pipe " is an allusion to a 
religious act of worship. Tobacco was used ceremonially and the 
pipe might be considered as a kind of censer. The earth was poeti- 
cally and mystically regarded as Mother of all living things, all 
plants, animals, and human beings. The Sky likewise was regarded 
as Father, and the Cardinal Points as the Paths of approach of the 
Powers which are all about us in this world. Man is not apart from 
nor above nature but a part of nature. All good things in nature 
are his friends and kindred, and he should be friendly with all. 

In the Omaha tribe, and probably also in other tribes, Pulsatilla 
had medicinal use. In cases of rheumatism and neuralgia the fresh 
74936°— 19— 33 eth 6 

82 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [kth. ann. 33 

leaves of Pulsatilla are crushed and applied on the surface over the 
affected part. It acts as a counter-irritant and will cause a blister 
if left on the skin long enough. My informant especially cautioned 
me that it must be used externally, as it would be dangerous and 
harmful if taken internally. 

Anemone canadensis L. Anemone, Wind Flower. 

Te-zhinga-maka'^ (Omaha-Ponca), "little buffalo medicine" (te, 
buffalo; zhinga^ little; makw, medicine). 

The root of this plant was one of the most highly esteemed medi- 
cines of the Omaha and Ponca. I do not know whether its value 
rested more on real physiological effects or on the great mystic powers 
ascribed to it; however, it was prescribed for a great many ills, es- 
pecially wounds, by those who had the right to use it. It was ap- 
plied externally and taken internally, and was used also as a wash for 
sores affecting the eyes or other parts. The right to use this plant be- 
longed to the medicine-men of the Te-sinde gens. To touch a buffalo 
calf was taboo to this gens ; hence the name of the plant, "little buf- 
falo medicine." My informant, Amos Walker, of the Te-sinde gens 
of the Omaha, said that the plant is male and female, and that the 
flower of the male plant is white and that of the female red. 

Anemone ctxindrica A. Gray. Long-fruited Anemone. 
W athihaba-maka" (Ponca), "playing-card medicine." 
Some Ponca used the woolly fruits of this plant as charms for 

good luck in playing cards, rubbing their hands in the smoke arising 

from burning some of the fruits and also rubbing the palms with the 

chewed fruit when about to engage in a card game. 

Aqutlegia canadensis L. Wild Columbine. (PI. 11, h.) 

I>iuhtho''-kithe-sahe-hi (Omaha-Ponca), "black perfume plant" 
{inuhtho", fragrant; kifhe, to make, to cause; sabe, black; hi, 
SknUkatit or Skarlkatit (Pawnee), "black-seed" {skali, seed; 

katit, black). 
The seeds are used by Omaha and Ponca, especially by bachelors, 
as a perfume. To obtain the odor the seeds must be crushed, a result 
which the Omaha commonly get by chewing to a paste. This paste is 
spread among the clothes, where its fragrant quality persists for a 
long time, being perceptible whenever dampened by dew or rain. 
Among the Pawnee the seeds are used for perfume and as a love 
charm. In cases of fever and headache the seeds are crushed with an 
elm-wood pestle in a mortar hollowed out of the same wood. The 
resulting powder is put into hot water and the infusion is drunk. 
For use as a love charm the pulverized seeds are rubbe4 in the palms, 
and the suitor contrives to shake hands with the desired one, whose 


fancy it is expected will thus be captivated. Omaha girls were 
somewhat in fear of the plant because of this supposed property and 
because, further, too strong a whiff of the odor was thought to cause 
nosebleed. On this account Omaha swains took delight in playfully 
frightening girls by suddenly thrusting some of the powder under 
their noses. 


Caulophyllum thalictroides (L.) Michx. Blue Cohosh. 
Zhu-nakada-tanga-maka^ (Omaha-Ponca), " great fever medicine " 
(sAw, flesh; naliada, hot; tanr/a, great; 7naka'\ medicine). Zhu- 
nahada^ literally " hot flesh," is the Omaha word for " fever." 
A decoction of the root was given for fevers. This was considered 
the most effectual febrifuge known to the Omaha. 


Menispermum can ADEN se L. Moonse«d. 

Inytluihe-hasi-i-ta (Omaha-Ponca), "thunder grapes" {ingth/ihe, 
thunder; hazi, grapes; /, they; te, genitive sign). Another name 
of Menispermmn among the Ponca is ^Yana''ha hazi etai, 
" grapes of the ghosts " {wa7ui,"ha, ghost or shade or spirit; hazi, 
Wanughi-haz (Winnebago), literally "ghost fruit," or "fruit of 

the ghosts or shades." 
Ilakakut (Pawnee), "sore mouth" {hakau, mouth; kuf, sore). 
The several tribal names suggest the sinister character ascribed to 
this plant. 


Sanguinaria canadensis L. Bloodroot. (PI. 12.) 
Mhugathe jwakiV^ wau (Omaha-Ponca), "woman-seeking medi- 
PeK-hishuji (Winnebago). The first member of this compound 
means " gourd," and the second, " to make red " ; hence the name 
probably refers to the use of the plant for reddening gourd 
rattles in ancient time, though I have never seen a rattle of 
modern time so decorated. 
For the purpose of dyeing red the root of this plant -was boiled 
with the materials to be dyed. For a love charm a bachelor of the 
Ponca after rubbing some of the root on his palm would contrive 
to shake hands with a girl he desired ; if successfid in this, after five 
or six days she would be found willing to marry him. From this use 
comes the Omaha-Ponca name of the plant. It was said to be used 
sometimes also as a decorative skin stain. 

84 . USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 


Grossiilaria missotjriensis (Niitt.) Cov. & Britt. "Wild Gooseberry. 

WichaKdeshka (Dakota) ; Yankton dialect, wichaknaska; Teton 
dialect, wichagna-shka. 

Pi'si (Omaha-Ponca). 

Has-ponoponoh (Winnebago), "crunching fruit" {has, fruit; 
ponoponoK, crunching) . 

The berries of this plant were used for food in their season. A 
children's game was described among the Omaha in which the chil- 
dren were counted off into two parties. Each individual of both 
parties was given a portion of the acidulous unripe berries which 
he must try to eat without making a grimace. The party less suc- 
cessful in this ordeal had to pay a forfeit to the victorious party 
or to execute some performance for their amusement, as for instance, 
to hop on one foot so many steps backward. 

EiBES AMERicANUM Mill. Wild Black Currant. 

Chap-ta-haza (Dakota), "Beaver-berries," from cJmpa-ta-haza 
{chapa, beaver; haza, berry; ta, genitive sign). 

Pezi nuga (Omaha-Ponca) ; pezi, gooseberry; nuga, male. 

An Omaha said a strong decoction of the root is made to drink as 
a remedy for kidney trouble. A Winnebago medicine-man said the 
root of the black currant is used by women for uterine trouble. 


Fragaria virginiana Duchesne and F. Americana (Porter) Britton. 
Wild Strawberry. (PI. 13, a.) 
W azhushtecha (Dakota). W azhushtecha-hu, strawberry vine. 
Wazhushtecha sha wl, the moon when strawberries are ripe, 
June {sha, red; wi, moon, lunar month). 
Bashte (Omaha-Ponca). Bashte-hi, strawberry vine. 
Haz-shchek (Winnebago) ; has, fruit. 
Apani-huradu (I'awnee), "ground berry" {aparu, berry; huradu, 

All the tribes were fond of wild strawberries and luxuriated in 
them in their season, but the fruit was too juicy to lend itself to 
the process of drying successfully for winter use. Young leaves 
of the plant were infused to make a beverage like tea by the Winne- 

RuBus occiDENTALis L. and R. strigostjs Michx. Wild Raspberry. 

Taka^hecha ( Dakota) . Taka^hecha-hu, raspberry l>ush. 
Agfhamu'^gi (Omaha-Ponca) . 
Aparu (Pawnee), berry. 



Photo by courtesy of Public Museum of Milwaukee, 
Department of Education 

Photo by courtesy of Department of Botany, Iowa Slate Agricultural College 





All the tribes used the berries for food, fresh in season, or dried 
for winter use. Young leaves were steeped to make a drink like tea. 

According to an Omalia informant the root was used medicinally, 
for which purpose it was scraped and boiled; the decoction was 
given to children as a remedy for bowel trouble. 
EosA PRATiNCOLA Greene. Wild Kose. 

0"zhi''zhi''tka (Dakota). 0''zhi"zhi"tka-hu, rosebush. 

Wazhide (Omaha-Ponca). 

Pahatu (Pawnee), red. 

There are several species of Rosa in Nebraska, tlie most common 
being Rosa pratincola, the prairie rose. The fruits are sometimes 
eaten to tide over a period of food scarcity. An amusing instance 
is told in the Omaha tribe of a time when the people were without 
food and no game could be found. A man had been laboriously 
gathering for his family a supply of wild rose fruits. After he 
had a considerable quantity a man was seen returning with the 
carcass of a deer he had been able to kill. At once the rose fruits 
were cast away in prospect of the much more excellent food which 
had come to hand. 

It is said that the inner bark of the rosebush was sometimes used 
for smoking, either alone or mixed with tobacco. 

The Pawnee say there are sometimes large, brown hypertrophied 
growths on the lower part of the stems, which, when charred by 
fire and crushed to powder, were applied as a dressing to burns. 

A wash for inflammation of the eyes was made by steeping the 
fruits, according to information from the Omaha. 


The following is a translation into English out of the Dakota 
language, by Dr. A. McG. Beede, of an old Dakota song. The people 
of the Dakota Nation, and other tribes also, think of the various 
plant and animal species as having each their own songs. With these 
people music — song — is an expression of the soul and not a mere 
artistic exercise. 

Where the word " Mother " appears in the following song it refers 
to '• Mother Earth," a living, conscious, holy being in Indian thought. 
The earth was truly venerated and loved by these people, who con- 
sidered themselves not as owners or potential owners of any part of 
the land, but as being owned by the land which gave them birth and 
which supplied their physical needs from her bounty and satisfied 
their love of the beautiful by the beauty of her face in the landscape. 

The trilled musical syllables at the close of the last two stanzas 
express the spontaneous joy which comes to a person who has " life- 
appreciation of Holy Earth." 


;f)Oi'i The first stanza is an introduction by the narrator, not a part of 
..iwitlie" Song of the Wild Rose." The remaining stanzas are the song 
'■'of the Wild Rose itself: 

I will tell you of something I Ivnow, 
Ami you c:in't half iuiiiKiue how good; 
It's the song of wild roses that grow 
lu the land the l)al;ota-folk love. 

From the heart of the Mother we come. 

The kind Mother of Life and of All : 

And if ever you think she is dumb, 

You should ku<}w that flowers are her songs. 

And all creatures that live are her songs. 
And all creatures that die are her songs. 
And the winds blowing by are her songs. 
And she wants you to sing all her songs. 

Like the purple in Daydawn we come. 
And our hearts are so brimful of joy 
That whene'er we're not singing we hum 
Ti-li-li-li-i. ta-la-la-loo, ta-la-la-loo ! 

When a maiden is ready to wed 
Pin wild roses all over her dress. 
And a rose in the hair of her head; 
Put new- moccasins onto her feet. 
Then the heart of the Mother will give 
Her the songs of her own heart to sing ; 
And she'll sing all the moons she may live, 
Ti-li-li-li-i, ta-la-la-loo, ta-la-la-loo ! 

Maltjs ioensis (Wood) Britton. Crab Apple. 

She (Omaha-Ponca) ; she-hi, apple tree; she-zho", applewood; 
she-si, apple seed. 

The crab apple was used for food by tribes having acquaint- 
ance with it. The Omaha and Ponca knew it as being found in the 
Oto country along the Missouri, in the southeast jjart of Nebraska. 
They said it is found nowhere west or north of this except on one 
creek which flows into the Niobrara River from the south at about 
the line between Knox and Holt Counties, 150 or 200 miles from any 
other locality where trees of this species grow. This would seem 
to indicate a case of plant migration by human agency, the occa- 
sion being the dropping in camp, in some place favorable for germi- 
nation, of fruits or viable seeds brought with camp supplies ob- 
tained on a trip of considerable but not at all unusual distance to 
the southeast. 


Crataegus chrisocarpa Ashe. Red Haw. 

Taspa'^ ( Omaha -Ponca). 

Chosa'^wa (Winnebago). 

The fruit was sometimes used for food, but commonly resorted to 
only as a famine food. 
Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt. June Berry, Saskatoon. 

Wipasuka (Dakota). 

Z/uj" Jiiula (Omaha-Ponca). "gray wood" {zJio", wood; Ruda, 

Haz-shutsh (Winnebago), "red-fruit" {haz, fruit; shutsh, red). 

The berries were prized for food. The wood was used for arrow- 
Prunus AMERICANA Marsh. Wild Plum. 

KaHe (Dakota), plum; ka"te-hu, plum tree. 

Ka^de (Omaha-Ponca), plum; lia''de-hi, plum tree. 

Kantsh (Winnebago), plum; kantsh-hu, plum tree. 

Niwaharit (Pawnee), plum; Niwahant-naha<ipi, plum tree. 

The fruit was highly valued for food, being eaten fresh and raw or 
cooked as a sauce. The plums were also dried for winter use. They 
were commonly pitted before drying, but the Pawnee say they often 
dried them without removing the pits. 

The Omaha planted their corn, beans, and squashes when the wild 
plum came into bloom. 

A broom for sweeping the floor of the dwelling was made by bind- 
ing together a bundle of plum twigs. The plum was used because of 
its toughness and elasticity. 

An Omaha informant said the bark of the roots, after being scraped 
and boiled, was applied as a remedy for abrasions of the skin. 

Sprouts or young gi-owths of the wild plum are used by the Teton 
Dakota in making icau"ya"pi. This is an offering or form of prayer, 
consisting of a wand, made preferably from a wild-plum sprout 
peeled and painted. If painted, the design and color are emblematic. 
Near the top of the wand is fastened the offering proper, which may 
take the form of anything acceptable to the higher powers. A small 
quantity of smoking tobacco is an article very frequently used for this 
purpose. No matter how small a portion of the thing offered is used, 
the innnaterial self of the substance is in it. Such offerings are 
usually made for the benefit of the sick. Wau"ya"pi may be made by 
anyone at any place if done with appropriate ceremony, but the most 
efficient procedure is to prepare an altar with due ceremony and there 
set the wand upright with the offering fastened near the top.^ 

' Rlggs, Dakota-English Dictionary, p. 578. 

2 For this information I am Indebted to Dr. J. R. Walker. Government physician at 
Pine Ridge, who has made very careful research into the ceremonies and rituals of the 
Teton Dakota. 


Pruntjs besseyi Bailey. Sand Cherry. (PI. 14.) 

Ao'^yeyapi (Dakota). The Dakota have a saying that if a person 
gathering cherries moves in the direction contrary to the wind 
the cherries will be good and sweet, but on the other hand if he 
moves with the wind the cherries will be bitter and astringent. 
The name ao"yeyapi expresses this idea. 
No" pa. tanga (Omalia-Ponca), "big cherry." 
Kus apaaru kaaruts (Pawnee), "cherry-sitting-hiding" {kus, 

cherry; apaaru, sitting; kaunits, hiding). 
Prumi^ besseyi is peculiarly indigenous to the Sand Hills area of 
Nebraska. The bush is small, varying in height as the situation is 
favorable or unfavorable to vegetation from less than 1 foot to 2^ feet. 
The fruits are purplish-black, 1.5 to 2 cm. in diameter, exceedingly 
prolific and varying in quality, some bushes bearing fruit somewhat 
astringent, others very desirable fruit. 

All the tribes to whom the sand cherries were accessible made full 
use of them for food as a sauce during their fruiting season and 
laid up stores of them for winter by drying as they did the plums. 
An Oglala said these cherries produce fruit only about once in two 

Padus nana (Du Roi) Roemer. Chokecherry. (PI. 13, b.) 

Cha"pa (Dakota). 

No" pa-zkinga (Oma.ha,-Fonca) . "little cherry" {no"pa, cherry). 

Nahaapi ruikaaruts (Pawnee) ; nakaarufs, cherry; nahaapi, tree. 

The fruit has long been highly esteemed by all the tribes for food ; 
certain preparations of the cherry enter into old-time ceremonies and 
rituals as well as into stories, songs, and myths. In certain sleight- 
of-hand performances also this cherry is used. It is so highly 
esteemed as to give the name to one of the months in the Dakota 
calendar, C'a"pa-sapa-wi, " The-month-when-cherries-are-ripe " (lit- 
erally, " black-cheiTV-moon ") . 

The fruit was eaten with much relish while fresh and was dried 
for winter use. The gathering and drying of the fruit made a busy 
time for the community. The people traveled for miles to the 
streams along which the cherries were abundant. There they went 
into camp and worked at preparing the cherries while they lasted, or 
until as great a quantity as was required could be made ready. Since 
the pits were too small to be removed by any practicable method, the 
cherries were pounded to a pulp, pits and all, on stone mortai-s, and 
after being shaped into small cakes, were laid out to dry in the sun. 
A favorite food preparation of the Dakota is trasna, a sort of pem- 
mican or mincemeat, the dried cherry forming the fruit fur the com- 





- .^^ 


ilFTl^li^KJ 1 1 1 




/ «H^' «^ftilv*lW'^B^^y^M^^^^^^Bf^ 






- ^^^HSh] 








en — 
m I 
^ 1- 


The time of the Sun dance was determined by the ripening of the 
cherries. It began on the first day of the full moon when cherries 
■were ripe. 

A Ponca informant told me that a decoction of cherry bark was 
taken as a remedy for diarrhea. Another informant of the same 
tribe said a spoonful of the dried fruit very finely pulverized and 
infused in hot water was used as a remedy for the same ailment. 

According to the latter informant, trappers washed their traps 
with water in which this bark had been boiled, in order to remove 
the scent of former captures. 

Padus melanocarpa (A. Nelson) Shafer. Western Chokecherry. 

All that has just been said of Padus nana as to tribal nomenclature 
and uses applies equally to Padus melanocarpa. 


AcuAN iLLiNGENSis (Michx. ) Kuntze. Spider-bean. 

Pezhe gasatho (Omaha-Ponca), " rattle plant" {pezhe, plant, herb; 

gasatho, rattle). 

Atikatmtsiks (Pawnee) , " spider-bean " (atlt, bean ; tsafsiks, spider ; 

ka, inside). Ati{t)ka tsatsiks. Another name given is kitsit- 

saris, " bad plant " {kits, plant; tsltsarls, bad). Kitsi{tsi)fsaiis. 

When mature the entire plant with its persistent pods filled with 

seeds was used by little boys as a rattle when in play they mimicked 

some of the dances of their people. 

The Pawnee boiled the leaves to make a wash to apply as a remedy 
for the itch. 


Gtsinocladus dioica (L.) Koch. Kentucky Coffee-tree. 

WaKna/ina ( Dakota ) . 

NaHita (Omaha-Ponca). 

N a^pa,^hakanak (Winnebago) . 

Tohuts (Pawnee). 

By the Dakota, Omaha, Ponca, Winnebago, and Oto the bark of 
the root after being dried was pulverized and, mixed with water, 
was used as a rectal injection in obstinate cases of constipation, for 
which it was said to be an infallible remedy. This remedy was used 
from time immemorial. Prior to contact with Europeans the In- 
dians made their own syringes, an animal bladder being used for the 
bulb and a hollow cylindrical bone, as the leg bone of a prairie 
chicken, turkey, goose, or other bird, was >ised for the tube. The 
bulb was attached to the tube by sinew wrapping. When the pul- 
verized bark was put into the water its action was carefully noted 

90 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann.33 

for a prognostication of the event. If the powder on toucliing the 
water started to circle to the right and gradually mixed, it was 
taken as a good omen for the recovery of the patient, but if the 
powder settled quietly to the bottom it was considered an omen of 
his death. A man whom I knew in the Omaha tribe had a very 
bad case of constipation, which was finally given up by the medicine- 
men of his own tribe, as they could not relieve him. A medicine-man 
of the Oto tribe, who was there on a visit, let it be known that he 
could cure the case, so he was called in and had complete success. 
One of the Omaha medicine-men. White Horse, wondered at the re- 
markable efficacy of the Oto remedy, purchased the secret, paying the 
Oto a horse and $20 in money for knowledge of this remedy, which 
he afterward imparted to me. 

The pulverized bark of the root, if snuffed, causes uncontrollable 
sneezing. On account of this property it was used as a stimulant 
when a person was very sick and seemed near death, as in case of 
coma. If on application of the powder to the nostrils, the patient 
did not sneeze it was thought there was no hope of recovery. A 
Pawnee informed me that the dry pod of the plant, pulverized, was 
used to cause sneezing for the relief of headache. 

The Pawnee roast the seeds and eat them as chestnuts are eaten. 
A Winnebago said the seeds after being pounded in a mortar were 
used for food. 

A Santee Dakota said the root was sometimes used for making 
a black dye, but that it was not very good for the purpose. It was 
used as a dyestuff together with some component unknown to my in- 
formant. He said the root alone was without value. 

The seeds are used by the Winnebago for counters or tally checks 
in gambling. 


Baptisia bracteata Ell. Black Rattle-pod. 

Tdika shande nuga (Omaha-Ponca). male tdiha shande; also 
called gmatho, rattle. 

Pira-kari (Pawnee) ; from pirau, children, and karl, many. 

The first Omaha-Ponca name refers to the likeness of this plant 
to Geoprumnan crassicarpum, which is called tdika shande. Baptisia., 
being classed as similar to that but larger, more robust, is considered 
male. The second name refers to its use by small boys as a rattle 
when they play at having a dance. Pawnee boys used it in the same 
way. The Pawnee after pulverizing the seeds mixed the powder 
with buffalo fat as an ointment to be applied for colic by rubbing 
on the abdomen. 


Thermopsis rhombifolia (Nutt.) Richards. False Lupine, 

The flowers of this plant were dried and used in fumigation, that 
is, the smoke treatment, for rheumatism, especially inflammatory 
rheumatism. The method of treatment was to mix the dried flowers 
with hair and burn the mixture vmder the affected part, confining the 
smoke and heat with a close covering. It is said that this treatment, 
with this remedy, reduces the swelling at once and relieves the pain. 

Melilotus alba Desv. and M. officimalis (L.) Lam. Sweet Clover. 

Wacha"ga iyechecha (Dakota) ; wa-cha:"ga, sweet grass; iye- 
checha, similar. 

Melilotus was introduced by the Europeans. Seeds probably 
came from the east among the effects of the early missionaries, 
for it first appeared on the gi-ounds of the Presbyterian mission on 
the Omaha Reservation, which was built in 1856-57. The Omaha 
coming to the mission observed this plant, which iiad newly found its 
way into their country with the white men. They noticed that its 
odor resembled that of Savastana odorata, which they venerated and 
nsed in religious ceremonies. They were pleased with its odor, and 
since it was perhaps associated in their minds with the white man's 
religion, owing to its presence at the mission, they gathered bunches 
of it because of its pleasant odor, which they carried to their homes. 
Thus the plant was scattered all over the reservation, so that there 
is a more thorough distribution of it in that county than in any 
other part of the State that 1 have seen. The Dakota also are fond 
of the plant's odor and liken it to Sarastan/i., hence their name for it. 
They gather bunches of Melilotus to hang in their houses for its 

Astragalus caroliniana L. Little Rattle-pod. 

Ga^satko (Omaha-Ponca), rattle. 

When ripe, the stalks with their persistent pods were used by 
small boys as rattles in the games in which they imitated the tribal 
dances, hence the Omaha-Ponca name signifying " rattle." No other 
use was found for the plant except to serve as a kind of mat on which 
was laid the fresh meat in course of butchering on the prairie, so that 
it might be- kept free from dirt. 

A decoction of the root was used among the Teton Dakota as a 
febrifuge for children. 

Geoprumnon crassicarpum (Nutt.) Rydb. Buffalo Pea, Ground 
Pte ta wote (Dakota) , " food of buffalo " {pte^ buffalo ; wote, food ; 
te, genitive sign). 


Tdika shmide (Onaaha-Ponca) ; called also iramide wenigths from 

a use that was made of it. Wamide means " seed " in the sense 

of seed designed for planting; wenigthe means "something to 

go with." 

Both the Omaha and the Ponca in the old time gathered the fruits 

of this plant, which are formed just at corn-planting time, and put 

them with the seed corn. When the latter had been sufficiently soaked 

it was planted, but the Geoprwmnon fruits were thrown away. No 

one in either tribe was able to give any reason for this process in 

preparation of seed corn; it was an old custom, the origin of which 

is forgotten. 

Astragalus crassicarpns ^ was used as an ingredient of " war medi- 
cine" among the Chippewa.- 

Glycyrhiza i^pidota Pursh. Wild Licorice. 

Wi-nawizl (Dakota), "jealous woman" (ivi, woman; naicizi, jeal- 
ous). The name is said to have been suggested by the bui-s, which 
"take hold of a man." 

Pithahafusakitstsuha-sf (Pawnee) . 

Among the Teton Dakota a poultice for sore backs of horses is made 
by chewing the leaves of this plant. For toothache the sufferer chews 
the root and holds it in the mouth. The Indians say, "It tastes 
strong at first, but after a while it becomes sweet." The leaves after 
being steeped are applied to the ears for earache. A decoction of the 
root is used as a remedy for fever in children. 
PsoRALEA ESCTILENTA Pursh. Pomme Blanche, Tipsin. (Pis. 15, 16.) 

Tipsi" or tipsi"na (Dakota) ; Teton dialect, tipsiHa. 

Nugthe ( Omaha-Ponca ) . 

Tdokeinhi (Winnebago), hungry. 

Patsuroka (Pawnee). 

The roots of this plant were an important item of the vegetal 
diet of the Plains tribes. After being peeled they were eaten fresh 
and uncooked or cooked. Large quantities were dug in June and 
early July to peel and dry for the winter food supply. The peeled 
roots were braided in long strings by the tapering ends, as strings of 
garlic are braided by the tops. 

The root is both farinaceous and glutinous and seems to form a 
desirable food with a palatable taste characteristic of the bean 

(irowing as this plant does, on the dry prairie in hard ground, 
with the enlargement of the root several inches below the surface, it 

^ Astralagus crassicarpns is a synonym of Gcoprumnon crassicarpum (Nutt.) Rydb. 
2 Densmore, Chippewa Music — II, pp. 63—64. 




94 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

Parosela enneandra (Nutt.) Britton. 

An Oglala informant said the root is poisonous. From her de- 
scription of the effect I should think it must have a strong narcotic 
effect. I have not had an analysis made. 

Parosela aurea (Nutt.) Britton. 

Pezhuta pa (Dakota), "bitter medicine." 

An Oglala informant said a decoction of the leaves is used for 
colic and dysentery. 

Petalostemum purpuretim (Vent.) Rydb. Purple Prgiirie Clover, 
and P. cANDiDUM (Willd.) Michx. White Prairie Clover. 
WanaJicha (Dakota). 

Maka" skithe (Omaha-Ponca). This is one of several plants desig- 
nated as maka^ skithe, sweet medicine. 
Kiha piliwus hawastat (Pawnee), "broom weed" (kiha, room; 
piliwus, hvoom; hawasfatu,\\eed). Alao called kahfs-pulipatski, 
small medicine {kahts, from kahtsu). 
An Oglala said the leaves were sometimes used to make a drink 
like tea. According to a Ponca its root was conunonly chewed for 
its pleasant taste. Although the word maka'^ appears in the Omaha- 
Ponca name, no medicinal proj^erty is ascribed to this plant by these 
tribes so far as known now. The Pawnee name is derived from the 
use of the tough, elastic stems to make brooms with which to sweep 
the lodge. The plant was used in old time by the Pawnee as a 
prophylactic. The root, pulverized, was put into hot water. After 
the sediment settled the water was drunk to keep away disease. The 
sediment was collected in the drinking-shell and carried to a place 
prepared for it, where it was buried with respect. 

Glycine apios L. Indian Potato. (PI. 17.) 

Mdo (Dakota) ; Teton dialect, hlo. 

Nu (Omaha-Ponca). 

Tdo (Winnebago). 

Its (Pawnee). 

The tubers of this plant were utilized for food by all the tribes 
within its range. These tubers were prepared by boiling or roasting. 

Apios tuberosa on the banks of streams and in alluvial bottoms is the true 
poiiime de terre of the French and the mode or wild potato of the Sioux Indians, 
and is extensively used as an article of diet. ... It should not be con- 
founded with the ground-nut of the South.' 

Many explorers and early settlers of Virginia, New England, and 
New France make mention of the use of Apios^ as food by the 

• Report of Commissioner of Agriculture for 1S70, p. 405. 
' Glycine apios was foi-merly callt'tl Apios tuherosck 



Photo by courtesy of Public Museum of Milwaukee, Department of 






various tribes in eastern North America, and not a few Europeans 
had recourse to it also for food. 

Le Jeune says : 

Tliey eat, besides, roots, such as bulbs of the red lily ; a root which has a 
taste of licorice; another that our French peojile call "Rosary," because it is 
distinguished by tubers in the form of beads : and .some others.' 

The Swedish botanist, Peter Kabn, in his journal,"' says : 

Sopniss, or ffapniss. was the Indian name of a wild plant which they ate. . . . 
The Swedes in New Jersey and Pennsylvania still call it by that name, and 
it grows in the meadows in a good soil. The roots resemble potatoes, and 
were boiled by the Indians. . . . Mr. Bartram told me that the Indians who 
live farther in the country do not only eat these roots, which are equal in good- 
ness to potatoes, but likewise take the peas which lie in the pods of this plant 
and prepare them like conunon peas.' 

Falcata COMOSA (L.) Kuntze. Ground Bean. (PI. 18.) 

Maka ta omrdcha, or o"mnicha (Dakota), "ground beans" {maJca, 
ground; ■o"m)ncha, beans; ta, genitive sign). 

Hi"hthl-ahe (Omaha-Ponca), "beans"; hi"bthi-hi, bean-vines. 

Honi"k-hoije (Winnebago). 

Atl-kurat'u (Pawnee), "ground beans" {atit, beans; uraru, earth, 
ground; kit, genitive sign). 

Falcata grows in dense masses of vines over shrubbery and other 
vegetation in some places, especially along banks and the edge of 
timber. It forms two kinds of branches, bearing two forms of 
flower, producing two different fruits. Leafy branches climb over 
shrubbery, but under these, in the shade, prostrate on the earth, start- 
ing out from the base of the main stem, are leafless, colorless branches, 
forming a network on the surface of the ground. On these colorless, 
leafless branches cleistogamous flowers form, which push into the 
earth and there jaroduce each a single bean closely invested by a 
membranaceous pod. Each of these beans is from 10 mm. to 17 mm. 
in long diameter, inclined to be flat, and from 5 mm. to 10 mm. 
thick. The pods produced from the petaliferous flowers on the 
upper leafy branches of the vine are 15 mm. to 20 mm. long and 
contain four or five dark, mottled, diminutive beans about the size 
of lentils. Xo attention is paid to these small aerial beans, but the 
large subterranean beans were eagerly sought as an article of food 
on account of their agreeable taste and nutritive value. From these 
qualities they contributed a considerable item in the dietary of the 

Voles dig them and garner them into hoards of a pint or more in 
a place, and the women would appropriate part of the voles' stores 

1 Le Jeune's " Relation," in Jesuit Relations, vol. vi, p. 273. 
-Peter Kalm, Travels into North America, vol. i, pp. 385—386. 

96 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 3a 

to their own use. The Pawnee formerly inhabited the larger part 
of Nebraska with villages on the Loup, the Platte, and the Republi- 
can Rivers. In 1875 they were removed to Oklahoma, where they 
now reside. Mr. James R. Murie, of that tribe, in a letter of Febru- 
ary 15, 1913. referring to Falcata, a specimen of which had been sent 
him, said: 

We call them atikuraru . . . The Pawnees ate tlieni. In winter time the 
women robbed rats' [.sic] nests ami got big piles of them. Nowadays when 
the old women see lima beans they say they look like atikuraru in Nebraska. 

Women of the Dakota Nation say that they not only obtained the 
large ground beans of this species, garnered by the voles, or " wood 
mice," but that they also gathered the small beans produced in large 
quantity on the upper branches of the same vine from petaliferous 
blossoms. These smaller beans are about the size of lentils. The 
large beans, produced from cleistogamous blossoms on leafless 
branches si^reading prostrate on the ground under the cover of the 
upper branches, are about the size of lima beans, and grow at a depth 
of an inch or two under the ground in the manner of peanuts. 

A most interesting item in connection with this food plant is the 
statement of the women of the Dakota Nation that they did not take 
the ground beans from the stores of the little animals which gathered 
them without giving some food commodity in return. They said it 
was their custom to carry a bag of corn with them when they went 
to look for the stores of beans gathered by the animals, and when 
they took out any beans they put in place of them an equal quantity 
of corn. They say that sometimes instead of corn they put some 
other form of food acceptable to the animals in place of the beans 
which they took away. They said it would be wicked to steal from 
the animals, but they thought that a fair exchange was not robbery. 

Father De Smet, the indefatigable Christian missionary to the 
tribes of the upper Missouri, makes the following observation: 

The earth pea and bean are also delicious and nourishing roots [sic], found 
commonly in low arid alluvial lands. The above-named roots form a con- 
siderable portion of the sustenance of these Indians during winter. They 
seek them in the places where the mice and other little animals, in particular 
the ground-squirrel, have piled them in heaps. ' 

Phaseoltjs vulgaris L. Garden Bean. 

O'^mnicha (Dakota). 

Hi"hthi^^ge (Omaha-Ponca). 

Honi'''k (Winnebago). 

Atit (Pawnee). 

The garden bean in all its many types and varieties is one of the 
gifts of the Western Hemisphere to the world. The earliest ex- 

1 De Smet, Life and Travels, vol. ii, p. 655. 


plorers tell of finding them in cultivation among the tribes of Xorth 
America from Quebec southward through ]\Iexico and Central Amer- 
ica into most of South America. Dr. D. V. Havard says: 

The common kidney bean (Phaseohis rulgaris Savi) Is a South American 
phuit . . . The finding of seeds of tliis species by Prof. Witmack in the pre- 
historic graves of Arizona, not only completed the demonstration of its Ameri- 
can origin bnt likewise proved the antiquity of its culture in our own c-ountry.' 

In considering the cultivated plants grown by the tribes of Ne- 
braska at the time of the advent of Europeans it is of interest to 
discover the probable region or regions of their origin and first 
domestication. We find the most advanced civilization on the con- 
tinent prior to European invasion was in Mexico and southward. 
In that direction also we find the wild plants most nearly related to 
the species aboriginally cultivated both there and in what is now 
the United States, facts suggesting the probable area inhabited by 
their wild prototypes. Doctor Coulter^ reports nine species of the 
genus Pha-'^eohis indigenous to western Texas, some or all of which, 
judging from their size as he describes them, seem to make promising 
candidates for domestication, and we can conjecture that some of 
these or others farther south were the original of the cultivated va- 
rieties found here. 

Before the coming of white men the Omaha cultivated many 
vai-ieties of beans of different sizes and colors, both bush beans and 
climbing beans. The pole beans they called hi"hthl"ge wmo'^thv^ 
{hi''hthi"ge, bean; a'mo"thi"^ walking). Busli beans were called 
hl"l>tM''ge 7no"fhi" azhi. "bean not walking" {azhi. not). Since 
their old order of life and industries have been broken up by the 
incursion of Europeans they have lost the seed of a number of varie- 
ties which they formerh' grew, but I have found four varieties still 
grown by them, and they can remember and describe the following 
fifteen: 1. Black-spotted; 2. AVhite-spotted ; 3. Yellow-spotted; 
■1. Red-spotted ; 5. Gray-spotted ; 6. Very red ; 7. Very black ; 8. A 
sort of dark-red; 9. White; 10. A sort of dark-blue; 11. A sort of 
dark -yellow- ; 12. "WTiite with red around the hilum; 13. AAHiite with 
black around the hilum; 14. Blue, somewhat sjiotted; 15. "Like the 
liair of an elk," somewhat yellow-gray. 

Lespedeza capitata Michx. Rabbit- foot. 

Te-hu"fo^-h! nuga (Omaha-Ponca), "male buffalo bellow plant" 
{te, buffalo; hu^fo", bellow; nuga, male). Amorpha ca;n.escens 
was considered te-huHo^-hl miga, female te-hwto'^-hi. 
Parus-as (Pawnee) ; parus, rabliit; as, foot. 

The Pawnee name will be recognized as an appropriate descriptive 
name. The Omaha and Ponca used the stems as they did those of 

^ Havard, Food Plants of North American Indians, p. 99. 
= Coulter, Botany of Western Texas, pp. 89-90. 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 7 


Amorpha canescens for moxa. Amorpha they found in the sandy 
loam soil of valleys and Lespedeza on the hills of tlie loess plain. 

Lathteus ornatus Nntt. Wild Sweet Pea. 

Ui"hthi-si-tanya (Omaha-Ponca), large-seeded hi"hthi bean 
(si, seed; tanga, large). 

My informants could describe it and tell in what locality it is to be 
found. They remembered it as they formerly saw it in the Sand 
Hills when they went there on the hunt. Children sometimes gath- 
ered the pods, which tliey roasted and ate in sport. The plant was 
not considered of any importance, although noted and named. 


loNoxALis viOLACEA (L.) Small. Sheep Sorrel, Violet Wood Sorrel, 
and Xanthoxalis steicta (L.) Small. Yellow Wood Sorrel. 

Hade-sathe (Omaha-Ponca), " sour herb " {Kade, herb, grass; 
satTie, sour). 

Pawnee : Various names were given. Skidadihorlt, a name having 
reference to its taste, which they describe as " sour like salt " ; some 
called it kait, salt ; another name given was askirawiyu; as, foot ; kira, 
water: wiyii-, stands. Another name given is kisosit. The Pawnee 
say tliat the buffalo was very fond of Xanthoxalh stricta. Children 
ate both species, especially lonoxalis violacea, leaves, flowers, scapes, 
and bulbs. The bulbs were pounded and fed to horses to make them 


LiNUM LEwisii Pursh. Wild Flax. 

The seeds of the wild blue flax were gathered and used in cookery 
both because of their highly nutritive value and for the agreeable 
flavor which they added to that with which they were cooked. 


Zanthoxylum americanum Mill. Prickly Ash. 

Hakasits (Pawnee), thorn. 

Omaha young men used the fruits of this shrub as a perfume. By 
the Pawnee the f raits were used as a remedy for horses in case of 
retention of urine. 


Melia azederach L. China Berry. 

M<ihi"zh.idc sahc (Omaha-Ponca), "black 'red-medicine.'" 
Introduced into the Southern States early in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, it has become naturalized, growing freely along the streams of 


Oklahoma. It has large, smooth black seeds inclosed in the waxy, 
yellow translucent fruits, which are borne in great profusion. The 
seeds have been utilized for beads by the tribes acquainted with them. 
The Omaha traveling into Oklahoma have found them there, and 
have taken up their use. They already had employed for beads as 
well as for a good-luck charm the bright red seed of a species of 
Erytknna. They say it grows somewhere to the southwest, toward 
or in Mexico. They call it " red medicine," niaha"- zhide {77ud-a", 
medicine; shide, red). When the seeds of Melia were adopted for 
use as beads they likened them to maka'* shide, and so call them 
maka"-zhlde sabe, " black red-medicine." 


Croton texensis (Klotzsch) Muell. Arg. 

One Pawnee informant said that very young babies, when sick, 
were bathed with a decoction of leaves of this plant. 

Chamaesyce SERPTLLiroLiA (Pcrs.) Small. 

Naze-nl pezhl (Omaha-Ponca), "milkweed" {naze-ni, milk; 
pezhi, weed or herb). 

According to a Ponca informant this plant was boiled and the 
decoction drunk hj j'oung mothers whose flow of milk was scanty 
or lacking, in order to remedy that condition. This use of the plant 
is probably prescribed according to the doctrine of signatures. An 
Omaha informant said it was used as a remedy in case of dysentery 
and abdominal bloating in children. For this purpose the leaves of 
the plant were dried and pulverized and applied after first cross- 
hatching the abdomen with a knife and then further abrading the 
slrin with the head of a certain plant, the identity of which I do not 
know at present as I have not had a sample. Then the pulverized 
leaves were rubbed by hand on the abraded surface. It was said to 
cause a painful, smarting sensation and to act powerfully upon the 
bowels through the intervening tissues and to give relief. 

An Oglala informant said little boys used the plant in play as a 

DiCHROPHYLLtJM MARGINATUM (Pursli) Kl. & Garclce. Snow-on-the- 
Karipika or kalip/ka tsltsiks (Pawnee); ts/tslks, "poison." 
Karipika or kcdipika is the Pawnee name of Asclepias synaca, to 
which they compare this plant, because of its millcy juice, but 
they recognize the poisonous quality' of all the genus. 


Khus glabra L. Smooth Sumac. (PI. 10, a.) 
Cha''-zi (Dakota), " yellow- wood " {zi, yellow). 
Ml"bdi-hi (Omaha-Ponca). 

100 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

Haz-ni-hu (Winnebago), "water-fruit bush" {has, finiit; «/, 
water; Am, plant, tree, bush). 

Nuppikt (Pawnee), "sour top." 

In the fall when the leaves turned red they were gathered and 
dried for smoking by all the tribes. Omaha and Winnebago both 
said the roots were used to make a yellow dye. Among the Pawnee 
the fruits were boiled to make a remedy for dysmenorrhea and also 
for bloody flux. An Omaha medicine-man. White Horse, said the 
fruits were boiled to make a styptic wash to stop hemorrhage in 
women after i^arturition, and that a decoction of the root was used 
to drink in case of retention of urine and wlien urination was pain- 
ful. An Omaha said that a poultice made by bruising the leaves was 
ajjplied wet in case of poisoning of the skin, as by some irritant 
vegetal oil. In case the leaves could not be had the fruits were soaked 
and bruised, the application being kept moist with the water in which 
the fruits had been soaked. 

Toxicodendron toxicodendron (L.) Britton. Poison Oak. Poison 
Hthl-wathe-hi (Omaha-Ponca), "plant that makes sore" (lifhi. 

sore; vKithe, to make; hi, plant, bush, tree, any plant body). 
The people knew and dreaded the poisonous effects of this plant, 
but I did not learn of any use for it, nor of any antidote for its 


Acer sacchartjm Marsh. Hard Maple. 

Cha"-ha sa" (Dakota), "pale-bark" {cIui^-M, bark; sa", pale or 

Na"-sa"k (Winnebago), " pure or genuine wood" (««", wood; sa"/,; 

real, genuine). 
This species was used in INlinnesota by the Santee Dakota. Since 
their removal to Nebraska in 1866 they have made use of the next 

Acer saccharinum L. Soft Maple. 

Tahado (Dakota). 

Wenu-shaiet?ie-M (Omaha-Ponca), " tree to dye black." 

Wissep-hu (Winnebago), "tree to dye black." 

All the tribes made sugar from the soft maple. The Dakota word 
for sugar is cha^ha^pi, literally "wood" or "tree juice" (ka"/>i, 
juice). The Omaha word is zho"ni (zho", wood or tree; ni, water). 
The Pawnee word for sugar, ?ud'ifs, is also compounded of their 
words for "tree" (nakis) and "water" (kiitsu). From these exam- 
ples it appears that the etymology of the word for " sugar " in the 



Photo by courtesy of Department of Botany, Iowa State Agricultural 



languages of the several tribes is evidence of the aboriginal source 
of the article, for if they had first gotten sugar from the traders' 
stores it would not have been associated in their minds with the sap 
of trees. 

Prince Maximilian of Wied, in his journey up the Missouri Eiver 
in the spring of 1S:V2, observed tlie process of sugar making. In 
his journal of thejatter part of April of that year he says, "Auch 
die freien ludianer benutzten jenen Ahorn zur Bereitung des 

The Omaha and Winnebago names of this tree are gi\en from the 
use of maple twigs to make a black dye. The twigs and bark of 
new growth were boiled. A certain clay containing an iron com- 
pound, found interstratified with the Pierre shales exposed along 
the Niobrara Eiver, was mixed with grease and roasted. This 
roasted clay and the water in which the bark was boiled were then 
mixed, and the tanned hides which were to l)e dyed were soaked for 
two or three days to get the right color. Treatment for a short time 
made them brown, and for a longer time black. 

Acer negundo L. Boxelder. 

TasKkadW^ (Dakota). In the Teton dialect it is called by either 
the name ta«Kka(la'^ or eh(i"-slmshl:n. 

Zhaba-ta-zho" (Omaha-Ponca), beaver-wood (zimha, beaver; 
sAo", wood; ta, genitive sign). 

Nahonh (Winnebago). 

Osako (Pawnee). 

This tree was used also for sugar making by all the tribes. The 
Dakota and Omaha and pi'obably the otlier tribes used boxelder wood 
to make charcoal for ceremonial painting of the person and for 

Previous information as to the making of sugar from the sap of 
this tree pertained, among the Pawnee and Omaha, only to times 
now many years in the past ; but it has been found that among some 
tribes sugar is still made from this source. In September, 1916, the 
writer found a grove of trees on the Standing Rock Reservation in 
North Dakota, of which every tree of any consideraljle size showed 
scars of tapping which had been done the previous spring in sugar 


Impatiens pallida Nutt. and I. biflora Walt. Wild Touch-me-not. 
The stems and leaves of this plant were crushed together to a pulp 
and applied to the skin as a remedy for rash and eczema by the 

■ Maximilian. Reise in das Innere Nord-America, vol. 1, p. 279. " All tlie free 
Indians employ that maple for sugar-making." 

102 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 


Ceanothus americanus L. Red Root, Indian Tea. 

Tahe-hi (Omaha-Ponca). 

The leaves were used by all the tribes to make a drink like tea. 
The taste is something like that of the Asiatic tea and is much better 
•than that of the South American yerba mate. On the buH'alo hunt, 
when timber was scarce, tlie great gnarled woody roots of this shrub, 
often much larger than the part above ground, were used for fuel. 


Vrris ciNEKEA Engelm. and V. vulpina L. Wild Grape. 

Hasta"ha"ha (Dakota) ; Teton dialect Cha" lohjapi'. The Teton 
name simi^ly means vine {cha", tree; wii/ape, twine, tree-twiner). 

Hasi (Omaha-Ponca). Grape vine, hazi-hi. 

Hapsintsh (Winnebago). 

Kisuts (Pawnee). 

The fruit was used for food, either fresh or dried for winter use. 
A Pawnee said he had seen people tap large grapevines in spring 
and collect the sap to drink fresh. He said it tasted like grape juice. 

Parthenocissus quinqtjefolia (L.) Planch. Virginia Creeper, 
False Grape. 
I"gtha hazi ita'i (Omaha-Ponca), ghost grapes (Jiaz!. grapes). 


EuoNTMus ATROPURPUREA Jacq. Bumuig Brush. 

Wana"Ka->-nw''fhJ" (Omaha-Ponca), " ghogt walking-stick." 

A Winnebago medicine-man said women drink a decoction of the 

inner bark for uterine trouble. 

Celastrits scandens L. Bitter-sweet. 
Zuzecha-ta-wotc (Dakota), "snake-food" {zvzecha, snake; wofe, 

food; fa, genitive sign). 
An Oglala called it snake-food and held the notion that it is 


'TiLIA AMERICANA L. (PI. 19, b.) 

HiHa-cha" (Dakota). 

ffinde-hi (Omaha-Ponca). 

Hi"shke ( Winnebago ) . 

The inner bark fiber was used by the Omaha and Ponca for making 
cordage and ropes. The Pawnee say it was employed also for spin- 
ning cordage and weaving matting. 

gilmore] taxonomic list of plants 103 


Callirrhoe involugrata (T. & G.) A. Gray. Purple Mallow. 

Short Bull, a half Brule, half Oglala, called this plant Pezhuta 
na"tiasilia, "smoke treatment medicine" (peshufa., medicine; na^tia- 
zilia having reference to its use to produce smoke for medical use). 
Fast Horse, an Oglala, called it pezhuta, " medicine." 

Among the Teton Dakota this plant was used for the smoke treat- 
ment. The dried root having been comminuted and fii-ed, the smoke 
was inhaled for cold in the head, and aching parts were bathed in it. 
The root was boiled, the decoction being drunk for internal pains. 

Malvastrum coccinettm (Pursh) A. Gray. Eed False Mallow. 

Heyoka ta pezhuta (Dakota), " medicine of the heyoka " {pezhuta, 
medicine; heyoka, a dramatic order among the Dakota; ta, the 
genitive sign). 

This plant possesses to a large degree the mucilaginous property 
which is in some degree common to all species of this family. On ac- 
count of this property the Dakota heyoka utilized it by chewing it to 
A paste, which was rubbed over hands and arms, thus making them 
immune to the effect of scalding water, so that to the mystification 
and wonderment of beholders these men were able to take up pieces 
of hot meat out of tli^ kettle over the fire. 

The plant was also chewed and applied to inflamed sores and 
wounds as a cooling and healing salve. 


Viola sp. 

Among the Omaha children violets were used in playing a game. 
In springtime a group of children would gather a quantity of violets ; 
then, dividing into two equal parties, one party took the name of 
their own nation and the other party took another, as for instance 
Dakota. The two parties sat down facing each other, and each 
player snapped violets with his opponent till one or the other had 
none remaining. The party having the greater number of violets 
remaining, each party having had an equal number at the beginning, 
was the victor and playfully taunted the other as being poor fighters. 


Ntjttallia NtTDA (Pursli) Greene. 

Toka hupepe (Dakota). 

The stems, after being stripped of their leaves, were pounded to 
extract tlie gummy yellow juice. This was applied externally as a 
remedy for fever after it had been boiled and strained. 

104 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. an.\. 33 


Opuntia humifusa Raf. Prickly Pear. (PI. 20, a.) 

C"rhela (Dakota). The fruits are called W'chela taspW. 
Pi/hihatus (Pawnee). 

An amusing summer game played by small boys of the Dakota 
Nation was the " cactus game." Boys gathered on the prairie whei'e 
the cactus abounded. One boy who was a swift runner was chosen 
" to be it," as white childi'en say in games. This boy would take 
a cactus plant and impale it on a stick. The stick served as a handle 
by which he held up the plant for the other boys to shoot with their 
bows and arrows. When a boy hit the target the target holder ran 
after him and would strike him with the spiny cactus ; then he would 
return to the goal and receive the shots of other boys. Thus the 
game continued indefinitelj' at the pleasure of the players. 

The fruits were eaten fresh and raw after the bristles had been 
removed, or they were stewed. They were also dried for winter use. 
Sometimes from scarcity of food the Indians had to resort to the 
stems, which they roasted after first removing the spines. The 
mucilaginous juice of the stems was utilized as a sizing to fix the 
colors painted on hides or on receptacles made from hides. It was 
applied by rubbing a freshly peeled stem over the painted object. 
On account of this mucilaginous property the peeled stems were 
bound on wounds as a dressing. 

LopHOPHORA wiLLiAMsii (Lcm.) Coulter. Peyote. 

Maka^ (Omaha-Ponca). The medicine. 

The religious cult associated with this plant has been introduced 
among the Nebraska tribes from others to the southward. The plant 
is indigenous to the Rio Grande region, where its cult arose. Thence 
it spread from tribe to tribe, even to our northern national boundary. 
This plant is often popularly but erroneously called mescal. The 
use of peyote and the religious observances connected with it were 
introduced among tlie Omaha in the winter of lOOG-O" by one of 
the tribe who returned from a visit to the Oto in Oklahoma. He 
had been much addicted to the use of alcohol and had heard among 
the Oto that this religion would cure him. The cult had alread}' 
lieen introduced into the "Winnebago tribe, whose reservation "adjoins 
that of the Omaha, so when he reached home he sought the advice 
and help of the leader of the Peyote Society in that tribe. A society 
was soon formed in the Omaha tribe, and although at first much 
opposed it grew till it absorbed half the tribe. At the present time 
its influence has somewhat weakened. 

The peyote plant and its cult appeal strongly to the Indian's sense 
of the my.sterious and occult. The religious exercises connected with 


II. A' CACTUS NATIVE i>' ,tLi-.,bKA 



it are attended by much circumstance of ceremony and symbolism. 
The average Indian, with his psychic inlieritance and his jDhysical 
and psj'chic environment, naturally attributes to the peyote most 
wonderful mystic powers. As the Semitic mind could conceive, and 
the Aryan mind could accept the Semitic conception, that deity may 
be incarnated in an animal body — that is, a human body — so to the 
American Indian mind it seems just as reasonable to conceive that 
deity may dwell in a plant body. So he pays the plant divine honors, 
making prayers to it or in connection with it, and eating it or drink- 
ing a decoction of it in order to appropriate the divine spirit— to 
induce the good, and exorcise the evil. In brief, the use of peyote by 
the Indian corresponds to the Christian use of bread and wine in the 

The body of doctrine and belief connected with this cult is a 
curious blending of aboriginal American religious ideas with many 
imbibed by the Indians from Christian missionaries. In the meet- 
ing places the worshipers gather in a circle about a fireplace 
in the center of the lodge or tent. A fire is kept up throughout the 
meeting. At the west side of the fire sits the leader. In front of him 
is spread a cloth like ar^, altar cloth ; on this lies a peyote top. 
and at the edge nearest to the leader an open Bible. At his right 
hand stands a staif symbolically decorated with feather ornamen- 
tation. In his hand he carries a fan made of 12 eagle feathers 
symbolizing the 12 Christian apostles. A water drum is beaten 
with a low insistent thrumming sound, accompanied by a gourd 
rattle, while songs are chanted, and the people gaze into the fire or 
sit with bowed head. Owing to the hypnotic effect of the firelight, 
the communit}' of thought, abstraction from all extraneous affairs, 
the droning chant, the thrumming of the drum, and the mental 
attitude of expectancy induced by the words of the speakers, who 
discourse on the visions which shall be seen, combined with the 
physiological effect of the drug, which stimulates the optic center, 
the people fancy they really see most wonderful visions of spirits. 
As an example, the vision dewribed by a certain Omaha may be 
related. It will be observed that his vision was the result of the 
juxtaposition of a number of experiences and mental processes re- 
called and immediately induced by the circumstances of the meeting 
and the physiologic action of the drug. He was an ordinary reser- 
vation Indian, who had had some schooling and had been in Wash- 
ington and other eastern cities. On this occasion the opening read- 
ing from the Bible had been the story of the Hebrew prophet taken 
up to heaven in a chariot of fire. The Indian fell into a trancelike 
state and afterwards described his vision. He related that Jesus had 
come for him in an automobile and had taken him up to heaven, 
where he had seen God in His glory in a splendid city, and with God 

106 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

he had seen many of the great men of all time, more than he could 


Lepargyrea argentea (Nutt.) Greene. Buffalo-berry. (PI. 20, b.) 

Masktl"cha-pute (Dakot^a), "rabbit-nose" {niashti''cha, rabbit; 
pute, nose). 

Zho"-hoje-wazhMe (Omaha-Ponca), or wazhide Jiuta, gray wae- 

Haz-shutz (Winnebago), '" red-fruit " {haz, fruit; shutz, red). 

Larltsits (Pawnee). 

The fruits ai-e used fresh in season and are dried for winter use. 
Tiie fruit was ceremonially used in feasts given in honor of a girl 
arriving at puberty. Pcidus nana was ordinarily used, but Lepar- 
gyrea might be substituted. This was a custom among the Dakota.^ 


Panax quinquefolium L. Ginseng. 

A Pawnee gave the information that ginseng roots in composition 
with certain other substances were used as a love charm. From 
various individuals the information was gathered bit by bit severally 
and adduced, showing that the four species of plants used in com- 
j)ounding this love charm were Aqiulegia canadensis, Lobelia cardi- 
nalis, Cogswellia daudfolia, and Panax quinquefolium or possibly a 
species of Ligusticum. Specimens of the latter were not in hand, but 
informants spoke of it as Angelica. They had become acquainted 
with Angelica of the pharmacists and probably mistook it for their 
own native Ligusticum. It is possible that various combinations 
of four plants might have been used, but it appears certain that 
Aquilegia canadensis and Cogswellia daucifoUa were considered 
most potent. The parts used were seeds of Aquilegia and Cogs- 
wellia, dried roots of Panax, and dried roots and flowers of Lobelia 
cardinalis. With these vegetal products was mingled red-earth 
paint. The possession of these medicines was supposed to invest 
the possessor with a property of attractiveness to all persons, in 
sijite of any natural antipathy which might otherwise exist. When 
to these were added hairs obtained by stealth through the friendly 
offices of an amiably disposed third person from the head of the 
M'oman who was desired, she was unable to resist the attraction 
and soon yielded to the one who possessed the charm. 

iDorsey, Siouan Cults, p. 483. 

gilmobe] taxonomic list of plants 107 


Washingtonia longistylis (Torr.) Britton. Sweet Cicel}'. 

Cha^-pezMita (Dakota); cha'\ wood; pezhuta, medicine. 

Sha"ga-maA-a" (Omaha-Ponca), horse-medicine. 

KaJitstaraha (Pawnee), "buffalo medicine'' {Jtahtsu, medicine; 
faraha, buffalo). 

The Omaha and Ponca say that horses were so fond of the roots 
of Wushingtonla that if one whistled to them, while holding out the 
bag of roots, the horses came trotting up to get a taste, and so could 
easily be caught. An Omaha said that the roots were pounded up 
to make poultices to apply to boils. A Winnebago medicine-man 
reported the same treatment for wounds. A Pawnee said that a 
decoction of the roots was taken for weakness and general debility. 

Heracleum lanatum Michx. Cow Parsnip. Beaver Root. (PI. 21.) 
Zhahu-inaka." (Omaha-Ponca), "beaver medicine" {shaba, beaver: 

nutka", medicine). v 

A Winnebago medicine-man said the tops of this plant were used 
in the smoke treatment for fainting and convulsions. According to 
a Pawnee, the root, scraped or pounded fine and boiled, was applied 
as a poultice for boils. It was learned from an old Omaha woman 
that the root was boiled and the decoction taken for intestinal pains 
and as a physic. An old Omaha medicine-man said the dried roots 
were pounded fine and mi.xed with beaver dung, and that the mixture 
was placed in the hole in which the sacred pole was planted. 

CoGSWELLiA DAtTciroLiA (Xutt.) M. E. Joues. Love Seed. 

Pezhe htJmska (Omaha-Ponca), " flat herb " {pczhc, herb ; hthasku, 

Seeds of this aronuitic plant with seeds and various parts of 
other plants were used as a love charm by men of all tribes in the 
Plains region. A Pawnee stated that to carry seeds of CogswvUiu 
rendered the possessor attractive to all persons, so he would have 
many friends, all people would serve him well, and if used in con- 
nection with certain other plants would make him winning to women, 
so he might win any woman he might desire. 


CoRNUs AMOMUM Mill. Eed Dogwood, Kinnikinnick. (PI. 22.) 
Cfut^-slutftha (Dakota), "red wood" {cha", wood; shaxha, a re- 
duplication of sJm, red). So called from the winter coloration 
of its bark. 

108 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. axx. 33 

Ninigahi (Omaha-Ponca). Contracted from nini, pipe, and lyahi, 
to mix ; to mix [with tobacco] for the pipe. 

RuM-shutsh (Winnebago). 

RapaJiat (Pawnee), "red-stick" (ra, stick; pahaf,~red). 

The outer bark was removed, after which the inner bark was 
scraped and dried for smoking. It is fragrant, and all the tribes 
were very fond of it. 

CoRNUs STOLONiFEEA Michx. Red Brush, Kinnikinnick. 

Cha"-shasha-hi'' chaise (Dakota), real cha"-shasha (hl^chake, real, 
very, indeed). 

Ninigahi Me (Omaha-Ponca), real ninigahi. 

This species is preferred for smoking. Tt is said to be the best of 
all, but the Indians describe and name another which was also used, 
but which I did not succeed in seeing or identifying. The Omaha 
and Ponca call it ninigahi gtheshe, " spotted ninigahi" 

CoRNUs ASPERiroLiA Michx. Rough Dogwood. 

Ma^sa-Kte-hi (Omaha-Ponca), "real arrow tree" {nm"sa, an'ow; 

Rte, real; hi, jslant body). 
Ma"si-hotsh (Winnebago). 

Aakipustatu (Pawnee), " real arrow tree " {nahuapi, tree; kipis, ar- 
row; tatu, real). 
This was the favorite wood for arrow shafts. 



UvA-URSi uvA-UESi (L.) Brittou. Bearberry. 
Nakasis (Pawnee), "little tree," "short tree" {naJcas, tree; kasis, 

The leaves were used for smoking like tobacco. 


Fraxinus pennsylvanica Marsh. Ash. 

Psehti" (Dakota). 

Ta.shndnga-hi ( Omaha-Ponca ) . 

Rak (Winnebago). 

Kiditako (Pawnee). 

Ash wood was universally used for making pipestems; it was 
used also for making bows, and young stems furnished arrow shafts. 
The ash is one of the^trees to which mystic powers are ascribed. 
J. Owen Dorsey says: "The Omaha have two sacred trees, the ash 
and the cedar. The ash is connected with the beneficent natural 


Photo by courtesy of George R. Fux, Appleton. Wis. 



' ^ — 



IJ trt 
O 2 


Photos by courtesy of Public Museum of Milwaukee, Department of Education 


powers. Part of the sacred pole of the Omaha and Ponca is made 
of ash. the other part being of Cottonwood." ^ 

The stems of the two principal symbolic objects used in the 
Wawa" ceremony of the Omaha and the corresponding ceremony of 
the Hako of the Pawnee were made of ash wood. 


Daststephana PUBERtiLA (Michx.) Small. Gentian. 

Maka" chahiwi-cho (Winnebago), "blue-blossom medicine" 

(maka", medicine; chah/'iri, blossom; cho, blue). 
Pezhuta-zi (Dakota), "yellow medicine" {pezhuta, medicine; zi, 

yellow). So called because of the color of the roots. 
A decoction of the root is taken as ^ tonic; it is so used alone and 
also in combination with other medicinal plants. 


AscLEPiAS TUBEROSA L. Butterfly "Weed, Pleurisy Root. 

Maka" saka (Omaha-Ponca), "raw medicine"; [saka, raw; 
maha"' saka thata /, medicine they eat raw). Another name 
given is km maka", wound medicine. The name raw medicine 
was given because this root was used without boiling. 
The root was eaten raw for bronchial and pulmonary trouble. It 
was also chewed and put into wounds, or pulverized when dry and 
blown into wounds. It was applied as a remedy for old, obstinate 
sores. In the Omaha tribe this medicine and its rites belonged to 
the Shell Society. A certain member of the society was the author- 
ized guardian or keeper of this medicine. It was his prerogative to 
dig the root and distribute bundles of it to the members of the society. 
The ceremonials connected with the digging, preparation, consecra- 
tion, and distribution occupied four days. In this connection it 
may not be out of place to note that four is the dominant number in 
all ritual and in all orientation in space and time among the Plains 
tribes, just as the number seven is dominant with some other peoples. 
Whether four or seven be the dominant number depends on whether 
the four cardinal points of the horizon are given preeminence or 
whether equal place is given also to the three remaining points, the 
Zenith, the Nadir, and the Here. 

AscLEPiAS STRiACA L. Milkwced. (Pis. 23, 24.) 

^Yamha ( Omaha-Ponca ) . 

Mahintsh (Winnebago). 

Karipiku (Pawnee). 

This plant is used for food at three stages of its growth — the 
young sprouts in early spring! like asparagus sprouts; the clusters 

1 Siouan CuUs, p. 390. 


of floral buds; and the young fruits while firm and green. It is 
prepared by boiling. Small boys used the fiber of the mature stalks 
of this plant for popgun wads, chewing it for the purpose. 

When the Omaha first saw cabbage and noted its use boiled, as 
they boiled icaKtha.^ they likened it to that, and so named cabbage 
icaKtha waKe, " white man's wafifha." Likewise the Pawnee named 
cabbage karipihu tsahiks-iaka, "white man's kaHpiku" (tsahiks, 
person; taka, white). 

AscLEPiAS EXALTATA (L.) Muhl. Tall Milkweed. 

WaKthu-ska (Omaha-Ponca), white a-uMha (ska, white; wa/itha, 
as stated before, is the Omaha-Ponca name of Asclepias 
syriaca ) . 
The root was eaten raw as a remedy' for stomach trouble. 


Ipomoea LEPTOPH^iXLA Torr. Bush Morning-glory. (Pis. 25, 26.) 
Kahts-tuwiriki (Pawnee), "whirlwind medicine" (tuwiriki, 
whirlwind). So called because of the peculiar twisted nature of 
the fibrovascular system. 
Among the Pawnee the large, perennial storage root of this xero- 
phytic plant is highly prized as a remedy for nervousness and bad 
dreams. For this purpose the smoke treatment was used. For alle- 
viation of pain the pulverized root was dusted on the body with 
a deer tail or with a feather brush. It was also used to revive one 
who had fainted. 

CuscxnA PARADOX A Raf. Dodder, Love Vine. 

Hakastahkata (Pawnee), "yellow vine" {/uikastah, vine; kafa, 

The dodder vine was used by Pawnee maidens to divine whether 
their suitors were sincere. A girl having plucked a vine, with the 
thought of the young man in mind tossed the vine over her shoulder 
into the weeds of host species of this dodder. Then, turning round, 
she marked the plant on which the vine fell. The second day after 
she would retui-n to see whether the dodder had attached itself and 
was growing on its host. If so, she went away content with full 
assurance of her lover's sincerity and faithfulness. If the dodder 
had not twined and attached itself, she took it as a warning not to 
trust him. 

Dodder was said to be used as a dyestuff to give an orange color 
to feathers. For this purpose the vines were boiled and the ma- 
terials to be dyed were dipped. A Mexican Indian now living at 



Photo by courtesy of Dr. R. J. Pool, University of Nebraska 





-., -^y/ ■.•.,>^:'' **^{ 

^- . 1 ^ *:!« 


.\ I 1,^ . - ■■ - 


Photos by courtesy of Dr. R. J. Pool, University of Nebraska 


Pine Ridge said his people call it rattlesnake food and say that 
rattlesnakes take it into their dens for food. 



Bazu-hi (Omaha-Ponca). 

Children used the root of this plant in sport to chew with their 
gum (gum of Silphium Icuiniatwm) to make it of a red color. The 
flowers of this plant were likewise used to color gum yellow. 


Verbena hastata L. Wild Verbena. 

Cha''haloga pezhuta (Dakota) ; pezhuta, medicine. 

Pezhe mal-a" (Omaha-Ponca) ; pezhe, herb; maka", medicine. 

Among the Teton Dakota the leaves were boiled to make a drink 
as a remedy for stomach ache. Among the Omaha the leaves were 
steeped merely to make a beverage like tea. 


MoNARDA FiSTtnLOSA L. Wild Bergamot, Horsemint. 

IJefiaka ta' pezhuta (Dakota), "elk medicine" {Keliaka, elk; pez- 
huta, medicine; ta, genitive sign) ; or heliaka ta -wote, food of the 
elk {loote, food). 
Pezhe pa (Omaha-Ponca), " bitter herb " {pa, bitter; pezhe, herb). 
Tsusahfu (Pawnee), ill smelling. 

By the Teton Dakota the flowers and leaves are boiled together to 
make a medicine which is drunk to cure abdominal pains. 

The Winnebago used for pimples and other dermal eruptions on 
the face an application made by boiling the leaves. 


Wahpe washtemna (Dakota), "fragrant leaves" (wahpe, leaf; 
washte, good; mna, odoi'ous). This form is one of the plants 
connected with the Sun dance, according to J. Owen Dorsey.^ 

Izna-hlthe-'uja hi (Omaha-Ponca), referring to its use in com- 
pounding a pomade for the hair. Sometimes called pezhe-pa 
in^ga in distinction from the other pezhe-pa, in reference to its 
finer essence and more delicate plant body {mi'^ga, female; fe- 
male pezhe-pa) . 

Tsostu (Pawnee), meaning, if any, not found. 

' Siouan Cults, p. 454. 

112 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. anx. 33 

In addition to these two forms, the Pawnee, as said before, recog- 
nize and name two other forms. All these four forms are included in 
our taxonomy under the name Monarda fsfulosa. The two remain- 
ing forms, according to the Pawnee classification and nomenclature, 
are tsaJ^us tawirat and lyarakaha. The latter name, parakaha, sig- 
nifies "fragrant"; tsakus tawirat, "shot many times still fighting" 
(tsakus, shot many times; tawirat, still fighting). In the order of 
decreasing desirability for fragrance the Pawnee classify the four 
forms in this order: parakaha, tsakus tawirat, tsostu, and tsusahtu, 
•which last name, meaning ill smelling, shows that it is undesirable, 
according to their suspectibilities, for this purpose. One or more of 
the other forms may often l^e foimd wherever the last, ts-usahtu, the 
common type form of Monarda fistulosa, is found. The Pawnee 
characterize them thus: tsusahtu, with stiflF strong stems; tsostu, with 
weaker stems and smaller leaves; the next two with weak stems, the 
most fragrant one, parakaha, with stems " as weak as straw." But 
they also find differences in the roots, and they say these must be com- 
pared in order to make identification certain. 

The differences noted by the Indians among these varieties, if we 
may be allowed to call them varieties, are fixed and hereditary and 
not accidental or dependent on season or situation. Of this I am 
assured by my own experience with living specimens of the two 
forms designated hj the Dakota KeKaka ta pezhuta and waKpe 
xvashtevina. I have transplanted specimens of these two forms from 
the wild state and have had them under ol)servation at all seasons for 
five years. I have also noted these two forms in the wild state stand- 
ing in close iDroximity to each other. 

I give this extended discussion because I have found taxonomists 
reluctant to admit the possibility of this distinction; at the same 
time they did not put it to the proof. 
Hedeoma hispida Pursh. Rough Pennyroyal. 

Maka. ehiaka (Dakota). 

An infusion of the leaves was used as a remedy for colds. It was 
used also as a flavor and tonic appetizer in diet for the sick. 
Mentha canadensis L. Wild Mint. 

Chiaka (Dakota). 

Pezhe nuhtho'^ (Omalm-Ponca), "fragrant herb" {nubtho'^, fra- 

Kahts-kiwahaaru (Pawnee) ; " swamp medicine " {kahts, from 
kahfsv, medicine; kiwahaarv, swamp). 

Wild mint was used by all the tribes as a carminative, for this 
purpose being steeped in water for the patient to drink and sweetened 
with sugar. Sometimes this infusion was used as a beverage, like 
tea, not alone for its medicinal pi'operty but for its pleasing aromatic 


The Dakota used mint as a flavor in cooking meat. They also 
packed it with their stores of dried meat, making alternate layers 
of dried meat and mint. 

A Winnebago informant said that traps were boiled with mint 
in order to deodorize them so that animals might not be deterred 
by the scent of blood from entering them. 

Agastache anethiodoea (Nutt.) Britton. Fragrant Giant Hyssop, 
Wild Anise. 
The leaves of this plant were commonly used to make a hot aqueous 
drink like tea to be taken with meals. It was also used as a sweet- 
ening flavor in cookery. 


Physalis heterophylla Nees. Ground Cherry. 

Tamaniohfe ( Dakota ) . 

Pe igatush (Omaha-Ponca) ; pe, forehead; igattish, to pop. The 
name has reference to the use by children of the inflated persist- 
ent calices which they pop on the forehead in f)lay. 

Nikakitspak (Pawnee) ; nikako, forehead; kitspak, to pop. 

The fruits of the edible species, P. heterophylla, are made into a 
sauce for food Ijy all these tribes. When a sufficient quantity of them 
was found they were dried for winter. When the Dakota first saw 
figs they likened them to Physalh (Tamaniohpe) , and called them 
T avKvivioKpe 'washichw , " white man's tamaniohpe.'''' 

Physalis lanceolata Michx.^ Prairie Ground Cherry. 
Maka'^ h as ha ho" -s ho" (Omaha-Ponca), "crooked medicine" 
{bashmho"sho", crooked, referring to the root of this species). 
Ea^pok-hischasu (Winnebago), "owl eyes" {ha"pok, owl; hischa^u, 

The root of this plant was used in the smoke treatment. A decoc- 
tion of the root was used for stomach trouble and for headache. A 
dressing for wounds was also made from it. 

NicoTiANA QUADRivALvis Pursh. Tobacco. (PI. 27, h.) 

Cha"(li (Dakota) ; Teton dialect, cha"li. 

Nini-hl (Omaha-Ponca). 

This species of N'tcofiana was cultivated by all the tribes of Ne- 
braska. Since the advent of Europeans tobacco is one of the crops 
whose culture has been abandoned by these tribes, and they have all 
lost the seed of it, so that the oldest livmg Omaha have never seen it 
growing; but they sometimes receive presents of the prepared tobacco 

' This is the species which is Intended by the reference av. p. 584 of The Omaha 
Tribe, Tiocnty-scccnth Rep. Bur. of Amcr. Ethn. The reference here names Physalis 
riacora, no doubt an error for P. viscosa. But P. viscosa is native to the Atlantic coast 
and is not found in the territory of the Omaha. 

74936°— ] 9—33 ETH 8 


from other tribes to the north, who are still growing it. From an old 
man, Long Bear, of the Hidatsa tribe in North Dakota, who was then 
73 years old, I obtained specimens and seed in 1908, by which I was 
able to determine the species. I planted the seed and have had it 
growing every year since. The plant, when full grown, is only about 
GO cm. or 70 cm. in height. It is very hardy and of quick maturity, so 
that ripe seed will be found in about GO or 65 days after coming up, 
and fruit bearing continues till frost comes. 

According to Nuttall, Nicotiana qitadrivaZvis was cultivated by all 
the tribes along the INIissouri.' 

A Pawnee informant said that his people in the old time prepared 
the ground for planting this tobacco by gathering a quantity of dried 
grass, which was burned where the patch was to be sown. This kept 
the ground clear of weeds, so that nothing grew except the tobacco 
which was planted. The crop was allowed to grow thick, and then 
the whole plant — leaves, unripe fruit capsules, and the tender, small 
parts of the stems — was dried for smoking. The unripe seed capsules, 
dried separately, were specially prized for smoking on account of the 
flavor, pronounced by the Indians to be like the flavor now found in 
the imported Turkish tobacco. 

A Winnebago informant told me that his people prepared the to- 
bacco by picking off the leaves and laying them out to dry. Next day 
the partially dry leaves, limp and somewhat viscid, were rolled like 
tea leaves and again laid to di-y. When fully dry the leaves were 
rubbed fine and stored away. In this finished state the tobacco looks 
somewhat like gunpowder tea. The Indians said it was of very 
pleasant odor for smolring. The species of tobacco which was culti- 
vated by the Winnebago, as well as the other tribes of the eastern 
woodland region, was Nicotiana rustlca L. It appears that this 
species was cultivated by all the tribes from the Mississippi River 
eastward to the Atlantic Ocean. It is said that the woodland tribes 
eagerly accepted presents of prepared tobacco of the species Nicotiana 
quadrivalvis from the tribes of the plains region and sought to obtain 
seed of the same, but the plains tribes jealously guarded against 
allowing the seed to be exi^orted to their woodland neighbors. 


Pentstemon grandiflorus Nutt. Wild Fox-glove. 

A Pawnee informant said that he uses this plant as a remedy for 
chills and fever, but it is not of common knowledge and use. The 
preparation is a decoction of the leaves, taken internally. 

• Pickering, Chronological History of Plants, p. 741. 



j?-^.:. ::a- 



gilmoee] taxonomic list of plants 115 


Plaxtago major L. Plantain. 

Sinie makc^ (Omaha-Ponca). 

A Ponca gave me the information that a bunch of leaves of this 
plant made hot and applied to the foot is good to draw out a thorn 
or splinter. 


Galium triflorum Michx. Fragrant Bedstraw, Lady's Bouquet. 

^yau-llezhe (Omaha-Ponca), woman's herb, or wau-inu-maka" , 
woman's perfume (icau, woman). 

The plant was used by women on account of its fragrance, a deli- 
cate odor given off in withering, which resembles the odor of sweet- 
grass, a handful of the jalant being tucked under the girdle. 


Sambucus canadensis L. Elderberry. 

Chaputa (Dakota) ; chajnda-hu, elder bush. 

WagatJialutshla (Omaha-Ponca) ; wagafhahashka-hi, elder bush. 

Skiranu (Pawnee). 

The fruits were used for food in the fresh state. The larger stems 
of the bush were used by small boys for making popguns. A pleas- 
ant drink was made by dipping the blossoms into hot water. 

ViBTJENUM LENTAGO L. Black Haw, Nannyberry. 
Mna (Dakota) ; mna-hu, black haw bush. 
Na^sh/ima" ( Omaha-Ponca) . 
Wuu'u (Winnebago). 
Akiwasas (Pawnee) ; naming names. 
The fruits were eaten from the hand, not gathered in quantity. 

ViBTjENTTM GPTiLus L. " High-bush Cranberry," Pembina.^ 

In the north, where Sambucits canadensis is not found, boys made 
popguns from stalks of Yihurnum opvlus after removing the pith. 

1 The name pembina is herewith proposed as a popular name for this shrub because of 
the nt-ocious ineptness of the name " high-bush cranberry," since the berry of Viburnum 
is nothing lilic a craul)erry, and also because of the fact that the name pembina is 
already commonly applied to this shrub and its fruit by the people of northern North 
Dakota and Manitoba. The word pembina is a white man's corruption of tlie name of 
thia berry in the Chippewa language, which is nepin-minan. summer-berry; nepin. sum- 
mer; and nihian berry. The pronunciation of pembina is indicated thus: pem'-bi-na. 
This name was applied to a river and mountain in North Dakota, and subsequently to a 
town and county of that State. The Chippewa call the river Nepin-minan Sipi (Summer- 
beriT River), because of the abundance of these berries growing along the course of that 

116 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. an.n. 3* 

They made the piston from a piece of Amelanchier alnifoUa or of 
the young growth of Quercus macrocarjm. The fibrous inner bark 
of TJlmuH americana and of IJ. fulva was used for popgun wads. 
In the north, where BetuU. papyrifera is found, its papery bark was 
chewed to a pulp and used for this purpose, while on the western 
prairie the tops of Artemisia were chewed and so used. 

Symphoricakpos symphoricakpos (L.) MacM. Coral Berry, and S. 
occiDENTALis Hook. Wolf Berry, Buck Brush. 
Zuzecha-ta-wote sapsapa (Dakota) ; black snake food {ztizecha, 
snake; v^ofe, food; fa, genitive sign; sapsapa, reduplication of 
Sfflpfl, black). 
I"shtogaJifr-hl (Omaha-Ponca), eye-lotion plant {t"shta, eye). 
The leaves were steeped to make an infusion used for weak or 
inflamed eyes. 


Pepo foetidissima (H. B. K.) Britton. Wild Gourd. (PL 27, a.) 

Waganiu" pezkuta (Dakota), jaumpkin iiiedicine {wagainu", piunp- 
kin; pezhuta, medicine). 

I^iashiga nutka" (Omaha-Ponca), himian-being medicine (niashiga, 
human being; jnakw-, medicine). They say it is male (niashiga 
inaka-" nuga) and female {tikmhiga maka" miga). 

This is one of the plants considered to possess- special mystic 
properties. People were afraid to dig it or handle it unauthorized. 
The properly constituted authorities might dig it, being careful to 
make the jjrescribed oti'ering of tobacco to the spirit of the plant, 
accompanied Ijy the proper prayers, and using extreme care not to 
wound the root in removing it from the earth. A man of my ac- 
quaintance in the Omaha tribe essayed to take up a root of this plant 
and in doing so cut the side of the root. Not long afterward one of 
his childi'en fell, injuring its side so that death ensued, which was 
ascribed by the tribe to the wounding of the root by the father. 

This plant is one which is held in particularly high esteem by all 
the tribes as a medicinal agent. As its range is restricted to the 
drier parts of the Great Plains, it happens that since the tribes are 
confined to reservations they can not get it as easily as they did 
in old times. This explains why, when I have exhibited specimens 
of the root in seeking information, the Indians have asked for it. 
While they fear to dig it themselves, after I have assumed the risk 
of so doing they are willing to profit by my temerity; or it may be 
that the white man is not held to account by the Higher Powers 
of the Indian's world. 

The root is used medicinally according to the doctrine of signa- 
tures, simulating, it is believed, the form of the human body, and 


thought to be male and female. As a remedy for any ailment a por- 
tion of the root from the part corresponding in position to the 
affected part of the patient's body is used — for headache or other 
trouble in the head some of the top i>f the root is used ; for abdominal 
trouble a bit of the middle of the root ; and so on. 

A number of species of Cucurbitacese were of undoubted aboriginal 
American culture, as attested by the writings of the earliest explor- 
ers, missionaries, and settlers, as well as by the stories, traditions, 
myths, and religious ceremonies of the various tribes. Fi'om all the 
evidence I have it appears that the tribes of Nebraska prior to Euro- 
pean contact certainly cultivated squashes and pumpkins of several 
varieties, gourds, and possibly watermelons. (PI. 28.) 

When we seek the region in which may possibly be found the 
original prototypes of the cultivated species grown by the tribes 
of Nebraska, naturally we must look to the region of the Rio Grande 
or bej'ond. 

CucuEBiTA LAGENARiA L. Dipper Gourd. 

Wa7iinu?ia or irahmu (Dakota). 

PeKe (Omaha-Ponca). 

Among the tribes generally the gourd was grown in order to pro- 
vide shells of which to make rattles. For this purpose the gourd 
was indispensable, as rattles made therefrom were essential for all 
ritualistic music. In order to fashion a rattle, the contents of the 
gourd were removed and a handle was attached. Seeds of Arisaema. 
trlphyllum or small gravel were placed in the shell. 

Pepo pepo (L.) Pumpkin. 

^Yamm^ (Dakota) ; Teton dialect, iragamW. 

Wafa" (Omaha-Ponca). 

Since the advent of Europeans and the consequent disturbance of 
the aboriginal activities the tribes have lost many of the varieties 
of their old-time cultivated plants. Some varieties lost by one tribe 
are still retained by some other tribe, while the latter probably no 
longer enjoys plants still in possession of the former. Of their old- 
time squashes the Omaha can describe the following eight varieties, 
although they have lost the seed of most of them. They do not dis- 
tinguish between pumpkin and squash, l)ut call them both wata" 
with descriptive modifiers affixed. 1. Wafa" Kfl, "real squash" (AY^, 
real). This tei-m would seem to indicate that this variety has been 
longest known by the tribe. It is described as being spherical in 
form, yellowish in color. " like a Cottonwood leaf in the fall." 
2. Wata!' miRa, small, spherical, spotted black and green. 3. Wata" 
nide hazn, large oval, pointed at the ends, greenish in color. 
4. Wata" kukuge, speckled. 5. Wafa" miKa, snede, long tvata" mlKa. 


6. Wata" nviJia ska, wliite wafu" mlK-a. 7. lla^a," viiha saba, 
black wata" mifia. 8. Wata" mi/ia zi, yellow wata" miKa. These 
last four squashes, called wata" iniHa, were small summer or fall 

The Omaha planted their squashes at the time of blossoming of 
the wild plum. 

Ciimrbita maxinta of Tropical or Subtropical America. The piimpkin called 
In Brazilian " jurumii " (Marcgr. 44), in Carib " jujuru " or " babora " 
(Desc. ), and cultivated from early times: "pompions" were seen by Colum- 
Itu.s in 1493 on Guiidalopi' (F. Columli. 47) ... C. maxima wa>i ob.served by 
De Soto in 1542 in Florida, and is known to have been cultivated by the 
North American tribes as far as the St. Lawrence.' 

April 12, 1528 (Cabeza de Vaca, and Cliurchid Coll.), arrival of exped. of 
Pamphilo de Narvaez on north side of Gulf of Mexico, west of Mississippi K. 
Landed, proceeded inland, and observed pumpkins and beans cultivated by the 

About their bowses they have commonly square plotts of cleered grownd, 
which serve them for gardens, some one hundred, some two hundred foote 
square, wherein they sowe their tobacco, pumpons, and a fruit like unto a musk 
million, but lesse and worse, which they call macock gourds, and such like, 
which fruicts Increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of July, and 
contynue until September ; they plant also the field apple, the maracock, a 
wyld fruit like a kind of poraegranett, which increaseth inftnitlye, and ripens 
In August, contynuing untill the end of October, when all the other fruicts be 
gathered, but they sowe nether herb, flower, nor any other kynd of fruict.' 

Pepo maxima (Duch.) Peterm. Squash. 

This species is found in tropical and subtropical North America. 

The squash, called by the New England tribes " askutasquash" (R. Will.), 
and cultivated from early times : — observed under cultivation by the natives by 
W. Wood, R. Williams, and Josselyn ; is known to have been cultivated through- 
out our middle and southern States ; by the natives in the West Indies, as 
al)pears from Dalechamp pi. 616, and was seen by Chanvalon on Martinique 
(Poiret diet. nat. xi, 234.) * 

To the southwest, whence came the crop plants of aboriginal cul- 
ture in Nebraska, the remains in ruins sometimes reveal the identity 
of plants of ancient culture there. 

The occurrence of squash seeds in some of the mortuary bowls is important, 
indicating the ancient use of this vegetable for food. It may, in this connec- 
tion, be borne in mind that one of the southern clans of the Hop! Indians was 
called the PatuB or Squash family.'^ 

Pepo pepo, Dr. J. H. Coulter says, " Has a naturalized variety 
in southern and western Texas, .... {C. texana Gray)."" 

ipickeriDg, Chronological History ot Plants, pp. 709-710. 

2 Ibid., p. 869. 

2 William Strachey, Ilistorie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia, p. 72 (1612). 

* Pickoring, op. cit., p. 747. 

' Fewkes, Two Summers' Work in Pueblo Ruins, p. 101. 

" Coulter, Botany of Wostem Texas, p. 124. 


Pumpkin seeds have been found in old Pawnee graves in Nebraska. 

The squash is mentioned in the Onondaga creation myth, showing 
that it has been in cultivation by that tribe from ancient times, and 
this is evidence of its wide distribution from the area of its origin.^ 

Religious expression is one of the most conservative elements and 
does not readily take up any new thing, hence the religious songs of 
a people indicate those things which have been for a long time 
familiar to that people. Allusion is made to the squash in some of 
the oldest religions songs of tlie Pima tribe in the southwest. One of 
the most ancient hymns to bring rain is the following. 

Hi-ilo-o ya-a-a ! He the All-seeing 

Sees the two stalks of corn standing; 

He's my younger brother. Hi-ilo-o ya-a-a ! 

He the All-seeing sees the two squashes ; 

He's my younger brother. Hi-ilo-o ya-a-a ! 

On the summit of Ta-atukam sees the corn standing; 

He's my younger brother. Hi-ilo-o ya-a-a ! 

On the summit of Ta-atukam sees the squash standing; 

He's my younger brother. Hi-ilo-o woiha ! 

Another Pima rain song : 

Hi-ihiya naiho-o ! The blue light of evening 

Falls as we sing before the sacred amina. 

About us on all sides corn tassels are waving. 

Hitciya yahina ! The white light or day dawn 

Yet finds us singing, while corn tassels are waving. 

Hitciya yahina-a ! The blue light of evening 

Falls as we sing before the sacred anilna. 

About us on all sides corn tassels are waving. 

Hitciya yahina ! The white light of day dawn 

Yet finds us singing, while the squash leaves are waving." 

CucTJRBiTA FiciFOLiA Bouche. {C . Tnelam^speTTna, A. Br.) 

The specimens correspond closely with the description of this species 
(hitherto known only as cultivated in European gardens and conjectured to be 
from the East Indies) excepting in the shape of the leaves, whicli have the 
lobes (often short) and sinuses acute instead of rounded. Guadalajara, culti- 
vated; September (620). — The fruit, called " cidra cayote " or "chila cayote," is 
about a foot in length, resembling a watermelon in appearance, with a liard 
outer shell, the contents white and fibrous, and seeds black. It keeps for many 
months without decay. A preserve is made of the inner fibrous portion. The 
name " cayote," given to this and other cucurbitaeeous species in Mexico, may 
be the equivalent of the " chayote " of Cervantes and the " chayotli " of 

1 Hewitt, Iroquoian Cosmolo^, p. 174. 

2 Russell, The Pima Indiaos, p 332. 

* Watson, Contributions to American Botany, p. 414. 


CiTRULLUS ciTEULLUs (L.) Karst. Watermelon. (Pis. 29, 29 A.) 

Saka yutapi (Dakota), Santee dialect, eaten raw {saka, raw); 
Yankton and Teton dialect, shpa"shnl yulapl, eaten uncooked 
( .shpa"shn i, uncooked ) . 

Suka thide (Oniaha-Ponca), or saka thata, eaten raw {saka, raw). 

Wathakaratclshe (Oto). 

When I first inquired of the Omaha in regard to their ancient 
cultivated crops, they named watermelons as one of the crops grown 
from time immemorial. They said they had a kind of watermelon 
which was small, round, and green, having a thin rind and red flesh, 
with small, black, shining seeds; that it was difl'erent from 'the 
melons now grown from seed introduced since the coming of white 
men. I read the statement made by an early explorer coming up the 
Missouri River that the Oto brought presents of watermelons to the 
boat. I received from the Ponca, the Pawnee, and the Cheyenne 
an account which was perfectly uniform with that I had from the 
Omaha, even to the gestural description of the melon. Lastly, I 
was told by a white man who was born in northern Texas and had 
been familiar all his life with the natural characteristics of northern 
Texas and southern Oklahoma, that he had often found and eaten 
wild watermelons on the sand bars and banks of Red River, Pecos 
River, and other streams of northwestern Texas. He said further 
that his father had told him of finding them on still other streams 
of that region. This man described the wild watermelons to me 
exactly as all the tribes before mentioned had described their culti- 
vated melons. 

This hitherto unthought of probability of the presence on the 
American continent of an indigenous species of C/fruUus caused me 
to make search through the literature and to make inquiry by corre- 
spondence, with the results I have here appended. The more I 
searched into the matter the more unlikely it seemed to me that even 
so desirable a fruit as the watermelon, should it be granted to have 
been introduced by the Spaniards at the time of their very first set- 
tlement, could have been disseminated with s\ich astonishing rapidity 
and thoroughness as to be found so common among so many tribes 
of eastern North America from the Gulf of Mexico to the Great 
Lakes, and from the Atlantic const to the Great Plains. Such a 
result would be all the more astonishing, considering the barriers to 
be passed in its passage from tribe to tribe; barriers of racial an- 
tagonism, of diverse languages, of climatic adaptation, and the ever- 
present bax'riei' of conservatism, of unwillingness of any people to 
adopt a new thing. But if none of these barriers had intervened, 
and if each tribe had zealously propagated and distributed as rapidly 
as possible to its neighbors, it can scarcely be believed that time 



Photos by courtesy of W. E. Safford, U. S. Department of Agriculture 




enough had elapsed for this to be accomplished at the first contact 
of the French and English explorers. The watermelons grown by 
the various tribes seem to be of a variety distinct from any of the 
many known varieties of European introduction. 

I append here some quotations from literature which I have found 
in various sources bearing on the subject. 

J. M. Coulter (Cont. U. S. Nat. Herb., vol. it, p. 123, Botany of 
Western Texas), after describing adds: " Said by Dr. Havard to be 
foimd wild in many places west of the Pecos." 

Concerning its origin, C. Conzatti, in " Los Generos Vegetales 
Mexicanos," p. 348, states : 

. . . Es genero introtlucitlo del Viejo Miindo, y de $1 se cultiva entre 
nosotros una de las dos especles que couiireude : C. vulgaris Sclirad., 6 " Cidia- 
cayote." ' 

According to De Bry the watermelon is — 

Uue plante dout I'origiue est iiiL-eilaiiie d'apies les auteurs. Liuug (Sp., p. 
1435) dit: "Habitat in Apulia. Calabria. Sicllia." Seringe {Prodr., Ill, p. 301) 
dit: "in Africa et India." Puis il a.loute une vaii^tf dScrite au Brfsil 
Marcgraf, ce qui complique encore hi question. . . . 

La planche et le texte de Marcgraf (Bras., p. 22) me paralsisent bien s'ap- 
pliquer 3, la Pasteque. D'un autre cot^, rien ne prouve que la plante n'eflt pas 
ete apportee au Bresil pas les Europeens, si ce n'est le fait d'un uom vulgaire 
Jaec, mais I'argument n'est pas fort. Marcgraf cite aussi des noms europeens. 
I! ne dit pas que Tespece fflt spoutanee, ni tres generalement cultivte. Sloane 
rindique conime cultivfe k la Jamafque (I, p. 226), sans pretendre q'elle fiit 
ani^rieaine, et assurenient le silence des premiers auteurs, sauf Marcgraf, le 
rend bien peu probable." 

Je conclus de ce qui precede que toutes les esp&ces de CitruUus 6num^r&es 
dans la synonymie que j'ai donnSe ci-dessus n'en font qu'une; que cette esp&ce, 
toujours annuelle, et par la facile a distingner de la Coloquinte officinale, est 
essentiellenient africaine; qu'elle existe encore k V(^U\t sauvage en Afrique. et 
qu'elle est cultivee depuis un temps immemorial dans la vallee du Nil, d'ou 
elle a pass6, meme aneiennenient, cbez la i)lupart des peuples civilises du bassin 
mediterran&en Au.iourd"hui, elle existe dans tons les pay chauds de la terre. et 
comnie les gniines en sont ,iet$es au basard, partout ou on la consomme, il n'y 
a rlen, d"Stonuant qu"on la retrouve a demi-s:iuvage dans beaucoup de eontr^es 
oil elie n'existait certainement pas primitivement." 

Saka^ide uke<*i°. the common watermelon, was known to the Omahas before 
the coming of the white men. It has a green rind, which is generally striped, 
and the seeds are black. It is never dried, but is always eaten raw, hence 
the name. They had no yellow saka0ide till the whites came ; but they do 
not eat them.* 

The Mahas [Omahas] seem very friendly to the whites, and cultivate corn, 
beans, melons, squashes, and a small species of tobacco [Nicotiana quadri- 

^Conzatti, Los O^neros Vegetales Mexicanos, p. 348. 
-De Candolle, Geograpbie Botanique. Tome 2, p. f)OS. 

'Naudin. Revue des Cucurbitacfes, Annales des Sciences Naturclles, 4<^ Serie, Tome 
XII, pp. 107-108. 

* Dorsey, Omaha Sociologry. p. S06. 

<■ Bradbury, Travels in the Interior of America, p. 77. 

122 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

Wnteriuelous are cultiviited in great plenty in tlie English and French- 
American colonies, and there is hai-illy a peasant here who has not a field 
planted with them. . . . The Indians plant great quantities of watermelons 
at present, but whether they have done it of old is not easily determined. 
For an old Onidoe Indian (of the six Iroquese Nations) assured nie that the 
Indians did not know watennelons before the Europeans came into the 
country and communicated them to the Indians. The French, on the other 
hand, have assured me that the Illinois Indians have had abundance of this 
fruit, when the French first came to them, and that they declare, they had 
planted them since times immemorial. However, I do not remember having 
read that the Europeans, who first came to North America, mention the 
watermelons in speaking of the dishes of the Indians of that time.' 

After several miles of marching along extensive and well-cultivated fields of 
squashes, pumpkins, beans, melons, and corn the Dragoons reached the village. 

Here then was the Toy ash or Pawnee Pict village, the main goal of this ex- 
pedition. . . . Col. Dodge encamped in a fine position about a mile from the 
village, and the hungry Dragoons were soon enjoying the Indian hospitalities. 
Dishes of corn and beans dressed with buffalo fat were placed before them. 
For dessert the soldiers enjoyed liberal supplies of watermelons and wild plums." 

When Garces was among the Yumas in 1775 they were raising "countless" 
calabashes and melon.s — calabazus u jiicloncfi — perhaps better translated 
squashes and cantaloupes, or pumpkins and muskmelons. The Pinian and Yuman 
tribes cultivated a full assortment of cucnrbitaceous plants, not always easy to 
identify by their old Spanish names. The Sandia was the watermelon invari- 
ably ; the melon, usually a muskmelon, or cantaloupe; the calahasa. a calabash, 
gourd, pumpkin, or squash of some sort, includnig one large, rough kind like 
our crook-neck squash." ' 


Father Petit in a letter to Father d'Avaiiguor, from New Orleans, 
July 12, 1730, writes, "Each year the people assemble to plant one 
vast field with Indian corn, beans, pumpkins, and melons, and then 
again they collect in the same way to gather the harvest." * 

The vegetables they [the Iroquois] cultivate most are JIaize, or Turkey corn, 
French beans, gourds, and melons. They have a sort of gourd smaller than 
ours, and which taste much of sugar [squashes] ; they boil them whole in water, 
or roast them under the a.shes, and so eat them without any other preparation. 
The Indians were acquainted, before our arrival in their country, with the com- 
mon and water melou."^ 

Toute sorte de IMelons croissent a souhait dans la Louisiane ; ceux d'Espagne, 
de France, et les melons Anglois, que Ton nomme melons blancs, y son inflniment 
meilleurs que dans les Pays dont ils portent le nom : niais les plus excellens de 
tons sont les melons d'eau. Comme ils sont pen connus en France, oil Ton n'en 
voit gueres que dans la Provence, encore sont-ils de la petite esp&ce, je crois que 
Ton ne donne trouvera point mauvais que j'en la description. 

' Kalm. Travels into North Amorica. vol. 2. p. .SS."). 

~ Pelzor, Honry Dodge, p. 100. 

' RnsseU, The Pima Indians, p. fll, 

*.Ifftnii Rrlntinnsi, vol. 6S, p. 1S7. 

' Charlevoix, Journal of a Voyage to North America, vol. i, p. ariO. 


La tige tie ce melon rampe coiiime celle ties notres. et s'etend jusqu'il dix pieds 
de I'endroit d'ou elle sort de terre. EUe est si delicate, que lorsqu'on I'ecrase en 
marchant dessus. le fruit uieurt ; et pour pen qu'on la froisse, il sechaude. Les 
feuilles sont tres decoupees. d'un verd qui tire sur le verd de mer, et larges 
comme la main quand elles sont ouvertes. Le fruit est on rond comme les 
potirons, ou long: il se trouve de bons melons de cotte derniere espece; mais 
ceux de la premiere espece sont plus estimSs, et merltent de I'etre. Le poids des 
plus gros passe rarement trente livres ; mais celui des plus petits est toujours au 
dessus de dix livres. Leur cote et d'un verd pale, mele de grandes taclies 
blanches, et la chair qui touche a cette cote est blanche, crue. et d'une verdeur 
desagr&ilile; aussi ne la mange t-on jamais. L'interieur est rempli par uue sub- 
stance legere et brillante comme une neige. qui seroit de couleur de rose : elle 
fond dans la bouche comme seroit la neige meme, et laisse un goQt pareil il 
clui de cette eau que Ton prepare pour les nialades avec de la gelee de groseille. 
Ce fruit ne peut done etre que tres rafratchissant, et 11 est si sain que de quelque 
maladie que Ton soit attaque, on peut en satisfaire son appetit sans crainte d'en 
etre incommode. Les melons d'eau d'Afrique ne sout point a beaucoup pres si 
dflicieux que ceux de la Louisiane. 

La graine du melon d"eau est placee comme celie du melon de France ; sa 
figure est ovale, plate, aussi epaisse a ses extremities que vers son centre, et 
S environs six lignes de long sur quatre de large : les unes I'ont noire et les 
autres rouge; mais la noire est la meilleure, et c'est celle qu'il convient de 
semer pour etre assure d'avoir de bons fruits, pourvfl qu'on ne la mette pas dans 
des terres fortes, ofl elle dggenereroit et deviendrolt rouge." 


All kinds of melons grow aihiiiralil.v well in Louisiana. Those of Spain, 
of France, of England, which last are called white melons, are there infi- 
nitely finer than, in the countries fi-oni which tlie.v have their name ; but the 
best of all are the watermelons. As they are hardly known in France, except 
In Provence, where a few of the small kind grow, I fancy a description of 
them will not be disagreeable to the reader. 

The stalk of this melon spreads like ours upon the ground, and extends 
to the length of ten feet. It is so tender tliat when it is in any way bruised 
by treading upon it the fruit dies ; and if it is rubbed in the least it is 
scorched. The leaves are very much divided, as broail as the hand when they 
are spread out, and are somewliat of a sea-green colour. The fruit is either 
round like a pompion, or long. There are some good melons of this last 
kind, but the first sort are the most esteemed and deservedly so. The 
weight of the largest rarely exceeds thirty pounds, but that of the smallest is 
always about ten pounds. Their rind is of a pale green colour, inter.spersed 
with large white sp6ts. The substance that adheres to the rind is wliite. 
crude, and of a disagreeable tartness, and is therefore never eaten. Tlie 
space within that is filled with a light and sparkling substance, that m.'iy 
be called for its properties a rose-coloured snow. It melts in tlie mouth as 
if it were actually snow, and le;ives a taste lilve that of the water prepared 
for sick people from currant .ielly. This fruit cannot fail, therefore, of being 
very refreshing, and is so wholesome that persons in all kinds of distempers 
may satisfy their appetite with it, without any apprehension of being the 
worse for it. The watermelons of Africa are not near so refreshing as those 
cf Louisiana. 

' Le Page du Pr.itz, nistoire de la Louisiane. Tome 2. pp. 12-14. 


The seeds of watermelons are like those of French melons. Their shape 
is oval and flat, being as thick at the ends as towards the middle ; their 
length is about six lines, and their breadth four. Some are black and others 
red ; but the black are the best, and it is those you ouglit to chuse for sowing, 
if you would wish to have the best fruit ; which you can not fail of if they are 
not planted in strong ground wUere they would degenerate and become red. 



. . . but none of the Toils of Husbandry were exercised by this happy 
People, except the bare planting a little Corn and Melons, . . . And indeed 
all that the EngUnh have uone since their going thither, has been only to 
make some of these Native Pleasures more scarce. . . . hardly making Im- 
provements equivalent to that Damage.' 


This instrument [wooden hoe] serves them instead of a hoe. or spade, for 
they have no iron tools. When the land has been thus tilled, or broken up, the 
women sow and plant the Indian corn, beans, pompions, watermelons and 
other grain and garden ware, which is for their sustenance. [Account of the 
Cenis, (Caddos), 1687.] = 

. . . we met a company of Indians, with axes, going to fetch barks of trees 
to cover their cottages. They were surprised to see us, but having made signs 
to them to draw near, they came, caressed and presented us with some water- 
melons they had . . . We halted in one of their cottages, . . . There we met 
several women who had brought bread, gourds, beans and watermelons, a sort 
of fruit proper to quench thirst, the pulp of it being no better than water.' 


We continued some time in Fort Louis [on the Mississippi among the Illinois] 
without receiving any news. Our business was, after having heard mass, which 
we had the good fortune to do every day, to divert ourselves the best way 
we could. The Indian women daily brought in something fresh ; we wanted 
not for watermelons, bread made of Indian corn, baked in the embers, and 
other such things, and we rewarded them by little presents in return.* 

The natives of the country about (among the Poutouatannis [Pottawatomies] 
which is half way to Michilimaquinay ) till the land and sow Indian corn, 
melons and gourds.'* 



The savage peoples who inhabit the prairies have life-long good-fortune; 
animals and birds are found there in great numbers, with numberless rivers 
abounding in fish. Those people are naturally very industrious, and devote 

^Beverley, History ot Virginia (1705), Book ii, p. 40. 
= Cox, Journeys of La Salle, vol. ii, p. 139. 
= Ibid., pij. 190-191. 
* Ibid., p. 222. 
^ Ibid., p. 229. 


tliemselves to the cultivation of the soil, which is very fertile for Indian corn. 
It produces also beans, squashes (both small and large) of excellent flavor, 
fruits, and many kinds of roots. They have in especial a certain method ot 
preparing squashes with the Indian corn cooked while in its milk, which they 
mix and cook together and then dry, a food which has a very sweet taste. 
Finally, melons grow there which have a juice no less agreeable than re- 

The relation of Marquette's first voyage, 1673-1677, mentions " melons, which 
are excellent, especially those that have red seeds," among the Illinois.^ 

Tlience we ascended to Montreal. . . . The latitude is about that of 
Hordeaux, but the climate is very agreeable. The soil is excellent, and if the 
Gardener but throw some Melon seeds on a bit of loosened earth among the 
stones they are sure to grow without any attention on his part. Squashes are 
raised there with still greater ease, but differ much from ours — some of them 
having when cooked, almost the ta.ste of apples or of pears.^ 


Several Kinds of the Creeping Vines bearing Fruit, the Indians planted in 
their Gardens or Fields, because they would have Plenty of them always at 
hand ; such as Musk-melons, Watermelons, Pompions, Cushaws, Macocks and 

1. Their Musk-melons resemble the large Italian Kind, and generally fill 
Four or Five Quarts. 

2. Their Water-melons were much more large, and of several Kinds, dis- 
tinguished by the Colour of their Meat and Seed ; some are red, some yellow, 
and others white meated ; and so of the Seed ; some are yellow, some red, and 
some black ; but these are never of different colours in the same Melon. This 
Fruit the iluscovites call Arpiis; the Turks and Tartars Karpus, because they 
are extremely cooling: The Persians call them Hindannes, because they had 
tlie first Seed of them from the Indies. They are excellently good, and very 
pleasant to the Taste, as also to the Eye ; having the Rind of a lively green 
colour, streak'd and water'd, the Meat of a Carnation and the Seed black and 
shining, while it lies in the Melon. 

3. Their Pompions I need not describe, but must say they are much larger and 
finer, than any I ever heard of in England. 

4. Their Cushaws are a kind of Pompion, of a bluish gi'een colour, streaked 
with White, when they are fit for Use. They are larger than the Pompions. 
and have a long, narrow Neck. Perhaps this may be the Ecushan- of T. 

5. Their Macocks are a sort of Melopcponcs, or lesser sort of Pompion or 
cushaw. Of these they have great Variety ; but the Indian Name Macock 
serves for all, which Name is still retain'd among them. Yet the Cttipcatw 
are sometimes called Cpmnels, (as are some others also) from the Lenten Cake 
of that Name, which many of them very nmch resemble. Sciiiash, or Squanter- 
S(]iiash, is their Name among the Northern Vidians, and so they are call'd in 
Ncm-York and Neir-England. These being boil'd whole, wlien the Apple is 
young, and the Shell tender, and dished with Cream or Butter, relish very 

1 Perrot. M^raoire, In Blair, Indians of the Upper Mississippi, vol. I, p. 113. (Writ- 
ten probably dming 1680 to 1718.) 

-Jesuit Relations, vol. 59, p. 129. 

2 Relation of 1062-1663, in Jesuit Relations, vol. 48, p. 169. 

126 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. axx. 33 

well with all sorts of Butcher's Heat, either fresh or salt. And whereas the 
Poiupion is never eaten till it he ripe, these are never eaten after they are ripe. 

6. The Indians never eat the Gourds, but plant tliem for other uses . . . 
[They] use tlie Shells, instead of Flagons and Cups. . . . 

7. The ilaracork, which is the Fruit of wliat we call the Passion-Flower, our 
Natives did not take the Pains to plant, having enough of it growing every- 
where ; tho' they eat it . . . this Fruit is about the Size of a Pullet's Egg. 

Besides all these, our Natives had originally amongst them, Indian Corn, 
Peas, Beans, Potatoes, and Tobacco. This Indian Corn was the Staff of Food, 
upon which the Indians did ever depend. . . . 

There are Four Sorts of Indian Corn: Two of which are early ripe, and Two, 
late ripe, all growing in the same manner; every single Grain of this when 
planted, produces a tall, upright Stalk, which has several Ears hanging on the 
Sides of it, from Six to Ten Inches long. Each Ear is wrapt up in a Cover of 
many Folds, to protect it from the Injuries of the Weather. In every one of 
these Ears are several rows of Grain, set close to one another, with no other 
Partition, but a very thin Husk. So that oftentimes the Increase of this 
Grain amounts to above a Thousand for one. 

The Two Sorts which are early ripe, are distinguish'd only by the Size, which 
shows itself as well in the Grain as in the Ear and the Stalk. Tliere is some 
Difference also in the Time of ripening. 

The les.ser Size of Early ripe Corn yields an Ear not much larger than the 
Handle of a Case Knife, and grows upon a Stalk between Three and Four Feet 
high. Of this are commonly made Two Crops in a Yeai, and, perhaps, there 
might be Heat enough in En(/land to ripen it. 

The larger Sort differs from the former only in Largeness, the Ear of this 
being Seven or Eight Inc lies long, as thick as a Child's Leg, and growing upon 
a Stalk Nine or Ten feet high. This is fit for eating about the latter End of 
May, whereas the smaller Sort (generally speaking) affords Ears fit to roast 
by the middle of May. The grains of both these Sorts are as plump and swell'd 
as if the Skin were ready to burst. 

The late rii^e Corn is diversify'd by the Shape of the Grain only, without any 
Respect to the accidental Differences in colour, some being blue, some red, 
some yellow, some white, and some streak'd. That therefore which makes the 
Distinction, is the Plumpness or Shriveling of the Grain ; the one looks as 
smooth, and as full as the early ripe Corn, and this they call Flint-Corn ; the 
other has a larger grain, and looks shrivell'd, with a Dent on the Back of the 
Grain, as if it had never come to Perfection; and this they call Site-Corn. 
This is esteem'd by the Planters as the best for Increase, and is universally 
chosen by them for planting; yet I can't see but that this also produces the 
Flint-Corn, accidentally among the other. 

All these Sorts are planted alike, in Rows, Three, Four or Five Grains in a 
Hill ; the larger sort at Ft)ur or Five feet Distance, the lesser Sort nearer. 
The Indians used to give it One or Two Weedings, and make a Hill aliout it, 
and so the labour was done. They likewise plant a Bean in the same Hill 
with the Corn, upon whose Stalk it sustains itself. 

The Indians sow'd Peas sometimes in the Intervals of the Rows of Corn, but 
more generally in a Patch of Ground by themselves. They have an unknown 
Variety of them (but all of a Kidney-Shape), some of which I have met with 
wild;, hut whence they had their Indian Corn I can give no Account; for I 
don't believe that it was spontaneous in those parts. 

Their Potatoes are either red or white, about as long as a Boy's Leg, and 
sometimes as long and as big as both the Leg and Thigh of a young Child, and 


very much resembling it in Sliape. I take these Kinds to be the same with 
those, whicli are represented in the Herbals to be Spanish Potatoes. I am 
sure, those call'd English or Irish Potatoes are nothing lilie tliese, either in 
Shaije, Colour, or Taste. The Way of propagating Potatoes there, is by cutting 
the small ones to Pieces, and planting the Cuttings in Hills of loose Earth ; 
but they are so tender, that it is very diflicult to preserve them in the Winter, 
for the least Frost coming at them, rots and destroys them, and therefore 
People bury 'em under Ground, near tlie Fire-Hearth all the Winter until the 
rime comes, that their Seedings are to be set. 

How the Indians order'd their Tobacco I am not certain, they now depending 
chiefly upon the English for what they smoak ; but I am inform'd they used 
to let it all run to Seed, only succouring the Leaves to keep the Sprouts from 
growing upon, and starving them ; and when it was ripe, they pull'd off the 
Leaves, cured them in tlie Sun, and laid them up for Use. But the Planters 
make a heavy Bustle with it now, and can't please the Market neither.' 

Pagatowr a kind of graine so called by the inhabitants ; the same in the 
West Indies is called Mayze; Englishmen call it Guinney-wheate or Turkie 
wheate, according to the names of the countrey from whence the like hath been 
brought. The graine is about the bignesse of our ordinary English peaze and 
not much different in forme and shape : but of divers colours : some white, 
some red, some yellow and some blew. All of them yeelde a very wliite and 
sweete flowre being according to his kinde. at maketh a very good bread. 
Wee made of tlie same in the countrey some mault, whereof was brued as good 
ale as was to bee desired. So likewise by the help of hops thereof may bee 
made as good Beere. . . . 

Okindgier, called by us beanes, because in greatnesse and partly in shape 
they are like to the Beanes of England, saving that they are flatter. . . . 

WickonzowT, called by us peaze, in respect of the beanes for distinction 
sake, because they are much lesse ; although in forme they little differ 

Macocqwer, according to their severall formes, called by us, Pompions, 
Jlellions, and Gourde.?, because they are of the like formes as kindes in 

I have also seen, once, a plant similar to the Jlelon of India, with fruit the 
size of a small lime.' 

He does not state at what stage of gro'wth he saw it " the size of 
a small lime." He mentions pumpkins in the same Relation. 

The.v [the Illinois Indians as seen by him on his first visit] " live by game, 
which is abundant in this country, and on Indian corn [bled d'inde], of which 
they always gather a good crop, so that they have never suffered by famine. 
They also sow beans and melons, which are excellent, especially tliose with a 
red seed. Their squashes are not of tlie best ; they dry them in the sun to 
eat in the winter and spring.' 

^ Beverlpy. History of Virginia, Book ii, p. 26 et seq. 
- H.iriot. A Briofp and Tini*^ Koport, pp. 1.*?— 14. 

'Brtssani's Relation, 1602-1653, in Jesuit Relations, vol. 38, p. 243. 
'Narrative of Father Marquette, in FreneB, Historfcal Collections of Louisiana, pt. IV, 
p. 33. 

128 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 



From De Bry: 

" Some of their towns . . . are not inclosed with a palisade, and are mucli 
more pleasant; Secotan, for example, here drawn from nature. The houses 
are more scattered, and a greater degree of comfort and cultivation is ob- 
served, with gardens in which tobacco ... is cultivated, woods filled with 
deer, and fields of corn. In the fields they erect a stage ... in which a 
sentry is stationed to guard against the depredations of birds and thieves. 
Their corn they plant in rows . . . , for it grows so large, with thick stalk 
and broad leaves, that one plant would stint the other and it would never 
arrive at maturity. They have also a curious place . . . where they convene 
with their neighbors at their feasts, . . . and from which they go to the feast. 
On the opposite side is their place of pra.ver . . . , and near to it the sepuleher 
of their chiefs . . . They liave gardens for melons . . . and a place . . . where 
they build their sacred fires. At a little distance from the town is the pond 
. . . from which they obtain water." ' 

In the light of what I had heard from the Indians and what I 
found in the writings of the first white men who came in contact 
■with the tribes, I wrote to several persons, whose replies follow ; these 
are self-explanatory. 

... As to Shawnees raising watermelons before tlie advent of our white 
brethren, I doubt it ; I have never heard of their raising any melons except 
those whose seed was first given them by the early Jesuit fathers when they 
lived on the Wapakoneta in Ohio. However, they did raise a small pumpkin, 
which they called by a name meaning " little pumpkin," from which I deduce 
that they probably raised a larger variety, but of which they seem to have lost 
the seed. 

December 4, 1914. Pierrepont Alford, 

EfDutitfhkii. Oklii. 

I regret that I can not give you anything worth while about watermelons in 
North America. I have met the plant throughout the eastern United States, 
particularly in the Southern States, but only as an escape. 
January 12, 1914. J. K. Small, 

New York Botanir Onrdcii, 
Bran-x Park. Ncio York City. 

We have the small round melon with the small black seed. We sell it nnder 
the name of the Pickaninny. ... I don't know anything about the origin of 
this variety ; we got it from a woman in Kansas. 

January 13, 1914. Henry Field Seed Co., 

By Henry Field, President. 

We have your favor of the 8th instant, and in reply mail you a copy of 
Burpee's Annual for 1914, and for small fruited variety of watermelon refer 
you to the Baby Delight, described on page 21. We also have offered for 
several seasons seed of Burpee's Hungarian Honey watermelon, which is early, 

1 De Bry, quoted by Thomas, Mound Explorations, p. 622. 


small in size, and has deep-red flesli of finest quality. . . . The seed of Baby 
Delight, you will note, is not black, but of a light brown. . . . 
January 14, 1914. W. Atlee Burpee & Co., 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

Tour letter received. I did not answer at once because I wished to confer 
with Prof. Thoburn, who has been absent from the university investigating 
some mounds supposed to be of historical interest. 

He agrees witli me that the watermelons to which you refer In your letter 
are what are popularly known as the " volunteer melon." I have a ranch in 
an Indian neighborhood and the so-called " pie melon " or citron is almost a 
pest. The " volunteer melons " are not unusual and they often hybridize 
with the " pie melon." This may account for the fact that the " volunteer 
melon " differs from the ordinary melon of commerce. While I have no proof 
to sustain my statement, I do not believe that the melon is indigenous to 

Should there develop any further information in regard to the subject I 
shall be glad to eonuuunicate with you further. I shall be much interested 
in the results of your investigation and hope to keep in touch with the work 
which you are doing in this line. 

January 2.3, 1914. A. H. Van Vleet, 

Priifcssor of Biolojjy and Dean of the Graduate 

School, the University of Oklahoma. 

MiCRA^rpELis LOBATA (Miclix.) Greene. Wild Cucmnber. 
W aRnciKnahecha (Dakota ) . 
'Wata"gtha (Omaha-Ponca), fi'om wata", squash or melon, and 

i''gfh(i, ghost; ghost melon. 
An Oglala said the seeds were used for beads. 

Lobelia cardinalis L. Red Lobelia, Cardinal Flower, Red Betty. 

This species is pectdiar in its situation in Nebraska, in that it is 
found in some isolated areas, all within the ancient domain of the 
Pawnee Xation. These areas are far distant from any other region 
in which the species is foimd. It is listed among " Species' peculiar 
to the Republican District." ^ Again '"'' LoheJia cardinalis and L. 
infata.^ which are loiown for one or two stations in III [Sand Hill 
region] along the southern edge of the State." - 

In another jjart of the present work the suggestion is made that 
the presence of this species in the Pawnee country may be due to 
introduction by Pawnee medicine-men. This explanation is sug- 
gested in view of the value placed on the mystic powers attributed 
to the species by that people. One use of this plant was in the 
composition of a love charm. The roots and flowers were the parts 
used. Other plants combined with Lohelia in compounding this 
charm were roots of Panax qvinque folium and Angelica^ and the 
seed of Cogswellia daucifoUa. 

' Clements and Pound, Phytogeography of Xebraska, p. St. 

= Ibid, p. 207. 

* See discussion of Panti.i. 

74036°— 19— 33 eth 9 



Helianthus annuus L. Sunflower. 

WaKcha-zizi (Dakota), " yellow flower " {wa/icha, flower; sisi, re- 
duplication of zi, yellow ) . 

Zha-zi (Omaha-Ponca), "yellow weed" {zlia, weed; z'l, yellow). 

Kirlh-tara-kata (Pawnee), " 3'ellow-eyes " {kiriJc, eye; tara, hav- 
ing; kata, yellow). 

I can not find that the sunflower was ever cultivated by any of the 
Nebraska ti'ibes, althougli its culture among eastern tribes is re- 
ported by explorers, and it was and still is cultivated by the Arikara, 
Mandan, and Hidatsa in North Dakota. P. de Charlevoix, in a 
letter written in April, 1721, mentions sunflowers as one of the crops 
of the tribes of eastern Canada. 

The soleil is another very common plant in the fields of the Indians, and 
which rises to the heiglit of seven or eight feet. Its flower, which is very 
thick, has much the same figure with that of the marigold, and the seed is 
disposed in the same manner ; the Indians extract an oil from it by boiling, 
with which they anoint their liair. ^ 

Champlain observed the sunflower cultivated by Indians in Canada 
in 1615.= 

All the country where I went [vicinity of Lake Simcoe, Ontario] contains 
some twenty to thirty leagues, is very fine, and situated in latitude 44° 30'. 
It is very extensively cleared up. They plant in it a great quantity of Indian 
corn, which grows there finely. They plant likewise squashes, and sunflowers, 
from the seed of which they make oil, with whicli they anoint the head. . . . 
There are many very good vines and plums, which are excellent, raspberries, 
strawberries, little wild apples, nuts, and a kind of fruit of the form and color 
of small lemons, with a similar taste, but having an interior which is very 
good and almost like that of figs. The plant which bears this fruit is two and 
a lialf feet high, with but three or four leaves at most, which are of the shape 
of those of the fig tree, and each plant bears but two pieces of fruit. [Podo- 
phyllum peltatum, May apple?] 

Among the Teton Dakota a remedy for pulmonary troubles was 
made by boiling sunflower heads from which the involucral bracts 
were first removed. The Teton had a saying that when the sunflowers 
were tall and in full bloom the buffaloes were fat and the meat good. 
A Pawnee said that the seeds pounded up with certain roots, the 
identity of which is iTot yet ascertained, were taken in the dry form, 
without further preparation, by women who became pregnant while 
still suckling a child. This was done in order that the suckling child 
should not become sick. The sunflower is mentioned in the Onon- 
daga creation myth.^ 

1 Charlovoix, Journal of a Voyage to North America, vol. i, p. 250. 
= Champlain's Voy.iges, vol. ill, p. 119. 
s Hewitt, Iroquoian Cosmology, p. 174. 


Helianthus tubeeosus L. Jerusalem Artichoke. (PI. 30, &.) 

Pa^gi (Dakota). 

Pa"lie (Omalia-ronca). 

Pa^M (Winnebago). 

Khu-sit (Pawnee) ; Msit, tapering; sit, long. 

The people of all the Nebraska, tribes say they never cultivated 
this plant, thougii they used its tubers for food. The Pawnee say 
they ate them only raw, but the others, according to their own state- 
ment, ate them either raw or boiled or roasted. 

Champlain reports seeing IleJ/anfkus tuherosus under cultivation 
by Indians near Cape Cod in 1605 and again at Gloucester in 1606.^ 

Ratibida colijmnaris (Sims) D. Don. 

Wa/icha-zl chlkala (Dakota), little wa/Ccha-si {chikala, little). 

An Oglala said the leaves and cylindrical heads of this plant were 
used to make a beverage like tea. 

Echinacea angustifolia DC. Xarrow-leaved Purple Cone Flower, 
Comb Plant. (PL 30, a.) 
IchaHpe-hu (Dakota), "whip plant" {IchaKpe, whip). 
Mika-Jil (Omaha-Ponca), " comb plant " {miJca, comb) ; also called 
iklf/ahm',, to comb ; also called i^shtogaJite-M, referring to its use 
for an eye-wash {i"shta, eye). 
Ksapifahako (Pawnee), from >'ksa, hand; pifahciko, to whirl. The 
name refers to its use by children in play when they take two 
stalks of it and whirl one round the other, the two stalks touch- 
ing by the two heads. Also called tSaparidu kakfs, mushi'oom 
medicine, so called from the form of the head, compared to a 
mushroom {saparidu). 
This plant was imiversally used as an antidote for snake bite and 
other venomous bites and stings and ^poisonous conditions, Echi- 
nacea seems to have been used as a remedy for more ailments than 
any other plant. It was employed in the smoke treatment for head- 
ache in persons and distemper in horses. It was used also as a 
remedy for toothache, a piece being kept on the painful tooth until 
there was relief, and for enlarged glands, as in mumps. It was 
said that jugglers bathed their hands and arms in the juice of this 
plant so that they could take out a piece of meat from a boiling kettle 
with the bare hand without suffering pain, to the wonderment of 
onlookers. A Winnebago said he had often used the plant to make 
his mouth insensible to heat, so that for show he could take a live 
coal into his mouth. Burns were bathed with the juice to give relief 
from the pain, and the plant was used in tlie steam bath to render 
the great heat endurable. 

1 Champlain's Voyages, pp. S2, 112. 


SiLPHiuM PEEFOLiATUM L. Cup-plant, Square-stem, Angle-gtem. 
Zha tanga (Omaha-Ponca), big-weed, because of its size; ashude- 
Mthe because of the use of root stocks in the smoke treatment; 
and sha-haho-hi, weed with angled stem {zha, weed ; Itaho, hav- 
ing corners; M, plant body). 
Rake-ni-ozhu (Winnebago) , weed that holds water {mhe, weed ; ?(/, 
water; ozhu, in, full or containing). Another name is ral:e- 
paraparatsh, square- weed {paraparatsh, square). 
The root stock of this plant was very commonly Tised in the smoke 
treatment for cold in the head, neuralgia, and rheumatism. It was 
nsed also in the vapor bath. A Winnebago medicine-man said a 
decoction was made from the root stock which was used as an emetic 
in prei^aratory cleansing and lustration before going on the buffalo 
hunt or on any other important undertaking. It was thus used 
also for cleansing from ceremonial defilement incident to accidental 
proximity to a woman during her menstrual period. 

SrLPHiTJM LACiNiATTjM L. Pilot Weed, Compass Plant, Gum Weed, 
Eosin Weed. 
Cha''shi"shMa (Dakota), Teton dialect, cha"shilshih/a. 
Zha-pa (Omaha-Ponca), bitter weed {zha-, weed; pa, bitter), and 

maJcW^-tanga, big medicine, or root. 
Sholca^wa-hu (Winnebago), gum plant {shoko"wa, gum). 
Kahts-tawas (Pawnee), rough medicine (kahtsu, medicine: 
tawas, rough) ; also called nnkisokut or nakisu-kiitsu (nakisu, 
pine; ki'itsu, water). 
The children gathered chewing gum from the upper jiarts of the 
stem, where the gum exudes, forming large lumps. The Omaha and 
Ponca say that where this plant abounds lightning is very prevalent, 
so they will never make camp in such a place. The dried root was 
burned during electrical storms that its smoke might act as a charm 
to avert lightning stroke. According to a Pawnee a decoction made 
from the pounded root was taken for general debility. This prep- 
aration was given to horses as a tonic by the Omaha and Ponca, and 
a Santee Dakota said his people used it as a vermifuge for horses. 

Ambrosia elatior L. Ragweed. 

"V^^iite Horse, an Omaha medicine-man, said that this jalant was 
an Oto remedy for nausea. In the treatment the surface of the 
abdomen of the patient was first scarified and a dressing of the 
bruised leaves was laid thereon. 

BoEBERA PAPPOSA (Vent.) Rydb. Fetid Marigold, Prairie-dog Food. 
Pizpiza-ta-wofe (Dakota), prairie-dog food {pizpiza, prairie dog; 

ifote, food; ta, genitive sign). 
Pezhe piazhi (Omaha-Ponca), vile weed, referring to its odor 

(peshe, herb; piazhi, bad, mean, vile). 
Askutstat (Pawnee). 


Photo by courtesy of Department of Botany, Iowa State Agricultural College 





The Teton Dakota say that this plant is always found in prairie- 
dog towns, and that these animals eat it. A decoction of Boehera 
together with Gutierrezia, is used as a medicine for coughs in 

According to the Omaha it will cause nosebleed and they use it 
for that purpose to relieve headache. The leaves and tops, pulver- 
ized, were snutl'ed up the nostrils. 

Gutierrezia sarothrae (Pursh) Britton & Eusby. Broom-weed. 

A decoction of the herb was given to horses as a remedy for too 
lax a condition of the bowels. They were induced to drink the bit- 
ter preparation by preventing them access to any other drink. 

Grindelia squarrosa (PuTsh) Dunal. Sticky Head. 

Pte-ichi-yuKa (Dakota), curly buffalo (/?^e, buffalo ; /c A/, together ; 
yuJui, curly, frizzly). 

Pezhe-wasek (Omaha-Ponca), strong herb (wasek, strong). 

Bahsliifits (Pawnee), stick-head (5ffA', head: s/ci/aY.s, sticky). 

Among tlie Teton Dakota a decoction of the plant was given to 
children as a remedy for colic. A Ponca said this was given also for 
consumption. The tops and leaves were boiled, according to a 
Pawnee informant, to make a wash for saddle galls and sores on 
horses' backs. 

SoLiDAGO sp. Goldenrod. 

Zha-sage-zl (Omaha-Ponca), hard yellow-weed {zha, weed; sage, 
hard; z/, yellow). 

Goldenrod served the Omaha as a mark or sign in tlieir floral 
calendar. They said that its time of blooming was synchronous with 
the ripening of the corn; so when they wei-e on the summer buffalo 
liunt on the Platte Eiver or the Republican River, far from their 
homes and fields, the sight of the goldenrod as it began to bloom 
caused them to say, " Xow our corn is beginning to ripen at home." 

Aster sp. Prairie Aster. 

An unidentified prairie aster was declared by a Pawnee to be the 
best material for moxa. The stems were reduced to charcoal which, 
in pieces a few millimeters in length, was set on the skin over the 
affected part and fired. 

Laciniaria scariosa (L.) Hill. Blazing Star. (PL 30 A.) 

Ao"tashe (Omaha-Ponca) ; also called maha"-mgi, hard medicine. 
Kahtsu-daioidu or kakisu-rawidu (Pawnee), round medicine 

{kahtsu, medicine; rawidu or daundu, round). 
A Pawnee said the leaves and corm were boiled together and the 
decoction was given to children for diarrhea. An Omaha made the 
statement that the coi-m after being chewed was blown into the 


nostrils of horses to enable them to run well without getting out of 
breath. It was supposed to strengthen and help them. The flower 
heads mixed with shelled corn were fed to horses to make them 
swift and put them in good condition. 

Achillea MiLLEFOLnjM L. Yarrow, Milfoil. 

Ha"k-sint8h (Winnebago), woodchuck tail {h.a,"k, woodchuck; 
sintsh. tail). Named from the appearance of the leaf. 

An infusion of this herb was used by the Winnebago to bathe 
swellings. For earache a wad of the leaves, also the infusion, was 
put into the ear. 

^\jiTEMisTA DRACUNCTTLOiDES Piirsli. Fuzzv-weed. 

Thasata-hl (Oniaha-Ponca) . 

Rdke-hi^sheh (Winnebago), bushy weed, or fuzzy weed (ra/.T, 
weed; hi"sJiek, bushy, fuzzy). 

Kihapiliwus (Pawnee), broom {kiharu, broom; piliwus, to sweep). 

Among the Winnebago the chewed root was put on the clothes 
as a love charm and hunting charm. The effect was supposed to be 
secured by getting to windward of the object of desire, allowing the 
wind to waft the odor of the herb thither. The Omaha ascribed the 
same powers to this species and used it in the same ways as they did 
the gray species of this genus next mentioned. It was used also in 
the smoke treatment. A Winnebago medicine-man said a handful 
of the tops of this sj^ecies dipped into warm water served as a 
sprinkler for the body to relieve fevers. According to a I'awnee in- 
formant a decoction made of the tops was used for bathing as a 
remedy for rheumatism. Brooms for sweeping the lodge floor were 
made by binding together firmly a bundle of the tops. From this 
use comes its Pawnee name. The plant was liked for this purpose 
because of its agreeable, wholesome odor. 

Abtemisia feigida Willd. Little Wild Sage. 

Wia-ta-pezhihuta (Dakota), woman's medicine (wia, woman; fa, 
genitive sign; pesMhuta, medicine). The name refers to its use 
as explained farther on. 
Pezhe-Kota zhinga (Oniaha-Ponca), little gray herb (pesM, herb; 

/iota, gray; zhinga, little). 
KiiooRM (Pawnee). 

A decoction of this species was used for bathing and was also taken 
internally by women when menstruation was irregular; hence the 
Dakota name. 

Artemisia gnaphalodes Nutt. Wild Sage. 
PezMKota hlasha (Dakota), flat pezhihota. 
Pezhe-Jiota (Omaha-Ponca), gray herb. 


Ha."i(u'"ska (Winnebago), white herb {ha''w!", herb; ska, wliite). 

Kiwaut ( Pawnee ) . 

All that is said of this species applies in general to all species of 
A rtem isia. 

A bunch of Artemisia was sometimes used for a towel in old times. 
A decoction of the plant was taken for stomach troubles and many 
other kinds of ailments. It was used also for bathing. A person who 
had unwittingly broken some taboo or had: touched any sacred 
object must bathe with Artemisia. The immaterial essence or. to 
use the Dakota word, the to", of Artemisia was believed to be effec- 
tual as a protection against maleficent powers; therefore it was 
always proper to begin any ceremonial by using Artemisia in order 
to drive away any evil influences. As an example of the use among 
the Omaha of Artemisia to avert calamity it is related that two 
horses ran wild in the camp, knocking down the Sacred Tent. Two 
old men, having caught the horses, rubbed them nil over with wild 
sage, and said to the young son of their owner, " If you let them do 
that again, the buffaloes shall gore them."^ 

In the ceremonies of the installation of a chief among the Omaha 
wild sage was used as a bed for the sacred pipes.- One of the per- 
sonal names of men in the Te-sinde gens of the Omaha tribe is 

It has already been mentioned that the various sj^ecies of Arte- 
misia were used in old times as incense for the purpose of exorcising 
evil powers. It has also been stated that cedar twigs or sweet grass, 
either one, were used as incense to attract good powers. Some 
Christian Indians also still employ all these species as incense for 
these specific purposes, in church services, especially at Christmas, 
Easter, Pentecost, and on occasion of funerals. The writer has 
seen the use of Artermsia as an incense before a church door just 
before the body was carried into the church. A small fire was made 
before the steps of the church, Artemisia tops being used to raise a 
cloud of smoke. 
Arctiuji minus Schk. Burdock. 

This plant is a European introduction, probably not earlier than 
the time of the first overland traffic by horses, mules, and oxen. It 
is even now found commonly only along or near the old military 
roads. It has been adopted by the Indiansi for medicinal use. 
White Horse, of the Omaha, gave information, which he had obtained 
from the Oto, of a decoction of the root being used as a remedy 
for pleurisy. 

^ Dorsey. Omaha Sociology, p. 235. 
' Ibid., p. 3.i9. 
= Ibld., p. 244. 


Ltgodesjiia juncea (Pursh) D. Don. Skeleton Weed. 

The Omaha and Ponca made an infusion of the stems of Lygo- 
desni'ia for sore eyes. Mothers having a scanty supply of milk also 
drank this infusion in order to increase the flow. 

In the north where Silphiuvi laciniatMm is not found LygodesTma 
was used for producing cliewing gum. The stems were gathered 
and cut into pieces to cause the juice to exude. When this hardened it 
was collected and used for chewing. 



In former times the plants cultivated by the tribes inhabiting the 
region which has become the State of Nebraska comprised maize, 
beans, squashes, pumpkins, gourds, watermelons, and tobacco. I 
have not found evidence of more than one variety each of tobacco 
and watermelons. By disturbance of their industries and institu- 
tions incident to the European incursion they have lost the seed of 
the larger number of the crop plants they formerly grew. By search 
among se\eral tribes I have been able to collect seed of many more 
varieties than any one tribe could furnish at the present time of the 
crops once grown by all these tribes. Of maize {Zea mai/s) thej' 
cultivated all the general tyjaes, dent corn, flint corn, flour corn, 
sweet corn, and pop corn, each of these in several varieties. Of beans 
{Phaseolus vulgaris) they had I.'') or more varieties, and at least 8 
varieties of pumpkins and squashes {Pepo sp.). 

After diligent inquiry, the only cultivated crop plants of which I 
am able to get evidence are corn, beans, squashes and pumpkins, 
tobacco, and sunflowers. These are all of native origin in the South- 
west, having come from Mexico by way of Texas. But a large num- 
ber of plants growing wild, either indigenous or introduced by human 
agency, designedly or undesignedly, were utilized for many purposes. 
No evidence appears that any attempt was ever made looking to the 
domestication of any of these plants. The reason for this is that the 
necessary incentive was lacking, in that the natural product of each 
useful native plant was always available. In their semiannual hunt- 
ing trips to the outlying parts of their domains, the Indians could 
gather the products belonging to each phytogeographic province. 
The crop plants which they cultivated, however, were exotics, and 
hence supplemented their natural resources, thereb}' forcing a dis- 
tinct adjunct to the supply of provision for their needs. 

But since the advent of Europeans the incentive is present to 
domesticate certain native plants which were found useful. This 
incentive arises from the fact that the influx of population has 
greatly reduced or almost exterminated certain species, and, even if 


the natural supply sliould suffice, the present restriction in range 
and movements of the Indians would prevent them from obtaining 
adequate quantities. This restriction results from the changed con- 
ditions of life and occupation, which necessitate their remaining 
at home attending to the staple agricultural crops or working at 
whatever other regular employment they ha^'e chosen. As a con- 
sequence, I have found in every tribe the incipient stage of domesti- 
cation of certain wild fruits, roots, and other plant products for 
food or medicinal use, for smoking, or perfume. I have thus been 
privileged to see the beginnings of culture of certain plants which 
in futui'e time may yield staple crops. In this way a lively con- 
ception can be formed of the factors which in prehistoric time 
brought aliout the domestication in Europe and Asia of our present 
well-known cultivated plants. 


From this partial survey of the botanical lore of the tribes of 
the region under consideration we may fairly infer, from the general 
popular loiowledge of the indigenous plants, that the tribes found 
here at the European advent had been settled here already for 
many generations and that they had given close attention to the 
floral life of the region. From the number of species from the 
mountain region, on one hand, and the woodland region, on the 
other, and also from the distant southwestern desert region, which 
they imported for various uses, we know they must have traveled 

The several cultivated crops grown by the tribes of Nebraska are 
all of southwestern origin, probably all indigenous to Mexico. From 
this fact we can see that thei-e was widely extended borrowing of 
culture from tribe to tribe. 

The present study siiggests the human agency as the efficient factor 
in the migration of some species of wild plants, or plants growing 
without cultivation. If this be the true explanation it affords the key 
to the heretofore puzzling isolation of areas occupied by certain 

Fi-om the floral nomenclature of each tribe we find that they had 
at least the meager beginning of taxonomy. The names applied to 
plants show in many instances a faint sense of relationship of species 
to species. 

My informants generally showed keen powers of perception of 
the structure, habits, and local distribution of plants throughout a 
wide range of observation, thus manifesting the incipiency of phyto- 
geography, jjlant ecolog}', and morphology. The large number of 


species used and their many uses show considerable development of 
practical plant economy, or economic botanj'. 

All these considerations of the relations between the aboriginal 
human population and the flora of the region are instructive to us 
as indicative of what must have been the early stages in the develop- 
ment of our own present highly differentiated botanical science. In 
this study of ethnic botany we have opportunity to observe the be- 
ginnings of a s^'stem of natural science which never came to maturity, 
being cut off in its infancy by the superposition of a more advanced 
stage of culture by an alien race upon the people who had attained 
the degree of culture we have here seen. 









































■^ 03 rt ca 

^ z a P. 

■a s? 
■a s 


a (^ g z 

•s 3 

O en 

;3 M (fl 

•a H ^ S 

S a -.a 

E fe o 

CO td 




So g ^ a ;: .£. 

as g= o M a 3 
^ ^ « S J ^ S 

I J 

5 S 


S ? 

&: W 5 


■a s s 

rt c •£ S 

= e 

cj ^ i to '_ 

c> CJ A o S 

t) o o o t> 

<i; <; <tj <j ^ 

■a § 

O 3 


E S 

o 2 o. ^ 
oj w) 2 2 

A C3 A d 03 




[ETH. ANN. 33 

« q 

rt ."ti 


1^ d2. 




^ 'S. 


^ u 



S W 


g fe 




to o 







S O E-i 

■S .S 





■^ « ^ 

a b 

« w 

W o 

■c is • 

,5 .■^ ? .'3 

z; D ei 









►^1 IS 

M n t« Uh 

2 3 ^ o o 

J5 O o pj QJ 

H c; Q ra o 

s a 

« .=; t: 

a a 

ia 3 § . 

n C3 OJ a/ a/ .^^ 
O O U O O O 

I s I 
g. g '3 

i o £ 

2 § a 

■a a 
3 a §■ 2 

D 3 D .d 

Eos 2 -S 

58 e E 

3 .g 

I 5 

3. >> 




■< < a 

H U U 

'■9 -J, 


■a ^ 

O rt 

^ j: J2 :3 /<: 
W m H ^ Eh Z 

" .2 



=^ - «, 

a a -a 

C^ -^ 'J 

S 2 
S -3 

S Eh S -si 

)a '5* 

^ -a 

T o 

VS -a 

■a s 

s ^ S 

a 3 

•S 3 

E- S -2 
^ rt fin 

.3 » 

&< a 

S ^ 


3 ^ 

3 js 

■^ S .3 -o M 
■S 3 -2 = -2 

^ u. e3 
W W fc. 

® ca S 

fe g 3 

!3 oj B 

§• s -a 

h4 »J »:i 

a 2 

E S o ° 




[ETH. ANN. 33 

w u 

§ i 

1 1 

2 S 

§ H 



O p 






S f^ 

P, IS Ph 

p. rf 

tf U Cfl 

s a s s 
g 2 s g 

g IS ^ W 


& o 

a i -3 

p^ rt 03 I/ 
)-3 S rt ^ 

™ 4) 

c « e: = 

g &: 









;i ^^ 

ft g 

6 p 

a 2 2 a 
jS ^ '■" 


3 ? 

■3 ^ 

s s ?^ ^ 

c o :j; 

o o — 

i^ S ;^ 

2 "H « 

O Ph 

^ C £ 

c t- T- e c« & 

ca cj cJ Qi o a* 

f4 P^ P^ Ph p^ P^ 





2; z W p. 

ift z 

,5 o i3 s 

^ f^ w m 


Mj ai W CQ 



[ETH. ANN. 33 



2 B 











J3 a t^ 1^ 
a S ° o 



I ^ 

w —I -d 
a 2 •= 

0) ^ N. 


C ^ o 

S H N 


K W 

Si .g 

o ^ o o 
CJ CO Pi o 

a J5 a 

W S3 fti 

a a 

fc -■ 

I- 3 a 
■^ 5 - -r frt -T^ 

« z 

u c a 3 
►J o M P 

g g a 

s -a 


s 5r 











M M 



£ ? 6-2 g 

J3 j3 ."z! o o t: 
H e H 6^ E-i 6h 


a ^ 

rt -O Y cJ fl 

«-i ■♦^ bO 

a --g 

5 D 

a 3 j= 

cd 3 a^ 

3 ■ii •£ 

& D & > 






^ 03 3 03 c3 
■3 ri CO -O Q^ ^ 

iS -a S S -o S 

n o 




■I c & " ^ -S 

■2 fe fl 5> o -g 

be ^ 

2 r 


C o 

■3 £ 

5 a 

> (S r«1 i" N SS N 

74936°— 19— 33 kth- 




[ETH. ANN. 33 

Glossary of plant names mentioned in this monograph — Continued 

Dakota name. 

Scientific name. 

Dakota name. 

Scientific name. 

Aonyeyapi (also Hasta"- 

Chandi (Teton dialect 


Cha^ihaloga Pezhuta 

Chan-ha sa" , 

Cha°-ijinve , 

Chai^na°pa , 

Cha°pa , 

Chan Tezhuta 

Cha«»-shasha hi"chalca . . . 


Chanshi'ishi'ila (Teton 

dialect Cha''shilshilya) 
Chanshushka (also Tash- 


Cha° wiziye 

Chap' ta haza 






Ha^te (or Ha^te sha) 


Hehaka ta pozhuta 

Heyoka ta pezhuta 



Hupestola , 



Maka Chanshinshi" 


Maka ta omnicha 


Mdo (Teton bio) 









Pezhihuta Zi 

Pezhuta na"tiaziUa 

Pezhuta pa 

Pizpiza ta wote 







l^runus besseyi. 

Nicotiana quadrivalvis. 

Verbena hastata. 
Acer sacchanira. 
Humulus americana. 
Polystictus versicolor. 
Padus nana; Padus me- 

Wasliingtonia longistylis. 
Cornus stolonifera. 
Cornus amomura. 
Silphium laciniatum. 

Acer negundo. 


Ribes americanum. 
Sambucus canadensis. 
Hicoria ovata. 
Rlius glabra. 
Mentha canadensis. 
Juniperus virginiana. 
Prunus besseyi. 
Monarda fistulosa. 
Malvastnim coccineum. 
Tilia americana. 
Juglans nigra. 
Yucca glauca. 
Echinacea angustifolia. 
Pnmus americana. 
Hedeoma hispida. 
Falcata comosa. 
LepargjTea argentea. 
Glycine apios. 
Viburnum lentago. 
Phaseolus \'ulgaris. 
Rosa pratincola. 
Hehanthus tuberosus. 
Ulmus americana. 
I'Imus thomasi. 
Ulmus fulva. 
Artemisia gnaphalodes. 
Dasystephana puberula. 
CalUrrhoe involucrata. 
Parosela aurea. 
Boebera papposa. 
Allionia nyctaginea. 
Scirpus validus. 
Fra-vinus sp. 
Allium mutabile. 
Sagittaria latifolia. 
Zizania aquatica. 

Pte-ichi-yufia , 

I'te ta wote 

Sakayutapi , 


Si"kpe ta wote 

Tado , 


Taka'ihecha , 

TamanioRpa , 

Ta"pa (Teton Cha^-ha 

Tashkada° (also Cha"- 

Taspa" , 

Tewape , 

Tichanicha , 


, Toka hupepe 






Wachanga iyechecha 
(also Wahpe wa- 


Waiicha toto; I'lcha- 
mdu toto. 

Waficha-zi chikala 


Wagamu" pezhuta 



Walipe popa 

Walipe toto 

Walipe wachanga (also 
Wachanga iyechecha). 

Wahpe washtemna 


Wamnaheza ( Teton 






Wia ta pezhihuta 



GrindeUa squarrosa. 
Oeoprumnon crassicar- 

Rumex crispus. 
Acorus calamus. 
Heracleum lanatum. 
Acer saccharinum. 
Rubus occidentalis. 
Physalis heterophylla. 
Betula papyrifera. 

Acer negundo. 

Cratffgus sp. 
Psoralen tenuiflora. 
Psoralea esculenta. 
Opuntia humifusa. 
Corylus americana. 
Quercus macrocarpa. 
Quercus rubra. 
Savastana odorata. 
Melilotus alba. 

Populus sargentii. 
Tradescantia virginica. 

Ratibida columnaris. 
Helianthus annuu.s. 
Pepo foetidissima. 
Micrampelis lobata. 
Gyranocladus dioica. 
Salix sp. 

Chenopodium album. 
Melilotus alba. 

Monarda fistulosa (fra- 
grant variety). 

Pepo pepo; Pepo maxi- 

Zea mays. 

Cucurbita lagenaria. 
Petalostemura purpure- 

um; Petalostemura can- 

Fragaria virginiana. 
Pinus sp. 

ThaUctrum dasycarpum. 
Artemisia frigida. 
Orossularia missourien- 

Typha latifolia. 




Glossary of i>lant luiinis incntioiu'il in lliis inonoyraph — Continued 

Dakota name. 

Scientific name. 

Dakota name. 

Scientific name. 


Olycyrhiza lepidota. 
Amelancliier almrolia. 
Celtis occidentalis. 
Celastnxs scandens. 


Zuzecha ta wote sapsapa. 

Symphoricarpos sym- 
phoricarpos; Symphor- 
icarpos occidenlalis. 



Zuzecba ta wote 


Omaha name. 

Scientific name. 

Omaha name. 

Scientific name."jii 

Rubus occidentalis. 
Laciniaria scariosa. 

Fragaria rirginiana. 
Lithospermimi canescens 
Quercus rubra. 
Yucca glauca. 
Ulmus sp. 
Ulmus americana. 
Ulmus tbomasi. 
Ulmus fulva. 

Astragalus caroliniana. 
Celtis occidentalis. 
Vitis cinerea. 
Falcata comosa. 
■phaseolus vulgaris. 
Lathyrus ornatus. 
Tilia americana. 
Toxicodendron toxico- 
Urtica gracilis. 

Cogswellia daucifolia. 

lonoxalis violacea; Xan- 

Andropogon furcatus. 

Parthenocissus quinque- 

Menispermum cana- 

Aquilegia canadensis. 

Symphoricarpos sym- 
phoricarpos; Sympho- 
ricarpos occidentalis. 

Monarda fistulosa var. 

Prunus americana. 
Asclepias tuberosa. 

Populus sargentii. 
Juniperus virginiana. 
Equisetum sp. 
Lopliophora wilLamsU . 

Makan-bashashdosho". .. 

Physalis lanceolata. 

A(5ntashi falso MakA"- 


Makan-sagi (also Ao^- 

Maka"-saka (also Kiu- 


Laciniaria scariosa. 

Bazu-tii .. 

Asclepias tuberosa. 



Ezho'»-ska ... 


Petalostemum purpur- 



Ezhc-zhide (or Ezho"- 


SiUpliium laciniatum. 
AlUonia nyctaginea. 
Erythrina flabelliformis. 



Hazi. . 

Maka-^zhlde sabe 


Hinbthiabe . 

Cornus asperifolia. 
Allium mutabile. 


Manzho-ka mantanalui. . 


Rhus glabra. 
Echinacea angustifolia. 

Hinde-bi . 

Mika-hi (also Iishtogab- 


Stipa spartea. 
Arisaema triphyllum. 
Sanguinaria canadensis. 
Prunus besseyi. 


Minigathe-makan-waii .. 




\'il3urnum lentago. 
C.ymnocladus dioica. 
Chamaesy ce serpy Uifolia. 


I"»gtha hazl itai 

Niashiga Malca" 

Thalictrum dasycarpum. 



Glycine aplos. 
Psoralea esculenta 

Izna-kithe-iga-lii (also 




Petie . 

Cogswellia daucifolia. 

Kiu-makan (also Maka"- 

Pezhi Bthasha 

Artemisia gnaphalodes. 
Artemisia frigi da. 
Boebera papposa. 

Pezh^fiote Zhinga 



Verbena bastatc. 



[eth. ArfN. 3a 

Glossary of plant M^mc* mentioned in this monograph — Continued 

Omaha name. 

Scientific name. 

Omaha name. 

Soientific name. 

Pezhe 'Nubthon 


Pezhe-pa Mi"ga 

Pezhe Zonsta 

Pezhe-zonsta ega" .. . 




Pezi nuga , 


Saka-thide , 

Shanga maka" , 

She , 

Sinie maka" , 


Si^waninde , 

Tabe-hi , 

Tashka , 

Tashnanga-hi , 



Tdika-shanda Nuga 

Tdage , 

T&-hu"to"-hi , 

Te-hunton-hi Nuga. 


Te-zhinga Maka° 

Mentha canadensis. 

Monarda fistulosa. 

Monarda fistuJosa (fra- 
grant variety). 

Savastana odorata. 

Melilotus alba. 

Grindeha squarrosa. 

rhysalis heterophylla. 

Grossularia missourien- 

Ribes americanum. 

Scirpus vahdus. 

Citrullus citnillus. 

Washingtonia longisty- 

Malus ioensis. 

Plantago major. 

Sagittaria latifolia. 

Zizania aquatica. 

Ceanothus americaaa. 

Quercus macrocarpa. 

Fraxinus sp. 

Crataegus sp. 

Geoprumnon crast>icar- 

Baptisia bracteata. 

Juglans nigra. 

Amorpha canescens. 

Lespedeza capitata. 

Nelurabo lutea. 

Anemone canadensis. 

Thasatarhi , 

Thifie-sage-hi , 

U°zhinga , 

Wagathashka , 


Wahabigaskonthe , 






Wathibaba makan 

Wau pezhe 

Wenu shabethe hi , 


Zhaba maka^ 

Zhaha ta zho" , 

Zharpa (also MsUva°- 

Zha-sage-zi , 


Zha-zi , 

Zhon-hoji-wazhide , 


Zhoi'-pahithatha , 


Zhu - nakada - tanga - 

Artemisia dracuncu- 

Salix sp. 

Corylus americana. 

Sambucus canadensis. 

Zea mays. 

Typha latifoUa. 

Ustilago maydis. 

Asclepias syriaca. 


Pepo pepo; Pepo maxi- 

Micrampelis lobata. 

Anemone cylindrica. 

Galium triflorum. 

Acer saccharinura. 

Rosa pratincola. 

Heracleum lanatum. 

Acer negundo. 

Silphium laclniatum. 

SoUdago sp. 

Silphiiun perfoliatum. 

Helianthus annuus. 

Lepargyrea argentea. 

Amelanchier alnifolia. 

Zanthoxylum america- 

Toxylon pomiferum. 

CaulophylUim thalic- 


Winnebago name. 







Ha" win-ska 








Scientific name. 

Juglans nigra. 
Quercus macrocarpa. 
Crataegus sp. 
Achillea millefolium. 
Physalis lanceolata. 
Vitis cinerea. 
Artemisia gnaphalodes. 
Rhus glabra. 
Grossularia missoiu"ien- 

Fragaria \irginiana. 
Amelanchier alnifolia. 
Lepargyrea argentea. 
Erythronium mesochore- 

Tilia americana. 

Winnebago name. 

















Scientific name. 

Phaseolus vulgaris. 
Falcata comosa. 
Corylus americana. 
Prunus americana. 
Typha latifolia. 
Asclepias syriaca. 
Dasystephana puberula. 
Acorus calamus. 
Savastana odorata. 
Cornus asperifolia. 
Acer negundo. 
Gymnocladus dioica. 
Acer saccharum. 
Hicoria ovata. 
Helianthus tuberosus, 
Sanguinaria canadensis. 




Glossary of pUmt names mentioned in this monograph — (,'ontiiiueU 

Winnebago name. 

Scientific nanae. 

"Winnebago name. 

Scientific name. 



Rake-ni-ozhu (also Rake- 







Fraxinus sp. 
Artemisia dracimcu- 

Silphium perfoliatum. 

Salix sp. 

Cornus amomum . 
Allium mutabile. 
Silphium laciniatum. 
Zizania aquatica. 
Saglttaria latlfoUa. 










Glycine apios. 

Psoralea esculenta. 

Smilax herbacea. 


Celtis occidentalis. 

Ulmus fulva. 

il e n i s p e r mm m cana- 

Acer sacchaiinum. 
Viburnum lentago. 


Pawnoe name. 







Atikatsatsiks (also Kits- 


Chakida kahtsu . . . ; 




Hawahawa (also Kirit- 






Kahtsu dawidu 

Kahts' pira kari 

Kahts' Takat 


Kahts'-Tawas (also Na- 


Kahts *-tu win Ivi 


Karipika tsitsiks 




Kiha-piliwus-hawastat . 

Kirik-tara-kata , 

Scientific name. 

Viburnum lentago. 
Rubus occidentalis. 
Fragaria \irginiana. 
Boebera papposa. 
Phaeeolus \'ulgaris. 
Falcata comosa. 
Acuan illinoensls. 

Grindeiia squairosa. 
Yucca glauca. 
Menispermum ca na- 

Zanthosylum america- 

Cuscuta paradoxa. 
Typha latifolia. 

Glycine apios. 

Celtis occidentalis. 
Acorus calamus. 
Mentha canadensis. 
Laciniaria scariosa. 
Rumex hymenosepalus. 
AJhonia nyctaginea. 
Washingtonia longistylis. 
Silphium laciniatum. 

Ipomoea leptophyila. 

Asclepias syriaca. 

Bichrophyllum margina- 

Savastana odorata. 

Fraxinus sp. 

Artemisia dracunculoi- 

Petalostemum purpur- 
eum; P. candidum. 

Helianthus annuus. 

I'awnee name. 







Kitsitsaris (also Atika- 




Ksapi tahako 

Kus aparu karuts 


Nahaapi nakaaruts 

Nahata pahat 

Nakasis , 

Nakipistatu , 

Nakitsku , 




Nikso kor6rik kahtsu 




Osidiwa (or C'sidiwa 




Patki natawawi 




Pithahatusakits Tsuhast 

Scientific name. 

Saglttaria latifolia. 
Typha latifolia. 

Helianthus tuberosus. 
Mtis dnerea. 
Salix sp. 
Acuan illinoensis. 

Chenopodium album. 
Amorpha fruticosa. 
Artemisia frigida. 
Echinacea angusti folia. 
Primus besseji . 
Lepargyrea argentea. 
Padus nana; P. melano- 

QuercuB rubra. 
Uva-ursi uva-ursi. 
Cornus stolonifera. 
Toxylon pomiferum. 
Populus sargenlii . 
Physalis helerophylla. 
Zea mays. 

Pnmus americana. 
Rhus glabra. 
Acer negundo- 
Allium mutabile. 

Rosa pratincola. 
Equisetum sp. 
Lespedeza capitata. 
Quercus macrocarpa. 
Psoralea esculenta. 
Opuntia humifusa. 
Baptisia bracteata. 
Glycyrhiza lepidcta. 



[ETH. A.NN. 33 

Olossary of plant immes mentioned in this moiiograph — Continued 

Pawnee name. 

Scientific name. 

Pawnee name. 

Scientific name. 


Cornus amomum. 
Hicoria ovata. 
Juglans nigra. 
Scirpus validus. 
Thalictmm dasycarpum. 
Aquilegia canadensis, 
lonoxaiis violacea; Xan- 

Sambucus canadensis. 

Ulmus sp. 



Taitsako taka 


Juniperus virginiana. 
Gymnocladus dioica. 
Monarda fistuJosa (fra- 
grant variety). 






Tukawiii . . 



Common English name. Scientific name. 

American elm... 
American lotus.. 


Angle stem 





Beaver root , 

Big milkweed 

Birch, paper 

Bittersweet , 

Black haw 

Black rattle pod , 

Black walnut , 

Blazing star 


Blue cohosh , 

Blue flag 

Blue joint grass; blue 
stem grass. 

Box elder 

Buck brush 

Buffalo pea . 

Buffalo herry . . 



Burning bush. 

Bush morning-glory. 

Butterfly weed 



Cardinal flower 



China berry 

Ulmus americana. 
Nelumbo lutea. 
Anemone canadensis. 
?ilphium perfoliatum. 
Fraxinus pemisylva- 

Sagittaria latifolia. 
Phaseolus vulgaris. 
Uvariirsi uva-ursi. 
Heracleum lanatum. 
Asclepias sjTiaca. 
Betula papyrifera. 
Celastrus scandens. 
A'iburnum lentago. 
Baptisia bracteata. 
Juglans nigra. 
Laciniaria scariosa. 
Sanguinaria canadensis. 
J'odophyllum peltatum. 
Iris versicolor. 
Andropogon fiircatus. 

Acer negimdo. 
Symphoricarpos occiden- 

Geopruranon crassicar- 

Lepargyrea argentea. 
Scirpus validus. 
Arctium minus. 
E uonymus at ropurpu- 

Ipomoea leptophylla. 
Asclepias tuberosa. 
Acorus calamus. 
Rumex hymenosepahis. 
I.obeha cardinalis. 
T3'pha latifolia. 
Juniperus virginiana. 

Common Enghsh name. Scientific name. 

Chokecherry . 

Comb plant 

Compass plant. 


Corn smut 


Cow parsnip . . . 

Cup plant 





False lupine 

Fetid marigold 

Flame lily 

Fragrant bedstraw . 
Fuzzy weed 





Ground bean... 
Groimd cherry . 
Ground plum.. 

Gum weed 


Hard maple 





Indian potato... 

Indian tea 


Padus nana; Padus me- 

Echinacea angustifoUa. 

Silphium laciniatum. 

Zea mays. 

Ustilago maydis. 

Populus sargentii. 

Heracleum lanatum. 

Silphium perfoliatum. 

Symphoricarpos sym- 

Cuscuta paradox a. 

Sambucus canadensis. 


Thermopsis rhombifolia. 

Boel>era papposa. 

Lilium umbeilatum. 

Gahum triflorum. 

Artemisia dracuncu loi- 

Dasystephana puberula. 

Panax quinquefohum. 


Grossularia missourien- 

C ucurbita lagenaria . 

Falcata comosa. 

PhysaUs heterophylla. 

G eoprumnon crassicar- 

Silphium laciniatum. 

Celtis occidentalis. 

Acer saccharum. 

Corylus americana. 

Hicoria ovata. 

Humulus americana. 

Monarda fistulosa. 

Glycine apios. 

Ceanothus americana. 

Malus ioensis. 




Glossary of plant names mentioned in this monograph — CJontinued 


Common English name. 

Scientific name. 

Common English name. 

Scientific name. 


Iris versicolor. 
Arisaema triphyllxmi. 
Amelanchier alnifoUa. 
Helianthus tuberosus. 
Gymnocladus dioica. 
Cornus amomum; Cornus 

Galium triflorum. 
Chenopodium aJbum. 
Usnea barbata. 
TiUa americana. 
Astragalus caroUniana. 
Lobelia cardinahs. 
Cogswellia daucifolia. 
Cuseuta paradoxa. 
Menispermum cana- 

Toxylon pomiferum. 
Pulsatilla patens. 
\'ibumum opulus. 
Hedeoma hispida. 
I.ophophora wilUamsii. 
Finus miirrayana. 
I'lantago major. 
Toxicodendron toxico- 
Phytolacca americana. 
Stipa spartea. 


Rosa pratincola. 

Petalostemum purpu- 
reum; Petalostemum 

Zanthoxylum am e ri - 

Opuntia humifusa. 

Lithospermum canes- 

Lycoperdon gemmatum. 

Pepo pepo. 

Echinacea angustifolia. 

Callirrhoe involucrata. 

Lespedeza capitata. 

Ambrosia elatior. 

Malvastrum coccineum. 

Ulmus fuJva. 


Quercus rubra. 

Ceanothus americana. 

rimus thomasi. 

Artemisia eana; Artemi- 
sia tridentata. 

Jack-in-l he-pulpit 

Amelanchier alnifolia. 

Scouring rush 


Quercus macrocarpa. 
Viburnum lentago. 
lonoxalis violacea. 

Kentucky coffee tree 


Sheep sorrel 

Amorpba canescens. 
L vgode^mia j uncea. 

Skeleton weed 


Smooth sumac 

Rhus glabra. 

Little rattle pod 


Svmphoricarpos occiden- 


Snow-on-the-mnuntain. . 


Love vine. 


Sour dock 

Rume.x crispus. 

Needle grass : 

Spanish bayonet 

Spirier hean 

Yucca glauca. 


Acuan ilhnoensis. 

Osapp. nranpR 


Tradescantia virginica. 

Pasque flower 

Spring lily . . ... 

Ervthronium mesocho- 

Pembina ... 



Squash .... 

Pepo maxima. 
GrindeUa squarrosa. 


Sticky head 

Poison oak 

Sweet clover .... 

MeUlotus alba. 

Washingtonia longisty- 


Sweet flag 

Porcupine grass 

Acorus calamus. 

Prairie wild rose 

Prairie clover 

Switch grass 

Thorn apple 

Panicum virgalum. 


Tobacco . . . 

Nicotiana quadrivaUis; 

Tree ears 

Prickly pear 

tiana tabacum. 
Polystictus versicolor. 

Tuberous sunflower 


Wahoo bush 

Purple coneflower 

Euonymus atropurpu- 

Washtemna . . 

Rabbit foot 

Monarda fistuiosa (fra- 

Water chinquapin 

grant variety). 
Nelumbo lutea. 

Red false mallow 

Amorpha fruticosa. 
Ulmus americana. 

Red oak 

White elm 


Wild black currant 

Wild black raspberry. . . 
Wild blue verbena 

Rock elm 

Aquilegia canadensis. 



IeTH. ANN. 33 

iilossary of plant wuius lucutjoiud in this monoyraph — Continued 


Common English name. 

Scientific name. 

Common English name. 

Scientific name. 

Wild crab apple 

Malus ioensis. 
Micrampelis lobata. 
AHionia nyctaginea. 
Pentstemon grandifiorus. 
Pepo foetidissiraa. 
Vitis cinereA. 
Oiycyrhiza lepidota. 
Mentha canadensis. 
AUiiun mutabile. 
Rubus strigosus. 
Prunus americana. 
Zizania aquatica. 

Wild rose, prairie 

Wild sage, big 

Wild sage, little 

Rosa pratincola. 

Artemisia gnaphalodes. 
Artemisia frigida. 
Fragaria Wrginiana; Fra- 

Wild four-o'clock 

Wild foxglove 

Wild strawberry 

Wild sweet pea 

Wild gourd 

garia americana. 

Wild grape 

Lathyrus ornatus. 
Impatiens pallida. 

Wild licorice 

Wild touch-me-not 




Wild red raspberry 

Wild plum 

Yarrow . 

Achillea mille'olium. 

Yellow wood sorrel 


Wild rice 

Thalictnim dasycarpum. 


I?E\-ERLT, RoBEET. The history and present state of Virginia, by a native and 

inhabitant. London, 17U5. 
Blair, Emma, tr. and cd. The Indian tribes of the Upper Mississippi Valley 

and region of the Great Lakes as described by Nicolas Perrot, Bacqueville 

de la Potherie, Morrell Marston, and Thomas Forsyth. Vols. i-ii. Cleveland, 
. 1911-12. 
Bradbury, John. Travels in the interior of America in the years 1S09, 1810, 

and 1811. 2d ed. London, 1819. 
Candolle, Alph. de. Geographie botauique. Tome 2. Paris and Geneva, 1855. 
Champlain, Samuel de. Voyages of Samuel de Champlain. Translated from 

the French by Charles Pomeroy Otis, with memoir by KdnuuKl F. Slafter. 

3 vols. Boston, 1878-1882. (Prince Society Publicatifms, vols, xi, xii, and 

xiir. ) 
Chaklevois, Pierke de. Journal of a voyage to Xorth-America. Vols. i-ii. 

London, 1761. 
Chittenden, Hiram Martin, and Richaedson, Alfred T. Life, letters, and 

travels of Father Pierre-Jean De Smet. S. J., 1801-1873. Vols. i-rv. New 

York, 1905. 
Clements, Frederic E. See Pound, Roscoe, and Clements. 
Conzatti, C. Los generos vegetales Mexicanos. Mexico, 1903. 
Coulter, John M. Botany of Western Texas. Cont. U. S. Nat. Herb., vol. n, 

Washington, 1891-94. 
Cox, Isaac Joslin, ed. The journeys of Rene Robert Cavelier Sieur de I/a 

Salle. Vols. i-ii. New York, 1905. 
Densmore. Frances. Chippewa music. Part IL litill. 53, Btir. Amer. Ethn., 

Washington, 1913. 
De Smet, Pierre-Jean. See Chittenden and Richardson. 
DoRSEY, James Owen. Omaha .sociology. In Third Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., 

pp. 205-370, Washington, 1S84. 
. The ^giha language. Cotit. to N. Amer. Ethn., vol. vi, Washington, 

. A study of Siouan cults. In Eleventh Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp. 

361-544, Washington, 1894. 
Du Pratz. See Le Page du Pratz. 
Fewkes. Jesse Walter. Two summers' work in Pueblo ruins. In Tirciitii- 

second Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 1, pp. 3-105. Washington, 1904. 
Fletcher, Alice V. The Hako. Twenty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., 

pt. 2, Washington, 1904. 
and La Flesche, Francis. The Omaha tribe. Twenty-seventh Ann. 

Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1911. 
I'ood products of the North American Indians. In Report of the Commissioner 

of Agrieultnre for 1870, Washington, 1871. 
French, B. F. Historical collections of Louisiana. Part iv. New York, 1852. 
Hariot, Thomas. A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia. 

Francoforti, 1590. Reprinted, New York, 1872. 
Harshberger, John AV. Phytogeographic inlluences in the arts and indu.stries 

of American aborigines. In Bull. Geog. Soe. Phila., vol. iv, no. 3, pp. 25-41. 

Phila., 1906. 


154 USES OF PLANTS BY INDIANS [eth. ann. 33 

Havard, V. Food plants of the North Amerk-an Indians. In fSiill. Torrcy Hut. 

Club, vol. XXII, no. 3, pp. 98-120, Lancaster, Pa., March, ISO.'i. 
Hewitt, J. N. B. Iroquoian cosmoloay. Tn Twcnty-prst Ann. Rcpt. Bnr. Amci: 

Ethn., pp. 127-339, Washington, 1903. 
Jenks, Albert Ernest. The wild rice gatherers of the upper lakes. In A^inc- 

teenth Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt. 2, pp. 1019-1137, Washington, 1900. 
Jesuit relations and allied documents. Edited b.v Reuben Gold Thwaites. 

Vols. VI, XXXVIII, XLViii, Lix, Lxviii, Cleveland, 1897-1900. 
Kalm, Peter. Travels into North America. Translated l)y John Iteinhold 

Forster. Vols. i-ii. London, 1772. 
La Flesche, Francis. .SVc Fletcheu iiml La Flesche. 
La Salle. See Cox, Isaac, ed. 
Le Page du Pratz. Antoine S. Histoire de la Louisiane. Vols, i-iii. Paris, 

Maximillian, Alex. Philipp (Prinz zu Wied). Reise in das innere Nord- 

America in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834. B. i-ii. Coblenz, 1839-1841. 
Naudin, Ch. Revue des cucurbitaces. In Annalcs dcs Sciences XntiircUcs, 

4th ser., vol. xii, Botanique, pp. 79-164, Paris, 1859. 
NfTTALL, Thomas. Collections towards a flora of the Territory of Arkansas. 

In Trnns. Aincr. PhUos. Soc. n. s., vol. v, pp. 139-203, Phila., 1837. 
Outlook, vol. 104, no. 2, New York, May 10, 1913. 
Pelzek, Louis. Henry Dodge. Iowa Biogi-aphical Series, State Hist. Soc. Iowa, 

Iowa City, 1911. 
Perrot, Nicolas. See Blaie, Emma, translator and editor. 
Pickering, Charles. Chronological history of plants. Boston, 1879. 
Piso, WiLLEM. Historiae naturalis & medicae. Amsterdam, 1658. 
PotTND, Roscoe, (nul Clements, FREnERic E. The phytogeography of Nebraska. 

I. General Survey. Lincoln, Neb., 1900. 
KiGGS, Stephen Reti^rn. A Dakota-English dictionary. Cont. N. Anicr. Ethn., 

vol. vii, Washington, 1890. 
Russell, Frank. The Pima Indians. In Twenty-sixth Ann. Rcpt. Bur. Amer. 

Ethn., pp. 17-389, Washington, 1908. 
Stbachey, William. The historic of travaile into Virginia Britannia. Hakluyt 

Society Pub., vol. vi, London. 1849. 
Thomas, Cyrus. Report on the mound explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

Twelfth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1894. 
Watson, Sereno. Contributions to American botany. In Proc. Am. Acnd. Arts 

and Sciences, vol. xxii (n. s. xiv), pp. 390—181, Boston. 1887. 
Williamson, John P. An English-Dakota dictionary. New York, 1902. 






Preface 161 

Description of the region 163 

I. The cliff-ruins of Johnson Canyon 164 

Buildings 165 

1 . In Johnson Canyon 165 

Ruins at mouth of Spring Canyon 165 

Ruin No. 3 165 

2. In Lion Canyon ■. 166 

Eagle Nest House 166 

Ruin No. 5 171 

Ruin No. 6 :. 171 

Ruin No. 7 173 

Ruin No. 8 174 

Artifacts 174 

Pottery 174 

Structure 174 

Coil ware 175 

Plain smooth ware 175 

Decorated smooth ware • 175 

Red pottery 175 

Pottery mending 176 

Pottery designs 176 

Stone implements 176 

Grinding stones 176 

Axes 177 

Potlids and griddles 177 

Bone implements 177 

Wooden objects 177 

Fire sticks 178 

Quiver 178 

Hairbrush 178 

Pot rests 178 

Matting 179 

Feather cloth 179 

Cloth 179 

Baskets 179 

Sandals 179 

Miscellaneous articles 180 

Summary 180 



' Page 

II. Ruius on the mesas 182 

Buildings and burial mounds 182 

1 . Ruins near Mancos Spring 182 

Ruin No. 9 182 

Ruins at Site No. 10 186 

Ruins at Site No. 11 187 

Ruin No. 12 188 

Ruin No. 13 188 

2. Ruins on the divide between Salt and Grass Canyons 188 

Shrine at Site No. 14 188 

Ruin No. 15 189 

Ruin No. 16 189 

Ruin No. 17 190 

3. Ruins south of Red Horse Gulch 192 

Ruin No. 18 192 

4. Ruius at Red Mesa 192 

Ruins at Site No. 19 192 

Stone ruin at Site No. 20 192 

Round tower at Site No. 21 194 

5. Ruins below the mouth of Long Hollow 194 

Ruins at Site No. 22 194 

Ruins at Site No. 23 194 

Artifacts 195 

Pottery 195 

Structure 195 

Form 196 

Food bowls 196 

Globular bowls 196 

Bowl with perforated ears 196 

Bowl with double flare. . ., 196 

Globular vessels with wide mouths 196 

Undecorated water jars 197 

Gourd-shaped bottles 197 

Ladles 198 

Spoon or paddle 198 

Bird-form vase 198 

Ring-bottomed vase 198 

Lamp (?) 198 

Mountain-sheep effigy 198 

Cloud blower 198 

Color 198 

Decoration 199 

Stone implements 200 

Grinding stones , 200 

Slabs of undecided function 201 

Axes and hammers 201 

Pottery smoother 201 

Pounding stones 201 

Chipped artifacts 201 

Bone implements 202 

Summary 202 

Conclusions 204 

Bibliography 206 




31. Map indicating sites mentioned in the text 164 

32. Eagle Nest House from mouth of Lion Canyon 166 

33. Eagle Nest House from foot of cliff at west end 166 

34. a, Stone ax with handle of skunk b, Section of wall from Ruin No. 2. 

c, Incised tracinffs on wall of kiva in Eagle Nest House 108 

35. a, Kiva in Eagle Nest House showing pottery in situ, b, Kiva in Eagle 

Nest House 168 

36. Ruin No. 6 172 

37. Ruin No. 7 172 

38. Coil-ware ollas '. 172 

39. Coil-ware ollas 172 

40. a, Plate, b, Water bottle, c, d, e, Coil-ware ollas 176 

41. Black-and-white vases 176 

42. a, Black-and-red bowl. 6, c, Black-and-white bowls 176 

43. Black-and-white water jar 176 

44. Wooden objects 178 

45. Bone implements 178 

46. a, Rush matting 5, Reed quiver 178 

47. a, Fire sticks and tinder, b, Hairbrush of pine needles, c, Fragment of 

a basket 178 

48. Jar rests 180 

49. a, Feather cloth, b, Matting 180 

50. Sandals 180 

51. Sandals 180 

52. Miscellaneous objects 180 

53. Miscellaneous objects 180 

54. a, Ball of yucca, b, A twist of yucca, c, Chain of yucca, d, e, Twists of 

yucca. /, Bundle of herbs 180 

55. a, Portion of plaited band in two colors. 6, Twist of yucca, c, Chain of 

yucca, d, Loop of split willow tied with yucca, e, Fragment of 

coarse rush mat. /, Corncobs tied together with yucca 180 

56. Ruin No. 9 182 

57. Grave in Ruin No. 9 184 

58. Pit room in Ruin No. 17 190 

59. View in Ruin No. 17 190 

60. View in Ruin No. 17 190 

61. a. Grave below mouth of Long Hollow, Ruin No. 23. 6, Grave at head of 

Salt Canyon, Ruin No. 16 , 190 

62. a, Stone ruin at mouth of Cherry Creek, Ruin No. 20. b, Masonry in 

stone ruin at Site No. 20 192 

63. Large ollas 196 

64. Food bowls 196 




65. Food bowls 196 

66. Ilndecorated vases 196 

67. Undecorated water jars 196 

68. Cooking vessels with banded necks 196 

69. a, Bowl mended with yucca ties, b, c, d, e, f, Pottery 196 

70. Pottery and skulls 196 

71. Pottery 196 

72. Pottery 196 

73. Stone objects 200 

74. Chipped implements 200 

75. Chipped implements and polished ornaments 200 


1 . Ground plan of Eagle Nest ECouse 167 

2. Burial mound at Ruin No. 9 184 

3. Ground plan of Ruin No. 17 190 

4. Ground plan of Ruin No. 20 192 

5. OutUnes of gourd-shaped vessels 197 

6. Metate and mano 200 

7. Design on bowl from mouth of Long Hollow 200 

8. Design on bowl from mouth of Long Hollow 201 

9. Design on bowl from mouth of Long Hollow 201 

10. Design on bowl from mouth of Long Hollow 201 

11. Design on bowl from mouth of Long Hollow • 202 


In the spring of 1913, at the suggestion of Dr. Edgar L. Hewett, 
director of the School of xVmerican Archffolog\% the Board of Re- 
gents of the University of Colorado placed in my hands the means 
with which to conduct excavations among the ruins in the region be- 
tween the Mancos and La Plata Rivers. The permit from the Sec- 
retary of the Interior was obtained through the School of American 
ArcliBeology, hence the work during the summer of 1913 is officially 
recorded as having been done in collaboration with that institution.^ 

As a result of the first season's explorations, I was sent back to 
the same field, where I conducted excavations during part of the 
summer of 1914. In this research the School of American Archaeol- 
ogy did not collaborate. 

Because of limited means, the explorations were not so thoi-ough 
nor so extended as it would be desirable to have made them. Time 
could not be spared to di"aw plans of all the ruins visited, and those 
which are given are compiled from measurements taken with a tape- 
line. In many places it has been netessary to use the terms " about," 
" roughly," and " approximately " where exact determinations could 
have been made only by the expenditure of considerable time and 

"VMiatever of worth was accomplished depended largely upon 
those who assisted me, and I wish here to express my thanks to 
William E. Ross, E. K. Hill, and J. H. La very, all of Farmington, 
New Mexico, for their faithfulness to the work in hand under all cir- 
cumstances. Mr. Ralph Linton, of Swarthmore, Pennsylvania, con- 
tributed his services during part of the summer of 1913. Mr. A. B. 
Hardin, of Denver, Colorado, directed me to sevei'al of the most 
important ruins and furnished valuable information as to the loca- 
tion of springs and trails. 

' Bulletin of the ArcTiwological Institute of America, Vol. IV, Nos. 11 and III, p. 41. 
74936°— 19— 33 eth -11 161 


I am especially indebted to Prof. Junius Henderson, curator of 
the Museum of the University of Colorado, for the use of his office 
and jjhotographic equipment while preparing this report, as well as 
for many other services which he has rendered. 

Since the excavations had to do with two very different types of 
ruins, I have treated each separately. By describing each type of 
building and the artifacts therefrom as a unit, a much better com- 
parison of the culture of the ruins in the cliffs with that of the ruins 
on the mesas can be made than would otherwise have been possible. 

E. H. INL 


By Earl H. Morris 


The region here dealt with consists of a triangular plateau bounded 
on the west by the Mancos Canyon, on the east by the La Plata 
River, and on the south by the Colorado-New Mexico line. Its ele- 
vation varies from 6,000 to 7.000 feet above the sea. It is travereed 
from northeast to southwest by a low divide composed of a series 
of broken hills. The canyons which drain to the Mancos are exceed- 
ingly deep and rough, rivaling those on the opposite side of the 
river. The arroyos running to the La Plata are less precipitous and 
much of the country on that side of the divide is a I'olling tableland. 

An unusually dense forest of pinon and cedar covers much of the 
region, and the parts not covered by foi'ests are overgrown with 
sagebrush. Along the watercourses are cottonwoods and willows, 
and in the canyons draining to the Mancos quaking aspens, wild goose- 
berries, and chokecherries are of common occurrence. A few rock 
pines stand at the heads of the canyons, and along the foot of cliffs 
and in the deep coves ai'e numerous spruce trees, some of them of 
large size. It aj^pears that the pines, spruces, and aspens, together 
with the other plants common to the associations in which these are 
predominant, are being slowly crowded out by more xerophytic 
forms, a condition indicating that there is a less abundant rainfall 
than there was in times past. 

Until the coming of tlie whites, deer, elk. bear, and mountain lions, 
as well as smaller mammals, were plentiful, and even at present they 
are occasionally encountered in the fastnesses of the canyons. 

The sagebrush glades interspersed through the heavy timber fur- 
nished the aboriginal inhabitants with abundant and fertile land 
for cultivation. In the summer of 1914 corn could have been grown 
successfully without irrigation upon these mesas. Thus it appears 
that the region offered all the conditions indispensable to primitive 
culture. To-day it is uninhabited except for a few " dry farmers," 
who are endeavoring to reclaim the lands west of Cherry Creek. 



Johnson Canyon is probably the largest of the eastern tributaries 
of the Mancos Canyon. It begins as a draw at the divide which 
fonns the boundary between La Plata and Montezuma Counties, 
and 2 miles farther west drops down between perpendicular cliffs. 
From this point the bottom is a V-like gorge, often rendered impass- 
able bj' great blocks of stone which have broken away from the 
rim rock and crashed into the watercourse below. Where such is 
the case the dim trail ascends the steep talus slope, winds along 
precarious ledges, and, as soon as there is an oi^portunity, descends 
to the canyon floor. 

In describing the cliff-dwellings of Mancos Canyon neither Jack- 
son ' nor Holmes- mentions the ruins in this canyon. Nordenskiold 
speaks of them as follows : ^ 

The system of canons southeast of this river [the Mancnsl also contains 
numerous clil¥-dwelliiigs of considerable size. I did not carry out any exca- 
vations there but only photoj;raphed a number of the most important ruins, 
namely, those in Johnson Cailon. 

Prudden does not refer directly to the Johnson Canyon ruins but 
locates several of them on his map of the prehistoric ruins of the 
San Juan watershed.'' 

Possibly three-quarters of a mile from the beginning of the box 
canyon the first fork of any considerable size runs off to the north. 
In it is located Mancos Spring. We found no other permanent 
water supply between the La Plata and the Mancos which is acces- 
sible, and in consequence this sprmg served as a base for all our 
operations in the vicinity. There is a large spring some 3 miles 
down the canyon, but its water is green and unpleasant to the taste. 
There are also numerous small drips at the base of the rim rock, 
which doubtlesswere used by the aborigines. 

1 [Eighth] Ann. Kept, of the Ilaydcn Surv. for 1S74, p. 369, 1S76. 

2 Tenth Ann. Rept. of the Hayden Surv. for 1870, p. 393, 1878. 
'The Cliff-dwellers of the Mesa Verde, p. 09. 

■• The Prehistoric Buins of the San Juan Watershed, pi. xvi. 



N \ --.' Roi/hd Burte 

_C O L^ R ADO .,,^., BO UN DAR.V 


\ ,-' 

1 \ ^^ 

Thie Meadov/^ 

a \ 

1\ r 


<f s 


'* ,•' 

o( ( 


, 1 

\ / 

\ -^ ~N , 

S / /' 

^--A- r 


Y ' ' 



) / ''' 

' \ 














morris] the cliff-ruins of johnson canyon 165 

1. in johnson canyon 

A short distance below the head of the box canyon an ancient trail 
scales the north wall. It consists of a number of steps or toe holds 
cut into the rock, which greatly facilitate the ascent of the sloping 

Under the first arch of considerable size, also on the northern 
side of the canyon, are two depressions, with a capacity of about 
3 gallons each, pecked into the rock floor of the cave. They are 
arranged to catch the drip from the cliff, and a very inconsequential 
rain is sufHcient to fill them. 

Ruins at mouth of Spring Canyon. — At this place are the ruins 
marked Nos. 1 and 2 on the mai) (pi. 31). Both are in a poor state 
of preservation. The one on the southern side of Johnson Canyon 
consists of six rooms built in a crevice which can be entered from the 
east end. The walls are poorly constructed. In one place they are 
built entirely of mud into which have been thrust many small frag- 
ments of stone (pi. 34, h), and in another they contain no stone what- 
ever, but are thickly chinked with broken pottery. They stand upon 
the edge of the cliff and reach to the roof of the cave. A passage 
runs the length of the crevice behind the apartments. 

Below the mouth of Spring Canyon practically every available site 
contains the remains of a small l)uilding. Few of these could have 
been used as dwellings, the majority probably having served as stor- 
age places for the crops raised on the mesas. The finding in one of 
them of several bushels of corncobs strengthens this conclusion. In 
the first 5 miles below Spring Canyon the party counted 15 of these 
ledge houses, and it is probable that there are many more hidden by 
the line of spruces which skirts the rim rock and concealed in the 
numerous ramifications which branch off from the main gorge on both 

Ruin No. 3. — Under a high arch on the north side of the canyon 
are the remains of the first building of noteworthy size (No. 3 on 
the map, pi. 31). An ascent of 300 feet brings one to the level of 
the cave in Avhich it stands. The debris and ruined walls extend 
along the cliff for 150 feet. Four kivas form the most conspicuous 
feature, three of them at the western end of the cave, the other well 
toward its eastern extremity. In the central part of the rear of the 
cave a crack was walled up, and the five rooms thus formed are in- 
tact. Upon a detached bowlder at the front and near the western 
end perches a tower 7 feet square and 6 feet in height. The features 
of the rest of the building can not be determined, since even the bases 
of the walls have been disturbed. 


Several sandals, jar rests, and pieces of matting, besides the frag- 
ments of two pottery bowls (pi. .42, «, c) were gathered up among 
the fallen stones, a condition indicating that had there been previous 
visitors to the cave, they were not in search of relics. The red bowl 
(pi. 42, a) is of particular interest because it so closely resembles 
the one fovmd by Xordenskiold in Spring House.^ 

At least four burials had been made beneath the shelving rocks 
-which litter the floor of the cave.- These had been pawed out by 
animals, and whatever offerings had been placed with them were 
scattered and destroyed. In one was found the front of a feather- 
cloth jacket, part of which is shown in plate 49, a. 

In the kiva, at the eastern end of the building, were the fi-agments 
of a strangely shaped vessel (pi. 41, b, c) and a small water bottle 
(pi. 40, &), as well as several bone implements. In a rat's nest, under 
a great slab of stone which had fallen from the cliff into the northern 
side of the kiva, were sections of rush matting evidently taken from 
a large mat cut to pieces by the rodents. (PI. 49, &.) 

The easternmost, of the three kivas, at the western end of the cave, 
had been dismantled and used as a dumping place. The floor was 
covered to a depth of 18 inches with house sweepings, turkey drop- 
pings, innumerable bits of string, knotted strips of yucca leaves, 
feathers, and fragments of pottery. In one of the banquettes were a 
few fragments of the red bowl mentioned above. In the next kiva 
a beautiful bowl was found (pi. 42, l>)., but seepage had destroyed 
any perishable objects which the room may have contained. Because 
of dampness the fourth kiva was not disturbed. 

The kivas present no unusual features, so I shall not describe 
them, letting the one in Eagle Nest House stand as a type for all 
those in Johnson Canyon. 


Eagle Nest House. — About three-quarters of a mile below Ruin 
No. 3 Johnson Canyon is joined from the north by a short and very 
rugged tributary Icnown locally as Lion Canyon. At the junction 
the canyons are 500 feet deep. Where the west wall of Lion Can- 
yon rounds off and merges into the north wall of Johnson Canyon 
the rim rock forms a high arch, which shelters a cave of consider- 
able proportions. Some GO feet from the bottom a shelf crosses the 
rear wall of the cave. It is 20 feet wide at the east end, becoming 
gradually narrower toward the west until it runs out against the 
perpendicular cliff. Upon the shelf stands Eagle Nest House. No 
ruin in the Mesa Verde presents a more picturesque and majestic 

1 The CUff-dwellpra of the Mesa Verde, pi. xxxiii and p. 84. 
= Nordenskiold mentions suoh burials (op. cit., pp. 46, 47). 











appearance than does this building, when on rounding the bold 
promontory, at the fork of the canyons, it bursts upon the view, 
perched like the nest of a bird upon the precarious ledge. (PI. 32.) 

Nordenskiold shows this structure, to which he refers thus: "A 
figure of one of them is given here (fig. 40) as an example of an 
inaccessible, or at least almost inaccessible, cliff dwelling."' 

So much was I impressed with the nestlike appearance of the 
ruin that I named it Eagle Xest House, and so refer to it in all my 
notes. I have found no mention of it except that made by Norden- 
skiold, and I do not believe any name had been previously applied 
to it. 

A hard but not dangerous climb of 400 feet brings one to the 
base of the cliff below the ruin. Here the observer is impressed 
with the force of Nordenskiold's statement, for the ruin seems indeed 
inaccessible (pi. 33). The cliff overhangs above and below the 
shelf which supports it, and as the distance is too gi-eat to permit 

^73. r>VO STO flies ^■°^^ Oir CLIF 


Fig. 1. — Ground plan of Eagle Nest House. 

the casting of a rope over one of the jjrotruding beams, direct access 
is impossible. However, from the east end of the ledge a crevice 
continues along the cliff for some distance. Near its end the wall 
below drops back to perpendicular. Here two large poles had been 
leaned against the cliff" and fastened to the stump of a cedar which 
had grown conveniently at the bottom. I climbed to the end of 
these, pushing a pole ahead of me until only 3 feet of it overlapped 
the top of the first pair; after lashing this to them and binding 
another pole beside it I clambered up these and repeated the process. 
The top of the fourth pair of poles reached to the ledge. Even 
after they had been securely fastened at the top it was not until 
the next day that my workmen could be prevailed upon to attempt 
the ascent. 

The ruin contains 12 rooms and a kiva (fig. 1). At the east end 
the outside wall of the house widens into a stout' pillar built from 

> Op. cit., p. 69. 


the ledge to the rock above. Behind the pillar, inclosed by the 
outer wall of the house on the left and by the front wall of room 11 
on the right, is a passage or entry which ends in a series of steps 
leading up to what' was the level of the kiva roof. This and the 
space which is dotted in the plan constituted a plaza quite large 
and commodious in view of the small proportions of the building. 
It is probable that the roof of room 11 was part of the plaza also. 
The open side of the court is flanked by a parapet 2^ feet high. 

From the plaza a T-shaped doorway leads into room 1, which, 
being in as perfect a state of preservation as any room in the Mesa 
Verde, is worthy of description. Its inner dimensions are, parallel 
to the cliff, 5 feet 6 inches by 6 feet 6 inches in the opposite direc- 
tion. The height to the ceiling is 5 feet 7 inches. The walls bear 
successive coats of brown plaster, a new coat having been added, 
seemingly, when the one beneath became covered with soot and dirt. 
The roof is supported by two comparatively heavy beams, which 
run t'he long way of the room and are set into the walls. Upon 
these at right angles rest four smaller poles, which arc covered by 
a layer of closely placed split sticks, and above them is a layer of 
indurated mud. 

In the southeast corner is a fire pit 18 inches in diameter. There 
is a smoke hole in the roof immediately above it, and the walls in 
that comer are black with smolce. Upon the roof is a flat slab, 
which was used to close the opening when there was no fire on the 

In the south wall 1 foot 9 inches from the west wall and 2 feet 10 
inches above the floor is a neatly plastered niche 3^ inches in di- 
ameter and 4 inches deep. In the southwest' corner near the top 
of the south wall is a somewhat larger niche, and there is still an- 
other in the north wall 1 foot 7 inches from the northeast corner 
and 1 foot G inches up from tlie floor. 

In the northeast corner a small osier eyelet protruded from the 
wall through which was looped a long strand of yucca cord. Upon 
the floor were two bone needles. 

Between the rear wall of room 7 and the cliff were the remains 
of a burial, which had been disturbed by some agency. A few frag- 
ments of matting were with the bones. Rooms 8 and 9 contained 
grinding stones, fragments of pottery, bits of string, and a few 
bone implements. Room 11 seems to have been the kitchen. Upon 
the floor were three sets of millstones, and against the west wall 
were the remains of at least five coil-ware cooking pots, one of which 
is shown restored in plate 38, h. In the rubbish were the fragments 
of a baking slab. 











From the fire jsit were taken a hairbrush (pi. 47, h) and three 
sandals. Behind the bench which crosses the east end of the chamber 
and beneath the southeast corner of the wall was a stone ax (pi. 
34, a), with its skunk-bush {Schinaltzia trilohata) handle still 

The small room at the east end was a storehouse. The walls 
extend to the rock above, and so little light enters through the small 
door in the east end that the interior is always dark. 

It appears that much labor was expended to retain the subter- 
ranean character of the kiva. As the presence of the ledge made 
excavation impossible, the space from the foot of the steps to the 
west wall of room 1 and back to the cliff was filled with loose rock 
and debris in order that the roof of the kiva might be on a level 
with the floors of the surrounding rooms. This does not apply 
to room 11, but doubtless there was a limit beyond which economy 
of sjDace would not allow the builders to go, even though in conse- 
quence custom had to be somewhat violated. 

The kiva was constructed as follows: Except on the north, where 
the cliff interfered, two walls were built, one within the other. The 
outer wall was carried up to the desired level of the plaza, while the 
other was brought up only 2^ feet. Upon it were erected the ped- 
estals which separate the banquettes and serve to support the roof. 
The outer wall forms a back for the banquettes and functions as a 
brace for the pedestals. The roof had fallen, but the beams were 
sufficiently in place to show that it had been constructed in the 
same manner as the one figured by Dr. Fewkes,^ so I shall not de- 
scribe it here. Otherwise the kiva was in an almost perfect state of 

In removing the debris three coil-ware jars (pis. 38, a; 40, c, d) 
were found against the west wall (pi. 35. a). The largest of these 
was in fragments, but the others were unbroken. AVith them were 
parts of two other large pots and toward the center of the room were 
two small dipper bowls. 

The measurements of the kiva are: Height, 8 feet 3 inches; diam- 
eter, 12 feet 9 inches; height of floor to banquettes, 2 feet 6 inches; 
height to top of pedestals, 4 feet 8 inches ; width of banquettes above 
horizontal passage, 4 feet 5 inches; width of other banquettes, 3 feet; 
depth of banquettes, 11^ inches; width of pedestals, 1 foot 8 inches; 
distance of deflector from wall, 2 feet 2 inches; height of deflector, 
2 feet; length of deflector, 2 feet; thickness of deflector, 8 inches; 
distance of fire pit from inside of deflector, 2 feet; diameter of fire 
pit, 1 foot 10 inches; first sipapu, 9 inches from pit; second, 9 inches 
from first; height of horizontal passage, 1 foot 5 inches; width, 1 


1 Bull., .'il. Bur. Amer. Ethn.^ pi. 15. 


foot 2 inches; bottom, 4 inches above floor; length of horizontal 
passage, 2 feet 3 inches; depth of ventilator shaft, 8 feet 3 inches. 

Two sticks crossed at right angles are set into the masonry jnst 
below the toj) of the air shaft. Resting upon these was a block of 
stone which closed the opening and came almost flush with the level 
of the plaza. 

In the east wall a few inches above the floor is a niche or " cubby- 
hole" large enough to contain a fair-sized jar (pi. 35, b). An 
unusual feature is the presence of a small niche in the fireward side 
of the deflector. I have found no mention of a niche similarly 
placed in any kiva in the Mesa Verde. The presence of the two 
sipapu seems to render the kiva rather unusual, as only one other 
instance of the kind is on record.^ Somewhat more than a foot to 
the east of the first sipapu a mano was tightly plastered into the 

The floor and the first 17 inches of the walls are plastered with 
brown clay. Higher up the walls are white and show few evidences 
of smoke. At the junction of the two zones is a dado like the one 
figured by Dr. Fewkes from the third story of the square tower 
in Cliff Palace.^ (See pi. 35.) Beneath each banquette three clay- 
colored triangles extend up into the white, and between the series 
of large triangles are 29 to 34 smaller figures, such as could be made 
b_y a single dab of a brush. Nordenskiold shows practically the same 
decoration from a kiva in a iiiin in Cliff Canyon and mentions 
having observed it also in two other ruin3.^ 

There are numerous incised tracings in the white plaster of the 
upper walls. Those in the surface of a pedestal at the west side are 
shown in plate 34, c. In order to photograph these I traced them 
with charcoal, taking care not to add anything to the original. 

The masonry of Eagle Nest House is in places good, in others 
mediocre. Some of the Malls toward the western end give evidence 
of hasty or careless construction. However, room 1 is as well built 
as are the better parts of Cliff Palace. The T-shaped doorway in 
the east end excites one's admiration. The sides are so smooth and 
the angles so true that they might well be the work of a modern 
mason with his chisels and square. It appears that the stones were 
rubbed smooth after they were put in place. 

It is doubtfid whether there can be found in any of the subdivi- 
sions of Mancos Canyon a better example of a "unit-type" cliff- 
dwelling than is present by Eagle Nest House.^ The alignment 

1 Fcwkps Bull, hi, Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 18. 
= Bull. SI, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pi. 13, a. 
" Op. cit.. p. 16. 

■■ A (loflnition and oxplanation of this term may be found in Tnidden, Prebistoric 
Euins of the San Juan Watershed, p. 234. 


of dwelling i-ooms, kiva, and refuse heap found in buildings in the 
open is not preserved here, since by force of necessity the builders 
\vere compelled to conform their plans to the site upon which they 
built. The ruin is a " unit-type " dwelling adapted to a special site.^ 
It presents all the essential featm-es: A kiva subterranean in signifi- 
cance if not in fact, and a series of chambers, part of them living 
rooms, and the rest used for storage purposes. It seems that the 
ratio here presented is: Living rooms, 11; storeroom, 1; kiva, 1. 
However, ceitain of the 11 rooms may have been, and probably 
were, used as storerooms. From the broken pottery strewn down the 
slope below, it appears that the refuse was cast over the cliff. It is 
impossible to say what disposition was made of the dead. 

Ruin. No. 5. — There are four other ruins in Lion Canyon worthy 
of mention. Following the base of the rim rock 10 minutes' walk 
from Eagle Nest House one arrives at the site of Euin No. 5. This 
stands under a high but shallow arch, which does not protect all 
parts of it from the elements. Four rooms exhibiting very good 
masoni'y stand at the foot of the cliff, and the i^resence of large 
quantities of worked stone, as well as of roof beams and floor beams, 
scattered down the slope indicates that these rooms represent but a 
small part of the original building. The one kiva visible is at the 
northern end of the cave. Rains have beaten in upon it until the 
walls are denuded of plaster and mortar, and it is more than half 
full of debris from the walls and roofs of neighboring rooms. The 
parts which extend above the wreckage indicate that this kiva varies 
in no particular from the one just described. 

Some 20 feet above the lower ruin a ledge extends around the 
entire arc of the cave. At the south end, where this is slightly 
broader than at any other part of its length, stands a cluster of 10 or 
11 rooms. From these a rough, mortarless wall continues to the 
north end of the crevice. It is probable that the inhabitants of the 
lower dwelling intended to add to the house begun at the south end 
and hoisted the rack of loose stone to the ledge for that purpose. 

Rid)i No. 6. — This ruin (pi. 36), the largest cliff dwelling in John- 
son Cailyon or any of its tributaries, is on the same side of the canyon, 
a few hundred j^ards above Euin No. 5. The loose and unstable 
condition of the detritus upon which it is built and the easy approach 
to the ruin account for its deplorable condition. It extends along 
the cliff for more than 200 feet and contains 6 traceable kivas and 
31' rectangular rooms. The floor of the cave is very uneven and the 
walls have been built around and upon detached of stone, in 
many cases on sloping surfaces, with gi'cat care and considerable 
skill. In places they rise to a height of three stories, and marks on 

1 Fewkes, Bull. Jil, Amer. Ethn., p. S. 


the cliff above show that originally they were surmounted by a fourth 
story. The great piles of fallen masonry indicate that the entire 
building was two or more stories in height and probably contained 
as many as 80 rooms. Because of the great quantity of accumulated 
debris, the determination of the features of the building and the 
relation of its i)arts was too great a task for the expedition to under- 
take because of its limited funds. 

The deflectors in two of the six kivas examined are constructed 
of poles 1 to 2 inches in diameter set into the floor and bound to- 
gether with willows. These are heavily coated with plaster. Xor- 
denskiold writes as follows: ^ 

As far as I could ascertain by a hurried Investigation, the ruins In Johnson 
Canon differ in no essential respect from the other cliff dwellings on the Mesa 
Verde. -Estufas are present in all the larger ruins and preserve in all respects 
the ordinary type. I observed one single exception which affected only an un- 
important detail. In one estufa the low wall . . . consisted not of stone, 
as is usually the case, but of thick stakes driven into the ground close to each 
other and fastened at the top with osiers. On the side nearest to the hearth 
this wooden screen was covered with a thick layer of mortar, probably to protect 
the timber from the heat. 

It is probable that Nordenskiold refers to one of the kivas in this 
ruin. The deflector in Kiva K, Cliff Palace, is constructed in the 
same manner.- 

The ruin had been thoroughly ransacked by relic hunters many 
years before it was visited by the author. Although practically every 
nook and cranny had been juried into, a few good finds were made. 
At the southern end a kiva is built in between large bowlders, which 
have broken away from the cliff above. On top of one of the pilasters 
and scattered over the debris beneath were many fragments of a 
large water jar. The floor was cleared in an effort to find enough 
sherds to make possible a restoration (pi. 41, a) . When tapped with 
a shovel handle the south half of the floor sounded hollow. The 
plaster when broken through was found to be resting upon a mass of 
dry grass and twigs. Evidently refuse had been thrown into the 
south side of the room to bring the floor up to the level necessitated 
by the presence of a shelving rock on the north. From the trash were 
recovered six sandals, a quiver, several jar rests, a wooden hoop with 
a netlike attachment, some fragments of a most excellent basket, 
and about 2 quarts of corn, the germs of which had not been destroyed 
by mice or weevils. 

A square room was perched on the top of a large liowlder west of 
the kiva. Hidden beneath the floor in the northwest corner were two 
large coil-ware ollas (pi. 39). Over the tops of both were thin stone 
slabs and across the neck of one corncobs had been placed, the ends 

1 Op. clt., p. 70. 

= Fewkes, Bull, il. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 57. 









resting against the flare of the neck. The space above these was filled 
with clay. Within was about a quart of fine dust not derived fioni 
anj' organic material ; hence the reason for sealing the jar is difficult 
to imagine. The transportation of these large pots down the pre- 
cipitous cliff and back to camp at Mancos Spring was no small under- 
taking, as a slight blow would ha^•e reduced them to fragments. One 
was tied in a gunny sack and the other in a shirt, and after much labor 
they were deposited safe at camp. 

l-iuin No. 7. — Ruin No. 7 is in a deep pocketlike cavern less than a 
quarter of a mile up the canyon from the ruin just described. The 
building consists of four groups of rooms somewhat separated from 
one another. The first to be reached on aj^proaching the ruin from 
the south contains six rooms, which have been formed by walling up 
and partitioning off a deep crevice. The walls, which are intact, 
7-each up to the rock. 

Eighty feet farther north is the central and most important part 
of the ruin. In this are seven rectangular rooms and two kivas. As 
may be seen in plate 37, h, one room is in the second story, the walls 
reaching to the top of the cave. The floor dividing the stories has 
fallen. A short distance below the top of the walls four stout beams 
are set into the masonry, forming a square slightly smaller than the 
room itself. Some object seems to have been suspended from these 
beams, but there is nothing to indicate what this may have been. 

The kiva which appears in the foi-eground is nearly filled with 
debris ; this was not excavated. The inclosnre between the kiva and 
the two-storied part of the ruin is of exceptional interest, as it is a 
rectangidar room which in many features resembles a kiva. The 
comers were filled to a height of about 3 feet with masonry, giving 
the room an oval instead of a rectangular form. Against the outside 
of the east wall a buttress of masonry was constructed, into which 
the horizontal opening extends and through which the ventilator 
shaft rises. The deflector, a slab of stone, had been broken down, 
but the fire pit was in the usual position. No sipapu was observed, 
but as the floor was much broken, it may once have been present. 
There is no trace of banquettes or pilasters, unless the tops of the 
triangles of masonry in the corners served as banquettes. The entire 
south wall and considerable sections of those on the east and west 
had fallen, so it was impossible to determine all the features of this 
singular apartment. This is the only instance obser\'ed in any of 
the ruins in Johnson Canyon in which a kiva differed from the one 
in Eagle Nest- House in any but minor details. 

The third section of the ruin is about 100 feet farther along the 
cliff, where the latter has swung eastward toward the main canyon 
(pi. 37, a). It consists of a two-story tower, the cliff forming the 
rear wall, and a series of three rooms extending eastward in line 


with the upper half of the tower. The floor between the stories has 
been burned away, and the floor of the lower room has been dis- 
turbed by relic hunters. 

The fourth sjroup of rooms is situated in a large crevice high 
above sections 1 and 2. Just north of the first cluster of rooms is a 
considerable space almost closed in front by a huge block of stone. 
In the dust and refuse which partially fill it several biu'ials were 
made. Previous visitors had looted the graves, but part of one 
skeleton remained in the walled pit in which it had been interred, 
and bones of others were scattered about. It would appear that the 
first despoilers found many specimens, for large fragments of beau- 
tiful pottery, parts of a basket, some bits of feather cloth, and part 
of a split-willow burial mat were picked up among the trash.^ 

In the northwest corner of the oval kiva was the greater part of 
a splendid water jar, a restoration of which is shown in plate 43. 

Upon a sloping rock in fi'ont of the first group of chambers a 
human hand and a few other pictographs are pecked into the smooth 
surface. These are figured by Nordenskiold.^ Although there are 
in Johnson Canyon rock surfaces which offered excellent oppor- 
tunities for the execution of pictographs, these are the only ones 
observed. In many places there are grooves and depressions caused 
by the grinding of axes and awls, but pictographs are notably few. 

Ruin No. 8. — In a deep cove close-grown with majestic spruces, 
almost directly across the canyon from Euin No. 5, Ruin No. 8 is 
situated. It is small and jiresents only one feature worthy of men- 
tion. The walls of one room are built of poles set upright, bound 
together with osiers, and thickly coated with adobe plaster. This is 
a very unusual method of construction in cliif-dwellings of the Mesa 
Verde, but in northeastern Arizona it is common.^ It is of particular 
interest here, since, as I shall show later, the walls of the houses on 
the mesas were built almost entirely in this manner. 

If there are any ruins of note in the main gorge below the mouth 
of Lion Canyon, our party failed to find them.* 



Structure. — The pottery from Johnson Canyon is of three types — 
coil ware, plain smooth ware, and decorated smooth ware. It 

1 One of the ruins in tills cnnyon was tile site of the phenomenal find made by the 
Wethprills and described by Nordensltioid, op. cit., pp. 40-47. 

Mbid., pi. XX, 2. 

' FewliHS, liuU. SO, Bur. Amci: Etiin., p. 14, 

* In September. 1915, Mr. N. C. Nelson and the writer found a ruin containing over 40 
rooms and 3 kivas at the head of a long but shallow canyon parallel to and west of 
Lion Canyon. 


api^etirs that all types were constructed by the coiling process, the 
resulting undulations having been obliterated, except upon the exte- 
riors of vessels of the first type. 

Coil Ware. — The seven coil-ware jars shown in jjlates 38, 39, and 
40, varying in height from 6 to 15 inches, constitute an excellent 
series. The tj'pical shape is marked by a globular base tapering 
toward the top and surmounted by a recurved lip upon which the 
coils have been erased. It is interesting to note that the coil-ware 
vases never have the concave bottoms found almost without excep- 
tion in the large black-and-white vessels of the Mesa Verde area. 
Although decorations other than the crenulations due to structure 
are seldom found, coiled fillets of clay applied over the ridges appear 
in plates 38, 6, and 39, h. 

Plain S7iu>oth Ware. — The plain smooth ware is illustrated by plate 
40, a. I was at a loss to know what to call this vessel. It is a thick- 
walled, friable, shallow bowl, upon the interior of which is a layer 
of indurated ashes growing thicker from the rim to the bottom of the 
dish. It calls to mind baskets coated with clay which were used by 
some southwestern tribes as roasters. The material to be pai'ched 
was placed in the dish together with live coals, after which the re- 
ceptacle was rotated and the ashes blown out with the breath. In 
the ruins of the Pajarito Plateau are found similar objects, which 
served as molds for the bases of large ollas. 

Decorated STrwotk Ware. — Decorated smooth ware is the dominant 
type of pottery and offers the greatest variety of shapes. In many 
cases a wash of light-colored earth was applied over the darker 
paste of the vessel. By rubbing with a smooth stone or like object 
an extremely fine, often glossy, surface was produced. Upon it 
designs were traced, which were made permanent by firing. 

Bowls comprise the most tyi^ical form, of which those appearing 
in plate 42, &, r, are characteristic examples. The rims are not 
tapering or recurved. 

The large asymmetrical vase shown in plate 41, 6, e, is a unique 
specimen. The mouth is oval instead of round and the base is 
deeply concave. Just beneath the rim (pi. 41, h) the coils are still 
apparent. The surface is not covered with a slip. 

In plate 43 is shown a water jar with pinkish-yellow and very 
friable paste. The slip is as white as chalk and superbly polished. 
The base of this vessel, as well as that of the other large water jar 
(pi. 41, a), is concave. It would be difficult to find a more beautiful 
example of the ceramic art of the Mc,sa Verde. 

Red Pottery. — Red pottery is extremely rare in the cliff-dwellings 
of the Mesa Verde. From a few fragments recovered from Euin 


No. 3, most of which fortunately fitted together, I restored the bowl 
shown in plate 42, a. The paste is slate-gi-ay in the center, be- 
coming yellow toward the surface. The slip is a dark brilliant red. 
The design, traced in black, is a combination of the rain-cloud and 
bird patterns, or at least of the symbols which are so interpreted 
on pottery from ruins known to be closely connected with recent 
Pueblo culture. 

These deep-red bowls with incurving sides and slightly flaring 
rims seem to be of a type widely distributed over the Southwest. 
Hough ^ figures one from Blue Kiver, Arizona, identical in shape, 
and bearing a design resembling that upon the one here shown. ^ 
Nordenskiold ^ recovered the fragments of another from the debris 
in Spring House, and the author found a segment of one in a refuse 
heap near Farmington, New Mexico. It is obvious that red vessels 
were highty prized, and it is probable that they were used for cere- 
monial purposes, a fact which would tend to make them still more 
precious. For such reasons they would be carried in trade far 
beyond the boundaries of the ceramic area to which they rightfully 

Pottery Mending. — The high regard in which the ancients of 
Johnson Canyon held their pottery is shown by the fact that several 
of the vessels are carefully mended. The olla figured in plate 39, «., 
has a long crack across its bottom. Along this opposite sets of holes 
were drilled and yucca thongs were inserted to bind the seam t'b- 
gether, some of these still being in place. In the bottom of the pot 
shown in plate 40, d, are several small holes stopped with a mixture 
of pitch and dust. Plate 69, a, shows a bowl mended with yucca 

Pottery Designs. — The collection does not contain a sufficient series 
of designs to warrant much generalization on the symbols used in 
decoration. To judge from the numerous fragments, the absence of 
zoic forms and the predominance of geometric devices, consisting 
principally of terraced figures, sinistral and dextral volutes, and 
combinations based on the triangle, characterize the painted elements. 


Grinding Stones. — Some of the metates are bowlders from the river 
gravel, rubbed smooth or slightly concave on one side, and others 
are blocks of hard sandstone. The manos are usually of igneous 

1 Culture of the Ancient Pueblos of the Upper Gila Eiver Region, pi. 10. 
"The writer has since found a brown-rod bowl of the same shane, and having the same 
decoration, with an exterior ornamentation of white, at Aztec, New Mexico. 
= Op. cit., pi. xxxiu. 










-< ^S^^^^Kl? 




















rock, also obtained from the gravel in the stream beds. Corn was 
reduced by being rubbed between the two stones. No true milling 
rooms, in which the metates are arranged in bins, as are described 
by Dr. Fewkes,^ were found in Johnson Canyon. It is probable, 
however, that these once existed, but were rendered undistinguishable 
by those who sacked the ruins in an undiscriminating search for 

Axes. — The axes are small and well sharpened. The one shown 
in plate .3-t, a, illustrates the characteristic method of hafting. The 
grooves are not bounded by ridges or ferrules. The beveled edges 
were secured by long-continued rubbing upon the blocks and ledges 
of sandstone about the caves, in many of which are considerable 
dej^ressions worn in this way. No hammers or mauls were collected. 

Potlids and Griddles.- — Eound stone slabs which functioned as lids 
for jars were found in considerable numbers. The two ollas shown 
in plate 39 had covers of this type when found. 

In room 11 of Eagle Nest House were the fragments of a thin 
rectangular slab, polished as smooth as glass on one side, and burned 
to a glossy black. It seems evident that it was a griddle upon which 
meal cakes were fried. The Zuni use, or did use until very recently, 
a similar stone for this purpose, the interesting jjreparation of which 
is described by Mrs. Stevenson.^ 


The collection of bone implements consists of needles, scrapers, and 
a knife (pi. 45). The pointed instruments were made from the bones 
of birds and mammals. These were sharpened in the same manner 
as were the axes. The scrapers are parts of large mammal bones, 
the trochanters having served as handles. In each case the shaft 
of the bone was cut across diagonally, and the edge thus left was 
worn smooth. The knife is a flat piece of bone with sharpened 
point and edges. Probably it was set in a wooden handle. 


The articles of wood are shown in plate 44. A represents an 
object of unknown use similar to the one Dr. Fewkes calls a billet.^ 
One of these was found in each of the kivas excavated. 5 is a hoop 
of willow bound together with yucca, which may have been used in 
the hoop-and-pole game.^ C is a digging stick of extremely heavy 
wood. The blunt end is shaped to afford a comfortable grip for the 

' liidl. 57, Bur. Amer. Bthn., p. 37. 
= The Zuni Indians, pp. 361-362. 
'Bull. 51, Bur. Amer. Ethti., p. 73. 
'Bull. 1,1, Bur. Amer. Etlm., p. 50. 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 12 


hand, and the, bhide is beveled to an edge. T) and e are of unknown 
function. They are flat chips which have a curved edge, apparently 
the result of rubbing. /" is a stick resembling some of the pahos 
figured by Dr. Hough.' G and g' are wooden objects whose use is 
undetermined. 11 is the head of a reed arrow. The notch for the 
cord and the sinew holding the stubs of the feathers are easily dis- 
tinguishable. / is the tip of a similar arrow. A hard wooden 
point has been set into the hollow reed and securely bound with 
sinew. J is a stick with neatly cut ends, the use of which is entirely 
problematical. The other sticks appear to have been arrows. The 
notch for the cord shows in every case, but often the opposite ends 
are misshapen and out of plumb, so that they would have been prac- 
tically useless as arrows. 



A fire-making set is shown in plate 47, a. The bottom stick is of 
light, punky wood. Upon it the long stick of hardwood was held 
upright and rotated, in time wearing out the conical pits which 
show in the cut. The ignited dust I'an out through a groove in the 
side of the pit onto a small bundle of cedar bark or corn husks, 
either of which could easily be fanned into a blaze. 


The object represented plate 46, 6, is unlike anything I have 
seen described from the Mesa Verde. It is a long, cylindrical basket 
made of reeds, probably Phragmites phragnutes. Interlaced strips 
of yucca hold it together, and the bottom is closed with a wad of 
corn husks. Although it is known that most of the quivers used by 
the cliff-dwellers were made of skin, it is difficult to assign any other 
function to the object in question. 


A hairbrush made of the needles of the rock pine {Pinus scopu- 
lorurih) was found in Eagle Nest House (pi. 47, h). It is bound 
about the middle with a three-strand cord of twisted human hair,- 
and still contains a liberal quantity of black and dark-brown 


In plate 48 are shown five hoops which were used as rests for the 
bases of large jars. They are made of willow, cedar bark, com 
husks, some of shredded yucca leaves, bound together with strips of 

» Op. cit., pi. 20. 


















The collection contains several pieces of rush matting, the largest 
of which are shown in plate 49, h. The mats are beautifully plaited 
and the ends of the strands are turned under and back braided to 
form a heavy, durable border. 

Matting of another variety was made by lacing the stems of rushes 
together with fine yucca cords. The resulting fabric is much thicker 
than the plaited mats, and can easily be made into a roll. The 
fragment shown in plate -16, a, was found beneath a shelving rock 
in Ruin No. 3, and appears to have been part of the wrapping- of a 


Feather-cloth jackets seem to have been much worn by the people 
of Johnson Canyon, to judge from the fragments which are strewn 
about through the deliris (pi. 49, a). The down of feathers was 
stripped from the quills, then wrapped and bound around yucca cords, 
which were woven into a thick and warm, though rather cumber- 
some, garment. From a disturbed grave in Ruin No. 7 was taken 
part of a moccasin made from the same material. The weaving of 
the jackets and the manner in which they were worn are described 
in detail and figured by Dr. Hough.^ 


Although no large pieces were recovered, a shred of finely woven 
cotton cloth foimd in Ruin No. 3 indicates that this textile was not 
unknown to the inhabitants of Johnson Canyon. 


Plate 47, c, shows part of an extremely well-made basket, which 
resembles in every particular the beautiful specimens figured by 
Nordenskiold. An entire basket of this type when impregnated 
with moisture would hold water as well as an ordinary porous jar. 


The sandals consist without exception of a flat sole of plaited 
yucca with a more or less complex lacing of thongs to pass over the 
foot. Some of them are excellently made, the closely woven strands 
being one-sixteenth to one-twelfth of an inch across (pi. 51, a), 
while others are loosely constructed of rough strips of yucca as much 

' Op. cit., p. 72, figs. 149-150. 


as five-eighths of an inch in breadth (pi. 50, h). Several of them 
have a cord looped across near the back through which the heel of 
the wearer protruded. From tlie top of this a thong passed around 
the ankle. On the front end are two or more loops, which passed 
over certain of the toes. 

In one specimen (pi. 50, a) the cords are numerous, inclosing the 
foot like a meshwork slipper, drawn together over the instep. In- 
side the lacing of one sandal corn husks have been arranged to form 
a covering for the foot comparable to the upper of a shoe. All the 
sandals show considerable wear, aixl several have been skillfully 
patched in the regions of the heel and the ball of the big toe. 

Of 20 specimens 8 show the offset on one side near the front 
described by Dr. Fewkes from a sandal found in Cliff Palace.^ 


Plate 52. A is the neck of a basket of rather unusual weave and 
shape. 5 is a wooden hoop with a netlike attachment of yucca. 
It resembles the guards sometimes woven about coil- ware jars, but 
it is rather small to have been put to such a use. C is a torch of 
cedar bark wrapped with strips of yucca. One end has beoi 

Plate 53. A is a bundle of feathers, presumably a prayer plume, 
and h a section of rush matting. 6' consists of the stubs of a number 
of ears of com threaded upon a yucca cord. The Pueblos still 
string ears of green corn in this fashion and hang them up to dry. 
When an ear is wanted for use it is broken oft", and when all have 
been consumed the string with the stubs attached is thrown away. 
Z> is a bundle of corn husks of unluiown use. Such bundles are 
^'ery common. 

Plates 54, 55. Plate 54, «., is a small ball of finely divided yucca 
with a minute quantity of yellow earth in the center; 54, 6, is a 
twist of yucca ; 54, c, and 55, c, are chains of yucca ; 54, d, e, and 55, 
Z>, are twists of the same material ; 54, /, is a bundle of herbs which 
thus far I have not been able to identify; 55, a, is a portion of a 
plaited band done in two colors; 55, d, is a loop of split willow tied 
across with yucca ; 55, e, is a fragment of a coarse rush mat ; 55, /, 
is a number of corncobs tied together with yucca. The use of none 
of these is known. 


From the foregoing discussion it appears that there existed in 
Johnson Canyon a typical example of the rather restricted culture 

1 Bull. 51, Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 72-73. 












■ r.^ 















































■ PLATE 51 

-- <»jj^^M||S^^^ 


' ^^^^^^^ifc^ 








' <> 













characteristic of the Mesa Verde region. The materials for build- 
ing, weaving, and pottery making were procured in the immediate 
vicinity, and the fruits of wild trees and plants, as well as the 
cultivated crops, came with few exceptions from the near-by can- 
yons and mesas. The general characters of the masonry, the struc- 
tural features of the kivas and secular rooms, the methods of burial, 
and the pottery and other artifacts indicate that the cliff -dwellings 
in this canyon southeast of the Mancos River are culturally and 
approximately chronologically contemporaneous with the large ruins, 
of the Mesa Verde National Park. 


For a number of years it has been a gi-owing conviction with the 
author that the faihire to investigate the badly weathered and ap- 
parently very ancient ruins which dot the mesas of northwestern 
New Mexico and southwestern Colorado has left unworked one of 
the richest mines of information concerning the prehistoric inhabi- 
tants of the Southwest. Naturally the first scientific explorations 
have centered about the large and more spectacular ruins," as Cliff 
Palace and Spruce-tree House, but these most important sites should 
not crowd fiom the mind of the archeologist the other types of 
remains, which may contain data of the utmost importance in estab- 
lishing the chronology of the various types of ruins, the trend of 
migration of the ancient people, and the relationships among the 
inhabitants of different parts of the country. Such considerations 
impelled me to begin excavations among the inconspicuous ruins 
which are numerous in the upper La Plata Valley and upon the 
mesas westward to INIancos Canyon. These have been entirely over- 
looked by the relic hunters who have worked such havoc among the 
aboriginal remains in neighboring localities. 

No earlier writer mentions the ruins in the upper La Plata Valley. 
The first of which Holmes^ speaks are on the bench Ijetween the La 
Plata Eiver and McDermott Arroyo, well below the New Mexico 
line, and Prudden- located but one ruin noi'th of the State line. 
The Geological Survey's maps of Soda Canyon and Red Mesa quad- 
rangles locate many of them, but these maps are far from complete 
in this respect. 

Buildings and Bubial Mounds 

1. ruins near mancos spring 

Euin No. 9. — For convenience I shall begin with the remains crown- 
ing the high divide northwest of Mancos Spi'ing. Upon the crest of 
a knoll, which, if cleared of timber, would command a view of the 

> Tenth Ann. Rept. of the Hayden Survey for 1876, p. 387. 
2 Op. cit., p. 255. 





country for a considerable distance in every direction, are the remains 
of a rectangular building roughly 195 feet from east to west by 90 
feet from north to south (pi. 56, 6). A mound, in no part more 
than 4 feet high, marks the site. The dense surrounding growth of 
piiion and cedar has encroached somewhat upon the ruin, and a few 
large trees have gained a foothold in its midst. The areas not cov- 
ered by trees ai'e heavily overgrdwn with sagel)rush. No masonry 
appeared at the surface, although in several quarters rows of stone 
slabs protruded a few inches from the soil, outlining square or 
rectangular inclosures. 

Where a burrowing animal had brought up considerable quantities 
of charcoal, near the western end, excavations were begun, and an 
area 20 by 30 feet was dug over. From 18 to 30 inches below the sur- 
face hard, smooth floors of burned mud were encountei'ed. In many 
places the bounding walls of the rooms wore hard to locate, the 
transition from one chamber to another being indicated by a change 
in the floor level. Such walls as were unmistakable were of two 
types. The first consisted of clay plastered directly upon the walls 
of the pits, which had been excavated slightly into the natural soil; 
the second, of dividing walls composed of thin slabs of stone set on 
edge, some of a single row, others of two or more rows parallel to 
each other and crossed at intervals by other flat stones set at right 
angles to them. The interstices were filled with mud, and apparently 
the same material had been applied as plaster to the exposed faces 
of the slabs. 

The one room of which all four sides were distinguishable was 4| 
by 5i feet. From the amount of charcoal present in the soil and the 
flimsy character of the bases of the walls it appeared that the upper 
parts must have been built of wood, but the manner of construction 
was not discovered at this time. 

One small extremely crude pot (pi. 66, c) was the only object of 
interest taken from the excavations at this end of the building. 

The northeast corner of the ruin was also opened. Here were 
encountered the bases of several walls built of small sandstone 
spalls, which at one time had been held together with adobe mud. 
These walls, which were very poorly constructed, bounded rooms 
about 6 feet square. The relatively small quantity of fallen stone 
indicated that, as at the other end of the building, the upper walls 
had been constructed of other material. Beneath the walls were 
about 2 feet of soil filled with pottery and charcoal, showing that 
the site was occupied long before the stone walls were built. In a 
corner of one of the rooms was the water bottle shown in plate 70, b. 
Because of the dilapidated condition of the ruin, operations in the 
building itself were abandoned. 



A short distance south of tlie ruin stands a nearly circular burial 
and refuse mound 70 feet in diameter and 5 feet high in the central 
part (pi. 56, a). Many trees were gi-owing upon it, although it 
was less densely timbered than the surrounding country. No sage- 
brush had taken root in the black soil, but in it chapparal flourished, 
and it is noticeable that ruins and refuse mounds are the only places 
in the entire region where this thorny bush abounds. The surface 




























: •■•■.V, 

O'- ' •"• '. 







= v^--:; 























Fig. 2. — Burial mound at Ruin No. 9. 

was littered with an almost unbelievable amount of broken pottery 
and about 30 arrowheads were picked up while the brush and timber 
were being removed. 

Excavations were begim at the southern edge of the mound. The 
soil was as light as flour and appeared to be composed of inter- 
mingled ashes and house sweepings. It -contained many broken 
stones, nearly all of which showed the action of fire, and scattered 




fragments of metates and stone axes. From the beginning detached 
huniiin bones were plentiful, but a week elapsed before the first grave 
was found. Some 3 feet below the surface, well toward the center 
of the mound, a slab of stone was lying horizontal, and beneath it 
was the skidl of a person who had not reached maturity. The other 
bones were not in place or had not been buried with the skull. (See 
fig. 2.) A few feet toward the north was the skeleton of an adult 
lying upon the left side with knees drawn up against the chest and 
arms at the sides. The head pointed toward the southeast, and in 
front of the face was a small one-eared pot. Just east of this grave 
was the body of another adult with e^icej^tion of the skull. The 
position was undeterminable. 

Six feet to the southeast were found some of the large bones of an 
adult, which had been much disturbed. At length a beautiful red 
bowl, a femur, and one side of the innominatum were found together 
(pi. 57, h), and a short distance fai'ther on w-as the nearly toothless 
skull of an old man (pi. 57, a). Some freak of refraction shows two 
skulls in the negative ; the one at the right is the original. This skull 
is strongly flattened at the back and through the right mastoid 
process is an aperture 1 inch long and one-fourth inch wide, probably 
inflicted by a stone spear or arrow. 

Five feet to the north was a pit 4r| feet deep containing the bones 
of the right leg of an adult, surrounded by stones and charcoal. 

To the southeast of No. 4 was a large skeleton lying on its back 
with knees drawn up and to the left, and head toward the west. At 
the left of the head were two small bowls (pi. 64, h and d) and a 
spoon or paddle {])\. G9, d), and at the right was a globular wide- 
mouthed pot with a heavily banded neck (pi. 68, h). North and 
cast of this was the gi-ave of a small infant in the usual flexed posi- 

After finding these bodies the excavations were continued for 
several days without further results. A suri)rising quantity of bones 
and potsherds were mingled with the earth. Numerous badger holes, 
some of them large enough to admit the body of a man, appeared 
at the surface of the mound. After extending downward for a 
short distance they ramified, and an examination showed that prac- 
tically every cubic foot of the mound at some time had been worked 
over by the animals. In tunneling they disturbed the bodies and 
broke the pottery into bits or brought it to the surface, where it was 
soon reduced to fragments by the action of the elements. Every 
burial mound subsequently examined had suffered the same fate. 
Thus can be explained the dearth of pottery to be obtained from the 


AVhen it was determined that practically everything in the burial 
mound had been destroyed, its excavation was not carried to com- 

Although the explorations in this ruin and its burial mound form 
i)ut one of the steps leading to the conclusions which will be drawn 
at the end of this paper, I shall here mention some of the points 
which should be presented with special emphasis to the mind of the 
reader. The building was a rectangular block of rooms showing no 
evidence of having been more than one story in height. The walls 
consisted of bases of natural earth or of stone slabs plastered together, 
surmounted by a wooden structure. 

The pottery presents many features which differentiate it from that 
of the cliff-dwellings. These differences are of form and color as 
well as of decoration. Fragments of the characteristic coil ware were 
rarely observed, and perhaps 10 per cent of the sherds were of a 
ground color varying from an orange to a deep red. The decorations 
are in general crude in form and execution. All these features will 
be dealt with at length in their proper places. 

Perhaps the most significant fact is that nowhere about the ruin 
were there remains of any structure resembling a kiva. 

Ruins at Site No. 10. — The backbone of the long ridge which limits 
the northern drainage of Johnson Canyon bears an almost continuous 
line of ruins. I followed it from a point somewhat northwest of the 
ruin just described to the head of Lion Canyon, and was rarely ever 
out of sight of fragments of pottery and chips of flint. The ma- 
jority of the remains are elevations from 6 inches to 2 feet higher than 
the level of the ridge marking the sites of small buildings of the 
same type as the one above Mancos Spring; a short distance south of 
most of them are refuse mounds, many of which are larger and 
higher than the mounds marking the ruins themselves. 

Circular depressions surrounded by low, much-eroded banks of 
earth, and varying from a few feet to as much as 50 feet in diameter, 
are of frequent occurrence. It is probable that these depressions are 
the remains not of reservoirs, as many suppose, but of circular pit 
rooms. This conclusion is not based on excavations in that particular 
region, but is drawn from observations on pre-Pueblo ruins situated 
between the San Juan River and the continental divide, 70 miles east 
of the La Plata. In that vicinity, near, and even in the midst of the 
^acal structures, the pit rooms extend from 3 to 6 feet below the 
surface. The plastered clay walls slope outward, and in them at 
nearly regidar intervals are to be found the stumps of the heavy 
posts which supported the roof. Near the center of each room is a 
fire pit, and dug into the walls, the bottoms extending somewhat 
below the level of the floor, are receptacles probably analogous in 
function to the bins so common in the later buildines. 


It may well be that the circular pit houses constitute the prototype 
of the kiva, although the only essential features of the kiva discernible 
in those examined were the circular form and the fire pit. 

The writer believes that future investigation will show most of the 
depressions in and about the pre-Pueblo ruins west of the La Plata 
to be the remains of pit rooms. 

Near a small ruin I observed a number of fragments of an archaic 
type of coil ware lying on the gi'ound approximately in the form 
of a circle, as if a vessel had been broken on the spot. In carefully 
gathering these I found a large fragment protruding from the soil. 
It developed that the surface fragments composed the neck of a 
large vessel, the greater part of which was embedded in the hard 
red clay. It is shown comi:)letely restored in i:)late G3, a. 

Ruins at Site Xo. 11. — About a mile slightly north of east from the 
building first described, upon a level-topped divide east of Spring 
Canyon, is another group of small ruins, some 8 or 10 in number. 
It was in one of these that the method of constructing the houses on 
the mesas was first definitely determined. Excavations laid bare 
three of the walls of a room, which had been erected as follows: 
Shallow trenches were dug where it was desired to place the walls. 
In these poles averaging about 4 inches in diameter were set side by 
side, and held upright by stones wedged into the trenches on both 
sides of their butts. The poles were then coated with mud till they 
were almost, if not quite, hidden, and a strong wall superficially 
resembling one of adobe was formed. It is probable that the roof 
consisted of beams, twigs, and bark covered with clay. The presence 
of the charred stumps of the poles still resting in the trenches be- 
tween the rows of stones, and the large quantities of jjlaster burned 
to a bricklike consistency, smooth on one surface and bearing upon 
the other the distinct imprints of poles, twigs, and knots, with the 
finger prints of the primitive masons, shows these mesa dwellings 
to have been the structural analogues of the modern post houses of 
the Mexicans. 

In a pottery-strewn space we found a lone burial. The decomposed 
skeleton was in the usual flexed position not more than 4 inches 
below the surface. In front of the face were a small bowl and a 
rude globular bottle, both without decoration (pis. 64, c; 72, b). 

A refuse mound on the same divide yielded an interesting grave. 
Some animal had dug out a calcaneum and a tibia at the east edge 
of the circular heap, and other leg bones were found just beneath 
the surface. Three feet below these was the complete skeleton of an 
adult. The grave proved to be a conical pit. in which the body 
had been placed in a sitting posture, facing southwest. By the 
right side were the two bowls shown in plate 64, e and /, and a 


fragment of a large red bowl. The pit was filled with mortar made 
from the red clay of the mesa mixed with charcoal and ashes. 

Ruin No. 12. — Two miles southeast of ]\Iancos Spring, on a thickly 
timbei'ed ridge between the forks of Johnson Canyon, are the re- 
mains of two long rectangular buildings. Both are so badly eroded 
that it is impossible to estimate their original dimensions. Their 
long axes extend east and west. The more easterly of these struc- 
tures was built entirely of poles and mud, while parts of the other 
ai'e of stone. There is not enough fallen masoniy to mdicate that 
the stone sections of the walls were more than 3 or 4 feet in height. 

South of the eastern ruin was a burial mound like the one at 
Ruin No. 9, except that it was smaller, being onlj^ 45 feet in diameter. 
On being excavated this was found, not to diiler markedly from the 
one already described. It had been ransacked from one end to the 
other by badgei*s and everything in the central part destroyed. 
Around the south edge, where there were many stones mixed with 
the soil, the animals had operated less extensively, and here were 
found 11 distinct graves, every one of which, however, had been to 
some extent disturbed. All were flexed, but there was no deter- 
minable uniformity of orientation. Two of the bodies lay beneath 
large sandstone slabs. From one grave was taken the small undeco- 
rated bird-form vase shown in plate 71, a. Besides a few arrow- 
heads and a bone awl this was the only artifact recovered from the 

The bones of some of the bodies, particularly those of one child, 
show an advanced stage of disease, the articular surfaces being 
deeply pitted and in some cases nearly eaten away. 

Ruin No. 13. — Upon the mesa separating Johnson and Greasewood 
Canyons are a number of ruins, one of which deserves mention be- 
cause of its size. This, which is rectangular in form, falls a trifle 
short of 600 feet in length (east and west) by. 100 to 150 feet in 
width. It was constructed entirely of poles and mud. No exca- 
vations were undertaken here except trenching through a refuse 
mound, which did not appear to contain human bones. 


iShriiie at Site No. 1^. — From the head of Johnson Canyon the 
divide forming the political division between La Plata and Monte- 
zuma Counties extends in a southwesterly direction for about 10 
miles, ending at the head of the western tributaries of Barker 
Arroyo. At its southern extremity a conical butte rises 100 feet 
above the surrounding mesa. The nearly circular top is perhaps 
90 feet in diameter and in the center is a pit some 15 feet across and 
4 feet deep. It is probable that the commanding position afforded 


by the top of the butte was used as a shrine or lookout station, or 
both. Shrines occur in simihir locations in other parts of the 
Southwest. The excavation of the pit would be an intei-esting and 
doubtless an instructive undertaking, but our party did not attempt 
it, as the site was not found until the close of the field season of 191-1:. 

Ruin No. 15. — In the dense timber just west of the butte there is 
a ruin of fair size which from surface indications is one of the most 
pi' the entire region. 

From the foot of the butte a jjlateau runs due west for a number 
of miles. This constitutes the watershed between Grass Canyon, a 
foi'k of Mancos Canyon, on the north, and Salt Canyon, a tributary 
of the San Juan, on the south. Almost without exception every 
elevation upon its rolling surface is the site of a ruin ; many of these 
ruins are small and much eroded. In many places the black earth 
of the refuse mounds has been completely carried away by the 
freshets caused by the occasional torrential rains, and fragments 
of the pottery which they contained are now scattered in gi-eat pro- 
fusion over the red mother soil. 

At the eastern end of one small ruin, which showed six or seven 
slab-outlined chambers angling along a ridge, we noticed many 
fragments, evidently derived from the same vessel, littering a space 
5 feet across. After these were collected a brief search sufficed to 
I'eveal the remainder of the jar beneath the few inches of black 
earth which covered the floor of the room in which it sat. The 
restored vessel is shown in plate 67, /. 

As the summer of 1913 was practically rainless, excavations on the 
plateau co)dd not be undertaken, since the cost of hauling water 
from Mancos Spring would have been prohibitive. However, the 
summer months of 1914 were as damp as those of the preceding year 
had been arid, and in consequence the glades were bright with moun- 
tain bluestem, which furnished ample feed for our stock. About ,5 
miles west of the butte we found pools of water in the sandstone 
bed of one of the forks of Salt Canyon and pitched our tent on the 
ridge at the he-ad of the draw. Later we found that our camp was 
about midway between two rather large ruins. 

Ruin No. 16. — Southeast of the one west of camp there was a 
large area which bore the superficial appearance of a burial mound. 
This was dug over, but only two skeletons were found. A descrip- 
tion of one of the graves will serve for both. An oval pit had been 
dug down 2 feet into the red clay. In this the body lay upon its 
back with the head toward the west (pi. 61, h). The heels were 
drawn up against the buttocks, and the Imees were bent to the right 
against the wall of the grave. The right arm was extended with the 
hand beneath the thighs, while the left was crossed over the ab- 
domen. The pit was filled with mortar. The only object found in 


the grave which nitiy have been, shaped by the hand of man was a 
ball about five-eighths of an inch in diameter composed of rounded 
grains of quartz interspersed with patches of some bluish material, 
presumably nuilachite. 

Ruin No. 17. — The ruin east of camp occupied a slight elevation, 
at the southern edge of which the plateau breaks off toward Salt 
Canyon. The encroachment of the slope has carried away the burial 
mound. The building covered an area approximately 200 feet east 
and west by 50 feet north and south (fig. 3). Along the north 
side was a row of 23 chambers, the west end of which swung around 
toward the south. Without exception the rooms of this tier had been 
excavated from a few inches to as much as 2 feet into the natural 
soil. The floor level of no two of them was the same. The majority 
were bounded by rows of large sandstone slabs set on edge (pi. 58), 
but in some instances plaster had been applied directly to the clay 




f '"""■'"""""wv,,,,,,.,,,,,. ■ ;-# 

/ •''i«i''jmv7(iiiiT.„|,,,.,,,|,,„.,,,,,^,,,,|,,,„.„„,,„,,,,,,Ki,iiijv-,|,,n,-,,||pv(||i,vvMiim 


jcftf of recr 

Fig. 3. — Ground plan of Ruin No. 17. 

walls of the pits. In the corners were the burned butts of heavy 
posts which had served to support the roof. 

One of the rooms had walls of masonry which showed fair skill 
on the part of the builders. In several places bins had been con- 
structed by fencing off a corner with slabs and plastering up the 
joints. Near the east end of the building there was a series of six 
of these receptacles. 

The floor level of the second tier of rooms was invariably higher 
than that of the first. Here very few slabs appeared in the bases of 
the walls. The stumps of poles set into the earth, a row for each 
wall, with mortar 4 to 6 inches thick on each side, marked the boun- 
daries of the chambers. The corner posts were much heavier than 
those which served only to supjiort the plaster. 

As the ruin sloped downward from north to south the floors of 
the rooms of the second tier, which had not been carried down below 
the level of the knoll, were practically at the s)n-face, and the walls 
could not be traced. While the presence of black earth, great quan- 


















titics of plaster, many charred poles, and occasional corner posts 
left no doubt that the building, was originally at least five tiers of 
rooms in width, it was impossible to trace the boundaries of any of 
these south of the second row. 

The asymmetry of the building was very marked. Seldom did the 
corners form right angles, and no two walls appeared to be in line. 
Jogs and offsets were the rule rather than the exception. These con- 
ditions suggest that the structure must have grown by gradual 

The floors of 26 of the 31 rooms were covered with 2 to 15 inches 
of charred corn. Some of it had been shelled, but the greater por- 
tion was on the cob. At a conservative estimate there was 100 
bushels, which would indicate at least three times that amount before 
it was subjected to the action of fire. In some places the heat gen- 
erated by the burning corn and wall beams was so great that stones 
and mud were fused into lavalike masses, bearing the impressions of 
the consumed ears, of the sort the presence of which has given rise 
to the erroneous statement that ruins have been found containing evi- 
dences of volcanic activity. 

With few exceptions there were pottery vessels in each room. Six 
were recovered unbroken and 26 more were i-estored from fragments. 
Plate 60 shows some of these in place. Stone axes, rubbing stones, 
dressed slabs, and two metates were also taken from the debris, but 
not one bone implement was found. 

The facts seem to justify the following conclusions: The building 
was an approximately rectangular aggregation of rooms which num- 
bered in the neighborhood of 100. The sides of the pits which 
formed the lower parts of many of them were lined with stone slabs, 
or with plaster daubed upon the original earth (pi. 59). The walls 
above gi'ound were constructed of poles heavily coated with mud. 
The roofs were supported by heavy corner posts. 

Nothing was discoverable which would indicate the nature of the 
doors and windows. There is no evidence that the structure was 
more than one story in height, and in. fact such evidence as there is 
points to the contrary, for the thin walls and the proportions of the 
corner posts offer no suggestion of the strength which would have 
been necessary to support a second story. 

Fire destroyed the building and its contents. To judge from the 
large quantities of coi'n and the many vessels sitting about in the 
rooms, the conflagration must have been sudden and catastrophic. 
Whether it stai'ted from wind-fanned sparks or was caused by light- 
ning or by enemies is purely a matter of conjecture. 

There are other ruins in the vicinity, but no further excavations 
were attempted. 




Ruin No. 18. — There is an immense rain on the divide south of 
Eed Horse Gulch about half a mile down the canyon from Heathers's 
tank. This covers about 5 acres of ground. Seemingly it is com- 
posed of a group of buildings of the " pole-and-mud " type. I was 
able to spend only a few minutes at the site, so an adequate de- 
scription of it can not be given. I would judge this ruin to offer 
the best opportunity for fruitful excavations to be found between 
the La Plata and Mancos Eivers. There are three large burial 
mounds which would not fail to yield many specimens if by any 
chance they have escaped the ravages of the badgers. 


Ruins at Site No. 19. — Upon the first terrace east of the La Plata, 
just below the mouth of Cherry Creek, are many small ruins, a de- 

m^/ww//w// 2 ^j//////////^^^^^^ 

% I 

veNT. SHArr 

Fig. 4. — Ground plan of Ruin No. 20. 

scription of which would be only a repetition of tedious detail. In 
the river bottom is a detached point 25 feet high and about one- 
third of an acre in extent whose top is entirely covered by a ruin. 
The many slab-outlined inclosures are probably rooms like those 
exca^ ated in Euin No. 17. 

Stone Ruin at Site No. W. — On the bluff west of the river is a 
stone ruin 77 feet long and 32 feet wide, the long axis extending 
east and west (pi. 62, a). A tentative plan is given in figure 4. 
This ruin consists of a row of three kivas flanked on the north by a 
single tier of rectangular rooms. At the west end is a smaller round 
room not in line with the large ones. Rooms 1 and 2 and a i^art 
of kiva 1 were excavated. The north and east walls of room 1 are 






IS inches thick. The wall between room 1 and kiva 1 is 30 inches 
in thickness and stands to a height of 8 feet. The masonry is ex- 
cellent (pi. 62, b). The small sandstone blocks are dressed to 
conform to the curve of the wall and the cracks are chinked with 
tiny spalls. 

Kiva 1 is 15^- feet in diameter. The banquettes, six in number, 
are unusually shallow, being but 5 inches deep. The ventilator shaft 
opens to the south, as appears to be the case with the other kivas. 
Since the exhaustion of funds made it necessary to abandon the 
excavation of this most interesting ruin, the nature of the other 
features of the kiva was not determined. The fact that the kivas 
are above ground impresses one as unusual. I have not observed 
another instance in the San Juan drainage where kivas built in the 
open were not subterranean. 

A discovery of the relation between this stone building and the 
numerous " pole-and-mud '' ruins in the vicinity would be of the 
utmost importance in determining whether or not the ruins in the 
cliifs and those upon the mesas were built by the same people. The 
rooms excavated contained no artifacts which would help to settle 
the question. 

Slightly northeast of the building is a group of slab-inclosed boxes. 
These occur singly and in groups all over the mesas, but in order to 
avoid repetition I have deferred mentioning them until this time. 
Holmes ^ and Jackson - describe similar inclosures on the mesas west 
of the Mesa Verde, and the author has been told that they extend 
eastward toward the Animas Eiver. Some are nearly round, some 
square, and others rectangular. Their average size is about 3 by 4 
feet. Slabs of stone form the sides and in many cases there is a 
slab on the bottom. Their use is difficult to determine. They are 
commonly known as " Indian graves," but there is nothing to prove 
that such was their function. They occur in and about ruins and in 
isolated places far from any sign of a building. In many of them 
there are small quantities of charcoal and ashes and now and then 
an animal bone. We dug up about 50 of these "graves," but did 
not find in one of them enough traces of fire to lead to the conclu- 
sion that a body might have been cremated therein. They may have 
been fireplaces, but if such were the case it is hardly probable that 
they would be found so far removed from more or less laermanent 
habitations. It is not to be expected that an Indian would transport 
heavy slabs of stone a considerable distance in order to construct a 
cooking place for a temj^onxry camp. 

' Tettih Ann. Rept. of the Tlayden Survey, 1S76, pp. 385-386. 
'Ibid., p. 414. 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 13 


Were these " graves " not so numerous, it might be conchided that 
they were shrines, and it may be that such was the purpose of some 
of tliem. 

Round Tower at Site No. 21. — On the point of a bluflF about a 
quarter of a mile up the river from the stone ruin there is a small 
stone tower. The wall is in a poor state of jDreservation, standing 
to a height of only 3 feet. From the point there is a good view of the 
valley and of the broad mesas which stretch eastward from the river, 
hence it seems that the tower served as a lookout station. 


Ruins at Site No. 22. — Purely by accident a group of burials was 
found farther down the La Plata. About three-quarters of a mile 
below the mouth of Long Hollow the wagon road ascends from the 
river bottom, runs for a short distance across a point, and drops back 
to the lower level. Not 20 feet from the road I noticed black earth 
and fragments of pottery, and the first thrust of a spade brought up 
human bones. The skeleton of which they were part was flexed with 
the head to the northwest. South of it were two other bodies, also 
flexed, one of them that of a child. The point had worn away until 
these skeletons were barely covered with earth, and if any jiottery 
was put away with them it had been broken and the fragments scat- 
tered. East of them was a skeleton stretched at full length upon its 
back. By the head was an undecorated vase. North of this burial 
was a grave which was constructed with more care. In a rectangular 
pit 2^ feet deep the flexed body reposed upon its right side with the 
head to the north. Beneath the skull was a flat stone, and in fi'ont 
of the body were four decorated bowls (pi. 65, c, f, /). 

In all cases the bodies were covered with black earth and refuse, 
and it appeared from the ashes, fragments of pottery, and chips of 
flint that trash must have been diunped on the graves for a long 
period of time. 

Southwest of the graves, on the tip of the point, were the remains 
of a fairly large " pole-and-mud " ruin. On a promontory not far 
from the ruin the Pow-ells, who own the land in the river bottom and 
on the opposite side of the river, unearthed a skeleton accompanied by 
a pipe and a string of beads. Several of the beads are turquoise, and 
one of them, conical in form, is of ivory. It appears to have been 
made from the canine tooth of a large animal. I did not see the pipe. 

Ruins at Site No. 23. — There are many ruins on the Powell ranch 
west of the river. Those clustered along the edge of the second ter- 
race are all of the " pole-and-mud " type. The bodies of two chil- 
dren and four adults were found near one of them. One large skele- 
ton was extended with the head to the east, and the rest were flexed. 



One grave contained two skeletons interred at different levels. The 
first (pi. 61, a) lay upon its left side with the head to the west. Near 
the skull were three pottery vessels and a worked stone, presumably 
a pottery smoother, and by the feet were two more vessels. When 
the skull was raised it was found to be resting upon the knees of 
another body lying at right angles to the first, with the head to th.B 
south. By the skull were three bowls, a lamp (?), and a vase. 

Not one of the 11 skulls from these two series of graves was flat- 
tened at the back. Most of these crania were so badly decomposed 
that they fell to pieces when moved, but three were recovered entire. 
One appears in plate 70, e. In an examination of more than 200 skulls 
taken from graves in the valleys of the La Plata, the Animas, and the 
San Juan Eivers, I have seen no others which fail to show pro- 
nounced flattening in the occipital region. 

Upon the first bench above the river begin the cobblestone ruins so 
numerous farther down the valley. These are, in general, mounds 
in the form of a semicircle with a kiva between the horns of the half 
moon, and a burial mound south or southeast of the building. The 
shape and construction of these buildings, as well as the pottery 
strewn over them, suggest that they represent a culture differing in 
many particulars from that characterized by the ruins in the upper 
valley and on the mesas to the west. 




Structurally the pottery from the mesas is inferior to that from 
the cliffs. In general the paste consists of a fine-grained matrix, 
through which are scattered many dark-colored granules. This indi- 
cates an imperfect reduction of the clay or an admixture of a sec- 
ondary material, possibly crushed potsherds. The color and compo- 
sition of some of the paste suggest a volcanic rock such as I have 
not found on the Mesa Verde. 

The hardness varies greatly. Some vessels are quite friable, while 
the finer ones are not easily scratched and emit a clear, bell-like tone 
when struck. I have not been able to demonstrate the presence of 
a superficial slip on a single specimen. While the surfaces of several 
are of surprising whiteness, this seems to have resulted from the 
polishing which brought to the surface the lighter-colored, finer- 
grained portion of the paste. 

Although it is probable that all the pottery was constructed by the 
application of successive coils of clay, from the standpoint of sur- 
face treatment it may be divided into four classes — (1) smooth 
ware, (2) smooth ware the examples. of which have banded necks. 


(3) smooth polished ware without decoration, and (4) smooth 
polished ware with decoration. 

True coil ware was not exhumed from any of the sites, although 
a few fragments occurred upon the surface. The excellent vessel 
shown in plate 63, a, although found in the open, was not within 
the confines of a ruin, and may well have been left at a temporary 
camp by the cliff people or deposited at a shrine, further evidence 
of the existence of which has not been preserved. 


It is doubtful whether from any other locality in the Southwest 
a series of G-t ceramic objects could be chosen at random which 
would exhibit a greater diversity of form than those shown in the 
accompanying plates. 

Food howls. — Of food bowls there are 16 (pis. 64, 65). In 
general their shajie is that of a section of a hollow sphere, although 
one (pi. 65, c) has an incurving edge and another (pi. 65, e) has a 
flat bottom. With few exceptions the sides taper to a thin fragile 
rim. The interiors show much better finish than do the exteriors. 

Globular Boiols. — Two of the three globular bowls appear in phites 
70, a, and 71, d. The one not figured has a heavy handle attached to 
one side near the opening; the others have pairs of perforations op- 
posite each other, through which cords might be passed to carry or 
to suspend the vessels. 

Bovl vith Perforated Ears.~^In plate 71, /, is shown a small, very 
deep bowl with perforated ears. 

Bowl v'ifh Doulile Flare. — The bowl figured in plate 71, c, is a 
unique specimen. The constriction in the sides allows it to be held 
conveniently and securely in the hand. 

Globular Vessels iclfh Wide Mouths. — Plate 66 illustrates vases 
with approximately globular bases and mouths of large proportion- 
ate diameter. " One has a single handle consisting of a ridge of clay 
pinched onto one side of the neck. The recurved neck imparts a 
pleasingly graceful form to the vase appearing in j^late 66, d. 

Ten similar vessels, the necks of which are embellished with broad 
rather low ribs or bands, are shown in plates 63, b, 68. and 70, c and d. 
Somewhat similar vessels, are figured from northeastern Arizona 
by Dr. Fewkes ^ and from St. George. Utah, by Holmes.^ One 
has a handle (pi. 70. c) and in another instance there are three tiny 
protuberances symmetrically placed just below the rim (pi. 68, c). 

Some of these vessels contained charred com, which, together 
with the fire stains almost invariably apparent, and the adhering 

2 Pottery of the Ancieut Pueblos, fig. 242. 
1 Bull. :o. Bur. Amcr. Etlin.. pi. 18, 6. 


■■■' r, \- • 


•■'. i -Vv, 


* J 

• ;• \ •<;-; 

. - . nh 



-\ 'MJ^^HP^^H^B 







H 1 




HeI vt 


Ky. '" 





































e I 







■ ■! 



s,^ ^[ 







-■■ >- '.•y-_..-.>v.."' 









soot, indicate that these vessels performed a function analogous to 
that of the coil-ware ollas of the cliffs — that of culinary utensils. 

Vndecorafed Water Jars. — There were many large water jars 
(pi. 67) in Euin No. 17, and fragments of these are abundant in all 
the refuse heaps. In shape these resemble similar vessels from the 
cliffs (pis. 41, a, and 43), but they bear no sign of decoration and 
but few of the bases are concave and none are flat. Two of the jars 
(pi. 67, c) have banded necks, while those of the others are plain. 

There is an unusual variation in the shape of the handles. On one 
vessel they are merely solid stubs of clay protruding from the sides 
of the base (pi. 67, /). Four of them (pi. 67, d, e) have large 
open handles like the ones from the cliffs, through which three 
and sometimes four fingers can be inserted. One (pi. 67, c) has 
similar handles except that they consist of two ropes of clay "in- 
stead of a single band. The handles on the vessels shown in plate 
67, «, 5, are broad, Hat protuberances which turn down like the stubby 
tail of a bird. This tyj^e is exceed- 
ingly common in tlie refuse heaps. 

A water bottle closely resembling 
the above (pi. 70, h) was found in 
Ruin No. 9. The top is very niucli 
flattened, and the base is concave. 

Gourd-shaped Bottles. — The foiu- 
gourd-shaped bottles (pi. 72, a, d, e, fig. 5.— Outunes of gourd-shaped 
and /) are unique among tlie pottery vessels. 

of the upper San Juan drainage. Unfortunately, not one of 
them retains its neck entire, hence the outline of that part 
of the vessels is problematical. Jackson^ figures a bottle from 
the pueblo of Zuiii, a drawing of the outline of which appears 
in figure 5, a. One side of a like orifice appears in the tops 
of three of the bottles here shown, and it may be that the 
resemblance to a gourd was heightened by their completion in 
a similar manner. However, I am inclined to think that the 
curve particularly apparent in tire one shown in plate 72, e, was 
continued, and that the neck curved back and ended in a point 
which was contiguous, but not attached, to the incurving slope of 
the vessel, as is shown in figure 5, b. There are rough spots on the 
sides of plate 72, d and /, in the proper positions, as if the presence 
of the end of the handle had not permitted the polishing of the 
surface at these points. A detached handle of this sort was found 
in Euin No. 17, and Holmes figures one constructed in this manner.^ 

^ Tenth Ann. Rept. of the Hayden SurveUj pi. lxvi. 
^Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, fig. 354. 


Ladles. — Two ladles appear in plate 69, e and /. They are divided 
into compartments by a partition across the middle. While ladles 
with long hollow handles are known from the cliff-dwellings and 
from the Animas Valley, I have not obser\'ed other specimens in 
which the part corresponding to the handle is divided from the bowl 
by a ridge of clay. 

Spoon or Paddle. — A spoonlike implement, the handle of which 
is missing, was found in Eiiin No. 9 {\A. 69, d). 

Bird-form Tase. — While fragments indicate that bird-form vases 
were fairly numerous, there is but one such specimen in the collec- 
tion (pi. 71, a). The tail is upturned, and there are two pairs of 
protuberances, one of which probably repi'csents wings. The bird 
topography is not accurately delineated, but it appears that the vase 
is rightly named. 

Ring-hottomed Vase. — This term, inelegant though it be, I have 
applied to the vessel appearing in plate 71, 6. The base is a hollow 
ring with a roughly circular neck rising from one side. A cylin- ■ 
drical handle connects the top of the neck and the opposite side of 
the base. 

Lamp (?). — The writer suggests that the vessel shown in plate 
71, e, is a lamp, at the same time realizing fully that this suggestion 
will meet with considerable criticism. The vessel consists of a 
rough globular body with a small hole in the top, and a hollow 
cylindrical spout, which rises from the point of greatest diameter 
at a slight angle to the plane of the base. The end of the spout, 
which is much blackened, has been affected by some agency to the 
extent that part of it crumbled to dust when taken from the bowl 
in which it was found. Long-continued action of flame might thus 
destroy the cohesive qualities of the clay. 

Mountain-sheep Efpgy. — There was found on the surface of Ruin 
No. 17 a small animal effigy, which from the shape and proportions 
of the horns is thought to represent a mountain sheep (pi. 69, c). 
It is probably a prayer emblem, similar to those used by the Hopi. 

Cloud Blawer. — The collection contains one small pottery cloud 
blower or pipe (pi. 69, h). Through the center there is a hole the 
diameter of which lessens progi'essively toward the smaller end of 
the cylinder. The surface is decorated with diagonal lines of pits. 

Two rather nondescript bottles appear in plate 7-2, 6 and c. 


Vessels of gray, varying all tlie way from black to white, occur, 
in the collection. In addition there are shades of yellow, orange, red, 
and brown. The vase shown in plate 66, a, is a glossy black through- 
out, which appears not to be the result of use as a cooking pot. As 


opposed to this, one bowl (pi. C4, e) has iin interior as white as 
well-cleaned kaolin. As has been stated above, this does not seem 
to be dependent on a surface slip. 

One globular bowl (pi. TO, a) is a deep, beautiful red. The paste 
is rather coarse and red all the way through, but the polishing has 
accentuated the redness of the surface. 

The bowl figured in plate 64, c, is of orange color in which the 
yellow is predominant. This bowl once bore decorations which are 
now untraceable. 

There must have been much iron in the clay from which a con- 
siderable proportion of the pottery was made. Heat of different 
degrees has produced peculiar blotchings on several of the vessels. 
The neck of one, otherwise gi'ay, is almost lemon yellow (pi. G.3, h), 
and a red-orange cheek appears on the side of tlie vessel figured in 
plate 67, e. 

The red and orange sherds are of particular interest. They repre- 
sent most of the shapes present in the collection, besides many 
others the entire contours of which it is at present impossible to 
restore. The colored ware of the region will furnish beautiful and 
instructive material to future excavators. 


From the standpoint of decoration the first fact to impress one 
is that of 62 vessels only 26 bear painted designs. In a typical col- 
lection from the cliffs, or from the low'er La Plata, the proportions 
would be more than reversed. In fact, in the author's collection 
of more than 200 specimens collected near the mouth of the La 
Plata there are only 5, excepting the coil ware, w'ithout decoration. 

In color the decorations merge from black through brown to red. 
The brown and red can not be considered to have resulted from 
a chemical alteration in a dye originally black. These colors are 
uniform over the entire surface of the dish; the black is permanent, 
while the red can be removed with a damp cloth. 

Several of the bowls found near the mouth of Long Hollow 
(Ruins Nos. 22 and 23) had their entire exteriors painted with a 
light-red substance, which comes off very readily in the presence 
of moisture. 

The decoration is in most cases crude, although fair skill is shown 
in two instances (pis. 64, a, and 72, e). 

With one exception the symbolism differs from that pi'eviously 
observed on Mesa Verde pottery. This exceptional symbolism ap- 
pears on a water bottle (pi. 70, h). It consists of a hollow square 
with arms extending from the corners. The essential features of 



the design appear on a bow] from Cliff Palace.^ 
symliol on the pottery from the Animas Valley, 

Fig. 6. — Metatc ami mano. 

rated at all, bear a solid black line instead of 
zigzag lines found on the pottery from the cliffs. 

The designs shown in fig- 
ures 7-11 are from bowls 
not in the collection. They 
were found by Mr. Ralph 
Linton, of Swarthmore, Pa., 
on the Powell ranch. 

Until a more complete 
series of designs shall have 
been gathered, the writer 
does not think best to at- 
tempt an analysis or classi- 
fication of them. 

It is a much-used 
there being several 
examples in the au- 
thor's collection. 

The star appears 
twice, once with 
seven points (pi. 
6-i, a) and once 
with only five (pi. 
U. e). 

The bowl figured 
in plate 6,5, &, has 
what ajjpears to be 
a spotted serpent 
coiled spirally 
from the bottom to 
the rina. Another 
serpent pattern oc- 
curs on the bowl 
given in a of the 
same plate. 

The rims of the 
bowls, when deco- 
the row of dots or 


Fig. 7. — Design on Ijowl from mouth of Long 

Grinding Stone s. — 
Metates and manos are most 
conspicuous among the stone implements from the mesa sites. A 
pair of these is shown in figure 6. The metate is a slab of moderately 

> Fewkes, Bull. SI, Bur. Amcr. Ethn., pi. 24. 












fine grained sandstone, through which a trough has been worn by the 
incessant back-and-forth motion of the mano. It is worthy of note 
that only two nietates were found in Ruin 
No. 17, where considerable quantities of corn 
were stored. 

SlaljK of Uiidecided Function. — Two of 
these slabs are shown in plate 73, d and 
h. As they are more nearl}' rectangu- 

it seems unlikely that 

to the round potlids 

It is not improbable 
as plates or platters 

lar than round, 
they correspond 
the cliffs, 
they served 




Fig. 8. — Design on bowl 
from mouth of Long Hol- 

Fig. 9. — Design on bowl frnni mouth of Long Hollow. 

which to stack meal cakes or similar objects. They are 
too small and not of the right shape to have been used as doors. 

Axes and 
R ammcrs. — 
Two axes of ex- 
cellent work- 
manship ( pi. 
73, e and ^) 
were found in 
Ruin No. 17, 

besides a number of crude ones. These are made from a dark gra- 
nitic rock, such as can be found in the river gravel which caps the 
most ancient erosion rem- 
nants in the vicinity. The 
bits are brought to as keen 
an edge as I have ever seen 
on stone implements not 
made by chipping. 

The one hammer is an 
unaltered oval bowlder 
with a groove pecked about 
the middle. 

Pottery Smoother. — 
A stone with worked and 
polished surfaces, presum- 
ably a pottery smoother, 
was found in a grave at 
Ruin No. 23 (pi. 73, 6). 

Pounding Stones. — 
Three of these are 
shown in plate 73, a, c, /. Their specific use is unknown. 

Chipped Artifacts. — The best of the chipped implements gathered 
from the mesa sites are shown in plates 74 and 75. These may be 


on I>owl frtj 




classed as arrowpoints, kni\es, drills, and scrapers. The materiuls 

are mainly jasper, flint, chalcedony, quartzite, and obsidian. The 

dull gloss or luster, which 
is particularly apparent 
on the obsidian imple- 
ments, shows them to be 
very old. In length these 
vary from | to 2^ inches. 
The workmanship of 
man}' is poor, but some are 
of unusual beauty. A few 
ornaments are also figured. 
Two of these show diag- 
onal incised lines. 

It is impossible to say 
how many of these objects 
were lost bj' the inhabit- 
ants of the clifl's and liow 
many belonged to the 
dwellers on the mesas. 
The most notable feature in connection with the stone implements 

from the mesa sites is the lack in variety and quantity of everything 

but chijaped instruments. 

bowl from 




Bone implements are not numerous. Besides three bone awls no 
other artifacts of bone were exhumed in the mesa ruins. 

As might be expected, all articles of wood and other perishable 
material not consumed by the burning of the buildings had entirely 


The inhabitants of the mesas were an agricultural people whose 
domiciles were one-storied aggregations of cell-like chambers, usu- 
ally grouped to form a rectangle. Generally speaking, the rooms 
extended down into the earth, and with few exceptions the sections 
of the walls above gi'ound were constructed of upright poles cov- 
ered with plaster. 

Thus far no kiva has been found in, or connected with, a jacal 
dwelling. It is possible, however, that when excavated some of 
the numerous circular pits will prove to have features linking them 
unmistakably to the kivas of later time. 


The pottery from the mesas exhibits a wide range of form and 
surface treatment, but structurally it is inferior. Less than 42 per 
cent of it is decorated with painted designs, and true coil ware does 
not appear. The symbolism is unlike that on the pottery from the 
neighboring cliffs and shows less conventionalization. 

Stone implements are few, but such as have been found are of 
the same general types and exhibit as good workmanship as those of 
the cliff people. Of the work in bone, wood, and other perishable 
materials almost nothing is known. 


It is evident tliat there existed on the mesas between ^lancos and 
La Plata Eivers a culture differing in many respects from that of 
the cliff-dwellers of the Mesa Verde. The meager information at 
hand seems to connect it with the pre-Pueblo pit -house culture now 
generally conceded to have existed in the Southwest. 

The true Pueblo culture has as its diagnostic character compact 
community villages several stories in height, usually in terrace 
form. The absence of the terraced form of architecture serves 
equally well to characterize the pre-Pueblo culture. 

The pottery especially indicates the greater antiquity of the dwell- 
ing sites on the mesas. The wide range of form, as well as the un- 
skilled workmanship displayed, shows the ceramic art still to have 
been quite plastic, and not bound by the rigid convention which is 
apparent in the pottery from the cliff-dwellings. The same may be 
said of the symbolism. Though crude, the designs are more boldly 
executed than are the conventionalized decorations on the cliff 

The skulls offer another point of difference. Of 33 crania 11, or 
33J per cent, do not show the occipital flattening general among the 
crania from the cliff-dwellings. Too much importance must not be 
attached to this, however, until further research shall prove whether 
the variation continues in evidence, or whether the skulls offering a 
basis for the statements here made comprise only a small aberrant 

The limits of the type of remains here described can be determined 
only by extended excavations. Whether they are typical of a small 
area, or whether they continue and connect with other localities in 
which the pit-house culture is already known, remains to be seen. 

The discovery in the northern part of their domain of a more 
ancient culture than that of the cliff-dwellers should be of special 
interest, since it appears that the region north of the San Juan 
Kiver is the center from which migration carried the true Pueblo 
culture to the south, southeast, and perhaps to the west. 

The direct relationship between the people, of the cliffs and those 
of the mesas can not be established at present. The inhabitants of 


the caverns may have been directly descended from the builders of 
the jacal houses, or there may have been a hiatus between the two 
periods of occupancy. 

Necessarily these conclusions are but tentative, and are offered as 
nothing more. Now that a beginning has been made, it is to be hoped 
that some one will see fit to undertake a work of sufficient amplitude 
to lead as nearly as possible to the solution of the problems which 
the brief research here recorded has done little more than to suggest. 


Fewkes, J. Walter. Antiquities of tlie Mesa ■\'er(le Niitional Parii : Spruce- 
tree Htpuse. Bull. Jfl, Bur. Amer. Etiin., Washingtou, 1909. 

Preliminary report on a visit to the Navalio National Monument, Ari- 
zona. 7?!;?/. 50, Bur. Amer. EtJm., Washington, 1911. 

Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park: Clil¥ Palace. Bull. 51, 

Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1911. 

Holmes, W. H. Pottery of the ancient Pueblos. Fourth Rept. Bur. Amer. 

Ethn., pp. 257-360, Washington, 1886. 
• Report on the ancient ruins of southwestern Colorado. 10th Ann. Rcpt. 

V. S. Gcol. and Oeog. Surv. Terr. [Hayden Survey] for 1876, pp. 383-408, 

Washington, 1878. 
Hough, Walter. Culture of the ancient Pueblos of the Upper Oila River region. 

Bull. 87, [7. S. Nat. Mu.s., Washington, 1914. 
Jackson, Wm. H. Ancient ruins in southwestern Colorado. lEiyhtli] Ann. 

Rcpt. V. S. Geol. and Geog. Surv. Terr. [Hayden Survey] for 187Ji, pp. 369-381, 

Washington. 1876. 

Report on the ancient ruins examined in 187.5 and 1877. lOfh Ann. 

Rept. U. S. Gcol. and Gcog. Surv. Terr. [Hayden Survey] for 187G, pp. 411- 
450, Washington, 1878. 

Nordenskiold, G. The cliff dwellers of the Mesa Verde. Stockholm, 1893. 
Prudden, T. Mitchell. Prehistoric ruins of the San Juan watershed in Utah, 

Arizona, Colorado, and New Mexico. Am. Antlirop., n. s. vol. v, pp. 224-288, 

Lancaster, Pa., 1903. 
Stevenson, Matilda Coxe. The Zuni Indians. Twenty-third Ann. Rcpt. Bur. 

Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1904. 






Introduction 215 

Chronology of Hopi pottery symbols 215 

The ruin, Sikyatki 218 

Sikyatki epoch 219 

Human figures 220 

Quadruped figures - 223 

Reptilian figures 225 

Winged figures 227 

Dorsal views of birds 228 

Lateral views of birds 233 

Feather designs 236 

Feathers suspended from strings 241 

Sky-band 242 

Vertical attachment to sky-band 243 

Birds attached longitudinally to sky-band 246 

Decorations on exteriors of food bowls 248 

Curved figure with attached feathers 251 

Spider and insects 252 

Butterfly and moth .' 252 

Geometrical designs 255 

Rain clouds 256 

Stars 257 

Sun emblems 258 

Rectangular figures representing shrines 262 

Symbols introduced from San Juan River settlements 264 

Symbols introduced by the Snake people 265 

Tanoan epoch 266 

Symbols introduced from the Little Colorado 267 

Symbols introduced by the Badger and Kachina clans 273 

Symbols introduced from Awatobi 275 

Shalako mana 275 

Symbols of Hano clans 279 

Conclusion 281 

Authorities cited 284 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 14 209 




76. Various forms of conventionalized feathers 238 

77. Conventionalized tail feathers 240 

78. Conventionalized feathers attached to strings (nakwakwoci) 240 

79. Sky-bands 242 

80. Geometrical figures on outside of bowls 250 

81. Geometrical figures on outside of bowls 250 

82. Geometrical figures on outside of bowls 250 

83. Geometrical figures on outside of bowls 250 

84. Geometrical figures on outside of bowls 250 

85. Conventionalized bird designs » 250 

86. Conventionalized bird designs 250 

87. Bird, sun, and spider and sun symbols 258 

88. Conventionalized bird figures 258 

89. Shalako mana, Corn Maid (from tablet dance) 276 

90. Top of butterfly vase 276 


12. Human head witli hair in characteristic whorls 221 

13. Woman with serpent-like animal 221 

14. Kneeling woman, showing hair in characteristic whorls 222 

15. Three human figiu-es 223 

16. a, Deer; b, rabbit 224 

17. Quadruped 224 

18. Antelope or mountain sheep 224 

19. Mountain lion 225 

20. Problematical reptile 225 

21. Reptile 225 

22. Reptile 225 

23. Reptile 226 

24. Reptile 227 

25. Turtle 227 

26. Clouds and tadpoles 228 

27 . Tadpoles 228 

28. Dorsal view of a bird 229 

29. Bird figure, two halves restored to natural position 229 

30. Dorsal view of bird 230 

31. Bird figure 230 

32. Bird figure '. . 231 

33. Bird figure 231 

34. Bird figure 231 

35. Bird figure (Thunderbird) 231 

36. Bird figure 232 

37. Highly conventionalized figure of bird from dorsal side 232 

38. Conventional figure of a bird 233 




39. Conventional figure of a bird 233 

40. Conventional figure of a bird 233 

41. Conventional figure of a bird 233 

42. Conventional figure of a bird 234 

43. Triangular form of bird 234 

44. Triangular form of bird 234 

46. Simple form of bird with terraced body 234 

46. Lateral view of triangular bird with two tail feathers 234 

47. Lateral view of bird with three tail feathers 234 

48. Problematical bird figure 234 

49. Bird with two tail feathers 234 

50. Highly conventionalized bird figure 234 

51. Lateral view of bird 235 

52. Profile of bird 235 

53. Lateral view of bird with oufepread wing 235 

54. Lateral view of bird with twisted tail and wing feathers 235 

55. Lateral view of conventionalized bird 236 

56. Lateral view of conventionalized bird 236 

57. Feather symbol with black notch 237 

58. Feather symbol with black notch 237 

59. Feathers •. 241 

60. Curved feathers 241 

61. Conventional feathers 241 

62. Parallel lines representing feathers 241 

63. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 244 

64. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 244 

65. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top \iew 244 

66. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 244 

67. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 245 

68. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 245 

69. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 245 

70. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 246 

71. Conventionalized bii'd form hanging from sky-band, top view. . .• 246 

72. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 247 

73. Conventionalized bird form hanging from sky-band, top view 247 

74. Lateral view of bird hanging from sky-band 247 

75. Lateral view of bird hanging from sky-band 248 

76. Lateral view of bird with extended wing 248 

77. Lateral view of bird hanging from sky-band 249 

78. Lateral view of bird hanging from sky-band 249 

79. Butterfly and flower 252 

80. Butterfly with extended proboscis 253 

81. Highly conventionalized butterfly 253 

82. Moth 254 

83. Moth 254 

84. Moth of geometrical form 255 

85. Geometrical form of moth 255 

86. Highly conventionalized butterfly 255 

87. Geometrical form of moth 2.55 

88. Circle with triangles 255 

89. Rain cloud - ■ ■ 257 

90. Rain cloud ' 257 

91. Ring with appended feathers 258 



92. Two circles with fig:ure 259 

93. Sun with feathers 259 

94. Sun symbol 259 

95. Ring with appended feathers 2G0 

96. Ring figure with legs and appended feathers 260 

97. Sun emblem with appended feathers 260 

98. Sun symbol : 261 

99. Sun symbol 261 

100. Homed snake with conventionalized shrine 263 

101. Shrine 263 

102. Shrine 264 

103. Conventionalized winged bird with shrine 264 

104. Lateral view of bird with double eyes 269 

105. Lateral view of bird with double eyes 270 

106. Bird with double eyes , 271 

107. Two birds with rain clouds 272 

108. Head of Shalako mana, or Com maid 276 

109. Head of Kokle, or Earth woman 280 

110. Head of Hahaiwugti, or Earth woman 280 

111. Ladle with clown carved on handle and Earth woman on bowl 281 

112. Puiikon hoya, Uttle War god 281 



By Jesse Walter Fewkes 


In the following pages the author has endeavored to draw atten- 
tion to some of the most important symbols on Hopi pottery, espe- 
cially those of prehistoric times. 

Consideration of this subject has led to a discussion of the char- 
acter of potteiy designs at different epochs and the interpretation, 
by study of survivals, of ancient designs in modern times. This 
chronological treatment has necessitated an examination of ceramic 
material from ruins of different ages and an ethnological study of 
ancient symbols still surviving in ceremonials now practiced. It has 
also led to sociological researches on the composition of the tribe, the 
sequence in the arrival of clans at Walpi, and their culture in distant 
homes from which they migrated. It will thus appear that the sub- 
ject is a verj' complicated one, and that the data upon which conclu- 
sions are based are sociological as well as archeological. There are 
many ruins from which material might have been obtained, but only 
a few have been adequately investigated. The small number of ruins 
in the Hopi country which have thus far been excavated necessarily 
makes our knowledge not only provisional but also imperfect. It is 
hoped, however, that this article may serve to stimulate others to 
renewed field work and so add desired data to the little we have 
bearing on the subject. 

Chronologv of Hopi Pottery Symbols 

At least three well-marked epochs can be distinguished in the his- 
tory of Hopi ceramic symbolism. Each of these is intimately asso- 
ciated with certain clans that have from time to time joined the Hopi 
and whose descendants compose the present population. Although 
these epochs follow each other in direct sequence, each was not 
evolved from its predecessor or modified by it, except to a veiy 
limited extent. Each epoch has left to the succeeding one a heri- 
tage of symbols, survivals which are somewhat difficult to differen- 
tiate from exotic symbols introduced by incoming clans. So that 


216 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

while each epoch grades ahnost imperceptibly into the one directly 
following it, an abrupt change is sometimes evident in the passage. 

In order to appreciate the relations between ceramic decoration 
and history let me sketch in brief outline what I regard as the his- 
torical development of the Hopi living near or on the East Mesa. 
We know little of the group of people who first settled here except 
that they belonged to the Bear clan, which is traditionally referred 
to the eastern pueblo region. At about the time they entered 
Hopiland there was a settlement called Sikyatki composed of Jemez 
.colonists, situated about 3 miles from the southern point of East 
Mesa, and other towns or iJueblos on Awatobi ISIesa and in Antelope 
Valley, 10 miles away. 

The first great additions to this original population were Snake 
clans, who came from the San Juan, followed by Flute clans from 
the same direction but originally of southern origin. Having be- 
come well established at the point of the East ISIesa, the combined 
settlement overthrew Sikyatki and appropriated its clans. 

Then came the strenuous days of Spanish invasion and the de- 
struction of Awatobi in 1700. The Little Colorado clans had already 
begun to seek refuge in the Ilopi mountains and their number was 
greatly augmented by those from Zuiii, a Eio Grande settlement 
called Tewadi, and elsewhere, each addition bringing new forms of 
culture and settling new jDueblos on or near the East Mesa, as has 
been shown in previous publications. Traditions point out their 
former settlements and it remains for the archeologist to excavate 
those settlements, now in ruins, and verify these traditions. This 
can be done by a study of artifacts found in them. 

As a rule archeologists have relied on technique, form, and especi- 
ally color, in the classification of Pueblo pottery, leading, on the 
technical side, to the groups known as (a) rough, coiled ware, and 
(b) smooth, polished ware; and on that of form, to bowls, vases, jars, 
dippers, etc. ^Mien color is used as the basis of classification the 
divisions black and white, red, yellow, orange, and polychrome are 
readily differentiated. Classifications based on these data are useful, 
as they indicate cultural as well as geographical diiferenoes in 
Pueblo ceramics; but these divisions can be used only with limita- 
tions in a study of stages of culture gi-owth. The fact that they are 
not emphasized in the present article is not because their importance 
is overlooked, but rather for the purpose of supplementing them with 
a classification that is independent of and in some particulars more 
reliable for indicating chronology and culture distinctions. 

The life-forms on ancient Sikyatki and other Hopi pottery are 
painted on what is known as yellow ware, which is regarded by some 
authors as characteristic of the Hopi area ; but pottery of the same 
color, yet with radically different symbolic life-forms, occurs also 


in other areas. It thus appears that while a classification of Pueblo 
pottery by color is convenient, differences of color are not so much 
indications of diversity in culture as of geologic environment. De- 
signs oh pottery are more comprehensive and more definite in culture 
studies than color, and are so regarded in these pages. 

As there exists a general similarity in the form of prehistoric 
pottery throughout the Southwest, shape alone is also inadeqiuite for 
a determination of Pueblo culture centers. The great multiplicity 
and localization of symbols on Pueblo pottery furnishes adequate 
material for classification by means of the designs depicted on vases, 
bowls, and other pottery objects. Sikyatki pottery is esjDecially suited 
to a classification on such a basis, for it is recognized as the most 
beautiful and the most elaborately decorated prehistoric pottery 
found in the Southwest. Life-forms are abundant and their sj'mbol- 
ism is sufficiently characteristic to be regarded as typical of a well- 
defined ceramic area. There can, of course, be no question regarding 
the ancient character of the designs on Sikyatki pottery, nor were 
they introduced or modified by white men, but are purely aboriginal 
and prehistoric. 

Pottery from the Sikyatki ruin is chosen as a type of the most 
highly developed or golden epoch in Hopi ceramics. Several otlifer 
ruins were inhabited when Sikyatki was in its prime and pottery 
from these belongs to the same epoch, and would prolmbly be equally 
good to illustrate its character. Fortunately, specimens are available 
from many of these, as Awatobi, and the ruins in Antelope Valley, 
old Shumopavi, and other Middle Mesa iiiins. The date of the 
origin of this epoch, or the highest development of Hopi ceramics, is 
not known, but there is evidence that it lasted until the fall of 
Awatobi, in 1700. The destriiction of Sikyatki occurred before 1540, 
but Sikyatki has given the name to the epoch and is taken as the type, 
not only l>ecause of the abundance of ceramic material available from 
that ruin, but also because there can be no doubt of the prehistoric 
nature of material from it. 

There is abiuidant evidence that the culture of Sikyatki was never 
influenced by white man. After the overthrow of Awatobi there de- 
veloped on the East Mesa of the Hopi country a third ceramic epoch 
which was largely influenced by the influx of Tanoan (Tewa) clans. 
They came either directh' from the Eio Grande or by way of Zuhi 
and other pueblos. Among other arrivals about 1710 were those 
clans which settled Hano, a Tewa pueblo on the East Mesa. The 
Hano and other symbols introduced in this epoch are best known in 
the present generation by the earlier productions of Nampeo, an 
expert modem potter. 

The pottery of this epoch differs from that of the second in form, 
color, and technique, but mainly in its symbolism, which is radically 


different from that of the epochs that preceded it. The symholism 
of this phase is easily determined from hirge collections now in 
museums. This epoch was succeeded in 1895 by a fourth, in which 
there was a renaissance of old SiUyatki patterns, under the lead of 
Nampeo. In that year Nampeo visited the excavations at Sik- 
yatld and made pencil copies of the designs on mortuary bowls. 
From that time all pottery manufactured by her was decorated with 
modified Sikyatki symbols, largely to meet the demand for this 
beautiful ancient ware. The extent of her work, for which there was 
a large demand, may be judged by the great numbers of Hopi bowls 
displayed in every Harvey store from New Mexico to California. 
This modified Sikyatki ware, often sold by unscrupulous traders as 
ancient, is the fourth, or present, epoch of Hopi ceramics. These 
clever imitations, however, are not as fine as the productions of the 
second epoch. There is danger that in a few years some of Nampeo's 
imitations will be regarded as ancient Hopi ware of the second epoch, 
and more or less confusion introduced by the difficulty in dis- 
tinguishing her work from that obtained in the ruins. 


The ruins of the ancient pueblo of Sikyatlci, consisting of mounds 
and a few outcropping walls, are situated on rocky elevations rising 
from the sand hills at the eastern or sunny base of the East Mesa, 
about 3 miles from the modern Hopi pueblo of Walpi in northeast- 
ern Arizona. The founders of Sikyatki are said, in very circum- 
stantial migration legends, to have belonged to a [Keres?] clan called 
the Kokop, or Firewood, which previously lived in a pueblo near 
Jemez, New Mexico. Preliminary excavations were made at Sikyatki, 
under the author's direction, by the Smithsonian Institution in 1895, 
when there was obtained, chiefly from its cemeteries, a valuable col- 
lection of pottery, most of which is now installed in the National 

Little is known of the history of Sikyatki save through tradition, 
but enough has been discovered to show that it was abandoned before 
1540, the year of the visit to Tusayan of Pedro Tovar, an officer of 
the Coronado expedition. It was probably settled much earlier, per- 
haps about the time the Bear clans, also said to have come from the 
Jemez i-egion, built the first houses of Walpi near the point of the 
terrace at the west or cold side of the East Mesa, below the jjresent 
settlement.^ Both of these prehistoric pueblos occupied sites exposed 

lA report on the fleld work at SikyntUi will 1>p found in tlio Seventeenth Ann. Rept. 
Bur. Amfr. Ethn-., part 2. 

'Traces of the ancient village of Walpi at this point are still to be seen, and certain 
ancestral ceremonies are still performed here, in the New-fire rites, as elsewhere described. 


to attack by enemies and were not l)uilt on mesa tops, hence it maj' 
be assumed that there were no enemies to fear in Tusayan at the 
time of their establishment. But later, when the Snake clans from 
the north joined the Bear settlement at Walpi. trouble seems to have 
commenced. As above mentioned, the Bear clans came from the 
same region as the Kokop and were presumably friendly, probably 
kin of the Sikyatkians; but the Snake clans came from Tokonabi, 
in the north, and were no doubt of foreign stock, implying a hos- 
tility that may have been the indirect cause of the overthrow of 
Sikyatki and Awatobi by the other Hopi. 

The two epochs in Hopi ceramic development that can be dis- 
tinguished with certainty are (1) the Sikyatki epoch and (2) the 
Tanoan or historic epoch. The third, or renaissance, of the Sikyatki 
dates back to 1895, and may be called the modern epoch. The 
Sikyatki epoch gave way to the Tanoan about the beginning of the 
eighteenth centur\'. It did not develop from any group preexisting 
in the neighborhood of the jjresent Hopi pueblos but was derived 
from the east and it ceased suddenly, being replaced hy a totally 
different group introduced by radically different clans.^ 

SiKT.^TKi Epoch 

The most characteristic Hopi pottery bearing symbols of the 
Sikyatki epoch occurs in a few ruins near the Hopi mesas, but from 
lack of exploration it is impossible to determine the boundaries of 
the area in which it is found. 

Several museums contain collections of Hopi ware of this epoch, 
among which may be mentioned the National Museum at Washing- 
ton, the Field Columbian Museum of Natural History ajt Chicago, 
the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, the Peabody Museum 
at Cambridge, and the Museum f iir Volkerkiinde at Berlin, Germany. 
Many bowls of this epoch are likewise found in the American 
Museiim of Natural History, New York, and in the Museum of the 
Brooklyn Institute. Several private collections in Europe and the 
Ignited States likewise contain specimens of Sikyatki ware, among 
them being tliat gathered by the late Dr. Miller, now at Phoenix, 
Arizona. The collection of prehistoric Hopi pottery in the National 
Museum is particularly rich, containing many specimens gathered by 
tlie Stevenson expeditions, by the author, and by Dr. Hough, of the 
U. S. National Museum. 

The symbols on the ancient pottery from the Middle Mesa of the 
Hopi are almost identical with those of Sikyatki, indicating a simi- 
larity of culture, a common geographical origin, and a synchronous 

1 Pottery making is a woman's industry, and as among the Puehlo the woman determines 
the clan, so she determines the symbolism of the pottery. Consequently symbolism of 
uottery is related to that of the clan. 

220 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTEBY [eth. ann. 33 

culture. From the character of the symbols on the ancient pottery 
from the ancient Middle Mesa pueblos it is probable that the clans 
who founded them came, like the colonists who settled Sikyatki, 
from the Jemez plateau in New Mexico. Although the Field collection 
is very rich in old TTalpi ware, nothing of importance has been pub- 
lished on the symbols of this collection ; it contains some of the most 
instructive examples of the Sikyatki epoch. A large and probably 
tlie most valuable portion of this collection was gathered by Dr. 
George A. Dorsey and ]\Ir. Cliarles L. Owen, while many pieces were 
purchased from Mr. Frank Wattron, of Holbrook, and from the 
late Mr. T. V. Keam, of Keams Canyon, Arizona. Tlie source of 
many of the Wattron specimens is unknown, liut it is evident from 
their decoration that some of them are ancient Hopi and probably 
belong to the Sikyatki epoch and came from Shongopovi, Awatobi, 
or Sikyatki. 

Shortly before his death Mr. T. V. Keam sold to the Museum fiir 
Volkerkiinde at Berlin, Germany, a rich collection of pottery ob- 
tained mainly from Awatobi and Sikyatki, containing several spec- 
imens of the Sikyatki epoch which are highly instructive. Some of 
the designs on tlie pottery of this collection are unique, and their pub- 
lication would be a great aid to a study of the most important epoch 
of Hopi ceramics. 

A large proportion of life-forms u.sed in the decoration of Sik- 
yatki pottery are mythological subjects, showing the predominance 
of supernatural beings and their magic power in the minds of the 
makers. Like a child, the primitive artist is fond of complexity 
of detail, and figures in which motion is indicated appealed more to 
his fancj' tlian those objects that do not move. It needs Ijut a glance 
at the ancient Sikyatki life-figures to show a tendency to represent 
detail and to convince one of the superiority of the Sikyatki potters 
in this respect over those of modern times. There has been a gradual 
deterioration, not only less care being now devoted to the technique 
of the pottery but also to the drawing of the figures. This lack in 
itself is significant, for while modem ware reflects in its hasty 
crudeness the domination of commercialism, the ancient pottery 
shows no indication of such influence. Pottery is now made to please 
the purchaser; in ancient times another motive influenced the maker, 
for then it was a product worthy of the higliest use to which it 
could be put, since it often formed a part of sacred paraphernalia 
in religious ceremonies. 

Human Figures 

Sikyatki pictures of human beings depict men and women, singly 
or in company, and are few in number and crude in execution. Or- 




Fig. 12. 

— Human heaJ with hair 
characteristic whorls. 

gans of the body— hands, foet, arms, and legs— are often represented 
separately. The hand is portrayed on two vessels, and the foot, 
elaborately drawn, appears on an- 
other; as a general thing when pai'ts 
of the body are represented they 
are greatly conventionalized. The 
few human figures on Sikyatki pot- 
tery are crude representations as 
compared with those of animals, 
and especially of birds. Several of 
the figures are represented wearing 
ancient costumes and ornaments, 
and one or two have their hair done 
up in unusual styles; others have 
the body or face tattooed or 
painted; but as a whole these deco- 
rations are rare and shed little light 
on prehistoric customs. There is nothing that can be identified 
as a time count, calendric, hieroglyphic, or phonetic signs, or any 
record of historical events. 

None of the human figures are represented with masks or head- 
dresses to indicate the impersona- 
tion of kachinas, zior are there 
double figures or animal heads de- 
picted on human bodies. The ab- 
sence of animal or kachina heads 
shows one of the marked differ- 
ences between Sikyatki pictures 
and the designs so common on some 
other pottery, where a relatively 
large number of the heads of the 
latter occur. The best representa- 
tion of a human head is shown in 
figure 12,^ in which a characteristic 
coiffure is shown. Fig 13 is identi- 
fied as a figure of a maiden whose 
one above each ear, like a modern 
Hopi maid.- Opposite this maid is a reptile or similar animal with 

1 Many of the illustrations appearing in this paper are taken from the author's memoir 
on the results of the Siliyatki excavations in the nth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., part 2. 

- Hopi maidens dress their hair in two whorls, one above each ear, which on marriage 
are taken down and braided in two coils. There are differences in the style of putting up 
the hair, as apjiear in different ceremonial personages, but the custom of wearing it in 
whorls was probably general among ancient I'ueblo maidens and is still followed in ceitain 
ceremonial dances in which women are personated by men. For the difference in the style 
of the whorls, see the author's series of pictures of Hopi kachimas in the Twenty-first 
Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Etlm. 

Fig. 13. — Woman with serpent-like animal. 

hair is dressed in two whorls. 



[KTH. ANN. 33 

head decorated with two ej-es on one side and a single foreleg. These 
two figures probably refer to some episode or Indian legend connect- 
ing a Sikyatki maiden with some monster. 

The maiden depicted in figiu-e 14 is evidently kneeling, her knees 
being brought together below, and separated by four median parallel 
lines that are supposed to indicate feathers; the curved objects at the 
lower corners of the rectangular blanket probably are also feathers. 
One hand of the maiden is raised to her head, while the other holds 
an unknown object, possibly an ear of corn. The woman with an 
ear of corn recalls a figure on the elaborately painted wooden slab 
carried by women in the Hopi Marau dance or that on the wooden 
slab, or monlwhu, carried by the priests representing Alosaka, Eototo, 
and other ceremonial personages. These painted slabs do not always 

bear pictures of corn ears, for those 
of the priests known as the Aaltu 
have, instead of pictures of corn, 
the corn itself tied to them; in the 
New-fire ceremony at Walpi mem- 
bers of the Tataukyamu priesthood, 
at Walpi, also hold ears of corn 
with or without wooden slabs, while 
those borne by the warrior Kwak- 
\\'antii are carved in the form of the 
sacred plumed serpent, which is 
their patron.^ 

Different styles of hairdressing 
are exhibited in figures 13 and 14, 
that of figure 14 being similar to 
the modern Hopi. The group of 
three figures (fig. 15) possibly illustrates some ancient ceremony. 
The middle figure of this group is represented as carrying a branched 
stick, or cornstalk, in his mouth.- The accompanying figure, or that 
to the right, has in his hand one of the strange frames used as rattles ^ 
in historic times l\y clans (Asa or Honani) of Jemez or of Tewa 
descent who had settled at the East Mesa. The author is inclined 
to identify the object held by this figure as one of these ceremonial 
frames and the man as a Yaya priest. 

Flu. 14. — Kneeling woniau, showing 
hair in characteristic whorls. 

^ The best idol of this ^n(\ known to tho author appears on one of the Flute altars at 
Oraibi. It has a single horn (representinp; the serpent horn) on the head, two wings, 
and two legs with lightning symbols their whole length. The horned plumed Lightning 
god of the Kwakwantn at Walpi is represented b.v plumed serpent effigies in the March 
ceremony or dramatization elsewhere described. 

^ In the Antelope dance at Walpi, a stalk of corn instead of a snake is carried in the 
mouth on the day before the Snake dance. (Fewkes, Snake Ceremonials at Walpi, 
pp. 73-74.) 

" For descriptions of similar objects see Fewkes, Hopi Ceremonial Frames from Caiion 
de Chelly, Arizona, pp. 604-G70 ; Fewkes, The Lesser New-fire Ceremony at Walpi, p. 4,'i8, 
pi. XI ; also Twenty-first Ann. Rept. Bur. Amcr. Ethn., pis, xxxiv, xxsv. 




Another interpretation of the central figure of the group, figure 15, 
is that he is performing the celebrated stick-swallowing act which 
was practiced at Walpi until a few years ago. The last explanation 
suggested implies that the human figures represent Snake and Ante- 
lope priests, a doubtful interpretation, since, according to' legends, 
these priests were never represented at Sikyatki.^ 

The character shown in another figure, not copied, may represent 
the supernatural being, called the God of the Dead (Masauu) whose 
body, according to legend, is spotted and girt by bands. The Little 
Fire god (Shulewitse), when pereonated in modern ceremonies of 
the Tewa at Hano, is represented by a man daubed with pigments of 
several colors. He is personated 
likewise in the Hopi (Tewa) vil- 
lage of Sichomovi." 

Several Zuni cei'emonies show 
evidence of derivation from east- 
em New Mexican i^ueblos,^ but a 
critical examination of the origin 
and migration of Zuni clan re- 
lations of societies still awaits the 
student of this interesting pueblo. 
It is probable that Zuiii sociology 
is in some respects lilve that of 
Walpi and that the present popu- 
lation is composite, having de- 
scended from clans which have 
drifted together from different directions, each bringing character- 
istic ceremonies and mythological conceptions, while certain rites 
have been incorj^orated from time to time from other Pueblo people. 

Quadruped Figures 

Representations of quadrupeds arc almost as rare as human figures 
in Sikj-atki pottery decorations. The deer (fig. 16, a) , antelope, moun- 
tain sheep, mountain lion, rabbit, and one or two other animals are 
recognizable, but pictures of these are neither so common nor so 
highly conventionalized as those of birds. 

> As a matter of history, the Snake people of Walpi may have heen hostile to the 
Kolvop of Sikyatki on account of linguistic or tribal dilferences which culminated in the 
destruction of the latter puehlo in prehistoric times. 

2 The pueblo of Sichomovi, called by the Ilopi Sioki, or Zufli pueblo, was settled by Asa 
clans, who were apparently of exotic origin hut who went to Sichomovi from Zuni, in 
which pueblo the Asa people are known as Aiyahokwe. The Sichomovi people still pre- 
serve Zuiii ceremonies and Zuiii kachinas. although they now speak the ITopi language — 
an example of a pueblo in which alien ceremonies and personations have survived or been 
incorpomted, although its language has been superseded by another. 

3 Thus the Ileyamashikwe may be supposed to have originally come from Jemez. The 
Zuiii Sumaikoli, like that of the Ilopi, is practically Tewa in origin. 

Three human figures. 



[ETH. ANN. S3 

Figure 17 shows one of tvro mammalian figures on a bowl, the 
surrbunding surface consisting of spatterwork, an uncommon but 
effective mode of treatment. 

The outline of the animal shown in figure 18 is intensified by spat- 
tering, as in the of the animal last mentioned. The black spots 

along the back and tail are ab- 
sent in other figures. The de- 
sign below the figure suggests, 
in some particulars, that of a 
highly conventionalized shrine, 
but its true meaning is un- 

The design in figure 19 has 
been regarded as representing a 
moiuitain lion, but there is some doubt of the validity of this identi- 
fication. Although the feet are like those of a carnivorous animal, the 
head is not. The two projections from the head, which may represent 
horns, are not unlike those a.ssociated with the two figures next de- 
scribed, which have been regarded as feathers. 


Fig. 16.- 

Dcer ; h, rabbit. 


i"~. "^/vK 





Fig 17. — Quadruped. 

Fig. is. — Antelope or mountain shoep. 

The creature shown in figure 20 is also problematical. The ap- 
pendages to the head are prolonged, terminating in feathers that 
bend backward and touch the body. The anterior body appendage 
has two crescentic prolongations between which are parallel lines 
of unequal length. The j^osterior limb is jointed, the lower half ex- 
tending backward and terminating in two claws, one long, the other 
short. Between these extensions are two groups of slightly radi- 
ating lines that may be regarded as feathers. The body has feathers 
like those of a highly conventionalized bird, while the limbs resemble 
those of a lizard. The body is serpentine, and tail feathers are want- 
ing; both legs have talons like those of birds, and the appendage to 
the head suggests a feather headdress; the line connecting the head 


appendage and one claw of the posterior limbs recalls a sky-band, 
commonly found in representations of sky gods. 

The animal depicted in figure 21, which resembles figure 19 in the 

Fig. 19.— Mountain lion. Fig. 20.— Problematical reptile. 

form of llie appendages to the head and mouth, is sus])ended in- 
side of a circle in the one case and is half within a circle in the other. 

Eeptilian Figures 

Several figures of reptiles and serpents occur in the Sikyatki col- 
lection. Figure 22 represents an animal like a reptile; only two leg.s 

Fig. 21. — Keptilc. Fig. 22. — Reptile. 

are shown in the design and the form of the tail i-ecalls that of a bird. 
The head of this figure bears two horns resembling feathers in some 
respects; the legs terminate in four claws. From a projection at the 
posterior end of the body there arises a curved line dotted at inter- 
vals and terminating in feathers. The dorsal appendage resembles 
the carapace of a turtle, from beneath which feathers project. 
7403G°— 19— 33 kth 1.5 




Figure 22 depicts a reptile from the head of which project horns 
and two long feathers. Its back bears a row of feathers, but it has 
onlv two legs. 

The legless creature, figure 23, has two triangular earlike feathers 
rising from the head, and two eyes ; a wide-open mouth, in which are 
six long, curved teeth, three in each jaw. The tongue terminates in 
an arrow-shaped figure, recalling a conventional symbol of lightning, 
or the death-dealing \mwev of the serpent. The meaning of the nar- 
row line connecting the upper jaw with the tail is not known. The 
curved shape of the body of the reptile is necessitated by the shape 
of the bowl on which it is drawn. This figure may represent the 
monster feathered serpent of Sikyatki, or a flying reptile, one of the 

most mysterious of the elemental 


Fig. 23.— Reptile. 

It is interesting to note 
that while the effigies of the 
feathered serpent used in Hopi 
(Walpi) and Zufii religious prac- 
tices has a single horn on the 
head, the one here described is 
different from both, for it is pro- 
vided with two appendages re- 
sembling conventionalized feath- 
ers. The Hopi feathered serpent 
was derived fi-om the same source 
as the Zuni, namely, clans which 
originally came to the Little Colo- 
rado from Gila Valley.^ 
The Hopi (Walpi) figure is in a measure comparable with that 
shown in figure 23 — each has two hornlike feathers on the head, and 
the bodies are curved in the same direction — that is, with the cen- 
ter (?) on the right (dextral circuit), the rcA'erse of modern Hopi 
pictures, which are placed as if the figures were moving in a sinistral 

The form shown in figure 24 reminds one of a frog or a turtle. 
The body and feet are turtlelike. As in several pictures of reptiles, 
it is provided with an anterior appendage, evidently the front leg, 
which has characteristic claws. The row of white dots extending 
from the mouth through the neck represents the esophagus or wind- 
pipe. The author is unable to offer any interpretation of the append- 

1 See Fewkes, The Butterfly in Hopi Mytli and Ritual, pp. 576-594. 

= The clay imagps representing the Tewa plumed serpent on the Winter Solstice altar at 
llano have rows of feathers inserted along their backs (as in the case of the reptile shown 
in figure 22) as well as rudimentary horns, teeth made of corn liernels, and necklaces of 
the same. (Fewkes, Winter solstice altars at Hano pueblo, pp. 269-270.) A mosaic of 
corn kernels on a clay base {kaetukici) is known In ceremonies derived from Sikyatki and 




Fig. 24, — Reptile. 

ages to the tail, but suggests that they may have been intended for 
feathers. Figure 25 a, h, is identified as a turtle. 

Figure 26 was evidently designed to represent several tadpoles 
swimming across a bowl between rows of rain clouds, the whole in- 
closed in a circle to which are attached five stars at approximately 
equal intervals. The form of the 
rain clouds reminds one of con- 
ventional tail feathers. There are 
six of these rain-cloud figures on 
one side of the field of decoration 
and five on the other. The tad- 
poles shown in figure 27 occur on 
the inside of the ladle. 

' Winged Figures 

The term "winged figures" is 
here employed to designate all 
flying creatures, as birds, insects, 
and bats, even though they belong 
zoologically to different groups of animals. Among the prehistoric 
Hopi, insects and birds were designated by similar sj'mbols and when 
highly conventionalized sometimes merge into one another. It was 
the custom of Sikyatki potters to give more attention to specific than 
generic characters of flying creatures, distinguishing different kinds 

of birds by the form of their feathers. The 
symbol of a turkey, an eagle, or a hawk 
feather was distinct from that of an owl, 
and each kind of a bird had its own special 
sjmbolic marking, espe- 
cially indicated in the 
different kinds of feath- 
ers. Thus it occurs that 
Sikyatki bird designs, 
instead of being realis- 
tically represented, are 
often so highly conven- 
tionalized that the genus 
can not be identified. 
The flight of birds, like the movement of serpents, is regarded as 
mysterious, and anything mysterious or uncanny has always pro- 
foundly affected the mind of primitive man. The chief visible char- 
acteristics connected with the flight of a bird are wings and feathers, 
and the kind of feathers of a particular bird led to their association 
with the supposed magic power of the bird itself among both the 
ancient and modern Hopi. Different kinds of feathers have different 

Fig. 23. — Turtle. 



[ETH. ANN. 33 

CIouils aiul tadpolfs. 

powers; thus the feathers of the turkej', for example, among the 

modern Hopi, are potent in inducing rain ; those of the eagle or the 

hawk pertain especially to the power of the sun; a breast feather of 

an eagle is chosen as an individual 
prayer bearer. The feathers of an 
owl, like the owl itself/ are gen- 
erally regarded as having a sin- 
ister influence; but sometimes the 
feather of this bird is beneficial, 
it is believed, in making peach 
trees j'icld abundantl}^ From the 
variety of feather designs and 
the frequency with which they 
occur in modern Ilopi ceremonies ^ 
it is evident that the Sikyatki 
people, like their descendants, 
attributed special magic power to 
different kinds of these objects. 
In their simplest forms bird symbols are little more than triangles, 

the tail feathers being represented by appended parallel lines, which 

are mere suggestions of birds and may be designated as cursive forms. 

Such simple pictures of birds sometimes have, in addition to the 

appended parallel lines referred to, an angular or a curved line or 

hook extending from one of the 

angles of the triangle to represent 

a beak. Such triangular bird fig- 
ures may be free or attached; in 

the latter case they are suspended 

from other figures or rise from the 

corners of a rectangular design 

when one of the triangles may be 

without tail or beak appendages, 

another may have parallel lines. 

while a third may take a form 

readily recognizable as that of a 

bird. The form of the beak and 

the claws of bird figures also 

varies, the claws often appearing i''"' 27.— Taupoies. 

as simple crosses or crescents. The beak is sometimes toothed, often 

hooked like that of a raptorial bird. The bird is designated by the 

combination of the beak, claws, and body, as well as the feathers. 


Among the conventional pictures of birds on Sikyatki pottery some 
are shown as seen from above, or dorsally, others from below, or 

1 Tlio hoot of the owl portends disaster among the Ilopi, as among the ancient Greeks. 
^ Every priest 1ms a box in which his feathers are preserved until needed. 




Fig. 28. — Dorsal view o£ a bird. 

ventrally, and still others laterally. These pictures sometimes become 
so conventionalized that it is difficult to identify the parts repre- 
sented, as will appear from illustrations to follow. 

Figure 28 represents a bird design in which three parallel bands 
representing tail feathers of a well-marked type hang between two 
curved extensions that occupy the relative position of wings. In the 
angles near the attachment of these 
tail feathers thei'e are two globu- 
lar enlargements which occur also 
in other pictures. The extremity 
of each winglike crescent is spirally 
curved inward. Two semicircular 
figiu'es representing rain clouds are 
surmounted by two parallel lines 
and a heavy, solid band, appear- 
ing at the proximal end of the 
tail in the position where the body 
should end, as in other figures 
where the rain-cloud symbols are 
much more complex. 

The two drawings shown in fig- 
ure 29 are the two halves of a single 
figure cut along its medial line. One of these halves is reversed in 
such a way that corresponding parts are found on the same side. 
Viewing these two parts in this position, we can readily identify vari- 
ous organs of a highly conventionalized bird whose wings are rep- 
resented by a curved body 
terminating in a spiral, the 
body decorated with rain- 
cloud figures and the bowl 
with conventionalized fig- 
ures. This is the only fig- 
ure showing the distortions 
and reversions of the two 
halves of the bird's body 
and appendages. 

Homologous parts are 
recognizable also in the 
bird design shown in fig- 
ure 30, but in this picture 
the size of the wings is greatly reduced^ each consisting merely 
of two feathers. The rectangular body bears a single large 
terraced or rectangular rain-cloud symbol, three semicircular 
figures, and two triangles. Two tail feathers and two posterior 
extensions of the body, one on each side, are shown. There are 
three parallel lines on each side of these posterior extensions. In 

Fig. 29.- 

-Bird figure, two halve.? restored to natural 



[ETH. AXN. 33 






Fig. 30. — Dorsal view of a bird. 

a bird design, figure 31, the body is decorated with four triangular 
rain clouds and the wings are extended. The tail has six feathers 
with a lateral extension on eacli side. The two detached figures asso- 
ciated with this bird design pos- 
sibly were intended to represent 
the shrines of these birds. 

The curved appendages are 
spreading in figure 32, and at 
their i^oint of junction with the 
body arises a typical feather sym- 
bol. The body has four solid 
semicircular figures, possibly rep- 
resenting rain clouds, and a single 
feather on the top of the head. 
Organs corresponding to wings, 
body, and tail are traceable, but 
they are somewhat modified in 
comparison with the forms al- 
ready considered. This design is partly surrounded by a band to 
which two star designs are attached. 

We find all the parts or organs associated with the bird designs 
already described represented in figure 33, but the details of the 
symbolism are more elaborated than in any of the preceding. 
Here the wings are bent inward, while the feathers have taken 
more angular forms. The head is 
rectangular, bearing representa- 
tions of two rain clouds just above 
the wings, while two others appear 
below. These have the same form 
as the cloud symbols shown in 
figure 20. Although this drawing 
is far from being a realistic rep- 
resentation of a bird, the presence 
of symbols characteristic of cer- 
tain avian features leaves no doubt 
that a bird was intended. 

In figure 34 is shown a Sikyatki 
bird figure still further conven- 
tionalized, but the parts are depict- 
ed in such manner as to make the 
identification as a bird practically certain. Head, body, wings, and 
tail are elaborately represented. The head is semicircular and sur- 
mounted l)y a headdress with three vertical feathers. The wings are 
large, each terminating in two symbols representing the feathers,' 
with pointed distal extremities. The tail feathers have rounded ex- 

I'n;. 31. — Bird figure. 

' Compare with feathers, pi. 00, d. 




tremities and are three in number. On each side of the feathers of 
the headdress, wings, and tail hang figures of unknown meaning. 
This is one of the most instructive bird figures in the collection from 

Figure 35 represents a very elaborate figure of a bird, readily 
comparable with the last mentioned, from which it differs in certain 

Fia. 33. — Bii-a figure. 

Fig. 32. — Bird figure. 

particulars. This bird desigii is replete with symbolism and may 
be regarded as one of the most instructive pictures that has come to 
us from the ancient Hopi. The view is from the back, the legs being 

r ■ 






•. \ 




Fig. 34. — Bird figure. 


-Bird figure. (Tfiunderbird.) 

much reduced in size, the claws alone being represented at each upper 
corner of the body directly under the attachment of the wings. The 
beak is invisible, but an elaborate headdress,^ in which tail feathers 

1 Probably the serrated circle to which the headdress is attached was not designed as the 
outline of the head, but the headband turned out of perspective. 



[ETH. ANN. 33 

Fig. 36. — Bird Hgure. 

are conspicuous, is a i^rominent feature. The form of the tail and 
wing feathers of this bird is practically the same as the last, except 
that they are more elaborately drawn. Each wing has two feathers, 
and three others form the tail. The arrow points projecting from 
_ beneath the extremities of the 

wing feathei's are possibly light- 
ning sj'mbols. Each is crossed by 
two bars in the same manner as the 
tongue projecting from the mouth 
of the serpent shown in figure 
-2o, which is also a lightning 

The design illustrated in figure 
3(S represents a bird, as seen from 
the back, with outstretched wings, 
recalling the lateral view of a bird 
shown in figure 54 in having 
smaller bird figures attached to 
the tips of the wings. The place 
of attachment of the wings to the 
body is embellished with crosshatched lines and stepped figures, 
recalling the rain-cloud symbols. The head is x-ectangular, destitute 
of a beak, inclosing two square figures with short parallel lines, rep- 
resenting falling rain, projecting from the upper side. On one side 
of the head is a semicircular de- 
sign. The tail has three feath- 
ers, the two on the sides being 
broader than the one in the mid- 
dle. These feathers are without 
markings, but the end of the 
body from which they depend 
is ornamented with stepped fig- 
ures surmounted by two hori- 
zontal parallel lines and two tri- 
angles. In the background, at 
each side of the body, there are 
dotted circles, suggesting flow- 
ers, a feature often accompany- 
ing designs representing butter- 
flies or moths. 

In figure 37 is shown a highly conventionalized dorsal view of a 
bird, with sickle-formed wings slightly extended, seven pointed tail 
feathers with lateral appendages, and a rectangular head with three 
semicircular rain-cloud figures. The globular enlargement at the base 
of the wings in one instance is accompanied by a fan-shaped figure. 




■r " 










-^ - 


Fig. 37. 

-Highly coQvc'Utioualizcd figure of 
bird from dorsal side. 




Fig. 3S. — Conventional fisuro of a bird. 

The design shown in figure 38 is regarded as a highly convention- 
alized bird symbol, each wing being represented by a curved pendant, 
to the extremities of which feathers 
are attached. The body is rectangu- 
lar and decorated with a median 
horizontal white band continued 
above and below into black lateral 
triangles which possibh' may rep- 
resent feathers, and flanked triangu- 
lar, white areas on each side. 

In figure 39 the 
design has been 
so greatly con- 
V e n t i o n a 1 i z e d 
that almost all 

resemblance to a bird has been lost. The wings 
are rej:) resented by simple terraces, the bod}' by a 
rectangular figure, and the head terminates in 
three points. It is possible that the limit of bird 
conventionalization has been reached in this vari- 
ant, and the difficulty of identification of organs is 
correspondingly great. 

The design shown in figure 40 would perhaps 
more logically fall within the series of circular 
figures, identified as sun em- 
blems, elsewhere considered, ex- 
cept for the extensions representing wings and tail. 
This is mentioned as one of the instances where 
organs of birds are combined with a circle to rei:)re- 

sent the Sun god. 

Figure 41 resembles 
figure 40 in some essential 
points and may also be 
considered in connection 
with sun emblems. On 
account of the presence of feathers it is 
here included among the bird designs. 

Figure 42 exhibits an exceptional bird 
form as viewed from the rear.^ Wings, 
body, tail, and possibly the head, are rec- 

FiG. 39. — Convenlional 
figure of a bird. 

Fig. 40. — C o n V c n - 
tional figure of a 

Fig. 41. — Conventional figure 
of a bird. 

ognized after some study. 


Drawings representing side views of birds are usually highly con- 
ventionalized, often taking the forms of simple geometric figures, 

' See Seventeenth Ann. Rcpt. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pt 2, pi. CXLI, a. 
on each side of tlie bird. 

A circle is here drawn 



[ETH. ANN. 33 

as shown in figures 43-45. The simplest representation of a bird 
viewed from the side is a triangle, bnt another, slightly elaborated 
and a little more complicated (fig. 43), consists 
of a triangular body with curved lines represent- 
ing a head and beak, extending from one of the 
angles, and with two short lines indicating a 
feathered head crest. The head of the bird shown 
in figure 44 resembles a section of a Greek fret, 
which in figure 45 has become 
still further simplified. Figure 
46 represents a bird with tri- 
angular body and key-shaped head. Figure 47 
shows a similar design, except that the body is 
partly rectangular, with breast slightly concave. 
The body in figure 48 is simply an outline of a ter- 
race and the tail is indicated by five parallel lines. 

The bird design shown in profile in figure 49 is realistic, all the 
parts being clearly recognizable. This figure is one of four, each 
attached to a corner of a rectangle. 

Fig. 42. — Conven- 
tional figure of a 

Fig. 43. — Triangular 
form of bird. 

Fig. 44. — Triangular 
form of bird. 

Fig. 45. — Simple 
form of bird with 
terraced bmly. 

Fig. 40. — Lateral 
view of triangular 
bird witli two tail 

Another figure which may be a lateral view of a bird is represented 
in figure 50, in which the part representing the head is curved, the 
body square, and two obliquely twisted feathers represent the tail. 

Fig. 47. — Lateral 
view of bird with 
three tail feathers. 


Fig. 4S. — rroblcmati- 
cal bird figure. 


49. — Bird with two 
tail feathers. 

This figure exhibits avian features more obscurely than those already 
considered, but the head and the tail feathers are quite birdlike. 

In figure 51 is shown a lateral view of a bird, seemingly in flight, 
the head and beak of which are birdlike. The wings, feet, head, and 

body are not difficult to recognize. 
Two legs and one wing are shown, 
and the well-drawn tail, terminat- 
ing in white-tipped feathers, sug- 
gests the turkey, which bird is re- 
garded by the modern Hoj)i as so 
efficacious in bringing rain that its feathers are employed in 
all rain ceremonies. The author has seen a similar drawing on altar 

Fio. 50.- 

-Ilighly conventionalized bird 




Fig. 52.— Profile of bird. 

iuul other ceremonial paraphernalia among the Hopi priests of the 
present day. The white tips whicli characterize the tail featliers of 
the turkey originated, according to a Hopi legend, 
at the time when this bird drugged the end of 
its tail in the mud after a flood had subsided. 

The bird 

shown in 

figure 52 has 

a curved ■''""'■ ^^' — I'lt'^^al view 
' , ' of bird. 


beak, a more or less angular 
body, two legs, and two small 
wings. The tail consists of 
three feathers^ with character- 
istic projections. 

One of the best bird pictures 
on Sikyatki pottery is shown 
in figure 53. The body is somewhat triangular in shape and the 
wing is spread out, here shown above the back; the tail is provided 
with three feathei's placed 
vertically instead of hori- 
zontally, and bent over at 
their ends into triangles, evi- 
dently owing to the lack of 
available space. The beak 
is characteristically curved; 
the single eye is provided 
with a pupil. The long 

Fig. 53. — Lateral view of bird witli outspread 

claws, single on each foot, suggest an eagle, 
hawk, or other raptorial bird. The spiral 
ajjpendage to the under rim of the tail is 
of unknown meaning. 

The design shown in figure 54 is one of 

the most complex bird drawings found on 

Sikj'atki potter}'. The head is triangular, 

with an eye situated in the center, and the beak continued into a very 

large, elaborate fret. The body is rhomboidal in shape, the upper 

iiortion being occupied by a patterned square. Rising above the 

^ It' is. of course, only a coincidence that so many of the Sikyatki bird designs have 
three tail feathers like Egyptian representations 

Fig. 54. — Lateral view of bird 
with twisted tail and wing 



[ETH. ANN. 33 

body is a conventionalized wing, while depending from its lowermost 
angle is a diminutive figure resembling feathers. The tail consists 
of two elongate feathers, rounded at their outer ends and fused at 
the point of union witli the body. 

Having seen how prone tlie ancient Hopi were to represent birds on 
their pottery and the extent to which conventionalization of these fig- 
ures prevailed, one finds 
many designs so closely re- 
lated to known bird figures 
tliat the tendency is to in- 
clude with them manj' the 
identification of which is 
doubtful. Certain simple 
geometrical foi-ms originally 
derived from bird designs 
were copied by these early 
potters, presumably without 
intending to represent birds, 
but rather merely as deco- 
rative motives. Two of 
these problematic designs 
are shown in figures 55 

Fig. 55. — Lateral view of conventionalized bird. and 56. 


A large number of conventional figures representing feathers 
have been identified, but there are many others which yet remain to be 
interpreted, and the particular genus of birds to which each should 
be referred is likewise prob- 
lematical. There is no doubt, 
from a study of the uses of 
different kinds of feathers 
in modern Hopi ceremo- 
nials, that each form de- 
picted on xjottery represents 
a feather which played an 
important rule in ancient 
Hopi rituals. 

Many unquestionable 
feather designs pictured on 
Sikyatki potterj' are found 
depicted on serpents, or are attached to inanimate objects, such as 
rainbows, clouds, and lightning. 

It is probable that the majority of feather designs on ancient Hopi 
earthenware are included in the following types, to which no doubt 

Fig. 56. — Lateral view of conventionalized bird. 



other forms of feather designs will be added later. These types 
are abundant in vessels of the Sikyatki epoch. 

From the above pictures of birds and many others it may be seen 
that feather symbols assume a variety of forms in sikyatki pottery 
decoration. There are probably more than 50 different designs, 
each rejiresenting a diiferont kind of feather, and implying for each 
a distinct use or ceremonial efticacy, as among the modern Hopi. 
Our knowledge of ancient Hopi symbolism is not yet sufficient to 
enable us to identify all the different birds to which 
these various forms of feathers belong, nor do we 
know the uses to which all these feathers were put.^ pj^ 07. — Feather 

Several wooden slabs and idols on Hopi altars ^"'"^"^ "'"'' '"'^<■'- 

'■ notch. 

have features drawn upon them, and manj' cere- 
monial sand-pictures contain designs representing feathers. In rare 
instances, as in the altar of the Powamu,^ typical Sikyatki symbols 
of feathers are still used, but feather symbols of a form not found 
on Sikyatki pottery far outnumber those from that ruin. The exist- 
ence of one type of Sikyatki feathers on the figure of Pokema in 
kachina altars may point to the derivation of this feather sym- 
bol from Sikyatki, but some of these types are widespread.^ 

The forms assumed by feathers on Sikyatki pottery may best be 
presented by considering a few examples of the more common types. 
Figure 5T represents an unusual type of feather 
symbol, readily distinguished from others by the 
Fig. 58. — Feather uotcli at the end, the edge of which is commonly 

symiioiwith black roundcd. There are two subdivisions of this type, 
one with a dotted shaft (fig. 58), the other plain. 
This form of feather design is found in most unexpected associations, 
occurring on the heads of serpents or attached to various parts of the 
body and under the wings of birds. It also hangs from diametrical 
bands drawn across the inside of food bowls and fi-om other objects 
constituting the decoration of vessels. In a few instances this type 
of feather is enlarged and constitutes the essential part of the de- 
sign, with other symbols attached. 

^ Feathers are among the most important objects employed in Pueblo ceremonies, and 
among the modern Hopi feathers of different birds are rej^arded as efficacious for different 
specific purposes. Thus the turkey feather symbol is etEcacio'is to bring rain, and the 
hawk and eagle feathers are potent in war. The specific feather used ceremonially by 
modern Hopi priests is regarded by them as of great importance, and the same doubtless 
was true of the priests of ancient Sikyatki and Awatobi. Belief in a difference in the 
magic power of certain feathers was deeply rooted in the primitive mind, and was re- 
garded as of great importance by the ancient as well as the modern Hopi. 

^ Compare the sand-mosaic of the sun associated with the PowalawQ altar of Oraibi, and 
the sun emblem shown in fig. 98. 

'Mallery (Fourtn Ann. Rept. Bur. Etitn., p. 47, fig. 12) illustrates two clusters of 
characteristic Hopi feathers copied by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from petroglyphs at Oakley 
Springs. Arizona. The first cluster belongs to the type shown in our fig. 57 as eagle tails, 
the second to that illustrated in tig. 31. They were identified by the Oraibi chief. Tuba, 
and so far as known have not been subsequently figured. 


This type of feather sometimes forms a part of a bird's tail, but 
it does not occur in the wings, although, as above stated, it occurs 
under a wing or on the body or the head of a bird, a localization 
that leads to the belief that the device was designed to represent a 
breast feather, such as the Hopi now use in their prayers. In ancient 
Hopi symbolism it is often attached to circles representing the sun 
and represents a tail feather. 

In plate 76, a, three feathers are represented with pointed tips and 
without interior markings. It is one of the simplest drawings of the 
type mentioned. 

This figure illustrates a well-known type of feather symbol. It 
has many variations, all clearly differentiated from the form last 
described, from which it differs in its elongate form and pointed tip. 
What may be regarded as a subtj'pe of this is marked with diagonal 
bands drawn either at right angles at one edge or extending across 
the figure and terminating at right angles to the opposite edge. 
Feather symbols of this type, which have not been identified with 
any particular bird, are constantly found in birds' tails and wings. 

The next design (pi. 7G, h) is similar in outline, but the three 
feathers are painted solid black and are separated by spaces. This 
conventional form of feather is common on wings and tails of birds. 

The group of symbols shown in plate 76, c, has pointed tips, like 
the others described, but part of the shaft is painted, while the other 
is plain, the line of demarcation between which is drawn diagonally. 
This form occurs on the tails rather than on the wings of birds. 

The tips of the feathers in plate 76, d, are connected by a black 
band and are divided by short vertical lines. A distinguishing fea- 
ture of this symbol is the oblique marking of each feather on the 
right side, by which the feathers are narrowed at the base. A solid 
semicircular figure with a double notch ornaments the upper edge. 
The few known examples of this type of feather symbol are from 
the tails of unknown birds. 

The next form of feather, shown in e, differs from the last in that 
the shaft is spotted and the proximal end is cut diagonally in a some- 
what different way.^ The tips are slit as in the figure last described. 

The width of the feathers shown in / is uniform throughout. The 
distal ends are tipped with black; the proximal ends are each orna- 
mented with a black triangle. Midway of the length of the feathers 
are four continuous parallel horizontal lines. 

The two feathers shown in r/ have in one instance a black and in 
the other a white tip separated from the rest of the shaft by an 
oblique line. The essential difference between this form of pointed 

^ Compare feathers, pi. PO, wf. 













► ; — • 

> , IT ' 

> 11 ■ 

* — "n^ 




feather and those previously considered is that the. diagonal line 
marking the tip is drawn at a greater angle. 

The six feathers shown in h resemble the last, but the terminal por- 
tions of three are sj^otted instead of solid black. Like some of the 
others described, this form tapers slightly from its distal end to its 

In i the feathers are likewise pointed at their tips, but are of 
almost uniform breadth. Each is intersected by a series of triangles 
and parallel lines, and suspended from the latter, one in each feather, 
are several vertical lines, each with terminal dots. 

The symbol shown in j is not unlike that already illustrated, but 
it has in addition to the structure enumerated a lateral hornlike 
appendage common in the tails of birds (see pi. 90, /, ff). 

The form of feather design shown in h is somewhat different from 
those already considered. The distal end is broad and pointed ; the 
proximal narrows almost to a point. The left half of the body of 
the feather is black; the remainder, including the point, is plain. 
The design I has the same general form as h, but its tip is marked 
in a different manner. 

The double-pointed symbol represented in m was evidently de- 
signed as a feather (possibly two feathers), with parallel sides, and 
pointed tips painted black. The symbol /; is similar to d in outline, 
but it lacks the terminal slit and black bands. There project, how- 
ever, from the angles formed by the tips of the feathers three ver- 
tical lines, each with an arrow point at the extremity and two short 
crosslines, as in one of the bird designs previously described (fig. 
35). The present design represents wing feathers; the complete 
bird figure (fig. 35), where they also occur, represents a thunderbird. 

The three tail feathers shown in o are in no respect peculiar. The 
two-pointed appendages seen above are an almost constant feature 
of the drawings of birds as seen from the back. The feathers rep- 
resented in /) are unlike others in their mode of attachment and in 
the ornamentation at the base. 

Thus far we have considered a type of feathers with pointed tips 
(pi. 76, a-p) imparting to the whole tail a serrate appearance. While 
in the next figure, q, the tail feathers still terminate in points, a black 
band connecting their extremities is prolonged at each side, recalling 
the tail of certain swallows. 

Feathers are often represented on Sikyatki pottery as elsewhere in 
the Southwest by parallel straight lines. The feathers represented 
in r are exceptional in that their length varies considerably, the 
median feather here being the longest. 

While undoubtedly the series of designs shown in .s to &6, inclusive, 
in each instance representing the feathers in the tail of a bird, are 

240 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

all highly conventionalized, in one or two instances, as u and bb, the 
relation to feathers can be recognized only by comparative studies. 

The design illustrated in cr, taken from the neck of a vase, repre- 
sents several peculiar feathers of a type not yet described but highly 
characteristic. Comparison of this with that of dd shows the simi- 
larity of the two and suggests that they pertain to the same kind of 
bird. The tails represented in v, aa, and bb are characteristic; the 
last represents tail feathers hanging from the band later described. 

The series of feathers (possibly tail feathers) shown in several fig- 
ures have rounded tips, and as a rule are of uniform size and without 
ornamentation. In plate 77, a, the three feathers composing the tail 
are painted black and are slightly separated, while those of b are 
half black and half plain, the solid area being separated from the 
plain by a diagonal line extending from the proximal to the distal 

The four feathers in c are separated by slight intervals and lightly 
shaded; otherwise they are similar to those in a. The two outside 
feathers of d are much broader than the middle feather, which is 
reduced to a narrow line. In e the three feathers are broader at the 
lips, in which respect they differ from c. 

In the tail shown in /, the feathers are indicated by shallow notches 
from which short parallel lines extend inward. They are without 
superficial markings. Figure ff belongs to the notched type repre- 
sented above. 

The four feather symbols shown in the drawing of the bird's tail 
illustrated in h differ from all others in the shape of their distal ends, 
which are alternately black and plain, and are without superficial 
ornamentation. Evidently this feather design, which is represented 
on a single vessel from Sikyatki, is of a distinct type. 

There is some doubt whether ^ represents a bird's tail, the head 
and body from which the design was taken being more like those of a 
moth or a butterfly. The meaning of the design in j is also doubtful. 
Figure k represents a single " breath " feather like that shown in 
figure 57. 

There is a general resemblance between the tail feathers of the 
bird designed in e and I; the latter represents the tail of a bird, hang- 
ing between two triangles under a star design. 

Figure m represents a bird's tail with three tail feathers and 
lateral extensions, while in n. where we also have a figure of the tail 
of a bird, each feather is marked by a rectangular pattern. The four 
pairs of parallel lines extending from these feathers may be regarded 
as parts of these structures. 

Figures o to g, while suggesting bird and feather designs, are still 
more or less problematical. In the same category belong the designs 











ti ^A^ tt- 










illustrated in figures r to u. There is reason to believe that of these 
o-r represent feathers, but a definite identification can not yet be 
made of figures s-u. 

Two triangular designs, one above another, are 
believed to represent feathers, but are rarely found 
on ancient Hopi pottery. They appear on the 
heads of birds in Acoma, Laguna, and other 
pottery designs, which are the nearest modern 
of ancient Hojii decollations. 

A unique feather symbol 
is characterized by a cigar-shaped body out- 
lined at the distal end, which is plain (fig. 59). 
There often occurs on Sikyatki potter}- a 
combination of feather designs, generally 
with other symbols. One form of these (fig. 60) has four 

Fig. 59. — Feathers. 

from Sikyatki 

Fifi. GO. — Curved feathers 


curved tail feathers. 

in figure Gl, a-e. 

Other feathers of aberrant shape are shown 

Feathers Suspended from Strings 

In their ceremonies the modern Hopi priests 
use in great numbers a kind of prayer offer- 
ing called nakwakwoci, consisting of breast 
feathers tied in a prescribed way to the ends 
of strings. The same type of prayer offerings 
is one of the most conunon designs on Sikyatki 
pottery. Various modifications of it are shown 
in the accompanj'ing illustration (fig. 62). 

This use of the feather string as a decora- 
tive device is seemingly peculiar to prehistoric 
Hopi jDottery, not having been found in the pic- 
tography of the people formerly inhabiting the 
valleys of San Juan and Little Colorado Rivers. 
This restriction in its use indicates its local 
origin and application, although descendants of clans from both the 
San Juan and the Little Colorado are repi'esented among the Hopi. 

tin one of the simplest forms of the stringed- 
feather designs is a line (pi. 78, 5, c, d) some- 
times taking the form of an elongate triangle, 
terminating in a ball from which spring three 


CI. — Conventional 

Fig. 62.— Parallel 
lines represent- 
ing feathers. 

or more diverging or parallel lines. This en- 

stringed-feather designs may rep- 
as will appear from cerfain varia- 

largement on 
resent a knot 
tions in the form of the feathered string to which attention will be 
given later. 

74936°— 19— 33 etii 16 

242 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

In some cases {e, 1) two knots appear between the string and 
the attached feathers, while in another instance (/) one of the knots 
or balls is replaced by two triangles. 

Other representations of stringed-feather or nakwakwoci designs 
show modifications in each of the three elements mentioned, the 
line (string), the enlargement (knot), and the terminal projections 
(feathers). The occurrence of crossbars near the dot ((/, A, i) vary 
in number from one to four, and are always parallel, but usually 
are placed on one side of the knot, although in some cases {i) they 
appear on both sides. In one example (j) no ball or knot is pro- 
vided, the nakxcahwoci consisting merely of the string intersected 
by pairs of equidistant crosslines. A special modification of the 
dot with crosslines is shown in the figure with the leaflike attach- 
ment {q). 

One of the most significant of the stringed-feather designs is 
shown in a, where a feather of the first type is attached to the string 
intersected by crosslines. As a terminal element in corresponding 
designs is a typical feather symbol, this figure is also identical. The 
figure of a string with enlargements and a pair of lines (<7) probably 
represents that form of stringed feather called by the Hopi a furhu, 
" road," an ofl^ering laid by the Hopi on the trails approaching the 
pueblo to indicate that ceremonies are being performed, or on altars 
to show the pathway of blessings. 

In another stringed-feather design (n) appears a triangular sym- 
bol attached to the enlargement, the string terminating in radiating 
lines. The feather sometimes preserves its triangular form {m). 
These variations in the drawings of stringed feathers and the modi- 
fications of the knot, string, and terminal attachments, are constantly 
repeated in Sikyatki pottery decoration. 


Many food bowls from Sikyatki have a band fi'om which is sus- 
pended the figure of a nondescript animal passing diametrically 
across it. Eepresentations of a similar band with like appendage 
girt the necks of small pottery objects and are, so far as is known, 
characteristic of prehistoric Hopi pottery. 

Lines identified as skj^-bands shown in plate 79 vary from single 
{a) or double (h) to a broad undecorated band (c). In its simplest 
form the slry-band extends entirely across the inside of the bowl, 
but in the more complicated examples it surrounds the vessel par- 
allel with the rim surrounding the design on the inside of the bowl. 
Appendages of several kinds as dots {d) or as stars (/), made up 
of oblong figures in terrace form placed at intervals, are attached 











to this band. The sky-band itself varies in width, being broad or 
narrow, crossed by series of vertical parallel, zigzag, or other lines 
arranged at intervals, or alternating with geometrical figures {g, h). 
In a single example {i) the decoration is etched into the burnt clay, 
although in most instances the decorations are painted. 

Various explanations of the meaning of this band have been sug- 
gested, it being regarded by some of the priests as the Milky Way, 
by others as the path of the sun through the sky, but so far as 
known this ancient design is rare on modern Hopi ware.' According 
to Harrington the Tewa recognize a "backbone" of the sky. 

In several Hopi legends there are allusions to a monster bird that 
had been killed and hung in the sky by a cultus hero; and the 
general character of this decorative band in Sikyatki pottery decora- 
tion renders it probable that it was intended to represent some 
supernatural being, as the Sky god. 

The chief interest of the Sikyatki sky-band lies in the figure or 
figures attached to it, or suspended from it, and regarded as the 
conventionalized representation of a bird. Sometimes the creature 
is placed longitudinally, sometimes vertically. In some instances 
it is elaborately drawn, in others it is a simple geometric figure 
bearing so little resemblance to a life form as to make it one of the 
most highly conventionalized of all ancient Hopi designs. 

Like other bird designs, these suspended figures may be considered 
under two heads: (1) Those attached to the band in such a way 
as to be seen from above (the dorsal side) or from below (the 
ventral side) ; and (2) those suspended lengthwise of the band, 
showing one side in which the tail and other parts are twisted into 
a plane at right angles. The structure and relations of the hang-- 
ing figure can best be seen by holding the bowl in such manner that 
tlie sky-band is horizontal, bringing the body of the suspended 
animal into the lower semicircle. 


Several Sikyatki pottery designs showing the sky-band with the 
bird figure hanging vertically from it are shown in the accompany- 
ing illustrations. In order that the modifications in form may be 
readily followed, those parts of the bird figures regarded as homolo- 
gous are indicated by the same letters. 

^ The only design in modern Hopi symbolism comparable with the sky-band occurs on a 
wooden slab on the altar of the Owakulti. a society priestess whose ancestors are said 
to have formerly lived at the historic pueblo of Awatohi. This slab is attached to the 
uprights of an altar, by means of flat slabs of wood, some arranged vertically, others 
horizontally. On it is depicted, among other symbolic figures, a representation of a bird. 



[eTH. ANN. 33 

The design in figure G3 represents one of the simplest forms of 
bird symbols. A hornlike appendage is attached to the sky-band, 
on each side of an elongate vertical Ijody from which depends a 

Fig. 63. — Conventionalized bird form 
h.inging from slsy-band ; top view. 

Fig. 64. — Conventionalized bird form 
hanging from sky-band ; top view. 

number of j^arallel lines representing tail feathers. The identifica- 
tion of this design as that of a bird is based on comparative studies 
of designs less conventional in character, to which attention bus been 
and will later be called. 






Fig. OS. — Conventionalized bird form 
hanging from sky-band ; top view. 

Fig. G6. - 

- Conventionalized bin! form 
■ from sky-band : top view. 

A modification of the pendent body on the sky-band ^ appears to 
have introduced the new element shown in figure 64 in which the 
body is drawn. Although considerable variation exists in the form 
of the other parts, a morphological identity exists in all these figures. 
In figure 65, in wliich the feathers differ somewhat from those of the 

1 The author has seen in the American Museum of Natural History. New York, a single 
specimen of doubtful provenance, bearing a similar design. 




last design, the parallel lines representing the bird's tail are really 
seen. The design shown in figure GG is still more elaborate than the 
last, especially in the anterior semicircle,^ opposite that in which 
the tail feathers are depicted. 

Fii. t>7. - Luuvi'Dtionalized bird form 
hangiu;; from skj-band ; top view. 

Fii;. c.s. — ('(.ii\rnti'inaliz('d bird form 
hanging from sky-band ; top view. 

Tiie ijortion of the design situated in the anterior semicircle of 
figiu'e G7 has no resemblance to a bird's head, being destitute of eyes 
or beak. The backward extending appendages on each side of the 
tail and the tail itself has a projection on each side. 

In figure GS the whole anterior 
l^art of the design above the sk}'- 
band is colored, the head appear- 
ing as a still darker semicircle. 
The tail feathers are here reduced 
to simple parallel lines. The gen- 
eral form of figure G9 is birdlike, 
but its affinity to the bird figures, 
pendent from a sky-band, is closer 
than to any others. The homolo- 
gous parts — tail feathers, lateral 
body extensions, sky-band, and 
head — may be readily recognized ; 
the last mentioned is an orna- 
mented rectangle. The whole an- 
terior hemisphere of this design is occupied by representations of 
feathers arranged in two clusters, while in the surrounding area their 
triple lines are crossed similarly to that occurring in other hanging^ 
bird figures. It is but a steji from this figure to the group of unat- 
tached bird designs already considered. 

Fig. 69. — Conventionalized bird form 
hanging from sky-band ; top view. 

^ For convenience tbis may be designated tbe anterior in distinction to that on the 
other side of the sky-band which may be termed the posterior semicircle. 



[ETH. ANN. 33 

The wings of figure 70 are outspread and the head consists of 
two terraced bodies conventionally jjlaced. The body and the tail 

of this figure are not ex- 
ceptional, but dragon flies 
are also represented. 

Figure 71 presents a con- 
ventionalized bird seen in 
profile, and a broad sky- 
band to which are attached 
representations of feathers 
and other organs suggest- 
ing a bird. 

An animal depicted in 
figure 72 is one of three 
similar figures from the 
neck of the same vase, 
which are connected by a 
line or band. The design 
shown in figure 73 repre- 
sents a highly conventionalized bird hanging from the sky-band 
with head and wings on one side and tail feathers below. 


Fig. 70.- 

-Conventionalized bird form hanging from 
slvy-band ; top view. 

The designs ^lown in figure 74 represent the simplest forms of 
birds attached lengthwise to the sky-band. The parallel lines on the 
left hand of the observer 
are supposed to repre- 
sent tail feathers and the 
curve on the right, the 
heads, or possibly the 

One of the best designs 
representing a bird at- 
tached to a sky-band is 
shown in figure 75, taken 
from a bowl in the Wat- 
tron collection now owned 
by the Field Columbian 
Museum, of Chicago. The 
interior surface of this 
bowl is considerably worn 
by use, and the figure 
a little indistinct, but the 
extremities of a band appear. There is a fairly realistic figure on 
each side of a bird with head and wings above and tail below a 


Fig. 71.- 

•Conventionalized bird form hanging from 
sky-band ; top view. 




diametrical band. There are zigzag markings, sujDposed to repre- 
sent lightning, on the under side of the wing. The tail is spread 
out amply enough to show the different feathers which compose it; 
and at the bases or on its under side corresponding in position with 
like symbols on the wing there appear two zigzag figure,?. The 
significance of two curved bodies 
hanging from the sky-band, one 
on each side of the tail of this 

Fig. 73. — ConventiODalized bird 
form hanging from sky-band ; 
top view. 

I''iii. 72. — Conventionalized bird form 
hanging from slcy-band ; top view 

figure, can not be satisfactorily interpreted, but the bird design shown 
in figure 76 has four tail feathers, a prolongation on the opposite side 
representing a head, and a curved extension comparable with a wing 
in other figures. The so-called 

wing terminates 


m a 

The two designs, figures 76 and 
77, have parts which evidently 
correspond, the latter being one 
of the most beautiful in the col- 
lection. Both represent from the 
side an unknown bird hanging 
from a band extending across the 
middle of the bowls. Although 
the details of organs are more 
carefully depicted in the latter, 
there can hardly be a doubt that 
similar animals were intended in 
both designs. 

It requires some imagination 
to discover a conventionalized 
bird in figure 78, but we may 
regard it as such. We have in this figure a good example of a change 
in outline that may be produced by duplication or by representing 
both sides of the body or its organs and appendanges in the same 


74. — Lateral view of bird hanging 
from sky-band. 



[ETH. ANN. 33 


75. — Lateral view of bird hanging 
from sky-band. 

place. Three tail feathers are here api^arent ; the body is square, with 
zigzag white lines, and the head, here twisted into a vertical position, 
has a triangular form. The two crescentic appendages, one on 

the right side, the other on the 
h^"^ left, represent halves of wings 

which are theoretically supposed 
to have been slit longitudinally 
and folded backward ^ in order 
that both sides may be shown on 
the same plane; the two bodies 
arising from the concave edges 
of these crescents — one to the left, 
tlie other to the right of the 
square bod y — represent legs. 
Their unusual form is brought 
about by a twisting of body and 
tail, by which feathers of the 
latter are brought to longitudinal 
position, and one of the legs is twisted to the right side and the other 
to the left. If the two appendages supposed to represent the legs or 
the two parts shaped like crescentlike knives were brought together, 
the two crescents would likewise merge into one, and we would then 
have a highly conventionalized bird with three tail feathers and a 
triangular head, the body being represented by a square design 
crossed diagonalh' by zigzag fig- 
ures each in its own rectangular 
inclosed field. 

Dkcorations on Kxtekiors of Food 

The exterior surface of almost 
every bowl from Sikyatki is deco- 
rated with lines or geometrical de- 
signs. Many of these designs may 
represent animals, probably birds 
highly conventionalized or so aber- 
rant that the avian form can be 
recognized only by comparative or 
morphological studies. They are 
confined to one side of the bowl; 
there appears to be little resem- 
blance and no connection between them and the figure depicted on the 
inside of the same bowls. Although linear in form, one end is some- 
times so crooked or bent at an angle, not curved, as to form a head, 
while the other bears j^arallel lines, representations of the tail feath- 
ers, terraces, or triangles. 

Fig. 70.- 

Luti'ial view of bird with ex- 
exteuded wiug. 

^ See also Seventeenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pi. cr,, a, and cxLvi, d. 





Lateral view of bird hanging 
from sky-band. 

In plate 80, a, we have a characteristic example of one of these 
exterior decorations. The crooked end is siipi)()sed to I'epresent a 
bird's head; to the other end, or tail, are appended six feathers like 
those already considered. A row 
of five stars is sti'ung along the 
band. A likeness to a bird is very 
obscure in h. while c shows several 
simple triangles with stepped fig- 
ures in the middle and triangles at 
the ends. Design d has a square 
form and two triangles appended 
to each opposite angle. The ap- 
pendages on the remaining op- 
posite angles have four paral- 
lel lines. Design e consists of 
two highly conventionalized 
bird symbols, united to a third 
which forms the interior de- 

The design / recalls the sky-band described in the preceding pages. 
The extremities of this so-called band are enlarged into round spots 
from which arise parallel lines and triangular designs. From it 
hang terraced and crooked figures, while strung along one side at 

equal intervals are five 
stars, a common accom- 
paniment of sky symbols. 
The bii'd symbol comes out 
clearlj' in g, where the 
crook design with terraces 
is repeated. 

All crooked figures have 
a similarity in general 
form, some more closely 
resembling birds than 
others, and it is taken for 
granted that the intention 
of the artist was to repre- 
sent a bird in plate 81, a, 
notwithstanding the avian 
form is highly convention- 
alized. Design h is com- 
posite, consisting of a rectangular figure, to the angles of which 
are attached feathers. Terraced and triangular figures of un- 
known significance, stai-s, and other designs cover the rectangle. 
Design c is made uj) of a triangle with notched borders and a central 
rectangle with a dot characterizes this design ; it has also two tri- 

FiG. 7S. — Lateral view of bird haugiug from sky-band. 

250 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

angular extensions that, may represent feathers. Design d resembles 
previous figures identified as feathers and terraces hanging from a 

The most prominent part of the design e is a crook and parallel 
lines. In / are variously combined triangles with appended feathers, 
crooks, and terraced designs, so united as to make up a compound 
decoration of geometric character. 

The geometrical designs in the series, plate 82, a-/, may be inter- 
preted as representing birds in flight or with extended wings. Con- 
sidered in this way, it ajDpears that we have in the figure on each side 
a highly conventionalized wing forming triangles with extensions at 
one angle, ending in terraces, crooks, or other designs. In these 
figures we constantly have a line that may be likened to the sky -band, 
each end generally terminating in a dot to which parallel lines are 

Design a has two triangular bodies resembling the letter W, and 
the line terminating in two dots has two crossbars, while in h there 
is a union of designs. Elongated triangles terminate in lines which 
are enlarged into dots. These triangles are modified on one side 
into crooks with smaller triangles. 

From remote resemblances rather than similarity of form, c is 
placed near the preceding. Here a band is enlarged at the end rep- 
resenting the knots with attached parallel lines or feathers. The 
triangular pendants of h and the line with terminal dots of a are 
here represented. On the middle vertical of this figure is a 
trapezoidal design with notched edges. 

The elements of d form a compound in which triangles predomi- 
nate. Two W-shaped designs, e and /, have a form quite unlike a, &, 
c, and d. Of these, / is the more complicated, but the similarity of 
the two is apparent. 

Plate 83, a, represents two triangles with serrate margins hanging 
to a horizontal band, one end of which terminates in dots and lines, 
the other with two parallel notched feathers. 

Plate 84, a-c, have the W shape shown in plate 82, e, // the ap- 
proach to the conventional bird form with extended wings and tail 
being most marked in a. Design d on plate 84 recalls plate 83, /, 
with modifications that are apparent. 

The above-mentioned geometrical figures from the exteriors of 
Sikyatki food bowls show considerable variety of form but all can 
be reduced to a few elemental designs throughout in which the 
curved line is absent. The rectangular design is always dominant, 
but it will be seen from the following plate that it is not omnipresent, 
especially on the interiors of bowls. 



=^^ — HnS 


















Curved Figube with Attached Feathers 

The curved spiral figures shown in plates 85 and 86 are combina- 
tions of simple and complicated designs, among the most conspicuous 
of which are feathers. When these figures are placed in the same 
position it is possible to recognize three or four components which 
are designated (a) spiral, (b) appendage to the tip of the spiral, 
(c) a bundle of feathers recalling a bird's tail, and (d) and (e) 
other parts of unknown homology occasionally represented. In plate 
85, A the appendage b to the spiral a is two triangles and two sup- 
plemental spirals arising from their attachments. There is no rep- 
resentation of c, d, or e in this figure. 

In B of the same plate the elements a, b, c, and d are represented. 
The appendage b attached to the tip of the spiral a has the form 
of a feather of the first type (see pi. 76), and four parallel 
lines, c, indicating feathers, are attached, to the body. The two 
toothlike appendages, e, of unknown significance, complete the fig- 
ure. In plate 85, C, the design a has two dots b on the distal tip, 
from one of which arises a number of lines. The fact that b in fig- 
ure 5 is a feather leads to the belief that b in figure C is the same 

Plate 85, D and E, have a resemblance in form, a and c being repre- 
sented in both ; b and e are wanting in E. The different elemijnts in 
these designs can be readily seen by comparing the same lettering in 
F and G, and in plate 86, A and B, where a new element, t, is intro- 

Plate 86, B and E, are highly conventionalized designs ; they sug- 
gest bird form, examples of which have been already considered 
elsewhere, but are very much modified. 

There can be no doubt that it was intended to represent birds or 
parts of birds as feathers in many of the above figures, but the 
perspective is so distorted that their morphology or relative position 
on the bird to which they belong can not be made out. In plate 86, A , 
for instance, the bird's body seems to be split in two parts and laid 
on a flat plane. The pendent body, t, in the middle would be a 
representation of a bird's tail composed of three feathers and with 
a double triangle terminating in dots from which arise lines of 
woidd-be feathers. 

Two of the parts, a and t, that occur in the last mentioned, are 
found in plate 86, B, in somewhat modified form. Thus the position 
of the tail feathers, f, figure C, is taken by feathers of a different 
form, their extremities being cut off flat and not cuned. The bundles 
of feathers in B and C are here reversed, the left side of B corre- 
sponding to the right of C, and the appendage on the left 'of the tail 



[ETH. ANN. 3S 

of B being represented by the appendage on the right of C. There 
are other remote likenesses between th^m. 

Spider and Insects 

Other flying animals, like bats and insects, are depicted on Sik- 
yatki pottery, but not as constantly as birds. The spider, and 
insects like the dragon fly, moth, and butterfly, are the most common. 
In Hopi mythology the spider^ and the sun are associated, the 
former being the sj^mbol of an earth goddess. Although no design 
that can be referred to the spider has yet been found on Sikyatki 
pottery, it is not wanting from Hopi (pi. 87, c). 

The symbol of the dragon fly, which occurs on several bowls from 
ancient Hopi ruins, is a line often enlarged at one end to form a 
head, and always with two crossbars near this enlargement to indi- 
cate wings. As this insect lives near springs and is constantly asso- 
ciated in modern symbolism with water it is probable that its occur- 
rence on ancient Hopi pottery has practically the same significance 
as in modern conceptions. 

Butterfly and Moth 

Five typical figures that may be referred to the butterfly or moth 
occur on Sikyatki pottery. These figures have in common a trian- 

gular body which suggests a highly 

T rr^ 'WWW conventionalized picture of a bird. 

-"- 1 Their wings are, as a rule, ex- 

tended horizontally, assuming the 
attitude of moths while at rest, 
there being only one of the five 
examples where wings are folded 
above the back, the normal position 
of these organs in a butterfly. 
With one exception, all these con- 
ventional butterfly figures bear 
two curved rows of dots on the 
head, probably intended to repre- 
sent antenna;. 

The figure of a moth in figure 79 
has a body of triangular form, 
and the extremities of the wings are shown on each side of a medially 
placed backward-extending projection, which is the posterior end 

iThe Knkj-an. or Spifler. clan is not made much of in Flop! legonfls eathprefl at WalpI, 
but Kokyanwiigti, tlie Spider woman, is an important supurnatural in tlie earliest my- 
tliologies. especially those of the Snake people. She was the mentor of the Snake youth 
in his journey to the underworld and an offering at her shrine is made in the Oraihi 
Snake dance. The picture of the spider with that of the sun suggests that the Spider 
woman is a form of the earth goddess. No personation of Spider" woman has been seen. 
by the author in the various ceremonies he has witnessed. 

Fig. 79. — Butterfly and flower. 




Fiii. SU. — Butterfly with extended proboscis. 

of the abdomen. These wings beai' white dots on their posterior 
edges suggesting the markings on certain genera of butterflies.^ 
There arises from tlie liead, which here is circidar, a single jointed 
appendage curved at the end, pos- 
sibly the antenna, and an unjointed 
appendage, like a proboscis, in- 
serted into a figure of a flower, 
mounted on a stalk that terminates 
at the other extremity in five 
l^arallel extensions or roots. A 
row of dots about the periphery 
of the flower suggests petals. The 
figures are accomj^anied b}' crosses 
representing stars. 

The second motli design ( fig. 80 ) 
has even a closer resemblance to 
a bird than the last, for it also has 
a single antenna or row* of dots 
connected by a curved line. It 

likewise has several curved lines resembling a crest of feathers on 
top of the head, and lines recalling the tail of a bird. Tlie head this 
figure bears is a cross suggesting a female butterfly or moth.- 

The body in figure 81 is crossed 
by five lines converging at one 
angle, imparting to it the appear- 
ance of having been formed by a 
union of several spherical triangles 
on each of which appear rectan- 
gular spaces painted black. Ahead 
is not differentiated from the body, 
but at the point of union of the 
five lines above mentioned there 
arise two rows of dots which have 
the form of circles, each inclos- 
ing a dot. From analogv' these are 
supposed to represent antennae. 
The middle of wing-shaped ex- 
tensions recalling butterfly de- 
signs are marked by circular figures in figure 8-2. but the absence 
in this figure of a head with jointed appendages renders it doubtful 
whether it represents an insect. The shape of the body and its 

1 Except that the head bears a Jointed antenna this figure might he identified as a 
hird. the long extension representini; the laird's Ijill. 

2 The figures of serpents on the sand mosaic of the Antelope altar at Walpi bear similar 
crosses or diagonals, crossing each other at right angles. The Antelope priests interpret 
this marking as a sign of the female. 

Fig. 81. — Highly conventionalized butterfly. 



[eTH. ANN. 33 

Fig. 82 


appendages resembling feathers indicate, so far as they go, that 
this design represents some bird. 

It will be noled that in one of the above-mentioned figures, identi- 
fied as a moth, flowers are indicated by dotted circles, while in an- 
other similar circle, figures, also sui-rounded with dots, are "repre- 
sented on the wings. One pair 
of wings is represented in the last- 
mentioned figure, but a second 
jDair placed behind the larger may 
have been confounded with the 
tail feathers. In one of these fig- 
ures from Sikyatki there is a row 
of dots around the margin of the 
wings — a common but not univer- 
sal feature in modern pictures of 
butterfly figures. None of the 
butterfly figures have representa- 
tions of legs, which is not strange 
considering how inconspicuous 
these appendages are among these 
A most striking figure of a butterfly is represented by six drawings 
on the so-called "butterfly vase" (fig. 83). These, like the above- 
mentioned, resemble birds, but they all have antennae, which identify 
them as insects. These six figures (pi. 90) are supposed to be con- 
nected with the six cardinal points which in modern Hopi belief have 
sex — (he butterfly corresponding to the north, male; to the west, 
female ; to the south, male ; to the 
east, female; to the above, male; 
and to the below, female. The 
wings of all these insects arc rep- 
resented as extended, the anterior 
pair extending far beyond the 
posterior, while both have a uni- 
form color and are without mar- 
ginal dots. The appendages to 
the head are two curved rows of 
dots representing antenna?, and 
two parallel lines are the mouth 
I^arts or possibly the proboscis. 
The markings on the bodies and 
the terminal parallel lines are like 
tail feathers of birds. The heads of three figures, instead of having 
diagonal lines, are covered with a crosshatching, b, i, b, and are 
supposed to represent the males, as the former, ct, a, a, are females.^ 

Fig. 83.— Moth. 

1 Rain, lightning, animals, plants, sky, anrl earlli. in tlie modern nopi conception, are 
supposed to have sex. 




A moth with a conventionalized geometric form is represented in 
figure Si with outstretched wings, a rounded abdomen, and a spotted 
rectangular body recalling designs on 
the upper embroidered margin of mod- 
ern ceremonial blankets. A like figure 
has been elsewhere described by the _ 

author as a butterfly.^ It occurs on the FiG.84.-Motnuiseometricalform. 

stone slab which once formed one side of an Awatobi altar.- "We 
have more complicated forms of butterflies represented in figures 

85-87, the identification of which is even more 

doubtful than the last. Figure 86 reproduces in 

its several parts figure 85, being composed of a 

central design, around which 

are arranged six triangles, 

one of the last being placed 

above, another below, the 

main figure, and there are 
two on each side. The design, figure 88, is 
circular, the alternately colored quadrants fig. so.— Highly conveu- 

. . ^ , , 1 • i- rri, tionalized butterfly. 

forming two hourglass combinations, ine 

double triangle, shown in figure 8i, resembles a butterfly symbol, 
having a close likeness to a figure of this insect found on the Awatobi 
tablet above mentioned. This figure also resembles triangular de- 
signs jjaintod on the walls of mod- 
ern Hopi rooms and in cliff-dwell- 
ings (Cliff Palace). These figures 
present very remote likenesses to 
butterfly symbols and their identi- 
fication as such is difiicult. 

Fig. 8C». — Geometrical 
form of moth. 


Fig. ST.— Geometrical form of moth. 

Geometrical Designs 

The geometrical designs on the pottery from Sikyatki consist of 
two well-recognized groups: (1) Purely ornamental or nonsymbolic 
geometrical figures, and (2) highly conventional 
life forms. Some of the figures of the second group 
may be geometrical representations of birds or other 
animals; but the former are simph- embellishments 
used to beautify the objects on which thej- are 
painted. Purely decorative designs, not being sym- 
bolic, will not be specially considered, as they do fig. ss. — circle 
not come within the scope of the present treatise. An ^' "^^^ *^^' 
interpretation of the significance of many of the second group of 
geometrical designs is not possible, although they probably represent 
animal forms. 

)r noiisymuoiic 

iThe Butterfly in Hopl Myth and Ritual, fig. 61, f. 
2 Ibid., p. 586. 

256 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTEKY [eth. ann. 33 

The strictly geometrical figures so frequently founa on pottery 
from Sikyativi recall the linear decorations almost universal in an- 
cient southwestern ware. 

No one who has carefully compared specimens of decorated pot- 
tery from Sikyatki with examples from any other southwestern re- 
gion could fail to be impressed with the differences in some of the 
geometrical designs from the two localities. Such designs on the 
Sikyatki ware are almost always rectangular, rarely curved. As 
compared with pottery from cli if -dwellings there is a paucity or 
entire absence of terraced designs in the ancient Hopi ware, while 
zigzags representing lightning are comparatively rare. The char- 
acteristic geometrical decorations on Sikyatki pottery are found on 
the outside of the food bowls, in which respect they are notably dif- 
ferent from those of other ceramic areas. Designs on Sikyatki pot- 
tery show few survivals of preexisting materials or evolution from 
transfer of those on textiles of any kind. Such as do exist are so 
masked that they shed little light on current theories of art evolution. 

The designs on ancient Hopi pottery are in the main mythological, 
hence their true interpretation involves a knowledge of the religious 
ideas and especially of such psychological elements as sympathetic 
magic, so prevalent among the Hopi of to-day. The idea that by 
the use of symbols man could influence supernatural beings was no 
doubt latent jn the mind of the potter and explains the character 
of the symbols in many instances. The fact that the bowls on which 
these designs are painted were found with the dead, and contained 
food for the departed, implies a cult of the dead, or at least a belief 
in a future life. 

Eain Clouds 

The most constant geometric designs on Pueblo pottery are those 
representing the rain cloud, and from analogy we would expect to 
find the rain-cloud figures conspicuously on ancient Hopi pottery. 
We look in vain on Sikyatki ware for the familiar semicircular 
symbols of rain clouds so constant among the modern Hopi ; nor do 
we find the rectangular terraced form which is equally common. 
These modifications were probably lately introduced into Hopiland 
by those colonists of alien clans who came after the destruction of 
Sikyatki, and consequently are not to be expected on its pottery. 
Their place was taken by other characteristitc forms closely allied 
to rectangular terraced figures from which hang parallel lines, rep- 
resenting falling rain in modern symbolism.^ The typical Sikyatki 
rain-cloud symbol is terraced without rain symbols and finds its 
nearest relative on pottery derived from the eastern pueblo region. 

1 Tntroducfd into the nopi pnplilos by colonists from the Rio Grande ; its most con- 
spicuous variant can be seen on the tablets worn in a masked dance called Humis (Jemez) 


The form of rain-cloud symbol on Sikyatki pottery may be regarded 
as characteristic of the Kokop clan which, according to legends, 
settled this ancient pueblo. Modified variants of this form of rain- 
cloud symbol occur on almost every specimen in the Sikyatki collec- 
tion, and can be seen hanging from " sky-bands " with appended 
star signs or without such connections. 

The most common Sikj-atki symbol of a rain cloud is shown in fig- 
ui'e 89 and plate 90, /, g. These rain-cloud designs rarely occur singly, 
being more often six in number, as if 
intended to represent the six cardinal 
points recognized in Hopi ceremonies. 
We find the Sikyatki ruin-cloud sj'mbols 
resembling somewhat those of the mod- 
ern Zuhi, or figures of clouds found on 

., , J • i- n • T -iii Fig. 89. — Rain cloud. 

the characteristic designs on Little 

Colorado ceramics. Somewhat similar angular terraced forms are 

almost universally used in eastern pueblos as rain-cloud symbols, but 

the semicircular forms (fig. 90) of modern Hopi ceremonials, being 

apparently a highly specialized modification, rarely occur on Sikyatki 



The star sign occurs as an equal armed cross formed by the ap- 
proximation of four squares, leaving a central uncolored area. It is 

generally accomi^anied by a rain-cloud 
symbol or bird figures, although likewise 
found without them. "We often find one 
arm of the component arms of the cross 
mmmmm^^mmmm missing and two of the remaining arms 

1 i^ii— adherent to a band; often these crosses 
^^^^■^QI^Ql^^^ have a circular enlargement at the junc- 
FiG. 90— Rain cloud. ^^^^ ^^ their arms. A simple equal armed 

cross is the sole decoration on the interior 
of numerous food bowls, and there are several examjjles of St. 
Andrew's crosses, the triangular arms of which have been in- 
terpreted as representing four conventionalized birds; no exam- 
ple of a cross with unequal arms has yet been found on Sikyatki 

These crosses, like that with four arms representing the Sky god 
in modern Hopi symbolism, probably represent the Heart of the Sky. 
A similar cross is figured on paraphernalia used in modern Hopi 
rites or on altar slabs; when it is represented by a wooden frame, it 
is called tokpela, and hangs before the altar. The same object is 
sometimes attached horizontally to the top of the helmet of the 
74936°— 19— 33 eth 17 

258 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

personification of the Sky god.^ The swastilia is rare in ancient 
pottery and was not found at Sikyatki, although a single example was 
dug up at Awatobi and a few others were obtained from the Little 
Colorado ruins. 

A multiple cross, formed of three parallel lines crossing three others 
at an angle, generally accompanies certain conventionalized figures 
of birds and in one example there are two multiple crosses, one on 
one side and one on another of a moth or butterfly symbol. The 
multiple cross is supposed to represent six canes used in a game, 
and on a prehistoric decorated bowl from ancient Shongopovi,- we 
find what appears to be a highly conventionalized bird figure occu- 
pying one-half of the interior of the bowl, while four figures repre- 
senting these canes appear on the other. The bird figure, in this 
instance, is interpreted as a gambler's god, or a representation of the 
god of chance. 

Sun Emblems 

The most conventionalized sun emblem is a circle or ring with 
attached feathers. The Sikyatki design (pi. 87, 6) is a circle bear- 
ing on its periphery appendages believed to represent feathers, 

with accompanying lineSj gen- 
erally painted red, to represent 
the raj's of the sun.^ 

The identification of the bird 
whose feathers are used in sun 
emblems has not yet been made, 
although the position of similar 
feathers on the body of other bird 
designs suggests that they repre- 
sent eagle feathers. The feather 
of the eagle is commonly associ- 
FiG. 91.— Ring with appended feathers. ^^^^ ^-jjij \jq^^ aucient and mod- 
em pictures representing the sun. Thus we have on a vessel from 
Sikyatki in figure 91 a design bearing four feathers arranged at in- 
tervals a quadrant apart alternating with radiating lines. If we 
interpret this figure in the light of modern symbolism the circle 

^ One symbol of the Sky god has the form of a Lightning god. It has a single curved 
horn on the head, lightning symbols on the legs, and carries a wooden framework in one 
hand and a bull-roarer in the other. 

'Twenty-second Ann. Rcpt. Bur. Ethn., pt. 1, flg. 74. 

' In modern Hopi symbolism the sun is a disk with representations of eagle feathers 
around the periphery and radial lines at each quadrant, symbolic of the sun's rays. In 
disks worn on the back where real feathers are used the radial lines, or the sun's rays, are 
represented by horsehair stained red. In ceremonials the Sky god is personated by a bird 
whose figure occurs on Sikyatki pottery. 






ii i! 






Fig. 92. — Two circles with figure. 

would be regarded as the sun and the feathers would be identified 
as eagle feathers, while the lines might be considered to represent 
the red ra}'s of the four cardinal points. 
In a bowl found at old Shongo- 
povi, a ruin inhabited at the same epoch 
as Sikyatki, the sun takes the form of a 
sky bird. In this design the ring figure 
is replaced by a bird with wings, tail, 
and a beak, evidently the sun bird, hawk, 
or eagle (pi. 88, a). 

A theoretical interpretation of plate 88, 6, is facilitated by a com- 
parison of it with the design painted on a bowl from the Wat- 

tron collection, now in the Field Colum- 
bian Museum. As this has all the 
parts represented in figure 75, the con- 
clusion would naturally be that the in- 
tention of the artist was to represent a 
bird figure. 

Ring or circle shaped figures are found 
on several bowls from Sikyatki, and in 
one case (fig. 92) we find two circles 
side by side separated by a rectangular 
figure. The meaning of these rings and 
the accompanying design is not known. 
Concentric circles diametrically accompanied with two figures, 
one with a head and two lateral feathers, the other with the 
form of a hash-knife figure, are shown 
in figure 93. 

In figure 94 the appendages of the 
ring design or sun emblem is much 
more complicated than any of the pre- 
ceding. Each of the four quadrants 
has two appendages, a cluster with two 
feathers, and a curved body with a 
sickle-shaped extension, the whole giv- 
ing a swastika-like appearance to the 
design. The intei-ior of the circle is 
likewise complicated, showing a structure difficult to interpret. From 
comparisons with preceding figui'es this is likewise regarded as a 
sun emblem.^ 

* In the Hopi ceremony. Powatawu, as performed at Oraibi, a picture representing the 
sun composed of a number of concentric circles of four different colors is made of sand 
on the liiya floor. 

Fig. 93. — Sun with feathers. 

Sun symbol. 




Fig. 95. 

Fig. 9lJ. — Ring figure with los 
and appended feathers. 

The ring or circle shown in figure 95 hangs from a band that 
may be likenerl to the sky-band of previous description.^ A tri- 
angle- is attached to the upper side of 
this band, while appended to the ring 
itself there is a featherlike object corre- 
sponding to a bird's tail and wing. This 
figure is unique in the Sikyatki collection 
of ancient Hopi pictograph}-. 

In figure 96 we find a leg appended to 
the lower side of the ring Ijalanced by 
three wing 
feathers above 

- Ring with appended Or On the OppO- 
feathers. g^tg gj^g^ ^^^^ 

curved or crescentic extensions project- 
ing from the rear, diametrically ojDposite 
which arises a curved body (head) with 
terminating sickle-shaped prolongation. 
This figure may be considered a bird 
design, having the tail twisted from a 
lateral to a vertical position and the wing raised from the body. 
In figure 97 we find a similar ring still further modified, the ap- 
pendages to it being somewhat different. The ring is here broader 

than the last, inclosing an area 
crossed by two lines forming a 
cross, with short parallel lines 
at the ends of each arm. There 
is a head showing a circular 
face with dots indicating eyes 
and mouth. The head bears a 
crest of feathers between two 
horns. Here we have in place 
of the appendage to the lower 
side an elongated curved pro- 
jection extending to the left, 
balanced by a short, stumpy, 
curved appendage on the right, 
while between these append- 
ages hang four parallel lines 
the highly conventional feathers of a tail. The horns 
with the crest of feathers between them recall the crest of the Sun 

Fig. 97. — Sun emblem with appended feathers. 


1 If we interpret the sky-hand as the path of the sun in the zenith the solar emblem 
hanging to it is signilicant. 

^ Some of the signitieant sun masks used by the Hopi have the mouth indieated by a 
triangle, others by hourglass designs. 


god, of the Kachina clan, called Tunwup, a Sky god who flogs the 
children of modern Walpi. 

The ring design in figure 98 has a bunch of three feathers in each 
quadrant, recalling the feathers of a sun emblem so well shown with 
other kinds of feathers in plate 76, h. 

In figure 99 we have a circle witli four 
appended bifurcated geometrical extensions 
projecting outward on the periphery, and 
recalling fcatherless tails of birds. This is 
also a highl}' conventionalized sun emblem 
reduced to a geometrical figure. 

In connection with all these circular fig- 
ures may be considered that shown in figure 
92, the form of which is highly suggestive. ^'o- 9S.— suu symbol. 
In the various modifications above mentioned we detect two elements, 
the ring and its peripheral appendages, interpreted as feathers, head, 
feet, and other bird organs. Sometimes the ring predominates, some- 
times the feathers, and sometimes a bird figure replaces all, the ring 
being lost or reduced in size. This variation is primitive and quite 

consistent with the Pueblo concep- 
tions and analogies known to occur 
in Hopi ceremonial paraphernalia. 
This variation illustrates what is 
elsewhere said about the influence of 
the magic powier on the pictorial art 
of Hopi.^ 

The sun, to the Hopi mind, is 
likewise represented by a bird, 
or a compound of both becomes 
a Sky-god emblem; the horned 
serpent is the servant of the Sky 

Fio. 99. — Sun symbol. i 

We find among the modern Hopi several disks with markings 
and decorations of such a character that they are identified as 
representations of the sun. One of these is worn by the leader of the 
kachinas in a ceremony called the Powamfi, an elaborate rite, the 
jjurpose of which is to pui'ify from evil influences. This Sun god ' 

1 Pictures made by prehistoric man embody, first, when possible, the power of the 
animal or thing represented, or its essential characteristics ; and second, the realistic 
form, shape, or outline. 

^ Several Hopi clans celebrate in a slightly different way the return of their Sun god, 
which is known by different names amons them. The return of the Sun god of the 
Kachina clan at Walpi, commonly called Ahiil, is elsewhere described. Shalako, the Sun 
god of the Patki clans, was derived from the Little Colorado region, the same source from 
which the Zuui obtained their personage of the same name. His return is celebrated on 
the East Mesa of the Ilopi at Sicbomovi, the " ZuDi pueblo among the Qopi." I'autiwa 
is a Sun god of Zuni elans at Sicbomovi and is personated as at Zuni pueblo. Kwat.ika, 
or the Sun god whose return is celebrated at Walpi in the winter solstice, Soyaluna, is 
associated with the great plumed serpent, a personation derived from the peoples of the 
Gila or some other river who practice irrigation. Eototo is a Sikyatkl Sun god, derived 
from near Jemez. and is celebrated by Keres colonists. 


is called Ahiil, and the SA'mbolism of his mask, especially feathers 
attached to the head, suggests some of the Sikyatki designs con- 
sidered above. 


The word j)ahoki, prayer-stick house or " shrine," is applied by the 
modem Hopi to the receptacle, commonly a ring of stones, in which 
prayer offerings are deposited, and receives its name from the special 
supernatural personage worshij^ed. These shrines are regarded as 
sacred by the Hopi and are particularly numerous in the neighbor- 
hood of the Hopi mesas.^ They are ordinarih^ simply rude inclo- 
sures made of stones or flat stone slabs set on edge, forming boxes, 
which may either be closed or open on one side. The simplest pic- 
tographic representation of such a shrine is the same as that of a 
house, or a circular or rectangular figure. A similar design is drawn 
in meal on the floor of the kiva or traced with the same material on 
the open plaza wlien the priest wishes to represent a house or shrine. 
Elaborate pictures made of different colored sands to represent gods 
are often inclosed by encircling lines, the whole called a house of 
the gods. Thus the sand picture on the Antelope altar of the Snake 
dance is called the house of the rain-cloud beings.^ When reptiles 
are washed on the ninth day of the Snake dance they are said to be 
thrown into the house, a sand picture of the mountain lion. It is 
customary to make in some ceremonies not only a picture of the god 
worshiped, but also a representation of his or her house. The custom 
of adding a picture of a shrine to that of the supernatural can be seen 
by examining a series of pictures of Hopi kachinas. Here the shrine 
is a rain-cloud symbol introduced to show that the house of the 
kachina represented is a rain cloud. 

Sikyatki bowls decorated with figures identified as supematurals 
often bear accompanying designs which may, from comparative 
reasoning, be interpreted as shrines of the supernatural being de- 
picted. They have at times a fonn not unlike that of certain sand 
pictures, as in the case of the curved figiu-e accompanying a highly 
conventionalized plumed serpent. A great variety of figures of this 
kind are found on Sikyatki bowls,^ and often instead of being a 
rectangular figure they may be elongated more like a prayer offering. 

The rectangular figiu'e that accompanies a representation of a 
great horned serpent (fig. 100) may be interpreted as the shrine 
house of that monster, and it is to be mentioned that this shrine ap- 
pears to be surrounded by radial lines representing curved sticks 

■■ Fewkes, Ilopi Shrines Xoar the East Mesa, Arizona, pp. 346-375. 

' The sand picture made by the Antelope priest is regarded as a house of the rain gods 
depicted upon it. 

3 Seventeenth Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. EtJin., pt. 2. 




like those set around sand pictures of 
altars of the Snake ceremonies at Walpi/ 

Fig. 100. — Horned snake with conventionalized shrine. 

the Snake and Antelope 

It is suggest- 
ed that the fig- 
ure below the 
mountain sheep 
(see fig. 18) 
and the circles 
with dots ac- 
the butterfly 
and bird de- 
signs may also 
shrines. At- 
tention is also 
called to the 
fact that each 
of the six ani- 
mal figures of 
t h e elaborate 
butterfly vase 
(pi. 90, c) is ac- 
companied by a 
rectangular de- 
sign represent- 
ing a shrine in 
which feathers 
are visible, 
fijxures 101 

The general forms of these shrines are shown in 
and 102. The one shown in figure 103 is especially instructive 
from its association with a highly conventionalized 
r~ — \ \ animal. 

— — ' i The Sikv'atki epoch of Hopi ceramics is more 

closely allied to early Keresan^ than to ancient 
Tanoan, and has many likenesses to modern Keresan 
pottery. In fact, none of the distinctive figures have 

a yet been found on true Tanoan ware in any great 
numbers. There appear also no evidences of incre- 

^ The author has a drawing of the Snake altar at Michongnovi by 
an Indian, in which these crooks are not represented vertically but 
horizontally, a position illustrating a common method of drawing 
among primitive people who often represent vertical objects on a 
An illustration of this is seen in pictures of a medicine howl where 
the terraces on the rim normally vertical are drawn horizontally. 

^ In using this term the author refers to an extreme area in one corner of which still 
survive pueblos, the inhabitants of which speak Keres. 

Fio. 101.— Shrine 
horizontal plane. 



[BTH. ANN. 33 

Fig. 102.— Shrine. 

ments peculiai- to the Little ■Colorado culture center of which Zuiii 
is the modern survival ; consequently we look in vain for evidence of 

early communication between these 
two centers; possibly Sikyatki fell 
before Zuiii attained any promi- 
nence in the Little Colorado area.^ 

Symbols Introduced from San 
Juan Eiver Settlements 

Although the majority of Hopi 
priests declare that the earliest 
clan to settle Walpi was the Bear, 
coming from the east, by far the 
largest number of early colonists 
are said to belong to the Snake 
people which came from Tokonabi 
and other great settlements on 
tributaries of the San Juan in 
northern Arizona. The route of 
their migration is fairly well known from legendary sources sup- 
ported in late years by some limited excavations that have been made 
in ruins along its course, 
so that we know something 
of the character of the 
Snake pottery and the sym- 
bols, which these early col- 
onists brought to the Bear 
settlement at the base of 
the Eitst Mesa. These are 
not unlike those found 
along the San Juan and its 
tributaries from the Mesa 
Verde to Wukoki near the 
Black Falls on the Little 
Colorado, west of the Hopi 

This ware is commonlv 

Fig. 103. 

- Conventionalized 

winged bird with 

either black and white, or 
red, and can be readily distinguished from that of Sikyatki by the 
wealth of geometrical decorations and the poverty of such animal 
figures as birds, reptiles, and insects. The designs of that early epoch 
appear to be uniform and hardly distinctive from those that occur 
in all parts of the Southwest. 

' There is no published evidence in Znfil legends that Silsyatki received increments 
from that pueblo. 


We may judge of the character of the symbols and designs on 
pottery from the San Juan and fi-om the ruins of Wukoki on the 
Black Falls of Little Colorado. It is characterized by an abun- 
dance of geometric figures and an almost total absence of life forms 
or painted figures of men and animals. The pottery is thin, well 
made, and sometimes colored red, but the majority of specimens are 
gray or black-and-white ware not especially ditferent from a wide- 
spread type occurring pretty generally throughout the Southwest. 
Coiled and incised ware is more abundant than smooth painted, but 
these are not as varied in form as later examples. There is no evi- 
dence available that there was any very great dilference between the 
Hopi pottery decorations of the fii-st epoch and that of contemporary 
time in the Southwest. When the Snake clans arrived at Walpi 
they found the village of Bear people living on the terrace at the 
base of the East Mesa, possessed of a sj^mbolism like that of Sikv'atki. 
The combined clans, Bear and Snake, were later joined by the Horn 
and Flute, and it is not unlikely that some of the likenesses between 
the pottery symbols of the settlement on the terrace below Walpi 
and Sikyatki may have developed about this time.^ 

The designs on tlie ceramics of the Snake clans are best illus- 
trated by the prehistoric pottery from ruins and cliff -dwellings in 
Utah and along the San Juan area, where geometrical patterns 
far outnumber those representing life forms. This doe^ not deny 
that many of the pieces of pottery from this region are finely made, 
equal in technique perhaps to some of the Sikyatki, but the geo- 
metric designs on San Juan pottery and that from Sikyatki are 
radically different. This difference conforms with tradition that 
the Snake clans left their homes at Tokonabi, in the San Juan 
region, and came to Hopi after the foundation of Sikyatki, which 
had probably developed its beautiful ceramic art before Walpi was 
settled. There is no evidence that the potters of the Snake clan 
ever introduced any modification in the symbolic decoration of 
pottery by the women of Sikyatki. 

Symbols Introduced by the Sxake People 

The designs on pottery taken from prehistoric ruins of pueblos 
or villages once inhabited by tlie Snake clans claim the archeologist's 
especial attention. These clans were the most important early addi- 
tions to the Hopi villages and no doubt influenced early Hopi 
symbolism. There is little trace in early pottery that can be rec- 
ognized as peculiar to the Snake. The Snake clans formerly lived 
at Betatakin, Kitsiel, and neighboring ruins. 

1 Since the author's work at Sikyatki. excavations have heen made hy the Field Colum- 
bian Museum at this ruin, but nothing bearing on the relations of symbols has been pub- 
lished so far as known to the writer. 

266 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

Among many significant diflFerences that occur between the de- 
signs on pottery from the ruins in Navaho National Monument and 
those of Sikyatki may be mentioned the rarity of bii-d designs and 
the conventional feathers above described. Parallel lines and tri- 
angles have been found on the pottery from Kitsiel and Betatakin. 
Terraced figures are common; spirals are rare. Pottery designs 
from this region are simpler and like those of the Mesa Verde cliff- 
houses and the ruins along the San Juan Eiver. Not only do the 
designs on prehistoric Sikyatki pottery have little resemblance to 
those from Tokonabi, a former home of the Snake clan, but the 
pottery from this region of Arizona is of coarser texture and differ- 
ent color. It is the same as that of the San Juan area, the decora- 
tions on which are about uniform with those from the Mesa Verde 
and Chelly Canyon. The best vases and bowls are of red or black- 
and-white ware. 

In the pottery symbols of the clans that lived at Tokonabi (Kit- 
siel, Betatakin, etc.) the archaic predominated. The passage archi- 
tecturally from the fragile-walled dwelling into Prudden's pueblo 
" unit type " had taken place, but the pottery had not yet been 
greatly modified. Even after the Snake clans moved to Wukoki, 
near the Black Falls of the Little Colorado, we still find the sur- 
vival of geometrical designs characteristic of the prepuebloan epoch. 
Consequently when the Snake clans came to Walpi and joined the 
Hopi they brought no new symbols and introduced no great changes 
in symbols. The influence of the clans from the north was slight- 
too small to greatly influence the development of Hopi symbolism. 


The Tanoan epoch in the chronology of Hopi pottery symbolism 
is markedly different from the Keresan. It began with the influx 
of Tanoan clans, either directly or by way of Zuni and the Little 
Colorado, being represented in modern times by the early creations 
of Hano women, like Nampeo. It is clearly marked and readily 
distinguished from the Sikyatki epoch, being well represented in 
eastern museums by pottery collected from Hano, the Tewan pueblo 
on the East Mesa. 

Migrations of Tanoan clans into the Hopi country began verv 
early in Hopi history, but waves of colonists with Tanoan kinship 
came to Walpi at the close of the seventeenth century as a result of 
the great rebellion (1680), when the number of colonists from the 
Eio Grande pueblos was very large. The Badger, Kachina, Asa, 
and Hano clans seem to have been the most numerous and important 
in modifying sociological conditions, especially at the East Mesa of 
the Hopi. Some of these came directly to Walpi, others entered bj; 



way of Zuni, and still others by way of Awatobi. They brought 
with them Tanoan and Keresan symbolism and Little Colorado 
elements, all of which were incorporated. The Tanoan symbols are 
very difficult to diflFerentiate individually but created a considerable 
modification in the artistic products, as a whole. 

The symbolism that the colonists from the Little Colorado settle- 
ments brought to Walpi was mixed in character, containing certain 
Gila Valley elements. Among the last-mentioned were increments 
derived directly from Zuiii, as shown in the symbolism of their pot- 
tery. Among the most important thus introduced were contributions 
of the Asa, Kachina, Badger, and Butterfly clans. The most im- 
portant element from the Little Colorado clans that originally came 
from the Gila Valley (Palatkwabi) are those connected with the 
plumed serpent.^ It is possible to trace successive epochs in the 
history of ceramic decoration in the Little Colorado ruins and to 
identify, in a measure, the clans with which these epochs were asso- 
ciated, but to follow out this identification in this jDaper would take 
me too far afield and lead into a discussion of areas far distant from 
the Hopi, for it belongs more especially to the history of ceramic 
decorations of Zuni decoration and composition.* In the present 
article all the Little Colorado influences are treated as belonging to 
the Tanoan epoch, which seems to have been the dominant one in the 
Little Colorado when emigration, comparatively _ modern in time, 
began to Hopi. 

Stmbols Introduced from the Little Colorado 

After the destruction of Sikyatki there was apparently a marked 
deterioration in the excellence of Hopi ceramics, which continued as 
late as the overthrow of Awatobi, when the Sikyatki epoch ceased. 
Shortly before that date and for a few years later there was a 
notable influx of foreigners into Hopiland; a number of southern 
clans from the Little Colorado successively joined the Hopi, bringing 
with them cultural conceptions and symbolic designs somewhat 
different from those existing previously to their advent. Among 
these clans are those known in migration legends as the Patki peoples. 
Although we can not distinguish a special Patki epoch in Hopi 
ceramics, we have some ideas of the nature of Patki symbolism 
from large collections from Homolobi, Chevlon, and Chavez Pass. 

'The Tanoan people (clans) also introduced a horned snake, bnt different in symbolism 
from that of the Patki clans. 

2 The oldest potteiy in the Zuiii Valley belongs to the same group as that of the oldest 
Little Colorado ruins and shows marked Gila Valley symbolism. The modern pottery of 
Zuui is strongly influenced by Tanoan characters. As tlicse have been transmitted to 
Hopi they are considered under the term " Tanoan epoch," derived from Little Colorado 
settlements to which Zuiii culturally belongs. 

268 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. ss 

From traditions and ceremonial objects now in use we also know 
something of the nature of the objective symbols they introduced into 
Walpi, and we can detect some of these on pottery and other objects 
used in ceremonies at Walpi. Some of these symbols did not come 
directly from the Little Colorado ruins, but went first to Awatobi 
and from there to Walpi ^ after the destruction of the former pueblo 
in the autumn of the year 1700. The arrival of southern clans at the 
East Mesa with their characteristic symbols occurred approximately 
in the seventeenth century, about 200 years after the date of the 
discovery of Hopi by Tovar. Awatobi received the Rabbit, Tobacco, 
and other clans from this migration from the south between the years 
1632 and 1700, and Walpi received the Patki shortly after or at the 
same time the Hano clans came from the far east. The similarities 
in ancient pottery from the Little Colorado and that belonging to the 
Sikyatki ejDoch can not be ascribed to anything more profound than 
superficial contact. It is not probable that the ancient pottery of 
Awatobi or that of Kawaika and other Keres pueblos on the Awatobi 
mesa or in the adjacent plain was modified in any considerable degree 
by incoming clans from the south, but survived the Sikyatki epoch 
a century after Sikyatki had been destroyed. 

The advent of the clans from the Little Colorado into the Hopi 
country was too late to seriously affect the classic period of Hopi 
ceramics ; it appears also not to have exerted any great influence on 
later times. Extensive excavations made at Homolobi, Chevlon, and 
Chavez Pass have revealed much pottery which gives a good idea of 
the symbolism characteristic of the clans living along this valley, 
which resembles in some respects the classic Hopi pottery of the time 
of Sikyatki, but several of these likenesses date back to a time before 
the union of the Hopi and Little Colorado clans. As a rule the bird 
figures on pottery from Homolobi, Chevlon, Chavez Pass, and other 
representative Little Colorado ruins are more realistic and less con- 
ventionalized and complex than those from Sikyatki. The peculiar 
forms of feathers found so constantly in the latter do not occur in the 
former, nor does the sky-band with its dependent bird figure ever 
occur on Little Colorado ware. We are here dealing with less-devel- 
oped conventionalism, a cruder art, and less specialized symbolism. 
Even if the colors of the pottery did not at once separate them, the 
expert can readily declare whether he is dealing with a bowl from 
Sikyatiii or Homolobi. There are, to be sure, likenesses, but well- 
marked differences of local development. The resemblances and dif- 
ferences in the case of bird figures on prehistoric Hopi ware and that 
from the ruins on the Little Colorado can be readily shown by consid- 
ering figures 105, 106, and 107, found at Homolobi and Chevlon, and 

^ Pakatcomo in the plain below Walpi was tlieir first Hopi settlement. 




the corresponding preceding bird figures. It may be interesting to 
instance another example. Figure 104 shows a lateral view of a bird 
with wings extended, bearing marginal dentations representing feath- 
ers on the breast and a tail composed of four triangular feathers and 
two eyes, each with iris and pupil. The upper and lower jaws in this 
figure are extended to form a beak, as is customary in bird designs 
from the Little Colorado ruins, but never found at Sikyatki. In 
figure 105 we have another lateral view of a characteristic bird design. 

Fig. 104. — Lateral view of bird with double eyes. 

from the Little Colorado region, and figures lOG and 107 show hour- 
glass bodies, a special feature of the same region. 

In the same way many other distinctive characteristics separating 
figures of animals from the two regions might be mentioned. Those 
above given may suffice to show that each is distinctive and in a way 
specialized in its development, but the main reason to believe that 
the clans from the Little Colorado never affected the symbolism of 
Sikyatki is the fact that the latter ruin was destroyed before these 
clans joined the Hopi villages. 

270 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

The ruins Homolobi and Chevlon were probably inhabited well 
into historic times, although there is no archeological evidence that 
artifacts from them were modified by European influences. The 
symbolism on pottery shows that their culture was composite and 
seems to have been the result of acculturation from both south and 
east. Some of the clans, as the Tobacco, that peopled these settle- 
ments joined Awatolu before its overthrow, while others settled at 
Pakatcomo, the ruins of which near Walpi are still visible, and later 
united with the people of the largest village of the East !Mesa. So 
far as known. Sikyatki had been destroyed before any considerable 

number of people had entered 
the Hopi country from the 
Little Colorado,^ the event oc- 
curring comparatively late in 

The pottery from the Little 
Colorado differs from prehis- 
toric Hopi ware much less 
with respect to geometrical 
designs than life forms. The 
break in the encircling line, 
or, as it is called, the life gate, 
which is almost universally 
found on the ancient Hopi 
vases, bowls, dippers, and 
other objects, occurs likewise 
FIG. 105.— Lateral view of bird with double eyes, q^ pottery from Little Colo- 
rado ruins. Some of the encircling lines from this region have more 
than one break, and in one instance the edges of the break have 
appendages, a rare feature found in both prehistoric Hopi and Little 
Colorado ware.^ 

The influence of Keres culture on Zufii may be shown in several 
ways, thus: A specimen of red ware from a slirine on Thunder 
Mountain, an old Zufii site, is decorated with symbolic feathers 
recalling those on Sikyatki ware ascribed to eastern influence. The 
nonappearance of Keres and Tewa sj'mbols on ancient pottery from 
the Zuiii Valley ruins, Ileshotauthla and Hiilonawan, and their 

1 As has been pointed out, the designs on ancient Zufii ware arc closely related to those 
of ruins farther down the Little Colorado, and are not Ilopi. Jlodern Zufii as well as 
modem Hopi pueblos were influenced by Keres and Tewa culture superimposed on the 
preexisting culture, which largely came from the Gila. 

2 No invariable connection was found in the relative position of this break and figures 
of birds or other animals inclosed by the broken band. The gaps in different encircling 
bands on the same bowl are either diametrically opposite each other or separated by a 
quadrant, a variation tliat would appear to indicate that they were not made use of in a 
determination of the orientation of the vessel while in ceremonial use, as is true of certain 
baskets of modern Navaho. 


existence in the mountain shrine above mentioned, implies that the 
latter settlement is more modern, and that the eastern clans united 
with preexisting Little Colorado clans comparatively late in its 
history. The first settlements in Ziiili Valley were made by colonists 
from the Gila. There are several ceremonies in the Walpi ritual 
which, like the New Fire, although immediately derived from Awa- 
tobi, came originally from Little Colorado pueblos, and other cere- 

FiG. 106. — Bird with double eyes. 

monies came directly to Walpi from the same original source. 
Among the former are those introduced by the Piba (Tobacco) clan, 
which brought to Walpi a secret fraternity called the Tataukj'amu. 
This brotherhood came directly from Awatobi, but the Tobacco clan 
from which it was derived once lived in a pueblo on the Little Colo- 
rado, now a ruin at Chevlon, midway between Holbrook and Wins- 
low.' The identification of the Chevlon ruin with the historic 

1 The author has the following evidence that the inhabitants of the village at Chevlon 
were the historic Chipias. The Ilopi have a legend that the large ruin called Tcipiaiya 
by the Zufii was also situated on a river midway between Walpi and Zuui. The Hopi 
also say that the Chevlon pueblo was inhabited by the Piba (Tobacco) clan and that the 
Awatobi chief, Tapolo, who brought the Tataukyamu fraternity to Walpi from Awatobi, 
helonged to the Tobacco clan. The Tewa name of the Tataukyamu is Tcipiaiyu, or "men 
from Tcipia." 

272 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

Chipias has an important bearing on the age of the Little Colorado 
ruins, for Padre Arvide, a Franciscan missionary, was killed in 1632 
by the Chipias, who lived west of Zuni. In other words, their 
pueblo was then inhabited. 

We know that the Piba joined Awatobi before 1700, or the year it 
was destroyed; consequently the desertion of the Chevlon ruin 
(Chipiaya, or Tcipiaiya) evidently occurred between 1032 and 1700, 

Fig. 107. — Two birds with rain clouds. 

not so much on account of Aj^ache inroads as from fear of punish- 
ment by the Sj^aniards.^ As no clans from the other large pueblo on 
the Little Colorado or Homolobi joined Awatobi, we can not defi- 
nitely fix the date that this group fled to the north, but it was prob- 
ably not long after the time .the Chevlon clans migrated to Awatobi, 
from which it follows that the Little Colorado settlements were in- 
habited up to the middle of the seventeenth century. Wliile the 

1 It is linown from an inscription on Ei Morro that a punitive expedition to avenge the 
death of Father Letrado was sent out under Lujan in the spring of 1C32, hence the guilty 
inhabitants may have abandoned their settlement and departed for Hop! at about that 


Little Colorado clans did not influence the Sikyatki pottery, they did 
affect the potters of Awatobi to a limited extent and introduced some 
symbols into Walpi in the middle of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries. Among these influences may be mentioned tliose derived 
from Awatobi after its destruction in 1700. It is not possible to 
state definitely what modifications in pottery symbols were intro- 
duced into Walpi by the potters of the clans from Awatobi and the 
Little Colorado. Possibly no considerable modification resulted 
from their advent, as there was already more or less similarity in 
the pottery from these geographical localities. The soutliern clans 
introduced some novelties in ceremonies, especially in the Winter 
Solstice and New-fire festivals and in the rites of the Horned Serpent 
at the Spring Equinox. 

Symbols Inteodtjced bt the Badger and Kachina Clans 

As the clans wliich came to the Hopi country from Zuiii were com- 
paratively late arrivals of Tewa colonists long after the destruction 
of Sikyatki, their potters exerted no influence on the Sikyatki potters. 
The ancient Hopi ceramic art liad become extinct when the clans 
from Awatobi, the pueblos on the Little Colorado, and the late Tewa, 
united with the Walpi settlement on the East Mesa. The place 
whence we can now obtain information of the character of the sym- 
bolism of the Asa, Butterfly, Badger, and other Tewan clans is in 
certain ceremonies at Sichomovi, a pueblo near Walpi, settled by 
clans from Zuni and often called the Zuni pueblo by the Hopi. One 
of the Sichomovi ceremonies celebrated at Oraibi and Sichomovi 
on the East Mesa, in which we may find survivals of the earliest Tewa 
and Zuiii symbolism, is called the Owakiilti. The Sichomovi variant 
of the Owakiilti shows internal sociologic relation to the Butterfly or 
Buli (Poli) clan resident in Awatobi before its fall. This state- 
ment is attested by certain stone slabs excavated from Awatobi 
mounds, on which are painted butterfly symbols. The Walpi Lala- 
koiiti, first described by the author and Mr. Owens in 1892, has also 
survivals of Awatobi designs. It appears that while it is not easy 
to trace any of the rich symbolism of Awatobi directly into Walpi 
pottery, it is possible to discover close relations between certain 
Awatobi symbols and others still employed in Walpi ceremonials. 
Sikyatki and Awatobi were probably inhabited synchronously and 
us kindred people had a closely allied or identical symbolism; there 
is such a close relation between the designs on pottery from the two 
ruins that Awatobi symbols introduced into Walpi have a close 
likeness to those of Sikyatki.^ 

1 The Buli (Poli) clan is probably Towa. as the word indirates. wliioti would show that 
Tewa as well as Keres clans lived at Awatobi. No legend mentions Buli clans at Sikyatki, 
but several traditions locate them at Awatobi. 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 18 

274 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

The natural conservatism in religious rites of all kinds has brought 
it about that many of the above-mentioned designs, although aban- 
doned in secular life of the Hopi, still persist in paraphernalia used 
in ceremonies. It is therefore pertinent to discuss some of these 
religious symbols with an idea of discovering whether they are asso- 
ciated with certain clans or ruins, and if so what light they shed on 
jDrehistoric migrations. In other words, here the ethnologists can 
afford us much information bearing on the significance of prehistoric 

One great difficulty in interpreting the prehistoric pictures of 
supernaturals depicted on ancient pottery by a comparison of the 
religious paraphernalia of the modem Hopi is a complex nomen- 
clature of supernatural beings that has been brought about by the 
perpetuation or survival of different clan names for the same being 
even after union of those clans. Thus we find the same Sky god with 
many others all practically aliases of one common conception. To 
complicate the matter still more, different attributal names are also 
sometimes used. The names Alosaka, Muyinwu, and Talatumsi are 
practically different designations of the same supernatural, while 
Tunwup, Ho, and Shalako appear to designate the same Slcy-god 
personage. Cultus heroines, as the Marau mana, Shalako mana, 
Palahiko mana, and others, according as we follow one or another 
of the dialects, Keres or Tewa, are used interchangeably. This 
diversity in nomenclature has introduced a complexity in the Hopi 
mythology which is apparent rather than real in the Hopi Pantheon, 
as their many names would imply.^ The great nature gods of sky 
and earth, male and female, lightning and germination, no doubt 
arose as simple transfer of a germinative idea applied to cosmic 
phenomena and organic nature. The earliest creation myths were 
drawn largely from analogies of human and animal birth. The 
innumerable lesser or clan gods are naturally regarded as offspring 
of sky and earth, and man himself is born from Mother Earth. He 
was not specially created by a Great Spirit, which was foreign to 
Indians unniodified by white influences. 

As the number of bird designs on Sikyatki pottery far outnumber 
representations of other animals it is natural to interpret them by 
modern bird symbols or by modem personations of birds, many 
examples of which are known to the ethnological student of the Hopi. 

In one of a series of dances at Powamii, which occurs in February, 
men and boys personate the eagle, red hawlc, humming bird, owl, 
cock, hen, mocking bird, quail, hawk, and other birds, each appro- 
priately dressed, imitating cries, and wearing an appropriate mask 

lA unification of names of these sods would have resulted when the lansua/ces of the 
many different clans had been fused in religions, as the language was in secular usage. 
The survival of component names of Hopi gods is paralleled in the many ancient re- 


of the birds the_y represent. In a dance called Pamuiti, a ceremony 
celebrated annually at Sichomovi, and said to have been derived 
from Zuiii, personations of the same birds appear, the men of Walpi 
contributing to the performance. Homovi, one of the Hopi Indians 
who took part, made colored pictures representing all these birds, 
which may be found reproduced in the author's article on Hopi 

In the Hopi cosmogony the Sky god is thought to be father of all 
gods and human beings, and when personations of the subordinate 
supernaturals occur they are led to the pueblo by a pereonator of 
this great father of all life. The celebrations of the Powamii, at 
the East Mesa of the Hopi, rejjresent the return of the ancestors or 
kachinas of Walpi, while the Pamurti is the dramatization of the 
return of the kachinas of Sichomovi whose ancestors were Zuiii kin. 

Life figures or animal forms, as birds, serpents, and insects, de- 
picted on Little Colorado pottery differ considerably from those on 
Sikyatki ware. Take, for instance, bird designs, the most abundant 
life forms on ancient pueblo pottery on the Little Colorado, as well 
as at Sikyatki. It needs but a glance at the figures of the former 
to show how marked the differences, are. The leader of the kachinas 
in the Powamu, which celebrates the return of these ancestral gods 
to the pueblo, Walpi, wears an elaborate dress and helmet with ap- 
pended feathers. He is led into the village by a masked man per- 
sonating Eototo.^ 

Symbols Introduced tegm Awatobi 

The women saved at Awatobi in the massacre of 1700, according to 
a legend, brought to Walpi the paraphernalia of a ceremony still 
observed, called the Mamzrauti. Naturally we should expect to find 
old Awatobi symbolism on this paraphernalia, which is still in use. 
The cultus heroine of the Mamzrauti is the Corn-mist, maid, known 
by the name of Shalako mana or Palahiko mana.^ We have several 
representations of this maid and their resemblance to the pictures 
of Shalako mana depicted by Hano potters would imply a common 
Tanoan origin. 

Shalako Mana 

The most common figure on the third epoch of Hopi pottery, com- 
monly called modern Tewa and manufactured up to 1895 by Nampeo, 
a Hano potter, is a representation of the Corn maid, Shalako mana, 

^ Twe?ity-flrst Ann. Ropt. Bur. Amer. Eihn. 

' Ihid., p. 76. Eototo, also called Masaufl, was the tutelary of Sikyatki, .is Alosaka 
or Muyinwu was of Awatobi. 

" A somewhat similar personage to Shalako mana in Aztec ceremonies was called 
Salaquia (Shalakia). 



[eTH. ANN. 33 

•who, as shown, is the same personage as Marau mana and Palahiko 
mana in the festival of the Mamzrauti derived from Awatobi. The 
symbol of this goddess is instructive and easily recognized in its 
many variations. Her jiicture on Hano pottery is shown in fig- 
ure i08. 

The most striking features of her symbolism, brought out in plate 
89, are terraced bodies representing rain clouds on the head, an ear 
of maize symbol on the forehead, curved lines over the mouth, 
chevrons on the cheeks, conventionalized wings, and feathered gar- 
ment. It is also not uncommon to find carved representations of 

Fig. 108. — Head of Shalako mana, or Corn maid. 

squash blossoms occupying the same positions as the whorls of hair 
on the heads of Hopi maidens. 

The Shalakotaka male is likewise a common design readilj^ recog- 
nized on modern pottery. Particularly abundant are figures of the 
mask of a Kohonino god, allied to Shalako, which is likewise called 
a kachina, best shown in paraphernalia of the Mamzrauti ceremony. 

It sometimes happens in Hopi dramatization that pictures of 
supernatural beings and idols of the same take the place of per- 
sonations by priests. For instance, instead of a girl or a woman 
representing the Corn maid, this supernatural is depicted on a slab of 
wood or represented by a wooden idol. One of the best-known fig- 
ures of the Corn maid (Shalako mana) is here introduced (pi. 89) to 


k / 





illustrate the relation of old Awatobi and existing Hopi symbolism ; 
a modem figure (108) of this Corn maid, painted on a wooden slab, 
is sometimes carried by the Walpi women in their dance. Figures of 
the Awatobi germ god, Alosaka, otherwise called Muyinwu,^ are 
depicted on the slabs used by most of the women at that time. 

The different designs on the slab under consideration (pi. 89) are 
indicated by letters and explained as follows : a represents a circular 
fragment of the haliotis or abalone shell hanging midway from a 
figure of an ear of corn, c. The cheeks are tattooed or painted with 
characteristic figures, cb, the eyes rectangular of different colors. 
The letter d is a representation of a wooden ear pendant, a square, 
flat body covered on one side with a mosaic of turquoise sometimes 
arranged in figures. The letter e is the end of a string by which the 
ceremonial blanket is tied over the left shoulder, the right arm 
being free, as shown in the illustration. Over the right shoulder, 
however, is thrown a ceremonial embroidered kilt, fb. 

The objects in the hands represent feathers and recall one type of 
the conventional feathers figured in the preceding pages. The letters 
fr represent falling rain embroidered on the rim of the ceremonial 
blanket and re the terraced rain clouds which in arc become 
rounded above ; g represents a tuniuoise at the end of a string of tur- 
quoise suspended from shell necklaces sn; in represents the butterfly 
and is practically identical with the decorations on dados of old Hoi^i 
houses; s represents a star; sh represents shell bracelets, many ex- 
amples of which occur in ruins along the Little Colorado ; ss is sup- 
posed to have replaced the key jjatterns which some authorities iden- 
tify as sprouting beans. There are commonly nine rectangular mark- 
ings, nc, on the upper border of the embroidered region of cereyionial 
blankets and kilts, each of which represents either a month or a day, 
by some said to refer to ceremonial or germ periods.- 

The Shalako mana figures have not yet been found in the unmodi- 
fied Little Colorado ware, but homologous figures have been found 
in the Eio Grande area. 

The design (pi. 88, d) with a horn on the left side of the head 
and a rectangle on the right, the face being occupied by a terrace 
figure from which hang parallel lines, reminds one of the " coronets" 
worn on the head bj' the Lakone maids (manas) in the Walpi Basket 
dance of the Lalakonti. The honi in the coronet is without terminal 
appendages, although a feather is tied to it, and the rectangle of 
plate 88, d, is replaced by radiating slats spotted and pointed at 

1 An account of this dance with details of the nine days' ceremony as presented in the 
major or October vai-iant will be found in tlie American Anthrnpolnfiist, July, 1802. The 
minor or Winter ceremony, in which the Corn maids are personated by girls, is published 
in the same journal for 1900. The Corn maid has several aliases in this ceremony, among 
which are Slialako mana, Palahiko mana. and Marau mana. 

' This Cora maid is one of the most common figures represented by dolls. 

278 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

their ends, said to represent the sunflower. The whole design in 
plate 88, d, represents a bird,^ recalling that of the figure Marautiyo 
on one of the appended slabs of the altar of the Walpi Marau cere- 
mony. In this altar figure we find not only a horn on the left side 
of the head, but also a rectangular design on the right. 

On the corresponding right-hand side of this altar we have a pic- 
ture of Marau mana (Shalako mana). It will thus appear that when 
compared with the Lakone coronet the figure on the Shongopovi 
bowl represents a female being, wliereas when compared with the 
figure on the Marau altar it resembles a male being. Tliere is, tliere- 
fore, something wrong in my comparison. But tlie fact remains 
that there survive in tlie two woman's festivals — Lakone maid's 
coronet and Marau altar — resemblances to prehistoric Hopi designs 
from Shongopovi. Moreover, it is known that the !Marau fetishes 
are stated by the chief Saliko to have been introduced from Awatobi 
into Walpi by her ancestor who was saved at the massacre of that 
town in 1700. 

The life figures of the Tanoan epoch, or that following the 
overthrow of Sikyatki, can be made out by a study of modern 
Hano pottery. Perhaps tlie most complex of these is that of the 
Corn maid, Shalako mana. Shalako mana plays a great role in the 
Mamzrauti, a ceremony derived from xVwatobi, and figures repre- 
senting her are common designs made on Hano pottery. Designs 
representing this being are common on the jjeculiar basket placjues 
made at the Middle Mesa and dolls of her are abundant. The con- 
stant presence of her pictures on basket plaques at the Middle Mesa 
would also seem to show an ancient presence in the Hopi country, 
and indicate an identity of pottery designs from ancient Shumopavi 
with those from the East Mesa and Awatobi. - 

One of her modern Walpi ceremonies has such pronounced Awatobi 
symbolism that it may be instanced as showing derivation; viz, the 
New-fire festival.' The women of the Marau and the men of the 
Tataukyamii regard themselves kindred, and taunt each other, as 
only friends may without offence, in this festival, and the Tatau- 
kyamii often introduce a burlesque Shalako mana into their per- 

' The two parallel lines on the two outside tail feathers recall the markings on the face 
of the War god Piiiikoilshoya. 

2 A personation of Shalako mana at Oraibi, according to Mr. II. E, Voth, came from 
Mishonfmovi. This conforms exactly with the legends that state the Mamzrauti may 
have l>een introduced into Mishongnovi from Awatobi, for at the division of the captive 
women at Maski many of the women went to that pueblo. 

^ See Fewkes, The New-flre Ceremony at Walpi, pp. 80-13S. The New-flre rites at 
Walpi are celebrated in November, when four societies, Aaltfl. Wiiwiitcimtfl, Tataukyamfl, 
and KwakwantQ, take part. As in all new-fire ceremonies, phallic or generative rites are 
prominent, the WUwiitcimtfi and Tataukyamfl who kindle the fire being conspicuous in 
these rites. Their bodies have phallic emblems painted on them and the latter bear 
Zuni symbols. 


The designs painted on the bodies and heads of several modern 
dolls representing Corn maids are symbols whose history is very 
ancient in the tribe. For instance, those of feathers date back to 
prehistoric times, and terraced designs representing rain clouds are 
eqiiall}- ancient. The dolls of the Corn maid (Shalako mana) pre- 
sent a variety of forms of feathers and the headdresses of many dolls 
represent kachinas, and show feathers sometimes represented by 
sticks on which characteristic markings are painted, but moi'e often 
they represent symbols.^ 

Symbols of Hano Clans 

Hano, as is well known, is a Tewan pueblo, situated on the East 
Mesa, which was the last great body of Tewa colonists to migi-ate to 
Hopiland. While other Tewa colonists lost their language and be- 
came Hopi, the inhabitants of Hano still speak Tewa and still pre- 
serve some of their old ceremonies, and consequently many of their 
own symbols. Here were found purest examples of the Tanoau epoch. 

The potters of clans introduced symbols on their ware radically 
different from those of Sikyatki, the type of the epoch of the finest 
Hopi ceramics, and replaced it by Tewan designs which characterize 
Hopi pottery from 1710 to 1895, when a return was suddenly made 
to the ancient type through the influence of Xampeo. At that date 
she began to cleverly imitate Sikyatki ware and abandoned de toto 
symbols introduced by Hano and other Tewa clans. 

Fortunately there exist good collections of the Tewa epoch of 
Hopi ceramics, but the ever-increasing demand by tourists for ancient 
ware induced Nampeo to abandon the Tewa clan symbols she for- 
merly employed and to substitute those of ancient Sikyatki.^ 

The majority of the specimens of Hano pottery, like those of the 
Tanoan epoch to which it belongs, are decorated with pictures of clan 
ancients called kachinas. These have very little resemblance to de- 
signs characteristic of the Sikyatki epoch. They practically belong 
to the same type as those introduced by Kachina, Asa, and Badger 
peoples. One of the most common of these is the design above dis- 

^ The designs on the wooden slats carried by women in the dance Icnown as the Marau 
ceremony are remarkably like some of tliose on Awatobi and Sikyatki pottery. 

2 Much of the pottery offered for saie by Harvey and other dealers in Indian objects 
along the Santa Fe Railroad in Arizona and New Mexico is imitation prehistoric Flopi 
ware made l»y Nampeo. Tlie origin of this transformation was due partly to the author, 
who in the year named was excavating the Sikyatki ruins and graves. Nampeo and her 
husband, Lesou, came to his camp, borrowed paper and pencil, and copied many of the 
ancient syml>ols found on the pottery vessels unearthed, and these she has reproduced on 
pottery of her own manufacture many times since that date. It is therefore necessary, 
at the very threshold of our study, to urge discrimination l>etween modern and ancient 
pottery in the study of Hopi ware, and careful t-liraination of imitations. The modern 
pottery referred to is easily distinguished from the prehistoric, inasmuch as the modem 
is not made with as much care or attention to derail as the ancient. Also the surface of 
the modem pottery is coated with a thin slip which crackles in firing. 



[ETH. ANN. S3 

cussed representing Shalako mana, the Corn maid, shown in figure 
109. In this figure we have the face represented by a circle in the 
center and many lenticuhir figures arranged in rows attaclied to the 

Fig. 109. — Head of Kokle, or Earth woman. 

neck and shoulders corresponding to the appendages explained in 
figure 108. It is said in the legends that when the Corn maid ap- 
peared to men she was enveloped in fleecy clouds and wore a 
feathered garment. These are indicated 
by the curved figures covered with dots 
and the parallel lines on the body. Feather 
symbols recalling those of the Sikyatki 
epoch hang from appendages to the head 
representing rain clouds. 

In figure 109 we have a representation 
of the head with surrounding clouds, and 
portions of the body of a kachina, called 
Kokle, who is personated in Winter cere- 
monies. It is instructive to note that this 
figure has symbols on the head that recall 
the Sikyatki epoch. The ancient Tewan 
earth goddess, Hahaiwugti, is represented in figure 110. She appears 
also in figure 111, where her picture is painted on a ladle, the handle 
of which represents an ancient Tewan clown called by the Hano 
people Paiakyamu. 

Fig. 110. — Head of Hahaiwugti, 
or Earth woman. 




The Will" god, Piiiikon hoya, also a Tewan incorporation in the 
Hopi pantheon, appears frequently on pottery of tlie Tanoan epoch, 
as shown in figure 112. This figure, 
painted on a terra-cotta slab, is iden- 
tified by the two parallel marks on 
each cheek. 


In the preceding pages an attempt 
has been made to trace the chrono- 
logical sequence of pottery symbols in 
Hojoiland by pointing out distinct 
epochs in cultural history and corre- 
lating the sociology of the tribe. This 
takes for granted that the pottery 
sj'mbols characteristic of this people 
are directly connected with certain 
clans. There have from time to time 
been sudden changes in symbols, or 
previous designs have suddenly dis- 
appeared and others have taken their 
places, as well as a slow development 
of existing symbols into more com- 
plicated forms. There persist everywhere survivals of old pre- 
puebloan symbols inherited from the past and a creation of new 
products of Hopi environment not found elsewhere. 

The author will close this paper with 
a brief theoretical account of the un- 
written culture history of Hopi, part of 
which explains certain pottery symbols. 
If we take that segment of southwestern 
history extending from the earliest to the 
present, we find evidences of the exist- 
ence of a prepuebloan culture existing 
before terraced houses were built or cir- 
cular kivas had been used for ceremonial 
purposes. This epoch was antecedent to 
the construction of the great walled com- 
pounds of the Gila, illustrated by Casa 
Grande. At that epoch known as the pre- 
puebloan there extended from Utah to the 
Mexican boundary and from the Colorado to the Eio Grande a culture 
ai-chitecturally characterized by small fragile-walled houses not united 
or terraced. These houses were sometimes like j^it dwellings, either 

Fig. 111. — Ladle with clown carved 
on handle and Earth woman on 

Fig. 112.- 

-Puiikon hoya, 
War god. 


282 DESIGNS ON HOPI POTTERY [eth. ann. 33 

partially or wholly subterranean. Wlien above ground their walls 
were supported by upright logs in which canes or brushes were woven 
and covered with mud, the roofs being made of cedar bark or straw 
overlaid with adobe. 

The pottery of this early prehistoric epoch was smooth, painted 
mainly with geometric patterns, corrugated, or indented. Rectilinear 
or curved lines constituted the majority of the suiDerficial decorations 
and life designs were few or altogether wanting. In addition to 
these architectural and ceramic characteristics, this prepuebloan 
cultural stage was distinguished by many other features, to mention 
which would take us too far afield and would be out of place in this 
article. Evidences of this stage or epoch occur everywhere in the 
Southwest and survival of the archaic characters enumerated are 
evident in all subsequent epochs. 

The so-called " unit type " or pure pueblo culture grew out of this 
early condition and was at first localized in northern New Mexico 
and southern Colorado, where it was autochthonous. Its essential 
feature is the terraced communal house and the simplest form of the 
pueblo, the " unit type," first pointed out by Dr. T. Mitchell Prud- 
den — a combination of dwelling houses, with a man's house or kiva 
and a cemetery. The dwellings are made of stone or clay and are 
terraced, the kiva is subterranean and circular, embedded in or 
surrounded by other rooms. The " unit type " originated in Colo- 
rado and, spreading in all directions, replaced the preexisting houses 
with fragile walls. Colonists from its center extended down the 
San Juan to the Hopi country and made their way easterly across 
the Rio Grande and southerly to the headwaters of the Gila and 
Little Colorado, where they met other clans of specialized pre- 
puebloan culture who had locally developed an architecture of Great 
House style characteristic of the Gila and Salt River Valleys. 

The essential differences between the terraced pueblo and the pre- 
viously existing fragile-walled house culture are two: The terraced 
architecture results from one house being constructed above an- 
other, the Iriva or subterranean ceremonial room being separated or 
slightly removed from the secular houses. 

An explanation of the origin of the terraced pueblo is evident. 
This form of house implies a limited site or a congestion of houses 
on a limited area. An open plain presents no limitation in lateral 
construction; there is plenty of room to expand in all directions to 
accommodate the enlargement which results as a settlement increases 
in population. In a cave conditions are otherwise; expansion is lim- 
ited. When the floor of the cavern is once covered with rooms the 
only additions which can possibly be made must be vertically. 
In protection lies the cause of the development of a terraced 
architecture such as the pueblos show, for the early people con- 


structed their fragile-walled habitations in a cavern, and as an en- 
largement of their numbers occurred they were obliged to construct 
the terraced pueblos called cliff-dwellings, with rooms closely ap- 
proximated and constructed in terraces. In the course of time these 
cliff-dwellers moved out of their caverns into the river valleys or to 
the mesa summits, carrying with them the terraced architecture, 
which, born in caverns, survived in their new environment. This 
explanation is of course hypothetical, but not wholly without a basis 
in fact, for we find survivals of the prepuebloan architecture scat- 
tered throughout the Southwest, especially on the periphery of the 
terraced house area, as well as in the ai'ea itself. The ancient ter- 
raced house architecture is confined to a limited area, but around its 
ancient border are people whose dwellings are characterized by 
fragile-walled architecture. These are the survivals of the pre- 
puebloan culture. 

The environmental conditions along the San Juan and its tribu- 
taries in Colorado and New Mexico render it a particularly favorable 
culture center from which the pure pueblo type may have originated, 
and although observations have not yet gone far enough to prove 
that here was the place of origin of the unit type, and therefore of 
pueblo culture, there are sti-ong indications that a fable of the 
Pueblos, that they came fi-om the caves in the north, is not without 
legendary foundation so far as their origin is concerned. 

The term "cliff-dwelling," once sujjposed to indicate a distinct 
stage of develojiment, refers only to the site and is a feature inade- 
quate for classification or chronology. All cliff-dwellings do not 
belong to the same structural type. There is little similarity save in 
site between Spruce-tree House on the Mesa Verde, and Montezuma 
Castle in the Verde Valley ; the former belongs to the " pure pueblo 
type," the latter to another class of buildings related to " compounds " 
of the tributaries of the Gila and Salt River valleys. 


Fewkes, Jesse Waltek. Snake ceremonials at Walpi. Journal of American 
Ethiwlofiii and ArchwoJoiril. vol. iv, pp. 1-126. Boston and New York, 1S94. 

. Arclieologieal expedition to Arizona in 1895. Sercntcciith Annual Re- 
port of the Bureau of American Ethnoloyy. pt. 2, pp. 519-742. Washington, 

. Winter solstice altars at Hano pueblo. American' Anthropologist, n. s. 

vol. I, no. 2, pp. 251-276. New York, 1899. 
. The New-fire ceremony at Walpi. American Anthropologist, n. s. vol. 

II, no. 1, pp. 80-138. New York, 1900. 

. The lesser New-fire cerenion.v at Walpi. Antcrican Anthropologist, n. s. 

vol. HI, no. 3, pp. 438-453. New York, 1901. 
. Hopi katcinas. Twentji-first Annual Report of the Bureau of Ameri- 

can Ethnology, pp. 13-126. Washington, 1903. 
. Two summers' work in Pueblo ruins. Twiniy-sctond Annual Report 

of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pt. 1, pp. 17-195. Washington, 1904. 

Hopi ceremonial frames from (janon de Chelly, Arizona. American 

Anthropologist, a. s. vol. viii, no. 4, pp. 664-670. Lancaster, 1906. 
. Hopi shrines near the East Blesa, Arizona. American Anthropologist, 

n. s. vol. Mil, no. 2, pp. 346-375. Lancaster, 1908. 
. The butterfly in H(.pi myth and ritual. American Anthropologist, n. s. 

vol. XII, no. 4, pp. 570-594. Lancaster, 1910. 
M.\LLERY, G.^RRiCK. On the pictographs of (he North American Indians. 
Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 13-256. Washington, 







This Tvork of translation has been undertaken out of love for the 
land of Hawaii and for the Hawaiian people. To all those who have 
generously aided to further the study I wish to express my grate- 
ful thanks. I am indebted to the curator and trustees of the Bishop 
Museum for so kindly placing at my disposal the valuable manu- 
sci-ipts in the museum collection, and to Dr. Brigham, Mr. Stokes, 
and other members of the museum staff for their help and sugges- 
tions, as well as to those scholars of Hawaiian who have patiently 
answered my questions or lent me valuable material — to Mr. Henry 
Parker, Mr. Thomas Thrum, Mr. William Eowell, Miss Laura Green, 
Mr. Stephen Desha, Judge Hazelden of Waiohinu, Mr. Curtis 
laukea, Mr. Edward Lilikalani, and Mrs. Emma Nawahi. Espe- 
cially am I indebted to Mr. Joseph Emerson, not only for the gen- 
erous gift of his time but for free access to his entire collection of 
manuscrij^t notes. My thanks are also due to the hosts and hostesses 
through whose courtesy I was able to study in the field, and to Miss 
Ethel Damon for her substantial aid in proof reading. Nor would 
I forget to record with grateful appreciation those Hawaiian in- 
terpreters whose skill and patience made possible the rendering into 
English of their native romance — Mrs. Pokini Robinson of Maui, 
!Mr. and Mrs. Kamakaiwi of Pahoa, Hawaii, Mrs. Kama and Mrs. 
Supe of Kalapana, and Mrs. Julia Bowers of Honolulu. I wish also 
to express my thanks to those scholars in this country who have 
kindly helped me with their criticism — to Dr. Ashley Thorndike, 
Dr. W. W. Lawrence, Dr. A. C. L. Brown, and Dr. A. A. Golden- 
weiser. I am indebted also to Dr. Roland Dixon for bibliographical 
notes. Above all, thanks are due to Dr. Franz Boas, without whose 
wise and helpful enthusiasm this study would never have been 

Maetha Warren Beckwith. 

Columbia IjNn'ERSiTT, 

Octoher, 1917. 




Introduction 293 

I. The book and its writer 293 

II. Nature and the Gods as reflected in the story 290 

1. Polynesian origin of Hawaiian romance 296 

2. Polynesian cosmogony 298 

3. The demigod as hero 300 

4. The earthly paradise; di\'inity in man and nature 302 

5. The stor}': its mythical character 304 

6. The story as a reflection of aristocratic social life 307 

III. The art of composition 311 

1. Aristocratic nature of Polynesian art 311 

2. Nomenclature: its emotional value 313 

3. Analogy: its pictorial quality 322 

4. The double meaning; plays on words 325 

5. Constructive elements of style 328 

IV. Conclusions 330 

Persons in the story 332 

Action of the story 334 

Background of the story 338 

Text and translation 341 

Chapter I. The birth of the Princess ' 344 

II. The flight to PaUuH 354 

III. Kauakahialii meets the Princess 364 

VI. Aiwohikupua goes to woo the Princess 374 

V. The boxing match with Cold-nose 386 

VI. The house thatched with bird feathers 394 

VII. The Woman of the Mountain 402 

VIII. The refusal of the Princess 408 

IX. Aiwohikupua deserts Ids sisters 414 

X. The sisters' songs 422 

XI. Abandoned in the forest 430 

XII. Adoption by the Princess 436 

XIII. Hauailiki goes surf riding 444 

XIV. The stubbornness of Laieikawai 452 

XV. Aiwohikupua meets the guardians of Paliuli 460 

XVI. The Great Lizard of Paliuli 466 

XVII. The battle between the Dog and the Lizard 472 

XVIII. Aiwohikupua's marriage with the Woman of the Mountain 478 

XIX. Therivalry of Hinaand Poliahu. 486 

XX. A suitor is found for the Princess 494 

XXI. The Rascal of Puna wins the Princess 502 

XXII. W^aka's revenge 510 

XXIII. The Puna Rascal deserts the Princess 520 

1 The titles of chapters are added for coavenieace in reference and are not found in the text. 
74936°— 19— 33 eth 19 289 


Text and translation — Continued. Page 

Chapter XXIV. The marriage of the cliiefs 530 

XXV. The Seer finds the Princess 538 

XXVI. The Prophet of God 546 

XXVII. A journey to the Heavens 554 

XXVIII. The Eyeball-ot-the-Sun 562 

XXIX. The warning of vengeance 572 

XXX. The coming of the Beloved 578 

XXXI. The Beloved falls into sin 584 

XXXII. The Twin Sister 592 

XXXIII. The Woman of Hana 600 

XXXIV. TheWoman of the Twilight 608 

Notes on the text 616 

Appendix: Abstracts from Hawaiian stories 631 

I. Song of Creation, as translated by Liliuokalani 634 

II. Chants relating to the origin of the group 634 

III. Hawaiian folk tales, romances, or moolelo 636 

Index to references 664 



Plate 91. A kahuna or native sorcerer 285 

92. In the forests of Puna 306 

93. A Hawaiian paddler '. 324 

94. Mauna Kea in its mantle of snow 340 

95.* A native grass house of the humbler class 630 




By Mabtha Wabren Beckwith 

I. The Book and its Writer; Scope of the Present Edition 

THE Laieikawai is a Hawaiian romance which recounts the 
wooing of a native chiefess of high rank and her final deifi- 
cation among the gods. The story was handed down orally 
from ancient times in the form of a kaao, a narrative reliearsed in 
prose interspersed witli song, in which form old tales are still recited 
by Hawaiian story-tellers.^ It was jout into writing by a native Ha- 
waiian, Haleole by name, who hoped thus to awaken in his country- 
men an interest in genuine native story-telling based upon the folk- 
lore of their race and preserving its ancient customs — already fast 
disappearing since Cook's rediscovery of the group in 1778 opened 
the wa}' to foreign influence — and by this means to inspire in them 
old ideals of racial glory. Haleole was born about the time of the 
death of Kamehameha I, a year or two before the arrival of the 
first American missionaries and the establishment of the Protestant 
mission in Hawaii. In 1834 lie entered the mission school at Lahai- 
naluna, Maui, where his interest in the ancient history of his people 
was stimulated and trained under the teaching of Lorrin Andrews, 
compiler of the Hawaiian dictionary, published in 1865, and Sheldon 
Dibble, under whose direction David Malo prepared his collection 
of " Hawaiian Antiquities," and whose History of the Sandwich 
Islands (1843) is an authentic source for tlie early history of the 
mission. Such early Hawaiian writers as Malo, Kamakau, and 
John li were among Haleole's fellow students. After leaving school 
he became first a teacher, then an editor. In the early sixties he 
brought out the Laieikawai, first as a serial in tlie Hawaiian 

^Compare the Fijian story quoted by Thomson (p. 6). 




[ETH. ANN. 33 

newspaper, the Kuokoa, then, in 1863, in book foi-m.^ Later, in 1885, 
two part-Hawaiian editors. Bolster and Melieula, revised and re- 
printed the story, this time in pamphlet form, together with several 
other romances culled from Hawaiian journals, as the initial volumes 
of a series of Hawaiian reprints, a venture which ended in financial 
failure.^ The romance of Laieikawai therefore remains the sole 
piece of Hawaiian imaginative writing to reach book form. Not 
only this, but it represents the single composition of a Polynesian 
mind working upo^n the material of an old legend and eager to create 
a genuine national literature. As such it claims a kind of classic 

The language, although retaining many old words unfamiliar to 
the Hawaiian of to-day, and proverbs and expressions whose meanmg 
is now doubtful, is that employed since the time of the reduction 
of the speech to writing in 1820, and is easily read at the present 
day. Andrews incorporated the vocabulary of this romance into his 
dictionary, and in only a few cases is his interpretation to be ques- 
tioned. The songs, though highly figurative, present few difficulties. 
So far as the meaning is concerned, therefore, the translation is suffi- 
ciently accurate. But as regards style the problem is much more 

• Daggett calls the story " a supernatural folklore legend of the fourteenth century," 
and includes an excellent abstract of the romance, prepared by Dr. W. D. Alexander, in 
bis collection of Hawaiian legends. Andrews says of it (Islander, 1875, p. 27) : " We 
have seen that a Hawaiian Kaab or legend was composed ages ago, recited and kept 
in memory merely by repetition, until a short time since it was reduced to writing by 
a 'Hawaiian and printed, making a duodecimo volume of 220 pages, and that, too, with 
the poetical parts mostly left out. It is said that this legend took six hours in the 
recital." In prefacing his dictionary he says : " The Kaao of Laieikawai is almost 
the only specimen of that species of language which has been laid before the public. 
Many fine specimens have been printed in the Hawaiian periodicals, but are neither seen 
nor regarded by the foreign community." 

= The changes introduced by these editors have not been followed in this edition, except 
in a few unimportant omissions, but the popular song printed below appears first in its 
pages : 

" Ala Laie-i-ka-wai Behold I,aieikawai 

I ka uka wale la o Pall-uU ; On the upl mds of Paliuli ; 

O ka nanl, o ka nani. Beautiful, beautiful, 

Helu ekahi o ia uka. The storied one of the uplands. 

' E nanea e walea ana paha. 
I ka leo nahenahe o na manu. 

Eef. — Perhaps resting at peace. 

To the melodious voice of the birds. 

' Kau mai Laie-1-ka-wai 
I ka ehcu la o na manu ; 
O ka nani, o ka nani, 
Helu ekahi o Pali-uli. 

Laieikawai rests here 

On the wings of the birds ; 

Beautiful, beautiful, 

The storied one of the uplands. 

' E nanea, etc. 

' Ua lohe paha i ka hone mal, 
O ka pu lau-1 a Malio ; 
Honehone, honehone, 
Heln ekahi o Hopoe. 

She has heard perhaps the playing 
Of Malio's ti-leaf trumpet ; 
Playfully, playfully. 
The storied one of Uopoe. 

■ E nanea, etc." 


difficult. To convey not only the meaning but exactly the Hawaiian 
way of seeing things, in such form as to get the spirit of the original, 
is hardly possible to our language. The brevity of primitive speech 
must be sacrificed, thus accentuating the tedious repetition of de- 
tail — a trait sufficiently characteristic of Hawaiian story-telling. 
Then, too, common words for which we have but one form, in the 
original employ a variety of synonyms. " Say " and " see " are con- 
spicuous examples. Other words identical in form convey to the 
Polynesian mind a variety of ideas according to the connection in 
which they are used — a play upon words impossible to translate in 
a foreign idiom. Again, certain relations that the Polynesian con- 
ceives with exactness, like those of direction and the relation of the 
person addressed to the group referred to, are foreign to our own 
idiom ; others, like that of time, which we have more fully developed, 
the Polynesian recognizes but feebly. In face of these difficulties the 
translator has reluctantly foregone any effort to heighten the charm 
of the strange tale by using a fictitious idiom or by condensing and 
invigorating its deliberation. Haleole wrote his tale painstakingly, 
at times dramatically, but for the most part concerned for its historic 
interest. We gather from his own statement and from the breaks in 
the story that his material may have been collected from different 
sources. It seems to have been common to incorporate a Laieika- 
wai episode into the popular romances, and of these episodes Haleole 
may have availed himself. But we shall have something more to say 
of his sources later; with his particular style we are not concerned. 
The only reason for presenting the romance complete in all its 
original dullness and unmodified to foreign taste is with the definite 
object of showing as nearly as possible from the native angle the 
genuine Polynesian imagination at work upon its own material, 
reconstructing in this strange tale of the "Woman of the Twilight" 
its own objective world, the social interests which regulate its actions 
and desires, and by this means to portray the actual character of the 
Polynesian mind. 

This exact thing has not before been done for Hawaiian story and 
I do not recall any considerable romance in a Pol^'nesian tongue so 
rendered.^ Admirable collections of the folk tales of Hawaii have 
be^n gathered by Thrum, Remy, Daggett, Emerson, and Westervelt, 
to which should be added the manuscript tales collected by Fornander, 
translated by John Wise, and now edited by Thrum for the Bishop 
Museum, from which are drawn the examples accompanying this 
paper. But in these collections the lengthy recitals which may last 

^ Dr. N. B. Emer.son's rendering of the myth of Pele and Unaka quotes only the poeti- 
cal portions. Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani interested herself in providing a trans- 
lation of the Laieikawai, and the Hon. Sanford B. Dole secured a partial translation 
of the story ; but neither of these copies has reached the publisher's hands. 


several hours in the telling or run for a couple of years as serial in 
some Hawaiian newspaper are of necessity cut down to a summary 
narrative, sufficiently suggesting the flavor of the original, but not 
picturing fully the way in which the image is formed in the mind 
of the native story-teller. Foreigners and Hawaiians have expended 
much ingenuity in rendering the inele or chant with exactness,^ but 
the much simpler if less important matter of putting into literal 
English a Hawaiian haao has never been attempted. 

To the text such ethnological notes have been added as are needed 
to make the context clear. These were collected in the field. Some 
were gathered directly from the people themselves; others from 
those who had lived long enough among them to understand 
their customs ; others still from observation of their ways and of the 
localities mentioned in the storj- ; others are derived from published 
texts. An index of characters, a brief description of the local back- 
ground, and an abstract of the story itself prefaces the text ; appended 
to it is a series of abstracts from the Fomander collection of 
Hawaiian folk stories, all of which were collected by Judge For- 
nander in the native tongue and later rendered into English by a 
native translator. These abstracts illustrate the general character of 
Hawaiian story-telling, but specific references should be examined in 
the full text, now being edited by the Bishop Museum. The index 
to references includes all the Hawaiian material in available form 
essential to the study of I'omance, together with the more useful 
Polynesian material for comparative reference. It by no means com- 
prises a bibliography of the entire subject. 

II. Nature and the Gods as Eeflected in the Stort 


Truly to interpret Hawaiian romance we must realize at the start 
its relation to the past of that people, to their origin and migrations, 
their social inheritance, and the kind of physical world to which 
their experience hasljeen confined. Now, the real body of Hawaiian 
folklore belongs to no isolated group, but to the whole Pol.ynesian 
area. From New Zealand through the Tongan, Ellice, Samoan, 
Society, Rarotongan, Marquesan, and Hawaiian groups, fringing 
upon the Fijian and the Micronesian, the same physical character- 

• The most Important of these chants translated from the Hawaiian are the " Song 
of Creation, " prepared by Lilluokalani : the " Song of Kualii," translated by both Lyons 
and Wise, and the prophetic song beginning " IJaui ka lani," translated by Andrews and 
edited by Dole. To these should be addi'd the important songs cited by Fornander, in 
full or in part, which relate the origin of the group, and perhaps the name song begin- 
ning "The fish ponds of Mana," quoted in Fornander's tale of Lonoikamakahiki, the 
canoe-chant In Kana, and the wind chants in Pakaa. 


istics, the same language, customs, habits of life prevail; the same 
arts, the same form of worship, the same gods. And a common stock 
of tradition has passed from mouth to mouth over the same area. 
In New Zealand, as in Hawaii, men tell the story of Maui's fishing 
and the theft of fire.' A close comparative study of the tales from 
each group should reveal local characteristics, but for our purpose 
the Polynesian race is one, and its common stock of tradition, which 
at the dispersal and during the subsequent periods of migration was 
carried as common treasure-trove of the imagination as far as New 
Zealand on the south and Hawaii on the north, and from the western 
Fiji to the Marquesas on the east, repeats the same adventures among 
similar surroundings and colored by the same interests and desires. 
This means, in the first place, that the race must have developed 
for a long period of time in some common home of origin before 
the dispersal came, which sent family groups migrating along the 
roads of ocean after some fresh land for settlement ; - in the second 
place, it reflects a period of long voyaging which brought about 
interchange of culture between far distant groups.' As the Crusades 
were the great exchange for west European folk stories, so tlie days 
of the voyagers were the Polynesian crusading days. The roadway 
through the seas was traveled by singing bards who carried their 
tribal songs as a race heritage into the new land of their wanderings. 
Their inns for hostelry were islets where the boats drew up along 
the beach and the weary oarsmen grouped about the ovens where 
their hosts prepared cooked food for feasting. Tales traveled thus 
from group to group with a readiness which only a common tongue, 
common interests, and a common delight could foster, coupled with 
the constant competition of family rivalries. 

•Bastlan in Samoanische Schiipfungssage (p. 8) says: " Ocean ien (im ZusammenbegrifE 
von Polynesien und Mikronesien) reprasentirt (bei vorlauflgem Ausschluss von Mela- 
nesien schon) einen Flachenrauni, der alles AebnUche auf dem Globus intellectualis 
weit tibertrifft (von Hawaii bis Neu-Seeland, von der Oster-Inse] bis zu den Marlanen), und 
wenn es sioti liier um Insein handeU durch Meeresweiten getrennt, ist aus solcb insularer 
Di£Eerenzirung gerade das Uilfsmittel comparativer Methode geboten liir die Induction, 
um dasselbe, wie biologiscii sonst, hier auf psychologiscbem Arbeitsfelde zur Verwendung 
zu bringen." Compare : Kramer, p. 394 ; Finck, in Royal Scientific Society of Gottingen, 

^Lesson says of the Polynesian groups (i, 378) : "On salt . . . que tons ont, 
pour loi civile et religieuse, la m§me interdiction ; que leurs institutions, leurs c6r6- 
monies sont semblables ; que leurs croyances sont fonciferement ideutiques ; qu'ils ont 
le merae culte, les memes coutumes, les memes usages principaux ; qu'ils out enfin les 
memes rateurs et les memes traditions. Tout semble done, a priori, annoncer que, 
quelque soit leur ^loiguement les uns des autres, les Polyn^siens ont tir^ d'une meme 
source cette commuuaute d'idfies et de langage ; qu'ils ne sont, par consequent, que les 
tribus dispers^es d'une meme nation, et que ces tribus ne se sont s^par^es qu'a une 
fpoque oQ la langue et les id^es politiques et religieuses de cette nation ^talent d^j4 

= Compare ; Stair, Old Samoa, p. 271 ; Wlilte, i, 176 ; Fison, pp. 1, 10 ; Smith, Hawalkl, 
p. 123; Lesson, ii, 207, 209; Grey, pp. 108-234; Baessler, Keue Sudsee-Bilder, p. 113; 
Thomson, p. 15. 


Hawaiian tradition reflects these days of wandering.' A chief 
vows to wed no woman of his own group but only one fetched from 
" the land of good women." An ambitious priest seeks overseas 
a leader of divine ancestry. A chief insulted by his superior leads 
his followers into exile on some foreign shore. There is exchange 
of culture-gifts, intermarriage, tribute, war. Romance echoes with 
the canoe song and the invocation to the confines of Kahiki- — this 
in spite of the fact that intercourse seems to have been long closed 
between this northern group and its neighbors south and east. When 
Cook put in first at the island of Kauai, most western of the group, 
perhaps guided by Spanish charts, perhaps b}^ Tahitian navigators 
who had preserved the tradition of ancient voj-ages,^ for hundreds 
of yeai-s none but chance boats had driven upon its shores.* But 
the old tales remained, fast bedded at the foundation of Hawaiian 
imaginative literature. As now recited they take the form of chants 
or of long monotonous recitals like the Laieikawai, which take on 
the heightened form of poetry only in dialogue or on occasions when 
the emotional stress requires set song. Episodes are passed along 
from one hero cycle to another, localities and names vary, and a 
fixed form in matter of detail relieves the stretch of invention; 
in fact, they show exactly the same phenomena of fixing and re- 
shaping that all story-telling whose object is to please exhibits in 
transference from mouth to. mouth. Nevertheless, they are jealously 
retentive of incident. The story-teller, generally to be found among 
the old people of any locality, who can relate the legends as they 
were handed down to him from the past is known and respected in 
the community. TTe find the same story ^ told in New Zealand and 
in Hawaii scarcely changed, even in name. 


In theme the body of Polynesian folk tale is not unlike that of 
other primitive and story-loving people. It includes primitive philos- 
ophy — stories of cosmogony and of heroes who shaped the earth; 
primitive annals — migration stories, tales of culture heroes, of con- 

1 Lesson (ii, 190) enumerates eleven smaU islands, covering 40 degrees of latitude, scat- 
tered between Hawaii and the islands to the south, four showing traces of ancient habita- 
tion, which he believes to mark the old route from Hawaii to the islands to the south- 
east. According to Hawaiian tradition, which is by no means historically accurate, 
what is called the second migration period to Hawaii seems to have occurred between 
the eleventh and fourteenth centuries (dated from the arrival of the high priest Paao 
at Kohala, Hawaii, 18 generations before Kamebam^ha) : to have come from the south- 
east ; to have introduced a sacerdotal system whose priesthood, symbols, and temple 
structure persisted up to the time of the abandoning of the old faith in 1819. Compare 
Alexander's History, ch. ill ; Malo, pp. 25, 323; Lesson, ii, 160-169. 

'Kahiki, in Hawaiian chants, is the term used to designate a " foreign land " in general 
end does not refer especially to the i.sland of Tahiti in the Society Group. 

'Lesson, ii, 152. 

'Ibid., 170. 

"Ibid., 178. 


quest and overrule. There is primitive romance — tales of competi- 
tion, of vengeance, and of love; primitive wit — of drolls and trick- 
sters; and primitive fear in talcs of spirits and the power of ghosts. 
These divisions are not individual to Polynesia ; they belong to 
universal delight ; but the form each takes is shaped and determined 
by the background, either of real life or of life among the gods, 
familiar to the Polynesian mind. 

The conception of the heavens is purely objective, corresponding, in 
fact, to Anaxagoras's sketch of the universe. Earth is a plain, walled 
about far as the horizon, where, according to Hawaiian expression, 
rise the confines of Kahiki, Kukulu o Kahiki} From this point the 
heavens are superimposed one upon the other like cones, in number 
varying in different groups from 8 to 14; below lies the underworld, 
sometimes divided into two or three worlds ruled by deified ancestors 
and inhabited by the spirits of the dead, or even by the gods^ — the 
whole inclosed from chaos like an egg in a shell. ^ Ordinarily the 
gods seem to be conceived as inhabiting the heavens. As in other 
mythologies, heaven and the life the gods live there are merely a 
reproduction or copy of earth and its ways. In heaven the gods are 
ranged by rank ; in the highest heaven dwells the chief god alone en- 
joying his supreme right of silence, tahu moe; others inhabit the 
lower heavens in gradually descending grade corresponding to the so- 
cial ranks recognized among the Polynesian chiefs on earth. This 
physical world is again the prototype for the activities of the gods, 
its multitudinous manifestations representing the forms and forces 
employed by the myriad gods in making known their presence on 
earth.* They are not these forms themselves, but have them at their 
disposal, to use as transformation bodies in their appearances on 
earth, or they may transfer them to their offspring on earth. This 
is due to the fact that the gods people earth, and from them man is 

^ In the Polynesian picture of the universe the wall of heaven is conceived as shutting 
down about each group, so that boats traveling from one group to another " breals 
tlirough " this barrier wall. Ihe Kukulu o Kahiki In Hawaii seems to represent some 
such confine. Emerson says (in Malo, 30) : " Kukulu was a wall or vertical erection 
such as was supposed to stand at the limits of the horizon and support the dome of 
heaven." Points of the compass were named accordingly Kukulu hikina, Kukulu knmo- 
hnna, Kukulu hema, Kuktilu akau — east, west, south, north. The horiaon was called 
Kukulu-o-ka-honua — " the compass-of-the-earth." The planes inclosed by such confines, 
on the other hand, are named Kahiki. The circle of the sky which bends upward 
from the horizon is called Kahiki-ku or " vertical." That through which the eye travels 
in reaching the horizon, Kahiki-moc, or " horizontal." 

= The Rarotongan world of spirits is an underworld. (See Gill's Myths and Songs.) 
The Hawaiians believed in a subterranean world of the dead divided into two regions. 
In the upper of which Wakea reigned ; in the lower, Milu. Those who had not been 
saflBciently religious " must lie under the spreading Kou trees of Milu's world, drink its 
waters and eat lizards and butterflies for food." Traditional points from which the 
soul took its leap into this underworld are to be found at the northern point of Hawaii, 
the west end of Maui, the south and the northwest points of Oahu, and, most famous 
of all, at the mouth of the great Waipio Valley on Hawaii. Compare Thomson's account 
from Fiji of the " pathway of the shade," p. 119. 

= White, I, chart; Gill, Myths and Songs, pp. 3, 4; Ellis, ill, 168-170. 


descended. Chiefs rank, in fact, according to their claim to direct 
descent from the ancient gods.^ 

Just how this came about is not altogether uniformly explained. 
In the Polynesian creation story ^ three things are significant — a 
monistic idea of a god existing before creation ; ' a progressive order 
of creation out of the limitless and chaotic from lower to higher 
forms, actuated by desire, which is represented by the duality of sex 
generation in a long line of ancestry through specific pairs of forms 
from the inanimate world — rocks and earth, plants of land and sea 
forms — to the animate — fish, insects, reptiles, and birds ; * and the 
special analysis of the soul of man into " breath," which constitutes 
life; " feeling," located in the heart; "desire" in the intestines; and 
"thought" out of which springs doubt — the whole constituting 
akamai or " knowledge." In Hawaii the creation story lays emphasis 
upon progressive sex generation of natural forms. 

Individual islands of a group are popularly described as rocks 
dropped down out of heaven or fished up from below sea as resting 
places for the gods;^ or they are named as offspring of the divine 
ancestors of the group. '^ The idea seems to be that thej' are 
a part of the divine fabric, connected in kind with the original source 
of the race. 


As natural forms multiplied, so multiplied the gods who wedded 
and gave them birth. Thus the half-gods were born, the kupua or 
demigods as distinguished from akua or spirits who are pure divini- 

' Gill says of the Hervey islanders (p. 17 of notes) : "The state is conceived of as a 
long house standing east and west, chiefs from the north and south sides of the island 
representing left and right ; under chiefs the rafters ; Individuals the leaves of the 
thatch. These are the counterpart of the actual house (of the gods) in the spirit 
world." Compare Stair, p. 210. 

^ liastian, Samoanische Schopfungs-Sage ; Ellis, i, 321 ; White, vol. i ; Turner, Samoa, 
S ; Gill, Myths and Songs, pp. 1-20 ; Moerenhout i, 419 et seq. : Ullackalani, translation of 
the Hawaiian " Song of. Creation " ; Dixon, Oceanic Mythology. 

2 Moerenhout translates (i, 419): "He was, Taaroa (Kanaloa) was his name. He 
dwelt in immensity. Earth was not. Taaroa called, but nothing responded to him, 
and, existing alone, he changed himself into the universe. The pivots (axes or orhfts), 
this is Taaroa; the roclis, this is he. Taaroa is the sand, so is he named. Taaroa is 
the day. Taaroa is the center. Taaroa is the germ. Taaroa is the base. Taaroa 
is the invincible, who created the universe, the sacred universe, the shell for Taaroa, 
the life, life of the universe." 

< Moerenhout, I, 423 : " Taaroa slept with the woman called Hina of the sea. Black 
clouds, white clouds, rain are born. Taaroa slept with the woman of the uplands ; the 
i!rst germ is born. Afterwards is born all that grows upon the earth. Afterwards is 
born the mist of the mountain. Afterwards is born the one called strong. Afterwards 
Is horn the woman, the beautiful adorned one," etc. 

» Grey, pp. 38-45 ; Kriiraer, Samoa Inseln, pp. 395-400 ; Fison, pp. 139-146 ; Mariner, 
I, 228; White, ii, 75: Gill, Myths and Songs, p. 48. 

' In Fornander's collection of origin chants the Hawaiian group is described as the 
offspring of the ancestors Wakea and Papa, or Hina. 


ties.^ The nature of the Polynesian kupua is well described in the 
romance of Laieikawai, in Chapter XXIX, when the sisters of 
Aiwohikupua try to relieve their mistress's fright about marrying a 
divine one from the heavens. " He is no god — Aole ia he Akua — " 
they say, " he is a man like us, yet in his nature and appearance god- 
like. And he was the firstborn of us; he was greatly beloved by our 
parents; to him was given superhmnan power — ka mana — which we 
have not. . . . Only his taboo rank remains. Therefore fear not; 
when he comes you will see that he is only a man like us." It is such a 
character, born of godlike ancestors and inheriting through the favor 
of this god, or some member of his family group, godlike power or 
'/nana, generally in some particular form, who appears as the typical 
hero of early Hawaiian romance. His rank as a god is gained by 
"competitive tests with a rival kupua or with the ancestor from whom 
he demands recognition and endowment. He has the power of trans- 
formation into the shape of some specific animal, object, or physical 
phenomenon which serves as the " sign " or " body " in which the god 
presents himself to man, and hence he controls all objects of this 
class. Not only the heavenly bodies, clouds, storms, and the appear- 
ances in the heavens, but perfumes and notes of birds serve to an- 
nounce his divinity, and special kinds of birds, or fish, or reptiles, 
or of animals like the rat, pig, or dog, are recognized as peculiarlj' 
likely to be the habitation of a god. This is the form in which 
aumakua, or guardian spirits of a family, appear to watch over the 
safety of the household they protect.^ 

Besides this power of transformation the kupua has other super- 
natural gifts, as the j^ower of flight,^ of contraction and expansion 

> Mariner, ii, 103 ; Turner, Nineteen Tears in Polynesia, pp. 238-242 ; Ibid., Samoa, 
pp. 23-77; Ellis, i, 334; Gracia, pp. 41-44; Kramer (Samoa Inseln. p. 22) and Stair 
(p. 211) distinguished akua as the original gods, aiku as their descendants, the demonic 
beings who appear in animal forms and act as helpers to man ; and kupua as deified 
human beings. 

2 When a Polynesian involies a god he prays to the spirit of some dead ancestor who 
acts as his supernatural helper. A spirit is much stronger than a human being — 
hence the custom of covering the grave with a great heap of stone or modern masonry to 
keep down the ghost. Its strength may be increased through prayer and sacrifice, called 
** feeding " the god. See Fornander's stories of Pumaia and Nihoalaki. In Fison's 
story of Mantandua the mother has died of exhaustion in rescuing her child. As he 
grows up her spirit acts as his supernatural helper and appears to him in dreams to 
direct his course. He accordingly achieves prodigies through her aid. In Kuapakaa 
the boy manages the winds through his grandmother's bones, which he keeps in a cala- 
bash. In Pamano, the supernatural helper appears in bird shape. The Fornander 
stories of Kamapua'a, the pig god, and of Pikoiakaalala, who belongs to the rat family, 
illustrate the kupua in animal shape. Malo, pp. 113-115. Compare Mariner, ii, 87, 100 ; 
Ellis. I, 2S1. 

^ Bird'bodied gods of low grade in the theogony of the heavens act as messengers for 
the higher gods. In Stair (p. 214) Tuli, the plover, is the bird messenger of Tagaloa. 
The commonest messenger birds named in Hawaiian stories are the plover, wandering 
tattler, and turnstone, all migratory from about April to August, and hence naturally 
fastened upon by the imagination as suitable messengers to lands beyond common ken. 
Gill (Myths and Songs, p. 35) says that formerly the gods spoke through small land 
birds, as in the story of Laieikawai's visit to Kauakahialii. 


at will, of seeing what is going on at a distance, and of bringing the 
dead to life. As a man on earth he is often miraculously bom or 
miraculously preserved at birth, which event is heralded by por- 
tents in the heavens. He is often brought up by some supernatural 
guardian, grows with marvelous rapidity, has an enormous appetite — 
a proof of godlike sti"ain, because only the chief in Polynesian eco- 
nomic life has the resources freely to indulge his animal appetite — • 
and phenomenal beauty or prodigious skill, strength, or subtlety in 
meeting every competitor. His adventures follow the general type 
of mythical hero tales. Often he journeys to the heavens to seek some 
gift of his ancestors, the ingenious fancy keeping always before it 
an objective picture of this heavenly superstructure — bearing him 
thither upon a cloud or bird, on the path of a cobweb, a trailing 
vine, or a rainbow, or swung thither on the tip of a bamboo stalk. 
Arrived in the region of air, by means of tokens or by name chants, 
he proves his ancestry and often substantiates his claim in tests of 
power, ability thus sharing with blood the determining of family 
values. If h^s deeds are among men, they are of a marvelous nature. 
Often his godlike nature is displayed by apparent sloth and indo- 
lence on his part, his followers performing miraculous feats while 
he remains inactive; hence he is reproached for idleness by the un- 
witting. Sometimes he acts as a transformer, changing the form of 
mountains and valleys with a step or stroke; sometimes as a culture 
hero bringing gifts to mankind and teaching them the arts learned 
from the gods, or supplying food by making great hauls of fish 
by means of a miraculous hook, or planting rich crops ; sometimes he 
is an avenger, pitting his strength against a rival demigod who has 
done injury to a relative or patron of his own, or even by tricks out- 
witting the mischievous akua. Finally, he remains on earth only 
when, by transgressing some kupiia custom or in contest with a supe- 
rior kujma, he is turned into stone, many rock formations about the 
islands being thus explained and consequently worshiped as dwelling 
places of gods. Otherwise he is deified in the heavens, or goes to 
dwell in the underworld with the gods, from whence he may still 
direct and inspire his descendants on earth if they worship him, 
or even at times appear to them again on earth in some objective 


For according to the old myth, Sky and Earth were nearer of 
access in the days when the first gods brought forth their children — 
the winds, the root plants, trees, and the inhabitants of the sea, but 

1 With the stories quoted from Fornander may be compared such wonder tales as 
are to be found in Kramer, pp. 108, 116, 121, 413-419 ; Flson, pp. 32, 49, 99 ; Grey, p. 
59 ; Turner, Samoa, p. 209 ; White i, 82, etc. 


the younger gods rent them apart to gi\e I'oom to walk upright ; ' so 
gods and men walked together in the early mj'ths, but in the later 
traditions, called historical, the heavens do actually get pushed 
farther away from man and the gods retreat thither. The fabulous 
demigods depart one by one from Hawaii; first the great gods — Kane, 
Ku, Lono, and Kanaloa ; then the demigods, save Pele of the volcano. 
The supernatural race of the dragons and other beast gods who came 
from " the shining heavens " to people Hawaii, the gods and god- 
desses who governed the appearances in the hea^^ens, and the myriad 
race of divine helpers who dwelt in the tiniest forms of the forest 
and did in a night the task of months of labor, all those god men 
who shaped the islands and named their peaks and valleys, rocks, 
and crevices as«they trampled hollows with a spring and thrust their 
spears through mountains, were superseded by a humaner race of 
heroes who ruled the islands by subtlety and skill, and instead of 
climbing the heavens after the fiery drink of the gods or searching 
the underworld for ancestral hearth fires, voyaged to other groups of 
islands for courtship or barter. Then even the long voyages ceased 
and chiefs made adventure out of canoe trips about their own group, 
never save by night out of sight of land. They set about the care of 
their property from rival chiefs. Thus constantly in jeopardy from 
each other, sharpening, too, their observation of what lay directly 
about them and of the rational way to get on in life, they accepted the 
limits of a man's power and prayed to the gods, who were their great 
ancestors, for gifts beyond their reach.^ 

And during this transfer of attention from heaven to earth 
the objective picture of a paradise in the heavens or of an un- 
derworld inhabited by spirits of the dead got mixed up with 
that of a land of origin on earth, an earthly paradise called 
Hawaiki or Bulotu or " the lost land of Kane " — a land about 
which clustered those same wistful longings which men of other races 
have pictured in their visions of an earthly paradise — the "talking 

1 Grey, pp. 1-15 ; White, i, 46 ; Baessler, Neue Sudsee-Bilder, pp. 244, 245 ; Gill, 
Myths and Songs, pp. 5S-00. 

= Compare Kramer's Samoan story (in Samoa Inseln, p. 413) of the quest after the 
pearl fishhooks Icept by Night and Day in the twofold heavens with the Hawaiian 
stories collected by Fornander of Aiai and Nihoalaki. Kramer's story begins ; 
"Aloalo went to his father 
To appease Sina's longing ; 
He sent him to the twofold he.ivens. 
To his grandparents, Night and Day, 
To the house whence drops fall spear-shaped, 
To hear their counsel and return. 
Aloalo entered the house. 
Took not the unlucky fishhook, 
' Brought away that of good luck," 



tree of knowledge," the well of life, and plenty without labor.' 
" Thus they dwelt at Paliuli," saj's Haleole of the sisters' life with 
Laieikawai, " and while they dwelt there never did they weary of 
life. Never did they even see the person who prepared their food, 
nor the food itself save when, at mealtimes, the birds brought them 
food and cleared away the remnants when they had finished. So 
Paliuli became to them a land beloved." 

Gods and men are, in fact, to the Polynesian mind, one family un- 
der different forms, the gods having superior control over certain 
phenomena, a control which they may impart to their offspring on 
earth. As he surveys the world about him the Polynesian supijoses 
the signs of the gods who rule the heavens to appear on earth, which 
formerly they visited, traveling thither as cloud or bird or storm or 
perfume to effect some marriage alliance or govern mankind. In 
these forms, or transformed themselves into men, they dwelt on earth 
and shaped the social customs of mankind. Hence we have in such 
a romance as the Laieikawai a realistic picture, first, of the activities 
of the gods in the heavens and on earth, second, of the social ideas 
and activities of the people among whom the tale is told. The super- 
natural blends into the natural in exactly the same way as to the 
Polynesian mind gods relate themselves to men, facts about one be- 
ing regarded as, even though removed to the heavens, quite as objec- 
tive as those which belong to the other, and being employed to ex- 
plain social customs and physical appearances in actual experience. 
In the light of such story-telling even the Polynesian creation myth 
may become a literal genealogy, and the dividing line between folk- 
lore and traditional history, a mere shift of attention and no actual 
change in the conception itself of the nature of the material universe 
and the relations between gods and men. 


These mythical tales of the gods are reflected in Haleole's 
romance of Laieikawai. Localized upon Hawaii, it is neverthe- 
less familiar with regions of the heavens. Paliuli, the home of 
Laieikawai, and Pihanakalani, home of the flute-jjlaying high 

1 Kramer, Samoa Inseln, pp. 44, 115 ; Fison, pp. 16, 139-161, 163 ; Lesson, ii, 272, 483 
(see index); Mariner, ii, 100, 102, 115, et seq. ; Moerenhout, i, 432; Gracia, p. 40; 
Turner, Nineteen Years in Tolynesia, p. 237 ; Gill, Myths and Songs, pp. 152-172. 

In Fison's story (p. 139) the gods dwell in Bulotu, " where the sky meets the 
waters in the climbing path of the sun." The story goes : " Xu the beginning there 
was no land save that on which the gods lived ; no dry land was there for men to 
dwell upon ; all was sea ; the sky covered it above and bounded it on every side. There 
was neither day nor night, but a mild light shone continually through the sky upon 
the water, like the shining of the moon when Its face is hidden by a white cloud." 


chief of Kauai, are evidently earthly paradises.' Ask a native where 
either of these places is to be found and he will say, smiling, " In the 
heavens." The long lists of local place names express the Polynesian 
interest in local journeyings. The legend of Waiopuka is a modern 
or at least adapted legend. But the route which the little sister fol- 
lows to the heavens corresponds with Polynesian cosmogonic concep- 
tions, and is true to ancient stories of the home of the gods. 

The action of the story, too, is clearly concerned with a family of 
demigods. This is more evident if we compare a parallel story 
translated by Westervelt in " Gods and Ghosts," page 116, which, 
however confused and fragmentary, is clearly made up of some 
of the same material as Haleole's version.^ 

1 As such Paliuli occurs in other Hawaiian folk tales : 

1. At Paliuli grew the mythical trees Makali'i, male and female, which have the 
power to draw tish. The female was cut down and taken to Kailua, Oahu, hence the 
chant : 

" Kupu ka laau ona a MakaU'l, 
O Makali'i, laau Kaulana mai ka pomai." 

2. In the Fornander notes from Kepelino and Kamakau, Paliuli is the land given 
to the tirst man and is called ■" hidden land of Kane " and " great laud of the gods." 

3. In Fornander's story of Eepakailiula, the gods assign Paliuli to be the hero's 
home. To reach it the party start at second cockcrow from Keaau (as in the Laicika- 
wai) and arrive in the morning. It is " a good land, flat, fertile, filled with many 
things desired by man." The native apples are as large as breadfruit. They see a 
pond " lying within the land stocked with all kinds of fish of the sea except the whale 
and the shark." Here " the sugar cane grew until it lay flat, the hogs until the 
tusks were long, the chickens until the spurs were long and sharp, and the dogs until 
their backs were flattened out." They leave Paliuli to travel over Hawaii, and " no 
man has ever se»^n it since." 

4. In Fornander's story of Kana, Uli, the grandmother of Kana, goes up to Paliuli 
to dig up the double canoe Kaumaleliell in which Kana is to sail to recover his mother. 
The chant in which this canoe is described is used today by practicers of sorcery to 
exorcise an enemy. 

' The gods Kane and Kanaloa, who live in the mountains of Oahu, back of Honolulu, 
prepare a home for the firstborn son of Ku and Hina, whom they send Rainbow to 
fetch from Nuumealani. The messenger, first gaining the consent of the lizard guardian 
at Kuaihelani, brings back Child-adopted-by-the-gods to the gods on Oahu. Again Ilina 
bears a child, a daughter. For this girl also the gods send two sister messengers, who 
bring Paliuli to Waka, where she cares for the birds in the forests of Puna. Here a 
beautiful home is prepared for the girl and a garden planted with two magical food- 
producing trees, Makalei, brought from Nuumealani to provide fish and prepared food 
in abundance. These two children, brother and sister, are the most beautiful pair on 
earth, and the gods arrange their marriage. Kane precedes the boy, dressed in his 
lightning body, and the tree peoide come to dance and sing before Paliuli. Some say 
that the goddess Laka, patroness of the hula dance, accompanied them. For a time all 
goes well, then the boy is beguiled by Poliahu (Cold-bosom) on the mountain. Paliuli, 
aware of her lover's infidelity, sends Waka to bring him back, but Cold-bosom prevents 
his approach by spreading the mountain with snow. Paliuli wanders awny to Oahu, 
then to Kauai, learning dances on the way which she teaches to the trees in the forest 
on her return. 

Meanwhile another child is born to Ku and Hina. The lizard guardian draws this 
lovely girl from ihe head of Hina, calls her Kcaomelemele, Oolden-cloud. and sets her 
to rule the clouds in the Shining-heavens. Among these clouds is Kaonohiokala, the 
Eyeball-of-the-sun, who knows what is going on at a distance. From the lizard guar- 
dian Golden-cloud learns of her sister Paliuli's distress, and she comes to earth to 
effect a reconciliation. There she learns all the dances that the gods can teach. 

Now, Ku and Hina, having learned the lore of the clouds, choose other mates and 
each bears a child, one a boy called Kaumailiula, Twilight-resting-in-the-sky, the other 
a girl named Kaulanaikipokii. 

The boy is brought to Oahu, riding In a red canoe befitting a chief, to be Golden- 
cloud's husband. His sister follows with her maidens riding in shells, which they pick 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 20 


The main situation in this story furnishes a close parallel to the 
Laieikawai. A beautiful girl of high rank is taken from her par- 
ents and brought up apart in an earthly paradise by a supernatural 
guardian, Waka, where she is waited upon by birds. A great lizard 
acts as her protector. She is wedded to a high taboo chief who is 
fetched thither from the gods, and who later is seduced from his 
fidelity by the beauty of another woman. This woman of the moun- 
tain, Poliahu, though identical in name and nature, plays a minor 
pai-t in Haleole's story. In other details the stories show discrep- 
ancies.^ It is pretty clear that Haleole's version has sujipressed, out 
of deference to foreign-taught proprieties, the original relationship 
of brother and sister retained in the Westervelt story. This may be 
inferred from the fact that other unpublislied Hawaiian romances of 
the same type preserve this relation, and that, according to Hawaiian 
genealogists, the highest divine rank is ascribed to such a union. Re- 
storing this connection, tlie story desci-ibes the doings of a single 
family, gods or of godlike descent.^ 

In the Westervelt story, on the whole, the action is treated mythi- 
cally to explain how things came to be as they are — how the gods 
peopled the islands, how the hula dances and the lore of the clouds 
were taught in Hawaii. The reason for the localization is apparent. 
The deep forests of Puna, long dedicated to the gods, with their sing- 
ing birds, their forest trees whose leaves dance in the wind, their 
sweet-scented maile vine, with those fine mists which still perpetually 
shroud the landscape and give the name Haleohu, House-of-mist, to 
the district, and above all the rainbows so constantly arching over 
the land, make an appropriate setting for the activities of some 
family of demigods. Sti'ange and fair^dike as much of the incident 
appears, allegorical as it seems, upon the face of it, the Polynesian 
mind observes objectively the activities of nature and of man as if 
they proceeded from the same sort of consciousness. 

up and put In their pockets tphen they come to land. Kn, Bina, and the lizard family 
also migrate to Oahu to join the gods, Kane and Kanalon, for the marriage festival. 
Thus these early gods came to Oahu. 

' Although the earthly paradise has the same location in both stories, the name Paliuli 
in Westervelt's version belongs to the heroine herself. The name of the younger sister, 
too. who acts no part in this story, appears again in the tale collected by Fornandor of 
Katilnnapokii, where, like the wise little sister of Haleole's story, she is the leader and 
spokesman 'of her four Maile sisters, and carries her part as avenger by much more 
magical means than in Haleole's naturalistic conception. The character who bears the 
name of Haleole's sungod, Kaonohiokala, plays only an Incidental part in Westervelt's 

'First generation: Waka, Kihanuilulumoku, Lanalananuiaimakua. 

Second generation : Moanalihaikawaokele, Laukieleula ; Mokukeleikahikl and Kaelolka- 
malama (brothers to laukieleula). 

Third generation : Kaonohiokala m, Laieikawai, Laielohelohe (m, Kekalukaluokewan), 
Alwohlkupua, Mailehaiwale, Mailekaluhea, Mailelaulii, Mailepakaha, Kahalaomapuana. 





So, in Haleole's more naturalistic tale the mythical rendering is 
inwrought into the style of the narrative. Storm weds Perfume. 
Their children are the Sun-at-high-noon ; a second son, possibly 
Lightning; twin daughters called after two varieties of the forest 
vine, ieie, perhaps symbols of Rainbow and Twilight ; and five 
sweet-smelling daughters — the four varieties of maile vine and the 
scented hala blossom. The first-born son is of such divine character 
that he dwells highest in the heavens. Noonday, like a bird, bears 
visitors to his gate, and guards of the shade — Moving-cloud and 
Great-bright-moon — close it to shut out his brightness. The three 
regions below him are guarded by maternal uncles and bj' his father, 
who never comes near the taboo house, which only his mother shares 
with him. His signs are those of the rainstorm — thunder, lightning, 
torrents of " red rain," high seas, and long-continued mists — these he 
inherits from his father. An ancestress rears Eainbow in the forests 
of Puna. Birds bear her upon their wings and serve her with abun- 
dance of food prepared without labor, and of their golden feathers 
her roj'al house is built; sweet-scented vines and blossoms surround 
her; mists shroud her when she goes abroad. Earthquake guards 
her dwelling, saves Rainbow from Lightning, who seeks to destroy 
her, and bears a messenger to fetch the Sun-at-high-noon as bride- 
groom for the beautiful Rainbow. The Sun god comes to earth and 
bears Rainbow away with him to the heavens, but later he loves 
her sister Twilight, follows her to earth, and is doomed to sink 
into Night. 


Such is the bare outline of the myth, but notice how, in humaniz- 
ing the gods, the action jDresents a lively picture of the ordinary 
course of Polynesian life. Such episodes as the concealment of the 
child to preserve its life, the boxing and surfing contests, all the 
business of love-making — its jealousies and subterfuges, the sisters 
to act as go-betweens, the bet at checkers and the KUu games at night, 
the marriage cortege and the public festival; love for music, too, 
especially the wonder and curiosity over a new instrument, and the 
love of sweet odors ; again, the picture of the social group — the daugh- 
ter of a high chief, mistress of a gi'oup of young virgins, in a house 
apart which is forbidden to men, and attended bj' an old woman and 
a humpbacked servant; the chief's establishment with its sooth- 
sayers, paddlers, soldiers, executioner, chief counselor, and the group 
of under chiefs fed at his table ; the ceremonial wailing at his recep- 
tion, the aiva drink passed about at the feast, the taboo signs, feather 
cloak, and wedding paraphernalia, the power over life and death, and 
the choice among virgins. Then, on the other hand, the wonder and 


delight of the common people, their curious spying into the chief's 
affairs, the treacherous jjaddlers, the different orders of landowners; 
in the temple, the human sacrifices, prayers, visions; the prophet's 
search for a patron, his wi-estling with the god, his affection for his 
chief, his desire to be remembered to posterity by the saying " the 
daughters of Hulumaniani " — all these incidents reflect the course 
of everyday life in aristocratic Polynesian society and hence belong 
to the common stock of Hawaiian romance. 

Such being the material of Polynesian romance — a world in which 
gods and men play their part; a world which includes the heavens 
yet reflects naturalistically the beliefs and customs of everyday life, 
let us next consider how the style of the story-teller has been shaped 
by his manner of observing nature and by the social requirements 
"which determine his art — by the world of nature and the world of 
man. And in the first place let us see under what social conditions 
Polynesia has gained for itself so high a place, on the whole, among 
primitive story-telling peoiale for the richness, variety, and beauty 
of its conceptions.* 

Polynesian romance reflects its own social world — a world based 
upon the fundamental conception of social rank. The family tie and 
the inherited rights and titles derived from it determine a man's 
place iii the community. The families of chiefs claim these rights 
and titles from the gods who are their ancestors.'' They consist not 
only in land and property rights but in certain privileges in ad- 
ministering the affairs of a group, and in certain acknowledged foi'ms 
of etiquette equivalent to the worship paid to a god. These rights 
are administered through a system of taboo.' 

A taboo depends for its force upon the belief that it is divinely 
ordained and that to break it means to bring down the anger of the 
gods upon the offender. In the case, therefore, of a violation of 
taboo, the community forestalls the god's wrath, which might other- 
wise extend to the whole number, by visiting the punishment directly 
upon the guilty offender, his family or tribe. But it is always under- 

ij. A. Macculloch (in ChUdhood of Fiction, p. 2) says, comparing the literary ability 
of primitive people : " Those who possess the most elaborate and imaginative tales are 
the Red Indians and Polynesians." 

' Moerenhout, II, 4, 265. 

^ Gracia (p. 47) says that the taboo consists in the interdict from touching some food 
or object which has been dedicated to a god. The chief by his divine descent repre- 
sents the god. Compare Ellis, iv, 385 ; Mariner, II, 82, 173 ; Turner, Samoa, pp. 112, 
185 ; Fison, pp. 1-3 ; Malo, p. 83 ; Dibble, p. 12 ; Moerenhout, i, 528-533. Fornander 
says of conditions in Hawaii : " The chiefs in the genealogy from Kane were called 
Kn IJoalii or ' anointed ' {poni ia) with the water of Kane (ioai-niu-a-Kane) and they 
became 'divine tabu chiefs' (ho' Hi kapu-akuu). Their genealogy is called Iku-pau, 
because it alone leads up to the beginning of all genealogies. They had two taboo rights, 
the ordinary taboo of the chiefs (Kaitu-atU) and the taboo of the gods (Eapuakua). The 
genealogy of the lower ranks of chiefs (he' Hi noa), on the other hand, was called 
Iku-nuu. Their power was temporal and they accordingly were entitled only to the 
ordinary taboo of chiefs {Kapu-aUi}." 


stood that back of the community disapproval is the imappeased 
challenge of the gods. In the case of the Polynesian taboo, the god 
himself is represented in the person of the chief, whose divine right 
none dare challenge and who may enforce obedience within his taboo 
right, under the i^enalty of death. The limits of this right are pre- 
scribed by grade. Before some chiefs the bystander must prostrate 
himself, others are too sacred to be touched. So, when a chief dedi- 
cates a part of his body to the deity, for an inferior it is taboo ; any 
act of sacrilege will throw the chief into a fury of passion. In the 
same way tabooed food or property of any kind is held sacred and 
can not be touched by the inferior. To break a taboo is to challenge 
a contest of strength — that is, to declare war. 

As the basis of the taboo right lay in descent from the gods, lineage 
was of first importance in the social world. Not that rank was inde- 
pendent of ability — a chief must exhibit capacity who would claim 
possession of the divine inheritance ; ' he must keep up rigorously 
the fitting etiquette or be degraded in rank. Yet even a successful 
warrior, to insure his family title, sought a wife from a superior 
rank. For this reason women held a comparatively important posi- 
tion in the social framework, and this place is reflected in the folk 
tales.- Many Polynesian romances are, like the Laieikawai, cen- 
tered about the heroine of the tale. The mother, when she is of 
higher rank, or the maternal relatives, often protect the child. The 
virginity of a girl of high rank is guarded, as in the Lakikawai, 
in order to insure a suitable union.^ Rank, also, is authority for 
inbreeding, the highest possible honor being paid to the child of a 
brother and sister of the highest chief class. Only a degree lower is 
the offspring of two generations, father and daughter, mother and 
son, uncle and niece, aunt and nephew being highly honorable alli- 

1 Compare Kramer, Samoa Inseln, p. 31 ; Stair, p. 75 ; Turner, Samoa, p. 173 ; White, 
II, 62, and the Fornander stories of Aukele and of Kila, where capacity, not precedence 
of birth, determines the hero's rank. 

2 In certain groups inheritance descends on the mother's side only. See Kramer, 
op. cit, pp. 15. 39: Mariner, ii, 89, 98. Compare Mariner, ii, 210-212; Stair, p. 222. 
In Fison (p. 65) the story of Longapoa shows what a husband of lower rank may en- 
dure from a termagant wife of high rank. 

^ Krliraer (p. 32 et seq.) tells us that in Samoa the daughter of a high chief is 
lirought up with extreme care that she may be given virgin to her husband. She Is 
called /awpo, '* dove," and. when she comes of age. passes her time with the other girls 
of her own age in the /a^c aualtima or " house of the virgins," of whom she assumes 
the leadership. Into this house, where the girls also sleep at night, no youth dare enter. 

Compare Fornander's stories of Kapuaokaoheloai and Hinaaikamalama. 

See also Stair, p. 110 ; Mariner, ii, 142, 212 ; Fison, p. 33. 

According to Gracia (p. 62) candidates in the Marquesas for the priesthood are 
strictly bound to a talioo of chastity. 

' Rivers, i, 374 ; Malo, p. 80. 

Gracia (p. 41) says that the Marquesan genealogy consists in a long line of gods and 
goddesses married and representing a genealogy of chiefs. To the thirtieth generation 
they are brothers and sisters. After this point the relation is no longer observed. 


Two things result as a consequence of the taboo right in tlie hands 
of a chief. In the first place, the effort is constantly to keep before 
his following the exclusive position of the chief and to emphasize 
in evei-y possible way his divine character as descended from a god. 
Such is the meaning of the insignia of rank — in Hawaii, the taboo 
staff which warns men of his neighborhood, the royal feather cloak, 
the high seat ajjart in the double canoe, the head of the feast, the 
special apparel of his followers, the size of his house and of his war 
canoe, the superior workmanship and decoration of all his equipment, 
since none but the chief can command the labor for their execution. 
In the second place, this very effort to aggrandize him above his fel- 
lows puts every material advantage in the hands of the chief. The 
taboo means that he can command, at the community expense, the 
best of the food supply, the most splendid ornaments, equipment, 
and clothing. He is further able, again at the community expense, 
to keep dependent upon himself, because fed at his table, a large 
following, all held in duty bound to carry out his will. Even the 
land was, in Hawaii and other Polynesian communities, under the 
control of the chief, to be redistributed whenever a new chief came 
into power. The taboo system thus became the means for economic 
distribution, for the control of the relation between the sexes, and for 
the preservation of the dignity of the chief class. As such it consti- 
tuted as powerful an instiaiment for the control of the labor and 
wealth of a community and the consequent enjoyment of personal 
ease and luxury as was ever put into the hands of an organized upper 
class. It profoundly influenced class distinctions, encouraged exclu- 
siveness and the separation of the upper ranks of society from the 

^ Keaulumoku's descripticn of a Ilawaiian chief (Islander, 1S75) gives a good idea o( 
tlie distinction felt between the classes : 

" A well-supplied dish is the wooden dish. 
The high-raftered sleeping-house with shelves ; 
The long eating-house for women. 

The rushes are spread down, upon them is spread the mat. 
They lie on their backs, with heads raised In dignity. 

The fly brushers wave to and fro at the door ; the door is shut, the blacic tapa Ig 
drawn up. 

" Haste, hide a little in refreshing sleep, dismiss fatigue. 
They sleep by day in the silence where noise is forbidden. 
If they sleep two and two. double is their sleep. 
Enjoyable is the fare of the large-handed man. 

In parrying the spoar the chief is vigorous ; the brealting of points is sweet. 
Delightful is the season of flsh, the season of food ; when one is filled with fish, when 

one is filled with food. 
Thou art satisfied with food, O thou common man. 
To be satisfied with land Is for the chief." 

Compare the account of the Fiji chief in Williams and Calvert, i, 33-42. 


To act as intermediary with his ijowerful line of ancestors and 
perform all the ceremonials befitting the rank to which he has at- 
tained, the chief employs a priesthood, whose orders and offices are 
also graded according to the I'ank into which the priest is born and 
the patronage he is able to secure for himself.^ Even though the 
priest may be, when inspired by his god, for the time being treated 
like a god and given divine honors, as soon as tlie possession leaves him 
he returns to his old rank in the community.^ Since chief and priest 
base their pretensions ujijon the same divine authority, each sup- 
ports the other, often the one office including the other ; ^ the sacer- 
dotal influence is, therefore, while it acts as a check upon the chief, 
on the whole aristoci-atic. 

The priest represented in Polynesian society what we may call the 
professional class in our own. Besides conducting religious cere- 
monials, he consulted the gods on matters of administration and state 
jjolicy, read the omens, understood medicine, guarded the genealogies 
and the ancient lore, often acted as panegyrist and debater for the 
chief. All these powers were his in so far as he was directly inspired 
by the god who spoke through him as medium to the people.* 

III. The Art or Composition 


The arts of song and oratory, though practiced by all classes,' 
were considered worthy to be perfected among the chiefs themselves 
and those who sought their patronage. Of a chief the Polynesian 
sajs, " He speaks well." " Hawaiian stories tell of heroes famous in 
the hoopapa, or art of debating; in the hula, or art of dance and song ; 
of chiefs who learned the lore of the heavens and the earth from some 
supernatural master in order to employ their skill competitively. 
The oihana haku mele, or " business of song making," was hence an 

1 stair, p. 220 ; Gracla, p. 59 ; Alexander, History, chap, iv ; Malo, p. 210. The 
name used for the priesthood of Hawaii, kahuna, is the same as that applied in the 
Marquesas, according to Gracia (p. 60), to the order of chanters. 

2 Gracia, p. 46 ; Mariner, ii, 87, 101, 125 ; Gill, Myths and Songs, pp. 20, 21 ; Moeren- 
hout, I, 474-482. 

2 Malo, p. 69. 

' Ellis (ill, 36) describes the art of medicine in Polynesia, and Erdland (p. 77) says 
that on the Marshall Islands knowledge of the stars and weather signs is handed down 
to a favorite child and can raise rank by attaching a man to the service of a chief. 

Compare Mariner, ii, 90 ; Moerenhout, i, 409 ; Williams and Calvert, I, 111. 

' Jarves says : " Songs and chants were common among all classes, and recited by 
strolling musicians as panegyrics on occasions of joy, grief, or worship. Through them 
the knowledge of events in the lives of prominent persons or the annals of the nation 
were perpetuated. The chief art lay in the formation of short metrical sentences with- 
out much regard to the rhythmical terminations. Monosyllables, dissyllables, and tri- 
syllables had each their distinct time. The natives repeat their lessons, orders received, 
or scraps of ancient song, or extemporize in this monotonous singsong tone for hours 
together, and in perfect accord." 

Compare Ellis's Tour, p. 155. 

' Moerenhout, i, 411. 


aristocratic art. The able composer, man or woman, even if of low 
rank, was sure of patronage as the haku mele, " sorter of songs," for 
some chief; and his name was attached to the song he composed. A 
single poet working alone might produce the panegyric ; but for the 
longer and more important songs of occasion a group got together, 
the theme was proposed and eitlier submitted to a single composer 
or required line by line from each member of the group. In this way 
each line as it was composed was offered for criticism lest any 
ominous allusion creep in to mar the whole by bringing disaster upon 
the person celebrated, and as it was perfected it was committed to 
memory by the entire group, thus insuring it against loss. Protective 
criticism, therefore, and exact transmission were secured by group 

Exactness of reproduction was in fact regarded as a proof of 
divine inspiration. When the chief's sons were trained to recite the 
genealogical chants, those who were incapable were believed to lack 
a share in the divine inheritance; they were literally "less gifted" 
than their brothers.^ 

This distinction accorded to the arts of song and eloquence is due 
to their actual social value. The mele, or formal poetic chants which 
record the deeds of heroic ancestors, are of aristocratic origin and 
belong to the social assets of the family to which they pertain. 
The claim of an heir to rank depends upon his power to reproduce, 
letter perfect, his family chants and his "name song," composed to 
celebrate his birth, and hence exact transmission is a matter of ex- 
treme importance. Facility in debate is not only a competitive art, 
with high stakes attached, but is employed in time of war to shame 
an enemy ,^ quickness of retort being believed, like quickness of hand, 
to be a God-given power. Chants in memory of the dead are de- 
manded of each relative at the burial ceremony.* Song may be used 
to disgrace an enemy, to avenge an insult, to predict defeat at arms. 
It may also be turned to more pleasing purposes — to win back an 
estranged patron or lover ;^ in the art of love, indeed, song is in- 
valuable to a chief. Ability in learning and language is, therefore, 
a highly prized chiefly art, respected for its social value and employed 
to aggrandize rank. How this aristocratic patronage has affected the 
language of composition will be presently clear. 

^ Andrews, Islander, 1875, p. 35 ; Emerson, Unwritten Literature, pp. 27, 38. 

2 In Fornnnder's story of Lonoikamakahiki, the chief memorizes in a single night a 
new chant just imported from Kauai so accurately as to establish his property right to 
the song. 

^Compare with Eliis, i, 286, and Williams and Calvert, I, 46, 50, the notes on the 
boxing contest in the te.\t of Laicikanmi. 

» Gill, Myths and Songs, pp. 268 et seq. 

'See Fornander's stories of Lonoikamakahiki, Ilalemano, and liuapakaa. 

beckwith] introduction 313 

2. nomenclature: its emotional value 

The Hawaiian (or Polynesian) composer wlio would become a 
successful comiDetitor in the fields of poetry, oratory, or disputation 
must store up in his memory the rather long series of names for 
persons, places, objects, or phases of nature which constitute the 
learning of the aspirant for mastery in the art of expression. He is 
taught, says one tale, " about everything in the earth and in the 
heavens" — tliat is, their names, their distinguishing characterstics. 
The classes of objects thus differentiated naturally are determined by 
the emotional interest attached to them, and this depends ujion their 
social or economic value to the group. 

The social value of pedigree and property have encouraged genea- 
logical and geographical enumeration. A long recitation of the 
genealogies of chiefs provides immense emotional satisfaction and 
seems in no way to overtax the reciter's memory. Missionaries tell 
us that " the Hawaiians will commit to memory tlie genealogical 
tables given in the Bible, and delight to repeat them as some of the 
choicest passages in Scripture." Examples of such genealogies are 
common : it is. in fact, the part of the reciter to preserve the pedigree 
of his chief in a formal genealogical chant. 

Such a series is illustrated in the genealogy embedded in the 
famous song to aggrandize the family of the famous chief Kualii, 
which carries back the chiefly line of Hawaii through 26 generations 
to Wakea and Papa, ancestors of the race. 

" Hulihonuji tlie man, 
Keakahulilani the woman, 
Laka the man, Kepapaialeka the woman," 

runs the song, the slight variations evidently fitting the sound to the 
movement of the recitative. 

In the eleventh section of the " Song of Creation " the poet says : 

She tliat lived up in the heavens and Piolani, 
.She that was full of enjoyments and lived in the heavens, 
Lived up there with Kii and liecame his wife. 
Brought increase to the world ; 
and he proceeds to the enumeration of her " increase": 
Kamahaina was born a man, 
Kamamule his brother. 
Kamaainau was born next, 
Kamakulua was born, the youngest a woman. 

Following this family group come a long series, more than 650 pairs 
"of so-called husbands and wives. After the first 400 or so, the 
enumeration proceeds by variations upon a single name. We have 
first some 50 Kupo (dark nights) — "of wandering," "of wrestling," 
"of littleness," etc.; 60 or more Polo; 50 Liili; at least 60 Alii 
(chiefs) ; followed by Mim and Loi in about the same proportion. 


At the end of this series we read that — 

Storm was born. Tide was born, 

Crash was born, and also bursts of bubbles. 

Confusion was born, also rushing, rumbling shaking earth. 

So closes the " second night of Wakea," which, it is interesting to 
note, ends like a charade in the death of Kupololiilialiimualoipo, 
whose nomenclature has been so vastly accumulating through the 
200 or 300 last lines. Notice how the first word Kupo of the series 
opens and swallows all the other five. 

Such recitative and, as it were, symbolic use of genealogical chants 
occurs over and over again. That the series is often of emotional 
rather than of historical value is suggested by the wordplays and 
by the fact that the hero tales do not show what is so characteristic 
of Icelandic saga — a care to record the ancestry of each character 
as it is introduced into the story. To be sure, they commonl}- begin 
with the names of the father and mother of the hero, and their 
setting; but in the older mythological tales these are almost in- 
variably Ku and Ulna, a convention almost equivalent to the phrase 
" In the olden time" ; but, besides fixing the divine ancestry of the 
hero, carrying also with it an idea of kinship with those to whom 
the tale is related, which is not without its emotional value. 

Geographical names, although not enumerated to such an extent 
in any of the tales and songs now accessible, also have an important 
place in Hawaiian composition. In the Laieikawai 76 places are 
mentioned by name, most of them for the mei'e purpose of identify- 
ing a route of travel. A popular form of folk tale is the following, 
told in Waianae, Oahu : " Over in Kahuku lived a high chief, 
Kaho'alii. He instructed his son ' Fly about Oahu while I chew 
the awa; before I have emptied it into the cup return to me and 
rehearse to me all that you have seen.' " The rest of the tale relates 
the 3'outh's enumeration of the places he has seen on the way. 

If we turn to the chants the suggestive use of place names becomes 
still more apparent. Dr. Hyde tells us (na,waiian Annual, 1890, 
p. 79): "In the Hawaiian chant {mele) and dirge (kanikau) the 
aim seems to be chiefly to enumerate every place associated with the 
subject, and to give that place some special epithet, either attached 
to it by commonjDlace repetition or especially devised for the occasion 
as being particularly characteristic." An example of this form of 
reference is to be found in the Kualii chant. We read : 

Where is the battle-field 

Where the warrior is to fight? 

On the field of Kalena, 

At Manini, at Hanini, 

Where was poured the water of the god, 

By your work at Malamanui, 

At the heights of Kapapa, at Paupauwela, 

Where they lean and rest. 


In the play upon the words Manini and Ilanini we recognize some 
rhetorical tinkering, but in general the purpose here is to enumerate 
the actual places famous in Kualii's history. 

At other times a jilace-name is used with allusive interest, the sug- 
gested incident being meant, like certain stories alluded to in the 
Anglo-Saxon "Beowulf," to set oif, by comparison or contrast, the 
present situation. It is important for the poet to know, for example, 
that the phrase "flowers of Paiahaa" refers to the place on Kau, 
Hawaii, where love-tokens cast into the sea at a point some 20 or 30 
miles distant on the Puna coast, invariably find their way to shore 
in the current and bring their message to watchful lovers. 

A third use of localization conforms exactly to our own sense of 
description. The Island of Kauai is sometimes visible lying off to 
the northwest of Oahu. At this side of the island rises the Waianae 
range topped by the peak Kaala. In old times the port of entry for 
travelers to Oahu from Kauai was the seacoast village of Waianae. 
Between it and the village of Waialua runs a great spur of the 
range, which breaks off abruptly at the sea, into the point Kaena. 
Kaliuku point lies beyond Waialua at the northern extremity of the 
island. Mokuleia, with its old inland fishpond, is the first village 
to the west of Waialua. This is the setting for the following lines, 
again taken from the chant of Kualii, the translation varying only 
slightly from that edited by Thrum : 

O Kauai, 

Great Kauai, iniierited from ancestors. 

Sitting in tlie calm of Waianae, 

A cape is Kaena, 

Beyond, Kaliuliu, 

A misty mountain baelc, where tlie winds meet, Kaala, 

There below sits Waialua, 

Waialua there, 

Kahala is a dish for Makuleia, 

A fishpond for the shark roasted in ti-leaf. 

The tail of the shark is Kaena, 

The shark that goes along below Kauai, 

Below Kauai, thy land, 

Kauai O! 

The number of such place names to be stored in the reciter's 
memory is considerable. Not only are they applied in lavish pro- 
fusion to beach, rock, headland, brook, spring, cave, waterfall, even 
to an isolated tree of historic interest, and distributed to less clearly 
marked small land areas to name individual holdings, but, because 
of the importance of the weather in the fishing and seagoing life of 
the islander, they are affixed to the winds, the rains, and the surf or 
" sea " of each locality. All these descriptive appellations the 
composer must employ to enrich his means of place allusion. Even 


to-day the Hawiian editor with a nice sense of emotional values will 
not, in his obituary notice, speak of a man being missed in his native 
district, but will express the idea in some such way as this: "Never 
more will the pleasant Kupuupuu (mist-bearing wind) dampen liis 
brow." The songs of the pleading sisters in the romance of 
Laie'iJcawai illustrate this conventional usage. In Kualii, the poet 
wishes to express the idea that all the sea belongs to the god Ku. He 
therefore enumerates the different kinds of " sea," with their local- 
ity — " the sea for surf riding," " the sea for casting the net," " the 
sea for going naked," " the soa for swimming," " the sea for surf rid- 
ing sideways," " the sea for tossing up mullet," " the sea for small 
crabs," " the sea of many harbors," etc. 

The most complete example of this kind of enumeration occurs in 
the chant of Kuapakaa, where the son of the disgraced chief chants 
to his lord the names of the winds and rains of all the districts about 
each island in succession, and then by means of his grandmother's 
bones in a calabash in the bottom of the canoe (she is the Hawaiian 
wind-goddess) raises a storm and avenges his father's honor. He 
sings : 

There they are ! There they are ! ! 

There they are ! ! ! 

The hard wind of Kohala, 

The short shiirp wind of Kawaihae, 

The flue mist of Waiinea, 

The wind playing in the cocoanut-Ieaves of Kekaha, 

The soft wind of Kiliolo, 

The calm of Kona, 

The ghost-like wind of Kalialuu, 

The wind in the hala-tree of Kaawaloa, 

The moist wind of Kapalilua, 

The whirlwind of Kau, 

The mischievous wind of Hoolapa, 

The dust-driven wind of Maalehu, 

The smoke-laden wind of Kalauea. 

There is no doubt in this enumeration an assertion of power over 
the forces the reciter calls by name, as a descendant of her who has 
transmitted to him the magic formula. 

Just so the technician in fishing gear, bark-cloth making, or in 
canoe or house building, the two crafts specially practiced by chiefs, 
acquires a very minute nomenclature useful to the reciter in word 
debate or riddling. The classic example in Hawaiian song is the 
famous canoe-chant, which, in the legend of Kana, Uli uses in 
preparing the canoe for her grandsons' war expedition against the 
ravisher of Hina (called the Polynesian Helen of Troy) and which 
is said to be still employed for exorcism by sorcerers (Kahuna), 
of whom Uli is the patron divinity. The enumeration begins thus: 


It is the double canoe of Kaumaielleli, 

Keakamilo the outriggei', 

Halauloa the body, 

Luu the part under water, 

Aukuuikalaui the bow; 

and so on to the names of the cross stick, the lashings, the sails, the 
bailing cup, the rowers in order, and the seat of each, his paddle, 
and his " seagoing loin cloth." There is no wordjalay perceptible 
in this chant, but it is doubtful whether the object is to record a 
historical occurrence or rather to exhibit inspired craftsmanship, the 
process of enumeration serving as the intellectual test of an inlierited 
gift from the gods. 

Besides technical interests, the social and economic life of the 
people centers close attention upon the plant and animal life about 
them, as well as upon kinds of stone useful for working. Andrews 
enumerates 26 varieties of edible seaweed known to the Hawaiians. 
The reciters avail themselves of these well-known terms, sometimes 
for quick comparison, often for mere enumeration. It is interesting 
to see how, in the " Song of Creation," in listing plant and animal 
life according to its supposed order of birth — first, shellfish, then 
seaweed and grasses, then fishes and forests plants, then insects, 
birds, reptiles — wordplay is employed in carrying on the enumera- 
tion. We read: 

"The Mano (shark) was born, the Moana was born 

In the sea and swam. 
The Mau was born, the Maumau was born 

in the sea and swam, 
The Nana was. horn, tlie Mana was horn 

In the sea and swam." 

and so on through Nake and Make, Napa and Nala, Pala and Kala, 
Paka (eel) and Papa (crab) and twenty-five or thirty other pairs 
whose signification is in most cases lost if indeed they are not en- 
tirely fictitious. Again, 16 fish names are paired with similar names 
of forest plants; for example: 

" The Pahau was born in the sea, 
Guarded by tlie Lauliau that grew in the forest." 

" The Hee was born and lived in the sea. 
Guarded by the Walahee that grew in the forest." 

Here the relation between the two objects is evidently fixed by the 
chance likeness of name. 

On the whole, the Hawaiian takes little interest in stars. The 
" canoe-steering star," to be sure, is useful, and the " net of Makalii " 
(the Pleiads) belongs to a well-known folk tale. But star stories 
do not appear in Hawaiian collections, and even sun and moon 


stories are rare, all belonging to the older and more mythical tales. 
Clouds, however, are very minutely observed, both as weather indica- 
tors and in the lore of signs, and appear often in song and 
story. ^ 

Besides differentiating such visible phenomena, the Polynesian 
also thinks in parts of less readily distinguishable wholes. When 
we look toward the zenith or toward the horizon we conceive the dis- 
stance as a whole ; the Polynesian divides and names the space much 
as we divide our globe into zones. We have seen how he conceives 
a series of heavens above the earth, order in creation, rank in the 
divisions of men on earth and of gods in heaven. In the passage 
of time he records how the sun measures the changes from day to 
night; how the moon marks off the month; how the weather changes 
determine the seasons for planting and fishing through the year; 
and, observing the progress of human life from infancy to old age, 
he names each stage until " the staff rings as you walk, the eyes are 
dim like a rat's, they pull you along on the mat," or " they bear you 
in a bag on the back." 

Clearly the interest aroused by all this nomenclature is emotional, 
not rational. There is too much wordplay. Utility certainly plays 
some part, but the prevailing stimulus is that which bears directly 

' In the Hawaiian Annual, 1890, Alexarder translates some notes printed by Kamakau 
in 18G5 upon Hawaiian astronomy as related to the art ot navigation. The bottom of a 
gourd represented the heavens, upon which were marked three lines to show the north- 
ern and southern limits of the sun's path, and the equator — called the " black shining 
road of Kane " and " of Kanaloa," respectively, and the " road of the spider " or " road 
to the navel of Wakea " (ancestor of the race). A line was drawn from the north star 
to Newe In the south ; to the right was the " bright road of Kane," to the left the 
" much traveled road of Kanaloa." Within these lines were marked the positions of all 
the known stars, of which Kamakau names 14, besides 5 planets. For notes upon 
Polynesian astronomy consult Journal of the Polynesian Society, iv, 236. 

Hawaiian priestly hierarchies recognize special orders whose function it is to read 
the signs in the clouds, in dreams, or the flight of birds, or to practice some form of 
divination with the entrails ot animals. In Hawaii, according to Fornander. the sooth- 
sayers constitute three of the ten large orders of priests, called Oneoneihonua, Kilokilo, 
and Nanauli, and these are subdivided into lesser orders. Ike, knowledge, means literally 
" to see with the eyes," but it is used also to express mental vision, or knowledge with 
reference to the objective means by which such knowledge is obtained. So the " gourd 
of wisdom " — kn ipii o ka ike — which Laieikawal consults (p. GIO), brings distant objects 
before the eyes so that the woman " knows by seeing " what is going on below. Signs 
in the clouds are especially observed, both as weather indicators and to forecast the 
doings of chiefs. According to Westervelt's story of Kcaomelemele, the lore is taught 
to mythical ancestors of the Hawaiian race by the gods themselves. The best analysis 
of South Sea Island weather signs is to be found in Erdland's " Marshall lusulaner," 
page 69. Early in the morning or in the evening is the time tor making observations. 
Rainbows, punohu — doubtfully explained to me as mists touched by the end of a rain- 
bow — and the long clouds which lie along the horizon, forecast the doings of chiefs. A 
pretty instance of the rainbow sign occurred in the recent history of Hawaii. When 
word reached Honolulu of the death of King Kalakaua, the throng pressed to the palace 
to greet their new monarch, and as Her Majesty Liliuokalani appeared upon the balcony 
to receive them, a rainbow arched across the palace and was instantly recognized as a 
symbol of her royal rank. In the present story the use of the rainbow symbol shows 
clumsy workmanship, since near its close the Sun god is represented as sending to his 
bride as her peculiar distinguishing mark the same sign, a rainbow, which has been 
hers from birth. 


upon the idea of rank, some divine pi'ivilege being conceived in the 
mere act of naming, by ■which a supernatural power is gained over 
the object named. The names, as the objects for wliich they stand, 
come from the gods. TIiiis in tlie story of Pupuhuluena, tlie culture 
hero propitiates two fishermen into revealing the names of their 
food plants and later, by reciting these correctly, tricks the spirits 
into conceding his right to their possession. Thus he wins tuberous 
food plants for his people. 

For this reason, exactness of knowledge is essential. The god 
is irritated by mistakes.^ To mispronounce even casually the name 
of the remote relative of a chief might cost a man a valuable patron 
or even life itself. Some chiefs are so sacred that their names are 
taboo; if it is a word in common use, there is chance of that word 
dropping out of the language and being replaced by another. 

Completeness of enumeration hence has cabalistic value. When 
the Hawaiian laropitiates his gods he concludes with an invoca- 
tion to the " forty thousand, to the four hundred thousand, to 
the four thousand " ^ gods, in order that none escape the incantation. 
Direction is similarly invoked all around the compass. In the art 
of verbal debate — called hoopapa in Hawaii — the test is to match a 
rival's series with one exactly parallel in every particular or to add 
to a whole some undiscovered part.^ A charm mentioned in folk 

' Moercnhout (i, 501-507) says that the Areois society In Tahiti, one of whose chief 
cbjects was " to preserve the chants and songs of antiquity," sent out an officer called 
the ■' Night-walker," Bare-po, whose duty it was to recite the chants all night long at 
the sacred places. If he hesitated a moment it was a bad omen. " Perfect memory for 
these chants was a gift of god and pro%ed that a god spoke through and inspired the 
reciter." If a single slip was made, the whole was considered useless. 

Erdland relates that a Marshall Islander who died in 1906 remembered correctly 
the names of officers and scholars who came to the islands in the Chamisso party when 
he was a boy of 8 or 10. 

Fornander notes that, in collecting Hawaiian chants, of the Kualii dating from about 
the seventeenth century and containing 618 lines, one copy collected on Hawaii, another 
on Oahu, did not vary in a single line; of the Bauikalani, written just before Kame- 
hameha's time and containing 527 lines, a copy from Hawaii and one from Maui 
differed only in the omission of a single word. 

Tripping and stammering games were, besides, practiced to insure exact articulation. 
(See Turner, Samoa, p. 131 ; Thomson, pp. 16, 315.) 

^Emerson, Unwritten Literature, p. 24 (note). 

' This is well illustrated in Fornander's story of Kaipalaoa"s disputation with the 
orators who gathered about Kalanialiiloa on Kauai. Say the men : 

' Kuu moku la e kuu moku, 
Moku kele i ka waa o Kaula, 
Moku kele i ka waa, Nihoa, 
Moku kele i ka waa, Niihau. 
Lehua, Kauai, Molokai, Oahu, 
Maui. Lanai, Kahoolawe, 
ilolokini, Kauiki, Mokuhano, 
Makaukiu, Makapu, Mokoiii. 

My island there, my island ; 
Island to which my canoe sails, Kaula, 
Island to which my canoe sails, Nihoa, 
Island to which my canoe sails, Niihau. 
I^ehua, Kauai, Molokai, Oahu, 
Maui, Lanai, Kahoolawe, 
Molokini, Kauiki, Mokuhano, 
Makaukiu, Makapu, Mokoiii. 

"You are beaten, young man ; there are no islands left. We have taken up the 
Islands to be found, none left." 



[eTH. ANN. 33 

tale is "to name every word that ends with Zaw." Certain numbers, 
too, have a kind of magic finality in themselves; for example, to 
count off an identical phrase by ten without missing a word is the 
charm by which Lepe tricks the spirits. In the Kualil, once more, 
Ku is extolled as the tenth chief and warrior : 

The first chief, the second chief. 

The tliird chief, the fourtli cliief. 

The fifth chief, the sixth chief, 

Tlie seventh chief, the eighth chief. 

The ninth chief, the tenth chief is Ku, 

Ku who stood in the path of the rain of the heaven, 

The first warrior, tlie second warrior, 

The tliird warrior, tlie fourth warrior, 

Tlie fifth warrior, the sixth warrior, 

The seventli warrior, the eighth warrior. 

The ninth warrior, tlie tenth warrior 

Is the Cliief who makes the King rub his eyes. 

The young warrior of all Maui. 

Says the boy : 
"Kuu moku e, kuu moku, 

Mokuola, ulu ka ai, 
Ulu ka niu, ulu ka laau, 
Ku ka hale, holo ua holoholona. 

"There is an island for you. It js an island, 
(This is a small island off Ililo, Hawaii.) 
The men try again : 
" He aina hau kinikini o Kohala, 
Na'u i helu a hookahi hau, 

1 e hiku hau keu. 
O ke ama hau la akahl, 
O ka lako hau la alua, 
O ka ilihau la akolu, 
O ka laau hau la aha, 
O ke opu hau la alima, 
O ka nanana hau la acne, 
O ka hau i ka mauna la ahlku. 

I Here is my island, my island 
Mokuola where grows food, 
The cocoanut grows, trees grow. 
Houses stand, animals run. 
It is in the sea." 

A land of many liau trees is Kohala 
Out of a single hau tree I have counted 

And found seven hau. 

The han for the outriggers makes one. 
The hau for the Joining piece makes two. 
The Jiau bark makes three. 
The hau wood makes four. 
The hau bush makes five. 
The large hau tree makes six. 
The mountain hau makes seven. 
" Say, young man, you will have no hau, for we have used it all. There is none left. 

If you find any more, you shall live, but if you fail you shall surely die. We will twist 

your nose till you see the sun at Kumukenn. We will poke your eyes with the Kahili 

handle, and when the water runs out, our little god of disputation shall suck it up — 

the god Kaneulupo." 

Says the boy, " Tou full-grown men have found so many uses, you whose teeth are 

rotten with age, why can't I, a lad, find other uses, to save myself so that I may live. 

I shall search for some more hau, and if I fail you shall live, but if I find them you 

shall surely die. 

"Aina hau kinikini o Kona, 
Na'u i helu hookahi hau, 
A ehiku hau keu." 

.\ land of many hau trees is in Kona 
Out of a single hau I have counted one. 
And found seven hau. 

llonolahau makes one, 
Lanihau makes two, 
Punohau makes three, 
Kabauloa makes four, 
Auhaukea makes five, 
Kahauiki makes six, 
kona la ahikn. The Kehau that drives the canoe at Kona 
makes seven. 
(All names of places in the Kona district.) 
"There are seven hau, you men with rotten teeth." 

O Honolohau la akahl, 
O Lanihau la alua 
O Punohau la akolu, 
O Kahauloa la aha, 
O Auhaukea la alima, 
O Kahauiki la aono, 
Holo kehau 1 ka waa 


And there follows an enumeration of the other nine warriors. A 
similar use is made of counting-out lines in the famous chant of the 
" Mirage of Mana " in the story of Lono^ evidently with the idea of 
completing an inclusive series. 

Counting-out formula} reappear in story-telling in such repetitive 
series of incidents as those following the action of the five sisters 
of the unsuccessful wooer in the Laieikawai storj'. Ilei'e the inter- 
est develops, as in the lines from Kualii, an added emotional element, 
that of climax. The last place is given to the importarit character. 
Although everyone is aware that the younger sister is the most 
competent member of the group, the audience must not be deprived 
of the pleasure of seeing each one try and fail in turn before the 
youngest makes the attempt. The story-teller, moreover, varies the 
incident; he does not exactly follow his formula, which, however, 
it is interesting to note, is more fixed in the evidently old dialogue 
part of the story than in the explanatory action. 

Story-telling also exhibits how the vital connection felt to exist be- 
tween a person or object and the name by which it is distinguished, 
which gives an emotional value to the mere act of naming, is extended 
further to include scenes with which it is associated. The Hawaiian 
has a strong place sense, visible in his devotion to scenes familiar to 
his experience, and this is reflected in his language. In the Laieikawai 
it appears in the plaints of the five sisters as they recall their native 
land. In the songs in the Halemano which the lover sings to win his 
lady and the chant in Lonoikamakahiki with which the disgraced 
favorite seeks to win back his lord, those places are recalled to mind 
in which the friends have met hardship together, in order, if possible, 
to evoke the same emotions of love and loyalty which were theirs un- 
der the circumstances described. Hawaiians of all classes, in mourn- 
ing their dead, will recall vividly in a wailing chant the scenes with 
which their lost friend has been associated. I remember on a tramp 
in the hills above Honolulu coming upon the grass hut of a Hawaiian 
lately released from serving a term for manslaughter. The place 
commanded a fine view — the sweep of the blue sea, the sharp rugged 
lines of the coast, the emerald rice patches, the wide-mouthed valleys 
cutting the roots of the wooded hills. "It is lonely here?" we asked 
the man. '■'• Aole! maikai keia!" ("No, the view is excellent") he 

The ascription of perfection of form to divine influence may 
explain the Polynesian's strong sense for beauty.^ The Polynesian 
sees in nature the sign of the gods. In its lesser as in its more mar- 
velous manifestations — thunder, lightning, tempest, the " red rain," 
the rainbow, enveloping mist, cloud shapes, sweet odoi's of plants, so 

> Thomson says that the Fijians diCfer from the Polynesians in their indifference to 
beauty in nature. 

7493G°— 19— 33 eth 21 


rare in Hawaii, at least, or the notes of birds — he reads an augury of 
divine indwelling. The romances glow with delight in the startling 
effect of personal beauty upon the beholder — a beauty seldom de- 
scribed in detail save occasionally by similes from nature. In the 
Laieikawai the sight of the heroine's beauty creates such an ecstasy 
in the heart of a mere countryman that he leaves his business to run 
all about the island heralding his discovery. Dreaming of the beauty 
of Laieikawai, the j'oung chief feels his heart glow with passion for 
this " red blossom of Puna " as the fiery volcano scorches the wind 
that fans across its bosom. A divine hero must select a bride of 
faultless beauty; the heroine chooses her lover for his physical per- 
fections. Now we can hardly fail to see that in all these cases the 
delight is intensified by the belief that beauty is godlike and betrays 
divine rank in its possessor. Rank is tested by perfection of face and 
form. The recognition of beauty thus becomes regulated by express 
rules of symmetry and surface. Color, too, is admired according to 
its social value. Note the delight in red, constantly associated with 
the accouterments of chiefs. 

3. analogy: its pictorial quality 

A second significant trait in the treatment of objective life, 
swiftness of analogy, affects the Polynesian in two ways: the first is 
pictorial and plays upon a likeness between objects or describes an 
idea or mood in metaphorical terms; the second is a mere linguistic 
\A^y upon words. Much nomenclature is merely a quick picturing 
which fastens attention upon the special feature that attracts atten- 
tion; ideas are naturally reinforced by some simple analogy. I 
recall a curious imported flower with twisted inner tube which the 
natives call, with a characteristic touch of daring drollery, "the 
intestines of the clergyman." Spanish moss is named from a promi- 
nent figure of the foreign community " Judge Dole's beard." Some 
native girls, braiding fern wreaths, called my attention to the dark, 
graceful fronds which grow in the shade and are prized for such 
work. " These are the natives," they said ; then pointing slyly to the 
coarse, light ferns burned in the sun they added, " these are the for- 
eigners." After the closing exercises of a mission school in Hawaii 
one of the parents was called upon to make an address. He said: 
"As I listen to the songs and recitations I am like one who walks 
through the forest where the birds are singing. I do not understand 
the words, but the sound is sweet to the ear." The boys in a certain 
district school on Hawaii call the weekly head inspection " playing 
the ukulele " in allusion to the literal interpretation of the name for 
the native banjo. These homely illustrations, taken from the every- 
day life of the peoj^le, illustrate a habit of mind which, when ap- 
plied for conscious emotional effect, results in much charm of formal 

i;eckwith] introduction 323 

expression. The habit of isohiting the essential feature leads to such 
suggestive names as "Leaping water," "White mountain," "The 
gathering place of the clouds," for waterfall or peak; or to such 
personal appellations as that applied to a visiting foreigner who 
had temporarily lost his voice, " The one who never spealis " ; or to 
such a description of a large settlement as " many footprints." ^ The 
graphic sense of analogy applies to a mountain such a name as 
" House of the sun " ; to the prevailing rain of a certain district the 
appellation " The rain with a pack on its back," "Leaping wlialo " or 
" Ghostlike " ; to a valley, " The leaky canoe " ; to a canoe, " Eel 
sleeping in the water." A man who has no brother in a family is 
called "A single coconut," in allusion to a tree from which hangs a 
single fruit. " 

This tendency is readily illustrated in the use of synonyms. Oill 
means " to twist, roll up ;" it also means " to be wearj^, agitated, 
tossed about in mind." Hoolala means " to branch out," as the 
branches of a tree; it is also applied in sailing to the deflection from 
a course. Kilohana is the name given to the outside decorated piece 
of tapa in a skirt of five layers ; it means generally, therefore, " the 
very best " in contrast to that which is inferior. Kuapaa means liter- 
ally " to harden the back " with oppressive work ; it is applied to a 
breadfruit parched on the tree or to a rock that shows itself above 
water. Lilolilo means " to spread out, expand as blossom from bud ;" 
it also applies to an open-handed person. Nee may mean " to hitch 
along from one place to another," or " to change the mind." Palele 
•means " separate, put somewhere else when there is no place vacant ;" 
it also applies to stammering. These illustrations gathered almost at 
random may be indefinitely multiplied. I recall a clergyman in a 
small hamlet on Hawaii who wished to describe the character of the 
people' of that place. Picking up a stone of very close grain of the 
kind used for pounding and called alapaa, literally, " close-grained 
stone," he explained that because the people of that section were 
"tight" (stingy) they were called Kaweleau alapaa. This ready 
imitativeness, often converted into caricature, enters into the minutest 
detail of life and is the clew to many a familiar proverb like that of 
the canoe on the coral reef quoted in the text.'' The chants abound 
in such symbols. Man is " a long-legged fish " offered to the gods. 
Ignorance is the " night of the mind." The cloud hanging over 
Kaula is a bird which flies before the wind * — 

The blackbird begged, 
The bird of KaiiUi begged, 
Floating up there above Waahila. 

1 Turuer, Samoa, p. 220. 

- Ihid. ; Moei-euhout, i, 407-410. 

= Turner, Samoa, pp. 216-221 ; Williams and Calvert, i, p. 110. 

' Williams and Calvert, i, 118. 


The coconut leaves are "the hair of the trees, their long locks.'* 
Kailua district is " a mat spread out narrow and gi'ay." 

The classic example of the use of such metaphor in Hawaiian song 
is tlie famous passage in the Llauikalani in which chiefs at war are 
compared with a cockfight, the favorite Hawaiian pastime ^ being 
realistically described in allusion to Keoua's wars on Hawaii : 

Hawaii is a cockpit ; tlie trained cocks flslit on tlie srounil. 

Tlie cliief flglits — tlie dark-red cock awakes at niglit for battle ; 

The youth fights yaliantly — Loeau, son of Keoua. 

He whets his spurs, he pecks as if eating; 

He scratches in the arena — this Hilo — tlie sand of AYaiolama. 


He is a well-fed cock. The chief is complete, 

Warmed in the smokehouse till the dried feathers rattle. 

With changing color.s, like many-colored paddles, like piles of polished Kahili. 

The feathers rise and fall at the striking of the spurs. 

Here the allusions to the red color and to eating suggest a chief. 
The feather brushes waved over a chief and the bright-red paddles of 
his war fleet are compared to the motion of a fighting cock's bright 
feathers, the analogy resting upon the fact that the color and the 
motion of rising and falling are common to all three. 

This last passage indicates the precise charm of Polynesian meta- 
phor. It lies in the singer's close observation of the exact and char- 
acteristic truth Avhich suggests the likeness, an exactness necessary to 
carry the allusion with his audience, and which he sharpens inces- 
santly from the concrete facts before him. Kuapakaa sings: 

The rain in the winter comes slanting. 

Taking the breath away, pressing down the hair. 

Parting the hair in the middle. 

The chants are full of such precise descriptions, and they furnisli 
the rich vocabulary of epithet employed in recalling a place, person, 
or object. Transferred to matters of feeling or emotion, they result 
in poetical comparisons of much charm. Sings Kuapakaa (Wise's 
translation) : 

The pointed clouds have become fixed in the heavens, 

The pointed clouds grow quiet like one in pain before childbirth. 

Ere it conies raining heavily, without ceasing. 

The umbilicus of the r;iin is in the heavens. 

The streams will yet be swollen by the rain. 

Hina's song of longing for her lost lover in Laieikawai should be 
compared with the lament of Laukiamanuikahiki when, abandoned 
by her lover, she sees the clouds drifting in the direction he has 
taken : 

^ Mocrenhout, il, 14G. 




The sun is up, it is up ; 

Jiy Icve is ever up before me. 

It is causing nie great sorrow, it is pricking me in tlie side, 

For love is a burden when one is in love, 

And falling tears are its due. 

How vividl_y the mind enters into this analogy is proved by its 
swift identification with the likeness presented. Originally this 
identification was no doubt due to ideas of magic. In romance, 
life in the open — in the forests or on the sea — has taken posses- 
sion of the imagination. In the myths heroes climb the heavens, 
dwelling half in the air; again they are amphibian like their 
great lizard ancestors. In the Laieikawai, as in so many stories, 
note how much of the action takes place on or in the sea — canoe- 
ing, swimming, or surfing. In less humanized tales the realiza- 
tion is much more fantastic. To the Polynesian mind such figurative 
sayings as " swift as a bird " and " swim like a fish " mean a literal 
transformation, his sense of identity being yet plastic, capable of 
uniting itself with whatever shape catches the eye. When the poet 
Marvel says — 

Casting the body's vest aside, 
My soul into the boughs does glide; 
There, like a bird, it sits and slugs, 
Then whets and combs its silver wings, 
And, till prepared for longer flight, 
AVaves in its plumes the various light — 

he is merely expressing a commonplace of primitive mental expe- 
rience, transformation stories being of the essence of Polynesian as 
of mucli primitive speculation about the natural objects to which 
his eye is drawn with wonder and delight. 


Analog}- is the basis of many a double meaning. There is, in fact, 
no lyric song describing natural scenery that may not have beneath it 
some implied, often indelicate, allusion whose riddle it takes an 
adroit and practiced mind to unravel. 

This riddling tendency of figurative verse seems to be due to the 
aristocratic patronage of composition, whose tendency was to exalt 
language above the comprehension of the common people, either by 
obscurity, through ellipsis and allusion, or by saying one thing and 
meaning another. A special chief's language was thus evolved, in 
which the speaker might couch his secret resolves and commands 
unsuspected by those who stood within earshot. Quick interpretation 
of such symbols was the test of chiefly rank and training. On the 
other hand, the wish to appear innocent led him to hide his mean- 
ing in a commonplace observation. Hence nature and the objects 


and actions of everyday life were the symbols employed. For the 
heightened language of pnetry the same chiefly strain was culti- 
vated — the allusion, metaphor, the double meaning became essential 
to its art ; and in the song of certain periods a play on words by pun- 
ning and word linking became highly artificial requirements.^ 

Illustrations of this art do not fall upon a foreign ear with the 
force which they have in the Polynesian, because much of the skill 
lies in tricks with words impossible to translate, and often the jest 
depends upon a custom or allusion with which the foreigner is un- 
familiar. It is for this reason that such an art becomes of social 
value, because only the chief who keeps up with the fashion and the 
follower who hangs upon the words of his chief can translate the 
allusion and parry the thrust or satisfy the request. In a Samoan 
tale a Avandering magician requests in one village " to go dove catch- 
ing," and has the laugh on his simple host because he takes him at 
his word instead of bringing him a wife. In a Tongan story - the chief 
grows hungry while out on a canoe trip, and bids his servant, "Look 
for a banana stalk on the weather side of the boat." As this is the 
side of the women, the command meant "Kill a woman for me to 
eat. " The woman designed for slaughter is in this case wise enough 
to catch his meaning and save herself and child by hiding under the 
canoe. In Fornander's story a usurper and his accomplice plan the 
moment for the death of their chief over a game of konane, 
the innocent words which seem to apply to the game being ut- 
tered by the consj^irators with a more sinister meaning. The lan- 
guage of insults and opprobrium is particularly rich in such double 
meanings. The pig god, wishing to insult Pele, who has refused his 
advances, sings of her, innocently enough to common ears, as a 
" woman pounding nont." Now, the mcuw is the plant from which 
red dye is extracted ; the allusion therefore is to Pele's red eyes, and 
the goddess prompth' resents the implication. 

It is to this chiefly art of riddling that we must ascribe the stories 
of riddling contests that are handed down in Polynesian tales. The 
best Hawaiian examples are perhaps found in Fornander's A'epakai- 
liula. Here the hero wins supremacy over his host by securing the 
answer to two riddles — " The men that stand, the men that lie down, 
the men that are folded," and "Plaited all around, plaited to the 
bottom, leaving an opening." The answer is in both cases a house, 
for in the first riddle " the timbers stand, the batons lie down, the 
grass is folded under the cords " ; in the second, the process of thatch- 
ing is described in general terms. In the story of Pikoiakaala, on the 
other hand, the hero puzzles his contestants by riddling with the 
word " rat." This word riddling is further illustrated in the story 

' See Moerenhout, ii, 210; Jarves, p. 34; Alexander In Andrews' Diet., p. xvi ; Ellis, i, 
288 ; Graeia, p. 65 ; Gill, Myths and Songs, p. 42. 
'FiBon, p. 100. 




of the debater, Kaipalaoa, already quoted. His opponents produce 
this song: 

The .small bird chirps; it sliivers in tlie rain, in Puna, at ICeaau, at Iwalnalo, 
and challenge him to " find another vialoP Says the boy : 

The crow caw caws; it shines in the rain. In Kona, at Honalo, it is hidden 

Thus, by using nalo correctly in the song in two ways, he has over- 
matched his rivals. 

In the elaborated hula songs, such as Emerson quotes, the art can 
be seen in full perfection. Dangerous as all such interpretation of 
native art must be for a foreigner, I venture in illustration, guided 
by AVise's translation, the analysis of one of the songs sung by Hale- 
mano to win back his lost lady love, the beauty of Puna. The circum- 
stances are as follows: Halemano, a Kauai chief, has wedded a fa- 
mous beauty of Puna, Hawaii, who has now deserted him for a 
royal lover. Meanwhile a Kohala princess who loves him seeks to 
become his mistress, and makes a festival at which she may enjoy 
his company. The estranged Mife is present, and during the games 
he sings a series of songs to reproach her infidelity. One of them 
runs thus : 

Hewn down by the sea are the pau- 
danus trees of Puna. 

They are standing there lil^e men, 

Lilce a multitude in the lowlands of 

Step by step the sea rises above the 

So life revives once more within me, 
for love of you. 

A bracer to man is wrath. 

As I wandered friendless over the high- 
ways, alas ! 

That way, this way, what of me, love? 

Alas, my wife — O ! 

My companion of the shallow planted 
breadfruit of Kalapana. 

Of the sun rising cold at Kumukahi. 

Above all else the love of a wife. 

For my temples burn. 

And my heart (literally "middle") is 
cold for your love, 

And my body is under bonds to Iier 
(the princess of Kohala). 

Come back to me, a wandering 
Au bird of Koolau, 

My love, come back. 

Come back and let us warm each other 
with love, 

Beloved one in a friendless land (lit- 
erally, "without parents"). 

Ke kua ia mai la e ke kai ka hala o 

B halaoa ana me he kanaka la, 
Lulumi iho la i kai o Hilo-e. 

Hanuu ke kai i luna o Mokuola. 

Ua ola ae nei loko i ko aloha-e. 

He kokua ka inaina no k,e kanaka. 
Hele kuewa au I ke alanui e ! 

Pela, peia, pehea au e ke aloha? 

Auwe kuu wahine — a ! 

Kuu hoa o ka ulu hapapa o Kalapana. 

O ka la hiki anuanu ma Kumukahi. 
Akahi ka mea aloha o ka wahine. 
Ke hele neiia wela kuu manawa, 
.A. huihui kuu piko i ke aluha, 

Ne aie kuu kino no ia la-e. 

Hoi mai kaua he a'u koolau keia, 

Kuu wahine hoi e ! Hoi mai. 
Hoi mai kaua e hoopumehana. 

Ka makamaka o ia aina makua ole. 


Paraphrased, the song may mean : 

The sea has enroaclied upon the shore of Puna and Hilo so that the hala 
trees stand out in the water; still they stand firm in spite of the flood. So love ' 
floods my heart, but I am braced by anger. Alas ! my wife, have you forgotten 
the days when we dwelt in Kalapana and saw the sun rise beyond Cape Kumu- 
kahi? I burn and freeze for your love, yet my body is engaged to the princess 
of Kohala, by the rules of the game. Come back to me ! I am from Kauai, in 
the north, and here in Puna I am a stranger and friendless. 

The first figure alludes to the well-known fact that the sinking of 
the Puna coast has left the pandanus trunks standing out in the 
water, which formerly grew on dry land. The poetical meaning, 
however, depends first upon the similarity in sound between Ke kua, 
" to cut," which begins the parallel, and Tie hohua^ which is also 
used to mean cutting, but implies assisting, literally " bracing the 
back," and carries over the image to its analogue ; and, second, upon 
the play upon the word oJa, life : " The sea floods the isle of life — 
yes ! Life survives in spite of sorrow," may be the meaning. In 
the latter part of the song the epithets anuanu, chilly, and hapapa, 
used of seed planted in shallow soil, may be chosen in allusion to the 
cold and shallow nature of her love for him. 

The nature of Polynesian images must now be apparent. A close 
observer of nature, the vocabulary of epithet and image <\'ith which 
it has enriched the mind is, especially in proverb or figurative verse, 
made use of allusively to suggest the quality of emotion or to convey 
a sarcasm. The quick sense of analogy, coupled with a precise 
nomenclature, insures its suggestive value. So we find in the lan- 
guage of nature vivid, naturalistic accounts of everyday happenings 
in fantastic reshapings, realistically conceived and ascribed to the 
gods who rule natural phenomena ; a figurative language of signs to 
be read as an implied analogy ; allusive use of objects, names, places, 
to convey the associated incident, or the description of a scene to 
suggest the accompanying emotion; and a sense of delight in the 
striking or phenomenal in sound, perfume, or appearance, which is 
explained as the work of a god. 


Finally, to the influence of song, as to thg dramatic requirements 
of oral delivery, are perhaps due the retention of certain constructive 
elements of style. No one can study the form of Hawaiian poetry 
without observing that parallelism is at the basis of its structure. 
The same swing gets into the prose style. Perhaps the necessity of 
memorizing also had its etfect. A composition was planned for oral 
delivery and intended to please the ear; tone values were accordingly 
of great importance. The variation between narrative, recitative, and 
formal song ; the frequent dialogue, sometimes strictly dramatic ; the 


repetitive series in which the same act is attempted by a succession of 
actors, 01- the stages of an action are described in exactly the same 
form, or a repetition is planned in ascending scale ; the singsong value 
of the antithesis; ^ the suspense gained bj' the ejaculation ^ — all these 

' The following examples are taken from the Laieikaioai, where antithesis is frequent : 
"Four children were mine, four are dead." (P. 346.) 

" Jlasters inside and outside" (to express masters over everything). (P. 358.) 
" I have seen great and small, men and women ; low chiefs, men and women ; high 

chiefs." (P. 360.) 
" When you wish to go, go ; if you wish to stay, this is nana, stay here." (P. 380.) 
"As you would do to me, so shall I to you." (P. 380.) 
" I will not touch you, you must not touch me." (P. 404.) 
"Until day becomes night and night day." (P. 412.) 
" If it seems good I will consent ; if not, I will refuse." (P. 418.) 
" Camped at some distance from A's party and .\'s party from them." (P. 426.) 
"Sounds cnly by night, . . . never by day." (P. 43G.) 
" Through us the consent, through us the refusal." (P. 440.) 
" You above, our wife below." (P. 492.) 
*' Thunder pe.iled. this was Walia's worli ; thunder pealed, this was Malio's work.** 

(P. 504.) 
" Do not look back, face ahead." (P. 504.) 
" Adversity to one is adversity to all ;" " we will not forsake you, do not you forsake 

us." (P. 516.) 
"Not to windward, go to leeward." (P. 558.) 
" Never . . . any destruction before like this ; never will any come hereafter.*' 

(P. 574.) 
" Everyone has a god, none is without." (P. 590.) 
" There I stood, you were gone." (P. 590.) 
" I have nothing to complain of you, you have nothing to complain of me." (P. 602.) 

The balanced sentence structure is often handled with particular skill : 
" It ... a daughter, let her die ; however many daughters ... let them die.** 

(P. 344.) 
" The penalty is death, death to himself, death to his wife, death to all his friends.** 

(P. 408.) 
** Drive him awny ; if he should tell you his desire, force him away ; if he is very 

persistent, force him still more." (P. 462.) 
" Again they went up . . . again the chief waited . . . the chief again sent 

a band." (P. 468.) 
" A crest arose ; he finished his prayer to the amen ; again a crest arose, the second 

this ; not long after another wave swelled." (P. 506.) 
" If she has given H. a kiss, if she has defiled herself with him, then we lose the wife, 
then take me to my grave without pity. But if she has hearkened 
then she is a wife for you, if my grandchild has hearkened to my command." 

(P. 534.) 
A series of synonyms is not uncommon, or the repetition of an idea in other words : 
" Do" not fear, have no dread." (P. 434.) 
"Linger not, delay not your going." (P. 466.) 
" Exert your strength, all yur godlike might." (P. 4G6.) 
'* Lawless one, mischief maker, rogue of the sea." (P. 466.) 
" Princess of broad Hawaii, Laieikawai, our mistress." (P. 560.) 
" House of detention, prison-house." (P. 548.) 
" Daughter, lord, ptieserver." (P. 552.) 

2 In the course of the story of Laieikaicai occur more than 50 ejaculatory phrases, 
more than half of these in the narrative, not the dialogue, portion : 

1. The most common is used to provide suspense for what is to follow and is printed 

without the point — via hoi, literally, " then (or there) indeed," with the force of 
our lo ! or behold! (p. 549). 

2. Another less common form, native to the Hawaiian manner of thought, is the con- 

tradiction of a piausitfle conjecture — aole ka! "not so!" (p. 345). Both these 
forms occur in narrative or in dialogue. The four following are found in dialogue 
alone : 

3. Auhra opf "where are you?*' is used to introduce a vigorous address. (P. 347.) 

4. Auwc! to express surprise (common in ordinary speech), is rare in this story. 


devices contribute values to the eai- whicli help to catch and please 
the sense. 

IV. Conclusions 

1. Much of the material of Hawaiian song and story is traditional within other 

Polynesian groups. 

2. A'erse making is practiced as an aristocratic art of high social value in the 

households of chiefs, one in which both men and women take part. 

3. In both prose and poetry, for the purpose of social aggi'andizement. the 

theme is the individual hero exalted through his family connection and 
his own achievement to the rank of divinity. 

4. Tlie action of the story generally consists in a succession of contests in 

which is tested the hero's claim to supernatural power. These contests 
range from mythical encounters in the heavens to the semihistorical rival- 
ries of chiefs. 

5. The narrative may take on a high degree of complexity, involving many 

well-differentiated characters and a well-developed art of conversation, 
and in some instances, especially in revenge, trickster, or recognition 
motives, approaching plot tales in our sense of the word. 

6. The setting of song or story, both physical and social, is distinctly realized. 

Stories persist and are repeated in the localities where they are localized. 
Highly characteristic are stories of rock transformations and of other 
local configurations, still pointed to as authority for the tale. 

7. Different types of hero appear : 

(o) The hero may be a human being of high rank and of unusual power 

either of strength, skill, wit, or craft. 
{h) He may be a demigod of supernatural power, half human, half 


(c) He may be born in shape of a beast, bird, fish, or other object, with 

or without the power to take human form or monstrous size. 

(d) He may bear some relation to the sun, moon, or stars, a form rare 

in Hawaii, but which, when it does occur, is treated objectively 
rather than allegorlcally. 

(e) He may be a god, without human kinship, either one of the "depart- 

mental gods " who rule over the forces of nature, or of the hostile 

spirits who inhabited the islands before they were occupied by the 

present race. 
(/) He may be a mere ordinary man who by means of one of these 

supernatural helpers achieves success. 
S. Poetry and prose show a quite different process of development. In prose, 
connected narrative has found free expression. In poetry, the epic process 
is neglected. Besides the formal dirge and highly developed lyric songs 
(often accompanied and interpreted by dance), the characteristic form is 
the eulogistic hymn, designed to honor an individual by rehearsing his 
family's achievements, but in broken and ejaculatory panegyric rather than 
in connected narrative. In prose, again, the picture presented is highly 

5. The expression of surprise, he mea kupanaha, is literally " a strange thing," like 

our impersonal "it is strange" (p. 351). 

6. The vocable c is used to express strong emotion. (P. 551.) 

■ 7. Add to these an occasional use. for emphasis, of the belittling question, whose 
answer, although generally left to be understood, may be given ; tor example 
(p. 449) ; A healta la o Haiin-i-Uki ia LaieA-ka-wait he opala paha, "What was 
riauaililii to Laieikawai? 'mere chaff!'", and the expression of contempt — ka — 
with which the princess dismisses her wooer (p. 413). 


realistic. The tendency is to humanize and to localize within the gi'oup 
the older myth and to develop later legendary tales upon a naturalistic 
basis. Poetry, on the other hand, develops set forms, plays with double 
meanings. Its character is symbolic and obscure and depends for Its style 
upon artificial devices. 
0. Common to each are certain sources of emotional interest such as depend 
upon a close interplay of ideas developed within an intimate social group. 
In prose occur conventional episodes, highly elaborated minor scenes, 
place names in profusion which have little to do with the action of the 
story, repetitions by a series of actors of the same incident in identical 
form, and in the dialogue, elaborate chants, proverbial sayings, antithesis 
and parallelism. In poetry, the panegyric proceeds by the enumeration of 
names and their qualities, particularly place or technical names ; by local 
and legendary allusions which may develop into narrative or descriptive 
passages of some lengtli ; and by eulogistic comparisons drawn from nature 
or from social life and often elaborately developed. The interjectional 
expression of emotion, the rhetorical question, the use of antithesis, repeti- 
tion, wordplay (puns and word-linking) and mere counting-out formulae 
play a striking part, and the riddling element, both in the metaphors em- 
ployed and in the use of homonyms, renders the sense obscure. 


1. AiwoHi-KUPUA. A young chief of Kauai, suitor to Laie-i-ka-wai. 

2. Akikeehiale. The turnstoue, messenger of Aiwohi-kupua. 

3. AwAKEA. " Noonday." The bird that guards the doors of the sun. 

4. Hala-aniani. a young rascal of Puna. 

5. Halitlu-i-ke-kihe-o-ka-malama. The bird wlio bears tlie visitors to the 

doors of the sun. 

6. Haua-i-liki. " Strike-in-beatlng." A young chief of Kauai, suitor to Laie- 


7. Haunaka. a champion boxer of Koliala. 

8. HiNA-i-KA-MALAMA. A clUefess of Maui. 

9. HuLU-MANiANi. " Waving feather." A seer of Kauai. 

10. Ihu-anu. " Cold-nose." A champion boxer of Koliala. 

11. Ka-elo-i-ka-malama. The " mother's brother " who guards the land of 
. Nuumealani. 

12. Ka-hala-o-mapu-ana. " Tlie sweet-scented hala." The youngest sister of 


13. Kahau-o-k.vpaka. The chief of Koolau, Oahu, father of Laie-1-ka-wai. 

14. Kahoupo 'KANE. Attendant upon Poliahu. 

15. Ka-ili-o-ka-lau-o-ke-koa. " Tlie-skin-of-the-leaf-of-the-koa (tree)." The 

wife of Kauakahi-alii. 

16. K^viAHUMOKU. The fighting dog of Aiwohi-kupua. 

17. Ka-ohu-kulo-kaialea. " The-moving-cloud-of-Kaialea." Guard of the 

shade at the taboo house of Kahiki. 

18. Ka-onohi-o-ka-la. " The-eyeball-of-the-sun." A high taboo cliief, who lives 

in Kahiki. 

19. Kapukai-haoa. a priest, grandfather of Laie-i-ka-wai. 

20. Kaua-kahi-axii. The higli chief of Kauai. 

21. KAtn,AAi-i.EHUA. A beautiful princess of Molokai. 

22. Ke-kalukalu-o-ke-wa. Successor to Kauakahi-alii and suitor to Laie-i- 


23. Kiha-nul-luxv-moku. " Great-convulsiou-shaking-the-island." A guardian 

spirit of Pali-uli. 

24. KoAE. The tropic bird. Messenger of Aiwohi-kupua. 

25. Laie-i-ka-wai. A species of the ieie vine. (?) The beauty of Pali-uli. 

26. Laie-lohexohe. Another species of the icie vine. (?) Twin sister of 


27. Lanalana-nui-ai-makua. " Great-ancestral-spider." The one who lets 

down the pathway to the heavens. 

28. Lau-kiele-ula. " Red-kiele-leaf." The mother who attends the young chief 

in the taboo house at Kahiki. 

29. LiLi-NOE. " Fine-fog." Attendant to Poli-ahu. 

30. Mahina-nui-konane. " Big-bright-nioon." Guard of the shade at the taljoo 

house at Kahiki. 
SI. Maii.e-haiwat.e. " Brittle-leafed-maile-vine." Sister of Aiwohi-kupua. 

32. Maile-kaluhea. " Big-leafed-maile-vine." Sister of Aiwohi-kupua. 

33. Maile-laulii. " Fine-leafed-maile-vine." Sister of Aiwohi-kupua. 

34. JlAiT.E-PAKAHA. " Common-malle-vine." Sister of Aiwohi-kupua. 



35. Maka-weli. " Terrible-eyes." A young chief of Kauai. 

36. SI.\LAEKAHANA. The Diother of Laie-i-ka-wai. 

37. Malio. a sorceress, sister of the Puna rascal. 

38. MoANALiHA-i-KA-WAOKELE. A powerful Chief in Kahiki. 

30. MoKU-KELE-KAHiKi. " Islund-sailing-to-Knhiki." The mother's brother who 
guards the land of Ke-alohi-Iani. 

40. PoLi-AHU. " Cold-bosom." A high chiefess who dwells on Maunakea. 

41. POLOULA. A chief at Wailua, Kauai. 

42. Ulili. The snipe. Messenger to Aiwohi-kupua. 

43. Wai-aie. " Water-mist." Attendant of Poli-ahu. 

44. Waka. a sorceress, grandmother of Laie-i-ka-wai. 
The chief counsellor of Aiwohi-kupua. 

The humpbacked attendant of Laie-i-ka-wai. 

A canoe owner of Blolokai. 

A chief of Molokai, father of Kaulaai-lelma. 

A countrywoman of Hana. 

Paddlers, soldiers, and country people. 


Twin sisters, Laieikawai and Laielohelohe, are born in Koolau, 
Oahu, their birth heralded by a double clap of thunder. Their 
father, a great chief over that district, has vowed to slay all his 
daughters until a son is born to him. Accordingly the mother con- 
ceals their birth and intrusts them to her parents to bring up in re- 
tirement, the priest carrying the younger sister to the temple at 
Kukaniloko and Waka hiding Laieikawai in the cave beside the 
pool Waiapuka. A prophet from Kauai who has seen the rainbow 
which always rests over the girl's dwelling place, desiring to attach 
himself to so great a chief, visits the place, but is eluded by Waka, 
who, warned by her husband, flies with her charge, first to Molokai, 
Avhere a countr3'man, catching sight of the girl's face, is so transported 
with her beauty that he makes the tour of the island proclaiming her 
rank, thence to Maui and then to Hawaii, where she is directed 
to a spot called Paliuli on the borders of Puna, a night's journey in- 
land through the forest from the beach at Keaau. Here she builds a 
house for her " grandchild " thatched with the feathers of the oo bird, 
and appoints birds to serve her, a humpbacked attendant to wait upon 
her, and mists to conceal her when she goes abroad. 

To the island of Kauai returns its high chief, Kauakahialii, after 
a tour of the islands during which ho has persuaded the fair mistress 
of Paliuli to visit him. So eloquent is his account of her beauty 
that the young chief Aiwohikupua, who has vowed to wed no woman 
from his own group, but only one from " the land of good women," 
believes that here he has found his wish. He makes the chief's 
servant his confidant, and after dreaming of the girl for a 
year, he sets out with his counsellor and a canoeload of pad- 
dlers for Paliuli. On the way he plays a boxing bout with 
the champion of Kohala, named Cold-nose, whom he dispatches 
with a single stroke that pierces the man through the chest and 
comes out on the other side. Arrived at the house in the forest 
at Paliuli, he is amazed to find it thatched all over with the precious 
royal feathers, a small cloak of which he is bearing as his suitor's 
gift. Eealizing the girl's rank, he returns at once to Kauai to fetch 
his five sweet-scented sisters to act as ambassadresses and bring him 
honor as a Avooer. Laieikawai, however, obstinately refuses the 


first four ; and the angry lover in a rage refuses to allow the last and 
youngest to try her charms. Abandoning them all to their fate in 
the forest, he sails back to Kauai. The youngest and favorite, indeed, 
he would have taken with him, but she will not abandon her sisters. 
By her wit and skill she gains the favor of the royal beauty, and all 
five are taken into the household of Laieikawai to act as guardians 
of her virginity and pass upon any suitors for her hand. 

When Aiwohikupua, on his return, confesses his ill fortune, a hand- 
some comrade, the best skilled in surfing over all the islands, lays a bet 
to win the beauty of Paliuli. He, too, returns crestfallen, the guards 
having proved too watchful. But Aiwohikupua is so delighted to hear 
of his sisters' position that he readily cancels the debt and hurries 
off to Puna. His sisters, however, mindful of his former cruelty, 
deny him access, and he returns to Kauai burning with rage, to 
collect a war party to lead against the obdurate girls. Only after 
band after band has been swallowed up in the jaws of the great lizard 
who guards Paliuli, and his supernatural fighting dog has returned 
with ears bitten off and tail between its legs, does he give over the 
attempt and return home disconsolate to Kauai. 

Now, on his first voyage to Puna, as the chief came to land at 
Hana, Maui, a high chiefess named Hina fell in love with him. 
The two staking their love at a game of honane, she won him for 
her lover. He excused himself under pretext of a vow to first tour 
about Hawaii, but pledged himself to return. On the return 
trip he encountered and fell in love with the woman of the 
mountain, Poliahu or Snow-bosom, but she, knowing through her 
supernatural power of his affair with Hina, refused his advances. 
Now, however, he determines to console himself with this lady. His 
bird ambassadors go first astray and notify Hina, but finally the 
tryst is arranged, the bridal cortege arrives in state, and the bridal 
takes i^lace. On their return to Kauai during certain games cele- 
brated by the chiefs, the neglected Hina suddenly appears and de- 
mands her pledge. The jealous Poliahu disturbs the new nuptials 
by plaguing their couch first with freezing cold, then with burning 
heat, until she has driven away her rival. She then herself takes 
her final departure. 

Kauakahialii, the high chief of Kauai, now about to die, cedes 
the succession to his favorite chief, Kekalukaluokewa, and bids 
him seek out the beauty of Paliuli for a bride. He is acceptable 
to both the girl and her grandmother — to the first for his good looks, 
to the second for his rank and power. But before the marriage can 
be consummated a wily rascal of Puna, through the arts of his wise 
sister Malio, abducts Laieikawai while she and her lover are 
out surfing, by his superior dexterity wins her affection, and makes 
off with her to Paliuli. "\A1ien the grandmother discovers her grand- 


child's disgrace, she throws the girl over and seeks out her twin 
sister on Oahu to olier as bride to the great chief of Kauai. 
So beautiful is Laielohelohe that now the Puna rascal abandons 
his wife and almost tricks the new beauty out of the hands of the 
noble bridegroom; but this time the marriage is successfully man- 
aged, the mists clear, and bride and bridegroom appear mounted 
ujDon birds, while all the people shout, " The marriage of the chiefs ! " 
The spectacle is witnessed by the abandoned beauty and her guard- 
ians, who have come thither riding upon the great lizard ; and on this 
occasion Waka denounces and disgraces her disowned grandchild. 

Left alone by her grandmother, lordly lover, and rascally husband, 
Laieikawai turns to the five virgin sisters and the great lizard to 
raise her fortunes. The youngest sister proposes to make a journey 
to Kealohilani, or the Shining-heavens, and fetch thence her oldest 
brother, who dwells in the " taboo house on the borders of Tahiti." 
As a youth of the highest divine rank, he will be a fit mate to wed 
her mistress. The chiefess consents, and during the absence of the 
ambassadress, goes journeying with her four remaining guardians. 
Durmg this journey she is seen and recognized b}' the prophet of 
Kauai, who has for many years been on the lookout for the 
sign of the rainbow. Under his guardianship she and the four 
sisters travel to Kauai, to which place the scene now shifts. 
Here they once more face Aiwohikupua, and the prophet pre- 
dicts the coming of the avenger. Meanwhile the lizard bears the 
youngest sister over sea. She ascends to various regions of the 
heavens, placating in turn her maternal uncles, father, and mother, 
until finally she reaches the god himself, where he lies basking in the 
white radiance of the noonday sun. Hearing her story, this divine 
one agrees to lay aside his nature as a god and descend to earth to 
wed his sister's benefactress and avenge the injuries done by his 
brother and Waka. Signs in the heavens herald his approach; he 
appears within the sun at the back of the mountain and finally stands 
before his bride, whom he takes up with him on a rainbow to the 
moon. At his return, as he stands upon the rainbow, a great sound 
of shouting is heard over the land in praise of his beauty. Thus he 
deals out judgment upon Laieikawai's enemies: Waka falls dead, 
and Aiwohikupua is dispossessed of his landed rights. Next, he re- 
wards her friends with positions of influence, and leaving the ruling 
power to his wife's twin sister and her husband, returns with 
Laieikawai to his old home in the heavens. 

In the final chapters the Sun-god himself, who is called " The 
eyeball-of-the-sun," proves unfaithful. He falls captive to the 
charms of the twin sister, sends his clever youngest sister, whose 
foresight he fears, to rule in the heavens, and himself goes down to 


earth on some pretext in pursuit of the unwilling Laielohelohe. 
Meanwhile his wife sees through the " gourd of knowledge " all that 
is passing on earth and informs his parents of his infidelity. They 
judge and disgrace him ; the divine Sun-god becomes the first lapu, or 
ghost, doomed to be shunned by all, to live in darkness and feed upon 
butterflies. The beauty of Paliuli, on the other hand, returns to 
earth to live with her sister, where she is worshiped and later deified 
in the heavens as the " Woman-of-the-Twilight." 
74930°— 10— 33 eth 22 


Whatever the original home of the Laieikawai story, the action 
as here pictured, with the exception of two chapters, is localized on 
the Hawaiian group. This consists of eight volcanic islands lying in 
the North Pacific, where torrid and tropical zones meet, about half 
again nearer to America than Asia, and strung along like a cluster 
of beads for almost 3G0 miles from Kauai on tlie northwest to the 
large island of Hawaii on the southeast. Here volcanic activity, 
extinct from prehistoric times on the other islands, still persists. 
Here the land attains its greatest elevation — 13,825 feet to the sum- 
mit of the highest peak — and of the 6,405 square miles of land area 
which constitute the group 4,015 belong to Hawaii. Except in tem- 
perature, which varies only about 11 degrees mean for a year, diversity 
marks the physical features of these mid-sea islands. Lofty moun- 
tains where snow lies perpetually, huge valleys washed by torrential 
freshets, smooth sand dunes, or fluted ridges, arid plains and rain- 
soaked forests, fringes of white beach, or abrupt bluffs that drop 
sheer into the deep sea, days of liquid sunshine or fierce storms from 
the south that whip across the island for half a week, a rainfall 
varying from 287 to 19 inches in a year in different localities — ■ 
these are some of the contrasts which come to pass in spite of the 
equable climate. A similar diversity marks the plant and sea life — 
only in animal, bird, and especially insect life, are varieties sparsely 

Most of the action of the story takes place on the four largest 
islands — on Oahu, where the twins are born; on Maui, the home of 
Hina, where the prophet builds the temple to his god; on Hawaii, 
where lies the fabled land of Paliuli and where the surf rolls in at 
Keaau; and on Kauai, whence the chiefs set forth to woo and where 
the last action of the story takes place. These, with Molokai and 
Lanai, which lie off Maui " like one long island," virtually constitute 
the group. 

Laie, where the twins are born, is a small fishing village on the 
northern or Koolau side of Oahu, adjoining that region made famous 
by the birth and exploits of the pig god, Kamapuaa. North from 
Laie village, in a cane field above the Government road, is still pointed 
out the water hole called Waiopuka — a long oval hole like a bath- 
tub dropping to the pool below, said by the natives to be brack- 
ish in taste and to rise and fall with the tide because of subterranean 


connection ■with the sea. On one side an out jutting rock marks the 
entrance to a cave said to open out beyond the cool and be reached 
by diving. Daggett furnishes a full description of the place in the 
introduction to his jiublishcd synopsis of the story. The appropri- 
ateness of Laie as the birthplace of the rainbow girl is evident to 
anyone who has spent a week along this coast. It is one of the most 
picturesque on the islands, with the open sea on one side fringed 
with white beach, and the Koolau range rising sheer from the narrow 
strip of the foothills, green to the summit and fluted into fantastic 
shajies by the sharp edge of the showers that drive constantly down 
with the trade winds, gleaming with rainbow colors. 

Kukaniloko, in the uplands of Wahiawa, where Laielohelohe is 
concealed by her foster father, is one of the most sacred places 
on Oahu. Its fame is coupled with that of Holoholoku in Wailua, 
Kauai, as one of the places set apart for the birthplace of chiefs. 
Tradition says that since a certain Kapawa, grandson of a chief 
from " Tahiti " in the far past, was born upon this spot, a special 
divine favor has attended the birth of chiefs upon this spot. 
Stones were laid out right and left with a mound for the back, 
the mother's face being turned to the right. Eighteen chiefs 
stood guard on either hand. Then the taboo drum sounded and the 
people assembled on the east and south to witness the event. Say 
the Hawaiians, " If one came in confident trust and lay properly 
upon the supports, the child would be born with honor; it would 
be called a divine chief, a burning fire." ^ Even Kamehameha desired 
that his son Liholiho's birth should take place at Kukaniloko. Situ- 
ated as it is upon the breast of the bare uplands between the Koolau 
and Waianae Eanges, the place commands a view of surprising 
breadth and beauty. Though the stones have been removed, through 
the courtesy of the management of the "Waialua plantation a fence 
still marks this site of ancient interest. 

The famous hill Kauwiki, where the seer built the temple to his 
god, and where Hina watched the clouds drift toward her absent 
lover, lies at the extreme eastern end of Maui. About this hill 
clusters much mythic lore of the gods. Here the heavens lay within 
spear thrust to earth, and here stood Maui, whose mother is called 
Hina, to thrust them apart. Later, Kauwiki was the scene of the 
famous resistance to the warriors of Umi, and in historic times about 
this hill for more than half a century waged a rivalry between 
the warriors of Hawaii and Maui. The poet of the Kualii mentions 
the hill thrice — once in connection with the legend of Maui, once 
when he likens the coming forth of the sun at Kauwiki to the advent 

^ Kuako<^, IV, No. 31, translated also in Hawaiian Annual, 1912, p. 101 ; Daggett, 
p. 70; Fornander ii, 272. 


of Ku, and in a descriptive passage in which the abrupt heiglit is 
described : 

Shooting up to heaven is Kauwiki, 

Below Is the cluster of islands, 

In the sea they are gathered up, 

O Kauwiki, 

O Kauwiki, mountain bending over, 

Loosened, almost falling, Kauwiki-e. 

Finally', Puna, the easternmost district of tlie six divisions of 
Hawaii, is a region rich in follilore. From tlie crater of Kilauea, 
whicli lies on the slope of Mauna Loa about 4,000 feet above sea 
level, the land slopes gradually to the Puna coast along a line of 
small volcanic cones, on the east scarcely a mile from the sea. The 
slope is heavily forested, on the uplands with tall hard-wood trees of 
ohia, on the coast with groves of pandanus. Volcanic action has 
tossed and distorted the whole district. The coast has sunk, leaving 
tree trunks erect in the sea. Above the bluffs of the south coast lie 
great bowlders tossed up by tidal waves. Immense earthquake 
fissures occur. The soil is fresh lava broken into treacherous hol- 
lows, too porous to retain water and preserving a characteristic vege- 
tation. About this region has gathered the mysterious lore of the 
spirit world. " Fear to do evil in the uplands of Puna," warns the old 
chant, lest mischief befall from the countless wood spirits who haunt 
these mysterious forests. Pele, the volcano goddess, still loves her 
old haunts in Puna, and many a modern native boasts a meeting with 
this beauty of the flaming red hair who swept to his fate the brave 
youth from Kauai when he raced with her down the slope to the sea 
during the old mythic days when the rocks and hills of Puna were 



' Title pages. 

(First editioti.) The story of Laie-i 7:a-tcai, The Beauty of Pali-uli. the Woman-ofthe 
Twilight. Composed from the old stories of Hawaii. Written by S. N. Ilaleole, Honolulu, 
Oaliii. Published by Henry W. Whitney, editor of the Kuakoa, 1863. 

(Second edition.) The Treasure-Book of Hawaii. The Story of Laie-i-ka-wal who is 
called The-Woman-of-the-Twilight. Revised and published by Solomon Meheula and Henry 
Bolster. For the benefit and progress of the new generation of the Hawaiian race. Hono- 
lulu. Printed by the Bulletin, 1888. 



The editor of this boolv rejoices to print the first fruits of his efforts 
to enrich the Hawaiian people with a story book. We have previously 
had books of instruction on many subjects and also those enlightening: 
us as to the right and the wrong; but this is the first book printed for 
us Hawaiians in story form, depicting the ancient customs of this 
people, for fear lest otherwise we lose some of their favorite tradi- 
tions. Thus we couch in a fascinating manner the words and, deeds 
of a certain daughter of Hawaii, beautiful and greatly beloved, that 
by this means there may abide in the Hawaiian people the love of 
their ancestors and their country. 

Take it, then, this little book, for what it is worth, to read and to 
prize, thus showing your search after the knowledge of things 
Hawaiian, being ever ready to uphold them that they be not lost. 

It is an important undertaking for anyone to provide us with 
entertaining reading matter for our moments of leisure; therefore, 
when the editor of this book prepared it for publication he depended 
upon the support of all the friends of learning in these islands; and 
this thought alone has encouraged him to persevere in his work 
throughout all the difficulties that blocked his way. Now, for the 
first time is given to the people of Hawaii a book of entertainment 
for leisure moments like those of the foreigners, a book to feed our 
minds with wisdom and insight. Let us all join in forwarding this 
little book as a means of securing to the people more books of the 
same nature written in their own tongue — the Hawaiian tongue. 

And, therefore, to all friends of learning and to all native-born 
Hawaiians, from the rising to the setting sun, behold the Woman- 
of-the-Twilight ! She comes to you with greetings of love and it is 
fitting to receive her with the warmest love from the heart of Hawaii. 
Aloha no! ^ 

iFor the translation of Haleole's foreword, which is in a much more ornate and 
Involved style than the narrative itself, I am indebted to Miss Laura Green, of 



Ua hoopuka ka niea nana i pai keia biike me ka olioli nui, ka 
makamua o ka hoao ana e hoolako i biike hoonanea na na kanaka 
Hawaii. Ua loaa mua mai ia kakou na buke kiila o na ano he niu 
wale, a he nui no hoi na buke i hoohikoia mai na kakou, e hoike mai 
ana ia kakou i ka.pono a me ka hewa; aka, o ka buke mua nae keia i 
paiia na ka poe Hawaii nei, ma ke ano hoilceike ma ke Kaao i na mea 
kaliiko a keia lahui kanaka, me ka aua mai hoi mai ka nalowale loa 
ana'ku o kekahi o na moolelo punihei a lakou. E hoike ana ilolvo 
o na huaolelo maikai wale i na olelo a me na liana a kekahi o ko 
Hawaii kaikamahine wahine maikai a punahele no hoi, a na ia mea 
no hoi e kokua mai i ka noho mau ana o ke aloha o na poe o Hawaii 
nei, no ko lakou mau kupuna a me ko lakou aina. 

E lawe hoi ano, i keia wahi buke uuku, a e hoike ia ia ma ke ano o 
kona loaa ana mai, e heluhelu, a e malama hoi ia ia, e hoike ana i 
kou iini i ka naauao Hawaii, me kou makaukau mau no hoi e kokua 
aim ia mea, i ku mau ai. 

He mea nui no ka hapai ana i ka mea nana e hoomaamaa mai ia 
kakou ma ka heluhelu ana, me ka hoonanea pu mai no hoi i na 
minute noho hana ole o ko kakou noho ana; nolaila, i ka hoomaka 
ana a ka mea nana i pai i keia buke, e hoomakaukau ia ia no ka 
liele ana'ku imua o keia lahui, ua hilinai oia i ke kokua nui mai o na 
makamaka a pau o ka naauao iwaena o keia mau pae moku ; a na ia 
manao wale iho no i hooikaika mai ia ia ma ke laipaa ana mamuli o 
kana mea i manaolana'i e hana aku, iloko o na pilikia he nui wale e 
alai mai ana. Akahi no a haawiia i ka lahui Hawaii, ka buke e pili 
ana i ka hoonanea'ku i ka noho ana, e like me ka na haole, he mea ia 
nana e lianai mai i ko kakou mau manao i ka ike a me ka naauao. 
Ua hiki ia kakou a pau ke hui mai ma ka malama ana a me ka hoo- 
holomua aku hoi i keia wahi buke, he kumu ia e hapai hou ia mai ai 
i mau buke hou na keia lahui, ma kana olelo iho — ka olelo Hawaii. 

A nolaila la, e na makamaka a pau o ka naauao a me na keiki kupa 
no hoi o Hawaii nei, mai ka la hiki a ka la kau, eia mai Kawahineo- 
kaliula, ke hele aku la imua o oukou me ke aloha, a e pono hoi ke 
hookipa ia ia me ka aloha makamae o ka puuwai Hawaii. Aloha xo ! 



This tale was told at Laie, Koolau ; here they were born, and they 
were twins; Kahauokapaka was the father, Malaekahana the mother. 
Now Kahauokapaka was chief over two districts, Koolauloa and 
Koolaupoko, and he had great authority over these districts. 

At the time when Kahauokapaka took Malaekahana to wife,^ "= after 
their union, during those moments of bliss when tliey had just parted 
from the first embrace, Kahauokapaka declared his vow to his wife, 
and this was the vow : ^ 

" My wife, since we are married, therefore I will tell you my vow : 
If we two live hereafter and bear a child and it is a son, then it shall 
be well with us. Our children shall live in the days of our old age, 
and when we die they will cover our nakedness.^ This child shall 
be the one to portion out the land, if fortune is ours in our first born 
and it is a boy; but if the first born is a daughter, then let her die; 
however many daughters are born to us, let them die ; only one thing 
shall save them, the birth of a son shall ^ave those daughters who 
come after." 

About the eighth year of their living as man and wife, Malaeka- 
hana conceived and bore a daughter, who was so beautiful to look 
upon, the mother thought that Kahauokapaka Mould disregard his 
vow; this child he would save. Not so! At the time when she was 
born, Kahauokapaka was away at the fishing with the men. 

Wlien Kahauokapaka returned from the fishing he was told that 
Malaekahana had born a daughter. The chief went to the house; 
the baby girl had been wrapped in swaddling clothes; Kahauokapaka 
at once ordered the e.xecutioner to kill it. 

After a time Malaekahana conceived again and bore a second 
daughter, more beautiful than the first; she thought to save it. Not 
so ! Kahauokapaka saw the baby girl in its mother's arms wrapped 
in swaddling clothes; then the chief at once ordered the executioner 
to kill it. 

Afterwards Malaekahana bore more daughters, but she could not 
save them from being killed at birth according to the chief's vow. 

" The superior figures refer to notes at the end of the story, p. 616. 


I ke kamailio ana i keia kaao, ua oleloia ma Laie, Koolau, koiia 
wahi i hanaii ai, a he mau mahoe laua, o Kahaiiokapaka ka 
maknakane, o Malaekahana ka makuahine. O Kahauokapaka nae, 
oia ke Alii nona na okana elua, o Koolanloa a me Koolaupoko, a ia 
ia ka mana nui maluna o kela mau okana. 

I ka manawa i lawe ai o Kahauokapaka ia Malaekahana i wahine 
mare nana (hoao) mahope iho o ko laua hoao ana, hai mua o 
Kahauokapaka i kana olelo paa imua o kana wahine, o laua wale 
no ma ke kaawale, oiai iloko o ko laua mau minute oluolu, a eia 
ua olelo paa la: 

" E kuu wahine, he nani ia ua mare ae nei kaua, a nolaila. ke hai 
nei au i kuu olelo paa ia oe; i noho aku auanei kaua, a i loaa ka kaua 
keiki, a he keikikane, alaila poniaikai kaua. ola na iwi iloko o ko 
kaaa mau la elemakule, a haule aku i ka make, nalo no hoi na wahi 
huna : na ia keiki e nai na moku e pau ai, ke loaa hoi ia kaua ke keiki 
mua a he keikikane ; aka hoi, ina he kaikamahine ke hanau mua mai, 
alaila e make, a ina he mau kaikamahine wale no ka kaua ke hanau 
mai e make no, aia no ke ola a hanau mai a he keikikane, ola na hanau 
nuii i na he mau kaikamahine." 

I ka ewalu paha o na makahiki o ko laua noho ana he kane a he 
wahine, hapai ae la o Malaekahana, a hanau mai la he kaikamahine, 
ua maikai na hclchclena i ka nana aku, a no ka maikai o na hcle- 
helena o ua kaikamahine nei, manao iho la ka makuahine o ke kumu 
la hoi ia e lilo ai ka olelo paa a Kahauokapaka i mea ole, ola la hoi ua 
kaikamahine nei, aole ka 1 la manawa i hanau ai, aia nae o Kahauo- 
kapaka i ka lawai-a me na kanaka. 

A hoi mai o Kaliauokapaka mai ka lawai-a mai, haiia aku la Tia 
hanau o Malaekahana he kaikamahine. ■ A hiki ke alii i ka hale, ua 
wahiia ke kaikamahine i ke kapa keiki, kena koke ae la o Kahauo- 
kapaka i ka Ilamuku e pepehi. 

]\Ia ia hope iho hapai hou o Malaekahana, a hanau hou mai la he 
kaikamahine, o keia nae ke kaikamahine oi aku o ka maikai mamua 
o kela kaikamahine mua, manao iho la e ola la hoi, aole ka ! Ike ae 
la o Kahauokapaka i ke kaikamahine e hiiia mai ana, ua hoaahuia i 
ke kapa keiki, ia manawa, kena koke ae la ke alii i ka Ilamuku e 

Mahope mai, ua hapai wale no o Malaekahana, he mau kaika- 
mahine wale no, aole nae i ola iki kekahi oia mau hanau ana o 
Malaekahana, ua pau wale no i ka pepehiia e like me ka olelo paa a 
ke alii. 



AVhen for the fifth time Malaekahana conceived a child, near the 
time of its birth, she went to the priest and said, " Here ! Where are 
you? Look upon this womb of mine which is with child, for I can 
no longer endure my children's death; the husband is overzealous to 
keep his vow ; four children were mine, four are dead. Therefore, look 
upon this womb of mine, which is with child ; if you see it is to be a 
girl, I will kill it before it takes human shape.'' But if you see it is 
to be a boy, I will not do it." 

Then the priest said to Malaekahana, "Go home; just before the 
child is to be born come back to me that I may know what you are 

At the time when the child was to be born, in the month of Oc- 
tober, during the taboo season at the temple, Malaekahana remem- 
bered the priest's command. When the pains of childbirth were 
upon her, she came to the priest and said, " I come at the command 
of the priest, for the pains of childbirth are upon me ; look and see, 
then, what kind of child I am carrying." 

As Malaekahana taliped with the priest, he said : " I will show you 
a sign ; anything I ask of you, you must give it." 

Then the jDriest asked Malaekahana to give him one of her hands, 
according to the sign used by this people, whichever hand she wished 
to give to the priest. 

Now, when the priest asked Malaekahana to give him one of 
her hands she presented the left, with the palm upward. Then 
the priest told her the interpretation of the sign : " You will bear 
another daughter, for you have given me your left hand with the 
palm upward." 

When the priest said this, the heart of Malaekahana was heavy, 
for she sorrowed over the slaying of the children by her husband; 
then Malaekahana besought the priest to devise something to help 
the mother and save the child. 

Then the priest counseled Malaekahana, " Go back to the house ; 
when the child is about to be born, then have a craving for the 
manini spawn,^ and tell Kahauokapaka that he must himself go 
fishing, get the fish you desire with his own hand, for your husband 
is very fond of the young manini afloat in the membrane, and while he 
is out fishing he will not know about the birth ; and when the child 
is born, then give it. to me to take care of ; when he comes back, 
the child will be in my charge, and if he asks, tell him it was an 
abortion, nothing more." 


A i ka hapai hou ana o Malaekahana i ke keiki, o ka lima ia, a 
kokoke i na la hanau, hele akii la kela a imiia o ke Kahuna, a olelo 
aku la, "E! auhea oe? E nana mai oe i keia opii o"u e hapai nei, 
no ka mea, ua puuaho ae nei hoi i ka pau o na keiki i ka make i ka 
pakela pe^jehi a ke kane, aha ae nei a maua keiki, aha no i ka make; 
nolaila, e nana mai oe i keia opu o'u e hapai nei, ina i ike oe he 
kaikamahine, e omilomilo ae au, oiai aole i hookanaka ae ke keiki. 
Aka hoi, ina i ike mai hoi oe i keia opu o'u e hapai nei a he keikikane, 
aole ana." 

xVlaila, olelo mai ke Kahuna ia Malaekahana, " O hoi, a kokoke 
i ko la hanau, alalia, hele mai oe i o'u nei, i nana aku au i keia 
hapai ana." 

A kokoke i na la hanau, i ka malama o Ikuwa, i na la kapu heiau, 
lioomanao ae la o Malaekahana i ke kauoha a ke Kahima. Ia ianei 
e nahunahu ana, hele aku la keia imua o ke Kahuna, me ka olelo aku, 
" I hele mai nei au ma ke kauoha a ke Kahuna, no ka mea, ke 
hoomaka mai nei ka nahunahu hanau keiki ana; nolaila, ano oe e 
nana mai oe i kuu keiki e hapai nei." 

Ia Malaekahana me ke Kahuna e kamailio ana no keia mau mea, 
alalia, hai aiai la ke Kahuna i kana olelo ia Malaekahana, " E hailona 
aku au ia oe, ma ka mea a'u e noi aku ai, e haawi mai oe." 

Ia manaNYa, nonoi aku la ke Kahuna ia Malaekahana e haawi mai 
i kekalii lima imua o ke alo o ke Kahuna, e like no me ka hailona 
mau o keia lahui, ma ka lima no nae ana e makemake ai e haawi aku 
imua o ke Kahuna. 

Ia manawa a ke Kahuna i noi aku ai i kekahi lima, haawi mai la 
o Malaekahana i ka lima hema, me ka hoohiiliia o ke alo o ka lima 
iluna. Alalia, hai aku la ke Kahuna i ka hailona i ku i kana ike, 
" E hanau hou ana no oe he kaikamahine, no ka mea, ua haawi mai 
nei oe i kou lima hema ia'u, me ka hull nae o ke alo o ka lima iluna." 

A no keia olelo a ke Kahuna, kaumaha loa iho la ka naau o 
Malaekahana, no ka mea, ua kumakena mau kela i ka pepehi mau 
a kana kane i na keiki mua; nolaila, noi aku la o Malekahana i ke 
Kahuna e noonoo mai i mea e pono ai ka wahine, a e ola ai hoi ke 

Alalia, hai aku la ke Kahuna i kana mau olelo ia Malaekahana, 
" E hoi oe a ka hale, ina e hiki i ka wa e aneane hanau ai, alalia ea, 
e ono ae oe i ka ohua, me ka olelo aku ia Kahauokapaka, nana ponoi 
no e lawai-a, o ka i-a ponoi no e loaa ana ma kona lima oia kau i-a 
e ono ai; no ka mea, he kanaka puni kaalauohua hoi ko kane, i lilo 
ai kela i ka lawai-a, ike ole ia i kou hanau ana, a ina e hanau ae, 
alalia, na'u e malama ke keiki, i hoi mai ia ua lilo ia'u ke keiki, a ina 
e niuau mai, hai aku oe he heiki alualu, alalia pau wale." 


At the end of this talk, Malaekahana went back to the house, and 
when the pains came upon her, almost at the moment of birth, then 
Malaekahana remembered the priest's counsel to her. 

When the joain had quieted, Malaekahana said to her husband, 
"Listen, Kahauokapaka ! the spawn of the manini come before my 
eyes ; go after tliem, therefore, while they are yet afloat in the mem- 
brane; possibly when you bring the manitd spawn, I shall be eased 
of the child ; this is the first time my labor has been hard, and that 
I have craved the young of the manini; go quickly, therefore, to the 

Then Kahauokapaka went out of the house at once and set out. 
"\Aliile they were gone the child was born, a girl, and she was given 
to Waka, and they named her Laieikawai. As they were attending 
to the first child, a second was born, also a girl, and they named her 

After the gii-ls had been carried away in the arms of Waka and 
Kapukaihaoa, Kahauokapaka came back from the fishing, and asked 
his wife, " How are you?" 

Said the woman, " I have born an abortion and have thrown it 
into the ocean." 

Kahauokapaka alreadj^ knew of the birth while he was on the 
ocean, for thei'e came two claps of thunder; then he thought that 
the wife had given birth. At this time of Laieikawai and Laielohe- 
lohe's birth thunder first sounded in October,** according to the 

When Waka and Kapukaihaoa had taken their foster children 
away, Waka said to Kapukaihaoa, " How shall we hide our foster 
children from Kahauokapaka ? " 

Said the priest, " You had better hide your foster child in the 
water hole of W^aiapuka: a cave is there which no one Icnows about, 
and it will be my business to seek a place of protection for my 
foster child." 

Waka took Laieikawai where Kapukaihaoa had directed, and there 
she kept Laieikawai hidden until she was come to maturity. 

Now, Kapukaihaoa took Laielohelohe to the uplands of Wahiawa, 
to the place called Kukaniloko.^ 

All the days that Laieikawai was at Waiapuka a rainbov arch 
was there constantly, in rain or calm, yet no one understood the 
nature of this rainbow, but such signs as attend a chief were always 
present wherever the twins were guarded. 



A pau ka laua kamailio ana no kcia mau luea, hoi aku la o Malaeka- 
hana a hiki i ka hale, in manawa, nui loa mai la ka naliunahi; xna a 
aneane e hanau, alalia, hoomanao ae la o Malaekahana i na olelo a 
ke Kahuna i a-oa-o mai ai ia ia. 

A i ka mao ana'e o ka eha no ka aneane hanau, olelo aku la o Malae- 
kahana i kana kane, "E Kahauokajiaka e! ke kau mai nei i ko'u 
mau maka ka ohuaj^alemo; nolaila, e holo aku oe i ke kaalauohua, me 
he mea'la a loaa mai ka ohuapalemo, alalia hemo kuu keiki, akahi 
wale no o'u hanau ino ana, a me ka ono o'u i ka ohua ; nolaila, e hele 
koke aku oe me na kanaka i ka lawai-a." 

Ia manawa, puka koke aku o Kahauokapaka a hele aku la. Ia 
lakou e hele ana, hanau ae la ua keiki nei he kaikamahine, a lilo ae la 
ia Waka ka hanai, a kapa iho la i ka inoa o Laieikawai. Ia lakou 
no hoi e lawelawe ana i ke keiki mua, hanau hou mai la he kaikama- 
hine no, a lilo ae la ia Kapukailiaoa, a kapa iho la i ka inoa o ka muli 
o Laielohelohe. 

A lilo na kaikamahine ma ka lima o "Waka a me Kapirivaihaoa me 
ke kaawale, hoi mai la o Kahauokapaka mai ka lawai-a mai, ninau 
iho la i ka wahine, " Pehea oe ? " 

I mai la ka wahine, " XJa hanau ae nei au he keiki alualu, ua kiola ia 
aku nei i ka moana." 

Ua akaka mua no nae ia Kahauokapaka ka hanau ia lakou i ka 
moana; no ka mea, elua hekili o ke kui ana, manao ae la no hoi o 
Kahauokapaka ua hanau ka wahine; mai ka hanau ana o Laieikawai 
me Laielohelohe, oia ka hoomaka ana o ka hekili e kani iloko o 
Ikuwa, pela i olelo ia iloko o keia moolelo. 

Ia Waka me Kapukailiaoa ma ke kaa wale me na hanai a laua, 
olelo aku la o Waka ia Kapukaihaoa, " Pehea la auanei e nalo ai na 
hanai a kaua ia Kahauokapaka ? " 

I mai la ke Kahuna, " E pono oe ke huna loa i kau hanai iloko 
o ke kiowai i Waiapuka, aia malaila kekahi ana i ike oleia e na niea 
a pau, a na'u no hoi e imi ko'u wahi e malama ai i ka'u hanai." 

Lawe aku la o Waka ia Laieikawai ma kahi a Kapukaihaoa i 
kuhikuhi ai, a malaila oia i malama malui'ai o Laieikawai a hiki i 
kona manawa i hoomahuahua iki ae ai. 

Mahope iho o keia mau la, lawe ae la o Kapukaihaoa ia Laielohe- 
lohe i uka Wahiawa ma kahi i oleloia o Kukaniloko. 

Iloko o ko Laieikawai mau la ma Waia'puka, ua hoomauia ka pio 
ana o ke anuenue ma keia wahi, iloko o ka manawa ua a me ka malie, 
i ka po a me ke ao; aka, aole nae i hoomaopopo na mea a pau i ke 
ano o keia anuenue; aka, ua hoomauia keia mau hailona alii ma na 
wahi i malamai'ai ua mau mahoe nei. 


Just at this time Hulumaniani was making a tour of Kauai in 
his character as the great seer of Kauai, and when he reached the 
summit of Kahilea he beheld the rainbow arching over Oaliu; there 
he remained 20 days in order to be sure of the nature of the sign 
which he saw. By that time the seer saw clearly that it was the sign 
of a great chief — this rainbow arch and the two ends of a rainbow 
encircled in dark clouds. 

Then the seer made up his mind to go to Oahu to make sure about 
the sign which he saw. He left the place and went to Anahola to 
bargain for a boat to go to Oahu, but he could not hire a boat to 
go to Oahu. Again the seer made a tour of Kauai ; again he ascended 
Kalalea and saw again the same sign as before, just the same as at 
first ; then he came back to Anahola. 

While the seer was there he heard that Poloula owned a canoe at 
Wailua, for he was chief of that place, and he desired to meet Poloula 
to ask the chief for a canoe to go to Oahu. 

When Hulumaniani met Poloula he begged of him a canoe to go 
to Oahu. Then the canoe and men were given to him. That night 
when the canoe star rose they left Kauai, 15 strong, and came first 
to Kamaile in Waianae. 

Before the seer sailed, he fii-st got ready a black pig, a white fowl, 
and a red fish. 

On the day when they reached Waianae the seer ordered the 
rowers to wait there until he returned from making the circuit of 
the island. 

Before the seer went he first climbed clear to the top of Mauna- 
lahilahi and saw the rainbow arching at Koolauloa, as he saw it 
when he was on Kalalea. 

He went to Waiapuka, where Laieikawai was being guarded, and 
saw no place there set off for chiefs to dwell in. Now, just as the 
seer arrived, Waka had vanished into that place where Laieikawai 
was concealed. 

As the seer stood looking, he saw the rippling of the water where 
AVaka had dived. Then he said to himself : " This is a strange thing. 
No wind ripples the water on this pool. It is like a person bathing, 
who has hidden from me." After Waka had been with Laieikawai 
she retui-ned, but while yet in the water she saw someone sitting above 
on the bank, so she retreated, for she thought it was Kahauokapaka, 
this person on the brink of the water hole. 


I kekahi manawa, ia Hulumaniani e kaahele ana ia Kauai apuiii, ma 
koiia ano Makaula nui no Kauai, a ia ia i hiki ai iluna pono o Kalalea, 
ike mai la oia i ka pio a keia anuenue i Oaliu nei; noho iho la oia 
malaila he iwakalua la, i kumu e ilve maopopoi'ai o ke ano o kana 
mea c ike nei. Ia manawa, ua, maopopo lea i ka Makaula he Alii 
Nui ka mea nona keia anuenue e pio nei, a me na onohi elua i 
hoopuniia i na ao polohiwa apuni. 

Ia manawa, hooholo ae la ka Makaula i kona manao e hole i Oahu, 
i maopopo ai ia ia kana mea e ike nei. Haalele keia ia wahi, hiki 
aku la keia i Anahola. lioolimalima aku la keia i waa e holo ai i 
Oahu nei ; aka, aole i loaa ia ia he waa e holo ai i Oahu nei. Kaapuni 
hou ka Makaula ia Kauai a puni, pii hou oia iluna o Kalalea, a ike 
hou no oia i kana mea i ike mua ai, aia no e mau ana e like no me 
mamua, alalia, hoi hou keia a hiki i Anahola. 

I ua Makaula nei malaila, lohe keia o Poloula ka mea waa o 
Wailua, no ka mea, he alii ia no ia wahi, ake aku la oia e halawai 
me Poloula, me ka manao e noi aku i ke alii i waa e hiki ai i Oahu. 

Ia Hulumaniani i halawai aku ai me Poloula, nonoi aku la oia i 
waa e holo ai i Oahu nei ; alalia, haawiia mai la ka waa me na 
kanaka ; ia po iho, i ka hiki ana o ka Hokuhookelewaa, haalele lakou 
ia Kauai, he umikumamalima ko lakou nui, hiki mua mai la lakou 
ma Kamaile, i Waianae. 

Mamua ae nae o ko ka Makaula holo ana mai, ua hoomakaukau 
mua oia hookahi puaa hiwa, he nioa lawa, a me ka i-a ula. 

Ia la o lakou i hiki ai ma Waianae, kauoha ka Makaula i na 
kanaka e noho malaila a hoi mai oia mai ka huakai kaapuni ana. 

I ua Makaula nei i hele ai. hiki mua keia iluna pono o Mauna- 
lahilahi, ike aku la keia i ke anuenue e pio ana ma Koolauloa, e like 
me kana ike ana i kona mau la iluna o Kalalea. 

A hiki keia i Waiapuka, kahi i malamaia ai o Laieikawai, ike iho 
la oia aole he kuleana kupono o keia wahi e nohoi'ai e na'lii. I keia 
manawa nae a ka Makaula i hiki ai ilaila, ua nalo mua aku o Waka 
ma kahi i hunai'ai o Laieikawai. 

I ka manawa nae a ka Makaula e kunana ana, alalia, ike aku la 
oia i ka aleale ana o ka wai o ko Waka luu ana aku. Olelo iho la ka 
Makaula iloko ona, " He mea kupanaha, aole hoi he makani o keia 
lua'wai e kuleana ai la hoi ka aleale ana o ka wai, me he mea he 
mea e auau ana, a ike ae nei ia'u pee iho nei." A pau ko Waka 
manawa ma kahi o Laieikawai, hoi mai la oia ; aka, ike ae la keia 
maloko o ka wai i keia mea e noho ana maluna iho, emi hope hou 
aku la o Waka, no ka mea, ua manao oia o Kahauokapaka, keia mea 
ma kae o ka luawai. 


AVaka returned to her foster child, and came back at twilight and 
spied to discover where the person had gone whom she saw, but there 
was the seer sitting in the same place as before. So Waka went back 

The seer remained at the edge of the pool, and slept there until 
morning. At daybreak, when it was dawn, he arose, saw the sign of 
the rainbow above Kukaniloko, forsook this place, journeyed about 
Oahu, first through Koolaupoko ; from there to Ewa and Honouliuli, 
where he saw the rainbow arching over Wahiawa ; ascended Kamaoha, 
and there slept over night ; but did not see the sign he sought. 


Hoi hou aku la o Waka me kana moopiina. a hiki i ka molehulehu 
ana, hoomakakiu hou mai la oia me ka manao ua hele aku kela mea 
ana i ike ai : aka, aia no ua Makaulanei ma kana wahi i noho mua 
ai, nolaila. hoi hope hou o AVaka. 

Ua noho ua ^lakaula nei ma ke kae o kela luawai, a moe oia 
malaila a ao ia po. la kakahiaka ana ae, i ka manawa molehulehu, 
ala ae la oia, ike aku la kela i ka pio a ke anuenue i iika o Kukani- 
loko, haalele keia ia wahi, kaapuni keia ia Oahu nei, ma Koolaupoko 
kona hele mua ana. a ma Kona nei. a mai anei aku hiki ma Ewa; a 
hiki keia i Honouliuli, ike aku la ua Makaula nei i ka pio o ke 
unuenue i uka o AVahiawa. pii loa aku la oia a hiki i Kamaoha, a 
malaila oia i moe ai a ao ia po, aole oia i ike i kana mea i ukali mai ai. 
74030°— la— 33 KiH 23 


When the seer failed to see the sign which he was following he left 
Kaniaoha, climbed clear to the top of Kaala, and there saw the rain- 
bow arching over Molokai. Then the seer left the place and jour- 
neyed around Oahn; a second time he journeyed around in order to 
be sure of the sign he was following, for the rainbow acted strangely, 
resting now in, that place, now in this. 

On the day when the seer left Kaala and climbed to the top of 
Kuamooakane the rainbow bent again over ]\Iolokai. and there rested 
the end of the rainbow, covered out of sight with thunderclouds. 
Three days he remained on Kuamooakane, thickly veiled in rain 
and fog. 

On the fourth day he secured a boat to go to Molokai. He went on 
board the canoe and had sailed half the distance, when the paddlecs 
grew vexed because the prophet did nothing but sleep, while the pig 
squealed and the cock crowed. 

So the paddler in front ^ signed to the one at the rear to turn the 
canoe around and take the seer back as he slept. 

The paddlers turned the canoe around and sailed for Oahu. When 
the canoe turned back, the seer distrusted this, because the wind blew 
in his face; for he knew the direction of the wind when he left Oahu, 
and now, thought he, the wind is blowing from the seaward. 

Then the seer opened his eyes and the canoe was going back to 
Oahu. Then the seer asked himself the reason. But just to see for 
himself what the canoe men were doing, he prayed to his god, to 
Kuikauweke. to bring a great tempest over the ocean. 

As he prayed a great storm came suddenly upon them, and the 
paddlers were afraid. 

Then they awoke him : " O you fellow asleep, wake up, there ! We 
thought perhaps your coming on board would be a good thing for 
us. Not so ! The man sleeps as if he were ashore." 

^Vhen the seer arose, the canoe was making for Oahu. 

Then he asked the paddlers: "What are you doing to me to take 
the canoe back again? What have I done?" 


A nele ka Makaiila i ka ike i kana mea e ukali nei, haalele keia ia 
Kaniaoha. hiki keia ihina pono o Kaala, a malaila oia i ike ai e pio 
ana ke anuenue i Molokai; nolaila, haalele ka Makaula ia wahi, 
knapuni hou ia Oahu nei; o ka lua ia o kana huakai kaapuni ana, 
i mea e hiki ai ia ia ke ike maopopo i kana mea e ukali nei, no ka 
mea, iia ano e ka liana a ke anuenue, no ka holoholoke ana i keia wahi 
keia wahi. 

I ka la a ua Makaula nei i haalele ai ia Kaala, hiki nnia aku oia 
iluna o Kuamooakane. aia hoi e pio ana ke anuenue i Molokai, e ku 
ana ka punohu i uhipaaia e na ao hekili, ekolu mau la oia nei ma 
Kuamooakane, ua hoomauia ka uhi paapu a ka ua a me ka noe. 

I ka eha o na la oia nei malaila, loaa ia ia he waa e holo ana i 
Molokai ; kau aku la oia maluna o ka waa, a holo aku la a like a like 

ka moana, loaa ka manao ino i na mea waa, no ka mea, ua uluhua 
laua i ua Makaula nei no ka hiamoe, a me ka ala a mau ana o kahi 
puaa, a o-o-o mau no hoi o kahi moa. 

A no keia mea. kunou aku la ka mea mahope o ka waa i ke kanaka 
ihaiii o kuaiako, e hoi hou ka waa i hope, a hoonoho hou i ka Makaula 

1 Oahu nei, a ua like ka manao o na mea waa ma ia mea e hoihoi hope 
ka waa, e moe ana nae ka Makaula ia manawa. 

Hoohuli ae la na mea waa i ka waa i hope a holo i Oahu nei; 
ia manawa a ka waa e hoi hope nei, hoohuoi iho la ka Makaula i ka pa 
ana a ka makani ma kona papalina, no ka mea, ua maopopo ia ia 
kahi a ka makani i pa ai i ka holo ana mai Oahu aku nei manao iho 
la oia, ma kai mai ka makani e pa nei. 

Xolaila. kaakaa ae la na maka o ka Makaula, aia hoi e hoi hou 
ana ka waa i Oahu nei; ia manawa, nalu iho la ka Makaula i ke 
kumu o keia hoi hou ana o ka waa. Aka hoi, no ko ianei makemake 
e ike maopopo i ka hana a na niea waa, pule aku la nia i kona Akua 
ia Kuikauweke, e hooili mai i ka ino nui maluna o ka moana. 

Ia ia e pule ana iloko ona iho, hiki koke mai la ka ino nui maluna 
o lakou, a pono ole ka manao o na mea waa. 

Ia manawa, hoala ae la na mea waa ia ianei, " E keia kanaka e moe 
nei ! e ala ae paha oe, kainoa paha he pono kau i kau mai ai maluna 
o ko maua waa, aole ka ! oia no ka moe a nei kanaka la o uka." 

Alalia, ala ae la ua Makaula nei, e hooiho ana ka waa i Oahu nei. 

Alalia, ninau aku la oia i na mea waa. " Heaha iho nei keia hana a 
olua ia'u i hoi hope ai ka waa ? A heaha kuu hewa ? " 


356 Hawaiian romance of laieikawai (eth.ann. 33 

Then the men said : " We two wearied of your constant sleeping 
and the pig's squealing and the cock's crowing; there was such a 
noise; from the time we left until noAv the noise has kept up. You 
ought to have taken hold and helped paddle. Not so ! Sleep was 
the only thing for you ! " 

The seer said: " You two are wrong, I think, if you say the reason 
for your returning to Oahu was ni}' idleness; for I tell you the 
trouble was with the man above on the seat, for he sat still and 
did nothing." 

As he spoke, the seer sprang to the stern of the canoe, took charge 
of the steering, and they sailed and came to Haleolono, on Molokai. 

When they reached there, lo ! the rainbow arched over Koolau. 
as he saw it from Kuamooakane; he left the paddlers, for he wished 
to see the sign which he was following. 

He went first clear to the top of Waialala, right above Kalaupapa. 
Arrived there, he clearly saw the rainbow arching over Malelewaa, 
over a. sharp ridge difficult to reach; there, in truth, was Laieikawai 
hidden, she and her grandmother, as Kapukaihaoa had commanded 
Waka in the vision. 

For as the seer was sailing over the ocean. Kapukaihaoa had fore- 
knowledge of what the prophet was doing, therefore he told Waka in 
a vision to carry Laieikawai away where she could not be found. 

After the seer left Waialala he went to Waikolu right below Male- 
lewaa. Sure enough, there was the rainbow arching where he could 
not go. Then lie considered for some time how to reach the place to 
see the person he was seeking and offer tlie sacrifice he had prepared, 
but he could not reach it. 

On the day when the seer went to Waikolu, the same night, came 
the command of Kapukaihaoa to Laieikawai in a dream, and when 
she 'awoke, it was a dream. Then Laieikawai roused her grand- 
mother, and the grandmother awoke and ns'ked her grandchild why 
she had roused her. 

Tiie grandchild said to her: "Kapukaihaoa has come to me in a 
dream and said that you should bear me away at once to Hawaii and 
make our home in Paliuli; there we two shall dwell; so he told me, 
and I awoke and wakened you." 

As Laieikawai was speaking to her grandmother, the same vision 
came to Waka. Then they both arose at dawn and went as they had 
both been directed bj' Kapukaihaoa in a vision. 


Alaila. olelo mai la na inea waa, " Ua uliihua maiia no kou hiamoe, 
a me ka alala man o ko wahi puaa, a me ke kani mau a ko wahi 
moa. nolaila kulikuli : mai ka holo ana mai nei no ka ke knlikuli a 
hiki i keia nianawa, ua pono no la hoi ia, i na la hoi e hoe ana oe, 
aole ka, he moe wale iho no ka kau." 

I aku la ka ^lakanla, " I'a hewa olua i kuu mana6; ina o kuu 
noho wale ke kunui o ka hoi hou ana o ka waa o kakou i Oahu, 
alaila, ke olelo nei au, ua hewa ka niea iluna o kuaiako, no ka niea. 
he noho wale iho no kana. aole ana hana.'' 

Ia lakou f kaniailio ana no keia nuiu mea, lele aku la ka Makaula 
mahope o ka waa, a lilo iho la ia ia ka hookele, holo aku la lakou a 
kau ma Haleolono i Molokai. 

Ia lakou i hiki aku ai malaila, aia hoi, e pio ana ke anuenue i 
Koolau, e like me kana ike ana i kona mau la maluna o Kuamoo- 
akane, haalele keia i na mea waa, ake aku la oia e ike i kana mea i 
ukali mai ai. 

Ia hele ana hiki mua keia i Waialala maluna pono ae o Kalau- 
papa ; ia ianei malaila, ike maopopo aku la oia e pio ana ke anuenue 
iluna o Alalelewaa, ma kahi nihinilii hiki ole ke heleia. Aia nae 
malaila kahi i hunaia ai o Laieikawai, oia a me kona kupunawahine, 
e like me ke kauoha mau a Kapukaihaoa ia Waka ma ka hihio. 

No ka mea, i ka Makaula f holo mai ana ma ka moana, ua ike mua 
e aku o Kapukaihaoa i ka Makaula, a me kana mau hana. nolaila 
oia i olelo mau ai ia Waka ma ka hihio e ahai mua ia Laieikawai 
ma kahi iiiki ole ke loaa. 

I ka Makaula i haalele ai ia Waialala, hiki aku keia ma AVaiknlu 
ilalo pono o Malelewaa, aia nae e pio ana ke anuenue i kahi hiki ole 
ia ia ke hele aku; aka, ua noonoo ka Makaula i kekalii manawa, i 
wahi e hiki ai e ike i kana mea e ukali nei, a waiho aku i kana 
kanaenae i hoomakaukau mua ai. aole nae e hiki. 

I keia la a ka Makaula i hiki ai ma Waikolu,, ia po iho, hiki mua 
ke kauoha a Kapukaihaoa ia Laieikawai ma ka moeuhane, a puoho 
ae la oia, he moeuhane. Alalia, hoala akn la o Laieikawai i kona 
kupunawahine, a aia ae la. ninau aku la ke kupunawahine i kana 
moopuna i ke kumu o ka hoala ana. 

Hai mai la ka moopuna. " Ua hiki mai o Kapukaihaoa i o'u nei 
ma ka moeuhane. e olelo mai ana. e ahai loa oe ia'u i Hawaii a 
hoonoho ma Paliuli, a malaila kaua e noho ai, pela mai nei oia ia'u. 
a puoho wale ae la wau la. hoala aku la ia oe." 

Ia Laieikawai nae e kamailio ana i ke kupunawahine. hiki ilio 
la ka hihio ma o Waka la, a ua like me ka ka moopuna e olelo 
ana. ia manawa, aia ae la laua i ke wanaao a hele aku la e like me 
ke kuhikuhi a Kapukaihaoa ia laua ma ka moeuhane. 


They left the place, went to Keawanui, to the place called Kaleloa, 
and there they met a man who was getting his canoe ready to sail for 
Lanai. When they met the canoe man, Waka said : " Will you let 
us get into the canoe with you, and take us to the place where you 
intend to go ? " 

Said the canoe man : " I will take you both with me in the canoe ; 
the only trouble is I have no mate to jaaddle the canoe." 

And as the man spoke this woi"d, " a mate to paddle the canoe," 
Laieikawai drew aside the veil that covered her face because of her 
grandmother's wish completely to conceal her grandchild from l>eing 
seen by anyone as they went on their way to Paliuli ; but her grand- 
child thought otherwise. 

When Laieikawai uncovered her face which her grandmother had 
concealed, the grandmother shook her head at her grandchild to for- 
bid her showing it, lest the grandchild's beauty become thereafter 
nothing but a common thing. 

Now, as Laieikawai uncovered her face, the canoe man saw that 
Laieikawai rivaled in beauty all the daughters of the chiefs round 
about Molokai and Lanai. And lo! the man was pierced through^ 
with longing for the person he had seen. 

Therefore, the man entreated the grandmother and said : " Un- 
loosen the veil from j'onr grandchild's face, for I see that she is more 
beautiful than all the daughters of the chiefs round about Molokai 
and Lanai." 

The grandmother said : " I do not uncover her because she wishes 
to conceal herself." 

At this answer of Waka to the paddler's entreaties, Laieikawai 
revealed herself fully, for she heard Waka say that she wished to 
conceal herself, when she had not wanted to at all. 

And when the paddler saw Laieikawai clearly, desire came to him 
afresh. Then the thought sprang up within him to go and spread 
the news around Molokai of this person whom he longed after. 

Then the paddler said to Laieikawai and her companion, " Where 
are you ! live here in the house ; everything within is yours, not a 
single thing is withholden from you in the house ; inside and outside ^'' 
you two are masters of this place." 

AVhen the canoe man had spoken thus, Laieikawai said, " Our host, 
shall you be gone long? for it looks from your charge as if you were 
to be away for good." 


Haalele laua ia wahi, hiki aku laiia ma Keawanui, kahi i kapaia 
o Kaleloa, a malaila laua i halawai ai me ke kanaka e hooma- 
kaiikau ana i ka waa e holo ai i Lanai. La laua i hala^vai aku ai 
me ka mea waa, olelo aku la o Waka, " E ae anei oe ia maua e kau pii 
aku me oe ma ko waa, a holo aku i kau wahi i manao ai e holo ? " 

Olelo mai la ka mea waa, " Ke ae nei wau e kau pu ohia me a'u 
ma ka waa, aka hookahi no hewa. o ko'u kokoolua ole e hiki ai ka 

Ia manawa a ka mea waa i hoopuka ai i keia olelo "i kokoolua" 
hoewaa, wehe ae la o Laieikawai i kona man maka i.uhiia i ka aahu 
kapa, mamuli o ka makemalce o ke kupunawahine e huna loa i kana 
moopuna me ka ike olcia mai e na mea e ae a hiki i ko laua hiki ana 
i Paliuli, aka, aole pela ko ka moopuna manao. 

I ka manawa nae a Laieikawai i hoike ai i kona niau maka mai 
kona hunaia ana e kona kupunawahine, luliluli ae la ke poo o ke 
kupunawahine, aole a hoike kana moopuna ia ia iho, no ka mea, e 
lilo auanei ka nani o kana moopuna i mea pakuwa wale. 

I ka manawa nae a Laieikawai i wehe ae ai i kona man maka, 
ike aku la ka mea waa i ka oi kelakela o ko Laieikawai heleheleua 
mamua o na kaikamahine kaukaualii o IMolokai a puni, a me Lanai. 
Aia hoi, ua hoolvuiia mai ka mea waa e kona iini nui no kana mea e 
ike nei. 

A no keia mea, noi aku la ka mea waa i ke kupunawahine, me ka 
olelo aku, "E kuu loa ae oe i na maka o ko moopuna mai kona 
hoopulouia ana, no ka mea, ke ike nei wau ua oi aku ka maikai o kau 
niilimili, mamua o na kaikamahine kaukaualii o Molokai nei a me 

I mai la Ice kupunawahine. "Aole e hiki ia'u ke wehe ae ia ia, no ka 
mea, o kona makemake no ka huna ia ia iho." 

A no keia olelo a Waka i ka mea waa mamuli o kana noi, alaila, 
hoike pau loa ae la o Laieikawai ia ia mai kona hunaia ana, no ka 
mea, ua loho aku la o Laieikawai i ka olelo a kona kupunawahine, o 
Laieikawai no ka makemake e huna ia ia; aka, ua makemake ole 
keia e huna. 

A no ka ike maopopo loa ana aku o ka mea waa ia Laieikawai, alaila, 
he nuhou ia i ka mea waa. Alaila. kupu ae la ka manao ano e iloko 
ona, e hele e hookaulana ia Molokai ajDuni, no keia mea ana e iini nei. 

Alaila, olelo aku la ua mea waa nei ia Laieikawai ma, "Auhea 
olua, e noho olua i ka hale nei, na olua na mea a pau oloko, aole 
kekahi mea e koe o ka hale nei ia olua, o olua maloko a mawaho o 
keia wahi." 

A no ka hoopuka ana o ka mea waa i keia olelo, alaila, olelo aku 
la Laieikawai, "E ke kamaaina o maua, e hele loa ana anei oe? 
No ka mea, ke ike lea nei maua i kou kauoha honua ana, me he mea 
la e hele loa ana oe?" 


Said the host, "O daughter, not so: 1 shall not foisalvL' you; but I 
must look for a mate to paddle you both to Lanai." 

And at these words, Waka said to tiieir host, '" If that is the reason 
for your going away, leaving us in charge of everything in your 
house, then let me say, we can help you paddle." 

The man was displeased at these words of Waka to him. 

He said to the strangei's, " Let me not think of asking you to paddle 
the canoe; for I hold you to be persons of importance." 

Now it was not the man's intention to look for a mate to paddle 
the canoe with him, but as he had already determined, so now he 
vowed within him to go and spread around Molokui the news about 

When they had done speaking the padiller left llieiii :\ud uent away 
as he had vowed. 

As he went he came first to Kaluaaha and slept at Ilahiwa, and 
here and on the way there he proclaimed, as he had vowed, the beauty 
of Laieikawai. 

The next day, in the mornijig. he found a canoe sailing to Kalau- 
papa, got on board and went first to Pelekunu and Wailau : after- 
wards he came to Waikolu, where the seer was .staying. 

When he got to Waikolu the seer had already gone to Kalaupapa, 
but this man only staj'ed to spread the news of Laieikawai"s arrival. 

When he reached Kalaupapa. behold ! a company had assembled for 
l)oxing; he stood outside the crowd and cried with a loud \oice:" 
" O ye men of the people, husbandmen, laborers, tillers of the soil : O 
ye chiefs, priests, soothsayei-s, all men of rank in the household of the 
chief! All manner of men have I beheld on my way hither: I have 
seen the high and the low, men and women ; low chiefs, the kau- 
kaualii, men and women; high chiefs, the ruau/t/o, and the ohi,- but 
never have I beheld anyone to compare with this one whom I have 
seen; and I declare to you that she is more beautiful than any of the 
daughters of the chiefs on Molokai or even in this assembly."' 

Now when he shouted, he could not be heard, for his voice was 
smothered in the clamor of the crowd and the noise of the onset. 

And wishing his words to be heard aright, he advanced into the 
midst of the throng, stood before the assembly, and held up the 
border of his garment and i-epeated the words he had just spoken. 


I aku la ke kamaaina, " E ke kaikamahine, aole pela, aole an e 
liaalele ana ia uiila: aka. i inanau ae nei an e luili i kokoohia no'u e 
lioe aku ai ia oliia a pae i Lanai." 

A no keia olelo a ka niea waa, i aku la o Waka i ke kamaaina o 
laua nei, " Ina o ku kiunu ia o kou liele ana i kauoha honua ai oe i 
na niea a pau o kou hale ia maua ; alaila, ke i aku nei wau, he hiki 
ia maua ke kokua ia oe ma ka hoe ana." 

A ike ka mea waa he mea kaumaha keia olelo a Waka imua ona. 

Olelo aku la oia imua o na malahini, "Aole o"u manao e hoounauna 
aku ia olua e kokua mai ia'u ma ka hoe pu ana i ka waa, no ka mea, 
lie mea nui olua na"u."' 

Aka, aole pela ka manao o ka mea waa e hull i kokoolua hoe waa 
pu me ia. no ka mea. ua hooholo mua oia i kana olelo hooholo iloko 
ona, e hele e kukala aku ia Laieikawai apuni o ^lolokai. 

A pau ke kamailio ana a lakou i keia man olelo, haalele iho la ka 
mea waa ia laua nei, a hele aku la e like me ka olelo hooholo mua 
iloko ona. 

Ia hele ana, nia Kahuuilia kona hiki jnua ana, a nioe aku oia i 
Halawa, a ma keia iiele ana a ia nei, ua kukala aku oia i ka maikai o 
I^aieikawai e like me kona manao paa. 

A ma kekahi la ae. i ke kakahiaka luii. loaa ia ia ka waa e holo ana 
i Kalaupapa, kau aku la oia maluna o ka waa, hiki mua oia i Pele- 
kunu, a me Wailau. a mahope hiki i AA'aikolu kahi a ka Makaula e 
noho ana. 

Ia ia nae i hiki aku ai i AVaikolu. ua hala mua aku ua Makaula 
nei i Kalaupapa. aka. o ka hana mau a na wahi kanaka nei, ke 
kukala hele no Laieikawai. 

A hiki keia i Kalaupapa, aia hoi, he aha mokomoko e akoakoa ana 
ku aku la oia niawalio o ka aha. a kahea aku la me ka leo nui, " E ka 
hu, e na makaainana, e ka lopakuakea, lopahoopiliwale, e na'lii, na 
Kahuna, na kilo, na aialo, ua ike au i na mea a pau ma keia hele ana 
mai nei a"u, ua ike i na mea nui. na mea liilii. na kane, na wahine, na 
kaukaualii kane, na kaukaualii wahine, ka niaupio, ke ohi, aole wau i 
ike i kekahi oi o lakou e like me ka'u mea i ike ai, a ke olelo nei au. 
oia ka oi mamua o na kaikamahine kaukaualii o Molokai nei apuni, 
a me keia aha no hoi." 

Ia manawa nae a ia nei e kahea nei, aole i lohe pono mai ka aha, 
no ka mea, ua uhiia kona leo e ka haukamumu leo o ka aha, a me ka 
nene no ka hoouka kaua. 

A no ko ianei manao i lohe ponoia mai kana olelo, oi pono 
loa aku la ia iwaena o ke anaina. ku iho la oia imua o ka aha. a 
kuehu ae la oia i ka lepa o kona aahu, a hai hou ae la i ka olelo ana 
i olelo mua ai. 


Now the high chief of Molokai heard his voice plainly, so the chief 
quieted the crowd and listened to what the stranger was shouting 
about, for as he looked at the man he saw that his face was full of 
joy and gladness. 

At the chief's command the man was summoned before the chief 
and he asked, " What news do you proclaim aloud with glad face be- 
fore the assembly ? " 

Then the man told why he shouted and why his face was glad in 
the presence of the chief: "In the early morning yesterday, while I 
was working over the canoe, intending to sail to Lanai, a certain 
woman came with her daughter, but I could not see plainly the 
daughter's face. But while we were talking the girl unveiled her 
face. Behold ! I saw a girl of incomjiarable beauty who rivaled all 
the daughters of the chiefs of Molokai." 

When the chief heard these words he said, " If slie is as good look- 
ing as my daughter, then she is beautiful indeed^" 

At this saying of the chief, the man begged that the chiefess be 
shown to him, and Kaulaailehua, the daughter of the chief, was 
brought thither. Said the man, " Your daughter must be in four 
points more beautiful than she is to compai-e with that other." 

Replied the chief, "' She must be beautiful indeed that you scorn 
our beauty here, who is the handsomest girl in Molokai." 

Then the man said fearlessly to the chief, "Of my judgment of 
beauty I can speak with confidence." ^- 

As the man was talking with the chief, the seer remained listening 
to the conversation; it just came to him that this was the one whom 
he was seeking. 

So the seer moved slowly toward him, got near, and seized the man 
by the arm. and drew him quietly after him. 

When they were alone, the seer asked the man directly, " Did you 
know that girl before about whom you were telling the chief?" 

The man denied it and said, "No; I had never seen her before; 
this was the very first time : she was a stranger to me." 

So the seer thought that this must be the person he was seeking, 
and he questioned the man closely where they were living, and the 
man told him exactly. 

After the talk, he took everything that he had prepared for sacri- 
fice when they should meet and departed. 



Iloko o keia maimwa, lolie poiio loa aku la ke Alii nui o Molokai 
i keia leo, alalia hooki ae la ke alii i ka aha, i loheia aku ai ka olelo 
a keia kanaka malahiiii e kuhea nei; no ka mea, iloko o ko ke alii ike 
ana aku i ua wahi kanaka nei, ua hoopihaia kona mau niaka i ka 
olioli, me ke ano pihoihoi. 

Kaheaia aku la ua wahi kanaka nei mamuli o ke kauoha a ke alii, 
a hele mai la imua o ke alii, a ninau aku la, " Heaha kou mea e nui nei 
kou leo imua o ka aha, me ka maka olioli?" 

Alaila, hai mai la keia i ke kumu o kona kaliea ana, a me kona 
olioli imua o ke alii. "Ma ke kakahiakanui o ka la i nehinei, e 
lawelawe ana wau i ka waa no ka manao e holo i Lanai, hoea mai 
ana keia wahine me ke kaikamahine. aole nae au i ike lea i ke ano o ua 
kaikamahine la. Aka, iloko o ko maua wa kamailio, hoopuka mai la 
ke kaikamahine i kona mau maka mai kona hunaia ana, aia hoi, ike 
aku la wau he kaikamahine maikai, i oi aku mamua o na kaikamahine 
alii o Molokai nei." 

A lohe ke alii i keia olelo, ninau aku la, " Ina ua like kona maikai 
me kuu kaikamahine nei la, alaila. ua nani io." 

A no keia ninau a ke alii, noi aku la ua wahi kanaka nei e hoikeia 
mai ke kaikamahine alii imua ona, a laweia mai la o Kaulaailehua ke 
Jvaikamahine a ke alii. 

I aku la ua wahi kanaka nei, " E ke alii ! oianei la, eha kikoo i koe 
o ko iala maikai ia ianei, alaila, like aku me keia." I mai la ke alii, 
"E ! nani io aku la, ke hoole ae nei oe i ka makou maikai e ike nei, 
no ka mea, o ko M(jlokai oi no keia." 

Alaila, olelo aku la kahi kanaka i ke alii me ka wiwo ole, " Xo ko'u 
ike i ka maikai. ko"u mea no ia i olelo kaena ai." 

Ia manawa a kahi kanaka e kamailio ana me ke alii, e noho ana ka 
Makaula ia manawa e hoolohe ana i ke ano o ke kamailio ana, aka, ua 
haupu honua ae ka Makaula, me he mea la o kana mea e ukali nei. 

A no keia mea, neenee loa aku la ka Makaula a kokoke, paa aku 
la ma ka lima o kahi kanaka, a huki malu aku la ia ia. 

Ia laua ma kahi kaawale, ninau pono aku la ka Makaula i ua wahi 
kanaka nei, " Ua ike no anei oe i keia kaikamahine manuui au e 
kamailio nei i ke alii?" 

Hoole aku la ua wahi kanaka nei. me ka i aku, "Aole au i ike 
mamua, akahi no wau a ike, a he mea malahini ia i ko'u mau maka." 

A no keia mea, manao ae la ka Makaula, o kana mea i imi mai ai, 
me ka ninau pono aku i kahi i noho ai, a hai joonoia mai la. 

A pau ka laua kamailio ana, la we ae la oia i na mea ana i hooma- 
kaukau ai i mohai no ka manawa e halawai aku ai, a hele aku la. 


When the seer set out after meeting that man, he went first np 
Kawela; there he saw the rainbow arching over the phice which the 
man had described to him; so he was sui-e that this was the person 
he was following. 

He went to Kaamola, the district adjoining Keawanui, where 
Laieikawai and her companion were awaiting the paddler. By this 
time it was very dark ; he could not see the sign he saw from Kawela : 
but the seer slept there that night, thinking that at daybreak he 
wo>dd see the person he was seeking. 

That night, while the seer was sleeping at Kaamola, tiien came 
the command of Kapukaihaoa to Laieikawai in a dream, just as he 
had directed them at Alalelewaa. 

At dawn they found a canoe sailing to Lanai, got on board, and 
went and lived for some time at Maunalei. 

After Laieikawai and her companion had left Kalaeloa, at day- 
break, the seer arose and saw that clouds and falling rain obscured 
the sea between Molokai and Lanai with a thick veil of fog and mist. 

Three days the veil of mist hid the sea, and on the fourth day of 
the seer's stay at Kaamola, in the very early morning, he saw an end 
of the rainbow standing right above Maunalei. Now the seer re- 
gretted deeply not finding the person he was seeking; nevertheless 
he was not discouraged into dropping the quest. 

About 10 days passed at Molokai before he saw the end of the 
rainbow standing over Haleakala : he left Molokai, went first to 
Haleakala. to tlie fire [)it, but did not see the person he was seeking. 

When the seer reached there, he looked toward Hawaii; the land 
was veiled thick in cloud and mist. He left the place, went to 
Kauwiki, and there built a place of worship " to call upon his god 
as the only one to guide him to the person he was seeking. 

Wherever the seer stopped in his journeying he directed the people, 
if they found the person he was following, to search him out wher- 
ever he might be. 

At the end of the days of consecration of the temple, while the seer 
was at Kauwiki, near the night of the gods Kane and Lono,^* the 
land of Hawaii cleared and he saw to the summit of the mountain:^. 
3(; [ 


la hele ana o lea Makaula mahope iho o ko laua halawai ana nie 
kahi kanaka, hiki miia keia iluna o Kawela; nana aku la oia. e pio 
ana ke anueniie i kahi a ua wahi kanaka nei i olelo ai ia ia; alalia, 
lioomaopopo lea iho la ka Makaula o kana mea no e ukali nei. 

A hiki keia i Kaamola ka aina e pili pu la me Keawanui, kahi 
hoi a Laieikawai ma e kali nei i ka mea waa, ia mana^va, ua poeleele 
loa iho la, ua hiki ole ia ia ke ike aku i ka mea ana i ike ai iluna o 
Kawela, aka, ua moe ka Makaula malaila ia po, me ka manao i 
kakahiaka e ike ai i kana mea e imi nei. 

I keia po a ka Makaula e moe la i Kaamola, aia hoi. ua hiki ka 
olelo kauoha a Kapukaihaoa ia Laieikawai ma ka moeuhane, e like 
me ke kuhikuhi ia laua iloko o ko laua mau la ma Malelewaa. 

Ia wanaao ana ae, loaa ia laua ka waa e holo ai i Lanai, a kau 
laua malaila a holo aku la, a ma Maunalei ko laua wahi i noho ai 
i kekahi mau la. 

Ia Laieikawai ma i haalele ai ia Kalaeloa ia kakahiaka, ala ae 
la ka Makaula, e ku ana ka punohu i ka moana, a me ka ua koko, 
aia nae. ua uhi paapuia ka moana i ka noe a me ke awa, mawaena 
o Molokai, a me Lanai. 

Ekolu mau la o ka uhi paapu ana o keia noe i ka moana, a i ka 
eha o ko ka Makaula mau la ma Kaamola, i ke kakahiaka nui, ike 
aku la oia e ku ana ka onohi iluna pouo o Maunalei : aka, ua nui 
loa ka niinamina o ka Makaula no ke halawai ole me kana mea e 
imi nei, aole nae oia i pauaho a hooki i kona manaopaa. 

L^a aneane e hala na la he umi ia ia ma Molokai. ike hou aku la 
oia e ku ana ka punohu iluna o Haleakala; haalele keia ia Molokai, 
hiki mua oia iluna o Haleakala ma keia lua pele, aole nae oia i ike 
i kana mea e imi nei. 

I ua Makaula nei nae i hiki ai malaila. ike aku la oia ia Hawaii, 
ua uhi paapuia ka aina i ka ohu. a me ka noe. A haalele keia ia 
wahi. hiki keia i Kauwiki. a malaila oia i kukulu ai i wahi heiau. 
kahi hoi e hoomana ai i kona Aku. ka mea hiki ke kuhikuhi i kana 
mea e imi nei. 

I ua Makaula nei e kaapuni ana ma na wahi a pan ana i kipa 
aku ai. ua kauoha mua aku ka Makaula. i nn e loaa kana mea e imi 
nei, alalia, e hull aku ia ia ma kahi e loaa ai. 

A pau ke kapu heiau a ua ^Makaula nei ma Kauwiki. i na po o 
Kane, a me Lono paha. alalia, ike maopopoia aku la ke kalae ana 
o ka aina a puni o Hawaii, a ua waiho pono mai na kuahiwi. 



Many days the seer remained at Kauwiki, nearly a year or more, 
but he never saw the sign he had followed thither. 

One day in June, during the first days of the month, very early 
in the morning, he caught a glimpse of something like a rainbow at 
Koolau on Hawaii; he grew excited, his pulse beat quickly, but he 
waited long and patiently to see what the rainbow was doing. The 
whole month passed in patient waiting; and in the next month, on 
the second day of the month, in the evening, before the sun had gone 
down, he entered the place of worship prepared for his god and 

As he prayed, in the midst of the place appeared to the seer the 
spirit forms ^^ of Laieikawai and her grandmother; so he left off 
praying, nor did those spirits leave him as long as it was light. 

That night, in his sleep, his god came to him in a vision and said : 
" I have seen the pains and the patience with which you have striven 
to find Waka's grandchild, thinking to gain honor through her grand- 
child. Your prayers have moved me to show you that Laieikawai 
dwells between Puna and Hilo in the midst of the forest, in a house 
made of the yellow feathers of the oo bird " ; therefore, to-morrow, 
rise and go." 

He awoke from sleep; it was only a dream, so he doubted and 
did not sleep the rest of the night until morning. 

And when it was day, in the early morning, as he was on Kauwiki, 
he saw the flapping of the sail of a canoe down at Kaihalulu. He 
ran quickly and came to the landing, and asked the man where the 
boat was going. The man said, " It is going to Hawaii"; thereupon 
he entreated the man to take him, and the latter consented. 

The seer returned up Kauwiki and brought his luggage, the things 
he had got ready for sacrifice. 

When he reached the shore he fii-st made a bargain with them: 
"You i^addlers, tell me what you expect of me on this trip; what- 
ever you demand, I will accede to; for I was not well treated by the 
men who brought me here from Oahu, so I will first make a bargain 
with you men, lest you should be like them." 

The men promised to do nothing amiss on this trip, and the talk 
ended; he boarded the canoe and set out. 

On the way thej' landed first at Mahukona in Kohala, slept there 
that night, and in the morning the seer left the paddlers, ascended 
to Lamaloloa, and entered the temple of Pahauna." an ancient temple 
belonging to olden times and preserved until to-day. 


Ua nui no na la o ka Makaula ma Kamviki, aneane makahiki a oi 
ae paha, aole nae oia i ike iki i ka hoailona mau ana e ukali nei. 

I kekahi la, i ka malama o Kaaona, i na Ku, i ka manawa kaka- 
hiaka nui, ike awea wea aku la oia he wahi onohi ma Koolau, o Hawaii ; 
ia manawa, puiwa koke ae la oia me ka lele o kona oili me ka maikai 
ole o kona noonoo ana : aka, ua kali loihi no oia me ka hoomanawanui 
a maopopo lea ka hana a kela wahi onohi: a pan ia malama okoa 
i ka hoomanawanuiia eia, a i kekahi malama ae. i ka la o Kukahi, 
i ke ahiahi. mamua o ka napoo ana o ka la, komo aku la oia iloko o 
kona wahi heiau, kalii i hoomakaukau ai no kona Akua, a pule aku 
la oia. 

Ia ia e pule ana. a i ka waenakonu o ka manawa, ku mai la imua 
o ua Makaula nei ke kahoaka o Laieikawai. a me kona kupunawahine; 
a no keia mea. hooniau aku la oia i ka j^ule ana, aole nae i haalele 
kela kahoaka ia ia a hiki i ka maamaama ana. 

Ia po iho, iloko o kona manawa hiamoe, halawai mai la kona 
Akua me ia ma ka hiliio, i mai la, "Ua ike an i kou luhi, a me 
kou hoomanawanui ana. me ke ake e loaa ia oe ka moopuna a 
Waka, me kou manao hoi e loaa kou pomaikai no kana moopuna 
mai. Iloko o kau pule ana, ua hiki ia'u ke kuhikuhi, e loaa no o 
Laieikawai ia oe, mawaena o Puna, a me Hilo, iloko o ka nlulaau, 
e noho ana iloko o ka hale i uhiia i na hulu melemele o ka Oo, 
nolaila, apopo e ku oe a hele." 

Puoho ae la oia mai ka hiamoe, aia ka he hihio, a no keia mea, 
pono ole iho la kona manao, aole e hiki ia ia ke moe ia po a ao. 

Ia po a ao ae i ke kakahiaka nui, ia ia maluna o Kauwiki, ike 
aku la oia i ke kilepalepa a ka pea o ka waa ilalo o Kaihalulu; 
holo wikiwiki aku la oia a hiki i ke awa. ninau aku la i kahi a 
keia waa e holo ai, haiia mai la, " E liolo ana i Hawaii," a noi aku 
hi oia e kan pu me lakou ma ka waa, a aeia mai la oia pu me lakou. 

Hoi hou aku la ka Makaula iluna o Kauwiki, e lawe mai i kana 
mau wahi ukana, na mea ana i hoomakaukau ai i kanaenae. 

Ia manawa, aia nei i hiki ai i ka waa, hai mua aku la oia i kona 
manao i na mea waa, "E na mea waa, e hai mai oukau i ka'u hana 
ma keia holo ana o kakou; ma ka oukou mea e olelo mai ai, malaila 
wau e hoolohe ai, no ka mea, he kanaka wau i hana pono oleia e 
na mea waa i ko'u holo ana mai Oahu mai, nolaila wau e hai mua 
aku nei ia oukou e na mea waa, malia o like oukou me laua." 

A no keia olelo a ka Makaula, olelo mai la na mea waa, aole e 
hanaia kekahi, mea pono ole ma ia holo ana o lakou ; a pau keia mau 
mea kau lakou ma ka waa a holo aku la. 

Ma ia holo ana hiki mua lakou i Mahukona,ma Kohala, moe malaila 
ia po, a i ke kakahiaka ana ae, haalele ka Makaula i na mea waa, pii 
aku la oia a hiki i Lamaloloa, a komo aku la i Pahauna ka heiau, he 
heiau kahiko kela mai ka po mai. a hiki i keia manawa. 


Man}' clays he remained there without seeing the sign lie sought; 
but in his character as seer he continued praying to his god as when 
he was on Kauwiki. and in answer to the seer's prayer, he had again 
the same sign that was shown to him on Kauwiki. 

At this, he left the place and traversed Hawaii, starting from 
Hamakua, and the journey lasted until the little pig he started 
with had grown too big to be carried. 

Having arrived at Hamakua, he dwelt in the Waipio Vallej' at the 
temple of Pnkaalana but did not stay there long. 

The seer left that place, went to Laupahoehoe, and thence to 
Kaiwilahilahi, and there remained some years. 

Here we will leave the story of the seer's search. It will be well 
to tell of the return of Kauakahialii to Kauai with Kailiokalauoke- 
koa.^*' As we know, Laieikawai is at Paliuli. 

In the first part of the story we saw that Kapukaihaoa commanded 
Waka ill a dream to take Laieikawai to Paliuli, as the seer saw. 

The command was carried out. Laieikawai dwelt at Paliuli until 
she was grown to maidenhood. 

When Kauakahialii and Kailiokalauokekoa returned to Kauai 
after their meeting with the " beauty of Paliuli " there were gathered 
together the high chiefs, the low chiefs, and the country aristocracy 
as well, to see the strangers who came with Kailiokalauokekoa's 
part}'. Aiwohikupua came with the rest of the chiefs to wail for the 

After the wailing the chiefs asked Kauakahialii, " How did your 
journey go after your marriage with Kailiokalauokekoa?" 

Then Kauakahialii told of his journey as follows: " Seeking hence 
after tlie love of woman. 1 tvaversed (Jahu and Maui, but found no 
other woman to compare with this Kailiokalauokekoa here. I went 
to Hawaii, traveled all about the island, touclied first at Kohala. 
went on to Kona, Kau, and came to Keaau, in Puna, and there I tar- 
ried, and there I met another wduuui ^urpassingly beautiful, more .so 
than this woman here (Kailiokalauokekoa), moie than all thebeaiuies 
of this whole group of islands." 

During this speech Aiwohikupua seemed to see before liiiii tliu 
lo\elv form of that woman. 


Ua niii loa na la oaa malaila o ka noho ana. aole nae oia i ike i 
kaiia mea e imi ai; aka, ma koiia ano Makaiila, hoomau aku la oia i 
ka pule i ke Akiia, e like me kona man la ma Kamviki, a no ka pule 
hoomau a ua Makaula nei. ua looa huu ia ia ke kuhikuhi ana e like 
me kela hoike ia ia ma Kauwiki. 

A no keia mea. Iiaalele oia ia wahi, kaahele aku la oia ia Hawaii; 
ma Hamakua kona liiki mua ana, oi hele aku oia mai ka manawa 
iiuku o kahi puaa a nui loa, a na ka puaa no e hele. 

Ia ia i hiki ai i Hamakua. malalo o Waipio kona wahi i noho ai 
ma Pakaalana. aole nae he nui kona mau la malaila. 

Haalele ka Makaula ia wahi, hiki aku oia i Laupahoehoe, a malaila 
aku a hiki i Kaiwilaliilahi, a malaila oia i noho ai he nuiu makahiki. 

(Maanei, e wailio kakou i ka moolelo no pa imi ana o ka Makaula. 
Pono e kamailio no ka hoi ana o Kauakahialii, i Kauai, me Kailio- 
kalauokekoa: i ike ai kakou, aia o Laieikawai i Paliuli.) 

Ma na Helu mua o keia Kaao, ua ike kakou na Kajjukaihaoa i 
kauoho. ia Waka ma ka moeuhane e hoihoi ia Laieikawai i Paliuli, 
mamuli o ka ike a ka Makaula. 

Ua hookoia no nae e like me ke kauoha, ua noho o Laieikawai ma 
Paliuli. a hiki i kona hookanakamakua ana. 

Ia Kauakahialii, laua o Kailiokalauokekoa i hoi ai i Kauai, 
mahope iho o ko laua halawai ana me ka Olali o Paliuli (Laieika- 
wai), a hiki lakou i Kauai, mauka o Pihauakalani, kui aku la ka lono 
ia Kauai a puni; akoakoamaila na"lii,na kaukaualii, a me na makaai- 
nana a pau e ike i ka puka malahini ana aku o Kailiokalaokekoa ma, 
c like me ka mea mau ; o Aiwohikupua nae kekahi oia poe Alii i 
akoakoa pu mai ma keia aha uwe o na malihini. 

A pau ka uwe ana a lakou, ninau aku la na'lii ia Kauakahialii 
'■ Pehea kau hele ana aku nei mamuli o kou hoaa'ia ianei?" (Kailio- 

Alaila. hai aku la o Kauakaliialii i kona hele ana, penei : "I ko'u 
hele ana mai anei aku mamuli o ke aloha o ka wahine. a puni Oahu, a 
me Maui, aole i loaa ia'u kekahi wahine e like me Kailiokalauokekoa 
nei: a hiki au i Hawaii, kaapimi wau ia mokupuni. Ma Kohala kuu 
hiki mua ana. Kaahele au ma Kona, Kau, a hiki au i Keaau, a ma 
Puna, a malaila wau i noho ai, a malaila wau i halawai ai me kekahi 
wahine maikai i oi aku mamua o ianei (Kailiokalaukekoa). A o ka 
oi no hoi ia mamua o na wahine maikai o keia mau mokupuni a pau." 

Iloko o keia oleic ana a Kauakahialii. hoomaopopo loa mai la o 
Aiwohikupua i ka helehelena maikai o ua wahine nei. 
74036°— 19— 33 etu 24 


Then said Kauakahialii : " On the first night that she met my man 
she told him at what time she would reach the place where we were 
staying and the signs of her coming, for my man told her I was to 
be her husband and entreated her to come down with him; but she 
said: 'Go back to this ward of yours who is to be my husband and 
tell him this niglit I will come. When rings the note of the oo bird 
I am not in that sound, or the alala, I am not in that sound; when 
rings the note of the elepaio then am I making ready to descend; 
when the note of the apapane sounds, then am I without the door of 
my house; if you hear the note of the uwipolena,'''' 'then am I without 
your ward's house; seek me, you two, and find me without; that is 
your ward's chance to meet me.' So my man told me. 

" When the night came that she had promised she did not come ; 
we waited until morning; she did not come; only the birds sang. I 
thought my man had lied. Kailiokalauokekoa and her friends were 
spending the night at Punahoa with friends. Thinking my man 
had lied, I ordered the executioner to bind ropes about him ; but he 
had left me for the uplands of Paliuli to ask the woman why she 
had not come down that night and to tell her he was to die. 

" When he had told Laieikawai all these things the woman said 
to him, ' You return, and to-night I will come as I promised the night 
before, so will I surely do.' 

" That night, the night on which the woman was expected, Kailio- 
kalauokekoa's party had returned and she was recounting her adven- 
tures, when just at the edge of the evening rang the note of the oo; 
at 9 in the evening rang the note of the alala; at midnight rang the 
note of the elepaio; at dawn rang the note of the apapane; and at the 
first streak of light rang the note of the iiwipolena; as soon as it 
sounded there fell the shadow of a figure at the door of the house. 
•Behold ! the room was thick with mist, and when it passed away she 
lay resting on the wings of birds in all her beauty.'' 

At these words of Kauakahialii to the chiefs, all the body of 
Aiwohikupua pricked with desire, and he asked, " What was the 
woman's name ? " 

They told him it was Laieikawai, and such was Aiwohikupua's 
longing for the woman of whom Kauakahialii spoke that he thought 
to make her his wife, but he wondered who this woman might be. 
Then he said to Kauakahialii : " I marvel what this woman may be, 
for I am a man who has made the whole circuit of the islands, but I 
never saw any woman resting on the wings of birds. It may be slie 
is come hither from the borders of Tahiti, from within Moaula- 
nuiakea." ^" 



Alaila, hai aku la o Kauakaliialii, " I ka po mua, mahope iho o ko 
laua halawai ana me kuu wahi kahii nei, hai mai la oia i kona manawa 
c hiki mai ai i kahi o ko makoii wahi e noho ana, a hai mai la no 
hoi oia i na hoailona o kona hiki ana mai; no ka mea, ua olelo aku 
kuu wahi kahu nei i kane au na ua wahine nei, me ke koi aku no hoi 
e iho pu mai laua me ua wahi kahu nei o'u, aka, ua hai mai kela i 
kana olelo, ' E hoi oe a ko hanai, kuu kane hoi au e olelo mai nei, 
olelo aku oe ia ia, a keia po wau hiki aku, ina e kani aku ka leo o 
ka Ao, aole wau iloko oia leo; a kani aku ka leo o ka Alala, aole no 
wau iloko oia loo ; i na e kani aku ka leo o ka Elepaio, hoomakaukau 
wau no ka iho aku ; a i kani aku ka leo o ka Apapane, alaila, ua puka 
wau mawaho o kuu hale nei ; hoolohe mai auanei oe a i kani aku ka 
leo o ka liwipolena, alaila, aia wau mawaho o ka hale o ko hanai; 
imi ae olua a loaa wau mawaho, oia kuu manawa e launa ai me tfo 
hanai.' Pela mai ka olelo ua wahi kahu nei o'u. 

"I ka po hoi ana e kauoha nei, aole i hiki ae, o i kali aku malvou 
a ao ia po, aole i hiki ae; o na manu wale no kai kani mai, manao 
iho la wau he wahahee na kuu wahi kahu ; i Punahoa nae lakou nei 
(Kailiokalauokekoa ma) kahi i moe ai me na aikane. No kuu manao 
he wahahee na kuu wahi kahu, nolaila, kauoha ae ana wau i ka 
llamuku e hoopaa i ke kaula; aka, ua hala e ua wahi kahu nei o'u i 
uka o Paliuli, e ninau aku i ua wahine nei i ke kumu o kona hiki ole 
ana i kai ia po, me ka hai aku no hoi e make ana ia. 

"A pau kana olelo ana ia Laieikawai i keia mau mea, i mai la ka 
wahine i ua wahi kahu nei o'u, ' E hoi oe, a ma keia po hiki aku au, e 
like me ka'u kauoha ia oe i ka po mua, pela no wau e hiki aku ai.' 

" la po iho, oia ka po e hiki mai ai ua wahine nei, ua puka mua ae 
iakou nei (Kailiokalauokekoa ma) i ke ao, i ua po nei e kaao ana 
no o ianei ia makou, i ke kihi o ke ahiahi, kani ana ka leo o ka Ao; 
i ka pili o ke ahiahi, kani ana ka leo o ka Alala ; i ke kau, kani ka 
leo o ka Elepaio ; i ka pili o ke ao, kani ana ka leo o ka Apapane ; 
.1 i ka owehewhe ana o ke alaula, kani ana ka leo o ka liwipolena; 
ia kani ana no hoi, malu ana ke aka ma ka puka o ka hale, aia hoi. 
ua i^aa oloko i ka noe, a i ka mao ana ae, e kau mai ana kela iluna 
o ka eheu o na manu, me kona nani nui." 

A no keia olelo a Kauakahialii imua o na'lii, na hookuiia mai ko 
Aiwohikupua kino okoa e ka iini nui, me ka ninau aku, " Owai ka 
inoa oia wahine? " 

Haiia aku la oia o Laieikawai: a no ka iini nui o Aiwohikupua i 
keia mea a Kauakahialii e olelo nei, manao iho la ia e kii i wahine 
mare nana, aka, ua haohao o Aiwohikupua no keia wahine. Xolaila, 
hai aku oia i kana olelo imua o Kauakahialii, " Ke haohao nei wau i 
keia wahine, no ka mea. owau ka mea nana i kaapuni keia mau 
mokupuni, aole wau i ike i kekahi wahine e kau mai iluna o ka 
eheu o na manu ; me he mea la no kukulu o Tahiti mai ia wahine, 
noloko o Moaulanuiakea." 


Since Aiwohikupua thought Laieikawai must be froiu Moaulaiiui- 
akea, he determined to get her for his wife. For before he had heard 
all this story Aiwohikupua had vowed not to take any woman of 
these islands to wife; he said that he wanted a woman of Moaula- 

The chiefs' reception was ended and the accustomed ceremonies 
on the arrival of strangers performed. And soon after those days 
Aiwohikupua took Kauakahialii's man to minister in his presence, 
thinking that this man would be the means to attain his desire. 

Therefore Aiwohikupua e.xalted this man to be head over all things, 
over all the chief's land, over all the men, chiefs, and common people, 
as his high counsellor. 

As this man became great, jealous grew tlie former favorites of 
Aiwohikupua, but this was nothing to the chief. 


No ka niaiiao o Aiwohikiipua no Moaulaiuiiakea, o Laieikawai, (lia 
kona mea i manao ai e kii i wahine nana. No ke mea, nianua aku 
o kona lohe ana i keia nuiu mea, ua oleic paa o Aiwohikupua, aole e 
lawe i kekahi wahine o keia man mokiipnni i wahine mare nana: 
ua olelo oia, aia kana wahine makemake noloko o Moaulanniakea. 

A pan ke kamailio ana a na'lii no keia man mea, a me ka walea 
ana e like me ka mea man o ka puka malihini ana. A mahope koke iho 
oia man la, lawe ae la o Aiwohikupua i kahi o Kauakahialii, i kanaka 
lawelawe imua o kona alo, me ka manao o Aiwohikupua o keia wahi 
kanaka ka mea c loaa ai ko ke Alii makemake. 

A no keia kiimu. hoolilo loa ae la o Aiwohikupua i ua wahi kanaka 
nei i poo kiekie maluna o na mea a pan. o ko ke Alii man aina a pan, 
a me na kanaka a pan loa, na'lii a me na makaainana, ma kona ano 
Kuhina Nui. 

A lilo ae la ua wahi kanaka nei i mea nui, huahua mai la na puna- 
hele mua a Aiwohikupua, aka, he mea ole lakou i ko ke Alii manao. 


After this man had become great before the chief, even his high 
counsellor, they consulted constantly together about those matters 
which pleased the chief, while the people thought they discussed the 
administration of the land and of the substance which pertained to 
the chief : but it was about Laieikawai that the two talked and very 
seldom about anything else. 

Even before Aiwohikupua heard from Kauakahialii about Laiei- 
kawai he had made a vow before his food companions, his sisters, 
and before all the men of rank in his household : '• Where are you, 
O chiefs, O my sisters, all my food companions! From this day 
until my last I will take no woman of all these islands to be my wife, 
even from Kauai unto Hawaii, no matter how beautiful she is re- 
ported to be, nor will I get into mischief with a woman, not with any- 
one at all. For I have been ill-treated by women from my youth up. 
She shall be my wife who comes hither from other islands, even from 
Moaulanuiakea, a place of kind women, I have heard; so that is the 
sort of woman I desire to marry." 

When Aiwohikupua had heard Kauakahialii's story, after confer- 
ring long with his high eomisellor about Laieikawai, then the chief 
was convinced that this was the woman from Tahiti. 

Next day, at middaj', the chief slept and Laieikawai came to 
Aiwohikui^ua in a dream -^ and he saw her in the dream as Kauaka- 
hialii liad described her. 

When he awoke, lo ! he sorrowed after the vision of Laieikawai, 
because he had awakened so soon out of sleep ; therefore he wished to 
prolong his midday nap in order to see again her whom he had be- 
held in his dream. 

The chief again slept, and again Laieikawai came to him for a 
moment, but he could not see her distinctly; barely had he seen her 
face when he waked out of sleep. 

For this reason his mind was troubled and the chief made oath 
before all his people: 


Mahope iho o ka lilo ana o iia wahi kanaka nei i mea nui imua o ke 
Alii, me he Kuhina Nui la : a oia ka hoa kuka man o ke Alii ma na 
mea e lealea ai ke Alii, me ka manao akii o ka poe e, e kuka ana ma 
na mea pili i ka aina, a me na waiwai e like me ka mea mau i ka noho 
Alii ana. Eia ka o Laieikawai no ka laua kuka mau, a he uuku ke 
kuka ma na mea e ae. 

Mamua aku nae o ko Aiwohikupua lohe ana ia Kauakahialii no 
Laieikawai, ua hoike e oia i kana olelo paa imua o kona mau kau- 
kaualii, a me na kaikuahine ona, a me kona poe aialo a pau, a eia 
kana olelo paa, "Auhea oukou e ko'u mau kaukaualii, a me na kaikua- 
hine o'u ko'u mau aialo a pau: mai keia la aku a hiki i ko'u mau la 
hope, aole loa ana wau e lawe i kekahi wahine o keia mau molaipuni 
i wahine' mare na'u, mai Kauai nei a hala loa i Hawaii, ina i oleloia 
mai he mau wahine maikai, aole no hoi au e haawi i ko'u kino e komo 
aku ma ke ano kolohe, he oleloa no. No ka mea, he kanaka hana pono 
oleia wau e na wahine, mai ko'u wa opiopio mai a hiki i ko'u hooka- 
nakamakua ana. Aia no ka'u wahine ae ke kii mai, no kekahi mau 
aina e mai, ina noloko mai o ]\Ioaulanuiakea, kahi o na wahine oluolu 
a'u i lohe ai; alalia, o ka'u wahine makemake ia, i na i kiiia mai wau 
ma na ano elua." 

Iloko o ko Aiwohikupua lohe ana ia Kauakahialii, a me ko laua 
kuka mau ana me kona Kuhina Nui no Laieikawai, alaila, manaopaa 
ae la ke Alii no Tahiti mai ua wahine la. 

I kekahi la, i ke awakea, hiamoe iho la ke Alii, loaa iho la o Laiei- 
kawai ia Aiwohikupua ma ka moeuhane, ua like kana ike ana ia 
Laieikawai ma ka moeuhane me ka Kauakahialii olelo ana ia ia. A 
pnoho ae la ke Alii he moeuhane kana. 

Iloko oia ala ana ae, aia hoi, he mea minamina loa i ke Alii i kona 
ike ana ia Laieikawai ma ka moeuhane. no ka mea, ua ala e mai ka 
hiamoe o ke Alii; a no ia mea, makemake iho la ke.Alii e loaa hou ia 
ia ka hiamoe loihi ana ma ia awakea, i kumu e ike hou aku ai i kana 
mea i ike ai ma ka moeuhane. 

Hoao hou iho la ke Alii e hiamoe hou, loaa hou no o Laieikawai ma 
ka hihio pokole loa, aole nae oia i ike maopopo loa aku, he wahi 
heleheleija wale no kana ike lihi ana, a hikilele ae a oia. 

A no keia mea, ua ano e loa ko ke Alii manao, ia manawa ka 
hoopuka ana a ke Alii i olelo paa imua o kona mau mea a pau, penei 
no ia: 



"Where are you? Do not talk while I am sleeping; if one even 
whispers, if he is chief over a district he shall lose his chiefship; if 
he is chief over part of a district, he shall lose his chiefship ; and if a 
tenant farmer l)reak my command, death is the penalty.'' 

The chief took this oath because of his strong desire to sleep 
longer in order to make Laieikawai's acquaintance in his dream. 

After speaking all these words, he tried once more to sleep, but 
he could not get to sleep until the sun went down. 

During all this time he did not tell anyone about what he saw in 
the dream; the chief hid it from his usual confidant, thinking when 
it came again, then he would tell his chief counsellor. 

And because of the chief's longing to dream often, he commanded 
his chief counsellor to chew awa. 

So the counsellor sunnnoned the chief's awa chewers and made 
ready what the chief counnanded, and he brought it to him, and the 
chief drank with his counsellor and drunkenness possessed him. 
Then close above the chief rested the beloved image of Laieikawai 
as if they were already lovers. Then he raised his voice in song, as 
follows : ^^ 

'■ Rising fondly before nie, 
The recollection of tlie lehua blossom of Puna, 
Brought hither on the tip of the wind, 
By tlie light keen wind of the fiery pit. 
Wakeful — sleepless with heart longing, 
With desire— () ! " 

Said the counsellor to the chief, after he had ended his singing, 
"This is strange I You have had no woman since we two have been 
living here, yet in your song you chanted as if you had a woman 

Said the chief. " Cut short your talk, for I am cut off by the drink." 
Then the chief fell into a deep sleep and that ended it, for so heavy 
was the chief's sleep that he saw nothing of what he had desired. 

A ni^ht and a day the chief slej)t while the effects of the aira 
lasted. Said the chief to his counsellor, "No good at all has come 
from this awa drinking of ours." 

The counsellor answered. "What is the good of awa drinking? 
I thought the good of drinking was that admirable scaley look of 
the skin?"" 

Said the chief, " Not so, but to see Laieikawai, that is the good 
of awa drinking." 

After this the chief kept on drinking awa many days, perhaps a 
year, but he gained nothing by it. so he quit it. 


"Auhea oukoii. mai walaau oukou iloko o kuu wa hiaiaoe. iiuii 
hamumiimu, a ina e walaau, he alii aimoku, e pan kona aimukii ana; 
ina he alii aiahupuaa, e pau ia; a ina he konohiki, a hipa jwha ka 
mea nana i hahai kuu olelo paa, alalia, o ka make ka uku."' 

Oia iho la ka olelo paa a ke Alii, no ka niea, ua niakemake loa ke 
Alii e loaa ia ia ka hianioe loihi i kuniu e launa hou ai laua ma ka 
moeuhane me Laieikawai. 

A i3au ka ke Alii olelo ana no keia mau mea, hoomaka hou oia e 
hiamoe, aole nae i loaa ia ia ka hiamoe a hiki i ka napoo una o 
ka la. 

Iloko o keia hana a ke Alii, aole nae oia i hai aku i keia mea ana 
e ike nei ma ka moeuhane, ua huna loa ke Alii i kona hoa kuka mau, 
manao la hoi oia, aia a loaa hou aku, alalia hai aku i kona hoa 
Kuhina Nui. 

A no ka makemake loa o ke Alii e loaa mau ia ia ka moeuhane mau 
no Laieikawai, kauoha ae la oia i kona Kuhina Nui e mama i awa. 

A nolaila, hoolale koke ae la ke Kuhina i na mea mama awa o ke 
Alii e mama i ka awa. a makaukau ko ke Alii makemake, a laweia mai 
la, inu iho la ke Alii me kona Kuhina, a oki mai la ka ona a ka awa. 
Kau koke mai la nae iluna o ke Alii ka halialia aloha o Laieikawai, 
me he mea ala ua launa kino mamua. Alaila, hapai ae la ia i wahi 
olelo ma ke mele penei : 

" Kau mai ana i o'u nei 
Ka halialia nae leliua o Puna, 
I lawea mai e ka lau makani, 
E ka ahe makani puulena o ka lua, 
Hia — moe ole loko 1 ka niinamina, 
I ka makemake — e." 

I aku la ke Kuhina o ke Alii, mahope iho o ka pau ana o ke mele 
ana, " He mea kupanaha, aole hoi an wahine a kaua e noho nei, 
aka, iloko o kau mele e heluhelu nei, me he wahine la kau." 

I mai la ke Alii, " Ua oki na olelo a kaua, no ka mea, ke oki mai 
nei ka ona o ka awa ia'u." Iloko oia manawa. haule aku la ke Alii 
i ka hiamoe nui, o ke oki no ia, no ka mea, ua poina loa ka hiamoe 
o ke Alii, ua ike ole ke Alii i kana mea e manao ai. 

Hookahi po, hookahi ao o ka moe ana nuinia ka ona awa o ke 
Alii. Olelo aku la ke Alii i kona hoa kuka, " Ma keia ona awa o 
kaua, aole i waiwai iki." 

I mai la kona hoa kuka, " Pehea la ka hoi ka waiwai o ka ona 
awa? Kainoa o ka ona -no kona waiwai, o ka mahuna aliui." 

I mai la ke Alii, "Aole hoi paha oia, o ka ike aku ka hoi paha la 
ia Laieikawai, alaila waiwai ka ona ana o ka awa." 

Mahope iho oia manawa, hoomau aku la ke Alii i ka inu awa a 
hala na la he nui, ua like paha me hookahi makahiki, aole nae kc 
Alii i ike i ka waiwai oia hana ana. nolaila, hoopau iho la ke Alii 
ia hana. 


It was only after he quit aiva drinking tliat he told anyone how 
Laieikawai had come to him in the dream and why he had drunk 
the awa and also why he had laid the command upon them not to 
talk while he slept. 

After talking over all these things, then the chief fully decided to 
go to Hawaii to see Laieikawai. At this time they began to talk 
about getting Laieikawai for a wife. 

At the close of the rough season and the coming of good weather 
for sailing, the counsellor ordered the chief's sailing masters to make 
the double canoe ready to sail for Hawaii that very night; and at 
the same time he appointed the best paddlers out of the chiefs 
personal attendants. 

Before the going down of the sun the steersmen and soothsayers 
were ordered to observe the look of the clouds and the ocean to see 
whether the chief could go or not on his journey, according to the 
signs. And the steersmen as well as soothsayers saw plainly that he 
might go on his journey. 

And in the early morning at the rising of the canoe-steering star 
the chief went on board with his counsellor and his sixteen paddlers 
and two steersmen, twenty of them altogether in the double canoe, 
and set sail. 

As they sailed, they came first to Xanakuli at Waianae. In the 
early morning they left this place and went first to Mokapu and 
stayed there ten days, for they were delayed by a storm and could 
not go to Molokai. After ten days they saw that it was calm to sea- 
ward. That night and the next day they sailed to Polihua, on 
Lanai, and from there to Ukumehame, and as the wind was unfavor- 
able, remained there, and the next day left that place and went to 

At Kipahulu the chief said he would go along the coast afoot and 
the men by boat. Xow. wherever they went the people applauded 
the beauty of Aiwohikupua. 

They left Kipahulu and went to Hana, the chief and his counsellor 
by land, the men by canoe. On the way a crowd followed them for 
admiration of Aiwohikupua. 

When they reached the canoe landing at Haneoo at Hana the 
people crowded to behold the chief, because of his exceeding beauty. 

When the party reached there the men and women were out surf 
riding in the waves of Puhele, and among them was one noted prin- 
cess of Hana. Hinaikamalama by name. When they saw the princess 
of Hana, the chief and his counsellor conceived a passion for her; 
that was the reason why Aiwohikupua stayed there that day. 


Mahope iho o ko ke Alii hoopau ana no ka inn awa, akahi no a 
hai aku ke Alii i ka loaa ana o Laieikawai ma ka nioeuhane, a me 
ke kumu o kona hoomau ana i ka inu awa, a hai pu aku la no hoi 
ke Alii i ke kumii o kona kau ana i kanawai paa, no ka mea walaau 
iloko o kona wa hiamoe. 

la laiia c kamailio ana no keia man mea, alaila, hoomaopopo loa 
ae la ke Alii e holo i Hawaii e ike ia Laieikawai. la wa ka hoopuka 
ana o laiia i olelo hooholo no ke kii ia Laieikawai i wahine mare. 

I ka pau ana o na la ino, a hiki mai ka manawa kupono no ka 
holo moana. kanoha ae la ke Kuhina i na Kapena waa o ke Alii, e 
hoomakaiikau i na waa no ka holo i Hawaii ia po iho, ia manawa ke 
koho ana a ke Alii i na hoewaa kupono ke holo pu, ko ke Alii mau 
Iwikuamoo ponoi. 

Mamua o ka napoo ana o ka la, kauohaia ka poe nana uli o ke 
Alii, a me na Kilokilo e nana i na ouli o ke ao a me ka moana, i na 
he hiki i ke Alii ke hele, a ina he hikl ole e like me ka mea mau; aka, 
ua maopopo i kona poe nana uli a Kilokilo hoi, he hike i ke Alii ke 
hele i kana huakai. 

A i ka wanaao, i ka puka ana o ka Hokuhookelewaa, kau aku la 
ke Alii a me kona Kuhina, lui hoewaa he umikumamaono, na hookele 
elua, ho iwakalua ko lakou nui maluna o na kaulua, a holo aku la. 

Ia holo ana a lakou ma keia holo ana, hiki nma lakou nui Xanakuli, 
i Waianae, ia wanaao, haalele lakou ia wahi, hiki mua lakou i 
Mokapu, a malaila lakou i noho ai he umi la, no ka mea, ua loohia 
lakou e ka ino, hiki ole ke holo i Molokai. A pau na la he umi, ike 
maopopoia aku la ka malie, a maikai ka moana. Ia po iho a ao, 
hiki lakou i Polihua, ma Lanai, a mailaila aku hiki ma Ukumehame, 
a no ka makani ino ia la, ua noho lakou malaila, a i kekahi la ae, 
haalele lakou ia wahi, hiki lakou i Kipahulu ia la. 

Ia lakou ma Kipahulu, hooholo ae la ke Alii i olelo e hele wawae 
mauka, a ma na waa na kanaka. Ma kahi nae a lakou i noho ai. 
ua nui ka poe mahalo no Aiwohikupua no ke kanaka maikai. 

Haalele lakou ia Kipahulu, hiki lakou ma Hana, ma uka no ke 
Alii me kona Kuhina. ma na waa no na kanaka. I ke Alii nae e 
hele ana, he nui ka poe i ukali ia laua, no ka makemake ia Aiwohilai- 

Ia lakou i hiki aku ai ma ke awa pae waa o Haneoo i Hana, he 
nue ka poe i lulumi mai e niakaikai i ke Alii, no ka pakela o ka 

Ia Aiwohikupua ma nae i hiki aku ai, e heenalu mai ana na kane 
a me na wahine i ka nalu o Puhele, aia nae ilaila kekahi kaika- 
mahine Alii maikai kaulana o Hana, o Hinaikamalama kona inoa. 
Iloko hoi o ko laua ike ana i ua kaikamahine Alii nei o Hana, alaila, 
ua hoopuniia ke Alii kane, a me kona Kuhina e na kuko; a oia no 
hoi ke kumu o ko Aiwoliikupua ma noho ana malaila ia la. 


When the people of tlie place had ended surfing and Hinaika- 
nialania rode her last breaker, as she came in. the princess pointed 
her board straight at the stream of Kumaka where Aiwohikupiia and 
his companion had stopped. 

While the princess was bathing in the water of Kumaka the chief 
and his counsellor desired her, so the chief's counsellor pinched 
Aiwohikupua quietly to withdraw from the place whei'e Hinaika- 
malama was bathing, but their state of mind got them into trouble. 

When Aiwohikupua and his companion had put some distance be- 
tween themselves and the princess's bathing place, the princess called, 
"O chiefs, why do you two run away? Why not throw off your 
garment, jump in, and join us, then go to the house and sleep? 
There is fish and a place to sleep. That is the wealth of the people 
of this place. When you wish to go, go ; if you wish to stay, this is 
Hana, stay here." 

At these words of the princess the counsellor said to Aiwohi- 
kupua, "Ah ! the princess would like you for her lover ! for she has 
taken a great fancy to you." 

Said Aiwohikupua, " I should like to be her lover, for I see well 
that she is more beautiful than all the other women who have tempted 
me; but you have heard my vow not to talce any woman of these 
islands to wife." 

At these words his counsellor said, " You are bound by that vow 
of yours; better, therefore, that this.woman be mine." 

After this little parley, they went out surf riding and as they rode, 
behold I the princess conceived a passion for Aiwohikupua, and many 
others took a violent liking to the chief. 

After the bath, they returned to the canoe thinking to go aboard 
and set out, but Aiwohikupua saw the princess playing konaue^'^ 
and the stranger chief thought he woidd play a game with her ; now, 
the princess had first called them to come and play. 

So Aiwohikupua joined the princess; they placed the pebbles on 
the board, and the princess asked, "What will the stranger stake 
if the game is lost to the woman of Hana? " 

Said Aiwohikupua, " I will stake my double canoe afloat liere on 
the sea, that is my wager with you." 

Said the princess, " Your wager, stranger, is not well — a still 
lighter stake would be our persons; if I lose to you then I become 
yours and will do whatever you tell me just as we have agreed, and 
if you lose to me, then you are mine; as you would do to me, so shall 
I to you, and you shall dwell hei-e on Maui." 


A pau ka heenalii ana a na kamaaina, a i ka nalu pau loa o ko 
Hinaikamalama hee ana, o ka nalu ia i pae, hoopolilei niai La ka 
hee ana a ke kaikamaliine Alii ma ka wai o Kumaka, kahi hoi a 
Aiwohikupiia ma e noho mai ana. 

I ke kaikamaliine Alii nae e anau ana i ka ^1•ai o Kimiaka, na 
hoopuiwaia ke Alii kane, a me kona Kiihina e ke knko ino. A no 
ia niea. iniki main aku la ke Knhina o ke Alii ia Aiwohiknpua, e 
hookaawale ia lana mai kahi a Hinaikamalama e auau ana, i ole hxna 
e pilikia ma ka manao. 

Ia Ai\v()hiku2)ua ma i hoomaka ai e hookaawale ia laua mai ko ke 
Alii wahine wahi e anau ana, alaila. pane aku la ke Alii wahine, " E 
na'lii I he liolo ka hoi ka olna, kainoa hoi he wehe ko ke kapa. lele 
iho hoi he wai. hookahi hoi ka anau ana o kakou. hoi aku he hale, 
a moe, he ai no, he i-a no hoi, a he wahi moe no hoi, oia iho la no ka 
waiwai a ke kamaaina, i makemake no hoi e hele, hele no, ina he 
makemake e noho, o Hana no hoi nei noho iho." 

A no keia olelo a ke Alii wahine, I aku la ke Kuhina i ke Alii, 
" E ! poiio ha ka manao o ke Alii wahine, no ka mea, ua makemake 
loa ke Alii wahine ia oe." 

I mai la o Aiwohikupua, "Ua makemake au i ke Alii wahine, no 
ka mea, ke ike lea nei au i ka oi loa o kona maikai mamua o ka'u 
mau wahine mua nana i kumakaia; aka, ua lohe oe i ka'u hoohiki 
paa ana, aole au e lawe mai i i^ekahi wahine o keia man iiioku i 
wahine na'u." 

A no keia olelo a Aiwohikupua, i aku kona Kuhina, " Ua laa oe 
no keia hoohiki au. alaila, e aho na'u ka wahine a kaua." 

A pau keia kamailio liilii ana a laua, hele aku la laua i ka hcenalu. 
A ia laua e heenalu ana, aia hoi, ua hoopuniia mai la ke Alii wahine 
no Aiwohikupua, a ua nui ka poe i hoopuni paaia no ka makemake 
i ke Alii kane. 

A pau ka auau ana a laua. hoi aku la laua me ka manao e kau 
maluna o na waa a liolo aku ; aka, ike aku la o Aiwohikupua i ke 
Alii wahine e konane mai ana, a manao iho la ke Alii kane malihini 
e hele i ke konane; aka. ua lilo mua na ke Alii wahine ke kahea e 
konane laua. 

A iiiki o Aiwohikupua ma kahi o ke Alii wahine. kau na ilili a 
paa ka papa, ninau mai ke Alii wahine, "Heaha ke kumu pili o ka 
malihini ke make i ke kamaaina?" 

I aku o Aiwohikupua, " He man waa kaulua ko'u kumu pili, aia ke 
lana mai la iloko o ke kai, oia ko'u kumu pili me oe." 

I mai la ke Alii wahine, "Aole he ra likai o kou kumu pili e ka 
malihini. hookahi no kumu pili mama loa, oia na kino no o kaua, ina e 
make au ia oe. alaila, e lilo wau nan, ma kau hana e olelo mai ai, 
malaila wau e hoolohe ai, a e hooko ai hoi, ma ka mea kupono nae i 
ka hooko aku. a ina hoi e make oe ia'ii, alaila. o oe no ka'u, e like 
me kau hana ia'u. pela no au e hana ai ia oe. me ko noho i Maui nei." 


The chief readily agreed to the princess's words. In the first game, 
Aiwohikupna lost. 

Then said the princess, " I have won over you ; you have nothing 
more to put up, unless it be your younger brother; in that case I 
will bet with you again." 

To this jesting offer of the princess, Aiwohikupua readily gave 
his word of assent. 

During the talk, Aiwohikupua gave to the princess this coun- 
sel. "Although I belong to you, and this is well, yet let us not at 
once become lovers, not until I return from my journey about 
Hawaii; for I vowed before sailing hither to know no woman until 
I had made the circuit of Hawaii; after that I will do what you 
please as we have agreed. So I lay my command upon j'ou before I 
go, to live in complete ]3urity, not to consent to any others, not to do 
tlie least thing to disturb our compact; and when I return from 
sight-seeing, then the princess's stake shall be paid. If when I re- 
turn you have not remained pure, not obeyed my commands, then 
there is an end of it." 

Now, this was not Aiwohikupua's real intention. After laying his 
commands upon Hinaikamalama, they left Maui and went to 
Kapakai at Kohala. 

The next day they left Kapakai and sailed along by Kauhola. and 
Aiwohikupua saw a crowd of men gathering mountainward of 

Then Aiwohikupua ordered the boatmen to paddle inshore, for he 
wanted to see why the crowd was gathering. 

When they had come close in to the landing at Kauhola the chief 
asked why the crowd was gathering ; then a native of the place said 
they were coming together for a boxing match. 

At once Aiwohikupua trembled with eagerness to go and see the 
boxing match; they made the canoe fast, and Aiwohikupua, with his 
counsellor and the two steersmen, four in number, went ashore. 

When they came to Hinakahua, where the field was cleared for 
boxing, the crowd saw that the youth from Kauai surpassed in beauty 
all the natives of the place, and they raised a tumult. 

After the excitement the boxing field again settled into order; then 
Aiwohikupua leaned against the trunk of a mllo tree to watch the 
attack besin. 


A no keia olelo a ke Alii wahine. ho(ih(;l() koke ae la ke Alii kane 
i ka olelo ae. I ka haliau ana a laua i ka papa mua, make o Aiwohi- 

Alaila, i niai la ke Alii wahine, " Ua eo ia'ii, ache on kumu e ae e 
pili mai ai, a ina nae he kaikaina kon, alaila ae aku an e pili hou kana."' 

A no keia man olelo maikai a ke Alii wahine inina o Aiwohiknpua, 
alaila. hooholo koke ae la oia i kona manao ae nia ka waha wale no. 

A iloko o ko laua manawa kamailio, hoopnka akn la o Aiwohiknpua 
i kona manao imua o ke Alii wahine, " He nani hoi ia na pili ae nei 
ko"u kino me oe, a ua maikai no; aka, aole kaua e launa koke, aia a 
hoi mai au mai kuu kuakai kaapuni ia Hawaii ; no ka mea, ua hoohiki 
wau mamua o kuu holo ana mai nei, aole wau e laima me kekahi o na 
wahine e ae, aia no a puni o Hawaii, alaila. liana wau c like me kuu 
makemake, e like me ka kaua e kamailio nei, a oia hoi ka hookoia ana 
o kou makemake. Nolaila, ke kauoha mua aku nei wau ia oe mamua 
o kuu hele ana, e noho oe me ka maluhia loa, aole e lilo i kekahi mea 
e ae, aole hoi e hana iki i kekahi mea pono ole e keakea ai i ka kaua 
hoohiki, a hoi mai wau mai kuu huakai makaikai mai, alaila, e hookoia 
ke kumu pili o ka wahine Alii. Ina i hoi mai wau. aole oe i jnaluhia, 
aole hoi oe i hooko i ka'u mau kauoha, alaila, o ka pau no ia." 

Aole nae keia o ko Aiwohiknpua manao maoli. A pau na kauoha 
a Aiwohiknpua ia Hinaikamalama, haalele lakou ia Maui, hiki lakou 
nei i Kapakai ma Kohala. 

I kekahi la ae, haalele lakou ia Kapakai, holo aku la lakou a 
mawaho pono o Kauhola, nana aku la o Aiwohiknpua i ka akoakoa 
lehulehu ana o na kanaka mauka o Kapaau. 

Ia manawa, kauoha ae la o Aiwohiknpua i na hoewaa, e hookokoke 
aina aku na waa. no ka mea, ua makemake ke Alii e ike i ke kumu o 
keia akoakoa lehulehu ana o na kanaka. 

A hiki lakou i ke awa pae waa ma Kauhola, ninau aku la ke Alii i ke 
kumu ka akoakoa lehulehu ana o na kanaka, alaila, hai mai la na 
kamaaina, he aha mokomoko ke kumu o ia lehulehu ana. 

Ia manawa. okalakala koke ae la o Aiwohiknpua e hele e makaikai 
i ka aha mokomoko, a hekau iho la na waa o lakou, pii aku la o 
Aiwohiknpua, a me kona Kuhina, a me na hookele elua, eha ko 
lakou nui o ka pii ana. 

A hiki lakuu i Hinakahua i ke kahua mokomoko, ia manawa, 
ike mai la ka aha mokomoko i ke keiki Kauai, no ka oi o kona 
kanaka maikai m>amua o na keiki kamaaina, a lilo iho la ka aha 
i mea haunaele. 

MahoiDe iho o keia haunaele ana, hoomaka hou ka hoonoho o 
ke kahua mokomoko, ia manawa, pili aku la o Aiwohiknpua ma 
ke kumu laau milo, e nana ana no ka hoouka kaua. 


As AiwohikupiiM stood there. Cold-nose entered thi open space and 
stood in the midst to siiow himself off to the crowd, and he called out 
in a lend voice: '' AVhat man on that side will come and box?"' Bnt 
no one dared to come and stand before Cold-nose, for the fellow was 
the strongest boxer in Kohaln. 

As C'old-nose showed himself off he tnrned and saw Aiwohikupua 
and called out, " How are J'ou, stranger? Will you have some fun?" 

When Aiwohikupua heard the voice of Cold-nose calling him, he 
came forward and stood in front of the boxing field while he bound 
his red loin cloth -'^ about him in the fashion of a chief's bodyguard, 
and he answered his opponent : 

" O native born, you have asked me to have some fun with you. 
and this is what I ask of yon : Take two on your side with you, three 
of you together, to satisfy the stranger." 

When Cold-nose heard Aiwohikupua, he said, " Yon ai'e the great- 
est boaster in the crowd ! -" I am the best man here, and yet you talk 
of three from this side: and what are you compared to me?" 

Answered Aiwohikupua, " I will not accept the challenge without 
others on your side, and what are you compared to me ! Now, I 
promise you, I can turn this crowd into nothing with one hand." 

At Aiwohikupua "s words, one of Cold-nose's backers came up be- 
hind Aiwohikupua and said: "Here! do not speak to Cold-nose; he 
is the best man in Kohala ; the heavy weights of Kohala can not 
master that man."^^ 

Then Aiwohikupua turned and gave the man at his back a push, 
and he fell down dead.=* 


la Aiwohikupua nae e kii ana ina kona wahi, piika mai la o Ihuanu 
a kii iwaena o ke kahua mokomoko, e hoike ana ia ia iho iimia 
o ke anaina, a kahea mai la me ka leo nui, " Owai ka mea ma kela 
aoao mai e hele mai e mokomoko?" Aka, aole e hiki i kekahi mea 
ke aa mai e ku imua o Ihuanu, no ka mea, o ko Kohala oi kelakela 
no ia ma ka ikaika i ke kuikui. 

Ia Ihuanu e hoike ana ia ia iho, hull ae la oia, a ike ia 
Aiwohikupua, kahea mai la, " Pehea oe e ka malihini ? E pono paha 
ke lealea?" 

A lohe o Aiwohikupua i keia leo kahea a Ihuanu, hele aku la a 
ku imua o ke kahua kaua, e hawele ana me kona aahu pukohukohu, i 
like me ke ano man o na Puali o ke Alii. Pane aku la oia imua o 
kona hoa hakaka. 

" E ke kamaaina, ua noi nai oe ia'u e lealea kaua, a eia hoi ka'u 
noi ia oe, i elua mai ma kou aoao, huipu me oe, akolu oukou, alalia 
mikomiko iki iho ka malihini." 

A lohe o Ihuanu i keia oleic a Aiwohikupua, i mai la oia, " He 
oi oe o ke kanaka nana i olelo hookano iho nei wau imua o keia 
aha a pau, owau no ka oi mamua o na kanaka a pan, a ke olelo mai 
nei hoi oe i ekolu aku ma keia aoao, a heaha la oe i mua o'u?" 

Olelo mai la o Aiwohikupua, " Aole au e aa aku e hakaka me oe 
ma kau noi, ke ole oe e ku mai me na mea e ae ma kou aoao, a heaha 
hoi oe imua o'u ! Nolaila, ke olelo paa nei wau ano, he hiki ia'u 
ke hoolilo i keia Aha i mea ole iloko o kuu lima." 

A no keia olelo a Aiwohikupua, hele mai la kekahi o na puali 
ikaika a ma ke kua o Aiwohikupua, olelo mai la. " E ! mai olelo aku 
oe ia Ihuanu, o ko Kohala oi no kela ; aohe j^uko momona o Kohala 
nei i kela kanaka." 

Ia manawa, huli ae la o Aiwohikupua, a pale ae la i ka mea nana 
i olelo mai ma kona kua, haula aku la ilalo a make loa. 
74936°— 19— 33 eth 2.5 


Wlien all the players on the boxing field saw how strong Aiwohi- 
kupua was to kill the man with just a push; 

Then Cold-nose's backers went to him and said: "Here, Cold-nose, 
I see pretty plainly now our side will never get the best of it ; I am 
sure that the stranger will beat us, for you see how our man was 
killed by just a push from his hand; when he gives a real blow the 
man will fly into bits. Now, I advise you to dismiss the contestants 
and put an end to the game and stop challenging the stranger. So, 
you go up to the stranger and shake hands,'^ you two, and welcome 
him, to let the people see that the fight is altogether hushed up." 

These words roused Cold-nose to hot wi-ath and he said : " Here ! 
you backers of mine, don't be afraid, don't get frightened because 
that man of ours was killed by a push from his hand. Didn't I do 
the same thing here some days ago? Then what are you afraid of? 
And now I tell you if you fear the stranger, then hide your eyes in 
the blue sky. When you hear that Cold-nose has conquered, then 
remember my blow called The-end-that-sang , the fruit of the tree 
which you have never tasted, the master's stroke which you have 
never learned. By this sign I know that he will never get the better 
of me, the end of my girdle sang to-day."^" 

At these words of Cold-nose his supporters said, " Wliere are you ! 
We say no more; there is nothing left to do; we are silent before 
the fruit of this tree of yours which you say we have never tasted, 
and you say, too, that the end of your girdle has sung; maybe you 
will win through your girdle !" Then his backers moved away from 
the crowd. 

While Cold-nose was boasting to his backers how he would over- 
come Aiwohikupua, then Aiwohikupua moved up and cocked his 
eye at Cold-nose, flapped with his arms against his side like a cock 
getting ready to crow, and said to Cold-nose, " Here, Cold-nose ! strike 
me right in the stomach, four time four blows ! " 

When Cold-nose heard Aiwohikupua's boasting challenge to strike, 
then he glanced around the crowd and saw someone holding a very 
little child; then said Cold-nose to Aiwohikupua, " I am not the man 
to strike you ; that little youngster there, let him strike you and let 
him be your opponent." 


A ike mai la ka aha kanaka a pan o ke kahiia mokomoko i ka 
oi ana o ka ikaika o Aiwohikupua, no ka make loa ana o ke kanaka ma 
ke pale wale ana no. 

la manawa, hele mai la kekahi man puali o Ihuanu, a olelo mai la 
ia Ihuanii penei: "E Ihuanu e! ke ike maopopo lea aku nei wau 
ano i keia manawa, aole e lanakila ana ko kakou aoao, a ma kuu 
manao paa hoi, e lanakila ana ka malihini maluna o kakou, no ka mea, 
ke ike maopopo aku la no oe, ua make loa ko kakou kanaka i ka welau 
wale no o koia la lima, ahona a kui maoli aku kela, lele liilii. Nolaila, 
ke noi aku nei au ia oe, e hui ka aha, e pono ke hoopau ka mokomoko 
ana, a me kou aa ana aku i ka malihini, a nolaila, e hele oe a i ka 
malihini, e lulu lima olua, a e haawi aku i kou aloha nona, i aloha 
pu ai olua me ka ike aku o ka aha ua hoomoe a pau wale ke kaua." 

Iloko o keia olelo, alalia, ua ho-ai'a ka inaina wela o Ihuanu no 
keia olelo, me ka olelo aku, " E ko'u poe kokua, mai maka'u oukou, 
mai hopohopo no ka make ana o kela kanaka o kakou ma ke pale ana 
i ka welau o kona lima, aole anei wau i hana pela i kekahi mau la 
mamua ae nei maanei? A heaha la oukou i maka'u ai; a nolaila, 
ke hai aku nei wau ia oukou, ina i hopo oukou no kela malihini, alal- 
ia, e huna oukou i ko oukou mau maka i ke aouli, aia a lohe aku ou- 
kou ua lanakila o Ihuanu, alalia, hoomanao oukou i kuu puupuu ia 
Kanikapiha, ka ai a ke kumu i ao oleia ia oukou. No ka mea, ke ike 
nei wau, aole e lanakila mai oia maluna o'u, no ka mea, ua kani ka 
pola o kuu malo i keia la." 

A no keia olelo a Ihuanu, i aku kona mau hoa hui mokomoko, 
"Auhea oe ! Ua pau ka makou olelo, aohe hana i koe, kulia imua o ka 
ai a ke kumu a kakou i ao pu oleia mai ia makou, a ke olelo mai nei 
hoi oe, ua kani ka pola o ko malo, malia o lanakila oe i ua malo ou." 
Alalia, nee aku la kona mau hoa mawaho o ka aha. 

Ia Ihuanu nae e olelo kaena ana ia ia iho imua o kona mau hoa 
no kona lanakila maluna o Aiwohikupua, alalia, oi mai la o Aiwo- 
hikupua a kokoke iki ma ke alo o Ihuanu, upoipoi ae la oia i kona 
mau lima ma ka poohiwi, me he moa kane la e hoomakaukau ana 
no ke kani ana, a olelo aku la oia ia Ihuanu, " E Ihuanu ! Kuiia i 
kuu piko a pololei i eha kauna kui ? " 

A lohe o Ihuanu i keia kaena a Aiwohikuxjua e kui, alalia, leha 
ae la na maka o Ihuanu a puni ka aha, ike aku la oia e hiiia mai 
ana kekahi keiki opiopio loa, alalia, olelo aku la o Ihuanu ia Aiwohi- 
kupua, "Aole na'u oe e kui, na kela wahi keiki e hiiia mai la, nana 
oe e kui, a oia kou hoa hakaka." 



These words enraged Aiwohikupua. Then a flush rose all over his 
body as if he had been dipped in the blood of a lainb.'^ He turned 
right to the crowd and said, " "VYho will dare to defy the Kauai boy, 
for I say to him, my god can give me victory over this man, and my 
god will deliver the head of this mighty one to be a plaything for 
my paddlers. 

Then Aiwohikupua knelt down and prayed to his gods as follows: 
" O you Heavens, Lightning, and Rain, O Air, O Thunder and Earth- 
quake ! Look upon me this day, the only child of yours left upon 
this earth. Give this day all your strength unto your child; by your 
might turn aside his fists from smiting your child, and I beseech you 
to give me the head of Ihuanu into my hand to be a plaything for 
my paddlers, that all this assembly may see that I have power over 
this uncircumcised ^- one. Amen." ^'^ 

At the close of this prayer Aiwohikupua stood up with confident 
face and asked Cold-nose, " Ai'e you ready yet to strike me ? " 

Cold-nose answered, " I am not ready to strike you ; you strike me 
first ! " 

When Cold-nose's master heard these words he went to Cold-nose's 
side and said, " You are foolish, my pupil. If he orders you forward 
again then deliver the strongest blow you can give, for when he 
gives you the order to strike he himself begins the fight." So Cold- 
nose was satisfied. 

After this, Aiwohikupua again asked Cold-nose, " Are you ready 
yet to strike me? Strike my face, if you want to ! " 

Then Cold-nose instantly delivered a blow like the whiz of the 
wind at Aiwohikupua's face, but Aiwohikupua dodged and he 
missed it. 

As the blow missed, Aiwohikupua instantly sent his blow, struck 
right on the chest and pierced to his back ; then iViwohikupua lifted 
the man on his arm and swung him to and fro before the crowd, 
and threw him outside the field, and Aiwohikupua overcame Cold- 
nose, and all who looked on shouted. 

When Cold-nose was dead his supporters came to where he was 
lying, those who had warned him to end the fight, and cried, " Aha ! 
Cold-nose, could the fruit we have never tasted save you ? Will you 
fight a second time with that man of might?" These were the 
scornful words of his supporters. 


A lohe o Aiwohikupua i keia olelo, he mea e kona iikiuki, ia 
manawa, pii ae la ka ula o Aiwohikupua a puni ke kino, me he mea 
la ua hooluuia i ke koko o na hipa keiki. Hull ae la oia a kupono 
imua o ka aha, a olelo aku la, " Owai keia kanaka i aa mai ai oia 
i ke keiki Kauai nei, nolaila, ke olelo nei wan i keia, he hiki i kuu 
Akua ke haawi mai ia'u e lanakila maluna o keia kanaka, a e hoolilo 
ae kuu Akua i ke poo o ko onkou ikaika i mea milimili na kuu mau 

Alalia, kukuli iho la o Aiwohilvupua a pule aku la i kona mau 
Akua penei: "E Lanipipili, Lanioaka, Lanikahuliomealani, e Lono, 
e Hekilikaakaa, a me Nakolowailani, i keia la, e ike mai oukou ia'u 
i ka oukou kama, ka oukou pua i koe ma ke ao nei, ma keia la, e 
haawi mai oukou i ka iltaika a pan maluna o ka oukou kama nei, e 
hiki no ia oukou ke hoohala i kana punpuu ma kona kui ana mai i 
ka oukou kama, a ke noi aku nei wau e haawi mai i ke poo o Ihuanu i 
kuu lima, i mea paani na ko'u mau hoewaa, i ike ai keia aha a pau, 
owau ke lanakila maluna o keia kanaka i Okipoepoe Oleia. Amene." 

A pau kana pule ana, ku ae la o Aiwohikupua iluna me ka maka 
ikaika a makaukau no ka hoouka kaua, a ninau aku la ia Ihuanu, 
"Ua makaukau anei oe e kue mai ia'u?" 

Olelo mai la o Ihuanu, "Aole au e kui aku ia oe, nau e kui mua 
mai ia'u." 

A lohe ke kumu kui a Ihuanu i keia mau olelo, hele mai la a ma 
ka aoao o Ihuanu, i mai la, " Hawawa oe e kuu haumana, ina e 
kena hou mai keia, alalia, e hoomaka oe e Icui me kou ikaika a pau, 
no ka mea, o kona manawa e kena mai ai e kui, oia iho la no ka 
hoomaka ana." a nolaila, ua pono keia ia Iliuanu. 

A pau ka laua kamailio ana, ninau hou aku la o Aiwohikupua ia 
Ihuanu, " Ua makaukau anei oe e kui mai ia'u ; ina he manao e kui, 
kui mai I kuu maka." 

Ia manawa, i M'aiho koke mai ana o Ihuanu i ka puupuu, hu ka 
makani ma ka papalina o Aiwohikupua, aole nae i ku, no ka mea, 
ua alo o Aiwohikupua, oia ka mea i hala'i. 

A hala ka puupuu a Ihuanu, e waiho koke ae ana o Aiwohikupua 
i kana puupuu, ku no i ka houpo, hula ma ke kua; ia manawa, 
kaikai ae la o Aiwohikupua i ke kanaka me kona lima, a kowali ae 
la ia Ihuanu imua o ke anaina, a kiola aku la i waho o ka aha, a 
lanakila iho la o Aiwohikupua maluna o Ihuanu uwauwa aku la 
ka pilie me ka hui o ka aha i ka poe makaikai. 

A make iho la o Ihuanu, hele mai la kona mau hoa, e waiho ana, 
na mea hoi nana i olelo mai e hooki ka hakaka, me ka ninau iho, 
" E Ihuanu ! ua hiki anei i ko ai i ao oleia ia makou ke hoola ia oe, 
e hakaka hou me keia kanaka ikaika lua ole?" Oia ke olelo hene- 
hene a kona mau hoa. 


As the host were crowding about the dead body of their champion 
and wailing, Aiwohikupiux came and cut off Cold-nose's head with 
the man's own war club^^ and threw it contemptuously to his fol- 
lowers ; thus was his prayer fulfilled. This ended, Aiwohikupua left 
the company, got aboard the canoe, and departed; and the report of 
the deed spread through Kohala, Hamakua, and all around Hawaii. 

They sailed and touched at Honokaape at Waipio, then came off 
Paauhau and saw a cloud of dust rising landward. Aiwohikupua 
asked his counsellor, " Why is that crowd gathering on land ? Per- 
haps it is a boxing match ; let us go again to look on !" 

His counsellor answered, " Break off that notion, for we are not 
taking this journey for boxing contests, but to seek a wife." 

Said Aiwohikupua to his counsellor, " Call to the steersman to 
turn the canoe straight ashore to hear what the crowd is for." The 
chief's wish was obeyed, they went alongside the cliff and asked the 
women gathering shellfish, "What is that crowd inland for?" 

The women answered, " They are standing up to a boxing match, 
and whoever is the strongest, he will be sent to box with the Kauai 
man who fought here with Cold-nose and killed Cold-nose; that is 
what all the shouting is about." 

So Aiwohikupua instantly gave orders to anchor the canoe, and 
Aiwohikupua landed with his counsellor and the two steersmen, and 
they went uj:) to the boxing mutch; there they stood at a distance 
watching the people. 

Then came one of the natives of the place to where they stood and 
Aiwohikupua asked what the people were doing, and the man 
answered as the women had said. 

Aiwohikupua said to the man, " You go and say I am a fellow 
to have some fun with the boxers, but not with anyone who is not 

The man answered, " Haunaka is the only strong one in this crowd, 
and he is to be sent to Kohala to fight with the Kauai man." 

Said Aiwohikupua, " Go ahead and tell Haunaka that we two will 
have some fun together." 

When the man found Haunaka, and Haunaka heard these words, 
he clapped his hands, struck his chest, and stamped his feet, and 
beckoned to Aiwohikupua to come inside the field, and Aiwohikupua 
came, took off his cape,^^ and bound it about his waist. 


I ka lehulehu e luliimi ana no ka make o Ihuanu ko lakou Pu- 
kaua, a e uwe ana hoi, hele aku la o Aiwohikupua, a oki ae la i ke 
poo o Ihuanu, a me ka laau palau a Ihuanu, a kiola aku la i kona 
mau hookele, oia ka hooko hope loa ana o kana pule. A pau keia 
mau mea, haalele o Aiwohikupua i ka aha, a hoi aku la a kau iluna 
o na waa, a holo aku la, kui aku la ka lono o keia make a puni o 
Kohala, Hamakua, a puni o Hawaii. 

Holo aku la lakou nei a kau i Honokaape, ma Waipio, mailaila 
aku a waho o Paauhau, nana ae la lakou e ku ana ka ea o ka lepo o 
uka, ninuu aku la o Aiwohikupua i kona Kuhina, " Heaha la keia 
lehulehu e paapu mai nei o uka? He mokomoko no paha? Ina he 
aha mokomoko keia, e hele hou kaua e makaikai." 

Olelo aku la kona Kuhina, "■ Ua oki ia manao ou, no ka mea, aole 
he huakai mokomoko ka kaua i hele mai nei, he huakai imi wahine 
ka kaua." 

I mai o Aiwohikupua i ko Kuhina, " Kaheaia aku na hookele, e 
hooponopono ae na waa a holo pololei alcu i ke awa, i lohe aku kakou 
i keia lehulehu." A hookoia ko ke Alii makemake, a holo aku lakou 
a malalo o ka pali kahakai, ninau aku la i na wahine e kuiopihi ana, 
" Heaha keia lehulehu o uka ? " 

Hai mai la na wahine ia lakou, "He aha hookuku mokomoko, a 
o ka mea oi o ka ikaika, alalia, oia ke hoounaia e hele e kuikui me 
ke kanaka Kauai i hakaka mai nei me Ihuanu, a make mai nei ua 
o Ihuanu : oia ia pihe e uwa ala." 

A no keia mea, kena koke ae la o Aiwohikupua e hekau na waa, 
a lele aku la o Aiwohikupua, o kona Kuhina aku me na hookele elua, 
pii aku la lakou nei a hiki i ka aha mokomoko, aia nae lakou ma 
kahi kaawale mai e nana ana i ka aha. 

Alalia, hele mai la kekahi kamaaina ma ko lakou nei wahi e noho 
ana, ninau aku la o Aiwohikupua i ka hana a ka aha, haiia mai la e 
like me ka olelo a keia mau wahine i olelo ai. 

Olelo aku la o Aiwohikupua i kahi kamaaina, " E hele oe a olelo 
aku, owau kekahi e lealea me keia poe, aole nae e lealea me ka poe 
ikaika ole." , 

I mai la ua wahi kamaaina nei, "Hookahi no ikaika o keia aha 
o Haunaka, a oia ke hoounaia ana i Kohala, e hakaka me ke kanaka 

Olelo aku la o Aiwohikupua, " E hele koke oe, a olelo aku ia Hau- 
naka e lealea maua." 

A hiki aku ua wahi kanaka kamaaina nei a halawai me Haunaka ; 
a lohe o Haunaka i keia mau olelo, lulu iho la oia i kona mau lima, 
paipai ae la i ka umauma, keekeehi na wawae, a peahi mai la ia 
Aiwohikupua e hele aku iloko o ka aha, a hele aku la o Aiwohikupua, 
a wehe ae la i kona kihei, a kaei ae la ma kona puhaka. 


When Aiwohikuijua was on the field he said to Haunaka, " You 
can never hurt the Kauai boy ; he is a choice branch of the tree that 
stands upon the steep." ^'^ 

As Aiwohikupua was speaking a man called out from outside the 
crowd, who had seen Aiwohikupua fighting with Cold-nose, " O 
Haunaka and all of you gathered here, you will never outdo this 
man; his fist is like a spear! Only one blow at Cold-nose and the 
fist went through to his back. This is the very man who killed 

Then Haunaka seized Aiwohikupua's hand and welcomed him, and 
the end of it was they made friends and the players mixed with the 
crowd, and they left the place; Aiwohikupua's party went with 
their friends and boarded the canoes, and went on and landed at 


la Aiwohikupua ma ka aha, olelo aku la oia imua o Haunaka, 
"Aole e eha ke keiki Kauai ia oe, he hila kamahele no ka laau ku 
i ka pali." 

Ia manawa a Aiwohikupua e kamailio ana no keia mau mea, 
Ivahea mai la mawaho o ka aha he wahi kanaka i ike i ka hakaka 
ana a Aiwohikupua me Ihuanu, " E Haunaka, a me ka aha, aole 
oukou e pakele i keia kanaka, ua like ka i^uupiui o keia kanaka me 
ka pololu, hookahi no kni ia Ihuanu, hula pu ka puupuu ma ke kua, 
a o ke kanaka no keia i make mai nei o Ihuanu." • 

la manawa, lalau mar la o Haunaka i na lima o Aiwohikupua, a 
aloha mai la oia, a o ka pau no ia, hoaikane laua, hui ka aha. A 
haalele lakou ia wahi, hele pu aku la o Aiwohikupua ma me ke 
aikane a kau lakou la ma na waa, a holo aku la a pae i Laupahoehoe. 


In Chapter V of this story we have seen how Aiwohikupua got to 
Laupahoehoe. Here we shall say a word about Hulumaniani, the 
seer who followed Laieikawai hither from Kauai, as described in the 
first chapter of this story. 

On the day when Aiwohikupua's party left Paauhau, at Hamakua, 
on the same day as he sailed and came to Laupahoehoe, the prophet 
foresaw it all on the evening before he arrived, and it happened 

That evening before sunset, as the seer was sitting at the door 
of the house, he saw long clouds standing against the horizon where 
the signs in the clouds appear, according to the soothsayers of old 
days even until now. 

Said the seer, "A chief's canoe comes hither, 19 men, 1 high chief, 
a double canoe." 

The men sitting with the chief started up at once, but could see 
no canoe coming. Then the people with him asked, " Where is the 
canoe which you said was a chief's canoe coming? " 

Said the prophet, " Not a real canoe ; in the clouds I find it ; to- 
morrow you will see the chief's canoe." 

A night and a day passed ; toward evening he again saw the 
cloud rise on the ocean in the form which the seer recognized as 
Aiwohikupua's — perhaps as we recognize the crown of any chief 
that comes to us, so Aiwohikupua's cloud sign looked to the seer. 

When the prophet saw that sign he arose and caught a little pig 
and a black cock, and pulled a bundle of awa root to prepare for 
Aiwohikupua's coming. 

The people wondered at his action and asked, "Are you going away 
that you make these things ready ? " 

The seer said, "I am making ready for my chief, Aiwohikupua; 
he is the one I told you about last evening; for he comes hither 
over the ocean, his sign is on the ocean, and his mist covers it." 

As Aiwohikupua's party drew near to the harbor of Laupahoehoe, 
20 peals of thunder sounded, the people of Hilo crowded together, 
and as soon as it was quiet all saw the double canoe coming to land 
carrying above it the taboo sign^' of a chief. Then the seer's pre- 
diction was fulfilled. 


(Ma ka Mokiina V o keia Kaao, ua ike kakou ua hiki aku a Aiwo- 
hikiipiia ma Laiipahoehoe ; maanei e kamailio iki kakou no Hulu- 
maniani ka Makaula nana i ukali mai o Laieikawai, mai Kauai mai, 
lea mea i olelomuaia ma ka helu mua o keia Kaao.) 

I ka la a Aiwohikupua ma i haalele ai ia Paauhau, ma Hamakua, 
i ka la hoi i liolo mai ai a hiki i Laupahoehoe, ua ike mua aku ka 
Makaula i na mea a pau i kekahi ahiahi iho mamua o ko Aiwohi- 
kupua hiki ana ma Laupahoehoe, a penei kona ike ana : 

I ua ahiahi la, mamua o ka napoo ana o ka la, e noho ana ka Ma- 
kaula ma ka puka o ka hale, nana aku la oia i ke kuku o na opua ma 
ka nana ana i na ouli o ke ao, a like me ka mea man i ka poe kilokilo 
mai ka wa kahiko mai a hiki i keia manawa. 

I aku la ua Makaula nei, " He waa Alii hoi keia e holo mai nei, he 
uniikiimamaiwa kanaka, hookahi Alii Nui, he mau waa kaulua nae." 

Ia manawa, puiwa koke ae la ka lehulehu e noho pu ana me ka 
Makaula, a nana aku la aole he mau waa holo mai; nolaila, ninau 
aku la ka poe me ia, "Auhea hoi na waa au i olelo mai nei he mau 
waa Alii?" 

Olelo aku ka Makaula, "Aole he mau waa maoli, ma ka opua ka'u 
ike ana aku la, apopo e ike kakou he waa Alii." 

Ia po a ao ae, mahope o ka auina la, ike hou aku la oia i ke ku a ka 
punohu i ka moana, ma ka hoailona i ku ia Aiwohikupua e like me 
ka mea i maa i ua Makaula nei. (E like paha me ka ike ana i ke 
Kalaunu Moi o keia Alii keia Alii ke hiki mai io kakou nei, pcla paha 
ka maopojiJO ana o ko Aiwohikupua punohu i ikeia e ua Makaula nei.) 

A no ka ike ana o ka Makaula i keia hoailona, ku ae la oia a hopu 
he wahi puaa, he moa lawa, me ka puawa, e hoomakaukau ana no ka 
hiki mai o Aiwohikupua. 

A no keia liana a ka Makaula, he mea haohao loa ia i ko lakou poe, 
me ka ninau aku, " E hele ana oe e hoomakaukau nei keia ukana au ? " 

Hai mai la ka Makaula, " E hoomakaukau mua ana wan no ka 
hiki mai o kuu Alii o Aiwohikupua, oia keia mea a'u i olelo aku ai 
ia oukou i ke ahiahi nei, nolaila, eia oia ke holo mai nei i ka moana, 
nona keia kualau i ka moana, a me keia noe e uhi nei." 

A kokoke o Aiwohikupua ma i ke awa pae o Laupahoehoe, ia 
manawa ke kui ana o na hekili he iwakalua, pili pu na kanaka o Hilo 
nokeia mea, a i ka mao ana ae, ike alai la na mea a pau i keia 
kaulua e holo mai ana a pae i ke awa, me ka puloulou Alii iluna o 
na waa, alalia, maopopo ae la ka wanana a ka Makaula 



When the canoe came to land the seer was standin}^ at the land- 
ing; he advanced from Kaiwilahilahi, threw the pig before the chief, 
and prayed in the name of the gods of Aiwohikupua, and this was his 
prayer : 

" O Heavens, Lightning, and Eain ; O Air, Thunder, and Earth- 
quake ; O gods of my chief, my beloved, my sacred taboo chief, who 
will bury these bones! Here is a pig, a black cock, awa, a priest, a 
sacrifice, an offering to the chief from your servant here; look upon 
your servant, Hulumaniani ; bring to him life, a great life, a long life, 
to live forever, until the staff rings as he walks, until he is dragged 
upon a mat, imtil the eyes are dim.^* Amen, it is finished, flown 

As the chief listened to the prophet's prayer, Aiwohikupua recog- 
nized his own prophet, and his heart yearned with love toward him ; 
for he had been gone a long while ; he could not tell how long it was 
since he had seen him. 

As soon as the prayer was ended, Aiwohikupua commanded his 
counsellor to " present the seer's gifts to the gods." 

Instantly the seer ran and clasped the chief's feet and climbed up- 
ward to his neck and wept, and Aiwohikupua hugged his servant's 
shoulders and wailed out his virtues. 

After the wailing the chief asked his servant : " Why are you 
living here, and how long have you been gone?" 

The servant told him all that we have read about in former chap- 
ters. When the seer had told the business on which he had come and 
his reason for it, that was enough. Then it was the seer's turn to 
question Aiwoliikupua, but the chief told only half the story, saying 
that he was on a sight-seeing tour. 

The chief stayed with the seer that night until at daybreak they 
made ready the canoe and sailed. 

They left Laupahoehoe and got off ]\Iakahanaloa when one of the 
men, the one who is called the counsellor, saw the rainbow arching 
over Paliuli. 

He said to the chief: " Look! \Miere are you ! See that rainbow 
arch ? Laieikawai is there, the one whom you want to find, and there 
is where I found her. 

Said Aiwohikupua: "I do not think Laieikawai is there; that is 
not her rainbow, for rainbows are common to all rainy places. But 
let us wait until it is pleasant and see whether the rainbow is there 
then; then we shall know it is her sign. 


I na waa e holo mai ana a pae, ku ana ,ka Makaula i ke awa, mai 
liina mai o Kaiwilahilahi, liahau iho la ka Makaula i ka puaa imua 
o ke Alii, a pule aku la oia ma ka inoa o na Akua o Aiwohikupua, 
a eia kana pule. 

" E Lanipipili, e Lanioaka, e Lanikahuliomealani, e Lono, e 
Hekilikaakaa, e Xakoloailani. E na Akua o kuu Alii, kuu milimili, 
kuu ihi kajau, ka mea nana e kalua keia mau iwi. Eia ka puaa, ka 
moa lawa, ka awa, he makana, he mohai, he kanaenae i ke Alii na 
ka oukou kauwa nei, e ike i ka oukou kaiiwa ia Hulumaniani homai 
he ola, i ola nui, i ola loa, a.kau i ka puaneane, a kani koo, a 
palalauhala, a haumakaiola, amama, ua noa, lele wale aku la." 

Ia manawa a ke Alii e hoolohe ana i ka pule a ka Makaula, ike 
mai la o Aiwohikupua. o kana Makaula keia, ua mokumokuahua 
ka manawa o ke Alii i ke aloha i kana kauwa, no ka mea, ua loihi 
ka manawa o ka nalo ana, aole no hoi i ikeia ka manawa i nalo ai. 

A pau ka pule ana a ua Makaula nei, kena koke ae ana o 
Aiwohikupua i kona Kuhina, " E haawi na makana a ka Makaula 
na na Akua." 

Lele koke aku la ka Makaula a hopu i na wawae o ke Alii, a kau 
iho la iluna o ka a-i, a uwe iho la; a o Aiwohikupua hoi, apo aku 
In ma na poohiwi o kana kauwa, a uwe helu iho la. 

A pau ka uwe ana, ninau iho la ke Alii i kana kauwa, " Heaha 
kou mea i hiki mai ai a noho ianei ; a pehea ka loihi o kou hele ana." 

Hai aku la ke kauwa e like me ka kakou heluhelu ana ma na 
Mokuna mua. Ia manawa a ka Makaula i olelo aku ai i ke Alii i na 
kumu a me na kuleana o kona hele ana, a pau ia. Alalia, na ka 
Makaula ka ninau hope ia Aiwohikupua; aka hoi, ma ka paewaewa 
o ka ke Alii olelo ana, me ka olelo aku, e huakai kaapuni kana. 

Walea iho la ke Alii me ka Makaula ia po a wanaao, hoo makaukau 
na waa, a holo aku la. 

Holo ak)i la lakou mai Laupahoehoe aku a hiki lakou i waho o 
Makahanaloa, nana aku la ua wahi kanaka nei (ka mea i kapaia 
he Kuhina), i ka pio mai a ke anuenue iuka o Paliuli. 

Olelo aku la oia i ke Alii, "E! auhea oe? E nana oe i keia 
anuenue e pio mai la, aia ilaila o Laieikawai, ka mea a kaua e kii nei, 
a malaila no kahi i loaa ai ia'u." 

Olelo aku la o Aiwohikupua, " Ke manao nei wau aole keia o 
Laieikawai, aole no nona keia anuenue, no ka mea, he mea mau no ia 
no na wahi ua a pau, he pio no ke anuenue. Nolaila, ke noi aku nei 
wau ia oe, e kali kaua a ike ia mai ka malie ana, a ikeia aku ka pio 
mai o ke anuenue iloko o ka manawa malie, alalia maopopo nona 
keia hoailona." 


At the chief's proiJosal they anchored their canoes in the sea, and 
Aiwohikupua went up with his counsellor to Kukululaumania to 
the houses of the natives of the place and stayed there waiting for 
pleasant weather. After four days it cleared over Hilo; the whole 
country was plainly visible, and Panaewa lay bare. 

On this fourth daj' in the early morning Aiwohikupua awoke and 
went out of the house, lo ! the rainbow arching where they had seen 
it before; long the chief waited until the sun came, then he went in 
and aroused his counsellor and said to him : " Here ! perhaps you 
were right; I myself rose early while it was still dark, and went 
outside and actually saw the rainbow arching in the place you had 
pointed out to me, and I waited until suni'ise — still the rainbow ! 
And I came in to awaken you." 

The man said : " That is what I told you ; if we had gone we should 
have been staying up there in Paliuli all these days where she is." 

That morning they left Makahanaloa and sailed out to the harbor 
of Keaau. 

They sailed until evening, made shore at Keaau and saw Kaua- 
kahialii's houses standing there and the people of the place out 
surf riding. When they arrived, the people of the place admired 
Aiwohikupua as much as ever. 

The strangers remained at Keaau until evening, then Aiwohikupua 
ordered the steersmen and rowers to stay quietly until the two of 
them returned from their search for a wife, only they two alone. 

At sunset Aiwohikupua caught up his feather cloak and gave it to 
the other to carry, and they ascended. 

They made way with difficulty through high forest trees and 
thickets of tangled brush, until, at a place close to Paliuli, they heard 
the crow of a cock. The man said to his chief : " We are almost out." 

They went on climbing, and heard a second time the cock crow 
(the cock's second crow this). They went on climbing until a great 
light shone. 

The man said to his chief, " Here ! we are out ; there is Laieikawai's 
grandmother calling together the chickens as usual." ^^ 

Asked Aiwohikupua, "Where is the princess's house?" 

Said the man, "When we get well out of the garden patch here, 
then we can see the house clearly." 


A ma keia olelo a ke Alii, liekau iho la na waa o lakou i ke kai, 
pii aku la o Aiwohikupua me kona Kuhina a hiki i Kukululaumania, 
ma ke kauhale o na kamaaina, a noho iho la malaila e kali ana no 
ka malie o ka ua. A hala na la eha malaila, haalele loa ka malie- 
o Hilo, ike maopopoia aku la ke kalae ana mai o ka aina, a waiho 
wale mai o Panaewa. 

I ka eha o ka la, i ke kakahiaka nui, ala ae la o Aiwohikupua, a 
puka aku la mawaho o ka hale, aia hoi, e pio mai ana no ke anuenue 
i kahi a laua i ike mua ai, kakali, loihi iho la ke Alii a hiki i ka puka 
ana o ka la, hoi aku la a kona Kuhina aia kela e hiamoe ana, hooala 
aku la, me ka i aku i ke Kuhina, " E ! pono io paha kau e olelo nei, 
ia'u no kakahiaka poeleele, ala e aku nei no wau iwaho, ike aku nei 
no au, e pio mai ana ke anuenue i kahi no au i kuhikuhi ai ia'u, i 
ke kali mai la no wau a puka ka la, aia no ke mau la ke anuenue, 
hoi mai la wau hoala aku nei ia oe." 

Olelo aku la ua wahi kanaka nei, " O ka'u ia e olelo aku ana ia oe, 
e holo kakou, i na paha aia kakou i uka o Paliuli kahi i noho ai i 
keia mau la." 

Ia kakahiaka, haalele lakou ia Makahanaloa, holo waho na waa o 
lakou, o Keaau ke awa. 

Ia holo ana o lakou a ahiahi, pae lakou i Keaau, nana aku la lakou 
e ku mai ana no na hale o Kauakahialii ma, e heenalu mai ana no 
hoi na kamaaina; a hiki lakou, mahalo mai la na kamaaina no 
Aiwohikupua e like me kona ano mau. 

Noho malihini iho la lakou ia Keaau, a ahiahi, kauoha mua iho la 
o Aiwohikupua i na hookele a me na hoewaa, e noho malie a hoi 
mai laua mai ka laua huakai imi wahine mai, oiai o lakou wale no. 

I ka napoo ana o ka la, hopu aku la o AiwohikujJua i kona aahu 
Ahuula, a haawi aku la i kahi kanaka, a pii aku la. 

Pii aku la laua iloko o na ululaau loloa, i ka hihia paa o ka 
nahelehele, me ka luhi, a hiki laua ma kahi e kokoke ana i Paliuli, 
lohe laua i ka leo o ka moa. I aku la kahi kanaka i ke Alii, " Kokoke 
puka kaua." 

Hoomau aku la no laua i ka pii a lohe hou laua i ka leo o ka moa 
(o ka moa kua-lua ia). Hoomau aku laua i ka pii a hiki i ka mala- 
malama loa ana. 

I aku la kahi kanaka i ke Alii, " E ! puka kaua, aia ke kupuna- 
wahine o Laieikawai ke houluulu mai la i na moa, e like me kana 
hana mau." 

Ninau aku la o Aiwohikupua, "Auhea ka hale o ke Alii Wahine? " 

I aku la kahi kanaka, "Aia a puka lea aku kaua iwaho o ka ma- 
hinaai nei la, alalia, ike maopopo leaia aku ka hale." 


When Aiwohikupua saw that they were approaching Laieikawai's 
house, he asked for the feather cloak to hold in his hand when they 
met the princess of Paliuli. 

■ The garden patch passed, they beheld Laieikawai's house covered 
with the yellow feathers of the oo bird, as the seer had seen in his 
vision from the god on Kauwiki. 

When Aiwohikupua saw the house of the princess of Paliuli, he 
felt strangely perplexed and abashed, and for the first time he felt 
doubtful of his success. 

And by reason of this doubt within him he said to his companion, 
" Where are you ? We have come boldly after my wife. I supposed 
her just an ordinary woman. Not so ! The princess's house has no 
equal for workmanship; therefore, let us return without making our- 
selves known." 

Said his counsellor, " This is strange, after we have reached the 
woman's house for whom we have swum eight seas, here you ai-e 
begging to go back. Let us go and make her acquaintance, whether 
for failure or success; for, even if she should refuse, keep at it; we 
men must expect to meet such rebuffs ; a canoe will break on a coral 

"Where are you?" answered Aiwohikupua. "We will not meet 
the princess, and we shall certainly not win her, for I see now the 
house is no ordinary one. I have brought my cloak wrought with 
feathers for a gift to the princess of Paliuli and I behold them here 
as thatch for the princess's house; yet you know, for that matter, 
even a cloak of feathers is owned by none but the highest chiefs ; so 
let us return." And they went back without making themselves 


A maopopo ia Aiwohikupua, ke kokoke hiki o laua i ka hale o 
Laieikawai, nonoi aku la oia e haawi mai kahi kanaka i ka ahuula, i 
paa iho ai o Aiwohikupua ia mea ma kona lima, a hiki i ko laua 
la una ana me ke Alii wahine o Paliuli. 

A hala ka mahinaai, ike aku la laua i ka hale o Laieikawai, ua 
uhiia me no hulu melemele o ka Oo, e like me ka alelo a ke akua i ka 
Makaula, ma ka hihio iluna o Kauwiki. 

Ia Aiwohikupua e nana ana i ka hale o ke Alii wahine o Paliuli, 
he mea e ke ifahaha a me ka hilahila, ia manawa ka hoomaka ana o ko 
Aiwohikupua kanalua ana. 

A no ke kanalua i ioaa ia Aiwohikupua, olelo aku oia i kona 
kokoolua, "Auhea oe, ua hele mai nei kaua me ka manao ikaika no 
kuu wahine, kuhi iho nei wau, he wahine a lohe mai i ke ao, aole ka ! 
i ike aku nei ka hana i ka hale o ke Alii Wahine, aole no ona lua. 
nolaila, ano e hoi kaua me ka launa ole." 

I mai la kona Kuhina, " He mea kupanaha, a hiki ka hoi kaua i 
ka hale o ko wahine, ka kaua mea i au mai nei i keia mau kai 
fiwalua, eia ka hoi he koi kau e hoi : e hele no kaua a launa, aia mai 
ilaila ka nele a me ka Ioaa; no ka mea, ina no paha ia e hoole mai, 
hoomano aku no, ua akaka no he waa naha i kooka ko kaua, ko ke 

"Auhea oe?" Wahi a Aiwohikupua, "Aole e hiki ia kaua ke hele 
e halawai me ke Alii wahine, a aole no hoi e Ioaa ; no ka mea, ke ike 
nei wau, ua ano e loa ka hale. Ua lawe mai nei au i ko'u ahuula, i 
makana e haawi aku ai i ke Alii wahine e Paliuli nei; aka, ke nana 
aku nei wau o ke pili iho la ia o ka hale o ke Alii; no ka mea, ua 
ike no oe, o keia mea, he ahuula aole ia e Ioaa i na mea e ae, i na 
Alii aimoku wale no e loaa'i, nolaila, e hoi kaua." O ka hoi iho la no 
ia me ka launa ole. 

74936°— 19— 33 eth 26 


When Aiwohikupua and his companion had left Paliuli they re- 
turned and came to Keaau, made the canoe ready, and at the ap- 
proach of day boarded the canoe and returned to Kauai. 

On the way back Aiwohikupua would not say why he was return- 
ing until they reached Kauai ; then, for the first time, his counsellor 
knew the reason. 

On the way from Keaau they rested at Kamaee, on the rocky side 
of Hilo, and the next day left there, went to Humuula on the 
boundary between Hilo and Hamakua; now the seer saw Aiwohi- 
kupua sailing over the ocean. 

After passing Humuula they stopped right off Kealakaha, and 
while the chief slept they saw a woman sitting on the sea cliff by the 

When those on board saw the woman they shouted, " Oh ! what a 
beautiful woman ! " 

At this Aiwohikupua started up and asked what they were shout- 
ing about. They said, " There is a beautiful woman sitting on the 
sea cliff." The chief turned his head to look, and saw that the 
stranger was, indeed, a charming woman. 

So the chief ordered the boatmen to row straight to the place where 
the woman was sitting, and as they approached they first encountered 
a man fishing with a line, and asked, " Who is that woman sitting 
up there on the bank directly above you ? " 

He answered, " It is Poliahu, Cold-bosom." 

As the chief had a great desire to see the woman, she was beckoned 
to; and she approached with her cloak all covered with snow and 
gave her greeting to Aiwohikupua, and he greeted her in return by 
shaking hands. 

After meeting the stranger, Aiwohikupua said, " O Poliahu, fair 
mistress of the coast, happily are we met here ; and therefore, O prin- 
cess of the cliff, I wish you to take me and try me for your husband, 
and I will be the servant under you ; whatever commands you utter 
I will obey. If you consent to take me as I beseech you, then come 
on board the canoe and go to Kauai. Wliy not do so?" 

The woman answered, " I am not mistress of this coast. I come 
from inland ; from the summit of that mountain, which is clothed in 
a white garment like this I am wearing; and how did you find out 
my name so quickly?" 


la Aiwohikupua ma i haalele ai ia Paliuli, hoi aku la laua a hiki i 
Keaau, hoomakaiikau na waa, a ma ia wanaao, kau maluna o na waa, 
a hoi i Kauai. 

Ma ia hoi ana, aole nae i hai aku o Aiwohikupua i kekahi kumu o 
ka hoi ana, aia i ka hiki aha i Kauai, ma keia hoi ana, akahi no a ike 
kona Kuhina i ke kumu. 

Ma keia holo ana mai Keaau mai, a kau i Kamaee, ma Hilopaliku, 
a ma kekahi la ae, haalele lakou ia laila, hiki lakou i Hmnuula, ma 
ka palena o Hilo, me Hamakua, ia manawa ka ike ana mai a ka 
Makaula ia Aiwohikupua e holo ana i ka moana. 

A hala hope o Humuula ia lakou, hiki lakou mawaho pono o 
Kealakaha, ike mai la lakou noi i keia wahine e noho ana i ka pali 
kahakai, e hiamoe ana nae ke Alii ia manawa. 

Ia lakou i ike aku ai i keia wahine, hooho ana lakou iluna o na waa, 
" E ! ka wahine maikai hoi ! " 

A no keia, hikilele ae la ka hiamoe o Aiwohikupua, ninau ae la i ka 
lakou mea e walaau nei, haiia aku la, " He wahine maikai aia ke noho 
mai la i ka pali." Alawa ae la ke Alii, a ike aku la he mea e o ka 
wahine maikai. 

A no keia mea, kauoha ae la ke Alii i na hoewaa e hoe pololei aku 
ma kahi a ka wahine e noho mai ana, a holo aku la a kokoke, halawai 
mua iho la lakou me ke kanaka e paeaea ana, ninau aku la, " Owai 
keia wahine e noho mai la iluna o ka pali maluna pono ou? " 

Haiia mai la, " O Poliahu." 

A no ka manao nui o ke Alii e ike i keia wahine, peahiia aku la, a 
iho koke mai la keia me kona aahukapa i hoopuniia i ka hau, a haawi 
mai la i kona aloha ia Aiwohikupua, a liloha aku la no hoi ke Alii 
kane i kona aloha ma ka lululima ana. 

Ia laua e halawai malihini ana, i aku o Aiwohikupua " E Poliahu 
e ! E ka wahine maikai o ka pali, pomaikai wale wau ia oe ma ko 
kaua halawai ana iho nei, a no aila, e ke Alii wahine o ka jiali nei, ke 
makemake nei wau e lawe oe ia'u i kane hoao nau, a e noho kanaka 
lawelawe aku malalo ou, ma kau mau olelo e olelo ai, a malaile wale 
no wau. Ina hoi e ae oe e law-e ia'u e like me ka'u e noi aku nei ia oe, 
alaila, e kau kaua maluna o na waa, a holo aku i Kauai, a pehea ia? " 

I mai la ka wahine, "Aole wau he wahine no keia pali, no uka 
lilo mai wau, mai ka piko mai o keia mauna, e aahu mau ana i na 
kapa keokeo e like me keia kapa a'u e aahu aku nei. A pehea la i 
hikiwawe ai ka loaa ana o ko'u inoa ia oe e ke Alii ? " 



Said Aiwohikupua, " This is the first I knew about your coming 
from the Wliite Movmtain, but we found out your name readily from 
that fisherman yonder." 

"As to wliat tlie chief desires of me," said Poliahu, " I will take 
you for my husband ; and now let me ask you, are you not the chief 
who stood up and vowed in the name of your gods not to take any 
woman of these islands from Hawaii to Kauai to wife — only a 
Avoman who comes from Moaulanuiakea ? Are you not bethrothed 
to Hinaikamalama, the famous princess of Hana? After this trip 
around Hawaii, then are you not returning for your marriage? And 
as to your wishing our union, I assure you, until you have made an 
end of your first vow it is not my part to take you, but yours to take 
me with you as you desire." 

At Poliahu's words Aiwohikupua marveled and was abashed ; and 
after a while a little question escaped him: "How have you ever 
heard of these deeds of mine you tell of? It is true, Poliahu, all that 
you say; I have done as you have described; tell me who has told 

"No one has told me these things, O chief; I knew them for my- 
self," said the princess ; " for I was born, like you, with godlike pow- 
ers, and, like you. my knowledge comes to me from the gods of my 
fathers, who inspire me ; and through these gods I showed you what 
I have told you. As you were setting out at Humuula I saw your 
canoe, and so knew who you were." 

At these words Aiwohikupua knelt and did reverence to Poliahu 
and begged to become Poliahu's betrothed and asked her to go with 
him to Kauai. 

" We shall not go together to Kauai," said the woman, " but I 
will go on board with you to Kohala, then I will return, while you 
go on." 

Now, the chiefs met and conversed on the deck of the canoe. 

Before setting out the woman said to Aiwohikupua and his com- 
panion, "We sail together; let me be alone, apart from you two, 
fix bounds between us. You must not touch me, I will not touch 
you until we reach Kohala : let us remain under a sacred taboo ; " and 
this request pleased them. 

As they sailed and came to Kohala they did not toiicli encli (jllier. 


Olelo aku la o Aiwohikupua. "Akahi no wau a maopopo no 
Maunakea mai oe, a ua loaa koke kou inoa ia makou ma ka haiia ana 
e kela kanaka paeaea." 

"A no kau noi e ke Alii," wahi a Poliahu, " E lawe wau ia oe i 
kane na'u, a nolaila, ke hai aku nei wau ia oe, me ka ninau aku; 
aole anei o oe ke Alii i ku iluna a hoohiki ma ka inoa o kou mau 
Akua, aole oe e lawe i hookahi wahine o keia mau mokupuni, mai 
Hawaii nei, a Kauai ; aia kau wahine lawe noloko mai o Moaulanuia- 
kea? Aole anei oe i hoopalau me Hinaikamalama, ke kaikamahine 
Alii kaulana o Hana ? A pau ko huakai kaaj)uni ia Hawaii nei, alalia, 
hoi aku a hoao olua ? A no kau noi mai e lawe kaua ia kaua i mau 
mea hoohui nolaila, ke hai aku nei wau ia oe; aia a hoopau oe i 
kau hoohiki mua, alalia, aole na'u e lawe ia oe, nau no e lawe ia'u a 
hui kaua e like me kou makemake." 

A no keia olelo a Poliahu, pili pu iho la ko Aiwohikupua manao 
me ke kaumaha no hoi ; a liuliu hoopuka aku la o Aiwohikupua 
i wahi ninau pokole penei, " Pehea la oe i ike ai, a i lohe ai hoi no 
kali mau hana au e hai mai nei? He oiaio, e Poliahu e. o na mea 
a pau au e olelo mai nei, ua hana wau e like me ia nolaila, e hai 
mai i ka mea nana i olelo aku ia oe." 

"Aole o'u mea nana i hai mai i keia mau mea, e ke Alii kane, no'u 
iho ho ko'u ike," wahi a ke Alii wahine, " no ka mea, ua hanau 
kupuaia mai wau e like me oe, a ua loaa no ia'u ka ike mai ke Akua 
mai o ko'u mau kupuna a hooili ia'u, e like me oe, a na ia Akua wau 
i kuhikuhi mai e like me ka'u e olelo nei ia oukou. Ia oukou no e 
holo mai ana i Humuula, ua ike wau nou na waa, a pela wau i ike 
ai ia oe." 

A no keia olelo, kukuli iho la o Aiwohikupua, a hoomaikai aku 
la imua o Poliahu, me ke noi aku e lilo ia i kane hoopalau na Poliahu, 
me ke noi aku e holo pu i Kauai. 

"Aole kaua e holo pu i Kauai," wahi a ka wahine, "aka, e kau 
wau me oukou a Kohala, hoi mai wau, alalia hoi oukou." 

Mai ka hoomaka ana e halawai na'lii a hiki i ka pau ana o na 
olelo a laua, iluna no o na waa keia mau kamailio ana. 

Mamna o ka holo ana, olelo aku ka wahine ia Aiwohikupua, " Ke 
holo pu nei kakou. e hookaawale mai ko'u wahi, kaawale aku ko 
olua wahi, aole o na kanaka, ua akaka ko lakou wahi, mai hoopa 
mai oukou ia'u, aole hoi au e hoopa ia oukou a hiki wale i Kohala, 
e noho maluhia loa kakou a pau." A ua maikai ia mea imua o 

Ia holo ana o lakou a hiki i Kohala, aole i hanaia kekahi mea iho 
iwaena o lakou. 


They reached Kohala, and on the day when Aiwohikupua's party 
left, Poliahu took her garment of snow and gave it to Aiwohikupua, 
sajing, " Here is my snow mantle, the mantle my parents strictly 
forbade my giving to anyone else ; it was to be for myself alone ; but 
as we are betrothed, you to me and I to you, therefore I give away 
this mantle until the day when you remember our vows, then you 
must seek me, and you will find me above on the White Mountain; 
show it to me there, then we shall be united." 

When Aiwohikupua heard these things the chief's heart was glad, 
and his counsellor and the paddlers with him. 

Then Aiwohikupua took out his feather cloak, brought it and 
threw it over Poliahu with the words, "As you have said to me 
before giving me the snow mantle, so do you guard this until our 
promised union." 

When their talk was ended, at the approach of day, they parted 
from the woman of the mountain and sailed and came to Hana and 
met Hinaikamalama. 


I;i lakou ma Kohala, a hiki i ka la i haalele ai o Aiwoliikiipua ma 
ia Kohala, lawe ae la o Poliahu i kona kapa haii, a haawi aku la ia 
Aiwohikupua me ka olelo aku, " O kuu kapa hau, he kapa i papa 
loaia e ko'u man makua, aole e lilo i kekahi mea e ae, ia'u wale iho 
no; aka, no ko kaua lawe ana ia kaua i kane hoao oe na'u, a pela hoi 
wau ia oe, nolaila, ke haawi lilo aku nei wau i keia kapa, a hiki i kou 
la e manao mai ai ia'u ma na hoohiki a kaua, alalia, loaa kou kuleana 
e imi ae ai ia-'u a loaa, iluna o Maunakea, alalia, hoike ae oe ia'u, 
alalia, hui kino kaua." 

A lohe o Aiwohikupua i keia mau mea, alalia, he mea olioli nui 
loa ia i ko ke Alii kane naau, a me kona Kuhina, a me na kanaka 

Ia manawa, kii aku la o Aiwohikupua i kona Ahuula, lawe mai la 
a hoouhi aku la ia Poliahu, me ka olelo aku, " E like me kau olelo 
ia'u mamua o kou haawi ana mai ia'u i ke kapa hau, pela no oe e 
malama ai a hiki i ko kaua hui ana e like me ke kauoha." 

A pan ka laua kamailio ana i ka wanaao, hookaawale lakou i ka 
wahine noho mauna, a holo aku la a hiki i Hana, a halawai me 


When Aiwohikupua reached Hana, after parting with Poliahu at 
Kohahi, his boat approached the canoe landing at Haneoo, where 
they had been before, where Hinaikamalama was living. 

When Aiwohikupua reached the landing the canoe floated on the 
water; and as it floated there Hinaikamalama saw that it was Ai- 
wohikupua's canoe; joyful was she with the thought of their meet- 
ing ; but still the boat floated gently on the water. 

Hinaikamalama came thither where Aiwohikupua and his men 
floated. Said the woman, "This is strange! What is all. this that 
the canoe is kept afloat? Joyous was I at the sight of you, believing 
you were coming to land. Not so ! Now, tell me, shall you float 
there until you leave?" 

" Yes," answered Aiwohikupua. 

" You can not," said the woman, " for I will order the executioner 
to hold you fast; you became mine at komine. and our vows are 
spoken, and I have lived apart and undefiled until your return." 

"O princess, not so!" said Aiwohikupua. "It is not to end our 
vow — that still holds; but the time has not come for its fulfillment. 
For I said to you, ' When I have sailed about Hawaii then the 
princess's bet shall be paid;' now, I went meaning to sail about 
Hawaii, but did not; still at Hilo I got a message from Kauai that 
the family was in trouble at home, so I turned back; I have stopped 
in here to tell you all this; and therefore, live apart, and on my next 
return our vow shall be fulfilled." 

At these words of Aiwohikupua the princess's faith returned. 

After this they left Hana and sailed and came to Oahu, and on 
the sea halfway between Oahu and Kauai he laid his command upon 
the oarsmen and the steersmen, as follows: "Where are you? I 
charge you, when you come to Kauai, do not say that you have been 
to Hawaii to seek a wife lest I be shamed ; if this is heard about, it 
will be heard through you, and the penalty to anyone who tells of the 
journey to Hawaii, it is death, death to himself, death to his wife, 
death to all his friends ; this is the debt he shall pay." This was the 
charge the chief laid upon the men who sailed with him to Hawaii. 
408 ■ 


A hiki o Aiwohikupua ma i Hana, mai Kohala aku mahope iho 
o ko lakou hookaawale ana ia Poliahii. ma ke awa pae waa o Haneoo 
ko lakou hiki mua ana, ma ko Hinaikamalama walii e nolio ana. 

Ia Aiwohikupua nae i hiki aku ai ma kela awa pae waa, i ka 
moana no lakou i lana aku ai; a ia lakou e lana ana malaila, ike 
mai la o Hinaikamalama, o Aiwohikupua Iceia mau waa, mahamaha 
mai la ka wahine me ka manao e hele aku ana a halawai me ka 
wahine; aka, aia no lakou ke lana malie mai la i ka moana. 

Hele mai o Hinaikamalama a ma kalii a Aiwohikupua ma e lana 
ana; I aku la ka wahine, "He mea kupanaha ! heaha iho nei hoi 
keia o ka lana ana o na waa iloko o ke kai? Mahamaha mai nei 
keia i ka ike ana mai nei ia oukou, kainoa la hoi he holo mai a pae 
ae, aole ka! Xolaila, ke ninau aku nei Avau ia oe; malaila no anei 
oukou e lana ai a holo aku ? " 

"Ae," wahi a Aiwohikupua. 

"Aole oukou e hiki," wahi a ka wahine " no ka mea, e kauoha no 
wau i ka Ilamuku e hoopaa ia oe, «a lilo oe ia'u i ke konaneia, a 
ke waiho nei no ia hoohiki a kaua, a ua noho maluhia wau me ka 
malu loa a hiki i kou hoi ana mai la." 

" E ke Alii Wahine. aole pela," wahi a Aiwohikupua, " aole au 
i lioopau i ka kaua hoohiki, ke mau nei no ia, aole no i hiki i ka 
manawa e hookoia ai ia hoohiki a kaua, no ka mea, ua hal mua aku 
wau ia oe, aia a puni o Hawaii ia"u, alaila, hookoia kou kumu pill 
e ke Alii wahine. Nolaila, holo aku nei wau me ka manao e puni 
o Hawaii, aole nae i jDuni, a Hilo no, loaa ae nei i ka iihai mai Kauai 
mai no ka pilikia o ko ka hale poe, nolaila, hoi mai nei; i kipa mui 
nei i ou la e hai aku no keia mau mea ia oe, a nolaila, e noho malu 
oe a hiki i kuu hoi hou ana mai, hookoia ka hoohiki." 

A no keia olelo a Aiwohikupua, hoi mai la ka manao o ke Alii 
wahine, a like me mamua. 

A pau keia mau mea. haalele lakou ia Hana, a holo mai lakou 
a hiki i Oahu nei, a mai anei aku a like a like o ka moana o Oahu 
nei, a me Kauai, hai aku la oia i kana olelo i na hoewaa, a me na 
hookele, penei : "Auhea oukou. ke hai aku nei wau i kuu olelo paa; 
ina i hiki kakou i Kauai, mai olelo oukou i Hawaii aku nei kakou i ka 
imi wahine, o lilo auanei ia i mea hoohilahila ia'u, i na e loheia 
ma keia hope aku, alaila. i loheia no ia oukou, a o ka uRu o ka 
mea nana e hai keia olelo no ka holo ana i Hawaii, o ka makemake 
ka mea nana e olelo, make mai kana wahine, o ka ohi no ia o ka 
make a ka mea hoaikane mai." Oia ke kanawai paa a ke Alii i kau 
ai no ka poe i holo pu me ia i Hawaii. . 



Aiwohikupua reached Kauai at sunset and met his sisters. Then 
he spoke thus to his sisters : " Perhaps you wondered when I went on 
my journey, because I did not tell you my reason, not even the place 
■where I was to go; and now I tell it to you in secret, my sisters, to 
you alone. To Hawaii I disappeared to fetch Laieikawai for my 
wife, after hearing Kauakahialii's story the day when his party 
returned here. But when I came there I did not get sight of the 
woman's face; I did not see Laieikawai, but my eyes beheld her 
house thatched with the yellow feathers of the oo bird, so I tliought 
I could not win her and came back here unsuccessful. And as I 
thought of my failure, then I thought of you sisters,*^ who have won 
my wishes for me in the days gone by ; therefore I came for you to 
go to Hawaii, the very ones to win what I wish, and at dawn let us 
rise up and go." Then they were pleased with their brother's woi-ds 
to them. 

As Aiwohikupua talked with his sisters, his counsellor for the 
first time understood the reason for their return to Kauai. 

The next day Aiwohikupua picked out fresh paddlers, for the 
chief knew that the first were tired out. When all was ready for 
sailing, that very night the chief took on board 14 paddlers, 2 steers- 
men, the 5 sisters, Mailehaiwale, Mailekaluhea, Mailelaulii, Maile- 
pakaha, and the youngest, Kahalaomapuana, the chief himself, and 
his counsellor, 23 in all. That night, at the approach of day, they 
left Kauai, came to Puuloa, and there rested at Hanauma ; the next 
day they lay off Molokai at Kaunakakai, from there they went ashore 
at Mala at Lahaina; and they left the place, went to Keoneoio in 
Honuaula, and there they stayed 30 days. 

For it was very rough weather on the ocean; when the rough 
weather was over, then there was good sailing. 

Then they left Honuaula and sailed and came to Kaelehuluhulu, 
at Kona, Hawaii. 

As Aiwohikupua's party were on the way from Maui thither, 
Poliahu knew of their setting sail and coming to Kaelehuluhulu. 

Then Poliahu made herself ready to come to wed Aiwohikupua; 
one month she waited for the promised meeting, but Aiwohikupua 
was at Hilo after Laieikawai. 


A hiki lakou i Kauai, ma ka napoo ana o ka la, a halawai me na 
kaikuahine. la manawa ka hoopuka ana i olelo i kona man kai- 
kuahine, penei : " la'u i hele aku nei i ka'u huakai hele, ua haohao 
paha oiikou, no ka mea, aole wau i hai akn ia oiikon i ke kumu o ia 
hele ana, aole no hoi wau i hai aku i ka'u wahi e hele ai; a nolaila, 
ke hai malu aku nei wau ia oukou e o'u mau kaikuahine o kakou 
wale. I Hawaii aku nei makou i nalo iho nei, i kii aku nei wau 
ia Laieikawai i wahine mare (hoao) na'u, no ko'u lohe ana no ia 
Kauakahialii e olelo ana i ka la a lakou i hiki mai ai. I ka hele ana 
aku nei hoi, aole no hoi i kanamai a ke ano-e o ka wahine; aole nae 
au i ike aku ia Laieikawai ; aka, o ka hale ka'u i ike maka aku, ua 
uhiia mai i ka hulu melemele o na manu Oo; nolaila, manao no au 
aole e loaa, hoi okoa mai nei me ka nele. A no ia manao o'u, aole e 
loaa ia'u, manao ae au ia oukou e na kaikuahine, ka poe no e loaa 
ai ko'u makemake i na la i hala, nolaila, kii mai nei au ia oukou e 
holo i Hawaii, o oukou no ka poe e loaa ai ko'u makemake, a ma 
keia wanaao, e ku kakou a e hele." Alaila, he mea maikai keia olelo 
a ko lakou kaikunane ia lakou. 

Iloko o keia manawa a Aiwohikupua e olelo ana me na kai- 
kuahine, akahi no a maopopo i kona Kuhina, oia ka ke kumu o ka 
hoi wikiwiki ana ia Kauai. 

I kekahi la ae, wae ae la o Aiwohikupua i mau hoewaa hou, no 
ka mea, ua maoi^opo i ke Alii ua luhi na hoewaa mua; a makaukau 
ka holo ana, ia po iho, lawe ae la ke Alii he umikumamaha hoewaa, 
elua hookele, o na kaikuahine elima, o Mailehaiwale, o Mailekaluhea, 
o Mailelaulii, o Mailepakaha, a me ko lakou muli loa o Kahalaoma- 
puana, o ke Alii a me kona Kuhina, he iwakalua-kumakolu ko lakou 
nui. I ka wanaao oia po, haalele lakou ia Kauai, hiki ma Puuloa, 
a mailaila aku a kau ma Hanauma, i kekahi la ae kau i Molokai, ma 
Kaunakakai ; mailaila aku a pae i Mala, ma Lahaina ; a haalele lakou 
ia wahi, hiki lakou i Keoneoio, ma Honuaula ; a malaila i noho loihi 
ai ekolu anahulu. 

No ka mea, ua nui ka ino ma ka moana, a pau na la ino, alaila, ua 
ikeia mai ka maikai o ka moana. 

Ia manawa ko lakou haalele ana ia Honuaula, a holo aku la a hiki 
ma Kaelehuluhulu, ma Kona, Hawaii. 

Ia Aiwohikupua ma i holo aku ai mai Maui aku a hiki i keia 
wahi, ua ike mua mai o Poliahu i ko lakou holo ana a me ka hiki 
ana i Kaelehuluhulu. 

Nolaila, hoomakaukau mua o Poliahu ia ia no ka hiki aku o 
Aiwohikupua, alaila hoao; hookahi malama ke kali ano o Poliahu 
no ko laua hoao e like me ka laua hoohiki ana; aka, ua hala o Ai- 
wohikupua ma Hilo, no ke kii no ia Laieikawai. 


Then was revealed to Poliahu the knowledge of Aiwohikupua's 
doings; through her supernatural power she saw it all; so the woman 
laid it ujD in her mind until they should meet, then she showed what 
she saw Aiwohikupua doing. 

From Kaelehuluhulu, Aiwohikupua went direct to Keaau, but 
many days and nights the voj'age lasted. 

At noon one da}' they came to Keaau, and after putting to rights 
the canoe and the baggage, the chief at once began urging his sisters 
and his counsellor to go up to Paliuli; and they readily assented to 
the chief's wish. 

Before going up to Paliuli, Aiwohikupua told the steersmen and 
the paddlers, " While we go on our way to seelc her whom I have so 
longed to see face to face, do j^ou remain hei'e quietly, doing nothing 
but guard the canoes. If you wait until this night becomes day and 
day becomes night, then we prosper; but if we come back to-morrow 
early in the morning, then my wishes have failed, then face about 
and turn the course to Kauai ; " so the chief ordered. 

After the chief's orders to the men they ascended half the night, 
reaching Paliuli. Said Aiwohikupua to the sisters : " This is Paliuli 
where Laieikawai is, your sister-in-law. See what you are worth." 

Then Aiwohikupua took Mailehaiwale, the first born; she stood 
right at the door of Laieikawai's house, and as she stood there she 
sent forth a fragrance which filled the house ; and within was Laiei- 
kawai with her nurse fast asleep; but they could no longer sleep, 
because they were wakened by the scent of IMailehaiwale. 

And starting out of sleep, they two marveled what this wonderful 
fragrance could be, and because of this marvel Laieikawai cried out 
in a voice of delight to her grandmother: 

Laieikawai: " O Waka ! O Waka— O ! " 

Waka: " Heigh -yo! why waken in the middle of the night?" 

Laieikawai : " A fragrance is here, a strange fragrance, a cool 
fragrance, a chilling fragrance ; it goes to my heart." 

Waka : " That is no strange fragrance ; it is certainly Mailehaiwale, 
the sweet-smelling sister of Aiwohikupua, who has come to get you 
for his wife, you for the wife and he for the husband; here is the 
man for you to marry." 

TiAiEiKAWAi : " Bah ! I will not marry him." " 

When Aiwohikupua heard Laieikawai's refusal to take Aiwohi- 
kupua for her husband, then he was abashed, for they heard her 
refusal quite plainly. 


I kekahi manawa, ku mai ia Poliahu ka ike no ka Aiwohikupua 
mau hana ; ma ko Poliahu ano kupua keia ike ana, a no ia mea, waiho 
wale no iloko o ka wahine koiia manao, aia a halawai laua, alaila. 
hoike aku i kana mea e ike nei no ka Aiwohikiipua mau hana. 

Ma keia holo ana a Aiwohikupua, mai Kaelehuluhulu aku, hiki 
mua lakou ma Keaau, aka, ua nui no na la, a me na po o keia hele 

I ke awakea o kekahi la, hiki aku lakou ma Keaau, a pau na waa i 
ka hooponopono, a me na ukana o lakou, ia wa no, hoolale koke ae 
ana ke Alii i na kaikuahine, a me kona Kuhina e pii i uka o Paliuli; 
a ua hooholo koke lakou ia manao o ke Alii. 

Mamua o ko lakou pii ana i Paliuli, kauoha iho la o Aiwohikupua 
i na hookele, a me na hoewaa, " Eia makou ke hele nei i ka makou 
huakai hele, ka mea hoi a kuu manao i kau nui ai a halawai maka, 
e noho malie loa oukou. aia no ka oukou mea malama o na waa; i 
kali oukou a i ao keia po, a i po ka la apopo, alaila, ua waiwai makou ; 
aka, i hoi kakahiaka mai makou i ka la apopo, alaila, ua nele no 
ka'u mea i manao ai, alaila, o Kauai ke alo, hull alvu hoi." Oia ke 
kauoha a ke Alii. 

A pau ke kauoha a ke Alii i na kanaka, pii aku la a like a like o 
ka po, hiki lakou i Paliuli. Olelo aku la o Aiwohikupua i na kaikua- 
hine, " O Paliuli keia, eia ianei o Laieikawai, ko oukou kaikoeke, 
nolaila, imiia ka oukou pono." 

Alaila, lawe ae la o Aiwohikupua ia Mailehaiwale, i ka hanau mua 
o lakou e like me ko lakou hanau ana. Ku iho la ma ka puka ponoi 
o ka hale o Laieikawai, ia Mailehaiwale e ku la ma ka puka o ka 
Halealii, kuu aku ana keia i ke aia, po oloko i ke aia, aia nae o 
Laieikawai me ko);ia kahu ua pauhiaia e ka hiamoe nui; aka, aole 
nae e hiki ke hiamoe i keia manawa, no ka mea ua hoalaia e ke aia o 

Ia puoho ana ae o laua mai ka hiamoe, haohao ana laua nei i keia 
aia launa ole; a no keia haohao, kahea aku la o Laieikawai me ka 
ieo oluolu i kona kupunawahine penei: 

Laieikawai : " E Waka, e Waka — e." 

Waka : " E — o, heaha kau o ka po e aia nei?" 

Laieikawai : " He aia, eia — la, he aia e wale no keia, he aia anuanu, 
he aia huihui, eia la i ka houpo i ka manawa o maua." 

Waka: "Aole no he aia e, o Mailehaiwale aku la na, o na kaikua- 
hine aala o Aiwohikupua i kii mai la ia oe i wahine oe, a i wahine 
oe, a i kane ia ; o ke kane ia moeia." 

Laieikawai: " Ka ! aole au e moe ia ia." 

A lohe aku la o Aiwohikupua i ka hoole ana mai a Laieikawai, no 
ka makemake ole e lawe ia Aiwohikupua i kane mare, alaila, he mea 
e ka hilahila, no ka mea, ua lohe maopopo aku la lakou nei i ka hoole 
ana mai. 


After this refusal, then Aiwohikupua said to his counsellor, " You 
and I will go home and let my sisters stay up here ; as for them, let 
them live as they can, for they are worthless; they have failed to 
gain my wish." 

Said the counsellor, " This is very strange I I thought before we 
left Kauai you told me that your sisters were the only ones to get 
your wish, and you have seen now what one of them can do; you 
have ordered Mailehaiwale to do her part, and we have heard, too, the 
refusal of Laieikawai. Is this your sisters' fault, that we should go 
and leave them ? But without her you have four sisters left ; it may 
be one of them will succeed." 

Said Aiwohikupua, " If the firstborn fails, the others perhaps will 
be worthless." 

His counsellor spoke again, " My lord, have patience ; let Maile- 
kaluhea try her luck, and if she fails then we will go." 

Now, this saying pleased the chief ; said Aiwohikupua, " Suppose 
you try your luck, and if you fail, all is over." 

Mailekaluhea went and stood at the door of the chief-house and 
gave out a perfume; the fragrance entered and touched the rafters 
within the house, from the rafters it reached Laieikawai and her 
companion; then they were startled from sleep. 

Said Laieikawai to her nurse^ ''This is a different perfume, not 
like the first, it is better than that ; perhaps it comes from a man." 

The nurse said, " Call out to your grandmother to tell you the 
meaning of the fragrance." 

Laieikawai called: 

Laieikawai : " O Waka ! O Waka— O !" 

Waka : " Heigh-yo ! why waken in the middle of the night ? " 

Laieikawai: "Here is a fragrance, a strange fragrance, a cool fra- 
grance, a chilling fragrance; it goes to my heart." 

Waka. " That is no strange fragrance, it is Mailekaluhea, the 
sweet-smelling sister of Aiwohikupua, who has come to make you 
his wife to marry him." 

Laieikawai : " Bah ! I will not marry him !" 

Said Aiwohikupua to his counsellor, " See ! did you hear the 
princess's refusal?" 


Mahope iho o ka manawa i hooleia ai ko ke Alii kane makemake; 
alaila, olelo akii la o Aiwohikupua i koiia Kiihina, " E hoi kaua, a e 
noho na kailaiahine o'u iuka nei, a na lakou no e imi ae ko lakou 
wahi e noho ai, no ka mea, aole a lakou waiwai, iia nele ae la no ka 
niea i manaoia ai e loaa ia lakou." 

I mai la kona Kuhina, " He mea kupanaha loa ia oe, kainoa, na 
olelo oe ia'u mamua o ko kakou la i haalele ai ia Kauai; o na kai- 
kuahine wale no ou ka mea nana e kii kou makemake, a ua ike no hoi 
oe i ke ko ana o ka lakou mau liana; ua kena ae nei oe ia Mailehaiwale 
i kana loaa, a ua lohe aku la no hoi kakou i ka hoole ana mai a 
Laieikawai, aole paha no ko kaikuahine ia hewa, e hiki ai ia kaua 
ke haalele ia lakou. Nolaila, hele ae la ia ia, eha ou mau kailaiahine 
i koe, malia paha o loaa i kekalii o lakou." 

I aku la o Aiwohikupua, '' Nele ae la ka i ka hanau mua, okiloa aku 
paha lakou." 

I hou aku kona Kuhina, " E kuu Hakii, e hoomanawanui hou kaua, 
e hoao ae o Mailekaluhea i kana loaa, a i nele, alaila, hoi kakou." 

Alaila, ua maikai iki ia olelo i ke Alii, olelo aku la o Aiwohikupua, 
" E hoao aku hoi oe i kau loaa, a i nele oia iho la no." 

Hele aku la o Mailekaluhea, a ma ka piika o ka Halealii, kn iho la, 
kuu aku la i ke ala, oia hele no o ke ala a pa i kaupoku maloko o ka 
hale^ mai kaupoku ka hoi ana iho loaa ia Laieikawai ma, ia manawa, 
hikilele hou ae laua mai ka hiamoe ae. 

I aku la o Laieikawai i kalii kahii, " He ala okoa hoi keia, aole hoi e 
like me ke ala mua iho nei, he oi nae hoi keia mamua o kela iho nei, 
he kane paha ka mea nona keia ala." 

Olelo aku kahi kaliu, "Kaheaia ko kupunawahine, e hai mai i ke 
ano o keia ala." 

Kaliea aloi la o Laieikawai. 

Laieikawai: " E Waka, e Waka — e." 

Waka : " E-— o, healia kau o ka po e ala nei ?" 

Laieikawai : " Eia la he ala, he ala e vrale no keia, he ala anuanu, 
he ala huihui, eia la i ka houpo i ka manawa o maua." 

Waka: ''Aole na he ala e, o Mailekaluhea aku la, o kekahi kai- 
kuahine aala o Aiwohikupua, i kii mai la ia oe i wahine oe i kane 
ia, o ke kane ia moeia." 

Laieikawai : " Ka ! aole an e moe ia ia." 

I aku la o Aiwohikupua i ua wahi Kuhina nei ona, " E ! ke lohe 
pono aku la oe i ka hoole ana ae la a ke Alii wahine." 



" Yes, I heard it ; what of her refusing ! it is only their scent slie 
does not like ; perhaps she will yield to Mailelaulii." 

" You are persistent,'' said Aiwohikupua. " Did I not tell you I 
wanted to go back, but you refused — you would not consent !" 

"AVe have not tried all the sisters; two are out; three remain," 
said his counsellor. " Let all your sisters take a chance ; this will be 
best; perhaps you are too hasty in going home; when you reach 
Keaau and say you have not succeeded, your other sisters will say : 
' If you had let us try, Laieikawai would have consented ; ' so, then, 
they get something to talk about ; let them all try." 

"Where are you, my counsellor!" said Aiwohikupua. "It is not 
you who bears the shame; I am the one. If the grandchild thought 
as Waka does all would be well." 

" Let us bear the shame," said his counsellor. " You know we men 
must expect such rebuflfs; 'a canoe will break on a coral reef;' and 
if she should refuse, who will tell of iti We are the only ones to 
hear it. Let us try what Mailelaulii can do." 

And because the counsellor urged so strongly the chief gave his 

• Mailelaulii went right to the door of the chief-house ; she gave out 
her perfume as the others had done; again Laieikawai was startled 
from sleep and said to her nurse, " This is an entirely diiferent fra- 
grance — not like those before." 

Said the nurse, " Call out to Waka." 

Laieikawai : " O Waka ! O Waka— O !" 

Waka : " Heigh-yo ! Wliy waken in the middle of the night?" 

Laieikawai : " Here is a fragrance, a strange fragrance, a cool fra- 
grance, a chilling fragrance; it goes to my heart." 

Waka : " That is no strange fragrance ; it is Mailelaulii, one of the 
sweet-smelling sisters of Aiwoliikupua. who has come to get you for 
his wife ; he is the husband, the husband for you to may ry." 

Laieikawai : " Bah ! I will not marry him !" 

" One refusal is enough," said Aiwohikupua, " without getting four 
more ! You have brought this shame upon us both, my comrade." 

"Let us endure the shame," said his counsellor, " and if our sisters 
do not succeed, then I will go and enter the house and tell her to take 
you for her husband as you desire." 

Then the chief's heart rejoiced, for Kauakahialii had told him 
how this same man had got Laieikawai to come down to Keaau, so 
Aiwohikupua readily assented to his servant's plea. 

beckwith: text and TRANSLATION 417 

"Ae, ua loke, lieaha la auanei ko ia hoole ana ae la, o ko laua 
aala no kai makemake oleia ae la, malia hoi o ae ia Mailelaulii." 

" Hoopaa no hoi oe," wahi a Aiwohikupua, " kainoa ua hai mua 
iho nei waii ia oe i ko'u manao e hoi kakou, eia kau he hoololohe, 
hoololohe iho la oe la, aeia mai la." 

"Aole ka hoi i pau na kaikuahine o kaua, aliia i hala, ekolu i koe," 
wahi a kona Kuhina, " kuuia aku paha i paii, he nani ia, ua pau 
na kaikuahine o kaua i ke kii, wikiwiki auanei hoi paha oe e hoi, 
a hiki kakou i kai o Keaau, olelo kakou no ka loaa ole, e olelo ae 
auanei ka poe kaikuahine ou i koe ; ina no ia makou ka olelo ana 
mai e kii, ina no ua ae mai o Laieikawai, aia la, loaa ka lakou mea 
e kamailio ai, kuuia aku i jDau." 

"Auhea oe e kuu Kuhina," wahi a Aiwohikupua, " aole o oe ke 
hilahila ana, owau no, ina e like ana ka manao o ka moopuna me 
Ivo Waka la, ina ua pono." 

" Kuuia aku palia i ka hilahila," wahi a kona Kuhina, " kainoa 
ua ike no oe, he waa naha i kooka ko kaua ko ke kane, a hoole mai 
aunei ia nawai e olelo kana hoole ana, kainoa o kakou wale no kai 
lohe, hoaoia'ku paha o Mailelaulii." 

A no ka ikaika loa o ua wahi Kuhina nei ona i ke koi, hooholo 
ke Alii i ka ae. 

Hele aku la o Mailelaulii a kupono i ka puka o ka Halealii, kuu 
aku ana oia i kona aala e like me na mea mua, hikilele hou mai la 
o Laieikawai mai ka hiamoe, a olelo aku la i kahi kahu, " He wahi 
ala okoa wale no hoi keia, aole hoi e like me kela mau mea mua." 

I mai la kahi kahu, " Kaheaia o Waka." 

Laieikawai : " E Waka, e Waka — e." 

Waka : " E — o, heaha la kau o ka po e ala nei?" 

Laieikawai : " Eia la he ala, he ala e wale no keia, he ala anuanu, 
he ala huihui, eia la i ka houpo i ka manawa o maua." 

Waka : " Aole na he ala e, o Mailelaulii aku la na o na kaikuahine 
aala o Aiwohikupua, i kii mai la ia oe i wahine oe i kane ia, o ke 
kane ia moeia." 

Laieikawai : " Ka ! aole au e moe ia ia." 

" I hookahi no hoi hoole ana o ka pono," wahi a Aiwohikupua, 
" o ka hele ka ia he kauna wale ae no koe o ka hoole, makena no hoi 
ua hilahila ia oe e ke hoa." 

"Kuuia aku paha i ka hilahila," wahi a kona Kuhina, "a i ole e 
loaa i na kaikuahine o kaua, alalia, na'u e kii a loaa iloko o ka hale, 
a olelo aku wau e lawe ia oe i kane hoao nana e like me kou make- 

A no keia olelo a kona Kuhina, alalia, ua hoopihaia ko ke Alii 
naau i ka olioli, no ka mea, ua lohe kela ia Kauakahialii i ka loaa 
ana i ua wahi kanaka nei o Laieikawai, i hiki ai i kai o Keaau, 
74930°— 19— 33 eth 27 


nolaila i hooholo koke ai o Aiwohikiipua i olelo ae mamuli o ke koi 
a ua wahi kanaka nei. 

Then Aiwohikupua quickly ordered Mailepakaha to go and stand 
at the door of the chief -house; she gave forth her perfume, and 
Laieikawai was startled from sleef), and a-gain smelled the fragrance. 
She said to her nurse, " Here is this fragrance again, sweeter than 

Said the nurse again, " Call Waka." 

Laieikawai : " O Waka ! O Waka— O !" 

Waka : " Heigh-j-o ! Why waken in the middle of the night?" 

Laieikawai : " Here is a fragrance, a strange fragrance, not like the 
others, a sweet fragrance, a pleasant fragrance ; it goes to my heart." 

Waka : " That is no strange fragrance ; it is Mailepakaha, the 
sweet-smelling sister of Aiwohikupua, who has come to get you for 
a wife to marry him." 

Laieikawai : " Bah ! I will not marry him ! Xo matter who comes 
I will not sleejj with him. Do not force Aiwohikupua on me again." 

T\Tien Aiwohikupua heard this fresh refusal from Laieikawai, 
his counsellor said, " My lord, it is useless ! There is nothing more to 
be done except one thing; better put off trying the youngest sister 
and, if she is refused, my going myself, since we have heard her 
vehement refusal and the sharp chiding she gave her grandmother. 
And now I have only one thing to advise; it is for me to speak and 
for you to decide." 

"Advise away," said Aiwohikupua, " If it seems good, I will con- 
sent ; but if not, I will refuse." 

" Let us go to the grandmother," said his counsellor, " and ask 
her; maybe we can get the consent from her." 

Said Aiwohikupua, " There is nothing left to be done; it is over; 
only one word more — our sisters, let them stay here in the jungle, for 
they are worthless." 

Then Aiwohikupua said to his sisters, " You are to .stay here ; my 
cherished hope has failed in bringing you here; the forest is your 
dwelling hereafter." It was then pretty near dawn. 

At Aiwohikupua's words all the sisters bowed their heads and 

When Aiwohikupua and his companion started to go, Kahalao- 
mapuana, the youngest sister, called out, "O you two there! Wait! 
Had we known in Kauai that you were bringing us to leave us in this 
place, we would never have come. It is only fair that I, too, should 
have had a chance to win Laieikawai, and had I failed then j'ou 
would have a right to leave me; we are all together, the guilty with 
the guiltless; you know me well, I have gained all your wishes." 


la manawa, kena koke ae la o Aiwohikupua ia Mailepakaha, hele 
aku la a ku ma ka puka o ka Halealii; kuu aku la i kona aala, a 
hikilele mai la ko Laieikawai hiamoe, honi hou ana no i ke ala. I 
hou aku keia i kahi kahu. '• Eia hou no keia ala, he wahi ala nohea 
hoi keia." 

Olelo hou aku kahi kahu, " Kaheaia o Waka." 

Laieikawai : " E Waka, e Waka — e." 

Waka : " E — o, heaha kau o ka po e ala nei ?" 

Laimkawai : " Eia la he ala, he ala okoa hoi keia, aole hoi i like 
me na ala mua iho nei, he ala maikai keia, he ala nohea, eia la i ka 
houpo i ka manawa o maua." 

Waka : " Aole na he ala e, o ^lailepakaha aku la o ke kaikuahine 
aala o Aiwohikupua, i kii mai la ia oe i ^vahine oe i kane ia, o ke 
kane ia moeia."' 

Laieikawai : " Ka I aole au e moe ia ia, ina i kii mai kekahi mea 
e ia'u, aole no wau e ae ana ! Mai lioomoe hou oe ia'u ia Aiwohi- 

A lohe o Aiwohikupua, a me kona Kuhina i keia hoole hou ana o 
Laieikawai, i aku ua Kuhina nei ona, " E kuu Haku, pale ka pono ! 
aohe pono i koe, hookahi no pono o ka hoi wale no koe o kakou; 
kaukai aku nei hoi ka pono i ko kaikuahine muli la hoi, i ole ae hoi 
ia lakou, ia'u aku la hoi. i lohe aku nei ka hana, e hoole loa ae ana 
no keia, me ka nuku maoli ae la no i ke kupunawahine; a eia nae 
hoi ka'u wahi olelo i koe ia oe. o ka olelo no auanei ka'u, o ka ae no 

" Oleloia ana," wahi a Aiwohikupua, " a i ike aku au he kupono 
i ka ae, alalia ae aku, i na he kupono ole, aole no au e ae aku." 

" E kii kaua ma o ke kupunawahine la," wahi a ua Kuhina nei, 
" e r oi aku ia ia, malia o ae mai keia." 

Oslo aku o Aiwohikupua, "Aole a kakou hana i koe, ua pau, eia 
wale no ka olelo i koe, o na kaikuahine o kaua, e noho lakou i ka 
nahilehele nei, no ka mea, aohe a lakou waiwai." 

Alalia, hull aku la o Aiwohikupua a olelo aku la i na kaikuahine, 
" E noho oukou, ua nele ae la no ka'u mea i makemake ai e lawe mai 
ia oukou, o ka nahele no nei noho iho." Ke hele aim nei e maamaama. 

A pau ka Aiwohikupua olelo ana i na kaikuahine; kulou like iho 
la ke poo o na kaikuahine i kalii hookahi, e uwe ana. 

Kaha aku la o Aiwohikupua ma iho, kahea aku la o Kahalao- 
mapuana, ke kaikuahine muli loa, i aku la. " E laua la ! ku iho, e lohe 
mua makou i Kauai, e lawe ana oe a haalele ia makou i keia wahi, 
i na aole makou e hiki mai. Pono no la hoi ia. ina owau kekahi 
i kii aku nei ia Laieikawai, a nele ana la hoi, alalia, pono kau haalele 
ana ia'u, pau pu no o ka mea i hewa. a me ka mea hewa ole. Aole oe 
he malihini ia'u, ia'u wale no e ko ai kau mau mea a pau." 


TMien Aiwohikupua heard his youngest sister, he felt himself to 

Aiwohikupua called to his sister, " You shall come with me ; your 
older sisters must stay here." 

" I will not go," answered the youngest- sister, " unless we all go 
together, only then will I go home." 


A lohe o Aiwohikupua i keia olelo a kona kaikuahine opio, hoohewa 
iho la oia ia ia iho. 

Kahea niai la o Aiwohikupua i ke kaikuahine opiopio, " Iho mai 
kaua, ou mau kaikuaana ke noho aku." 

" Aole wau e hiki aku," xvahi a kona kaikuahine opiopio, " aia a pau 
loa makou i ka hoi pu me oe, alaila, hoi a'm au." 


At these words of his youngest sister ^^ Aiwohikupua said, " Stay 
here, then, Tvitli your sisters and go with them wherever you wish, 
but I am going home." 

Aiwohikupua turned to go, and as the two were still on the way, 
rang the song of Mailehaiwale, as follows : 

My divine brother, 

My heart's highest. 

Go and look 

Into tlie eyes of our parents, say 

We abide here, 

Fed upon the fruit of sin." 

Is constancy perhaps a sin? 

Aiwohikupua turned and looked back at his j'ounger sisters and 
said, " Constancy is not a sin ; haven't I told you that I leave you 
because you are worthless? If you had gained for me my desire 
you would not have to stay here; that was what you were brought 
here for." The two turned and went on and did not listen to the 
sisters any longer. 

When Aiwohikupua and his companion had departed, the sisters 
conferred together and agreed to follow him, thinking he could be 

They descended and came to the coast at Keaau, where the canoe 
was making ready for sailing. At the landing the sisters sat waiting 
to be called; all had gone aboard the canoe, there was no summons at 
all, the party began to move off; then* rang out the song of Maile- 
kaluhea, as follows : 

My divine brother. 

My heart's highest — turn hither. 

Look upon your little sisters. 

Those who have followed you over the way. 

Over the high way, over the low way. 

In the rain with a pack on its back. 

Like one carrying a child, 

In the rain that roars in the hala trees. 

That roars in the hala trees of Hanalei. 

How is it with us? 

Why did you not leave us. 

Leave us at home. 

When you went on the journey? 

You will look, 

Look into the eyes. 

The eyes of our parents. 

Fare you well ! 



A no keia olelo a kona kaikauhine opiopio, alalia i aku o Aiwohi- 
kupua, " O noho mamuli on man kaikuaana, a nau no e huli ae me ko 
man kaikuaana i ka oiikoii wahi e hele ai, eia wau ke hoi nei." 

Huli aku la o Aiwohikupua nia e hoi, ia laua e hele ana ma ke ala, 
kani aku la ke oli a Mailehaiwale, penei: 

" Kuu kiiikunane kapii, 
Laniihikapu o ka luanawa — e, e hoi — e; 
E hoi oe a ike aku 
I ka maka o na makua, liai aku, 
Eia makou ianei, 
E malu aua i ka hala nui, 
He hoouniau hala paha?" 

Huli mai la o Aiwohikupua nana hope aku la i na kaikuahine, me 
ka i aku, "Aole he hala hoomau, kainoa ua hai mua iho nei no wau 
ia oukou, no ka oukou waiwai ole. oia kuu mea i haalele ai ia oukou, 
ina i loaa iho nei kuu makemake ia oukou, alalia, aole oukou e noho, 
oia iho la no ko oukou mea i laweia mai ai." Huli aku la no laua hoi, 
pau ka ike ana i na kaikuahine. 

A hala aku la o Aiwohikupua ma, kuka iho la na kaikuahine i ko 
lakou manao, a hooholo iho la lakou, e ukali mahope o ke kaikuane, 
me ka manao e maliu mai. 

Iho aku la lakou a hiki i kai o Keaau, e hoomakaukau ana na waa ; 
noho iho la na kaikuahine ma ke awa, e kali ana no ke kaheaia mai, a 
pau lakou i ke kau maluna o na waa, aole nae kaheaia mai, ia lakou i 
hoomaka ai c holo, kani aku la ke oli a Mailekaluhea, penei : 

" Kuu kaikunane kapu, 
Laiiiihikapu o ka mauawa, e liuli mai, 
E nana mai i ou mau pokii. 
I na hoa ukali o ke ala, 
O ke ala nui, ala iki, 
O ka ua haawe kua, 
Me he keiki la ; 

ka ua hookamumu hala, 
Hookaniurau hala o Hanalei — e. 
Pehea makou — e. 

1 hea no la hoi kau haalele, 
Haalele oe i ka hale, 

Hele oe i kau huakai. 

Ike aku — e, 

Ike aku i ka maka, 

I ka maka o na makua. 

Aloha wale — e." 



While Mailekaluhea was singing not once did their brother com- 
passionately look toward them^ and the canoe having departed, the 
sisters sat conferring, then one of them, Kahalaomapuana, the young- 
est, began to speak. 

These were her words : " It is clear that our brother chief is not 
pacified by the entreaties of Mailehaiwale and Mailekaluhea. Let 
us, better, go by land to their landing place, then it will be Maile- 
laulii's turn to sing. It may be he will show affection for her." And 
they did as she advised. 

They left Keaau, came first to Punahoa, to a place called Kanoa- 
kapa, ami sat down there until Aiwohikupua's party arrived. 

When Aiwohikupua and his companions had almost come to land 
where the sisters were sitting, Aiwohikupua suddenly called out to 
the paddlers and the steersmen, " Let us leave this harbor.; those 
women have chased us all this way; we had better look for another 
landing place." 

As they left the sisters sitting there, Mailelaulii sang a song, as 
follows : 

My divine brother, 

My heart's highest, 

What is our great fault? 

The eyes of our chief are turned away in displeasure, 

Tlie sound of chanting is forbidden, 

Tlie chant of your little ones 

Of your little sisters. 

Have compassion upon us, 

Have compassion upon the comrades who have followed you, 

The comrades who climbed the cliffs of Haena, 

Crept over the clifC where the way was rugged, 

The rugged ladder-way up Nualolo 

The rough cliff-way up Makana, 

It is there — return hither. 

Give a liiss to your sisters, 

And go on your way, 

On the home journey — heartless. 

Farewell to you, you shall look 

Look, in our native land, 

Into the eyes of our parents. 

Fare you well ! 

As Aiwohikupua heard the sister's voice, they let the canoe float 
gently; then said Kahalaomapuana, "That is good for us; this is the 
only time they have let the canoe float ; now we shall hear them call- 
ing to us, and go on board the canoe, then we shall be safe." 

After letting the canoe float a little while, the whole party turned 
and made off, and had not the least compassion. 

When they had left, the sisters consulted afresh what they should 
do. Kahalaomapuana gave her advice. 


Iloko o keia oli ana a Mailekaluhea, aole nae i maliu iki inai ko 
lakou kailcunane, a hala aku la lakou la ma na waa, noho iho la iia 
kaikuahine, kuka iho la i manao no lakou, hookahi mea nana i 
hoopuka ka lakou olelo, o Kahalaomapuana, ko lakou mull loa. 

Eia kana olelo, " He nani ia ua maliu ole mai la ko kakou kai- 
kunane alii, i ka Mailehaiwale a me Mailekaluhea, i ka laua uwalo 
aku, e aho e hele no kakou mauka a kahi e pae ae ai lakou, alalia, na 
Mailelaulii e kaukau aku i ko kakou kaikuahine, malia o aloha mai ia 
kakou." A ua holo like ae la ia manao ia lakou. 

A haalele lakou ia Keaau, hiki mua na kaikuahine i Punahoa, ma 
kahi i kapaia o Kanoakapa, noho iho lakou malaila, hiki hope o 
Aiwohikupua ma. 

Ia Aiwohikupua ma i aneane ai e pae mai ma kahi a na kaikuahine 
e noho aku ana, ike mai la o Aiwohikupua e noho aku ana kona mau 
kaikuahine, kahea koke ae la o Aiwohikupua i na hoewaa a me na 
hookele, " E haalele kakou i keia awa; no ka mea. eia no ua poe uhai 
loloa nei, e pono kakou ke imi aku i awa e ae e pae aku ai." 

la lakou i haalele ai i kahi a na kaikuahine e noho ana, hea aku la 
o Mailelaulii mahope, ma ke mele, penei : 

" Kuu kaikunane kapu, 
Laniiliikapu o kuu manawa — e! 
Heaha ka hala nui? 
I paweo ai na maka o kuu haku, 
I kapu ai ka leo i ka uwalo, 
Ka uwalo hoi a kou nitiu pokii, 
Kou mau pokii kaikuahine hoi, 
E maliu mai. 

E maliu mai i na hoa ukali, 
Na hoa pi; pali o Haena, 
Kokolo pali o ke ala haka, 
Alahaka ulili o Nualolo, 
Pali kui — e ! kui o Makana, 
E iala — e, hoi mai — g. 
Homai ka ihu i ou pokii, 
A hele aku i kau huakai, 
I ka huakai hoi a ke aloha ole — e. 
Aloha oe, ike aku, 
Ike aku i ka aina, 
I ka maka o na makua — e." 

A lohe o Aiwohikupua ma i ka leo o keia kaikuahine, lana malie 
iho la na waa, alalia, i aku la o Kahalaomapuana, " Pono io kakou, 
akahi no hea ana i lana malie ai na waa, hoolohe aku kakou o ka leo 
o ke kahea mai, a kau kakou nialuna o na waa, alalia, palekana." 

A liuliu ka lakou la hoolana ana i na waa, o ka hull aku la no ia o 
Aiwohikupua ma e holo. aole wahi mea a maliu iki mai. 

A hala aku la lakou la, kuka hou iho la na kaikuahine i olelo hou 
na lakou. O Kahalaomapuana no ko lakou mea manao. 


She said to her sisters, " There are two of us left, I and Maile- 

Answered Mailepakaha, " He will have no compassion for me, for 
he had none on any of our sisters; it may be worse with me. I think 
you had better plead with him as you are the little one, it may be he 
will take pity on you." 

But the youngest would not consent ; then they drew lots by pull- 
ing the flower stems of grass; the one who pulled the longest, she 
was the one to plead with the brother; now when they drew, the lot 
fell to Kahalaomapuana. 

When this was done, they left Punahoa, again followed their 
brother and came to Honolii, where Aiwohikupua's party had already 
arrived. Here they camped at some distance from Aiwohikupua's 
party, and Aiwohikupua's party from them. 

At Honolii that night they arranged that the others should sleep 
and a single one keep watch, and to this all consented. They kept 
watch according to age and gave the morning watch to the youngest. 
This was in order to see Aiwohikupua's start, for on their journey 
from Kauai the party had always set out at dawn. 

The sisters stood guard that night, until in Mailepakaha's watch 
Aiwohikupua's party made the canoes ready to start; she awakened 
the others, and all awoke together. 

As the sisters crouched there Kahalaomapuana's watch came, and 
the party boarded the canoe. The sisters followed down to the land- 
ing, and Kahalaomapuana ran and clung to the back of the canoe 
and called to them in song, as follows : 

Our brother and lord. 

Divine brotlier, 

Highest and closest ! 

Where are you, oh! where? 

You and we, here and there. 

You, the voyager, 

We, the followers. 

Along the cliffs, swimming "round the steeps. 

Bathing at Waihalau, 

Waihalau at Wailua ; 

Xo longer are we beloved. 

Do you no longer love us? 

The comrades who followed you over the ocean, 

Over the great waves, the little waves. 

Over the long waves, the short waves, 

Over the long-backed waves of the ocean, 

Comrades who followed you inland. 

Far through the jungle. 


I mai la oia i kona man kaiknaana, " Elua maua i koe, owau a 
me Mailepakaha." 

Olelo mai hoi o Mailepakaha, "Aole no e maliu mai ia"u; no ka 
mea, ke maliu ole ae la ka hoi i ko kaua man kaikuaana, oki loa aku 
paha wail, i ko'u manao, e alio nan e hoalohaloha'ku na kahi mea 
unku o kakou, nialia o maliu mai ia oe." 

Aole nae he ae o kahi muli loa, alalia, hoailona iho la lakou, ma 
ka huhuki ana i na pua mauu. o ka mea loihi o ka maun, oia ka mea 
nana e hoalohaloha ko lakou kaikunane; aka, i ka hoailona ana, 
ku ia Kahalaomapuana ka hoailona. 

A pan ka lakou hana ana no keia mau mea, haalele lakou ia 
Punahoa, hele ukali hou mai la lakou ma kahi e loaa ai ko lakou 
kaikunane, ia hele ana, hiki lakou i Honolii, ua hiki mua o Aiwo- 
hikupua ma i Honolii, noho mai la lakou nei ma kahi kaawale, a 
pela no hoi o Aiwohikupua ma ma kahi kaawale. 

Ia lakou ma Honolii ia po, kuka iho la lakou e moe kekahi poe, 
a e ala hookuhi, a holo ia mea ia lakou. Hoomaka ko lakou wati e 
like me ko lakou hanau ana, a i ko lakou kaikaina ka wati wanaao 
o ke ku ana. O ke kumu o ia hana ana a lakou pela, i ikeia ka 
manawa holo o Aiwohikupua ma; no ka mea, ua maa kona mau 
kaikuahine i ka holo ana mai, mai Kauai mai, ma ka wanaao e 
holo ai. 

Ku aku la na kaikuahine i ka po, a hiki i ko Mailepakaha wati e 
ku ana, hoomakaukau o Aiwohikupua ma i na waa no ka holo ana, 
hoala aku la ia i kekahi poe o lakou. a ala like mai lakou a pau. 

Ia lakou e okuu nui ana. o ka Kahalaomapuana wati ia, a kau 
lakou ma na waa, hookokoke aku la kona mau kaikuahine ma ke 
awa, a o Kahalaomapuana ka mea i hele loa aku a paa mahope o na 
waa, a kahea aku ma ke mele, penei : 

" Ko niakou kaikunane haku, 
Kaikunane kapu, 
Laniiliikapu o kuu pilco — e! 
Auhea oe, o o — e, 

oe, o makou. i o ianei hoi, 
Nau ka huakai, 

Ukali aku makou, 

1 na pali i ka liulaana kakou, 
Au aku o ka Waihalau, 
Waihalau i Wailua — e ; 

He aloha ole — e. 

He aloha ole paha kou ia makou, 

Na hoa ukali o ka moana, 

O ka ale nui, ale iki, 

O ka ale loa, ale poko, 

O ka ale kua loloa o ka moana, 

Hoa ukali o kela uka, 

O kela nahele liuliu. 


Through the night, sacred aud dreadful, 

Oh, turn back ! 

Oh, turn back aud have pity, 

Listen to my pleading. 

Me tlie littlest of your sisters. 

Why will you abandon. 

Abandon us 

In this desolation? 

You have opened the highway before us. 

After you we followed, 

We are known as your little sisters, 

Tlien forsake your auger, 

The wrath, the loveless heart. 

Give a kiss to your little ones, 

Fare you well ! 

When his youngest sister raised this lamentation to Aiwohikupua, 
then the brother's heart glowed with love and longing for his sister. 
And because of his great love for his little sister, he took her in 
his arms, set her on his lap, and wept. 

"VMien Kahalaomapuana was in her brother's lap, Aiwohikupua 
ordered the canoemen to paddle with all their might ; then the other 
sisters were left far behind and the canoe went ahead. 

As they went, Kahalaomapuana was troubled in mind for her 

Then Kahalaomapuana wept for her sisters and besought Aiwohi- 
Icupua to restore her to her sisters ; but Aiwohikupua would not take 
pity on her. 

"O Aiwohikupua," said his sister, " I will not let you take me by 
myself without taking my sisters with me, for you called me to you 
before when we were at Paliuli, but I would not consent to your 
taking me alone." 

And because of Aiwohikupua's stubbornness in refusing to let his 
sister go, then Kahalaomapuana jumped from the canoe into the 
sea. Then, for the last time she spoke to her brother in a song, as 
follows : 

You go home and look, 

Look into the eyes. 

Into the eyes of our parents. 

Love to our native land. 

My kindred and our friends, 

I am going back to your little sisters. 

To my older sisters I return. 


ka po iu anoano, 
E huli niai. 

E huli mai, a e nialiu mai, 
E lioolono mai ka i uwalo a'u, 
A'u hoi a kou pokii niuli loa. 
Ihea la hoi kau haalele 
Haalele iho ia makou 

1 kahi haiki, 

Nau i waele ke alanui maraua, 
Mahope aku makou ou, 
Ike'a ai be mau pokii, 
Ilaila la haalele aku ka huhu, 
Ka inaina, ka opu aloha ole, 
Homai ka ihu i ou mau pokii, 
Aloha wale — e." 

Ia mana^a a kona kaikuahine muli loa e hapai ana i keia leo 
kaukau imua o Aiohikupua, alaila, ua hoomaeeleia ka naau o lio lakou 
kaikunane i ke aloha kaumaha no kona kaikuahine. 

A no ka nui loa o ke aloha o Aiwohikupua i ko lakou pokii, lalau 
mai la a hoonoho iho la iluna o kona uha, a uwe iho la. 

Ia Kahalaomapuana e kau ana i ka uha o kona kaikunane, kena 
ae la o Aiwohikupua i na hoewaa, i hoe ikaika ; ia manawa, ua hala 
hope loa kekahi mau kaikuahine, a hala mua lakou la. 

Ia lakou e holo ana, alaila, ua pono ole ka manao o Kahalaomapuana 
i kona mau kaikuaana. 

Ia Kahalaomapuana e uwe ana no kona mau kaikuaana, ia manawa 
kona noi ana'ku ia Aiwohikupua. e hoihoi ia ia me kona mau kai- 
kuaana ; aka, aole no he maliu mai o Aiwohikupua. 

" E Aiwohikupua," wahi a kona kaikuahine, " aole wau e ae e lawe 
oe ia'u owau wale, ke ole oe e lawe pu me ko'u mau kaikuaana ; no ka 
mea, ua kahea mua ae no oe ia'u i ko kakou wa i Paliuli; aka, aole 
wau i ae mai, no kou lawe ia'u owau wale." 

A no ka paakiki loa o Aiwohilaipua aole e hookim i kona kaikua- 
hine, ia manawa, lele aku la o Kahalaomapuana mai luna aku o ka 
waa a haule iloko o ke kai. Ia manawa, hoopuka aku la kona kai- 
kuahine i olelo hope, ma ke mele, penei : 

" Ke hoi la oe a ike aku, 
Ike aku i ka maka, 
I ka maka o na makua, 
Aloha aku i ka aina, 
I ka nui a me na makamaka, 
Ke hoi nei wau me o'u pokii, 
Me o'u kaikuaana hoi — e." 


During this very last song of Kahalaomapuana's, Aiwohikupua's 
heart filled with love, and he called out for the canoe to back up, but 
Kahalaomapuana had been left far behind, so swiftly were the men 
paddling, and by the time the canoe had turned about to pick her up 
she was not to be found. 

Here we must leave Aiwohikupua for a little and tell about his 
sisters, then speak again about Aiwohikupua. 

When Aiwohikupua's party forsook his sisters at Honolii and 
took Kahalaomapuana with them, the girls mourned for love of their 
younger sister, for they loved Kahalaomapuana better than their 
parents or their native land. 

While they were still mourning Kahalaomapuana appeared by 
the cliff; then their sorrow was at an end. 

They crowded about their younger sister, and she told them Vhat 
had happened to her and why she had returned, as has been told in 
the chapter before. 

After talking of all these things, they consulted together where 
they might best live, and agreed to go back to Paliuli. 

After their council they left Honolii and returned to the uplands 
of Paliuli, to a place near Laieikawai's house, and lived there inside 
of hollow trees. 

And because they wished so much to see Laieikawai they spied 
out for her from day to day, and after many days of spying they 
had not had the least sight of her, for every da_y the door was fast 

So they consulted how to get sight of Laieikawai, and after seek- 
ing many days after sofne way to see the princess of Paliuli they 
found none. 

During this debate their younger sister did not speak, so one of her 
older sisters said, " Kahalaomapuana, all of us have tried to devise 
a way to see Laieikawai, but we have not found one; perhaps you 
have something in mind. Speak." 


Iloko o keia kaukau hope loa a Kahalaomapuana, ua hoopihaiu 
ko Aiwohikupua nuau i ke aloha nui; a kahea ae la oia e hooemi 
hope na waa, aka, ua hala hope loa o Kahalaomapuana i hope, no 
ka ikaika loa o ka holo o na waa ; a i ka wa i hull hope ai na waa e 
kii hou i kona kaikuahine, aole nae i loaa. 

(Maanei e waiho iki i ke kamailio ana no Aiwohikupua, e pono ke 
kamailio hou no kona mau kaikuahine; alalia, e kamailio hou no 

la manawa a Aiwohikupua ma i haalele aku ai i na kaikualiine 
ma Honolii, a lawe pu aku ia Kahalaomapuana ; nui loa iho la ke 
aloha, a me ka uwe ana no ko lakou kaikaina, ua oi aku ko lakou 
aloha ia Kahalaomapuana, mamua o ko lakou aloha i ko lakou mau 
makua, a me ka aina. 

Ia lakou no e uwe ana, hoea mai ana o Kahalaomapuana ma ka 
I)ali mai, alalia, ua kuuia ka naau kaumaha o kona mau kaikuaana. 

A hui ae la lakou me ko lakou kaikaina, a hai aku la oia i kana 
hana, a me ke kumu o kona hoi ana mai e like me ka mea i olelo 
muaia ae nei ma keia Mokuna. 

A pau ka lakou kamailio ana no keia mau mea, kuka iho la lakou 
i ka pono o ko lakou noho ana, a hooholo ae la lakou e hoi hou 
lakou i Paliuli. 

Mahope iho o ko lakou kuka ana no lakou iho, haalele lakou ia 
Honolii, hoi aku la a uka o Paliuli, ma kahi e kokoke aku ana i ka 
hale o Laieikawai, noho iho la lakou maloko o na puha laau. 

A no ko lakou makemake nui e ike ia Laieikawai, hoohalua mau 
lakou i keia la keia la, a nui na la o lakou i hoohalua ai, aole lakou i 
ike iki no ka lakou mea e hoohalua nei, no ka mea, ua paa mau ka 
puka o ka hale i na la a pau. 

A no ia mea, kukakuka ae la lakou i mea e ike aku ai lakou ia 
Laieikawai, a nui na la o ko lakou imi ana i mea e ike aku ai no ke 
Alii wahine o Paliuli, aole loaa. 

Iloko o keia mau la kuka o lakou, aole i pane iki ko lakou kaikaina, 
a no ia mea, olelo aku kekahi o kona mau kaikuaana, " E Kahalaoma- 
puana, o makou wale no ia e noonoo nei i mea no kakou e ike aku ai 
ia Laieikawai, aole nae he loaa ; malia paha, aia ia oe kekahi mea e 
hiki ai, e olelo ae oe." 



" Yes," said their younger sister, " let us burn a fire every night, 
and let the oldest sing, then the next, and so on until the last of us, 
only one of us sing each night, then I will come the last night ; per- 
haps the fire burning every night will annoy the princess so she 
will come to find out about us, then perhaps we shall see Laieikawai." 
■ Kahalaomapuana's words pleased them. 

The next night they lighted the fire and Mailehaiwale sang that 
night, as they had agreed, and the next night Mailekaluhea ; so 
they did every night, and the fourth night passed; but Laieikawai 
gave them no concern. The princess had, in fact, heard the sing- 
ing and seen the fire burning constantly, but what was that to the 
princess ! 

On the fiftli night, Kahalaomapuana's night, the last night of all, 
they lighted the fire, and at midnight Kahalaomapuana made a 
trumpet of a ti leaf *^ and played on it. 

Then for the first time Laieikawai felt pleasure in the music, but 
the princess paid no attention to it. And just before daylight Kaha- 
laomapuana played again on her ti leaf trumpet as before, then this 
delighted the princess. Only two times Kahalaomapuana blew on it 
that night. 

The second night Kahalaomapuana did the same thing again; 
she began early in the evening to play, but the princess took no 

Just before daylight that night she played a second time. Then 
Laieikawai's sleep was disturbed, and this night she was even more 

And, her interest aroused, she sent her attendant to see where the 
musical instrument was which was played so near her. 

Then the princess's attendant went out of the door of the chief- 
house and saw the fire which the girls had lighted, crept along until 
she came to the place where the fire was, and stood at a distance 
where she was out of sight of those about the fire. 

And having seen, she returned to Laieikawai, and the princess 
inquired about it. 

The attendant told the princess what she had seen. " When I 
went outside the door of the house I saw a fire burning near, and I 
went and came and stood at a distance without being myself seen. 
There, behold ! I saw five girls sitting around the fire, very beautiful 
girls; all looked alike, but one of them was very little and she was 
the one who played the sweet music that we heard." 

When the princess heard this she said to her attendant, " Go and get 
the smallest of them, tell her to come here and amuse us." 



"Ae," walii a ko lakou kaikaina, " e ho-a kakou i ahima kela po 
keia po, a e oli aku ka lianau mua, alalia, i ka muli iho, pela a pau 
kakou, i hookahi no olioli ana a ka mea hookahi ma ka po, alalia, 
la"u ka po hope loa ; malia paha o lilo ka a-a mau ana a ke ahl i na 
po a pau 1 mea no ke Alii e uluhua ai, alalia, hele mal e nana ia 
kakou, alalia, pela paha e ike al kakou la Laielkawal." 

A ma kela oleic a Kahalaomapuana, ua pono ia imua o lakou. 

I ka po mua, ho-a ae la lakou 1 ahi, a ia Mailehaiwale ke oil ana ia 
po, e like me ka lakou hooholo like ana. A i kekahi po mai ia 
Mallekaluhea, pela mau lakou i hana al a hala no po eha, aole nae i 
loaa ia Laieikawal ka hoouluhuaia, ua loho no nae ke Alii wahine 
1 ke oil, a ua ike no hoi 1 ka a-a mau ana a ke ahi ; a heaha la ia mea 
1 ke Alii wahine. 

I ka lima o ka po, oia ko Kahalaomapuana po, o ka hope loa no 
hoi ia; ho-a iho la ke ahi, a ma ka waenakonu o ka po, hana iho la o 
Kahalaomapuana he pu la-1, a hookanl aku la. 

Iloko oia manawa, akahl no a komo lloko o Laielkawai ka lealea 
no kela leo e kani nel, aole nae 1 hoouluhuaia ke Alii wahine. A ma 
ka pill o ke ao, hookanl hou aku la o Kahalaomapuana 1 kana pu 
la-i e like me ke kani mua ana, alalia, ua lilo iho la no la 1 mea 
lealea no ke Alii; elua wale no puhi ana a Kahalaomapuana ia po. 

I ka lua o ka po, hana hou no o Kahalaomapuana 1 kana hana ; ma 
ka pill nae o ke ahiahl kana hoomaka ana e hookanl, aole nae i 
uluhua ke Alii. 

Ma ka pill o ka wanaao oia po no, ka lua la o ka hookanl ana. 
Ia manawa, ua hoouluhuaia ko Laielkawal manawa hlamoe; a o ka 
oi no hoi kela o ka po lealea loa o ke Alii. 

A no ka uluhua o Laleikawal, kena ae la oia 1 kona wahi kahu e 
hele e nana 1 kahl 1 kani mal ai keia mea kani. 

Ia manawa, puka ae la ua wahi kahu nel o ke Alii iwaho o ka 
Halealli, a ike aku la i ke ahi a ua poe kaikamahine nel e aa mal 
ana, hookolo aku la oia a hikl 1 kahi o ke ahi e a ana, ma ke kaawale 
nae keia kahl 1 ku aku al me ka ike ole mai a lakou la la lanei. 

A ike keia, hoi aku la a la Laielkawal, ninau mai la ke Alii. 

Hal aku la kahl kahu 1 kana mea i ike ai, mamuli o ka ninau a 
ke Alii, " la'u 1 puka aku al mai ka hale aku nel, ike aku la wau 
he ahl e aa mai ana, hele aku nei wau a hiki, a ma ke kaawale ko'u 
ku ana aku, me ka ike ole mar o lakou la ia'u. Ala hoi, ike aku la 
wau he mau kaikamahine elima, e noho ana a punl ke ahi, he mau 
kaikamahine maikai wale no lakou, ua like wale no na ano, hookahi 
nae o lakou wahi mea uuku loa, a nana ka mea kani lealea a kaua 
lohe aku nei." 

A lohe ke Alii 1 keia mea, olelo aku la oia i kona kahu, " E Icll oe 
a kahl mea uuku o lakou, olelo aku oe e hele mai ianei, 1 hana mai 
ai oia 1 kana mea hoolealea imua o kaua." 
7493G°— 19— 33 eth 28 


At these ■words of the princess, the nurse went and came to the 
place where the sisters were and they saw her, and she said, " I am 
a messenger sent hither by my chief to fetch whichever one of you I 
want to take; so I take the smallest of you to go and visit my princess 
as she has commanded." 

When Kahalaomapuana was carried away, the hearts of the sisters 
sang for joy, for they thought to win fortune thereafter. 

And their sister went into the presence of Laieikawai. 

When they had come to the house, the attendant opened the door ; 
then, Kahalaomapuana was terrified to see Laieikawai resting on the 
wings of birds as was her custom ; two scarlet iiwi birds were perched 
on the shoulders of the princess and shook the dew from red lehua 
blossoms upon her head. 

And when Kahalaomapuana saw this, then it seemed marvelous to 
the stranger girl, and she fell to the ground with trembling heart. 

The princess's attendant came and asked, " AVhat is the matter, 
daughter? " 

And twice she asked, then the girl arose and said to the princess's 
attendant as follows : " Permit me to return to my sisters, to the place 
from which you took me, for I tremble with fear at the marvelous 
nature of your princess." 

Said the princess's attendant, " Do not fear, have no dread, arise 
and enter to meet my princess as she has commanded you." 

" I am afraid," said the girl. 

When the princess heard their low voices, she arose and called to 
Kahalaomapuana; then the girl's distress was at an end, and the 
stranger entered to visit the princess. 

Said Laieikawai, '' Is the merry instrument yours that sounded 
here last night and this?" 

" Yes ; it is mine," said Kahalaomapuana. 

" Go on," said Laieikawai, " play it." 

Kahalaomapuana took her ti leaf trumpet from behind her ear, 
and played before the princess; then Laieikawai was delighted. This 
was the first time the princess had seen this kind of instrument. 


A no keia olelo a ke Alii, hele aku la kahi kahu a hiki i kahi o na 
kaikamahine, a ike mai la lakou i keia mea, hai aku la oia, '" He 
alele wau i-lioounaia mai nei e kuu Alii e kii mai i kekahi o oukou e 
like me ka'u mea e manao ai e lawe, nolaila, ke lawe nei wau i kahi 
mea uuku o oukou e hele e launa pu me kuu Alii e like me kana 

A laweia aku la o Kahalaomapuana, alalia, ua hoohauoliia ka 
naau o kona mau kaikuaana, no ka manao no e loaa ana ka pomaikai 

A hiki aku la ua wahi kaikaina nei o lakou imua o Laieikawai. 

la ia nae i hiki aku ai a ka hale, wehe ae la ke kahu o ke Alii i ka 
puka o ka Halealii, ia manawa, ua hoopuiwa kokeia ko Kahalao- 
mapuana lunamanao, no ka ike ana aku ia Laieikawai e kau mai 
ana iluna o ka eheu o na manu e like me kona ano mau, elua hoi mau 
manu liwipolena e kau ana ma na poohiwi o ke Alii, e lu ana i na 
wai ala lehua ma ke poo o ke Alii. 

A no ka ike ana aku o Kahalaomapuana i keia mau mea, a he 
mea kupanaha ia imua o ke Kaikamahine malihini. haule aku la 
oia i ka honua me ka naau eehia. 

Hele aku la ke kahu o ke Alii, a ninau aku la, " Heaha keia e ke 
kaikamahine i "' 

A palua kana ninau ana, alalia, ala ae la ke kaikamahine, a olelo 
aku la i ke kahu o ke Alii me ka i aku, " E ae mai oe ia'u e hoi au 
me ou kaikuaana, ma kahi i loaa ai wau ia oe, no ka mea, ua eehia 
wau i ka maka'u no ke ano e loa o kau Alii."" 

Olelo mai la ke kahu o ke Alii, " Mai maka'u oe, mai hopohopo, 
e ku oe a e komo aku e halawai me kuu Alii e like me kana kauoha 
ia oe." 

" He maka'u," wahi a ke kaikamahine. 

A lohe mai la ke Alii i ka laua haukamumu, ala ae la oia a hea 
aku la ia Kahalaomapuana, alalia, ua hoopauia ko ke kaikamahine 
naau kaumaha, a komo aku la ka malihini e launa me ke Alii. 

I mai la o Laieikawai, "Xau anei ka mea kani lealea i kani mai ai 
i keia po. a me keia po? " 

"Ae, na'u," wahi a Kahalaomapuana. 

" O i ana," wahi a Laieikawai, "hookani ia ana." 

Lalau ae la o Kahalaomapuana i kana pu la-i ma kona pepeiao, 
f-hookani aku la imua o ke Alii; alalia, ua hoolealeaia o Laieikawai. 
Oia ka makamua o ko ke Alii ike ana i keia mea kani. 


Now, Laieikawai became fascinated with the merry instrument 
upon which tlie girl played, so she bade her sound it again. 

Said the girl, " I can not sound it again, for it is now daylight, 
and this instrument is a kind that sounds only by night ; it will never 
sound by day." 

Laieikawai was surprised at these words, thinking the girl was 
lying. So she snatched the trumpet out of the girl's hand and 
plajed ujion it, and because she was unpracticed in playing the 
trumpet the thing made no sound; then the princess believed that 
the trumpet would not sound by day. 

Said Laieikawai to Kahalaomapuana, " Let us two be friends, and 
you shall live here in my house and become my favorite, and your 
work will be to amuse me." 

Said Kahalaomapuana, " O princess, you have spoken well ; but 
it would grieve me to live with you and perhaps gain happiness for 
myself while my sisters might be suffering." 

"How many of you are there? " asked Laieikawai, " and how did 
you come here?" 

Said Kahalaomapuana, " There are six of us born of the same 
parents; one of the six is a boy and five of us are his younger sisters, 
and the boy is the oldest, and I am the youngest born. And we 
journeyed hither with our brother, and because we failed to gain for 
him his wish, therefore he has abandoned us and has gone back 
■with his favorite companion, and we live here in distress." 

Laieikawai asked, "Where do you come from? " 

" From Kauai," answered Kahalaomapuana. 

"And what is your brother's name ? " 

"Aiwohikupua," replied the girl. 

Again Laieikawai asked, "What are the names of each of you?" 

Then she told them all. 

Then Laieikawai understood that these were the persons who came 
that first night. 


A no ka lilo loa o ko Laieikawai manawa i ka olioli no ka mea 
kani lealea a ke kaikamahihe; alalia, kena ae la o Laieikawai i ke 
kaikamahine e hookani hou. 

I aku la ke kaikamahine, "Aole e kani ke hookani hou; no ka mea, 
ua malamalama loa, he mea mau ia, ma ka po wale no e kani ai nei 
mea kani, aole e pono ma ke ao." 

A no keia olelo a ke kaikamahine, kahaha loa iho la o Laieikawai 
me ka manao he wahahee na ke kaikamahine, alaila, lalau aku la o 
Laieikawai i ka pu la-i ma ka lima o ke kaikamahine, a hookani iho 
la, a no ko Laieikawai maa ole i ka hookani ka pu la-i, nolaila, ua 
loaa ole ke kani ma ia hookani ana, alaila, he mea maopopo loa i ke 
Alii wahine, he mea kani ole no ka pu la-i ke hookani ma ke ao. 

Olelo aku la o Laieikawai ia Kahalaomapuana, "Ke makemake 
nei wau e hoaikane kaua, a ma ko'u hale nei oe e noho ai, a e lilo oe i 
mea punahele na'u, a o kau hana ka hoolealea mai ia'u." 

Olelo aku la o Kahalaomapuana, '"E ke Alii e, ua pono kau olelo; 
aka, he mea kaumaha no'u ke noho wau me oe, a e loaa ana paha ia'u 
ka pomaikai, a o ko'u mau kaikuaana, e lilo paha auanei lakou i mea 

" Ehia oukou ka nui,'' wahi a Laieikawai, " a pehea ko oukou hiki 
ana maanei? " 

Olelo aku la o Kahalaomapuana, " Eono makou ko makou nui a 
na makua hookahi o ko makou ono, he keiki kane, a elima makou 
na kaikuahine, o ke keiki kane no ko makou mua, a owau ko makou 
muli loa. A ma ka huakai a ko makou kaikunane, oia ko makou mea 
i hiki ai maanei, a no ka loaa ole ana ia makou o kona makemake, 
nolaila, ua haalele kela ia makou, a ua hoi aku la ko makou kaikunane 
me kona kekoolua, a ke noho nei makou me ka makamaka ole." 

Ninau mai la o Laieikawai, " Xohea mai oukou ? " 

" No Kauai mai," wahi a Kahalaomapuana. 

"A owai ka inoa o ko oukou kaikimane ? " 

Hai aku la kela, " O Aiwohikupua." 

Ninau hou o Laieikawai, "Owai ko oukou mau inoa pakahi? " 

Alaila hai aku la kela ia lakou a pau. 

Alaila, hoomaopopo iho la o Laieikawai, o lakou no ka poe i hiki i 
kela po mua. 



Said Laieikawai, " Your sisters and A'oiir brother I know well, if 
it was really you who came to me that night ; but you I did not hear. 

"Yes; we were the ones," said Kahalaomapuana. 

Said Laieikawai, " If you were the ones who came that night, who 
guided you here? For the place is unfrequented, not a single person 
comes here." 

The girl said, " We had a native of the place to guide us, the same 
man who sj^oke to you in l)ehalf of Kauakahialii." Then it was clear 
he was a fellow countryman of theirs. 

The end of all this talk was that Laieikawai bade her grandmother 
to prepare a house for the sisters of Aiwohikupua. 

Then, through the supernatural power of her grandmother, Waka, 
the matter was quickly dispatched, the house was made ready. 

When the house was prepared Laieikawai gave orders to Kahalao- 
mapuana : " You return, and to-night come here with all your sisters; 
when I have seen them then j'ou shall play to us on your merry 

When Kahalaomapuana rejoined her sisters they asked what she 
had done — what kind of interview she had had with the princess. 

Answered the girl, " When I reached the door of the palace a 
hunchback opened the door to receive me, and when I saw the prin- 
cess resting on the wings of birds, at the sight I trembled with fear 
and fell down to the earth. For this reason when I was taken in to 
talk with the princess I did just what she wished, and she asked 
about us and I told her everything. The result is, fortune is ours; 
she has commanded us all to go to her to-night." 

When they heard this the sisters were joyful. 

At the time the princess had directed they left the hollow tree 
where they had lived as fugitives. 

They went and stood at the door of the chief -house. Laieikawai's 
attendant opened the door, and they saw just what their sister had 
described to them. 

But when they actually saw Laieikawai, then they were filled with 
dread, and all except Kahalaomapuana ran trembling with fear and 
fell to the ground. 

And at the princess's command the strangers wei'e brought into 
the presence of the princess, and the princess was pleased with them. 

And at this interview with the princess she promised them her 
protection, as follows : 


I aku la o Laieikawai, " O kou man kaikuaana a me ke kaikunane 
o oukou kai maopopo, ina nae o oukou kai hiki mai i kela po aku nei 
la ; aka, o oe ka'u mea i lohe ole." 

" O makou no," wahi a Kahalaomapuana. 

I aku la o Laicikawai. " Ina o oukou kai hiki mai i kela po, alalia, 
nawai i alakai ia wukou ma keia wahi ? No ka mea, he wahi ike oleia 
keia, akahi wale no poe i hele mai i keia wahi." 

I aku keia, " He kamaaina no ko makou mea nana i alakai mai, oia 
hoi kela wahi kanaka nana i olelo mai ia oe no Kauakahialii." Alalia, 
ua maopopo he kamaaina. ko lakou. 

A pau ka laua kamailio ana no keia mau mea, kauoha ae la oia i 
kona kupiinawahine, e hoomakaukau i hale no na kaikuahine o 

Alalia, ma ka mana o Waka, kona kupunawahine, ua hikiwawe loa, 
ua paa ka hale. 

A makaukau ka hale, kena aku la o Laieikawai ia Kahalaomapuana, 
" E hoi oe, a kela po aku, pii mai oe me ou mau kailaiaana mai, i ike aku 
wau ia lakou, alaila, e lealea mai oe ia kakou, i kau mea kani lealea." 

A hala aku la o Kahalaomapuana, a hui me kona mau kaikuaana, 
ninau mai la nae kona mau kailcuaana i kana hana, a me ke ano o ko 
laua halawai ana me ke Alii. 

Hai aku la kela, " la'u i hiki aku ai a ma ka puka o ka hale o ke 
Alii, wehe aku la kahi kuapuu nana i kii mai nei ia'u, a i kuu ike ana 
aku nei i ke Alii e kau mai ana iluna o ka eheu on na manu, no ia ike ana 
o'u, ua eehia wau me ka maka'u a haule aku la wau ilalo ma ka leiDO. 
A no keia mea, kiiia mai la wau a komo aku la e kamailio pu me ke 
Alii, a hana aku wau i kona lealea, e like me ko ke Alii makemake, 
a ua ninau mai nei kela ia kakou, ua hai pau aku au. Xolaila, e loaa 
ana ia kakou ka pomaikai, ua kauoha mai nei kela, a i keia po pii 
aku kakou." 

A lohe kona mau kaikuaana i keia mau olelo, he mea e ka olioli o 

A hiki i ka manawa a ke Alii i kauoha mai ai ia lakou, haalele 
lakou i na puha laau, kahi a lakou i noho pio ai. 

Hele aku la lakou a ku nux ka puka o ka Hale Alii, wehe ae la ke 
kahu o Laieikawai i ka puka, a ike aku la lakou e like me ka'olelo a ko 
lakou kaikaina. 

Ia lakou nae i ike aku ai ia Laieikawai, alaila, ua puiwa koke 
lakou, a holo aku la me ka haalulu eehia, a pau loa lakou i ka haule i 
ka honua, koe nae o Kahalaomapuana. 

A ma ke kauoha a ke Alii, ua kii ia aku kele poe malihini a laweia 
mai la imua o ke Alii, a he mea oluolu ia i ko ke Alii manao. 

Ia lakou e halawai ana me ke Alii wahine, hoopuka mai la oia 
imua o na malihini he olelo hoopomaikai, a penei no ia : 


" I have heard from your younger sister that you are all of the 
same parentage and the same blood ; therefore I shall treat you all as 
one blood with me, and we shall protect each other. Whatever one 
says, the others shall do. Whatever trouble comes to one, the others 
shall share; and for this reason I have asked our grandmother to 
furnish you a home where you may live virgin like myself, no one 
taking a husband without the others' consent. So shall it be well 
with us from this time on."^" 

To these conditions the stranger girls agreed; the younger sister 
answered the princess for them all : 

" O princess, we are happy that you receive us ; happy, too, 
that you take us to be your sisters as you have said ; and so we obey. 
Only one thing we ask of you : All of us sisters have been set apart 
by our pai-ents to take no delight in men ; and it is their wish that we 
remain virgin until the end of our days; and so we, your servants, 
beseech you not to defile us with any man, according to the princess's 
pleasure, but to allow us to live virgin according to our parents' vow." 

And this request of the strangers seemed good to the princess. 

After talking with the princess concerning all these things, they 
were dismissed to the house prepared for them. 

As soon as the girls went to live in the house they consulted how 
they should obey the princess's commands, and they appointed their 
younger sister to speak to the princess about what they had agreed 

One afternoon, just as the princess woke from sleep, came Ka- 
halaomapuana to amuse the princess by playing on the trumpet 
until the j^rincess wished it no longer. 

Then she told Laieikawai what the sisters had agreed upon and 
said, " O princess, we have consulted together how to protect you, 
and all five of us have agreed to become the bodyguard for your 
house ; ours shall be the consent, ours the refusal. If anyone wishes 
to see j'ou, be he a man, or maj'be a woman, or even a chief, he shall 
not see you without our approval. Therefore I pray the princess 
to consent to what we have agreed." 

Said Laieikawai, "I consent to your agreement, and yours shall 
be the guardianship over all the land of Paliuli." 


"Ua lohe wau i ko oukou kaikaina, he poe oukou no ka hanauna 
hookahi, a he poe koko like oukou ; a nolaila, ke lawe nei au ia oukou 
ma ke ano o ke koko hookahi, e kiai kakou ia kakou iho, ma ka olelo 
a kekahi, malaila like kakou, iloko o kela pilikia keia pilikia, o kakou 
no kekahi ilaila. A no ia mea, ua kauoha wau e hoomakaukau ko 
kakou kupunawahine i hale no oukou e noho ai me ka maluhia, e like 
me a'u nei, aole e aoia kekahi e lawe i kane nana, me ka ae like ole o 
kakou ; pela e pono ai kakou ma keia hope aku." 

A no keia olelo, hooholo ae la na kailvamahine malihini, na ko 
lakou kaikaina e hoopuka ka lakou olelo pane aku i ke Alii. 

" E ke Alii e ! Pomaikai makou no kou hookipa ana ia makou, a 
pomaikai hoi makou, no kou lawe ana ae ia makou I mau hoahanau 
nou, e like me kau i olelo mai nei ia makou, a i^ela no makou e hoolohe 
ai. Hookahi nae mea a makou e hai aku ia oe, he poe kaikamahine 
makou i lioolaa ia e ko makou mau makua, aole he oluolu e lawe 
makou i kane mare, a o ka makemake o ko makou mau makua, e nolio 
puupaa na makou a hiki i ko makou mau la hope, a nolaila, ke noi 
mua aku nei kau mau kauwa, mai ae oe ia makou e hoohaumia me 
kekahi mau kanaka, e like me ka makemake o ke Alii; nolaila, e 
hookuu ia makou e noho puupaa e like me ka olelo paa a ko makou 
mau makua." 

He mea maikai nae i ko ke Alii manao ka olelo a na malihini. 

A pau ka lakou olelo ana me ke Alii no keia mau mea, hoihoiia 
aku la lakou a ma ka hale i lioomakaukauia no lakou. 

I ua mau kaikamahine nei e nolio ana ma ko lakou hale, he mea mau 
ia lakou ke kuka mau ma na mea e pili ana ia lakou, a me ke Alii, 
no ko lakou nolio ana, a me na hana a ke Alii e olelo mai ai. A hoo- 
holo ae la lakou e hoolilo i ko lakou kaikaina i hoa kuka no ke Alii 
ma na hana e pili ana i ko lakou noho ana. 

I kekahi awakea, i ko ke Alii manawa ala mai ka hiamoe mai, hele 
aku la o Kahalaomapuana e hoolealea i ke Alii ma ka hookanikani 
ana i ka pu la-i, a pau ko ke Alii makemake. 

Ia manawa, hai aku la oia i kana olelo imua o Laieikawai, no ka 
lakou mea i kuka ai me kona mau kaikuaana ; i aku la, " E ke Alii, ua 
kuka makou i mea nou e maluhia ai, nolaila, ua hooholo makou i ko 
makou manao, e hoolilo makou ia makou elima i mau koa kiai no 
kou Halealii, a ma o makou la e ae ia ai, a ma o makou la e hooleia 
ai. Ina i hele mai kekahi mea makemake e ike ia oe, ina he kane, 
a he wahine paha, a ina he alii, aole lakou e ike ia oe ke ole makou 
e ae aku; nolaila, ke noi aku nei au e ae mai ke Alii e like me ka 
makou hooholo ana." 

I mai la o Laieikawai, " Ke ae aku nei wau e like me ka oukou mau 
olelo hooholo, a o oukou no ka mana ma Paliuli nei a puni." 


Now the girls' main purpose in becoming guardians of Paliuli was, 
if Aiwohikupua should again enter Paliuli, to have power to bar 
their enemy. 

Thus they dwelt in Paliuli, and while they dwelt there never did 
they weary of life. Never did they even see the person who pre- 
pared them food, nor the food itself, save when, at mealtimes, the 
birds brought them food and cleared away the remnants when they 
had done. So Paliuli became to them a land beloved, and there 
they dwelt until the trouble came upon them which was wrought by 

Here, O reader, we leave speaking of the sisters of Aiwohikupua, 
and in Chapter XIII of this tale will speak again of Aiwohikupua 
and his coming to Kauai. 


Eia nae ka inanao nui o kela j)oe kaikamahine e lilo i kiai no ke 
Alii, no ko lakou manao e puka hou ana o Aiwoliiliupua i Paliuli, 
alaila, he niana ko lakou e kipaku i ko lakou enemi. 

Noho iho la lakou ma Paliuli, iloko nae o ko lakou noho ana, aole 
lakou i ike i ko lakou luhi ma ia noho ana; aole hoi lakou i ike iki 
i ka mea nana e hana mai ka lakou ai. Eia wale no ko lakou manawa 
ike i ka lakou mau mea ai, i ka manawa makaukau o lakou e paina, 
ia manawa e lawe mai ai na manu i na mea ai a lakou, a na na manu 
no e hoihoi aku i na ukana ke pan ka lakou paina ana, a no keia mea, 
ua lilo Paliuli i aina aloha loa na lakou, a malaila lakou i noho 
ai a hiki i ka haunaele ana ia Halaaniani. 

(Maanei e ka mea heluhelu e waiho i ke kamailio ana no na kai- 
kuahine o Aiwohikupua, a ma ka jNIokuna XIII o keia Kaao e kama- 
ilio hou no Aiwohikupua no kona hoi ana i Kauai.) 


At the time when Kahalaomapuana leaped from the canoe into the 
sea it was going very swiftly, so she fell far behind. The canoe 
turned back to recover Kahalaomapuana, but the party did not find 
her; then Aiwohikupua abandoned his yoving sister and sailed 
straight for Kauai. 

As Aiwohikupua sailed away from Hawaii, between Oahu and 
Kauai he sisoke to his paddlers as follows : " "Wlien we get back to 
Kauai let no one tell that we have been to Hawaii after Laieikawai, 
lest shame come to me and I be spoken of jeeringly ; and therefore I 
lay my commands upon you. AVhoever speaks of this journey of 
ours and I hear of it, his penalty is death, his and all his offspring, 
as I vowed to those paddlers of mine before. 

They returned to Kauai. A few days afterwards Aiwohikupua, 
the chief, wished to make a feast for the chiefs and for all his friends 
on Kauai. 

While the feast was being made ready the chief gave word to fetch 
the feasters; with all the male chiefs, only one woman of rank was 
allowed to come to the celebration ; this was Kailiokalauokekoa.*' 

On the day of the feast all the guests assembled, the food was 
ready spread, and the drink at the feast was the aica. 

Before eating, all the guests together took up their cups of awa 
and drank. During the feasting, the awa had not the least effect 
upon them. 

And because the awa had no effect, the chief hastily urged his awa 
chewers to chew the awa a second time. When the chief's command 
was carried out, the guests and the chief himself took up their cups 
of awa all together and drank. When this cup of awa was drained 
the effect of the a\oa overcame them. But the one who felt the effects 
most was the chief who gave the feast. 

Now, while the chief was drunk, the oath which he swore at sea 
to the rowers was not forgotten ; not from one of his own men was 
the forbidden story told, but from the mouth of Aiwohikupua him- 
self was the chief's secret heard. 



Mahope iho o ko Kahalaomapuana lele ana iloko o ke kai mai 
luna iho o na waa, e holo ikaika loa ana na waa ia manawa; 
nolaila, ua hala hope loa o Kahalaomapuana. Hoohuli hou na waa 
i hope e imi ia Kahalaomapuana, aole nae i loaa; nolaila, haalele loa 
o Aiwohikupua i kona kaikuahine opiopio, a hoi loa aku i Kauai. 

Ia Aiwohikupua i hoi ai mai Hawaii mai a hiki mawaena o 
Oahu nei a me Kauai, olelo aku la o Aiwohikupua i kona man 
hoewaa penei : " I ko kakou hoi ana anei a hiki i Kauai, mai olelo 
oukou, i Hawaii aku nei kakou i o Laieikawai la, o hilahila auanei 
au; no ka mea, lie kanaka wau ua waia i ka olelo ia ; a nolaila, ke 
hai aku nei au i ka'u olelo paa ia oukou. O ka mea nana e hai i 
keia hele ana o kakou, a lohe wau, alaila, o kona uku ka make, a me 
kona ohana a jDau, pela no au i olelo ai i kela poe lioewaa mamua." 

Hoi aku la lakou a Kauai. I kekahi mau la, makemake iho la ke 
Alii, o Aiwohikupua, e hana i Ahaaina palala me na'lii, a me kona 
mau hoa a puni o Kauai. 

A i ka makaukau ana o ka Ahaaina palala a ke Alii, kauoha ae 
la ke Alii i kana olelo e kii aku i na hoa-ai ; ma na alii kane wale no, 
a hookahi wale no alii wahine i aeia e komo i ka Ahaaina palala, 
oia o Kailiokalauokekoa. 

I ka la i Ahaaina ai, akoakoa mai la na hoa-ai a pau loa, ua 
makaukau na mea ai, a o ka awa ko lakou mea inu ma ia Ahaaina 

Mamua o ko lakou paina ana, lalau like na hoa i na apuawa, a 
inu iho la. Iloko o ko lakou manawa ai, aole i loaa ia lakou ka 
ona ana o ka awa. 

A no ka loaa ole o ka ona o ka awa, hoolale koke ae la ke Alii 
i kona mau mama awa e mama hou ka awa. A makaukau ko ke 
Alii makemake, lalau like ae la na hoa-ai o ke Alii, a me ke Alii 
pu i na apuawa, a inu ae la. Ma keia inu awa hope o lakou, ua 
loohia mai maluna o lakou ka ona awa. Aka, hookahi mea oi aku 
o ka ona, o ke Alii nana ka papaaina. 

Iloko o kela manawa ona o ke Alii, alaila, ua nalo ole ka olelopaa 
ana i olelo ai i kona mau hoewaa ma ka moana, aole nae i loheia 
ma o kana poe i papa ai ; aka, ma ka waha ponoi no o Aiwohikupua 
i loheia'i olelo hima a ke Alii. 



While under the influence of the awa, Aiwohikupua turned right 
around upon Kauakahialii, who was sitting near, and said : " O Kaua- 
kahialii, when you were talking to us about Laieikawai, straightway 
there entered into nie desire after that woman; then sleepless M'ere 
my nights with the wish to see her ; so I sailed and came to Hawaii, 
two of us went up, until at daylight we reached the uplands of 
Paliuli ; when I went to see the chief's house, it was very beautiful, 
I was ashamed ; therefore I returned here. I returned, in fact, think- 
ing that the little sisters were the ones to get my wish; I fetched 
them, made the journey with the girls to the house of the princess, 
let them do their best ; when, as it happened, they were all refused, 
all four sisters except the youngest; for shame I returned. Surely 
that woman is the most stubborn of all, she has no equal." 

While Aiwohikupua talked of Laieikawai's stubbornness, Hauailiki 
was sitting at the feast, the young singer of Mana, a chief of high 
rank on the father's side and of unrivaled beauty. 

He arose and said to Aiwohikupua, " You managed the affair 
awkwardly. I do not believe her to be a stubborn woman; give me 
a chance to stand before her e3'es; I should not have to speak, she 
would come of her own free will to meet me, then you would see 
us together. 

Said Aiwohikupua, "Hauailiki, I wish you would go to Hawaii; 
if you get Laieikawai, you are a lucky fellow, and I will send men 
with you and a double canoe; and should you lose in this journey 
then your lands become mine, and if you I'eturn with Laieikawai then 
all my lands are yours." 

After Aiwohikupua had finished speaking, that very night, Hauai- 
liki boarded the double canoe and set sail, but many days passed on 
the journey. 

As they sailed they stood off Makahanaloa, and, looking out, saw 
the rainbow arching above the beach of Keaau. Said Aiwohikupua's 
chief counsellor to Hauailiki, " Look well at that rainbow arching 
the beach there at Keaau. There is Laieikawai watching the surf 

Said Hauailiki, " I thought Paliuli was where she lived." 

And on the next day, in the afternoon, when they reached Keaau, 
Laieikawai had just returned with Aiwohikupua's sisters to Paliuli. 

When Hauailiki's party arrived, behold many persons came to see 
this youth who rivaled Kauakahialii and Aiwohikupua in beauty, 
and all the people of Keaau praised him exceedingly. 


A ona iho la o Aiwohikupiia, alalia, haliu pono aku la oia ina 
kahi a Kauakahialii e noho mai ana, olelo aku la, "E Kauakahialii 
e, ia oe no e kamailio ana ia makou no Laieikawai, komo koke iho la 
iloko o'u ka makemake no kela waliine; nolaila, moe ino ko'u mau 
po e ake e ike; nolaila, holo aku nei wau a hiki i Hawaii, pii aku nei 
maua a malamalama, puka i uka o Paliuli. i nana aku ka liana i ka 
hale o ke Alii, aole i kana mai, o ko'u hilahila ; no ia mea, hoi mai nei. 
Hoi mai nei hoi wau, a manao mai o na kaikuahine hoi ka mea e 
loaa'i, kii mai nei, i hele aku nei ka liana me na kaikuahine a hiki i 
ka hale o ke Alii, kuu aku hoi i ka na kaikuahine loaa ; i liana aku ka 
hana, i ka hoole waleia no a pau na kaikuahine eha, koe o kahi muli 
loa oil, o ko'u hilahila no ia hoi mai nei, he oi no hoi kela o ka 
waliine kupaa nui wale, aole i ka lua." 

Iloko o kela manawa a Aiwohikupua e kama ilio ana no ka paakiki 
o Laieikawai. Ia manawa e noho ana o Hauailiki, ke keiki p\iukani 
o Mana iloko o ka Ahaaina, he keiki kaukaualii no hoi, oia ka oi o 
ka maikai. 

Ku ae la oia iluna, a olelo aku la ia Aiwohikupua " He hawawa 
aku la no kau hele ana, aole wau i manao he waliine paakiki ia, ina 
e ku au imua o kona mau maka, aole au e olelo aku, nana no e hele 
wale mai a hui maua ; alalia, e ike oukou e noho aku ana maua." 

I aku la o Aiwohikupua, " E Hauailiki e, ke makemake nei au e 
hele oe i Hawaii, ina e lilo mai o Laieikawai, he oi oe, a na'u no e 
hoouna me oe i mau kanaka, a ia'u na waa, a i nele oe ma keia hele 
ana au, alalia, lilo kou mau aiiia ia'u; a ina i hoi mai oe me 
Laieikawai, alaila, nou ko'u mau aina." 

A pau ka Aiwohikupua ma olelo ana no keia mau mea, ia po iho, 
kau o Hauailiki ma maluna o na waa a holo aku la; aka, ua nui no 
na la i hala ma ia holo ana. 

Ia holo ana, hiki aku lakou iwalio o Makahanaloa, i nana aku ka 
hana o lakou nei, e jjio ana ke anuenue i kai o Keaau. Olelo aku la 
ke Kuhina o Aiwohikupua ia Hauailiki, " E nana oe i kela anuenue 
e pio mai la i kai, o Keaau no ia; a aia ilaila o Laieikawai, ua iho ae 
la i ka nana heenalu." 

I mai la o Hauailiki, " Kainoa aia o Paliuli kona wahi noho mau." 

A i kekahi la ae, ma ka auina la, hiki aku la lakou i Keaau, ua 
hoi aku nae o Laieikawai me na kaikuahine o Aiwohikujiua i uka o 

Ia Hauailiki ma i hiki aku ai, aia hoi ua nui na mea i hele mai e 
nana no keia keiki oi kelakela o ka maikai mamua o Kauakahialii a 
me Aiwohikupua, a he mea mahalo nui loa ia jia na kamaaina o 


Next day at sunrise the mist and fog covered all Keaau, and when 
it cleared, behold! seven girls were sitting at the landing place of 
Keaau, one of whom was more beautiful than the rest. This was the 
very first time that the sisters of Aiwohikupua had come down with 
Laieikawai, according to their compact. 

As Laieikawai and her companions were sitting there that morn- 
ing, Hauailiki stood up and walked about before them, showing off 
his good looks to gain the notice of the princess of Paliuli. But 
what was Hauailiki to Laieikawai? Mere chaff! 

Four days Laieikawai came to Keaau after Hauailiki's entering 
the harbor ; and four days Hauailiki showed himself off before 
Laieikawai, and she took no notice at all of him. 

On the fifth day of her coming, Hauailiki thought to display 
before the beloved one his skill with the surf board ; *** the truth is 
Hauailiki surpassed any one else on Kauai as an expert in surf 
ridingj he surpassed all others in his day, and he was famous for 
this skill as well as for his good looks. 

That day, at daybreak, the natives of the place, men and women, 
were out in the breakers. 

While the people were gathering for surfing, Hauailiki undid his 
garment, got his surf board, of the kind made out of a thick piece 
of wiUwili wood, went directly to the place where Laieikawai's party 
sat, and stood there for some minutes ; then it was that the sisters of 
Aiwohikupua took a liking to Hauailiki. 

Said Mailehaiwale to Laieikawai, " If we had not been set apart by 
our parents, I would take Hauailiki for my husband." 

Said Laieikawai, "I like him, too; but I, too, have been set apart 
by my grandmother, so that my liking is useless." 

" We are all alike," said Mailehaiwale. 

When Hauailiki had showed himself off for some minutes, Hauai- 
liki leaped with his surf board into the sea and swam out into the 

When Hauailiki was out in the surf, one of the girls called out, 
" Land now ! " 

"Land away!" answered Hauailiki, for he did not wish to ride 
in on the same breaker with the crowd. He wished to make himself 
conspicuous on a separate breaker, in order that Laieikawai should 
see his skill in surf riding and maybe take a liking to him. Not so ! 


I kekahi la ae ma ka puka ana a ka la, uhi ana ke awa a me ka 
noe ma Keaau a puni, a i ka mao ana'e, aia hoi ehiku mau wahine 
t' noho ana ma ke awa pae o Keaau, a hookahi oi oia poe. Akahi 
■wale no a iho na kaikiiahine o Aiwohikupua ma keia hele ana o 
Laieikawai, e like me kana oleic hoopomaikai. 

la Laieikawai ma enolio ana ma kela kakahiaka, ku ae la o Hauai- 
liki a holoholo ae la imiia o lakou la, e lioika ana ia ia iho ma kona 
ano kanaka ui, me ka manao e maliuia mai e ke Alii wahine o 
Paliuli. A heaha la o Hauailiki ia Laieikawai? "he opala paha." 

Eha na la o Laieikawai o ka hiki ana ma Keaau, mahope iho o ko 
Hauailiki puka ana aku ; a eha no hoi la o ko Hauailiki hoike ana ia 
ia imua o Laieikawai, a aole nae he maliu iki ia mai. 

'I ka lima o ka la o ko Laieikawai hiki ana ma Keaau, manao iho 
la o Hauailiki e hoike ia ia iho imua o kana mea e iini nui nei no 
kona akamai ma ka heenalu; he oiaio, o Hauailiki no ka oi ma Kauai 
no ke akamai i ka heenalu a oia no ka oi iloko o kona mau la, a he 
keiki kaulana hoi oia ma ke akamai i ka heenalu, a kaulana no hoi no 
kona ui. 

I ua la la, i ka puka ana a ka la, aia na kamaaina ma kulana 
nalu, na kane, a me na wahine. 

I na kamaaina e akoakoa ana ma kulana heonalu, wehe ae la o 
Hauailki i kona aahu kapa, hop\i iho la i kona papa heenalu (he olo), 
a hele aku la a ma kahi e kupono ana ia Laieikawai ma, ku iho la 
oia no kekahi mau minute, ia manawa nae, komo mai la iloko o na 
kaikuahine o Aiwohikupua ka makemake no Hauailiki. 

I aku la o Mailehaiwale ia Laieikaw-ai, " Ina paha aole makou i 
hoolaaia e ko kakou mau makua, ina ua lawe wau ia Hauailiki i 
kane na'u." 

I aku o Laieikawai, " Ua makemake no hoi wau, ina hoi aole wau i 
hoolaaia e ko'u kupunawahine, nolaila, he mea ole ko'u make-make." 

" O kaua pu," wahi a Mailehaiwale. 

A pau ko Hauailiki mau minute hookahakaha, lele aku la ua o 
Hauailiki me kona papa heenalu i ke kai, a an aku la a kulana nalu. 

Ia Hauailiki ma kulana nalu, kahea mai la kekahi kaikamahine 
kamaaina, " Pae hoi kakou." 

" Hee aku paha," wahi a Hauailiki, no ka mea, aole ona makemake, 
e hee pu oia me ka lehulehu ma ka nalu hookahi, makemake no oia e 
hookaokoa ia ia oia wale no ma ka nulu okoa, i kumu e ike mai ai o 
Laieikawai no kona akamai i ka heenalu, malia o makemake ia mai 
oia; aole ka ! 

74936°— 19— 33 etu— 29 


When the others had gone in, a little wave budded and swelled, 
then Hauailiki rode the wave. As he rode, the natives cheered and 
the sisters of Aiwohikupua also. What was that to Laieikawai? 

When Hauailiki heard the cheering, then he thought surely Laiei- 
kawai's voice would join the shouting. Not so ! He kept on surfing 
until the fifth wave had passed, it was the same ; he got no call what- 
ever; then Hauailiki fii'st felt discouragement, with the proof of 
Aiwohikupua's saying about the " stubbornness of Laieikawai." 


A hala aku la na kamaaina, olui mai la he wahi nalu opuu, ia ma- 
nawa ka Hauailiki hee ana i kona nalu. Ia Hauailiki e hee la i ka 
nalu, uwa ka pihe a na kamaaina, a me na kaikuahine o Aiwohikupua : 
Heaha la ia ia Laieikawai? 

A no ka lohe ana aku o Hauailiki i keia pihe uwa, alaila, manao 
iho ia ua huipu me Laieikawai i keia leo uwa, aole ka ! hoomau aku 
la oia i ka heenalu a hala elima nalu, oia mau no. Aole nae i loaa ka 
heahea ia mai, nolaila, hoomaka mai la ia Hauailiki ke kaumaha, me 
ka hooiaio iki i keia olelo a Aiwohikupua no ka " paakiki o 


When Haiiailiki saw that Laieikawai still paid no attention to 
liim he made up his mind to come in on the surf without the boai'd. 

He left it and swam out to the breakers. As he was swimming 
Laieikawai said, " Hauailiki must be crazy." 

Her companions said, " Perhaps he will ride in on the surf without 
a board." 

When Hauailiki got to the breakers, just as the ci'est rose and 
broke at his back, he stood on its edge, the foam rose on each side 
of his neck like boars' tusks. Then all on shore shouted and for 
the first time Laieikawai smiled; the feat was new to her eyes and 
to her guardians also. 

When Hauailiki saw Laieikawai smiling to herself he thought she 
had taken a liking to him because of this feat, so he kept on re- 
peating it until five breakers had come in; no summons came to him 
from Laieikawai. 

Then Hauailiki was heavy-hearted because Laieikawai took no 
notice of him, and he felt ashamed because of his boast to Aiwohi- 
kupua, as we have seen in the last chapter. 

So he floated gently on the waves, and as he floated the time drew 
near for Laieikawai's party to return to Paliuli. Then Laieikawai 
beckoned to Hauailiki. 

When Hauailiki saw the signal the burden was lifted from his 
mind ; Hauailiki boasted to himself, " You wanted me all the time ; 
you just delayed." 

And at the signal of the i^rincess of Paliuli he lay upon the 
breaker and landed right where Laieikawai and her companions 
were sitting; then Laieikawai threw a lehua wreath around Haua- 
iliki's neck, as she always did for those who showed skill in surf 
riding. And soon after the mist and fog covered the land, and when 
it passed away nothing was to be seen of Laieikawai and her party; 
they were at Paliuli. 

This was the last time that Laieikawai's